NATIONAL INTELLIGENCE SURVEY 94; BRAZIL; THE SOCIETY

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CONFIDENTIAL
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Brazil
September 1973
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NATIONAL INTELLIGENCE SURVEY
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BRAZIL
CONTENTS
This chapter supersedes the sociological cover-
age in the General Survey dated January 1970.
A. Introduction 1
B. Structure and characteristics of the society
1. Racial aspects
2. Language
3. The family
4. Class structure
a. Urban -rural and regional differences
b. Upper class
c. Middle class
d. Lower class
e. Social mobility
5. Social values and attitudes
a. Regarding the nation
b. Attitudes toward exploitation of the
land
c. Attitudes toward minority groups
d. Regarding foreigners
e. Personal characteristics
Vi
2
4
7
7
9
10
11
12
12
14
14
16
16
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C. Population
18
1. Size and growth rates
18
2. Age -sex structure
19
3. Racial composition
19
4. Immigration and emigration
1S
5. Geographic distribution and density
20
6. Population policy
23
D. Societal aspects of labor
24
1. Employment opportunities and problems
24
2. Attitudes toward work
26
3. Organization of labor
26
a. Government contrul
26
b. Workers' organizations
28
4. Management organizations
29
5. Labor legislation
31
E. Living conditions and social problems
33
1. Living conditions
33
2. Welfare
38
3. Social problems
39
F. Health
40
1. Environmental factors affecting health
40
2. Disease
42
3. Medical care
44
G. Religion
45
1. The special role of religion
45
2. Structure of the Catholic Church
47
3. Recent trends in the Catholic Church
48
Page
4. Folk Catholicism
50
5. Protestantism
51
6. Jewish and other groups
52
H. Education
53
1. Extent of schooling and literacy
53
2. Evolution and projected reforms
54
3. Schoo! system
55
4. Higher education
57
5. Vocational training
59
6. Literacy and adult education
59
7. Noncurricular student activities
60
I. Artistic and cultural expression
61
1. Architecture, painting, and sculpture
62
2. The performing arts
64
a. Music
64
b. Theater and cinema
65
3. Literature
65
4. Folk arts
66
J. Public information
68
1. Newspapers
68
2. Other periodicals and book publishing
70
3. Radio, television, and motion pictures
71
4. Government controls
72
K. Selected bibliography 73
Glossary 75
FIGURES
it
Page
Fig. 13
Sao Paulo (photos)
Page
Fig. 1
Regions, administrative divisions,
24
Fig. 15
and population (map)
2
Fig. 2
School children of many races (photo)
3
Fig. 3
University women photo)
7
Fig. 4
Indians (photo)
15
Fig. 5
Carolina Maria de Jesus photo)
17
Fig. 6
Soccer match (photo)
17
Fig. 7
Population growth (chart)
18
Fig. 8
Population statistics table)
18
Fig. 9
Age -sex distribution chart)
19
Fig. 10
Descendents of Japanese immigrants
67
Fig. 23
(photo)
20
Fig. 11
Population distribution chart)
21
Fig. 12
Growth of urban areas (table)
21
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Page
Fig. 13
Sao Paulo (photos)
22
Fig. 14
Factory worker photo)
24
Fig. 15
Living conditions of the poor
plotos)
35
Fig. 16
Expansion of water supply photo)
41
Fig. 17
Catholic Church photo)
46
Fig. 18
Priest of an Afro Brazilian cult
(photo)
53
Fig. 19
Art Museum (photo)
63
Fig. 1 0
Sculpture photo)
64
Fig. 21
Folk art photo)
67
Fig. 22
Carnival photo)
67
Fig. 23
Major newspapers (table)
69
Fig. 24
Major magazines (table)
71
Fig. 25
Bookstore (photo)
71
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A nation of great diversity, Brazil is undergoing
rapid change as the society becomes more urban and
industrialized. Agriculture's share of the labor force
has declined, while that of industry has gained The Society
steadily, but the gap between the lives of urban and
rural Brazilians is widening. (U /OU)
r
A. Intrcduction (U /OU)
Brazil presents one of ti most extraordinary
cultural diversities to he found anywhere. Diversity in
the society results from a nunber of factors, includiu g
climate. topograph y, ethnic variety, ecology. histo,jeal
circumstance. and eeo,,optie development, including
anicl industrialization. A large nation of %vide
contrasts and profound differerc�es. Brazil nevertheless
has achieved a re:narkahly homogenous r itional
ide ntity. Brazilians !ake great pride in their c�cuntrc's
ecomnnic� and social achievements and believe that
the nation is urn 'the to hcc�nming a world power.
Despite its achievements, Brazil faces serions
problems. Since 19130 ftndamental social, ecrnxnie,
and political changes have taken place, most
n ticcably ill the cities: these changes have not set
p: netrated into nano rural areas, where most of the
population still lives in deplorable conditions. In the
Northeast region (Figure H Most peasants are wage
earners on .plantations. For the most part the rural
masses live in nnsanitary hats, receive less than the
ntininuun wage, arc undernourished, in had health,
and illiterate ti11111v of them are no more than
migratory workers, and thousands flock each \ear to
4:
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anrn� are &iff
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Boa Vata
2
Region boundary
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Vitoria
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Sao
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25 Fkrian6poiis
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13 Porlo
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Data from 1960 census
I
FIGURE 1. Regions, administrative divisions, and pop-& ition density (U /OU)
e �Y
a Salvador
the cities and settle in urban shanty towns. This
continuing to focus on economic development and
transfer of poverty from the countryside to the city has
some inflationary curbs, while maintaining extremely
Brasilia
1' Cuiaha
o
placed heavy burdens on inadequate we lfare services
n arrow limits on political activity.
15T
19
Rural discontent is increasing, although most rur
B. Structure and characteristics of the
people are still passive, pessimistic, and resigned. Even
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Region boundary
J
Estado or t( boundary
Region name
Vitoria
A ,J
e Estado or ternhino capital
f
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23 q de Janeiro
25 Fkrian6poiis
1
26 Persons per square mile
0 26 130 260
o Alegre I
0 10 so 100
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Persons per square kilometer
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Data from 1960 census
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FIGURE 1. Regions, administrative divisions, and pop-& ition density (U /OU)
1
the cities and settle in urban shanty towns. This
continuing to focus on economic development and
transfer of poverty from the countryside to the city has
some inflationary curbs, while maintaining extremely
placed heavy burdens on inadequate we lfare services
n arrow limits on political activity.
and has. underlined the need for agrarian reform.
a
Rural discontent is increasing, although most rur
B. Structure and characteristics of the
people are still passive, pessimistic, and resigned. Even
society
the urban middle classes are frustrated by the gap
between their rising aspirations and what they can
1. Racial aspects (U /OU)
afford. The Brazilian seen(- is marked b imbalances
and shortages, aggravated by the very rapid growth of
FeNv nations have a population more diverse in
population. There are serious shortages of housing,
racial and national origin than Brazil (Figure 2). Most
schools, and hospitals, as well as of skilled workers,
Brazilians are descended from one or more of three
doctors, nurses, teachers, and trained personnel of all
groups which began intermingling in the 16th and
sorts.
17th centuries: the Portuguese colonists, the native
The Medici administration has launched ambitious
Indians, and the African Negroes. During the 19th
programs to combat the high illiteracy, improve
and early 20th centuries, other Europeans, especially
education, and develop further the vast interior by
Italians, Germans, and Poles, immigrated to Brazil,
large road building, hydroelectric and other projects.
and after 1903 a number of Japanese and Lebanese
Like its rnilitary predecessors since 1964, it is
arrived. Mixing of the races through the years has
2
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FIGURE 2. Native Brazilian children attend school
with children of Italian, German, and Japanese
immigrants (U/OU)
created so genetically complex a population that some
authorities consider Brazilians to he a new and distinct
people. European civilization, especially the
traditions, customs, and language of Portugal �and,
to a degree, the traditions and customs of Italy �form
the basis for Brazilian culture. Al the same time, the
tropical environment and elements from various other
Enropean, African, and Amerindian traditions have
contributed to the development of a uniquely
Brazilian character and culture. The national
characteristic of cultural absorption and metamorpho-
sis led Brazilian anthropologist Gilberto Freyre to call
Brazil a "tropical China."
The unassimilated Indian elerneni is very small
approximately 2% of the total population according to
a 1960 estimate, and much less than that today.
Largely because of the sparsity of the indigenous
inhabitants and the primitive level of their
civilization, Indian influence on Brazilian culture and
physical appearance has not been great, although
Indian names for places, animals, and plants survive
throughout Brazil. Unlike the Aztec, Maya, and Inca
civilizations, whose highly developed cultures resisted
the European imprint, the Brazilian aborigines lived
at a hunting and food gathering level of development
and were comparatively p;iant and vulnerable.
