# NATIONAL INTELLIGENCE SURVEY 50E; GUINEA; THE SOCIETY

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CONFIDENTIAL 50E /GS /S Guinea May 1973 NATIONAL INTELLIGENCE SURVEY CONFIDENTIAL APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200070003 -5 NATIONAL. INTELLIGENCE SURVEY PUBLICATIONS The basic unit of the NIS is the General Survey, which is now published in n bound -by- chapter format so that topics of greater per- ishability can be updated on an individual basis. These chapters� Country Profile, The Society, Government and Politics, The Economy, Military Geog- roohy, Transportation and Telecommunications, Armed Forces, Science, and Intelligence and Security, provide the primary NIS coverage. Some chapters, particularly Science and Intelligence and Security, that are not pertinent to all countries, are produced selectively. For small countries requiring only minimal NIS treatment, the General Survey coverage may be bound into one volume. Supplementing the General Survey is the NIS Basic Intelligence Fact book, a ready reference publication that semiannually updates key sta- tistical data found in the Survey. An unclassified edition of the factbook omits some details on the economy, the defense forces, and the intelligence and security organizations. Although detailed sections on many topics were part of the NIS Program, production of these sections has been phased out. Those pre- viously produced will continue to be available as long as the major portion of the study is consiared valid. A quarterly listing of all active NIS units is published in the Inventory of Available NIS Publications, which is also bound into the concurrent classified Factbook The Inventory lists all NIS units by area name and number and includes classification and date of issue; it thus facilitates the ordering of NIS units as well as their filing, cataloging, and utilization. Initial dissemination, additional copies of NIS units, or separate chapters of the General Surveys can be obtaineJ directly or through liaison channels from the Central Intelligence Agency. The General Survey is prepared for the NIS by the Central Intelligence Agency and the Defense Intelligence Agency under the general direction of the NIS Committee. It is coordinated, edited, published, and dissemi- nated by the Central Intelligence Agency. WARNING T is document contains information affecting the national defense of the United States, within the meani. g of title 18, sections 793 and 794 of ;..e US code, as amended. Its transmission or revelation Of its contents to or receipt by an unauthorized rerson is prohibited by law. CLASSIFIED BY 019641. EXEMPT FROM GENERAL DECLASSIFI- CATION SCHEDULE OF E. O. 11652 EXEMPTION CATEGORIES 55 (1), (2), (3). DECLASSIFIED ONLY ON APPROVAL OF THE DIRECTOR OF CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE, APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200070003 -5 WAWING The NIS is National Intelligence and may not be re- leased or shown to representatives of any foreign govern inent or international body except by specific authorization of the Director of Central Intelligence in accordance with the provisions of National Security Council Intelligence Di- rective No. 1. For NIS containing unclassified material, however, the portions so marked may be made available for official pur- poses to foreign nationals and nongoverrment personnel provided no attribution is made to National Intelligence or the National Intelligence Survey. Subsections and graphics are individually classified according to content. Classification /control designa- tions are: (U /OU) Unclassified /For Official Use Only (C) Confidential (S) Secret APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200070003 -5 This section was prepared for the NIS by the Central Intelligence Agency. Research was sub- stantially completed by March 1973. APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200070003 -5 0 u n e CONTENTS This General Survey supersedes the one dated July 1969, copies of which should be destroyed. A. Introduction K Structure and characteristics of the society 2 1. Traditional society 2 a. Tribal divisions 2 b. Linguistic divisions 4 c. Social organization 5 d. Values and attitudes 5 2. Social change 6 a. Colonial influences 6 b. Urbanization 6 c. PDG ideology 7 d. PDG organizations 7 e. Popular attitudes g C. Population 9 1. General characteristics 9 a. Size 9 b. Density and distribution 9 C. Composition 10 d. Age -sex structure 10 CoNFIDENnAL APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200070003 -5 pa" Page l Population -hange ri b. Medical personnel a. Vital statistics 11 c. Preventive medicine programs 22 b. Immigration and emigration 11 G. Religion 23 c. Growth trends and government policy 11 1. Principal religions 23 D. Labor 11 a. Islam 23 1. job opportunities 12 b. Animism 24 a. Traditional employment 12 c. Christianity 24 b. Modem employment 12 2. Church�state relations 2b I Unemployment 13 H. Education 25 a. Unemployment and underemployment 13 1. Organization 25 b. Government policies to promote em- a. Primary education 25 ployment 14 b. Secondary education 26 3. Labor laws and wo. king conditions 14 c. Higher education 27 a. Labor laws 14 d. Other schools 27 b. Workin- conditions 15 2. Educational attainment and quality 27 4. Labor organization 15 a. Literacy levels 27 Labor and party relations 16 b. Educational opportunity 27 F. Living conditions and social problems 16 c. Educational quality 28 1. Material welfare 16 3. Government and education 29 a. Income levels 16 a. Administration and finance 29 b. Clothing and housing 17 b. Political involvement 29 c. Subsistence economy 18 I. Artistic and cultural expression 30 2. Welfare programs 18 1. Modes of artistic express ion &I a. Private assistance 18 2. Personalities and Institutions 32 b. Government programs 18 3. Government control and support of the 3. Social problems 19 arts............................... 32 F. Health 1. Health conditions 19 19 J. Public information 33 a. Factors adversely affecting health 19 1. Principal media a. Radio and films 33 33 b. Water supply and waste disposal 20 b. Printed matter 33 c. Prevalent diseases 2. Nutrition and diet 20 20 2. Political control of public information 34 3. Medical care 22 3. Impact of the media 34 a. Health care facilities 22 L Selected bibliogm?hy 35 FIGURES Page Page Fig. 1 Women's groups marching (photo) 2 Fig. 13 Bassari village (photo) 18 Fig. 2 Estimated size of Guinean tribes, Fig. 14 Typica! rural market (photo) 21 ign (table) 3 Fig. 15 Donka Hospital in Conakry (photo) 22 Fig. 3 Fulani woman (photo' 1 3 Fig. 16 Mosque constructed of thatch (photo) 23 Fig. 4 Malinke mother and child (photo) 3 Fig. 17 Raman Catholic cathedral in Conakry Fig. 5 Population density (map) 9 (photo) ?A Fig. 6 Population by geographic area (table 1 10 Fig. 18 Educational system (�hart) 26 Fig. 7 Growth of urban centers (table) 10 Fig. 19 School enrollment (table) 27 Fig. 8 Age-sex profile (chart) 10 Fig. 20 Rural Islamic school (photo) 29 Fig. 9 Women trading in Kankan market Fig. 21 Stilt dancers (photo) 30 (photo) Fig. 10 Labor force (chart) 12 13 Fig. 22 Traditional instruments (paintings) 31 Fig. I Labor organization (chart) 15 Fig. 23 Nimba mask (photo' 32 F.g. 12 Urban clothing styles (photos) 17 Fig. 24 Sound truck (phr.o) 33 ii APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA-RDP01-00707R000200070003-5 The Society A. Introduction (U /OU) Since Guinea's independcw-e in 1958, President Sekou Tourc has plunged the cou try into it far reaching experiment directed toward the moderniza- tion of traditional society and the creation of an egalitarian state. The ubiquitous Denroc�ratic Part of Guinea (PDG) �the only political party permitted has led the government's fight to eliminate the authority of the tribal leaders, the influence of the French colonial heritage, and the bourgeois elements in contemporary society. The PDG has established itself as the vanguard of the "Guinean revolution," promoting what the party judges to be genuinely African and in support of its aims while disparaging what it deems foreign or anti -PDG. A constant flow of propaganda in the official quasi- Marxist jargon and as unending series of organizational changes in public institutions undoubtedly have left many Guineans with a profound sense of apathy, but it is nonetheless apparent that the regime hits been remarkably successful in instilling popular respect for such ideas the African personality, national identity, and detribalizatiou. In practical terms, the party has prompt d local self reliance, collective labor, and material sacrifice as necessary steps to achievi.ig national political and economic independence. C=uinean society is made up of at least 18 distinct tribes. In a population of only 4 million, the resulting linguistic and ethnic heterogeneity has naturally served to fragment the population and slow cooperation. The small absolute size of most tithes, however, has prevented them from individually aspiring to t olitical or economic autonomy and has lent an air r inevitability to the creation of a strong central and rity by the PDG. Tribal frictions are miAmal �and cooperation possible partly because historically no single tribe has held effective political suzerainty over the whole of Guinea. Likewise, no one ethnic group has a monopoly of political power in contemporary Guinea, although the Malinke are overrepresented in both the government and park hierarchies. Some ethnic groups, notably the Fulani, continue to resent what they perceive to be Malinke domination, but such feelings are not manifested in overt political acts. Islam was introduced to Moyenne- Guinee (Middle Guinea) by the Fulani people in the 17th century. Although the influence of the Fulani �thc largest and most infhential tribe in preindependence times �has declined, that of Islam has not. Guinea's three largest tribes and 73 of the national population claim to be Muslims, and their common religion constitutes an important f actor contributing to national unity. The cultural patterw associated with Islam have injected a common element into Guineas diverse tribal cultures. Additionally, religious loyalties have been drawn on to support the Toure regime's anticolonial, anti European, and specifically anti Catholic orientation. National unity has been enhanced also by the Guineans' tendency to reject the colonial legacy of French culture, politics, and economics. Alone among Paris' African dependencies, Guinea in 19:58 refused an opportunity for continued constitutional associa- tion with France and declared its independence. The French promptly withdrew and cut off all aid, leading to economic chaos. The abrupt French withdrawal fostered the growth among Guineans of v sense of revolt against the French colonial past and the development of a deep feeling of national pride. The PDG has used selected aspects of Guinea's traditional social structure, Islam. popular anti colonial feelings, and its mvn pervasive organization to mobilize widespread support for its social revolution. Party affiliated youth, women's, and labor organizations have replaced almost all tribal leaders and independent associations, and the PUG exercises firm control over religious institutions and the communications media. Armed with these weapons of control and influence, the party has induced large numbers of Guineans to modify traditional patterns of behavior and authority and to take part in political APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200070003 -5 FIGURE 1. Women's groups marching during Independence Day celebrations, Conakry (U /OU) activities (Figure 1), at least at the village level. It has been particularly successful in bringing women into an active role in the political, economic, and social life of the nation. Education and welfare programs, although of widely varying quality and effectiveness, also have been expanded. Social and political developments notwithstanding, the regime has not succeeded in eliminating all the old values, attitudes, and customs. Persisting differences in tribal cultures, geogrtphic�cnyironntcnt, an(! historical experience continue to retard full acceptance of it common set of national values and objectives. Furthermore, the regimes continuous attempts to mobilize- the population in communal efforts have alienated many of the most e(hic�ated and politically aware Gttineims. Sizable numbers of Gnineans �at least 6000)0�have left their homeland since 1958; the few who have opposed the regime's policies from within Guinea have faced periodic denunciations and in some cases arrest, imprisonment. and perhaps execution. Comprehensive social reforms have been implemented only because of the continued personal popularity, charisma, and ruthlessness of 1'resident Toure. Although Guinea is a poor and overwhelmingly rural country, its recent social transformation has been unique and one of the most thorough in con tern purary Africa. As long as Sekou Toure and the PDG survive, the Guinean revolution" is Bost certain to continue. B. Structure and characteristics of the society 1. Traditional society (tJ /UtJ) a. Tribal dirisions Although Guinea has it population of only modest sire� roughl% 4 million� history and geography have c�oubined to fragment it into several culturally and linguistically distinct tribal groups. Three major tribes, the Fulani (or Foulah), the Malinke, and the Susu, together include more than i0'; of the population and exert a preponderance of social and political power. As Figure 2 illustrates, no other tribe c�onstitu:es more than ti.oS; of the population. APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200070003 -5 FIGURE 2. Estimated size of Guinean tribes, 1971 (U /OU) PERCENT Ot' �ro�rnt. ritIHK sir. r: POPULATION Thousands r Fulani I ,:iAll 41. 1 \lalinke 720 18.1; Sustt -150 1 .0; Ngere 250 hissi 11)1 ;.l1 Koranko 1.10 3.1; 'Coma 1 1111 1.1; Dialonke SO Konyanke DSO Baga 55 1.4 hono �Ill l.r/ Badiaranke Bassari g Koniagi Landunta ss sss Nlandenci Nalu.. ss sss Tiapi ss sss t {S l *Also known as the louerie; includes the related %fail() tribe. FIGURE 3. Fulani woman (C) **Less than 20,000. ***Less than 0.5 percent. The Fulani of Guinee� arc the couutry's largest single tribe; they comprise -11 c(' of the national population and a portion of the roughly 7 million Fulani who are scattered over at least 1.1 west African states. Prior to Guineas independence in 19,38. the Fulani were the country's most powerful and privileged tribe. Ilistorically, they had derived considerable power and influence front c�oncluering or uprooting other tribes in the pursuit of Islamic expansionism. Approxinwtely 90r(' of I ulani consider themselves to be Muslims, and their culture reflects the thorough influence of Islam; it is male dorninated and socially stratified ants is characterized by clearly centralized patterns of authority. I ui.u)i superiority prevailed in much of what is now Guinea until the advent of French colonial rule. but neither I ranc�e's preindepe title nce alteration of the traditional political order nor President Sekou Tour- postindependence egalitarianisn has con)pletely elin)inaled residual Fulani elitism. Fulani feelings of tribal ide�mtih' are reinforced by their physical appearance �many have copper colored skin, straight black hair, and relati thin noses (Figure :3). The Fulani are a fusion of Ncrgroid and Caucasoid racial stocks and the only Guinean tribe that is not strictly Negroid. The dominant tribe in Ilaute- Guinee (Upper Guinea) is the Malinke (Figure 4), half of whose members reside in Guinea, where they comprise nearly 19'/ of the population. Formerly subjected to control APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200070003 -5 FIGURE 4. Malinke mother and child (C) by the Fulani, the Malinke are now in it position of political superiority. Sekou Toure is part Malinke, and many of his fellow tribesmen serve in his government. The political power of the Malinke is clue in part to their demonstrated adaptability to modern influences. They have migrated to Guinea's cities and towns in substantial numbers, both in search of governnu�nt jobs and to pursue their proclivity for private commercial trading. Like the Fulani, most Malinke ore Muslims, but they adhere to it highly syncretic form of Islam and look to the !own of Kankan as it religious center. Malinke traditional society, unlike that of the Fulani, was not characterized by centralized political control, although it did include an heredit aristocracy. E authority was concentrated at tine level of the autonomous village in the hands of the chief, the council of elders, and the leaders of secret societies. The third of Guinea's major tribes is the Susu. concentrated in .the coastal area of Barse Guinee (Lower Guinea) around Conakry. Although the Susu constitute h�ss than 12i of the population, they have it significance out of proportion to their numbers because of their location, because the% ar absorbing some neighboring tribes, and because they dominate the economy of Basse- Guince. Susu social customs closely resemble those of the Malink teat differ in that the Susu had no here�dit:ary aristocracy. 'Their local government rested on it presumed supernatural relationship between the� community land and the lineage which first settled it. The majority of Susu are nominally Muslim, but animist practices continue to be widespread among them. Politically and economically the Susu have lagged behind th- N ulani and the Malinke, but their location in Conakry and their early contacts with foreign influences have guaranteed them an important role in modern Guinean society. Guinee Forestiere (Forest Guinea) is the home of many small tribes including the Ngere, Kissi, Baga, and '1'oma. The Ngere tribe is the largest of the group. constituting 6.31 of all Guineans. Much of the homeland of these tribes consists of dense rain forest and steep terrain, resulting in the long isolation of these groups from each other and frorn outsiders. Each community has developed into a self sufficient and self governing unit, and most of these communities continue to resist change. The basic social pattern of the forest tribes is egalitarian; the hierarchical class systems characteristic of the country's larger tribes did not develop among the smaller groups. Kinship is the primary bond of allegiance, and although the government discourages age -sex groupings and secret societies, such social organizations persist among (hest� predominantly animist peoples. The tribes of Guince Fore�stiere are hostile to Islam, and Guinea', Muslim population in turn considers the forest !ribes to Ie particularly primitive. h. Linguixtic divisions Guinc:urs speak more than two dozen languages or dialects which are related but in general are not mutually intelligible. All of the country's indigenous languages belong to the Niger -Congo family, although the% ry divided between the Nest Atlantic and Mande uibf:unilics, both of which are groups of tonal languages. Fulani, the most widely spoken Guinean language, is among the West Atlantic group. Malinke and Susu are of the� Mande group, one of whose relatively minor variants, 'I'nrna, is the only language indigenous to Guinea that can boast a written form. 