Although there were five main linguistic groups within
the territory which is now Brazil (the Tupi- Guarani
along the coast, the Tapuya in the northeastern area,
the Arawak in western Amazonas, the Caribs in the
northern and central areas, and the Guaycurn in Mato
Grosso), they lived in hundreds of small, isolated, and
nonwdic hands. Even within the main language
groups, there. was little bond in linguistic affinities;
most groups were either unacquainted with or hostile
toward others. Following the period of European
exploration and settlement, the indigenous population
for the mos part gas decimated by disease, slaver%,
and force of arms, or was eventually absorbed into the
mixed portion of Brazil's population. Most of the
Indians who continue to folio a tribal way of life live
in the northern and ycstern border regions and in the
upper Amazon Basin. Indians in an ear y stage of
assimilation are located mainly across the northern
part of the country and in some western areas.
Bringing with them a technologically superior
civilization, the Portuguese subjugated and exploited
the natives, forcing them to supply labor for the
economic development of the new settlements. Some
Indians resisted, and many fled into the interior.
Many were willing to accept the protection of the
Jesuit missionaries, who played an important role in
the early history of Brazil by dedicating themselves to
the protection and conversion of the Indians. 'I'll(
activities of the Jesuits aroused the resentment of the
plantation owners, but the missionaries won it partial
victory in the Crowns decision in 1574 which granted
the Jesuits control over Indians resettled in villages but
which allowed the colonists to enslave I
captured in warfare. Many Jesuits took up arms
against their own countrvmen in defense of their
Indian wards; this was probably a contributing factor
to the expulsion of the Jesuits from Brazil in 1759.
The Indians for both psychological and physical
reasons were poorly adapted to plantation labor, and,
with the introduction of sugarcane in the mid -16th
century, the need for labor became acute As it result,
the colonists turned to importing slaves from Africa. At
least 4 million and perhaps as many as 18 million
Negroes were brought to Brazil by the middle of the
19th century. Most came from the west coast of Africa,
but so re were imported from Arabic speaking areas,
such as the Sudan. Negroes and persons of mixed
Negro and white ancestry are found throughout
Brazil, but the African element predominates in the
State of Bahia and along the cast coast as far south as
Rio de Janeiro. In these areas, African traits survive in
language, dress, food preparation, music and dance,
folk tales, and religious cults. Many of these cultural
traits have not been confined to the Negro portion of
the population, but have been incorporated into the
regional culture.
The white or near white population, while located
throughout the country, predominates in the southern
States of Sao Paulo,' Santa Catarina, Parana, and Rio
'For diacritics on place names see uugi, Figure I. and the list of
names at the en:l of the chapter.
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Grande do Sul. This concentration is largely the result
of European immigration during the late 19th and
:arl 20th centuries. Mane European immigrants
settled in these states because the climate permitted
the same mixed type of farming they had practiced in
Europe.
Not only have the white, black, and Indian racial
groups been together in Brazil for about 400 years, but
conditions have been conducive to miscegenation.
Vew women arrived with the early Portuguese
colonists. The :absence of white women, therefore,
coupled Nyith the inferior status of women in general
and the superior status of the white men, gave early
settlers almost ace i+ampered access to Indian women,
especially slaves. The importation of African slaves
resulted in a comparable pattern. Consequently, a
large group of racially mixed pe s: n% developed within
it few generations. There was relatively little
crossbreeding between the Indian and Negro,
however, largely because of the culturally detenn :ned
division of labor among the Indians. Agricultural work
was considered woman's work, so the India men fled
the plantations; African men were more tractable and
accepted agricultural duties, causing the Indian
women to despise them.
The only immigrant group which resisted
assimilation into the Brazilian population until the
late 1950's was the Japanese. They settled mostly
.round Sao Paulo, where many were originally
employed on coffee farms. Manny, especially younger
Japanese, have since shifted to family truck farms or
have moved into cities. There are now about 600,000
people of Japanese ancestry in Brazil.
2. Language (U /OU)
Portuguese, the national language, is spoken by
more than 98% of the people. Inasmuch as Brazil *F
population constitutes nea.,ly half that of the
continent and in several Andean countries a large
percentage of the people continue to speak only
Amerindian languages, Portuguese is probably more
widely spoken in South America than is Spanish. The
Brazilian takes pride in his national language and
continually :seeks new ways to express himself,
delighting; in word inventions and colorful phrases.
Portuguese as spoken by most Brazilians, therefore,
often differs significantly from the forms taught in the
schools, which are based on the language spoken in
Portugal, with traditional rules and literary usage.
A law sanctioned in 1938 requires that all
instruction must be given in Portuguese, and courses in
the language, given by native speakers, are
compulsory. Names of enterprises, such as businesses,
cooperatives, and foreign agricultural colonies,
must be in Portuguese. Immigrants are encouraged to
learn the language as rapidly as possible, and the great
majority of them. originating in countries where
languages of Latin derivation are spoken, experience
little difficult in doing so. The linguistic- similarities
of Spanish and Italian, for example, may he
influential in accelerating the process of acculturation
among these immigrants.
The principal Indian languages �Tupi, Ge. Carib.
Arawak, and Nambicuara �are still spoken but by
only a fe%y isolated remnants of the Indian population.
When the Portuguese first arrived in Brazil_ Tupi was
generally spoken among the natives along the coast
and throughout the Amazon Bain. The Jesuits
learned Tupi and used it as a means c;f communica-
tion among even those Indians whose native language
was cif a different stock. It eventual) I ecame the
lingua franca, popular among all segments of the
population except for the socia', elite, and in
Maranhao and Para it was used exclusively in the
pulpit. It appear(-(] for it time that it would become
the language of Brazil, or at least it second language.
since the ratio of Tnpi speakers to Portuguese speakers
in 17th and early 18th century Brazil was three to one.
Portuguese was. however, the official language and
the necessary one for communicating with the rnotlrc r
country. In the 18th century it number of outstanding
literary works, including the renowned dictionary by
Antonio de Morais Silva, renewed interest in
Portuguese. All this literary activity, coupled with the
expulsion of the Jesuits, Nvho Were the principal
popularizers and promoters of Tupi, assured the
supremacy of the Portuguese language in Brazil.
The direct rivalry between Portuguese and Tupi can
be attributed to the relative purity that Portuguese
retained in the New World. Portuguese was reserved
for the intellectuals and upper socia! str:ua of the
colony, who took pride in the purity (that is, similarity
to the F,uropean language) Nvilh which they used it.
Not until the 19th century, when it began to Filter
clown to all the social levels, did Portuguese come into
contact with both Indian and African languages and
undergo chaange to any extent. Both Tupi and t1w
African languages contributed significantly to the
vocabulary but had no apparent influence on the
structure of Braziliau Portuguese. Although Por-
tuguese remains effectively the sane language as that
spoken in Portugal, the vocabulary and pronunciation
of the average Brazilian differ enough to complicate
communication with it native of Portugal.
Regional linguistic differences are readily apparent,
but they constitute no harrier to understanding.
Variations occur mainly in slang vocabular and in
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pronunciation. particularly of %o%%el sounds.
Brazilian call Usti illy place tn' speech of it
countryman both gew,raphically and socially. I'll(-
speech of an educated person or one of t'te upper levels
of Society (the teo are usually synonymous) more
c�losek resembles that of Portugal and carries prestig
The value placed upon a regional variation, however,
depends on the circle of listeners.
Of all the regional variations, the idiom of Rio de
Janeiro exerts the strongest influence because of its use
on radio and television programs broadcast from Rio
and heard throughout it considerable area of the
country. A (carioca (native of Rio de Janeiro) hss
departed most sharply from traditional Portuguese. Ife
generally speaks very rapidly, slurring his words and
pronunciation. The main characteristics of the speech
of Rio appear throughout most of Minas Gerais,
lapirito Santo, and Rio de Janeiro States. The South,
particularly the State of Rio Grande do Sul, exhibits
other variations in speech, such as the use of clear final
vowel sounds and the strongly rolled double r, which
are probably the result of linguistic diffusion from
Spanish-speaking Urugnav and Argentina. The
Pct� li.sta pronunciation in Sao Paolo resembles this
speech and contrasts with that of the carioca. In the
Northeast, unstressed vo-el sounds are more open
than anywhere else in the country and, as in the other
regions, it large number of purely local terms and
expressions distinguish speakers from this area.
Knowledge of more than one language is considered
to be it sign of education and carries prestige. In the
19th century, when French manner aad customs were
highly regarded by all Brazilians, French was the
secorc i language aniong the educated elite. Although
still popular, it has been surpassed by English, which is
considered to he of greater commercial value. Bec�a11se
of the emphasis on acculturation, few children of
immigrants, except ill the most rural areas, retain the
language of their parents.
The retention of foreign language and cultural traits
on the part of immigrant groups, especially those Isom
Germany and Japan, was viewed %with disfavor by
,any Brazilians, Who considered it a threat to
national unity. )luring the Vargas era. these foreign
elements were (lesc�ribed as e\ in the hod% politic,
and various policies were instituted to encourage
assimilation, such as the legal prohibition of
elementary education in foreign languages.
Language study is required of all students after the%
reach the high school Icv(I. The greatest emphasis u,
language learning oc�c�tnrs in schools offering it classical
curriculum. 'There, fnvc� languages are reyuin d�
Latin, Greek, Spanish, French, and English. One year
of Spanish is considered sufficient, in part because of
the sintilarit\ het%een it and Portuguese, hilt 3 years
each of French all(] English ace re(joired. In scientific�
er technical schools, )illy the modern European
language. are required. Among the no,educ�ated
Brazilians, few speak more than Portuguese.
I The family (U /OU)
The most striking and perhaps the ,lost rele\anl
single aspect of Brazilian culture is the fancily. In all
othcrwis(� individualistic or amorphous social system,
the extended family has developed it strong sense of
community and cooperation among its ,u�nnbers. 'I'll(-
highly valued self- direc�tedness ae!I self- suffic�icnc�y of
the personality, although respected %within the fancily,
do not interfere with the obligations of faun!\
membership. On the contrary, there is it tendency to
yal)^ the individual socially as it nu�,iber of a given
kin group rather than an isolated personality. Thus�
personal status has traditionally been derived fro,
family status.
The structure of the modern farnil\ has peen
idluencc�d h\ the colonial plantation funnily system,
in which it large, extended family lived under one roof,
sharing domestic tasks, in an isolated frontier
environment. Controlled by a powerful patriarch, the
s\stera included numerous distant relatives, cntplo\-
ees, and slaves who were all de�pcndent un the family
fortunes. The kinship ties were thus reinforced by
interdependence, c�omnion re%idet.c�e, participation in
a c�onunon industry, and the sharing of i t c�onu,on
culture. Vario,s social ac t iyitie usually to
conimemorate it family event, c�onstantl_y s(r\ed as it
reminder to the fancily of its unity.
The fancily maintains its prcdoncinant role in the
societ and is the focal point of social life. although
)here is a tendency, particularly in the urban areas, to
expand the circle to include a larger noinher d friends
and acquaintances. In upperand niiddleclass families
it large network of kin is important for the ec�ononcic
advancement and social life of the individual, and,
(Well aniong the poorest people i, the urban slum.. the
family structure is the most powerful cohesive force.
Nevertheless, the mod( rn family is beginning to lose
its all- (nhracing quality under the influence of
urbanization and ec)nomic diversification, %chieh
adds to the opporttmities for it young person to live
"without the assistance of his fannil\ and in it different
household. Parents still have it great deal of influence
over their children but call no longer choose marriage
partners or carvers for therm. Although the reputation
of a 01 1119 woman is still e\trenely important. she is
freer to meet yo.ncg nnen %%ithout it great deal of
chaperonage, especially in the urban areas.
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T most common living pattern today is the
nuclear family �a man, his wife, and their children.
Most individuals still maintain contact with a large
number of more distant relatives, however, and a man
with a large family is envied. The complete network of
kin, either paternally or maternally related to a person
through blood, marriage, or godparent tie and which
he recognizes as his kinsmen, are known as his
parentela. Depending on the stabilit of his
community and his class background, this group may
be msignif-cant or as large as an entire village. The
large parentela is more characteristic of the upper and
middle classes, both in the city and in the country,
than it is of the lower classes. In areas where the upper
classes are descendants of the plantation aristocracy,
the parentela is particularly influential. Marriage is
likely to occur within the class of the parents and often
in the same town, strengthening the tics between the
major families.
Often a distant relative is chosen as a compadre
(godparent), in which case the relationship is close and
lasting. Nonrelatives, however, can also be named.
They become ritual kin of the child and thus enlarge
his kinship circle. There is a tendency among lower
class parents to name as godparent a more prosperous
individual who can be of assistance to the child.
Migration has had a detrimental effect on the
kinship group, especially in the lower classes, where
the migration of a family member usually means loss
of contact with him altogether, since most of these
families are illiterate. The middle class individual too
is cut off from the larger family by migration between
towns and movement between classes. Thus, the
extended family is most often found in the traditional
upper classes.
The upper and the middle class urban families are
similar in most respects hilt the latter usually has fewer
kin. Frequently, the middle class individual has either
moved from one area to another or one class to
another, losing contact with the rest of his kin group in
the process; however, he usually values large, extended
families. In rural areas, the middle and upper classes
both h ave more extensive ties than the lower classes.
Middle and upper class women tend to work in hanks,
stores, offices, and in social service fields. In 1968
nearly all of the elementary school teachers and half of
the secondary school teachers were women.
In general, the lower class family tends to be
unstable and lacks the large cohesive parentela of the
other classes, since the economic basis of the family is
uncertain and children must often migrate to other
areas for better economic opportunities. Rural f amilies
that own land are more apt to be stable, since the
family can remain in the same area. In the drought
ridden Northeast many families are left to tale care and
control of the mother while the father migrates in
search of work. The father is apt to send money to
support his family when he finds work, and he may
even return. In the meantime, strong ties continue
between the mother and her in -laws, as well as with
her own family.
Over half of Brazil's population is urban; the rate of
migration to the city has been especially high since
1950. The lower class family has been most decph
affected by this tre�d, since most of the migrants come
from this stratum, entering the ranks of the poorest in
the city. Although many migrants simply move from
one rural area to another seeking a better situation,
some migrate to nearby towns and perhaps later to
large cities. In a study in 1966 it was found that most
migrants who moved from one rural area to another
took their wives and children with them, but of the
migrants to Brasilia, only one -third came with their
families, one -third planned to send for their wives aold
children later, and one -third %were single. Those who
came together, however, came by mutual consent. All
but about 13% of the group that moved to Brasilia
decided jointly to move.
Among migrants in the urban population women
slightly outnumber men. Many such women find jobs
as domestics and arc unwilling to sacrifice their
independence for a permanentl binding marriage,
while others are forced to remain spinsters because of a
shortage of men. Both groups add to the number of
women who engage in temporary relationships rather
than permanent marriages.
Marriages can be formalized by either civil or
religious authorities. C ivil marriage constitutes
recognition of the uni(,n by the state, it insures social
security and official recognition of the marriage for the
purposes of inheritance. Church marriage is the
traditional form of establishing a union and continues
to be the accepted norm in isolated rural communities.
Upper and middle class couples almost invariably
have both forms; lower class families have only the
religious ceremonies or, in many cases, dispense with a
formal marriage altogether. A type of common law
marriage called anursiado, or living in friendship, is
very common, having the advantages of being
inexpensive, easy to break if the partners wish, and
possible after a previous official marriage. Because
illigitimacy is not recognized in Brazilian law, the
offspring of such anions have general legal status.
Since no divorce is permitted in the country, a
marriage is it permanent, binding contract. A form of
legal separation exists, termed dc,. cite, by which a
lop"
:t it
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9
couple officially separates and div;des its material
goods. It is granted only on grounds of proven
adultery, attempted murde- or grave injury of the
spouse, or voluntary abandonment for 2 continuous
years. Although still relatively infrequent, the number
of desquites is increasing.
Many lower class couples fail to contract any form
of marriage and live amasiado. In many rural areas,
both religious and civil authorities are absent, so that
any other form of marriage is impossible. Although
some amasiado relationships are temporary, many are
long lasting and relatively stable unions recognized by
the community as marriage. The relationship may last
from a few years to a lifetime. Usually, socially
accepted patterns of mutual assistance and obligation
define the relationship between an established
amasiado pair. In some cases, the men take little
responsibility for the children, and the education,
training, and care of the progeny are the duty of the
mother. She may rule the family but usually will
consult the father and consider his wishes.
Women are traditionally considered secondary to
men, and their primary function is defined as serving
their husbands and rearing their children. Men
exercise a dominant role in the financial and
decisionmaking aspects of the family. Children are
valued and are taught proper moral behavior by their
fathers. Young men are given considerable freedom to
explore and develop their character and ability to
make decisions, while voting women are often
confined to the house, both to assist the mother and to
safeguard their reputations. The situation is changing,
however, as women increasingly attend schools and
universities and enter the working world (Figure 3).
FIGURE 3. Higher education is
drawing more women (U /OU)
Kinship has traditionally dominated Brazilian
economic life. Practically all commerciaj' and
industrial enterprises were once family owned and
administered, and many still are. In business and
professional life kinsmen constantly called upon one
another for favors and support. Kinship groups are still
very important in small towns, and parentela, and
patriarchal families still tend to dominate economic
life in the industrial centers and in the northern part of
the country. Members of the new economic elite,
though some of them were immigrants without
families, have nevertheless adopted the same patterns
of familism and nepotism which characterized the
traditional power structure, and which limited
efficiency in both business and government.
Kinship has been important in politics also. In the
early years of the 20th century certain well- knoN%n
patriarchal families in each state dominated local
political parties, and even national politics were based
on coalitions among large regional families.
Nepotism �still prevalent �was expected and was rife
in government service. This was an important cause of
the widespread laxness in political morality, pervading
corruption in overnment, inefficient administration
in both government and government -owned en-
terprises, and a sprawling and often venal
bureaucracy.
4. Class structure (U /OU)
a. Urban -rural and regional differences
In general, Brazilian society remains stratified with
well- defined lines of class membership, pronounced
status differences, and limited vertical social mobility.
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in the urban areas, however, there is continuing
change, lar;ely undirected, accompanying the
development of an urban technological culture.
Among significant trends are the mass movement to
the cities; emergence of a new class consciousness
among both urban and ntr:a lower classes; and growth
of the industrial elite Lind of the urban white collar
and industrial blue collar workers.