'I'll(- large� number of African languages in Guinea is it major impediment to national unity, although in practice many of tit,- country's smaller tribes have adopted it simplified form of one of the major tongues Fulani, Malinke. and Susu. The widespread use of Fulani and Malinkc heyond Guinea's borders provides it cultural link betc�ecn Guineans and large numbers c�r their fellow tribesmen scattered throughout west Africa. Similarly, many of Guineas minor languages are also spoken in neighboring states, notably Liberia. French was introduced into Guinea during the prolonged period (if colonial rule lasting �ntil 1938, and it continues to be widely used by everyone with any education or exposure to urban life. Even in remote areas there are some who understand rudimentary French, although they may not speak it. Politically, it has been impossible to replace French as Guinea's official language, primarily because none of the country's indigenous languages is spoken by more than it minority of the population. and to emphasize any one of them would be to risk rekindling generally dormant tribal animosities. As a result, French remains the language of governme the medium for conducting all significant commercial transactions, and the primary language of instruction in the schools. The use of foreign languages other than French is not widespread, although a few Guineans speak English, an -1 a handfu! of the most highly educated Muslims have some familiarity with classical Arabic. The continued predominance of French in independent Guinea is politically unacceptable to President Toure, who since 1961 has highlighted the need for literacy in the Guinean vernaculars. During the late IWW )'s an alphabet was developed for use in APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200070003 -5 writing the eight Itil%ll languageN that arm� dmignated '�Ila litilla l hilmllom" h' ilani. %lalinke� Simi, Ki%%i, Nigere. '1 11w4mri. .Ind Kon::lgi. bight publicized valnlxlign promoting lileraec in tht�se langtlagm wa% Ilexim in 1114ici, and crm+itlerable rate e% wen� 11114milml to it% ilnpleulemtatiotm. The ptoven111>rnt im mlh n�fer+ Ili 'he remilh of its lileracs ctimpaign in glouing term+, hilt in mitt IK2 Tour� him..rlf a dmilted that it was fa IN hind %c�ht�tlnle. The ruling Purh National (:o�:ucil of the Hevolution 'I:. jummtl rewlutiom r�tluiring Ov its officer IN- able to read and write in a vernacular languaKi. and rMimmernling the estahli+hnu�nt of an acadt-111% of national langualt4n. Even if tht�w� call are hevilml, however� the earl% n�placemenl of French is highh tmlikely. C. Social organisation Within imi%t Guinean MIN-%. mwial aril {nlilical relalionship% ary unden -wgxl prinmrily in kinship term+. In a m%ihival wow. kinship is thought to Iw t�crtemlinom Kith trilx� or clan affihi- 'film. but in reality Iht�w t.ogrn�ht,n.iye wc�ial units are imlttrtant ooh antonit terlain Fulani clans which Immuss a highh centralized of authorih. The hulk of Gttinrans identih kinship s+ith lint,atct, �Ile stK�ial unit v rmptr ed of w�-eral extruded families. which im turn incllxle file miclear famih plus chow- relative.. :111 iutlividual s identification as a nmt,ndot�r of is lineage and Ili% place vithin it-- determine his mwial st.thls. ev onormic and n�ligious r %jwiie.;ililiv%. mill political influence. The lineage k the tillinm:ae unit nithin which di+ptitm concernim; inheritance, succession. marriage�, and pmlK�rl% rights store hi%t n�wIved. %hnt Guinean trilm are patrilimml: their memlx�r Irate dement back four or five gc�neratons in the nude line to it follntler %ho in the pant was the sourer� of uuthoril% %ithin lilt- trilt�. For the resolution of wntielal dispute%, lineage memlx�r tlefermtl to the eldt�+t living nude as the emlrexlinu�nt of juridical will ceremonial {)tower. A hm40mdful of the smaller forest trilx�s are matrilineal: tht�m� include the Nalu. l4anothima. and 'rende. Elalmorlte lxilterms of mocial +tritificalion were until mcenth quite etrmnlon in the culturm of Guinea'% largmt :uxl nest important fill". Fulani mrc�iet int�hmled a rider al the lop. bin councillors. malty 4- whiefs, an hereditary arislovracv. and It,sw�r mwial %trat for wom arlb-tm, anti +lase%. %l ablike mwiets Mir much h�.+ %tratifie�d, bill it also had ;ill heredilan ari+lex�mory and a variety of mortilxmlional dasses. The Simi am Ix11h the +umwliml and the mml egalitarian of llw ma0ir hill�%. although tla�% (cote had a slave caste. \11tollK all Guinean there existed in traditional mK�ieI% elaborate noliom of social class based on kin,hil. age, sex, occupation, mid religion. Among the more cgaiitariar and less hierarchically organized forest tribes, age sex groupings and st societies provided the primar melhfKls of conferring social status. liigitl social stratification and meaningful tribal org;rnizations have all but clisappearxl among most trilt�%. Among a few, inducting the Fulani, thc%- remain irrtltrt:mt in social will religious matters but have L,t yirtim11% ali of their ecommic and political significance. lit matter (if routine life style, the practices of the m�ver:lI 06twim tribes have much in common. The individual tribe, generally are not distinguishable by lilt pattern in which their villages are laid out. The village, of the NIusli�n majority typically arc� built around a rnosttue; those of the animist southern foetst trilx�s often are built arotiml a religious shrine. Guinea is ;tit overwhelmingly rural country in which the ,Hrimlatitrt� except for some of the Fulani �live in compact seltlenn�ttts surrounded by agricultural land. Indiyt�lual villages are usually clistinc�t entities with a substantial degree of local autonomy. Smaller ctotrnuoiliv% continue to he inhabited chiefly by mu�nmbers of the same kinship group, normally it lineage; larger communities somethrivs contain several lineage,. d. Values and attitudes The c!Ittrral values held by Guinea, tribal societies reflect the important role of kinsLiv ties and obligations. The individual is only it single clement in it cornplex of human relationships that includes not on!% his living relatives bttt also his ancestors and ex {t coed pmgen :%s such. the individual's needs are subordinated to those of the collectivity. and his lre�ronal sec�urit is derived from the welfare of !Ito group. Ile respects first the rights and responsibilities %%hich stem from his c�xtenclecl family int�ntbership. then Le defers to his lineage. clan. 1.111d tribe. The paramount res{��c�t which society accords to kinship Likes on religions form through ancestor worship. economic� form through obligations to share ones wealth with relatives. and social form by determining {rt�ronal status and marriage partners. (n return for his deference to kinship obligations. the individual rt crises reciprocal emotional and material support from others. The Iferona) couyic�tions of individual Gilincans reflect in part their country's Islamic heritage and in part their pre- Istar,uc� traditional culture: the behavior of most Gidiwan Muslims corresponds in only it casual way with the rigid teachings of the Koran. Islamic :5 APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200070003 -5 influences are embodied in the attitudes which direct everyday life, notably in the institution of male dominance. Traditionally, women were considered to he the inferiors of men, were subordinate to their husbands, and were judged by a rigid double standard of sexual morality. Marriages ofte:t were polygynous unions designed primarily to implement kinship alliances, and wives enjoyed fewer legal prerogatives than did their husbands. The Islamic culture also affected attitudes on broader suhjects� respect for religious learning disposed most Guineans to seek modern formal education. "Those who are literate look clown on manual labor, as did the uneducated Guineans %vlr., in the past associated manual labor with the inferior status of the conquered tribes. Collective class and tribal attitudes also are based in part opt religious differences. Almost without exception, Guinean Muslims consider themselves the social superior.; of the animist tribes. Among the Muslim groups, the Fulani possess an elitist outlook based on their historical role in introducing Islam into Guinea, on their success in subjugating or enslaving other tribal groups, and on the greater orthodoxy of their faith. 'rhe Malinke, who are less orthodox than the Fulani, tend to belittle the non- Muslim forest tribes as primitive; the latter in turn resent the former for being aggressive and for trying to convert them to Islam. 2. Social change a. Colonial influences (U /OU) The French first settled permanently in Guinea in 1849, and they exercised effective control of the country from the 1890's until their precipitate withdrawal in 1958. In the earliest years of colonial rule, the French took h a',^ direct action to alter tit(- existing society, although in some areas they discredited the institution of chieftaincy by installing their own puppets. They also stamprd out intertribal warfare and abolished slavery and serfdom. lit the long run, French influences led to profound social change. Paris introduced it single political authority and an administrative system, launched plantation agriculture and a modern economy, initiated the construction of basic public services in education, health, communications, and transport, and promoted the adoption of French culture and language. Initially, all of this affected the masses only minimally, but it inspired widespread dissatisfaction with the torpor of rural life, set off a migration to the towns, and contributed to the eventual erosion of existing cultural patterns. h Contemporary Guinea is controlled by Sekou Toure and a group of nationalist politicians who emerged from the country's labor tnoveme ;.t. Guinea's leaders are not the products of French universities, did not serve in the French Army, and are not married to French women. "These men show some signs of reeling uncomfortable with their Francophile colleagues who wield power in some other French- speaking African states. At the same time, they point with pride to the fact that they have minimized their acceptance of the French life style and values and have imbued the mastics with a pride in their African l;ackground. "There is undoubtedly less French cultural influence in Guinea than in any other French speaking African country, although individual Guineans continue to use the French language and follow French social customs. Similarly, the Guinean Government continues to use many administrative and bureau- cratic procedures originally learned from the French. b. Urbanization (U /OU) Guinea's few urban centers attract large numbers of mi };rants in search of jobs, although the cash economy can provide regular employment for only a few. 'Those who gain employment and establish residence in the cities find that the social difficulties associated with their it(-%% status tend to change their behavior patterns and attitudes. 'I'll(- wag(- earner often is besieged by requests for financial help and :wconiniodations for his relatives as they in turn mt,ve to the city. Such formerly legitimate personal demands, when made in an urban context devoid of their traditional justification, produce stresses which undermine the individual's willingness to accept h;s kinship obligations. In time, the nuclear family becomes the focus of attention and support at the expense of the extended family and lineage. Alst,, status �no longer dependent on tribal or family tics conies to be defined in terms of education, occupation, or political position. With family constraints removed, the urban individual is at greater liberty in making personal decisions, including the selection of it marriage partner. In general, the social and economic realities of urbanization have had the effect of helping to reduce the number of polygynous marriages and have wog ked toward the emancipation of women. In it li,uited way, urban life has also promoted marriages across tribal lines, which were unusual if not forbidden in the past. Despite the greater heterogeneity of urban life, however, intertribal contacts are limited i-ven it the largest cities by the almost universal propensity of the population to segregate itself into tribal quarters. APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200070003 -5 powerless segments of the T pulation, the PDG has effectively altered traditional attitudes of subservience and inferiority. Special committees for women parallel the organizational hierarchy of the PDG. Women are represented from '.he level of the 8,000 local committees to the member National Committee of Women. Through their participation in the party, women have achieved a substantial measure of freedom; they constitute a growing proportion of wage earners, they are increasingly well educated, and they are included among high party and government officials. The PDG has taken tangible steps to alter many restrictive social practices which discriminate against women; it has moved to regulate the bride price, to enforce a minimum age for marriage, to outlay forced marriages, and to insure equitable divorce proceedings. At the Eighth Party Congress in 1967 the PDG forbade government and party officials to contract polvgynous marriages, and in M*8 the regime called for the abolition of polygyny throughout the country. It is candidly recognized even in government circles that these innovations will not be readily embraced in a population that is 75% Muslin, but they have been sufficiently widely respected to set off substantial changes in social practices. Guinean youth were organized nationally into the Youth of the African Democratic Revolution (JRDA) in 1959. The JRDA theoretically includes all youth from the time they join the National Pioneers at age 7 until they become members of the regular PDG at age 25. Additionally, the JRDA provides the personnel for the militia, it Cuban trained paramilitary organiza- tion of roughly 8,000 militants. The youth organizations have been important to the success of the domestic "cultural revolution" which has been emphasized by the part- since IW8. "Their role is to push party reforms and to serve as exemplars through their militant devotion to Guinean ideals. Beginning in 1967, all students graduating from secondary and higher institutions of learning were required to give at least 2 years of national service in the interior of the country, primarily in agricultural developn.on,. i here is no doubt that the JRDA has raised the nation's level of political consciousness and the general level of support for Toure, both at the expense of traditional attitudes and patterns of authority. Guinea's labor unions, lot,g under PDG control, were formally converted into adjuncts of the party in 1969. The regime regards the unions as an "arm of the revolution," acting in concert with the state, and unionism is viewed as but another vehicle for the transformation of society. Specifically, the role of the labor union is to raise production, implement new labor norms, promote literacy, and indoctrinate workers in the ideology of the PDG. The unions have at times chafed in their postirtdcpendence role, but their activities remain firmly under th control of the regime. &cause they enroll many fewer ,persons than do the women's or youth organizations, a0 because their tnembet,f ip is typically somewhat removed from tribal society, the unions have played a less importaut role than the other party affiliated organizations in engineering social change. e. Popular attitudes (U /OU) The PDG exercises complete control over Guinea's communications media and the political behavior of its citizens. Such controls obscure the true extent of p,11pular support for the party and its policies. It is clear, however, that the tribal authorities have made no substantial effort to resist the erosion of their lowers, and the PDG has usurped from them the loyalties of some perennially disadvantaged but tradition minded groups. Even the conservative rural public applaud Toure's veneration of selected aspects of African culture, and the is an almost universal pride in the party's nationalist, anticolonialist orientation. Beyond this emotional approval, it is not clear that the public genuinely has accepted the PDG's institutional ref rms or that those reforms are in reality mere than temporary measures which will be ahundoned by a basically apathetic population with the passing of Sekou Toure. Many party members probably feign their militancy and participate in the PDG and its affiliated organizations in order to survive and to enhance their personal status �a propensity which is encouraged by the party's constant search for ideologically orthodox job c andidates. There are no organized outlets for social discontent, although evidences of social, economic, and political dissatisfaction have surfaced from among the more emancipated and modernized sectors of society. Students, women's organizations, and the labor unions have at one time or another criticized the government, albeit in cautious ways. The most significant evidence of protest and dissatisfaction is that many thousands of Guineans have emigrated to neighboring countries in search of trading opporttmitic.- permanent jobs, student status, or political refuge. Despite these firm indications of substantial popular discontent, there is persuasive counterevidence that the PDG is well organized and widely respected and that Toure� although an erratic administrator -is an fective and charismatic political leader. APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200070003 -5 Few Guineans wholly accept the attitudes associated with modern urban society, but corre- spondingly few remain completely untouched b those attitudes. Public figure exist in a transition zone between the urban and rural cultures, exhibiting manifestations of both. The extent to which tribal values are held varies markAly from region to region, but the overall trend is clearly toward their alt ration or destretion as more persons are brought into urban society and the cash economy. Because Guinea is one of the least urbanized countries in .west Africa, however, social change is slow. From 1955 to 1970 the proportion of the national population living in cities of over 20,000 inhabitants increased from 851 to only e. PDG ideology (U /OU) The egalitarian ideology of Sekou Toure has been successfully- spread by the PDG. Toure's philosophy consists of a unique amalgam of concepts drawn from African values, French philosophy, and Communist tenets. In implementing this philosophy. PDG partisans have sought with considerable success to stamp out parochial tribal and regional loyalties by replacing them with modern dogmas of national identity and solidarity. Selected elements of the tribal value system have been transformed by the PDG to support several of its programs. which in turn undermine tribal society. For example, PDG ideology applauds the veneration of the group over the individual and the attendant disposition to share one's wealth in promoting the collective welfare; the party cites such con% fictions and practices to gain acceptance for its cooperativ labor and welfare schemes. Similarly, the focee regime has adapted the accepted notion of collective d making to its current needs. Just as communal discussion led in the past to single decision :which the tribe was obliged to obey, so the party now makes decisions for which all are responsible and all must respect. The PDG relies on Communist rh etoric in describing this as democratic centralism.