Since the 1930'x, industrial development, improved
transportation, and better communications, combined
with and contributing to he spread of it money
economy and the rush of rural people to the cities,
have begun to erode the traditional lines of social
stratification. With increasing social mobility and
geographic movement, several important new urban
social groups have emerged within the past three
decades �the middle or white collar sector, the tipper
class industrial entrepreneurs, and the industrial
working class. From the standpoint of their leadership
potential and the continuing trend toward an urban
industrial society, their influence may be expected to
grow.
Vast geographic distances and regional isolation
sharply delineate differences in social structure in
various parts of the country. The most marked contrast
is perhaps still the one that separates modern urban
from traditional rural society, but a clear distinction is
not present because of a broadening range of variation
within the urban and rural sectors. For example, in the
South the middle class is large and complex and has
begun to expand into rural occupations, the per capita
income is relatively high, and most people are literate.
income and degree of wealth are more significant
criteria of individual status than the traditional factor
of family and lineage.
At the opposite extreme is the Northeast region and
the isolated Central -West, where life expectancy,
living conditions, and income are such that the great
majority of the population must be classified in the
lowest social level. Flere social structure remains much
as it was in colonial society -a two -class system in
which the small class at the top of the social hierarchy
has a monopoly on land, wealth, and power, and the
mass of the people at the bottom live in complete
dependence upon them. islands of modernism exist in
the larger cities of the region, such as Recife, which
exhibits the complexity and variation in social
stratification characteristic of other urban centers. The
middle class is concentrated in these few centers and is
absent in the countryside, except for a few government
officials and managers of large estates.
Between these two extremes in terms of social
organization is the area that includes most of Sao
6 1
Paulo, Rio de Janeiro, and Minas Gerais States.
Society in this zone has been changing rapidly and is
best described as transitional, juxtaposing large
modern cities and a few flourishing rural agricultural
areas with areas that exhibit a rigidly hierarchical
society similar to the colonial prototype.
Despite sharp regional ind rural -urban differences,
class considerations are universally important; the
class structure in some respects is a national one and
increasingly tends to displace the distinctions between
the country's many regional environments as
improvements in education, transportation, and
communication draw ideas and people together.
Members of the urban upper class, because of the
traditional prestige attached to landowning, continue
to obtain rural e.,tates whenever they have the N%ealth
and opportunity to do so. In this way they frequentl
cone in contact with the rural gentry, increasing class
solidarity through intermarriage and mutual interests.
'The urban middle class is also expanding into the rural
areas, where they find employment as farm managers
and government officials.
b. Upper class
According to acme authorities, the upper class
comprises between 3% and 7% of the population and
is maintaining this percentage through natural
increase. The birth rate in the urban upper class is
approximately as high as that of the other classes, and
its infant mortality rate is somewhat lower, because of
better nutrition and medical care.
By the beginning of the 20th century a group of
"traditional families" had supplanted the nobility of
the empire and had become dominant in the country's
political, social, and economic life. To a large extent,
they carried on the aristocratic traditions of the empire
and preserved the paternalistic attitude of the
aristocracy toward the lower class. Through
intermarriage this group absorbed other families,
which had achieved wealth and political position after
the advent of the republic in 1889. Members of the
upper class could list the names of those who belonged
to it, not only in their own region but in other parts of
the country. Membership in one of these prestigious
families was nearly always it prerequisite to rconomic,
professional, social, or political success. Although
many members of the upper class resided in the cities.
especially politicians and members of the legal and
medical professions, the basis of the class was wealth
derived from large -scale agriculture and cattle raising.
After the emancipation of the slaves and the
establishment of the republic in the late 19th century,
a new upper class, which was predominantly urban in
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its orientation emerged. It was made rip of persons
who had gained prominence in the new government,
industrial and commercial entrepreneurs, and some
members of the rural elite who, having been deprived
of slave labor, turned to urban pursuits. Within a short
time the new elite had also developed landed interests
through intermarriage with the rural gentry. Despite
the merging of the two groups and the continued tie
between the member% of the traditional elite and their
rural landholdings, a large segment of the new upper
class had interests that were mainly or largely urban,
many members dividing their time between
plantations or cattle ranches and their homes in the
metropolitan centers.
Largely in the last 30 or 40 years, the processes of
urbanization have given rise to another segment of the
upper class usually called the industrial elite. Often of
non Portuguese immigrant background and middle
class origins, the members of this group have usually
gained economic success through their own
entrepreneurship or that of their parents. Because the
prerequisite of distinguished family ties continues to
be essential for membership in the social elite �as is
wealth �the new industrial upper class has assured its
acceptance through intermarriage with the more
firmly established elite. Thus, a merger, parallel to the
one that occurred SO years ago between an old and a
new elite, is occurring between the two segments of the
urban upper class. The continued importance of
family and lineage in determining elite status serves
mainly to exclude persons who have acquired very
recent wealth through c ;uestionahle dealings and
speculation or persons whose behavior, attitudes, and
values do not conform to tLose of the established
tipper class.
Members of the urban elite retain many traditiona'
aristocratic values and frequently seek alliances with
rural upper class landowners. Although they are
usually more cosmopolitan than their rurai
counterparts and have traveled widely in Europe and
North America, they continue to attach great prestige
to iandowtnership. At the same time, because their
source of income and consequently their power and
status depend upon commerce, industry, and capital,
they are actively involved in the management and
administration of their enterprises evincing a
prep cupation with monevmaking that is generally
disparaged by the more tradition oriented landed
gentry. To a degree, these vigorous entrepreneurs are
overwhelming the trad;:ional elite �ul appear to be
transforming them while retaining basic humanistic
values.
The urban elite group has demonstrated a high
degree of national pride, partly because elements of
this group have played a prominent role in the
nation's history. Furthermore, this group derives its
wealth primarily from trade and industry and is
intensely interested in the countrv's economic
development and political stability. Its members are
also concerned with technological development and a
successful foreign trade policy and have shown
considerable dynamism and an innovative spirit.
E
c. Middle class
The middle class, which is concentrated in the
urban centers, has become increasingly important
numerically since the 1920'x. In the late 1960's it
comprised between 13% and 23% of the population.
Since the early 19th century, Brazil has had a small
group of people who might be considered middle class.
These were the families of men who were clerks in
government offices or who were engaged in other
white collar occupations. The army, too, has been a
means of upward mobility and has been dominated by
the middle class. Immigration from Europe to
southern Brazil added to this small class. Since World
War II, the middle class has increased greatly and is
still growing. The expansion of the federal, state, and
municipal civil service has provided many white collar
positions, and, with the growth of industry and
commerce, many such jobs have become available in
offices and stores. Furthermore, the demands of an
expanding population have resulted in an urgent recd
for professionals, such as chemists, nurses, and
engineers.
The core of the middle class is made up of the
white collar workers, such as clerks in the hetterstores,
nurses, schoolteachers, secretarial arid middle -level
administrative employees, as well as most scientists,
academicians, and army officers. A relatively large
number of persons have elite ancestrv, but the
majority are of lower class origins.
There is it tendency among the middle class to
identify with the upper class and conform to their
values. This frequently leads to personal conflicts,
because insufficient finances prohibit matching real
behavior with ideals. Although the ideal is for women
to remain in the home, daughters are even wives do
accept office employment to enable he family to live
at the desired higher standard. Persons often disdain
the economically productive pursuits they are forced
to engage in, and children are encouraged to pursue
professions traditional among the upper class,
neglecting career.< with less prestige but higher income.
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Most middle class Brazilians attempt to provide their
children with at least a secondary education, since
education is one of the main routes to higher status. If
at all possible, the children are educated in private
schools; while tuition is not expensive by North
American standards (US$10 to $15 per month) it
represents a heavy drain on the middle class
pocketbook.
In general, the members of the middle class attach
great importance to material possessions and are
conscious of fashions in clothing and furniture. They
are anxious to have modern housing and are
susceptible to fads and advertising. Most families have
at least one maid, several radios, and possibly a
television set, attend movies frequently, and read
magazines and newspapers. Because their wants
exceed their income, they buy on credit and are
usually in debt.
Because of its recent emergence, the disparate social
and economic origins of its members, and the
heterogeneity of its composition, the middle class has
not yet developed it sense of group solidarity and class
consciousness. It continues to accept the values and
ideals of the upper class. Furthermore, inflation and
individual economic concerns have preoccupied most
members of the urban middle sector, diverting their
attention from political and social matters.
Nevertheless, its members exhibit a growing degree of
political unity and a similarity of interests that may
enable them to assume it role of national leadership.
As the largest segment of the voting population, they
have some influence on the course of national policy
although elections have it less direct role than before
1964. Through their attainment of high positions in
the military, they have achieved another base of
power. The members of the middle class are generally
well educated and aware that political and economic
stability are interdependent. Among the issues on
which they focus their concern are educational
expansion, industrialization, urban growth, and
national economic development.
d. Lower class
The great majority of the Brazilian people belong to
the lower class, some, especially in rural areas, existing
in semistarvation. They earn their living as workers in
cane fields and on coffee plantations, as cowboys on
the ranges in the South and ranches in the Northeast,
as rubber collector in the Amazon valley, as
sharecroppers on large estates, as squatters living by
subsistence agriculture on other people's land, as
renters of land, and even as owner of small parcels of
land. Many have migrated to large towns and cities,
where, for lack of education and training, they work as
laborers, mostly on construction projects.