** The PDG is critical of the social stratification characteristic of Guinea's larger tribes. The Toure regime has largely eliminated the authority of the "elitist" tribal leaders. It also downplays those aspects of Isl w hich sanction centralized authority in tribal society, and it campaigns against the� bourgeois elements in modern Guinea. Although the� PDG's propaganda contends that Guinea is now an egalitarian state with no social classes, society in fact is stratifi Social status, formerly determined on the hasis of tribal, religious, or kinship ties, and then on education, occupation, and income, is repioly coming to depend on dedication to the PDG and on the degree of revolutionary clan that one displays. Party and government officials constitute the new e lite. 'I'l PDG's efforts to eliminate bourgeois mentality and to inhibit the growth of social classes concentrate on attacking or seeking to eliminate "antirevolutionary" forces: merchants, planters, and corrupt officials, all of whom serve as scapegoats and are regularly denounced by the regime. Artisans and poor farmers, on the other hand, are considered "revolutionary classes" which are "ready for the revolution" because of their formerly low status and history of exploitation under both the colonial and traditional societies. d. PDG organizations (C) An extensive network of PDG and party-affiliated organizations has been instituted throughout Guinea to supplant the traditional authorities. Within it decade after independence the PDG organization was able to draw on representatives of its 6,000 base committees and its affiliated women's and youth bodies to create Local Hevolutionary Authorities (PBL) in ever village, town, and urban ward. By the late 1960*:, each Pill. made up of several brigades which were responsible for .wide areas of conunuanity activity public works, health, education, the militia, consumer cooperatives, and production and sales. In some areas the party organization functions effectively to provide rural Guineans with essential material benefits and social justice that were not available under the past tribal leadership; in other areas, as with the regime's collective agricultural schemes, tit(- party's role has b(-(-n judged an imposition, and its programs haw(- failed. Whatever the true extent of its administrative successes or popular acceptance, the PDG organization has succeeded in replacing the form structure of authority to it degree unparalleled in tit(- rest of west Africa. By rewarding participation in PDG affiliated women's, youth, and labor organizations, the part has eliminated almost all nonpart associations such as age -sex groupings and secret societies. The officially sanctioned organizations provide wom(-n and youth, in particular, with avenues for upward social and Iwlitical mobility .which were unavailable to th(-m in tit(- past. As it result. those organizations have� r (-c(-i% e�d enthusiastic suplx)rt from most of the population, and their members Iave in turn holstered tit(- success of tit(- Toure regime and its policies. Through its promotion of political and social activism by low status and H APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200070003 -5 C. Population (U /0V) In late 1972 the Cuincan Covcrunent was preparing to take a national census. Pri- :o that time no adequate census had been taken, and few government puhlications of any kind have dealt with demographic questions. Population statistics and projections are based on a 1954 -55 sample survey organized with some care by the Drench, on it 1961 party- sponsored census of questionable reliability, or >n estimates of local administrators. 'These data suggest that Guinea's population is growing at an average annual rate of roughly 2.7% �a rate which appears to be outstripping economic development. Population growth would be even more pronounced were it not for the sizable numher of Guineans who for economic and politica: reasons have left their homeland to tat rep permanent residence in neighboring countries and in France. 1. General characteristics a. Size The May 191:7 census of Guinea, described as it "crude nose comiC by an U.N. observer, recorded a Persons per square mites 0 25 78 L_ .l� 0 (0 30 Persons Per square Kilometer TOMA Selected tribe 501P9B 473 FIGURE 5. Population density, 1967 (U/OU) population of :3,520,40.1, it :37ii increase over the African population of 2, estimated as the result of the 19;55 survey. The implied average annual rate of growth between the earlier stirvey and the 1967 census was 2.35ib. The United Nations estimates that Guineas average annual rate of natural increase was 2.2I ci from 1965 -70, although the Guinean Government has used it 2.7 figure in K, planning projects. The U.S. Bureau of Economic Analysis, 0epartmenl of Commerce, rstimates a population of 40K WO as of I January 1973. b. Density and distribution Guinea is thought to have a population density of about 41.8 persons per square mile, but the distribution of the population is uneven. The highest concentrations are found in the coastal area around Conakry, in the central portion of motetainous Moyenne- Guinec, and in the southern forest area along the borders with Liberia and Sierra Leone (Figure 5). The lowest concentration is in the dry, infertile savanna of Ilaute- Cuinee; however, fairly high concentrations occur along the� Niger and Milo rivers which run through this section. The absolute 9 APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200070003 -5 FIGURE 6. Population by geographic area, 1967 (U/OU) Total 3,520,904 1 W. Il and relative sizes of the population by geographical area as of 1967 are shown in Figure 6. Great disparity in density existed in 1967 among the countn's 29 administrative regions, ranging from a high of over 1,600 persons per square mile in Conakry to a low of about 16 in Kouroussa. In terms of the total population, the most populous of the administrative regions were Labe, Nzerekore, Conakry, and Siguiri, each in a different geographical area of the country. The least populous were Kerouanc and Fria. Guinea remains one of the least urbanized nations of west Africa. At mid -year 1970. it was estimated that only ubout 420,000 persons, or roughly 1 I c; of the total population, lived in the six urban centers, defined as communities with 20,000 or more inhabitants (Figure 7). Metropolitan Conakry, growing at a rate of about 7 0 rc per year, had an estimated population of 242,000 and accounted for 58% of the total urban population. It had almost five times more inhabitants than Kankan, the principal city in Haute- Guinee, and almost six times the number of inhabitants of Kindia, a center for banana, pineapple, and coffee plantations. In addition to the six cities with 20,000 or more inhabitants, there were several whose populations were in the 10,000 to 20,(X)0 range. These ,included Bokc, Fria, Macenta, and Siguiri. FIGURE 7. Growth of urban centers (U;OU) POPULATION URBAN CF.NTFR 1945 Pr.RCF.NT or 1965 1970 THE TMAL 26,000 POPULATION POPULATION Jtoyenne- Guinea 1,202,035 '14.;J' Guinee Forestiere............ 848,350 .'/,.1 Basse -G uinee 754,590 ;?1.4 Haute- Guinee 715,929 20.3 Total 3,520,904 1 W. Il and relative sizes of the population by geographical area as of 1967 are shown in Figure 6. Great disparity in density existed in 1967 among the countn's 29 administrative regions, ranging from a high of over 1,600 persons per square mile in Conakry to a low of about 16 in Kouroussa. In terms of the total population, the most populous of the administrative regions were Labe, Nzerekore, Conakry, and Siguiri, each in a different geographical area of the country. The least populous were Kerouanc and Fria. Guinea remains one of the least urbanized nations of west Africa. At mid -year 1970. it was estimated that only ubout 420,000 persons, or roughly 1 I c; of the total population, lived in the six urban centers, defined as communities with 20,000 or more inhabitants (Figure 7). Metropolitan Conakry, growing at a rate of about 7 0 rc per year, had an estimated population of 242,000 and accounted for 58% of the total urban population. It had almost five times more inhabitants than Kankan, the principal city in Haute- Guinee, and almost six times the number of inhabitants of Kindia, a center for banana, pineapple, and coffee plantations. In addition to the six cities with 20,000 or more inhabitants, there were several whose populations were in the 10,000 to 20,(X)0 range. These ,included Bokc, Fria, Macenta, and Siguiri. FIGURE 7. Growth of urban centers (U;OU) POPULATION URBAN CF.NTFR 1945 1955 1965 1970 Conakry 26,000 50,000 170,000 242,001) Kankan 14,000 25,000 36,500 51,200 Kindia 7,000 24,000 30,500 42,800 Labe 11,000 12,000 25,400 35,100 Nzerekore............ na 10,800 20,500 28,600 Mamou na 5,800 14,500 211,300 NOTE. Population figures (as of midyear of the indicated year) are estimates. na Data not available. 10 c. Composition More than 99c/c of Guinea's population is of African origin, with non Africans consisting of approximately I,(XX) resident Lebanese, fewer than 500 Frenchmen, and smaller numbers of persons of other nationalities. Of the total African population, most are indigenous to Guinea, although slightly more than I(X),(XX) are immigrants or descendants of immigrants from Ivory Coast, Mali, Portuguese Guinea, Senegal, or Sierra Leone. A majority of these immigrants are men; frequently they are married to Guinean women, a almost always they are fo1nd in Conakry or the other urban centers. d. Age -sex structure Guinea's age -sex c0ntpos;tion reflects tle primitive conditions under which the majority of the country's inhabitants live. Familial and tribal customs and mores foster a high level of fertility; poverty, superstition, and a shortage of health facilities all contribute to a high level of mortality. Guinea's age sex profile (Figure 8) reveals a large proportion of children and young adults and a small proportion of middle -aged and older persons. The age structure is a serious handicap to the development of the country. because the bulk of any economic growth must go to support the large dependent portion of the population. According to the 1967 census, slightly more than half of Guinea'!; population were in the dependent ages, although in reality many children under 14 engage iu some form of work activity, and persons over 65 are often forced by economic necessit% to work as long as they are physically able. The large and growing number of children places especially great bur(lens on the educational system. L 75 Mid MW 70-71 U. 55-59 50-Sr 1549 25-29 70-21 15-19 10-11 5 0-4 10 0 a 4 2 O Z 1 a a to Iwa a FIGURE 8. Age -sex structure, Guinea and the United States, 1967 (U/OU) APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200070003 -5 2. Population change a. Vited statistics Guinea has no compulsory registration of vital events, and the few, sporadic attempts to collect data on births and deaths have stet with little success. As a result, although birth and death rates are known to lit- high, it is impossible to determine their level pn isely. Estimate; of Guinea's birth rate during the 1950's and 1960's range from a low of 46 to a high of 70 per I,(XX) population; estimates of the death rate range as high as 40 per I,(M population. b. Immigration and emigration A lack of official data relating to the movement of people into or e.ut of Guinea, and the ease with which Guineans can cross the national frontiers. which cut across tribal areas, make difficult any assessment of the scope of immigration an($emigration. 'There is apparently little movement into the country, although many Guineans return to their homeland each year after completing studies abroad, after ending seasonal work in nearby countries, or after being deported by neighboring states. The number of Guineans who have left their country for political or economic reasons is quite large, however; at (cast 600,000 have emigrated since independence, and many others leave on it seasonal basis. The majority of emigrants are poverty- stricken persons seeking to improve their living conditions, but a few are skilled individuals. The most skilled, the best educated, and the most ambitious are the some 3,000 who live in France, many of whom were students who refused to return home when their studies were completed. President Toure said in October 1972 that anvone who is dissatisfied may leave Guinea, but in the past the government has discouraged emigration. It propagandizes against those who are "tempted to seek economic fortune and it better life" outside Guinea, citing examples of those who have returned "destitute but wiser." The government, however, does not always welcome back those wlu have departed. The regime fears that returnees may have become "enemies of the state," and it recognizes that the return of any sizable number would place a severe strain on the precarious economic situation. c. Growth trends and government policy Guinea's pres ?nt population structure is conducive to accelerated growth, as the large number of babies born during the 19.50's are gradually moving into the principal childbearing ages. Although data are inadequate to predict future levels of fertility with UNy degree of confidence, the birth rate is not expected to decline in the near future. Poverty, the tradition of large families, and the general lack of knowledge about modern methods of birth control all operate to keep fertility at very high levels. 'Trends in mortality rates will probably accelerate population growth, because the mortality rate is expected to decline slightly in the future as the most prevalent diseases are brought under control and as public health facilities are expanded. As it matter of policy, the Government of Guinea is strongly opposed to family planning and birth control measures. Individual physicians, however, have been interested in birth control, and news of the availability and effectiveness of birth control devices is spreading slowly by word of mouth, at least within Conakry. In part because of persisting high infant mortality rates, Guinean officials do not view the high birth rate with alarm. Some, in fact, have stated that the country is underpopulated and that an increase in pxpulation could lead to increased productivity. Representatives of Western groups with family planning objectives have visited Guinea but have ieen received with little enthusiasm, health officials evincing as much, if not more, interest in causes of infertility as in family planning programs. Despite its opposition to birth control programs, the government has taken some actions to modernize society which may have a�u indirect effect on fertility rates. It has decreed certain restrictions regarding marriage, for example, and it has limited family allowance benefits per family to six children under age 12. The effects of these: regulations have not been measured, however, and their long range implications are difficult to predict. D. Labor A basically unskilled labor force concentrated in agriculture, high rates of unemployment and underemployment, poor working conditions, and low productivity typify Guinean labor conditions. The PDG is committed to alleviating these conditions and to promoting economic development, but it frequently has exhibited a marked lack of realism by basing economic decisions on political rather than econcmic grounds. III conceived legislation providing for pervasive government controls over the labor movement and the management of industry tends to limit productivity in the modern sector; politically inspired controls and artificially low prices reduce the output of the agricultural sector. (U /OU) APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200070003 -5 The International Labor Organization (11.0) has estimated that in 1970 the Gninvan labor force numbered 1,870,((X) persons, or 18.90 of the national population. In addition, there are several hundred thousand children between the ages of 6 and 15 who are not enrolled in school and who are presumed to he economically active, at (cast on a part -tithe basis. Furthermore, those 13- to 19 -rear -old students enrolled in the Centers of itevolutionir% I-Atication (CER) theoretically contribute to production by spending 3 days per week in practical agricultural work. (U /OU I. job opportunities (U /OU) a. Traditional employment More than 90 of the labor force is self employed or is employed in an unpaid status in varions traditional activities of the sirbsistenc�e econonly. The most common traditional occupation is agriculture, as all tribes engage in farming to produce their foodstuffs. Nlany tribes, however, are associated also with other economic activities; the Fulani combine farming with cattle raising, the Malinke are petty traders, and the� forest tribes combine the cultivation of foodstuffs with the collection of produce ;,nd hunting. A growing proportion of the rural population occasionally works for wages as opportunitie arise and customary tasks permit. The rate of participation h., women and children in traditional activities is high. In general, woren and girls undertake the daily work of raising garden crops for household use for sale in the local markets, and women are responsible for producing most handicrafts and for handling much of the petty trading on which the peasant family depends for its cash income Figure 9). Young boys work alongside their fathers in driving and guarding livestock, an.! they help in raising field crops such as rice and millet. During the planting and harvesting seasons almost everyone in the village works in the fields, the men doing the heavy work and the women and children doing the lighter chores. Among the large number of subsistence farmers on small landholdings, productivity is exceedingly low. Most of the work is accomplished through manual labor, with the farmer still holding to traditional cultivation methods. Few farmers know of the benefits of fertilizers and sprays, and fewer still have the money to buy them even if they were available. A number of government programs have sought to modernize farming techniques, but they have had little effect. 12 r* v 0 j ''1oo awlw FIGURE 9. Women trading in Kankan market (U/OU) h. Modern employme: t Wage and salary earners constitute no more than 10 0 of tit(� total labor force. The breakdown of wage and salary earners by economic activity is estimated in Figure 10. The government is th(� largest single employer; for the fiscal year ending in September 1972, 59S( of the national hordget was devoted to wages and salaries. In addition 1 more than 30,0(X) ad personnel, the government employs ,vorkers in some 70 state enterprises. 'I'll(- regime also utilizes military and paramilitary personnel for public service projects, such as the construc of roads and bridges and reforestation. Of the wage earners employed in agriculture, approximately half are engaged in small -scale activities; the remainder are (employed in privately or publicly owned plantations. Most of the workers in manufacturing are employed in small workshops or in ventures wholly or partially owned by the state. The largest single employer of miners is the FRIGUTA (formerly I'RIA) mining company, which is engaged in the extraction and processing of bauxite. In addition to the large -scale mining operations, many APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200070003 -5 Exce�pt'ill the case of FRIGUTA, labor productivity ill modern enterprises is guile low. Poor supervision, IoW levels of health, high absenteeism, and shortages of nwcleru tools and equipment are contributory factors. Moreover, because of the acute shortage of managerial talent, frequent political purges, and the largely unskilled nature of the labor force, working techniques and nethods are often c�rttcle and ine fficient. Agriculture 230% 1� -1 1 i 1 1 Government 22% 1 I.�'L 1 1 1 I or 1 1 I. Commerce 1 1 1 j I Construction 97. I 7, Mining 8 I Manufacturing 7 7e' 1 1 Transportabon.6% L Public Utilities 57, Hotels and Domestic Services 47,, FIGURE 10. Composition of the lobor force, 1972 (U/OU) miners arc also engaged in primitive gold and diamond mining. The exploitation of the Boke bauxite deposits, likely to begin in 1973, will increase the employment opportunities associated with mining. Because of the age structure of the Guinean population, the labor force engaged in paid employment is young, hid no specific participation rates by age groups arc available. Although fenale participation in the overall labor force is high �the ILO estimated 40.3% in 1970 �few women arc regularly eniployecl for wages. Tile traditional attitudes of Guineas preclorninantly Muslim society oppose female participation in paid employment, although such attitudes are being eroded by government policies urging women to become more highly e ducated and to participate in modern occupations. 2. Unemployment (U /OU) a. Unemployment and underemployment Information on the extent of unemployment is lacking, but it sizable number of Guineans are without work. For example, it 196; survey in a portion of Conakry revealed that one fourth of all heads of households were without jobs. Regime officials contend that there is only "false unemployment's in the cities; thev claim that th-re is enough work in subsistence agricultural pursuits for all Guincans. However, many young persons, particularly those with some schooling regard farming as demeaning and flock to Conakry and other urban centers where they ilvc off the labor of relatives or eke out it marginal living front petty trading, black marketeering, or casual labor. President Totlre has oracle no secret of his displeasure over the large number of itinerant street peddlers in Conakry, and he and his regime have tried various measures to limit their numbers without success. The party ne%%spaper editorialized in 1970 that the towns "harbor tens of thousands of unprodl men in the insignificant small merchant trade. who constitute it veritable (lea (lweight on the economy. Several government decisions taken for political reasons contributed to the imentploym ent problem. All diamond mining has been nationalized, forcing thousands of private diamond prospectors to return to subsistence fanning or smuggling or to seek paid employment. Restrictions placed on the activities of private merchants and traders have forced many of them out of business and into the joh market. Also, each year several thousand primary school graduates, unable to enter secondary schools becallSe of overcrowding, enter the labor market. Most of these job applicants have only agricultural skills, yet they refuse to return to farming and choose instead to compete for the fey nonagricultural jobs in the towns. Since urban opportunities for employment have lagged far behind the influx of rural migrants, growing unemployment poses increasing problems. Underemployment is of even greater nnagnitude in Guinea than unemployment. Many of those engaged 1:3 APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200070003 -5 in subsistence agriculture are underemployed. During slack agricultural seasons large numbers of farmers seek jobs in the urban centers, thereby adding to the economic and social problems of the cities. b. Government policies to promote employment To stem the influx of migrants the government requires all residents of Conakry to carry either a residence card or a work permit; the latter is issued to all who can prove that they are regularly emplfyed. In the past, the authorities occasionally rescrted to a mass roundup of vnemployed persons in the urban areas. Those who could not produce one of the required permits were returned to their villages or sent to work on state farms in the interior of the country, where they received Ixard, room, and clothing but no wages. Government propaganda exhorts villagers te. remain in the n.ral areas, and the regime has attempted to provide financial incentives fr- them to stay by establishing agricultural cooperatives, but these programs have had little success. The government h, tried a variety of schemes, such as the civic action service, to organize the unemployed, mobilize youth, and incrase produc- tion. A 1966 educational reorganization created Centers of Revolutionary Education (C ER) to prolong the educational period and to combine it with agricultural training to help overcome the widespread prejudice against manual labor. President Toure has long called for the nationwide establishment of these rural cen.ers of education, production, and political indoctrination, and in 1971 he spoke of incorporating as many as a quaner million students into the CER's. Even with presidential interest, however, these ambitious plans have been implemented on only a limited scale. In most of the official schemes designed to deal with employment problems, the army or militia have played a prominent role in giving Guinean youth practical training under conditions of military and party indoctrination. Moves by the government to conscript and organize the labor force: as it sees fit have gone virtually unchallenged and have not yet caused major demonstrations of social protest, although if rigidly enforced they may generate antagonism toward the government. The need to increase employment opportunities for unskilled labor has inspired various public works programs, but by themselves they do not pr vide jobs in sufficient numbers. A government- operated placement service is available to unemployed persons registered with it, but it is little used despite the obvious increase in total unemployment. The reluctance of the unemployed to register with this 14 official service is probably based on their suspicion that if they register the authorities will return them to their villages rather than find them a job. The lack of modem technical skills which makes many Guineans unemployable in the modem economy is the primary ma:power problem confronting the government. In 1966, for xample, it was reported that in the entire cw.ttry there were only 13000 skilled laborers, some 6,0(0 middle -level administrators, and about 2,54X) senior -level administrators and executives. Not many of the administrators, however, could be considered even partially trained, and a fe:a were illiterate. Small enterprise- have been urged to develop the labor skills they need throagh more and letter on- the -joh training, and larger employ: rs who have no apprenticeship program are assessed a small tax. One of the few effective large -scale training program in private enterprise is that of FRIGU IA, which conducts courses in a wide range of skills; graduates of these courses constitute the elite of skilled labor and are assured well- paying jobs. Guinean authorities insist that all new privately financed ventures, such as exploitation of the Boke bauxite deposits, must provide on- the -job training of large numbers of Guineans. 3. Labor laws and working conditions (U /OU) a. Gabor laws In 1960 the National Assembly enacted a lalmr code designed to insure that Guinean workers labor under safe and hygienic conditions for only a reasonable cumber of hours per week. Administrative regulations based on the code prescribe safety standards for specific trades, occupations, and operations regarding such matters as lighting, ventilation, sanitation, and fire precautions. Each establishment must provide medical or het.lth service for its workers; requirements range from a first -aid kit in small firms to an infirmary with a nurse in the largest. In specified cases the employer may be required to provide food and housing to protect the health of the employees. The code stipulates a standard workweek of 45 hours for government employees and 40 hours for private industry, although in practice virtually everyone: works a 40 -hour week. Weekly rest periods and paid leave are guaranteed. Two scales of minimum wages have been established by the regime. One scale applies to Conakry and the principal towns of each administra- tive district; a lower scale applies to the rest of the country. The minimum wage varies according to APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200070003 -5 category of worker and level of skill, but in every case it has remained unchanged since its establishment in 1959, despite more than a decade of steady inflation and decreasing purchasing power. The government's ability to keep the minimum wage at a low level reflects its complete control over the labor movement. Fortunately for workers, the hourly wage for most categories of labor exceeds considerably the It-gal minimum, especially in the urban areas. Both public and private workers are guaranteed extra pay for overtime. A workmen's compensation law requires employers to compensate their workers for accidents or illnesses occurring in connection with their work. Disability benefits are liberal; they are payable from the day after an injury until recovery. In the case of a permanent disability the worker continues to receive a pension based on a percentage of his wages and on the extent of his disability. b. Working conditions Working conditions in Guinea are almost universally unsatisfactory by Western standards, but they parallel conditions in other African countries. The labor code a. the workmen's compensation law theoretically provide adequate protection for worker. but apply only to the 10% of the labor force that is engaged in paid employment and are not rigidly enforced even for that group. Effective implemen- tation of the labor laws apparently is limited to employees of the government and the few largest industrial concerns. The labor axle was under study in 1965, but the few announced reforms applied only to civil servants. At that time the government increased the wages of its lower paid employees in an effort to reduce the disparities in income which formerly had prevailed within the civil service. Fairly rigid laws were passed to insure that workers were hired and promoted on the basis of competitive examinations. A different line emerged in May 1969, however, when the party began to purge the civil service of "counterrevolutionaries" and recommended that future promotions be made on the basis of ideological militancy and allegiance to the PDG. Such political criteria have become steadily more important for professional advancement since 1969, although President Toure used the occasion of the Sixth National Congress of Guinean trade unions in March 1972 to reaffirm that "workers' promotions will now be entirely based on a real capacity for work and production." 4. Labor organization (C) Most wage earners and salaried personnel in Guinea belong to a trade union, all of which are affiliated with the National Confederation of Guinean Workers (CNTG). The CNTG was formed in 1958 and always has been closely affiliated with the governing PDG. The organization of the CNTG (Figure 1 1) consists of 19 individually organized national unions, 32 local unions, and 11 confederal secretariats which represent the CNTG in specified geographic regions. Ultimate authority rests with the National Congress of the CNTG, the mass meeting which recently has been held every 3 years�the Sixth National Congress met in early 1972. The CNTG has four permanent executive bodies at the national level. The National Confederal Council, which governs the CNTG between CNTG congresses, includes two represent- atives from each constituent union and eight members at large. Major decisions, however, are made by the National Confederal Bureau, whose members are elected by the CNTG National Congress for what are theoretically 4 -year terms. Mamady Kaba, president of the CNTG since 1960, is also president of the National Confederal Bureau and a high- ranking figure within the PDG and the government. The other two permanent executive bodies are the Secretariat and an Administrative Commission. CNTG officials seldom accept invitations to participate in Western trade union activities or travel in Western countries. in November 1971 the Geneva based ILO withdrew its five remaining experts from Guinea. CNTG leaders receive support from and have close contacts with Communist labor unions, including the Communist- dominated World Federa- tion of Trade Unions (WFTU). They also maintain 15 APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200070003 -5 FIGURE 11. Labor organization (UIOU) regular contacts with the labor movements of other African and Arah states which have governments sympathetic to the Toure regime. Regionally, the CNTG is affiliated with the All African Trade Union Federation (AATUF), which was forned at Casablanca in 1961. 5. Labor and party relations (V /OU) The PDC regards organized labor as an instrument of power for advancing political goals and not as an organization devoted to advancing the individual interests of the working man. The party maintains tight control over the CNTC, and although poor working conditions have generated some grumbling, there have been few strikes or outward manifestations of labor unrest. 'There arc, however, individuals within the labor movement who object to park control of the CNTG. 'their objections occasionally come to the surface at party congresses, but thus far the PDC has maintained its strict control. Mamady Kaba reaffirmed the need for a more independent labor movement at the January 1969 meeting of the party's National Council of the Revolution and aroused President Toure to public anger. In that year the CNTG was made it special section of the PD(; in what appeared to he it further attempt to solidif% party control over the labor movement. Kaba has been demoted within the PDC hierarchy, although he continual to hold it medium -level government post in 1972. Evidence of the subservience of organized labor to the political authorities is shown by the almost complete absence of strikes since independence. 'I'll(- handful of labor disputes which have occurred have all been settled quickly with I;ttle loss of worktinie. The right to work, form unions, and strike is officially recognized, but such legislation is purely theoretical. 'The 1960 labor code created courts to settle disputes and to apply existing labor regulations. A labor court is composed of a magistrate appointed by the Office of the Presidency all(] four assessors, two representing the employer and two representing the workers. In practice, representation of the workers* interests by labor leaders is secondary to political �onsideratiors and to the desire of those leaders to meet their production quotas. Most high- ranking -anion officials also hold high positions in the PDC or key administrative positions in the civil service, and many are the managers of state -run enterprises �their dual loyalties work to the detriment of the workers. In 1964 the government called for the organization of lv::al workers' councils for the study of work methods to improve efficiency art(] organization. 16 Various decrees since then have altered the names and organization of these bodies, hilt the basic idea of a local council, controlled by the party cadre, to supervise the training, economic production, and political indoctrination of the workers remains. In 1970, "secretaries for labor discipline" ware established in each "production -unit cononittee." In the rural sector, the PDC relies heavily on cooperatives as basic inslrunr for teaching faruers about modern agricultim-, for increasing productivity, and for controlling the loyalty of the rural population. Although the local cooperatives are nominally aentononnous units designed to serve the econonnic interests of their members, in practice they tend to break up the family system of agriculture and transform the peasant fanner into an employee of his cooperative unit, which in turn is increasingly controlled by the party. The government frequently inaugurates new production schemes, but the initial zeal soon disappears and little read haprovenient in production or the lot of the Guinean worker is accomplished. E. Living conditions and social problems (U /OU) 1. Material welfare a. Incorne levels Guinea's valuable mineral resources provide considerable potential for deyelopnnent of the national econonny. That potential is far from being realized. howeycr, and to the limited extent that the country's resources have been tapped, the resulting wealth has not filtered (1()%% it to the ordinary citizen. No adequate information is available concerning GDP or how it translates into real income for the individual Guinean, hot it is likely that absolute levels of per capita incowv have remained ut abcut 5'fO annually or even (Icclineca sonnewhat since 1960. Any figure for per capita GDP is almost meaningless as an indicator of actual material welfare, however, because most of the population relics primarily on traditional subsistence activities, rather than cash earnings, to provide their basic needs. Statistics can price and wage fluctuations are not available, but it is clear that regularly employed workers face it situation of rising living costs unmatched by corresponding wage increases. No wage reforms have been implemented since 1965, when the wages of lower level civil servants and employees of state enterprises were increased and it re%y floor and ceiling for civil service wages were established. A salary equivalent to US335 a month is considered the APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200070003 -5 official uiinimilin \\;ivo The ii\crnn(cnt has atteniph-d to maint,cin strict price conlrols. ,nd it h;l trivet rationinit basic citnin( ditics Ihrni:;l( dislribntiou b\ the toed tart\ stnicltire. hilt the demand for incrvasinij% scarce consin(cr iz(uds and the cymldic(t; nuiw% sIlp111% 11,1\1- Ineled inflation No, ith,in;ittendmi,t red ucliin in I )ii rchasinv I) %%cr. With (:iiincmi c�iirrenc�\ \\nrth fink if fraclinn if its official \alit. a flouri,hinl black n(arkol lia, �prune, i11'. docritd h\ To.:ro for its olfect of ncakine ciinoa' ci iI li\ ink out of the l(ikhesl in Hit- 1). (aolhirig and housing; (:ciintans are not \\ell eked b\ an\ standard. bit their clilhin>; is >;cnoral!