For most of those who remain in rural areas, the
pattern of life has not changed significantly over
several centuries. Economic security is sought through
the establishment of a patrao (patron) worker
relationship with a member of the rural elite.
Essentially, such a relationship is an economic one
between employer and worker, landlord and tenant,
creditor and debtor. It is highly exploitive, yet it
involves paternalistic obligations on the part of the
employer, landlord, or creditor, in exchange for which
he expects loyalty and political support. The patrao
system provides security in time of need, frequently
the only form of social security available; the
relationship thus established is an intimate one within
the confines cf a rather rigid protocol. While the
patrao system is still important, it is no longer strong
enough to tic rural workers to the land; large -scale
migration to the cities has underlined the need for
land reform and an improved agrarian order.
The urban lower class is probably the fastest
growing segnent of society, supplemented by an
uninterrupted flow of rural migrants and by its own
high birth rate. Members of the urban lower class, like
their rural c,anterparts, generally lack the at,ributes
of education, occupation, housing, income, dress, and
manners that characterize people in the middle and
upper classes. Often such individuals are second
generation residents of the slum areas, perhaps
descendants of people who moved to the city after the
abolition of slavery. Many are manual laborers, but
others have acquired skills and arc employed as
artisans, mechanics, cabdrivers, busdrivers, gas station
attendants, clerks, or peddlers in the markets.
The lack of skills and education of many of the
recent migrants to the city limits their prospects for
employment and their ability to adjust to urban life.
Unemployment and underemployment in this
migrant population are high, and the life style is
relatively unchanged from that of the peasantry. They
merely exchange rural poverty and unemployment for
the s:sme conditions in the urban context. Although
they occupy the lowest levels of urban society, the
urban migrants are still intrigr,ed by the city life,
lights, dancing, films, and soccer games, and by the
genera! air of movimento (movement), it term used by
Brazilians to describe the rapid and active pace of
urban life.
These migrants retain traditional values and
continue to seek out familiar associations and
tip' i
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E
0
institutions particularly the Roman Catholic
Church, close personal associations based on the
family model, and the security of it patrao, whether it
be an employer, a union leader, or it political
organizer. Their aspirations have not vet exceeded
their level of income; they are occasionall' able to buy
items that are symbolic of status in the country �a
radio, clock, wristwatch, or phonograph. They often
consider themselves only temporary residents of the
city and dream of returning to their own village,
carrying with them their newly acquired material
possessions and perhaps enough money to establish a
small store. Few urban migrants ever return, however;
their children grow up, and they may gain a few years
of education and become frilly accustomed to urban
life.
Slightly above the unskilled, unemployed, and
illiterate in status are persons who possess some skill or
training and therefore have a greater measure of
economic security than recent migrants and other
unskilled workers. They gradually merge into the
industrial workers' segment, both wishing for a greater
shy re of material benefits.
e. Social mobility
A U.S. Government study in 1971 suggested that
social mobilty is considerable among certain sectors of
the population but extremely limited among others.
The study divided the population into five vertical
levels on the basis of income. The lowest level contains
families with less than $100 per capita income, mainly
farm laborers �a group of miserably poor people
which numbers over 20 million and is still growing.
Brazil's population at the mere subsistence level has
been increasing for 400 years; in 1972 it was about as
large as the total population of 1920. Most people in
this category are trapped there because of poor health
and a lack of education. Less than I of them escape
into it higher level each year; these are basically the
few youths who obtain schooling.
The second level, containing families with between
US$1(X) and $200 per capita income, included some of
the better off in rural areas and many of the new
arrivals in the cities. This income group developed
slowly during the first half of the 20th century out of
the very poor. They were far enough ahead of the
bottom group in diet, education, and adaptability to
facilitate mobility whenever the opportunity arose, as
during the 1950's and again in the late 1960's.
Many of the able and ambitious members of this
income group rise into the third level, the urban
proletariat� families with it per capita annual income
of between US$200 and $500. This sector has grown
from about 7 million people in 1950 to approximately
40 million in 1970. The average family may have five
members earning a total of $2,000 per year. They are
participants in modern society, owning electrical
appliances such as radios and refrigerators, but rarely
an automobile. Since most members of this group are
better off than their parents were, they are fairly
satisfied with their status. T;iose who are dissatisfied
are prevented b,, 'y government restrictions from striking
or otherwise showing their frustration. The children in
this group get only 1 to 4 years of education, which is
inadequate for a middle class job. Less then 1 it of this
level rise higher annually.
Those who are able to obtain a high school or
technical school education usually are able to climb to
the fourth level, families with US$500 to $1,000 per
capita income, and many of them then soon ascend to
a fifth level, those with a per capita annual income of
over $1,000. This level, which at its top contains the
small wealthy sector, has over 12 million people who,
in general, enjoy a standard of living equal to that of
middle class West Europeans or North Americans.
Brazil's middle class, one of the 10 largest in the world,
is over 2'/2 times as large as in 1950. Over half of the
adults in the middle class started in a lower income
group. This study did not attempt to quantify
separately the very small top income group.
The study suggests that economic self improvement
of individuals in Brazil has dramatically reduced the
effect of traditional hereditary barriers to social
mobility at least in some areas. Technological
development and industrialization have created
demands for more skilled workers and new specialties.
Although they remain in it broadly conceived lower
stratum, such workers hold it social and economic
position higher than that of the nonskilled laborer. A
similar pattern of subdivisions prevails with variations
throughout all echelons of society. Economic and
technological development has creaied demands for
more consumer goods, resulting in an increase in sales
personnel and clerical, secretarial, and managerial
positions.
Still another factor in sociai mobility has been the
population explosion coupled with increased
urbanization. For the first time, the individual can
cloak himself in anonymity if he so desires and move
up the social ladder so long as he manages to conform
to the requirements of his new status. For the most
part, however, elevation in the social hierarch still
takes place within the broad boundaries of each class,
and the person who climbs from rags to riches in it
single lifetime must overcome great obstacles.
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The average lower class individual and even most of
those in the middle class cannot hope to achieve this
goal. What the socially ambitious person generally
strives for is to move up one or two rungs on the social
ladder within his own class and, by judicious selection,
to marry his children to persons of still higher status.
Thus, although mobility is slow, it is possible for the
members of a family to raise themselves from lower to
middle or from middle to upper class in two
generations.
in the last fe%v years the government has taken some
measures that have, directly or indirectly, increased
social mobility. Undoubtedly the most important is
the expansion of state supported education. increased
opportunities for social mobilit may also be a product
of programs such as construction of the Trans- Amazon
Ilighway and expansion of industry in the Northeast.
Through such projects people are brought into contact
with modern society and in some cases are allowed job
opportunities formerly unavailable. Because there
probably will always he a large, cheap labor force in
the settled rural areas, for most of them the only
chance for improvement seems to be to leave for the
cities or for agricultural colonies such as the
government is establishing under the National
Integration Program along the Trans- Amazon
Ilighway.
5. Social values and attitudes (C)
a. Regarding the nation
Nationalism is it characteristic ingredient of
Brazilian attitudes and is best illustrated by the
Portuguese word ufania, to Brazilians, this word
connotes pride and optimism juxtaposed with
somewhat a defensive attitude. Such sentiments are in
part the outgrowth of a conviction of the potential
greatness of the country coupled with a recognition of
the obstacles to be overcome before the greatness can
be realized, as expressed in the saving "Brazil is the
country of the future �and always will be."
Cornrnon customs, language, and religion had laid
the foundation for national unity, in the 17th century.
But the nation lacked politica! institutions which
could surmount the problems posed by the lack of
speedy communications and the predominance of
state political machines.
Under President Vargas, who stmt� to power in
1930, the government cultivated broader popular
participation in government aril called on the nation
to redress social and economic injustices. National
symbols were created, and nationalistic legislation,
such as that restricting immigration and foreign
Ida
capital and requiring that the Portuguese language he
used in all schools, was passed. National integration
and cultural assimilation were also encouraged by the
works of scholars such as Gilberto Freyre, who
maintained that the crossbreeding of Negroes,
Indians, and Europeans had created a new
distinctively Brazilian race and culture.
Under the democratic system after 1945, regional
competition again became significant, but the forces
of national unity were also strengthened. Urbaniza-
tion and industrialization continued to undermine
provincial attitudes, and the development of better
transportation networks and of modern means of
communication helped to overcome the isolation of
the rural communities and of one region from another.
The governments of the period su _ceeded, for
example, in convincing important �ctors of the
population that the periodic droughts .id the general
impoverishment of the Northeast region were a
national problem and not merely it regional one.
National elution campaigns, cat-; -d out vigorously
even in the more remote regions, began to introduce
larger audiences to the meaning of citizenship and to
national issues.
Since the coup d'etat of 1964. the government bL,
been more highly centralized than in the past.
Regional competition has lost much of its political
significance, since the exercise of initiative on the part
of state governments has been greatly curtailed.