\ s I citccl to (ht cointr\ s clirnato. I�'t\\ Iiorsni(, ha\t n(on thin one or I\\n rasc 1 FIGURE 12. Urban clothing styles. (upper left) Man in white boubou is a PDG official in Kissidougou. (above) Marketplace in Conakry. (left) Upper class family. The man was a civil servant during the French colonial government. (U OU) ch;oikos of d(Rhin,'. ;Intl nwNt itoncs of aiplmrel ;ere hinconnadc of 11(,16c,pun n(alori;(! rr I;(brics Iiuchascd in the ns(rktt. \Itlw h there hw, bccn a trend to\\unl if n(on' iiiil �ini i opdc of dress, cl(ithiniz st\h' still \;Ir\ sid)stoii di'lpcndltit iipti I rehijon. tribal custom, ijrkin find n�sidciicc. ccnnomic� st:(lis. Mid clin(atc I ii!i.n� 12). 'Traditional c�Inthiiis; is simple thr nn,dwid imist of (:uine;i. consistink of a flo\\iu\; robe boubou) for Wien ;ind a piece oil' printed cloth tied at the \\aisl and \\ern \\ith ;c fitted blouse for \\onion. Plain \\hilt noislin boubous ;ire the most oonunon: colomcl it striped ones are snore e\pcnsi\v. \ten conunonl\ \\our skullcap in Miidinc areas. and \\ninon lic s( %ir\cs i\ their hair. In areas \\here Idan( ha. nil Iu�nelnitocl, as ;inionL the KOniaii tribe. sen(inidih is connnon. Woslorn clothiniz is c(mini nl\ IN r Y .'Yi I +i., �fit APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200070003 -5 worn in the urban areas, although it is not well suited to the climate. The PDC elite tend to dress in either it short sleeved jacket -shirt with nialching trousers or in the traditional white robe. Guinea's housing is primitive in that most dwellings are small. overcrowded, unsanitary, and totally lacking in amenities. Nonetheless, housing is not a major problem for Guinean families, at least in the� rural areas. With the help of kinfolk and neighbors, families customarily build their own homeS at little cost with traditional materials that are w ailable everywhere. I lousing steles vary depending upon area of residence, tribal custom, and econonic status, but the typical rural dwelling is it circular but with a conical thatched roof (Figure Ii). Among the more affluent rural residents, mudbrick and stucco homes with sheetmetal roofs are sometimes encountered. Although ninny urban residences resemble their rural counterparts, urban housing also includes apartment houses, Western stele villas, and shacks built of scrap material. Whether in the city or in the countryside, the Guinean house typically has no more than two rooms. There is no reliable data on the availability of housing, but it is known that in Conakry housing is in short supple. and the construction of new units has not kept pace with population growth and the arrival of migrants from the rural areas. c. Subsistence economy Most Guineans live in rural areas virtually outside the cash econont\-. Living conditions are austere at hest, involving an inadequate diet, poor housing, and low- cluulit} educational, health, and welfare services. Is Rural Bliss itisfaction continues to he reflected in the large number of emigrants from Cuinea to neighboring west African states and in the large number of migrants to the urban areas, where conditions are little better but there is greater hope for the future. Man\ of the difficulties of the rural economy_ stem from the pervasive involvement of the PDC in the (listribution of consuner goods and in tle buying of agricultural produce. In 1972 marketing arrangements were so bad that cattle raisers in some areas were insisting that the\- be paid for their cattle in rice cloth, or other barter items rather than in Guinean currency. The central government periodi- cally has sent officials to the interior to dispel widespread discontent over the high cost of living, but it is unlikely that the government can eliminate either its fmdamental administrative problems or the skepticism of the rural populace. 2. Welfare programs a. Private assistance The orphaned, disabled, infirin. elderly. and indigent in Guinean society traditionally have been cared for through networks of family, tribal, and community ties that assure mutual assistance in times of need. 'These informal arrangements continue to work well in the family-oriented rural society. where they undoubtedly provide a greater sense of personal security than do ally public programs. Custom demands that relatives give some support to the less fortunate members of their families. e\-cn in the cities, although in practice the urban environment tends to erode the traditional sense of responsibilit. Prior to Guinea s independence. Roman Catholic religious orders provided some welfare services, but the handful of Christian charities that survived the postindepen- dence period are of almost no importance. Despite the Guinean authorities' sensitivity to criticism of their country and their suspicion of foreigners, the government allowed a few international organizations to carry out modest welfare progr:uns in Guinea, primarily in the field of health. These groups have included the U.N. Educational. Scientific. and Cultural Organization and the U.N. World health Organization. b. Government programs The government has established it social insurance system that provides a variety of benefits to urban residents. Created in 1960 by expanding preexisting programs and by creating new ones, the social insurance system is administered by the National APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200070003 -5 FIGURE 13. Bassari village showing housing common to many rural areas (U /OU) n Social Security Fund under the supervision of the Minister of Social Affairs. It consists of programs providing old -age, disability, and death benefits; sickness and maternity benefits; family allowances; and workmen's compensation. Coverage is highly restricted, in that it is limited to salary and wage earners, who account for no more than 10% of the labor force. Even among that limited group, only those who work permanently on a full -time basis are eligible for coverage; it was reported in the late 1960's that no more than 3,000 persons had ever been registered with the National Social Security Fund. The social insurance system is financed entirely by contributions from employers, but because enforce- ment procedures are lax, many small employers successfully avoid paying their contributions. The government makes a contribution only for those employees in state -owned enterprises. It also operates a separate social insurance program for civil servants. Under the old -age, disability, and death programs, workers are eligible for it full retirement pension at age 55, or at reduced pension for earlier retirements. Pensions for disability and for surviving widows and orphans are also authorized. Insured workers and their dependents who become ill are eligible for cash allowances of varying amounts, depending on the length of their enrollment in the program. Workers are also entitled to free medical service in hospitals and to free medicine. The maternity benefits consist of it cash allowance and of medical attention in public health- care facilities. A family allowance scheme provides covered employees with a monthly allowance for each child under age 12, up to a limit of six children; a grant also is payable for each birth. The liability of employers for work related injury, illness, or death is legally recognized in workmen's compensation lays. Covered workers incurring a disability receive pensions, and in the case of a fatal injury a lump sum grant covering the cost of burial and a survivor's pension are authorized. The government has provided loans to individuals and state enterprises in an effort to combat the serious shortage of housing in the urban areas, but due to the lack of funds, corruption, and administrative inefficiency, such efforts have met with little success. Similarly, the PDG administered programs designed to improve living conditions in the rural areas �the civic action brigades, local Revolutionary Authorities, rural cooperatives, and work teams �have effected only modest improvements in public welfare. 3. Social problems Almost no information is available concerning the incidence of crime or the real extent of social problems, although persistent corrective actions taken by the party suggest that social problems exist on it sufficiently wide scale to worry the Toure government. The PDG is puritanical in outlook, criticizes unconventional social behavior, and does not hesitate to act autocratically to insure conformity with its standards of conduct. Foreign visitors observe that prostitutes and beggars are considerably less evident in Guinean cities than in other parts of west Africa and that the sale of alcoholic liquors to Guineans is prohibited. The 'Toure government has outlawed wigs, miniskirts, and other Western fashions that it deems incompatible with indigenous Guinean values. The President himself lectures labor and party groups on the virtues of African cultural dignity; in 1972 11v noted that "drugs and alcoholism are worse than the atomic bomb and should be the target of unrelenting action.' 1P. Health 1. Health conditions (U /OU) Guinea's population suffers from many serious health problems as it result of the climate, primitive living conditions, low nutritional levels, ignorance of the principles of sanitation, and inferior public facilities for water supply and waste disposal. These factors contribute to it very high incidence of disease that is ineffectively combated by a handful of trained personnel in poorly equipped medical facilities. Even with considerable foreign assistance. Guinea's public health programs are poorly administered; they offer inadequate protection to Guineans and foreigners alike. a. Factors adversely affecting health Guinea's enervating climate is conducive to the spread of a large number of hunwn and animal diseases. High temperatures and humidity along the coast are favorable to the breeding of mosquitoes and of tsetse flies. Farther inland, crude dwellings provide inadequate protection against the great fluctuations in temperature and humidity, with the result that respiratory ailments such as pneumonia are widespread. The reversal of winds and accompanying climatic fluctuations are most noticeable in the highlands of Ilaute- Guinea, where the continuous blowing of hot winds during the dry season causes physical discomfort and has a depressing effect on the Population. Guinee Foresticre has higher temperatures and it higher mean relative humidity than any other region. 19 APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200070003 -5 Toxic vegetation. disease carrying insects, ancd poisonous reptiles are found throughout the country. Plants and herbs traditionally have been used as source of remedies, but some are toxic when improperly administered. Malaria- transmitting mosquitoes and tsetse flies are widespread, especially along Guinea's many rivers, and the make some fertile areas virtually uninhabitable. 'Tsetse flies transmit trypanosomiasis (sleeping sickness) to men and animals. Mollusks that serve as intermediate hosts for the organisms of schistosomiasis abound along the banks of rivers; amebic dysentery and hookworn are widespread. Practically every type of poisonous snake is found in Guinea; bites are fatal in roughly 10% of the cases. Rodents and large groups of monkeys and chimpanzees cause considerable crop damage. The living conditions characteristic of Guinea's population tend to aggravate the natural threats to health. In the countryside, the earthen floors and thatched roofs of a typical house provide habitats for various insects and vermin. Also, almost no steps are taken to protect living areas and water supplies from human wash of all kinds. In the urban areas, overcrowding has outstripped the government's ability to provide safe water, sewage disposal, and adequate housing. Under such conditions the incidence of communicable diseases such its tuberculosis is rising. b. Water supply and waste disposal In most parts of Guinea, water is plentiful and can be obtained from surface sources such as the many rivers, streams, lakes, and shallow wells. All water throughout the country must be considered unsafe for consumption unless boiled. Most open sources of water are indiscriminately used for bathing, laundry, and household purposes, and the contamination of nearby soil with human waste is common. The water situation in the urban areas is only slightly better. Piped water is often supplied through old lines located next to sewer mains. Seepage and contamination result. 'rhe city of Conakry has it water system built by the West Germans that is capable of producing safe drinking water, but the present management of the system is unreliable. Fey dwellings have piped water. During the period of French rude sewage disposal facilities were installed in pa: is of Conakry and some major inland towns, but no substantial expansion or improvements have been made since independence. 'rhe only well organized system of sewage disposal is in the western part of Conakry, where the Europeans were originally established. Most other urban buildings use cesspools, and effluent is often clumped directly into the sea or nearby rivers. In rural areas pit latrines have been constructed in some villages, but 20 they are not universally used, and soil contamination is widespread. Although garbage collection in Conakry is, by plan, citywide, it is effectively carried out only in the main business and upper class residential districts. Garbage used as a fill for the swarrnpy lowland part of the city has been insufficiently covered with earth layers and has become it breeding ground for rats. In the countryside, garbage is burned, dumped into waterways, or discarded indiscriminately. c. Prevalent diseases Although accurate epidemiological data for Guinea arc lacking, it is known that chickenpox, measles, mumps, and whooping cough appear periodically in epidemic proportions, with the result that the country has one of the� htkhest infant mortality rates in Africa. Serious outbreaks of cholera occurred in 1970 and 1971. Malaria, schistosomiasis, tuberculosis, gonor- rhea. and leprosy are endemic; trypanosoniasis. or sleeping sickness, is very widespread. Numerous "leprosy and sleeping sickness stations" are in operation throughout the country; the number of lepers is estimated in excess of 1500M. The regime claims that both leprosy and sleeping sickness arc "on the retreat," but reliable statistics are lacking. Infectious hepatitis is also endemic and frequently fatal; it probably constitutes i t major cause of the� high incidence of cirrhosis of the liver found in Guinea. Enteric and helminthic infections. dental caries, venereal diseases, influenza, pneumonia, and trachoma are also common, and sporadic cases of diphtheria, poliomyelitis, and scarlet fever are still reported. Public health measures include vaccination or inoculation against smallpox, cholera, and yellow fever. The mai�,tih of Guinea ns suffer from some degree of malnutrition, which in turn contributes to it wide variety of skin and deficiency disorders. Animal diseases are prevalent, and many of them have reached serious proportions because effective control measures do not exist. Several diseases affecting cattle arc spreading unchecked, including trypanosomiasis, rinderpest, and contagious bovine pleuropneumonia. Other widespread diseases are parasitic infestations. Newcastle disease, fowl pox, anthrax, and rabies. Anthrax, tuberculosis, trypanoso- iniasis, and rabies are transmissible to man. Regulations for the control of rabies exist, but enforcement is lax 2. Nutrition and diet (U /OU) Malnutrition is widespread. and recurring shortages of foodstuffs have necessitated the importation of such basic commodities as rice and cooking oils. Although APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200070003 -5 tIt(- 1wr(a Ili ta I)ro(I11(liu11 I I0o(IsIIIIIs.IIII)( ;I Is 111 II;1\1- (II (li IV(I sli;htl sin((� iI I)('11(I('11((. 1h1- I)ri111 s of hunk(�r m re tIt(- chroni(�all\ in(�IIi(�iI�sI (listri )lit ilit s\stcnI ;or(I slnlilag(� OIli(�i ;(l alll�nII)Is 111 impose ceitIraIi /.c(I c(lIItI m tIIc tra(IIIit)II :II (�(�(111(1111\ Ili, \c :III I) I I)aral\i1�(I III(� \isIiII (listribution mid nlark(�tin1, (�h :11uu�Is,1s(I h:I\I. I(�(I I() 10(;11 bla(�k 11mrk(�ts mid to lh(� tart;(� scud(� s11lnt;t;lililt (11 Ioo(fst,,f(s to m�ighborhm cminlrics \\h('ry II1(�\. brirlt, hil;h(�r prices. Shorta.;(�s 44 I�ss(�111i (�o11u110(lili(�s IIa\(' trii,t:vr(�(1 tool riots in .011 it l w;,Iitil's ;lull 11;1\ I. 11(�(�(�ssiutt(�(I loo(} ralioniim in makr\. I'h( l(�\\ a\ailab11� (�sli11lat(�s snljl;vsl 111;11 th(- or(linar\ ;Ili iwan�s printaril\ \(�1i(�tari:m (li(�t In(�l,,(1l., boil 2.1)111) to 2. 11 )0 t %IlOri(�s (1 ;111\. B(.(%I,,u� 14mi11s ;0(' the stal)I(� lo0(I. Ih1� diet is high i11 c�irlmh\ i;tt(�s :IIld h in prot(�in.. ita111i11s. mill 111incra1s. I�h(� I\ I)i(�al nu�al (�u11sist. 0I :I M( irrill- ()r thick I),isI( \\itIi rill'. millet. or sorl;hnnI base: a(Idcd bits of 1 I. a IIIIr\. 1ilIIW. or fish ur(� oil\ 11(�(� )II;II III\IIri(',. I)isI) ;IriIil. ill both lilt- (Illantit\ a11(I (I,,alil\ of (Ii(�I (�\ist I1I�t\\(�(1i is(�o11it I!rorIis. Iit�t\\(�1�n IIrl)as ;uul rural r( si(I(�nts. t v l-' .uld II�I\\(�(�It 14�si(1(�11ts 111 (It Il(�r1�nt j;'�11,,;r:Ipllic;II ar(�:1s. I�. \(�(�Ill 1111 I)( fsnll III 1111� hm4 1 ()111111111� (�;IIclI ()rirs. till� i111u(bitaIIIs 111 1111� itIImI1 iIi( I 1.111()\ ;I IIIor1- 11i\r�rsilil (I (lit l III ;In (Io rl11 (I\\1�Il(�rs. III I;1�n(�r;11. 1111� sl;IIIII:Irll I ;111� ((I 1111� FI11;111i 111 \10\1'11()(�- ;IIiII1�(� is lilt- I(%I IIiIIriIinu Ilw Mali11k(' lribl'spe(li I1� in Ilautl�- ;IIi11(�(� (�nj(1\ ;1 slidhll\ 1()(111� (kcrsili(�(I (li(�l::oid Ili� ti,,s,, ill B;Iss(A:11inr(� Im\c tit(- 11(1,1 11lrlrilimis dirt. 'I'll( t;o\(�01nu�nt I1ms itlitiat(�(I it proi. n rom in lh(� s1�hools :0111 lw'illh (�('n1('rs 14) I'(br(;11(� tit(- I)ubli( to till u( 1�(.{ Ior I)mpci mitrilion. b,,t Ih1' (IiI�I((t(�s of I)o\(�rl :md (�,,.torn hu\(� :1110\\(�(1 th(' program liltl(� room Ior \o u(I((Iu:111 bmd sl0m'(� I:I(�ilili(�. 1�\ist in \\h(lh(r at Ih( \i11;I1t"(�. r(�1t"iollaL m Imtio11 ;11 Ic\cl. I.ar!