Federtl intervention in state and local affairs has had
the effect in many cases of t:,king the normal functions
of government out of the hands of civilian officials
and placing them tinder the centralized structure of
the military.
A factor affecting the cultivation of national pride
and unity has been a relative lack of national heroes.
Because of the absence of a revolutionary war and of
wars genuinely threatening national sovereignty, there
are few military heroes, and the PoNtical figures
revered by some have been held in disrepute by others.
Brazil, however, has a sense of national historical
continuity rare in the Western Hemisphere. The
country has never felt the need to reject its European
heritage. it never suffered it major civil war and
never forced to adapt to a loss of national territory.
Domestic frustrations have often been diverted by
international aspirations. Throughout the 20111
century the country has aspired to a larger role in
world affairs. In the early 1960's the independent
foreign policies of Presidents Janio Quadros and Joao
Coulart aimed at cooperating with the nonaligned
nations. Under the control of the armed forces, the
government since 1964 ha:; sought to build support for
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its foreign policies by emphasizipg the relationship of
internal and continental geographic features to
national securit� and de�lopment. Geopolitics has
become an important part of the curriculum of every
major university.
Nevertheless, to many citizens the state h.s
remained a rather distant entity. Outside the more
developed southern part of the country, tl?.- direct
influence of the central government has only recently
been felt. In much of the remote rural interior, the
local community or plantation is virtually self
contained and isolated from national and state affairs.
Although civismo (good citizenship) is often cited as
a widely shared value, it has remained, for the most
part, an abstract concept. Even those who expect most
from the state rarely indicate a corresponding sense of
personal obligation to it. Strong loy!dties are generally
reserved for relatives, friends, patrons, and local
religious leaders. The struggle of many for physical
surviva! has left little room for concern about the
national welfare.
Legalism, li';e civismo, has been more in evidence as
an ideal than as it practice. The tipper and middle
classes have it strong juridical sense and take pride in
the fact that their government has traditionally been a
government of laws. The lower classes have had little
understanding of their rights under the law and have
been puzzled by the complicated procedures involved
in the functioning of the bureaucracy. Members of the
upper class, on the other hand, have often kern able to
use their influence and personal connections to
expedite the operations of government bureaus. A
wealthy landowner, for example, may use his ties with
the tux collector, the labor inspector, the local judge,
and the police to obtain special favors.
One reason for ite lack of understanding of the
rights and duties of citizenship has been a lack of
institutions, public or private, that performed the
service of civic education. Schools have taught the
verbal expressions and symbols of civismo but have
generally failed to impart its deeper meaning and
practical application. The local political bosses
(coroneis) merely told their clientele how to vote and
the political parties made only limited contributions
toward educating the population in civic affairs.
Governments have made some progress in this area
through adult education programs.
In the early 1960's intensive programs of civic
education were carried out by teams composed of
university students and worker- priests. These learns,
which worked in urban slums and rural villages,
combined literacy training with instruction in civil
rights and in methods of community action to ensure
protection of those rights. The activities of the
"peasant leagues' in the Northeast and other groups
participating in the Popular Mobilization Front also
stimulated political awareness among the lower
classes. The coup (Fetat of 1964 put an end to such
activities. The new government, through the media,
the schools, and through billboards in public places,
launched its own campaign of civic education,
emphasizing the responsibility of all for the
maintenance of order and the capture of insurrec-
tionists. The government campaigned against
corruption, one of its principal themes; and some of
the more widespread practices, such as tax evasion and
dealing in c have been gr. `v curtailed.
Public attitudes toward the Medici government
remain a matter of speculation, since the communica-
tions media are controlled and virtually all public
expressions of dissent are discouraged.
For the majority of the population, who have not
participated in the political system, a trap between
ideals and experience has created ambivalence toward
the system. Even the literate of the lower and lower
middle classes have been taught in the rural areas to
vote with their landowners or political bosses rather
than to make independent decisions, and for those
who have moved to the city, political dependence has
often been shifted to the union leader or it foreman.
Nonparticipation or guided participation and the
observance of the actual, as opposed to the ideal,
system has led many to an attitude of cynicism. The
people in the past did not expect the government to be
impartial, and the use of bribery and influence was
considered usual and, in some cases, even justified.
But despite the historic prevalence of oligarchic
'manipulation of the political system and the
consolidation after 1964 of authoritarian control, the
ideals of constitutionalism, dentocncy, apr' civil
libertarianism have persisted. The military govern-
ment, while suppressing civilian opposition and
repressing dissent, has tried to maintain the outward
form of constitutional government with separate
executive, legislative, and judicial branches. Even
though the Constitution itself grants almost unlimited
powers to the executive, the idea of exercising power
under constitutional legitimacy has remained
important. Schoolchildren are taught that the". live
under a democratic system, although of necessity it
operates under certain temporary limitations. The
government has created a considerable propaganda
mechanism, including journalists and psychologists
and using the cinema, television, avd radio, as well as
posters throughout the country I,roclaiming "The
revolution of 1964 is irreversible. and will perfect
Brazilian democracy.
13

h. Attitudes toward exploitation of the land
Except for owners of large plantations, the
traditional Brazilian attitude toward the land -.vas that
it is to be exploited and left behind. With few
exceptions, the Brazilian peasant differed profoundly
from his European counterpart. He seldom fi rtilized
his land, following instead slash- and -burn techniques
closer to aboriginal than to European patterns. He has
tended to be seminomadic, planting and collecting in
one locality until forced to migrate, generally by the
exhaustion of his land. This "extractive" mentality has
contributed to the failure of the Brazilians to settle
their land and to the relative poverty of rural areas.
Unlike the United States and Canada, Brazil has
neglected to establish an effective national land tenure
system; inadequate surveys, clouded titles, and the
absence of a homestead law have discouraged
permanent settlement on the lands. The traditional
attitude has been modified as some agricultural areas
have become more thickly populated.
One of the principal goals of the construction of the
Trans Amazon Highway is to develop part of the
country's unexploited land in a rational way. A
program is under way to open the immense territorial
expanse the highway system crosses to organized
colonization and agricultural settlement by landless
families, principally from the impoverished Northeast.
This idea was conceived on the basis of the success of
the Belem� Brasilia highway in attracting agricultural
colonists. It is estimated that between a million and 2
million people have settled along that highway in the
last 10 years, making a prosperous livelihood from
farming and cvttle raising. Unlike 116. Belem� Brasilia
highway, wnich was settled in a random fashion,
colonization along the Trans- Amazon Highway is
being supervised by the National Institete of
Colonization and Agrarian Reform (INCRA).
Although only 2,000 families have been settled along
the roadway, INCRA has mentioned settling as many
as 100,000 families by 1977. The success of the
colonizat. ^,n project and the success of the highway
are indelibly joined together. Tl;e Trans Amazon
project is not without its dissenters. Manv Brazilians
feel that the financial resources diverted to its
construction could b. better used for other purposes.
Ecologists maintain that the soil cannot support the
kind of agriculture planned for the area, and that the
cutting down of so many trees will upset the precarious
balance of nature peculiar to the area. Some
sociologists predict that the opening of a roadway will
serve to draw more people to the crowded cities than
colonists to the rural areas. Moreover, INCRA's ability
to accomplish its goals has 6-en questioned.
e. Attitudes toward minority groups
r
14
The adjustment of non Portuguese immigrants to
the Brazilian social environment has required
considerable change on their part. Most were German,
Italian, and Polish in origin; a 'esser number came
from Japan and the mid -East. Except for a few
isolated communities, most European immigrants
have been assimilated into the Brazilian culture, have
married outside their national group, and speak
Portuguese. This was not the case in the beginning, for
these colonists came in groups, settled in groups,
retained their national language, and generally
considered themselves superior to the Brazilians
around them. Unlike the seminomadic peasants
elsewhere in Brazil, these colonists brought with them
the European mixed farming system, establishing
small farms with a balanced variety of crops, livestock,
and dairy products, and built solid houses of wood or
brick, which contrasted with the adobe walls and
straw- thatched roofs of other rural houses. They also
lacked the usual Brazilian disdain for manual labor.
This characteristic was true of the Germans, iii
particular.
Many Germans resisted assimilation most tena-
ciously; the government during World War II closed
German clubs and schools, and forced acculturation
by requiring young men from southern areas to do
their military service in northern areas, where they
learned the national language. In political terms,
Europeans have been well assimilated. For example,
the many Brazilians of Italian origin in Sao Paulo and
Rio Grande do Sul are spread out geographically so
that it seems impossible to link an "Italian vote. :1 to
any particular political tendency. Japanese immi-
grants, on the other hand, remained largely
unassimilated until the 1950'x. They married within
their own gr.ntp, and most continued to speak
Japanese. Many Japanese have settled near Sao Paulo,
where they have specialized in truck farming,
supplying Sao Paulo with most of its fresh produce.
They also now have important places in the industrial
and financial communities.
Sao Paulo provides numerous examples of self -made
men who, although the sons of immigrants, rose to
positions of wealth and influence. These men in, tude
hotel magnate Jose Tjurs, whose parents were Russian;
industrialist Francisco Matarazzo, Jr., son of Italian
immigrants; banker Amador Aguiar, scn of an
illiterate Portuguese peasant; and financier Nagib
Audi, -on of a Lebanese immigrant.