(�- s(�al(� I0o(I �tor;},(� is pr:((�li(;II 0111\ Ior .port Iu'rio(Is h -cmis(� ,)I (1:1111;1};1� (�;01.1'(1 11. iIIs( 'cts ;111(1 roll( its llcrc 1 so rcfrii 1crltimi :(\ail:iblc, amt 11111,1 oo(I is sold ml 0M(�n nl:0 11�it;,,r(� 11 that Mro\ idc lilts(� Mrolucho11 from flit� ;111(1 (lirl. "I'h(�r1� :I0� r(�t;111:1tioss cmicernim! Ioo(I ;Intl smiitar\ inspvclio11. bit lhc art' inclIccli\ck aMMli1'(I. '_I APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200070003 -5 FIGURE 14. Marketplace in Nzerekore (U OU) 3. Medical care a. Health care facilities (C) The government has devoted a sizable proportion of its resources to the expansion of health care facilities. Between 19513 and 1969 annual expenditures for public health increased roughly 275% to$7.7 million. Over the same period the number of public hospitals increased from five to 27, totaling an estimated 6,932 beds, or roughly I bed for every 3110 persons. In quantit:.tive terms, hospital facilities are adequate in Conakry (Figure 15), but are totally inadequate for the rest of the country. In qualitative terms, even Conakry's hospitals have deteriorated to the point that considerable investment would be required to restore them to standards existing in neighboring countries. In (he interior of the country, many hospitals lack doctors, supplies, elementary standards of sanitation, and orderly administration. Only five government hospitals �two in Conakry and one each in Labe, Fria, and Kankan �can deal with other than routine medical problems. The private hospital operated by FRIGUTA is probably the most modern and best equipped and administered hospital in the country. In addition to the public hospitals, the Guinean Government operates an estimated 300 infirmaries and dispensaries, 38 maternity centers, :32 mother and child -care centers, 25 leprosy centers, 29 endemic disease posts, 17 public health centers, and 32 pharmacies. Most of these facilities provide only the most basic patient care, but in the Guinean context even that is valuable. The Soviet Union and several East European countries have provided considerable amounts of medical equipment, but the shortages in every area are acute. All pharmaceuticals and medical supplies are ordered through a central import and distribution agency, Pharmaguinee, which operates inefficiently and with considerable loss because of spoilage and theft. Most of the few medications available are Chinese, although smuggled French products appear at inflated prices on the black market. The Nene Khaly Condetho Camara Institute at Kindia produces large amounts of smallpox vaccine and snake antivenoon, both of which are exported to other African countries. b. Medical personnel (U/OU) Guinea suffers from an acute shortage of physicians and other medical and paramedical personnel. In 1969, the latest year for which information is available, there were 77 physicians practicing in the counts, or roughly one per 5109) inhabitants. Mane of these were foreigners, mostly East Europeans working as contract employees of the Guinean Government. Sizable numbers of Chinese physicians and other medical peronnei have worked in Guinea since 1968. In 1970 it was agreed That their complement be increased to 90. Because many Guinean physicians have assumed administrative posts in the regime or have left the country for more remunerative careers abro;,d, the number of practicing physicians has diminished. Nearly half of the country's physicians practice in Conakry, leaving the rural areas with hopelessly inadequate professional care. Physicians suffer from poor working conditions. limited paramedical support, inadequate or unreliable laboratory services, and an extreme shortage of supplies and drugs. Dentists and pharmacists are in extremely short supply: in the late 1960's only nine of each were practicing. At the same time, however, there were 964 nurses and a rapidly increasing number of paramedical personnel. The government has claimed that in 1%. 9 Guinea had 190 midwives, :300 health aides, 70 laboratory assistants, 230 health technicians. and 120 maternity and child -care technicians. These p_ramedical personnel, like physicians, are inequi- tably distributed throughout the country. Sixty of the 190 midwives, for example, were located in Conakry in 1%. 9, although some districts had none. Nurses and paramedical personnel have long been trained in Guinea, and the Polytechnic Institute's first class of physicians will graduate in 1973. c. Preventive medicine program:; (U /OU) 22 Theoretically, each of the party's roughly 8,000 Local Revolutionary Authorities (PRL) will eventually have a "public health person" and it sanitation brigade within its organization, although President 'four( revealed in 1969 that at that time only 1,320 APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200070003 -5 FIGURE 15. Donka Hospital in Conakry (C) such officials existed. At the arrondissement (county) level, public health teams, in theory composed of a health aide and two male nurses, are supposed to provide guidance and training for the 1 health and sanitation personnel. Coordinating the activities of arrondissement health officials are regional units, o.ue in each of the 29 regions, which have as a minimum complement one physician, one laboratory technician, four health aides, and five male nurses. This unit is also charged with training programs. Quarantine regulations are enforced at the port of Conakry and the major airports, but there is little control of overland traffic at border points, which facilitates the spre of disease between countries. Guinea has benefited from several U.N.- sponsored programs in the field of public health, most of them administered through the World I lealth Organization. In addition, Guinea has received substantial medical aid from it variety of Communist countries and, in much lesser degree, front the U.S. Agency for International Development. Guinea belongs to the International Organization for Coordination and Cooperation to Combat the Great Endemic Diseases. G. Religion 1. Principal religions a. Islam W100 Reasonably accurate statistics are not available on the size and distribution of religious groups in Guinea, but it is estimated that roughly 755i of the population as many as :3 million persons are Muslims. Almost all members of Guinea's major tribes, the Fulani, Malinke, and Susu, are at least nominal adherents of Islam. Non- lslamic areas are limited to parts of Basse- Guinee and Guinee Forestiere and include the Kissi, Toma, and Ngere tribes. Guinean Muslims profess adherence to the Sunni sect of Islam and to the Maliki version of the Sharia, or Islamic law. Orthodox believers, in Guinea as elsewhere, accept certain basic articles of faith and religious practice, but few persons adhere strictly to the detailed requirements of Islam. Only religious leaders and the very devout engage in the performance of prayer as prescribed, for example, although Friday services in the mosques are well attended. Mosques in Guinea are far less imposing than those in other parts of the Muslim world, but those in urban areas are likely to he fairly large and usually have a minaret and some exterior ornamentation. Village mosques are customarily used as centers for secular as well as religious activities (Figure 16). FIGURE 16. Mosque constructed of thatch (C) Islam in Guinea is distinguished by the great extent to which it has become combined with traditional animist practices and in its variance from the more orthodox Islam of northern and eastern Africa. Guinea's Muslim animist synthesis has been fostered by the fact that certain aspects of Islam coincide with important indigenous traditions, including the practices of polygyny, bride- price, and circumcision. In the area of religious belief, the traditional Muslim recognition of the existence of angels and spirits conforms easily to the African belief in intermediary gods, and the two theologies are generally tolerant of divination and various forms of magic. Even %%-here doctrinal congruence is farfetched or nonexistent, many animist concepts lend themselves to rein- terpretation in the Islamic context, and certain Islamic beliefs have been reshaped to fit an animist interpretation. No Islamic establishment, hierarchy, or national organization exists in Guinea. Even the once important Muslim brotherhoods have declined in importance, and they now survive only in the form of small, localized groups whose religious exercises are led by a marabout, or holy man. In the most orthodox circles, imams (priests) lead prayer services in the mosques, attend ceremonial religious occasions, and generally act as intermediaries between the faithful and the supernatural. The most organized aspect of Guinean Islam is the Koranic schools, which appear to be functioning in many areas, conducted in it mosque or elsewhere by an imam or other person considered to have some 6owledge of the Koran. Young boys attend these schools for 2 or 3 years, and their lessons concentrate exclusively on learning to read and write Arabic and to recite portions of the Koran. 4 1 APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200070003 -5 b. Animism (U /OU) Animists constitute an estimated 25Si of the a Guinean population. They re centered in Guinee horestiere and are usually numbers of the Kissi, Toma, and Ngere tribes. Among these remote and isolated peoples, animists flourishes as a relatively unor- ganized body of beliefs in spirits and other supernatural forces. In the animistic perspective, the concept of the deity is indefinite and nebulous, and the supreme god is seldom worshiped directly; rather, approaches are trade through it pantheon of lesser deities. 'I'll(- latter are asked to intercede on behalf of the supplicant in his efforts to acquire divine help in achieving food, health, and long life and to avoid divine displeasure and thereby forestall hunger, sickness, and death. The major religious manifest in an animist community is usually the ancestr cult of the local kinship group. To he successful, every undertaking of the kinship group clearing hand, sowing, reaping, hunting, housebuilding� requires the good will of the iicestors. It is hoth prudent and required to worship, honor, consult, and make offerings to the ancestor spirits on every possible occasion, lest they become angry and bedevil their progeny. Small objects, or fetishes, often become the embodiment or representa- tion of a particular ancestor's spirit or of it deity; fetishes serve as visual stimulants for the believer. Animist religious practices include a variety of rituals, sacrifices, dances, and totemistic and magical activities associated with both divine obligations and common taboos. An important factor in the preservation and transmission of indigenous religion has been the secret societies the hest known of which have flourished in the southern part of Guinea, its well as in Liberia and Sierra Leone. Membership in it secret society is by initiation, which normally takes place following instruction given at puberty; a lifelong comradeship is said to develop among those initiated at the same time. Each local unit of a society constitutes it cult group with its own ritual objects all(] special ceremonies. "Traditionally, all adult males of a village were obliged to become members of the same society, since an uniniti person could not participate fully in the life of the community. The extent to which secret societies are still active in Guinea is not known, but at the very least the PDG is presumed to have preempted many of their functions, even in the remote areas of Guinee Forestiere. c. Christianity (C) Information provided by Christian sources indicates that there are about 30,(X)O Roman Catholics and 24 between 2,000 and (i,(M Protestants in Guinea. The bulk of Christians are in Basse- Guinee, owing to the concentration of the Catholic population in metropolitan Conakry, but there arc Protestant missions and adherents scattered throughout Ilaut- Guince and Guinee Forestiere. Christianity has had only limited appeal in Guinea, a its missionaries active since the 19th century �have been seen as alien agents attempting to impose it rigid creed that requires extensive changes in traditional attitudes and mores. 'I'll(- impact of Christiauity :au1 the missionaries on Guinean society, however, has been touch greater than the modest number of conversions would imply. The principal influence of the missions has stemmed from their roles as dispensers of education and welfare services and as carriers of Western values and techniques. Mary of the country's modern leaders received their basic education in Catholic educational institutions. Catholic ecclesiastical jurisdictions in Coinca include the C lrchdiocese, the Diocese of Nzerckore, and the Apostolic Prefecture of Kankan. In 1972 there were in Guinea I I priests �eight Guineans, two 'Togolese, and (nic Upper Voltan. In view of the small number of religious personnel available, organized religious activity_ among Guinean Catholics is believed to be minimal. In 1470, there were some 30 churches or chapels in the country, but information is lacking on the number now in use for religious purposes. Conakry, the traditional center of Catholicism in Guinea, contains several churches, including a large cathedral (Figure 1 Protestant missions began operating in Guinea in the early 1900's, but their efforts to convert Guineans FIGURE 17. Roman Catholic cathedral in Conakry (U/OU) APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200070003 -5 have not enjoyed much success. A Protesta Church of Guinea was formed in 1964, however, and it claim to hug c ordained at least i0 Guinean niiiisters to serve its following. As of 1972, 6 foreign Protestant missionaries remained in Guinea, located in Kissidougou, Manion, and Conakry. All were U.S. nationals. 2. Church -state relations (U /OU) According to the Guinean constitution, the republic is "based on the principles of democracy, freedom of religion, and social justice," and no one religion is to be officially favored o ally other. In practice, N:e Toure regime has opposed all religions, although with varying degrees of animosity. Government policies exhibit a persistent determination to suppress or exploit religious organizations, activities, and beliefs according to their potential for undermining effective party control of the masses. The regime's approach to any particular religious group has been conditioned by the importance of the faith, the number of its adherents, and the anticipated strength of its resistance to government action. Official moves against the Muslims have not been extensive, but they have effectively undercut the authority and prestige of the imams. The latter are forbidden to solicit funds for their own use, their Friday sermons must be approved by the PDG, and their contacts outside the country are strictly I controlled. The Toure government has not outlawed Koranic schools, but it does require that their students also attend public schools. The government involves itself with a few Islamic activities which embellish its image and offer no political threat. Public funds are used to build mosques, for example, and to send sizable numbers of pilgrims to Mecca. President Toure occasionally holds "consultations" with Islamic leaders and even attends Muslim prayer services from time to time. "There have been no pre or radio attacks against Islamic institutions. "The regime's offensive against animism has been open, decisive, and sometimes ruthless, based on the conviction that traditional African religion is closely tied to outmoded social attitudes and institutions and therefore presents a major obstacle to modernization and a challenge to the party. Since independence the PDC has used modern- propaganda methods to carry out a demystification program designed to limit sacrifices, destrov fetishes, try sorcerers, and undercut popular allegiance to traditional beliefs. Although the ideological impact of the PIN; is almost universally felt, there is no doubt that animistic practices continue to be widespread. Iu its relations with the Christian community, the Guinean Covernment has focused on the elimination of alien control, an objective which most Cuineans have applauded. The first severe breach in church state relations occurred in 1961, when the regime announced a policy of church Africanization and the nationalization of church- operated schools. In 1967 President Toure denounced the white clergy as "enemies of Guinea's socialist revolution," ordered all foreign religious personnel to leave the countn and put Catholic welfare institutions under government control. Since that time, the Christian churches in Guinea have operated under tight restrictions and have been subjected to sporadic harassment that has included press and radio attacks. In 1969, the Catholic Archbishop of Conakry was arrested after returning from a trip abroad in which he allegedly met with anti -PD(: element., tit he was later released. The invasion of Guinea in 1970 brought on renewed media attacks against the Catholic establishment, which was accused of aiding the Portuguese. Among those arrested in the wake of the invasion was the Archbishop, who in early 1971 was condemned to hard labor for life. H. Education 1. Organization (U /OU) Cuinea's national educational system has been revised frequently since independence, but it continues to bear it strong resemblance to the French system from which it derived. 'I'll(- basically trilevel structure is designed to provide free and mandator education for all children between the ages of 7 and 17. Primary school lasts for(i years; secondan school is divided into two parts, the first lasting 3 %cars, the second lasting from 2 to 5 years, depending oil the course of study elected; and higher education lasts 3 or 4 years (Fig-ure 18). The academic vear extends from September to July for most schools, but both teachers and pupils are encouraged to use their vacations for ideological training aril agricultural work. Through- out Guinean schools, emphasis is placed on practical experience, technical education, and the ideology of the PD;. a. Primary education The primary school curriculum, commonly known as the "first cycle," includes the essentials of reading, writing, grammar, spelling, arithmetic, science, history, and geography. African history arnl cultural values are stressed, and pupils are provided a formal introduction to party ideology. Instruction is given in 25 APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200070003 -5 HJGL4[R 4 1 3 Goo 3 JURM 3 Nasser NY,,,, tyanawl Cycle Pd echnk f Polytechnic I Adn Of Instit SECONDARY 3 3 1 It c M. I I lbacifenal 2 li r 2 5- Thud I 1 1 3 1 1 3 2 2 2 1 tv.. ly. I pj%wY i second Fko I Naed woeeaunae 11cl000lourec I Saba. second 3 Co%ges of 3 C onse" of I TedmW I Te&,kW Cycle i kifox'" 4 FIGURE 18. Educational system (UJOU) the� Guinean national languages for the first 4 %cars, and students wevive .1 years of instruction in it second vernacular as part of the governments program to break down ethnic awl tribal barriers. I-reach is introduced in the third %ear and Ix-conies the medium of instruction by the fifth. Courses in modern agricultural methods, animal husbandry, and handicrafts are added during the third grade; sonic schools, particularly in the rural areas, operate gardens which are workerl cooperntive1% by the pupils. In addition tv their academic subjects, children hear 26 readings front the works (if President Tourc, participate in nnarching drills, and chant PIX; slogans. h. Secondary education The curricalums of Ci itca's secotndar% schools haw� )xwti alterml frequently, almost al%%ays it the direetiou of emphasizing vocational awl technical training over academic education. The nortnal schools also routinely include instruction in subjects relating to agriculture .and other inanual skills. The first 3 -year segmctnt of secondar% e(hication, the "second cycle," is csscttialh ii n extension of primary schooling. Centers of 'Technical Industrial Education (CETI fccus on subjects relater] to practical industrial .cork, while Centers of Techndeal Agricultural Education (CETA) concentrate on agriculturally related subjects. Griduates of each course are certifiesl as technicians and are eligible to enroll in "third cycle" institutions. Reforms of the sccowlar% s -pool system cuacted in 19ti6 led to the creation of Centers (if Revolutiotian Education (CER), designed to absorb those 1,rinian graduates %%ho, for lack of space or ability. %%(.rc denied entry into the CETI's or CETA's. As originally constituted. the CER's connbined practical cngricul- tural training with basic education, em phasizing agricultural production, aninial husbandry, and rural management. Through the (:ERs the government attenipted to educate youths in the use of agricultural cooperatives and collective labor and thereby expand agricultural prothiction. As separate institutions the CER's %yerc not unifornn!