The aboriginal Indian peoples probably never
numbered more than 1.5 million. They began to blend
with the whites in the 16th century. so that the tribal
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Indian population is fewer than 130,0M, scattered in
the remote areas of the far west and the Amazon
Basin. Even in the 1970's tribes have been discovered
that have had almost no contact with white men. The
original tribes were decimated by massacre,
enslavement, and disease. In the 20th century not
even the idealistic efforts of Marshal Candido
Rondon, who founded the Indian Protection Service
and gave it the motto "Die if necessary, but never
kill," could protect their dwindling ranks from further
encroachment. The Indian Protection Service itself
became a vehicle for exploitation of the Indians after
Marshal Rondon's retirement in the late 1940's.
Charges of atrocities culminated in a scandal of
gigantic proportions ir, December 1967 and the
replacement of the service with the National Indian
Foundation. The Indians who have survived are in
poor health and live in poverty. The penetration of
roads into previously undeveloped areas o` the
Amazon Basin continue to bring the Indians into
contact with other Brazilians, and in some cases
friction is the inevitable result. Some Indian groups
have been moved off their lands to make way for roads
and colonization projects, and nore are likely to he
affected in the future. According to it go
spokesman, the goal of the government's policy is to
integrate the Indians into the economy as producers
and consumers. The issue of whether to protect the
Indian from outside influence or to integrate him as
rapidly as possible into the rest of sc -Aety is -;till highly
controversial in Brazil. No matter which policy is
followed, it appears inevitable that, with ti., opening
up of the interior, the majority of Indian trines
remaining will either be assimilated into the frontier
society or will die out through it combination of low
resistance to civilization's diseases and awned clashes
(Figure I). The government re )urces allocated to the
foundation are neither sufficient to move many
Indians to e,.iequate reservations where they can he
protected, similar to the renowned Xingu Park, nor to
maintain an adequate patrol and medical service to
supervise areas the Indians presently inhabit. In early
1973, world famous anthropologist: Claudio and
Orlando Villas Boas, the� founders of Xingu Park,
declared that they were retiring from their :,0 years of
work with the Indians because cash time they
contacted a new tribe they contr0juted to the
destruction of the Indians' culture.
Brazilians feel that their country's racial mixture is a
real international asset and it national contribution to
world harmony. The Constitution provides for
equality before the law, and it law adopted in 1951,
known as the Affonso Arinos Law, imposes large fines
7(
7 I
I
for proven discriminator acts. Color prejudice does
exist, however, large'.y as an aspect of class
discrimination. Because of the limited opportunities
for upward mobility, the rule of thumb "the darker
the skin, the lower the class" often app:"es. A
disproportionate number of darker people are in the
lower wo I categories, with the exception of it few
fields such as sports. Because of the tendency to marry
within one's own social level, a member of the upper
class is likely to he of predominantly European
descent. Any Indian blood in the family usually has
been acquired several generations earlier, although
many upper class individuals, taking pride in even it
small degree of Indian ancestry, may overemphasize
it.
The Brazilian vocabulary is rich in terminology that
can he used to denote any color or physical type. In
addition, there are words that not only distinguish it
person's physical appearance but further indicate his
occupation, regional origin, or some othc: attribute.
Yet even a complete glossary of color terms used in
Brazil would fail to tell the whole story, because
classification may also he sociologically conditioned.
pular terminology distinguishes a variety of hues
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FIGURE 4. Civilization's march into the interior
has driven many Indians to the cities (U/0U)

and shades, some of which are visually recognizable,
while others possess social rather than physiological
reality. Brancos are, generally, persons whose
appearance is definitely European. It is common to
refer to those with light hair, kin, and eves as brancos
finos (refined whites) and th, -se whose physical
characteristics are more markedly Moth~; rranean, that
is, darker skin and hair, as brunettes (brunets).
Preto (black) is both the official and vernacular
term applied to Negro physical types. The word Negro
is seldom used except in a scientific sense to describe
race, any other use being considered derogatory and
insulting. Pretos of lighter skin are referred to as fulos
(a corruption of fullah to denote fulani Islamized
Negroes of the West African Sudan). Cor do carvao
(color of coal) and retinto (dyed) are very dark negroid
types. Amarelo (yellow), the only fairly clear -cut color
designation, describes Asians, represented in Brazil
chiefly by Japanese and a few Chinese.
Pardo is a catchall term 'that includes all persons not
otherwise classified. It makes no racial distinctions as,
for example, between Indians or light colored
Negroes. The army for identification purposes
distinguishes pardo claao (light brown) and Pardo
escuro (dark brown), and popular usage denotes it
myriad of different shades of Pardo. Most caboclos (a
name given to acculturated Indians, which is now
used also in reference to copper colored mulattoes and
most peasants of the interior) are classified as pardos,
as are persons of mixed blood. Brazilians use the
general terms mulatto for persons of white and Negro
mixture and cafuso for a cress between Indian and
Negro.
d. Regarding foreigners
While Brazilians are often highly critical of the
United States, U.S. society represents, at least
materially, the type of society to which they aspire.
Many educated Brazlians view themselves as
occupying an intermediate position between the
United States and Europe, tied to the former by the
direction of social change in their way of life, and to
the latter by their cultural traditions. Brazil maintains
close ties with Portugal, although in a slightly
patronizing fashion; today the cultures of the two
lands are very different. Brazilians have been
outgrowing a certain sense of inferiority vis -a -vis
Europe and North America; for the first time, large
numbers of Brazilians are taking sightseeing trips
within Brazil itself. Brazilians find the British efficient
and reliable though not cordial; thev admire the
ability of the Germans but strongly objected to the
16
"master race' co-icept. They are on generally friendly
terms with the other American republics but resent the
Argentine assumption of racial superiority.
e. Personal characteristics
In general, the southern part of Brazil is similar in
history and culture to the northern part of the United
States, and northern Brazil, with its background of a
slave -based plantation economy, resembles the
southern United States. Although there are also many
exceptions to these similarities, they do provide the
basis for some comparisons. Regionalism has been as
important a factor in Brazilian politics, economics,
literature, and art as it has beep in the United States.
Brazilians f.equently refer to their country as "many
Brazils." They characterize the Bahiano from Bahia as
eloquent and superficially brilliant. The Paulista from
Sao Paulo is considered an energetic, efficient
businessman; the Paulista in turn looks upon his
industrialized state as a locomotive pulling 21 empty
boxcars, representing the rest of Brazil. The carioca, as
inhabitants of the city of Rio de Janeiro are called, is
stereotyped as sly, urbane, talkative, and fun loving.
The cearense from the northeastern state of Ceara is
considered a keen commercial man, while the mineiro
from Minas Gerais is characterized as politically
minded, highly traditional, and the possessor of it dry
sense of humor.
Individualism is highly regarded and has been
called the dominant motive of action in the value
system. Each person is expected to he self reliant and
independent and to look after his own interests. He
has the freedom to follow .his own inclinations and
ideas so long as they do not conflict with his fami;v
obligations. The family serves as the major organizing
force in an otherwise amorphous and individualistic
society. The general lack of social welfare agencies and
the financial instability caused by inflation contribute
to the sense that each person, especially a patrao, must
look after himself and his dependents.
In many urban areas, however, change is becoming
more desired and has even been termed the "enemy of
backwardness" by soma Another barrier to social
change is it lack of involvement in problems beyond
those of the immediate family and friends. A resident
of Rio de Janeiro may ignore the misery of the
favelados (slum dwellers) unless he has personal
contact with one of them (Figure 5). These attitudes
are changing, however; the Superintendency for
Development of the Northeast (SUDENE), the federal
governments development project started in 1959,
represents it massive, impersonal attempt to improve
the economic situation of that part of the country.
I
A"
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Brazilians generally have a somewhat easygoing
approach to life and it confidence that "God is it
Brazilian and at night corrects the errors that other
Brazilians make during the day." Brazilians have it
sense of humor about themselves and an awareness of
the ridiculous; they are often appalled by the
seriousness with which most Spanish Americans viVNV
themselves. Often the Brazilian hopes to achieve his
goal by approaching it indirectly, "playing it by car'
and relying on jeito �a combination of luck and
ability to maneuver, cajole, and influence. it is typical
of Brazilians to adopt a complicated and ritualized
maneuver to get around a problem. People display
great tolerance and patience during the process. E ven
getting a driver's lice or m aking it phone call inay
he a difficult and taxing operation. The people
generally display tolerance and resignation toward the
inconveniences of life in overcrowded cities,
occasionally releasing tensions by attending the very
popular soccer games or by participating in carnivals.