% successful �ninny were staffed by unqualified teachers �hut they %%ere of sonic Value in slo%%ing the rapid nnigriton of young Gi ineans to the cities, aucl they aided in bridging the gap bet%%een the rural masses and the educated elite. 13% the early 19 0 the terin CER %vas applied to all institutions of learning up to university level. Students who progress to the "third cycle nn,i% enter it primary nornnal school, or they nna% attend it lycev. Normal school students undergo 3 years of general studies, teacher training, and agricultural education its part (if it terniinal program that alloys them to teach in prinriar% schools or become teaching assistants at other levels. Lyc�ee students receive it "first baccalaureate" cliplonui after 2 years* stud%, or it "second baccalaureate" aft(-r ,'3 years. The latter alloys direct application to tit% of the three institutions of higher education. Recipients of the first baccalaureate tnay elect to attend secondary nornwl schools for 3 years, or they may enter it Voc,itional school, also for 3 years. By the end of 1971 the Vocatiowil schools %Verc offering training in it variety of fields, including APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200070003 -5 agriculture. health, social service, business administra- tion, commerce, auto and machine mechanics, communications, and meteorology. Recipients of the normal schools' secondary teaching certificate and certain graduates of the vocational schools are eligible for admission to higher ;t;ulies. C. Nigher education Guinea's most prestigious postsecondary facility is the Gamal Abdel Nasser' Polvtechnic Institute, the country's only university. Built with Soviet assistance in the early 1960's, the institute by late 1971 included 11 faculties: administration, agronomy, chemistry, civil engineering, exact sciences, mechanical and electrical engineering, medicine, mines and geology, natural sciences, pharmacy, and social sciences. By 19"2 some faculties still had not developed their degree programs fully, but the institute nonetheless enrolled well over 2,000 students �its original goal had been 1,600. All Guineans enrolled in the institute receive full state scholarships. Although foreigners generally regard the quality of Guinean education as inferior, the institute has a few foreign students as a result of exchange agreements with Nigeria, Sierra Leone, and Liberia. The institute's first class, Insisting of 53 members, was graduated in 1968. Other postsecondary educational facilities include the JtAius Nyerere Polytechnic Institute in Kankan, which provides advanced teacher training, and the National School of Administration in Conakry, which is used exclusively for training civil servants. Both institutions have 3 -year curriculums. d. Other schools In addition to the regular schools there are a few government sponsored schools or offices whose function is to improve, directly or indirectly, the educational level of Guineans. The National Institute of Research and Documentation administers the National Archives, the National Library and Museum, and the Mont Nimba National Reserve. Training centers have been constructed near the Roke bauxite development project to train unskilled workers. Other specialized schools include the National School of Agriculture at Kindia, schools for nursing, midwives, and secretaries in Conakry, and other vocational schools, some of which have been assisted by the U.S. Agency for International Development. A National Literacy Service was created by decree in 1968 to combat adult illiteracy. In addition, evening schools and the National Secondary Correspondence School provide edu- cational opportunities for adults and school dropouts. 'French transliteration of name is used in Guinea. 2. Educational attainment and quality a. Literacy levels (U /UU) Estimates of the literacy rate in Guinea range from iii to 10%� within the range typical of many west African countries. Most educated Guineans read and write. French, fewer read and write Arabic, and almost none can do so in the vernacular languages. With the exception of some public officials, teachers, and PDG leaden, the rural population is largely illiterate; educated Guineans concentrate in Conakry and the other urban centers. Soowi after independence the government launched a national literacy campaign designed to instruct urban residents in French. In IW8, in compliance with resolutions of the Eighth PDG Congress concerning the Africanization of Guinean education, the newly created National Literacy Service began to implement a program promoting literacy in the vernaculars. Partly 1weause of a lack of material published in the many Guinean languages, the 1968 campaign enjoyed little success, although a simultaneous decision to incorporate Guinean languages into the primary school curriculum has been somewhat more successful and enduring. The ruling party's National Council in late 1972 determined that a renewed literacy campaign would be implemented between 1972 and 1977. All officials who are not literate by August 1973 are to be excluded from their posts. b. Educational opportunity (U/OU) After independence, and particularly during the first half of the 1960's, the Guinean educational system expanded rapidly (Figure 19). In the second half of the decade, however, the rate of growth of the primary and secondary systems slowed and subse(lu; -ntly peaked at the turn of the decade. At that time 78% of all students were enrolled in primary institutions, 21 in secndary schools, and only 1 in postsecondary institutes. The number of primary and FIGURE 19. School enrollment (U /OU) LEVEL 1957/58 1964/65 1969/70 1971,72 Primar (lst cycle) 42,543 178,270 191,820 183,872 Secondary.......... 2,547 41,133 51,387 67,211 (2nd cycle) 2,547 na 49,832 46,643 (3rd cycle) 0 na 1,555 20,568 Postsecondary...... 0 318 2,201 \$2,874 (4th cycle) na Data not available. *Does not include National School of Administration. M APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200070003 -5 secondary students then showed an absolute decline, while the number of students enrolled in postsecond- ary educational institutions continued to increase. These changes reflected primarily un official awareness of the need to emphasize higher education, which under colonial rule had been nonexistent. The decline in the number of primary and secondary students may also reflect an official desire to limit their numbers in order to better check the growing number of unemployed graduates and dropouts who refuse to return to agricultural pursuits, thus adding to the severity of urban problems. Despite the long -term expansion of educational opportunities, few Guinean children receive formal schooling. President Torre asserted in 1967 that between 60% and SO% of all children of eligible ages were attending primary school, but other estimates suggest that the correct figure %vas around 2S With secondary school students included, attendance figures dropped below 22ii. By 1972 the population had increased substantially, but the number of primary and secondary students had stayed fairly constant, with the result that the proportion of children in school had undoubtedl decreased below the already low levels of 1967. More hogs go to school than girls, and more urban residents than rural dwellers. In 1972 girls constituted 32% of first cycle students and 25% of the second cycle. Traditional Muslim attitudes concerning the status of women are only partly responsible for the preponderance of boys in the schools. 'The level of regional exposure to Western ideals appears to he more important, particularly by the time students are in secondary school education for women is more advanced in the more developed regions of Guinea. Girls are best represented in Conakry and are least in evidence in remote Guinee Forestiere. Because of the scarcity of schools in the rural areas. enrollment rates there are considerably lower than in the cities; many students are offered no more than 1 or 2 years of primary education. In general, the Muslim areas of Movenne- Guinee and ltaute- Guinee have Koranic schools and are poorly represented in the public schools, while Forest Guinee Forestiere �where animism and christianity have some influence �has a high public school enrollment rate. c. Educational quality (C) The quality of education in Guinea is low by anv standards. 'The educational structure developed by the French prior to their abrupt withdrawal in 1.9.56 was almost totally inadequate for the country's needs, and 28 the rapid expansion which followed independence involved a narked sacrifice of quality for quantity. In less than a decade the number of primary schools and teachers increased from sixfold No eightfold, for example, and expansion at the secondary and higher levels was even more rapid. The government's total dedication to replacing foreign teachers with Guinean nationals also undermined the quality of education in the primary and wcondary schools �only it fraction of Guinean teachers arc graduates of the normal schools, and may are "auxiliaries' with no formal training. In 1971 there were 7,551 teachers at all levels of the educational system, compared with 9013 in 1956. Despite the growing numbers of teachers ard schools, however, overcrowding is the rule, and the student leacher ratio reaches 90 to one in some localities. Teachers are in especially short supply for the third and fourth cycles. The shortage of physical facilities is notable everywhere but is especially pronounced in the rural areas. The quality of instruction is not good art Guineas only university, the Gamal Abdel Nasser Polytechnic Institute, whose degrees are recognized only in Guinea. The hulk of the irstitttc's faculty consists of East European and Soviet teachers who often have only a limited capacity to lecture in French. Conakry's university students in late 1971 criticized the quality of their education by complaining that they were required to spend too much time in practical work and ideological training and were allowed only 2 hours per daty in the classroom. In the past, it number of Guineans gained a superior education by studying at European and U.S. universities, but with the expansion of the institutes faculties the number of such opportunities has been sharply reduced. Most Guineans who study abroad go to Communist countries; in late 1971 there were 160 in the U.S.S.R. and 255 in the rest of Eastern Europe. Approximately 700 students were studying outside Guinea in 1972. Although of low quuti the instruction provided by the Guinean educational sy*�Ml is geared to the needs of the country to a greater,4ugree� t1han in many other African states. The government is pursuing policies that steadily reduce formal academic training in favor of practical, particularly agricultural, education. Such policies are not always popular with students, but they do provide graduates who are trained in skills that correspond to the country's manpower needs. In spite of this practical orientation, the number of graduates in almost every field is insufficient to meet the nation's need for skilled workers and professional persons. APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200070003 -5 e support its highereducation activities; hot[, therefore, have come from abroad, particularly from the Soviet Union and other [:astern European countries. h. Political involvement 3. Government and education (C) a. Administration and finance In 1961 the government nationalized the mission schools and assumed direct, centralized control over the entire educational system. Koranic schools (Figure 20) still exist in some areas of the country, but their students �at least in theory�also attend public schools. Comprehensive reforms enacted in 1966 aimed at the decentralization of the primary and secondary systems, but in the following year authority was again centralized in it 12 -man Higher Council of Education, chaired by President Toure. The council is responsible for educational reforms and policy; day to-day administration is in the hands of the Minister of Higher Education and Pedagogy. "The Minister of Information and Ideology has been _instrumental in developing the ideological content of Guinean education at all levels. The National School of Administration, an exception from the general pattern, is administered by the Minister of Justice. During the decade of the 1960's the government devoted substantial resources to education. In some years 25% of all current expenses went to education; 8% of allocations under the Three Year :Ian and 5% of allocations under the Seven Year Plan were earmarked for capital expenditures in education. Inequities in the allocation of funds have created corresponding inequities in the quality of education. In general, disproportionately large sums are spent in the urban areas and for secondary education, with the result that urban pupils obtain better instruction than their rural counterparts, and the quality of secondary education is superior to that at the primary level. Guinea has neither the manpower nor the financial resources to A primary goal of Guinea's educational systvin is to produce indoctrinated workers loyal to the party. Accordingly. political and ideological training play at least as important it part in the curriculum at all levels as does instruction in badly needed modern technical skills. Time spent in school is divided into three areas: ideological concepts, commimily participation, and "scientific matters." The latter include the traditional academic sobjects; the former two involve the mastery of the ideology of the PDG as expressed in Toure 's writings and civic activities such as cleaning roadways. The government administers examinations, prepares curriculums, evaluates teachers, and screens the ideological orientation of domestic graduates and returnees from abroad, all with the aim of insuring that PDC doctrines and Toure's thoughts are understood. No documents or opinions contrary to the part\ ideology are allowed in the classroom. In addition to its direct involvement in conven- tional educational activities, the government has taken steps to construct quasi- political institutions within and parallel to the school system. The hest known of these arc the CER's, which were originally created as un alternative second cycle. More recently, government spokesmen have referred to the CER's as tieing synonymous with the whole educational system. President Toure has proposed exi;anding the CER's to include hundreds of thousands of students of all ages, making them into militia units to defend the nation and placing them administratively under the party's local revolutionary authorities. At the local level every school has a "council of administration," headed by the school administrator but otherwise made up entirely of students. This unit has both administrative and mundane physical maintenance functions, but its real importance lies in its power to assess the manner in which educational policies are implemented and to gauge the effectiveness of instructors and administrative personnel. These councils were formed as a direct result of a 1968 decision by the government to install elected "political commissars" in every classroom. The government reinforces the process of political education by providing some categories of students with 3 to 6 months of indoctrination at the PDG school for ideological training. Such training is required of graduates before they may accept a job, public or private. 29 APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200070003 -5 FIGURE 20. Rural Islamic school, where the Koran is the only subject of study (C) Students traditionafly have provided a key eteme,nt of support for President 'Toure, but government and party policies are not accepted uncritically or universally. In December 1971, students at Conakrv's polytechnic institute elected a grievance committee and formulated written demands which were presented to the government. The t,t,udents protested against the requirement that they return to their home areas to work upon completion of their studies, about the low levels of scholarsh!, Lhe government provides them, and about the time they are obliged to spend in ideological and practical training. The government, in turn, has taken firmer steps to prevent student absenteeism, to prevent students from leaving the countrv, to fore,- secondary school graduates to join agriculture cooperatives, and to require ideological training at the university level. None of these policies .has been well received by the students, and dissatisfaction may continue to grew. I. Artistic and cultural expression (U /OU) 1. Modes of artistic expression Traditional dancing, accompanied by instrumental music and song, is the most developed and widely understood form of indigenous artistic expression in Guinea. Dancing permeates almost every aspect of life; it may be occasioned by a religious rite, a major event in the life cycle, a seasonal agricultural activity, or the need for rain, or it may be simply for pleasure and the relief of daily tedium. There is seldom a clear distinction between performer and audience; everyone participates, although certain important or skillful individuals may lead, while the rest, like a chorus, give periodic support. Expressive rather than stylized, Guinean dancing depends on the rhythmic and sometimes acrobatic activity of the body to convey and interpret character and mood. Among the most spectacular performers are the Ngere stilt dancers (Figure 21) and the Malinke women, who are noted for their high leaps. Dancers often wear elaborate ceremonial costumes, impressive headdresses, and masks to simulate spirits of the departed, gods, animals, or birds. Sophisticated versions of the traditional dances are performed by two professional groups, the Ballets Africains and the Ballet Djoliha. Both have performed in numerous countries throughout the world, including the United States. Guinea's traditional music, like dance, is closely associated with religious practices, tribal customs, and the performance of daily tasks. Percussion oriented traditional musical ensembles perform for entertain- 30 ment's sake in most regions of the country. Stringed instruments, somewhat similar to harps, lutes, and guitars, often of Muslim or Malinke origin, are common (Figure 22). The Malinke around Kankan are known for their horn orchestras, and the tribes in Guinee Foresticre are skilled at reproducing the sounds of animals with various wind instruments. Despite the continuing popularity of traditional music in contemporary society, there is a growin preference for popular Western music, much of which is a curious amalgam of American jazz. Latin American rhythms, and traditional African melodies. Because Islam prohibits the representation of human and animal forms, little sculpture has been produced by the Muslim tribes, which together constitute roughly three fourths of the population. In traditional animist society, however, sculpture primr. in the form of wood carving �is a major art form intimately associated with religious beliefs and practices. A sculptured object usually is intended as an abode for the spirit of a god or ancestor and as the medium through which the living can communicate with the spirit world to solicit favors or advice. The principal forms of sculpture are masks and statuettes (Figure 23) carved from wood or soft stone in the shape of humans, animals, birds, or anthropomorphic combinations. Female fertility figures also are very common. Indigenous sculpturing skills continue to survive among the small animist tribes of Guince Forestiere and other isolated areas, but even among those groups the sculpture now being produced is losing much of its religious significance and is generally intended for the tourist trade. APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200070003 -5 FIGURE 21. Ngere stilt dancers (C) FIGURE 22. Traditional instruments (U /OU) --re Malinke playing a kora 'T Fulani playing a bolon 31 APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200070003 -5 1 t1 J �Y f i 5 fanga being played by an Ngere --re Malinke playing a kora 'T Fulani playing a bolon 31 APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200070003 -5 Traditional arts and crafts persist among the tribes converted to Liam, but they are less vigorously practiced than among the animist tribes. Mural paintings or relict carvings usually decorate the buildings of the Kissi, Susu, and Fulani, and embroidery is a highly regarded art among several Islamic tribes. Leatherworking is a specialty of the Fulani, a pastoral tribe, and the Malinke are craftsmen in weaving, woodworking, and smith work in gold and silver. Painting is a common art form in the highlands of Movenne- Guinee. Guinean literature is limited in duality and quantity. Of the traditional languages, only Tone had its own written form, which gave rise to a meager body of writings. Other early literary accomplishments included translations of the Koran and the composition of a limited number of original religious poems in Arabic script. A few modern novels, poems, and pl, have been written by Guineans, most espousing nationalistic themes but expressed in French literary styles and forms. The highest duality and most authentic "literature" produced by Guincans probably is found in the country's oral heritage of legends, myths, fables, and proverbs. Traditional storytellers, particularly the griots of the Malinke tribe, are the principal repositories of this accummulated wisdom, and they still perform in narrative: and song in many rural areas. 2. Personalities and institutions The most original artistic and cultural forms found in Guinea traditional dance and oral literature �arc products of the whole society rather than creations of individuals. Nonetheless, such figures as Fodeha Keita, a poet and past director of the Ballets Africains, and Amadu Sissoko, director of the Ballet Ojoliha, have achieved a degree of personal fame. Cuinca's novelists have included Camara Laye, author of The Black Child; Emile Cisse, Assiatou in September; and Djibril Tamsir Niane, Soundjata, or the Malinke Epoch. These works deal in varying ways with the social problems of traditional African culture, the colonial experience, and the trauma of modernization. The best known Guinean author, of course, is President Toure himself, who has written many volumes of political works. The few Guinean poets and playwrights have not achieved international reputations, and the quality of the country's drama, in particular, is generally poor. The most widely known cultural institution in Guinea, the Bullets Africains, was organized in 1938 and has long enjoyed an international reputation for its ability to adapt traditional dance and musical 32 FIGURE 23. The great Nimba mask of the Baga (U /OU) forms to the requirements of the contemporary stage. In order to further and preserve the.country's cultural heritage, there are also several state� supported orchestras, a small museum. and a library at Conakry. 3. Government control and support of the arts President Toure and the PDG have long promoted a "socialist cultural revolution" designed to destroy all vestiges of French "cultural imperialism" and reinforce authentically African art forms. In practice, the desired synthesis of "I'nure's revolutionary thought with traditional culture promotes only those aspects of the latter that serve to promote the former; traditional practices that might diminish the party's control of the population are discouraged or repressed. Some observers report that the stress on "Africanization" has in reality been translated into demands for political conformity which have tended to stifle creativity and have led to a subsequent decline in the quality of Guinean art. Because the party views artistic expression as a medium for providing ideological APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200070003 -5 instruction to the masses, it encourages amateurism and mass participation. In 1968 the regime instituted a pan African cultural festival to be held annually in Conakry, which features presentations with political themes designed to evoke pride in the accomplish- ments of the 'roure government. Throughout the year, the programs of the youth wing of the party, the JRDA, include music and dance and, in general, promote artistic and literary effort. Specific actions taken by the government to encourage artistic expression include fin ancial support for several cultural groups, including a folk orchestra, a repertory theater, and the two national ballet troupes. The members of the latter are drawn from regional orchestra and dance troupes which also are subsidized by the central government. The govern- ment maintains a small museum of indigenous art in Conakry, and it has initiated archeological excavations at Niane, the capital of a medieval empire. In an effort to preserve Guinean traditions the government has collected and recorded many ancient tribal songs, has launched a nationwide program to collect and record oral literature, and has tried, with little success, to foster and improve the production of traditional crafts. For political reasons the government has opposed certain other aspects of traditional cultural expression; it has forbidden fetish worship and secret societies, for example, and it has discouraged the production of art for religious purposes. J. Public information (U /OU) 1. Principal media a. Radio and films Radio broadcasting by the government -owned Voice of the Revolution (VOR) is the single most effective means of mass communication in Guinea. Operated for the Ministry of Inforr. iation and Ideology by the National Broadcasting Agency, the VOR broadcasts through 100 18 and 4 -kw. shortwave transmitters and one 100 -kw. mediumwave transmitter. Much of this transmitting equipment was furnished by Czechoslovakia, which also provided the aid necessary for the construction of the Kipe broadcast center, Guinea's main radio and telecom- munications facility which was inaugurated in 1970. In early 1971, VOR was broadcasting 20 hours per day in combinations of French, Arabic, and assorted Guinean languages; it also broadcast in Portuguese Creole to aid the insurgent movement in Portuguese Guinea. It has been estimated that there are as many as 100,000 radio receivers in the country, reaching an audience made up of roughly 20% of the population. In areas where radios are scarce, th(� National Broadcasting Agency dispatches sound trucks (Figure 24) for special events. Shortwave transmissions from the United Kingdom, France, Switzerland, the U.S.S.R., and China are received clearly in Guinea, and the French- language programs of the Voice of America are said to have it substantial audience, particularly among members of the elite. Broadcasts from neighboring states, especially Liberia, Senegal, and Sierra Leone, are also heard. The government has attempted to develop an effective domestic film industry and has accepted training and technical assistance from the U.S.S.R., China, East Cerinany, Poland, Yugoslavia, and France. Domestic file, production consists largely of newsree documentaries, and educational films; all full length features are obtained abroad, usiwlly from Communist countries. In the mid- 1960's there were at least 20 indoor theaters and a fey mobile motion picture units in Guinea which could serve approximately 10,000 persons. An additional modern cinema was opened in Conakry in January 1969, and in 1972 the government was talking of speeding up the building of a theater complex to provide the country with it "militant cinema." Motion pictures arc popular in (;uinea, but their effectiveness in niass communication is impaired by the general scarcity of technicians and facilities, particularly outside Conakry. There is no public telwision in Guinea. b. Printed matter Guinea's only published newspaper is the party organ, Horoya (Dignity). In 1972 Horotu appeared in 33 APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200070003 -5 FIGURE 24. Sound truck in use during a civil observance in Conakry (U /OU) two, predominantly French, editions; the dail edition, which actually appeared irregularly, was from four to eight pages in length, while the weekly edition was from 50 to SO pages. Horoya*s director claimed a circulation of 20,000 copies and a readership of 750 in 1969, but only a fraction of those copies reprewnted paid subscriptions, as the majority of copies were distributed free to party officials and to schools. Because Horoya is mostly in French, 0 ww4im only the educated elite in Conakry and the u*)r hrwns and cannot be considered an affective mt-ans of communication for reaching n". t Guineat" hA41ig Itt the interior, Horoya c'cgl(f(thlics oil rq)swhijjg the, words and activities a1 jlillh: j rr' 1IIP1`Ijjy' tfMor of President Toure. local av i%itie%, vHt,os, and human interest items also appear, but there is almost no coverage of international issues. The party newspaper sacrifices objectivity to reflect the government's views on all issues. Additionally, Horoya has a rather poor reputation because of its dated features, dogmatic editorial and reportorial tone, and inferior technical quality. As the nation's only newspaper and the official voice of the PDG, however, Horoya is accorded considerable respect. Every 2 weeks the government publishes a journal that lists all laws, decrees, and official announce- ments. Government publications are printed by the huge capacity Patrice Lumumba printing plant, which was built and financed by East Germany in 1961 but which has never been fully utilized. The primary impediments to the wider circulation of printed material in Guinea are the high illiteracy rate and the physical difficulties of distributing copies to the rural areas. 2. Political control of public information Constitutional guarantees concerning freedom of speech and the press exist in Guinea, but in practice the Ministry of Information and Ideology strictly supervises the media, permitting virtually no criticism of the regime while promoting the dissemination of favorable reports. Pervasive control is easily implemented because the government owns and .operates all domestic radio, cinema, and press facilities. Foreign. cultural missions are allowed to distribute materials, and foreign news services are allowed to operate in Guinea only with authorization from the Minister of Foreign Affairs. All foreign and domestic films, destined either for public enter- tainment or for educational showing, require the approval of a committee of censors, comprised of officials of the National AdministR;tlon for Cinema and Photography and representative of the PDG and 34 of labor and youth organizations. The importation of lxoks is also rigidly controlled; the government nationalized all bookstores in 1962. The governments official Guinean Press Agency (AGP) furnishes news reports to the domestic media. Little original press coverage is generated by the AGP, and it receives most of its material free of cost under the provisions of cultural agreements from the official news services of several Communist countries. During the mid -IWN )*s, wire services of the U.S.S.R., China, East Germany, and North Vietnam served Guinea, although in 1972 only TASS, the official Soviet service, arid NCNA. the Chinese service, had regular resident correspondents. Agreements with Western news services were terminated in 1964, primarily because of a lack of hard currency to pay for them but also because the leftist ideological inclinations of the Guinean Government made it reluctant to use the material provided by Western sources. A stringer for Agence France- Presse (AFP) has continued to place occasi nal reports in the Guinean media, and some Western viewpoints are represented when press officials supplement their regular news sources with information monitored from broadcasts of the Voice of America and the British Broadcasting Corporation. All of the Guinean media disseminate the same nationalistic, pro -PDG themes. The party makes regular use of the public communications media to announce its policies and provide its officials with access to local news and opinion. Both the VOR and !loroya give prominent exposure to editorial commentaries, official addresses, and reports c oncerning the activities of high ranking park and gove rnment figure International reporting tends to focus on political and cultural topics, with heavy emphasis given to African unite imperialism, and colonialism. Domestic reporting stresses ideological and nationalistic themes, such as freedom, youth, work, and the revolutionary cause. Thc PDG organization is used to si.pplement (loroya and the VOR in their propaganda efforts; party functionaries are encouraged to recount articles from Horoya at informal gatherings and read or translate excerpts from it at formal meetings. An important function of the local youth groups and political cadre is to install public radio receivers and speakers in the more remote villages so that rural residents can receive political education. 3. Impact of the media The communications media of Guinea are being expanded by the government, but even the state radio APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200070003 -5 CON FIDI:N'1�IAL reaches only a fraction of the national population. The bulk of the population exists outside formal communications channels and is obliged to rely on word of mouth for information concerning domestic and foreign developments. As a result, the population is not well informed. Because the oral transmission of news is typically through the ubiquitous party organization, moreover, the general poptdation has a highly parochial, simplistic, and party oriented view of the world. It. Selected bibliography (tJ /OtJ) There are almost no sociological works on Guinea published in English. The statistical publications of the United Nations and the standard reference works that are in English are usually based on information provided by the Guinean Government, and such information is often of questionable reliability. The most useful works on Guinean anthropology, art, demography, linguistics, religion, and general social conditions are published in French. The Toure government discourages scholarly research in Guinea, with the result that the few available publications �in any language �are of limited value because they are outdated or because they are based on secondary sources and incomplete information. The studies cited below are somewhat impressionistic, but they represent the best available analyses of contemporary Guinean society. Horoya. Conakry. Guinea's only newspaper. Stresses government accomplishments but oc- casionally points out failures. Useful for statements of govprfiment goals and policies. Leuzinger, Elsy. The Art of Africa. New York: Crown Publishers. 1960. Provides valuable informa- tion on Guinean sculpture. Riviere, Claude. "Dixinn -Port: Enquete sur tin quartier de Conakry" (Dixinn Port: Research on a Quarter of Conakry), Bulletin de 1'Institut Francais CO NFIDENTIAL d'Afrique Noire, vol. 2913, pp. 423 -32, 1967. 'I'hc only recent study of urban social change. "IT(Itication et le vide entre les genera- tions" (Education and the Generation Gap). Revue Francaise d'Etudes Politiques Africaines, pp. 35- .56, April 1970. An excellent analysis of trends in education during the postindependence period. Also deals with changing attitudes among Guinean youl h. Les investissements educatifs en Republi- que de Guinee" (Investments for Education in the Republic of Guinea), Cahiers d'Etudes Africaines, vol. 5, no. 20, pp. 619 33, 1963. Critical analysis of the educational system, examining regional differences in educational achievement. "La mobilization politique de la jetmesse guineenne analysee" (Political Mobilization of Guinean Youth Analyzed), Revue Francaises d'Etudes Politiques vol. 42, pp. 67 -69, J une 1969. Excellent description and evaluation of government efforts to mobilize and influence youth. i1 "La promotion de la femme g ime rr� (The Advancement of the Guinean WornanI k d'Etudes Africaines, vol. 8, no. 31, pp. 40641 146h, Discusses the progress of women in *o1joll, employment, and other areas. La superstition religicuse retarde I'a, w de la socialisme" (Religious Superstition SIc, Advance of Socialism), Afrique Documents, nos. 102- 10.3, pp. 131 -67, 1969. A description of traditional African religion and an evaluation of government policy toward religious beliefs and practices. Suret- Canale, Jean. La Republique de Guinee. Paris: Editions Sociales. 1970. A particularly valuable source because of its currency. Primarily concerned with economic matters but also discusses social issues. The author, a member of the French Communist Partv, tends to be biased. Voss, Joachim. Guinea. Bonn: Kurt Schroeder. 1968. A comprehensive work on modern Guinean society, in German. One of the few sources containing statistics on population, health, and education. 35 APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200070003 -5