Although professional soccer dates only from 1933,
Brazilian audiences follow the sport with a devotion
that may he unmatched anywhere in the world
(Figure 6). During the late 1960's the National Sports
Confederation had some 1,500 professional soccer
clubs among its 20,000 -club membership. No city or
town of any size is without its soccer club. Nearly
everyone can afford to sec a major game occasional)
at standee prices, which often run as low as US$0.10,
and radio coverage of games is followed with
excitement in remote rural areas. The Marcana
Stadium in Rio de J aneiro built for the 1950 World
Cup soccer matches, can accommodate up to 200,000
persons, including standees. An indication of popular
enthusia..rrr is shown by the fact that a moat surrounds
the stadium's playing field to keep off overenthusiastic
spectators. Another is the bedlam occasioned by the
custom of bringing along transistor radios to hear as
well as watch the contests. On November 19, 1969,
when Pele, the star of the Santos professional soccer
club, scored the thousandth goal of his distinguished
career, a circumstance duly reported to the world by
the international wire services. it was a matter for
national celebration. Brazil's conquest of the World
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FIGURE 5. The autobiography of Carolina Maria de
Jesus, a resident of Rio de Janeiro's slums, made many
educated Brazilians aware of the daily struggle for life
of the urban lower classes (U /OU)
FIGURE b. Soccer stars are
national heroes (U OU)

Cup in 1970 was a source of great national pride, and
President Medici enhanced his popularity by
identifying himself and his administratlon %with the
nation's sports triumph.
C. Population
Deficiencies in statistics greatly complicate the
analysis of population trends in Brazil. No official
records are kept of emigration or of internal migration,
and in many areas, records of births and deaths are
incomplete or nonexistent. T he Brazilian censuses
(Figures 7 and 8) are considered more accurate than
those in many other countries of Latin America, hilt
the census of 1960 apparently dropped sharply in
quality and was never fully tabulated, and there have
been mane questions about the reliability of statistics
Millions of Persons
100
i
so
60
I
I
I
40
20
0
1872 few 1900 1920 1940 SO 60 70
FIGURE 7. Population growth by census year (U /0l
FIGURE 8. Population statistics (U /OU)
based on it. The census taken in September 1970 is
eventually expected to fill many of these gaps, but
thus far only very minimal preliminary data are
available. The slowness in releasing the figures
probably- is teased in part on tin size and complexity of
the undertaking, but also the government is highly
sensitive to the use of preliminary figures, on such
subjects as income distribution, by domestic and
foreign critics intent on embarrassing the regime.
(U /OU)
1. Size and growth rates (U /OU)
With a population estimated at 101,035,000 in mid
1973, Brazil is the world's seventh most populaus
nation. It has almost twice as many inhabitants as
Mexico, its nearest rival in terms of population in
Latin America, and four times as mane as Argentina,
the second most popalous South American country.
Brazilians comprise more that half the people of
South America, and heir numbers are expected to
double, reaching ovt 00 million, by the year 2000.
On the basis of the reported population in 1960 and
1970, the estimated rate of natural increase during the
decade was about 2.9 a decrease from the
approximately 3% annual rate registered during the
previous decade. Errors in the census m,.v mean the
real rate between 1960 and 1970 was closer to 2.8',i.
Brazil's high rate of natural increase, like that of many
developing nations, is primarily a result of it sharp
decline in the death rate accompanied by only a slight
decline in the birth rate. Although the infant inortality
rate has declined sharply in the past 20 gars, it
remains one of the highest in Latin America. with
wide regional variations within the conntrv. Ir 1970
the infant mortality rate ran as high as 205 per 1,000
live hirths in Recife in the Northeast; in viral areas of
that region the rate probably was considerably higher.
The decline in infant mortality and other death rates
has more than doubled life expectancy at birth since
the latter part of the 19th century. In 1971 life
expectancy was estimated at 63.1 years. Although
advances in health and sanitation have resulted in a
*A1ay he low due to undernumeration
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1950
1960
1970
Population*
il,!L14,397
10,119,071
9:3,204,379
Average annual growth rate (percent)
3
,3
2
Birth rate (per 1,000 inhabitants)
43.2
41 .7
315.55
Death rate (per 1,000 inhabitants)
19.2
11 .7
7.8
Infant mortality (per 1,000 live births)
170
120
85 9.)
*A1ay he low due to undernumeration
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Ape
70
_d 0-
65-69
60 -64
55 -59
50-54
45 -49
40-44
35 -39
30 -34
25 -29
20 -24
15.19
10 -14
5 -9
0 -4
determine it persons racial composition with any
degree of accuracy. Determination of race is also
impeded b% two cultural factors: in Brazil, race is
based not simply on color but also on other ph%sical
characteristics; and there is a preferential bias in favor
of white characteristics so that individuals tend to
describe themselves as lighter than they are. In the
1950 census, when respondents stated their own color
rather thaa leaving it to the census taker as done
earlier, the responses were as follows (in perccl,'
White
61.8
Brown
26.6
Negro
11.0
Yellow
0.6
100.0
The 1951 antidiscrimination la. -liminated references
to race, so that the 1960 and 1970 censuses did not
include racial percentages An unofficial estimate in
1960 described the population as follows (in percent):
White 60
Mixed 30
Negro 8
Indian 2
4. Immigration and emigration (U /OU)
100
Immigration, although an important factor in
population growth in the past, has not peen it
significant source of population gain in recent
decades. Between 1884 and 1964 nearly 5 million
immigrants entered the country, with six countries
Italy, Portugal, Spain, Japan, Germany, and Russia
contributing 4.3 million of these. Portugal and Italy
contributed approximately equal amounts, totaling
over 62% of all immigrants during the 80 -year period.
Other countries adding significantly to the total were
Austria, Turkey, Poland, Romania, France, the United
States, the United Kingdom, Lithuania, and
Argentina; lesser numbers have immigrated from most
of the remaining countries of Europe, the Middle
Fast, and other South American co(intries. Japanese
immigration started in 1906, and over 2(H),tN)0 hoc,
arrived by 1957, the largest group came in the years
1925 to 1935 (Figure 10).
Over 1.1 million immigrants carne to Brazil during
the decade just before 19(10, representing the largest
number in any 10 -year period. During that decade the
ratio between immigration and natural increase as it
cause of population growth ahc!.t 1 to 3. During
the yt�rs 1900 to 1920, the ratio dropped to 1 to 6, and
between 1920 and 1940 it was I to 10. During recent
notable rise in life expectancy in the developed South,
the gain !ias been much less in other areas, particularly
the Northeast.
2. Age -sex structure (U /OU)
Continued high fertility and reduction of infant and
child mortality have made Brazil a very youthful
country; the age -sex structure of the population in
1970 is compared wyith that of the United States in
Figure 9. About 42% of the population is 14 years old
or younger, and less than I 1 r is 50 or over. The high
proportion of younger people means that Brazil has a
very large number of dependents for each wage earner
and that the nation also faces an enormous task in
providing education. The population in both urban
and rural areas is almost evenly divided between male
and female; the estimated ratio is 100.6 males per 100
females.
2. iitacial composition (U /OU)
The hulk of the population is derived from three
major ethnic components, which during four centuries
have become amalgamated to an extraordinary
degree: European (particularly Portuguese and
Italian), African Negro, and to it lesser extent
American Indian. More recent immigration has
brought additional European elements, Japanese, and
also Christian Arahs from Lebanon and Syria. The
Aral) community totals about 3 million, most of whore
are iocated in the States of Sao Paulo, Rio de Janeiro,
Guanabara, Parana, Rio Grande do Sul, and Goias.
Figures pertaining to racial percentages have only
marginal value, since there has been such a high
degree of amalgamation that it is difficult to
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8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8
Percent
FIGURE 9. Population by age and
sex, Brazil and the United States,
1970 (U /OU)

FIGURE 10. Descendents of Japanese immigrants (U/OU)
years it has become still lower, as the number of
immigrants declined stea �ily from an annual average
of 60,000 in the mid- 1950's to 6,378 in 1971. In the
mid- 1960's there were only about 21 aliens and
naturalized Brazilians per 1,000 of the total
population.
Official immigration records, particularly during
the early period, do not completely reflect the real
situation, as many immigrants returned to their native
lands or migrated to another countrv. The overall
return rate for the period between 1884 and 1962
appears to have been about 30%, kvith a relatively
high rate of return for Italians, Spanish, and other
Europeans, but a low one for Japanese, nearly all of
whom chose to remain in Brazil.
The basic legislation governing immigration,
Decree -Law Number 7467 of 1945, and Decree -Law
941 of 1970, set both qualitative and quantitative
limitations. In most cases, immigration from a
particular country may not exceed 2% of the total
number of persons who entered Brazil from that
country during the preceding 50 years. Immigration is
limited in general to those persons deemed capable of
contributing to the country's economic and social
development. Naturalization requires 2 years of
residence for a citizen of Portugal, 3 years for persons
coming from other countries and engaging in
agriculture or industry, and 5 years for all others. The
20
total of persons naturalized has averaged about 3,000
annually since the late 1960's. Several se ^ns of the
1945 Act promote the use of selective irr. gyration to
settle unoccupied lands, establish ne population
centers, or contribute to industrial growth. Individuals
entering under these provisions are required to sign
contracts agreeing to engage in agricultural or
industrial undertakings for a specific time. Settlement
of immigrants is a responsibility of the National
Institute for Immigration and Settlement, created in
1954. Particular emphasis is placed on attracting
agriculturists, but out of 6,887 immigrants in 1970
only 235 were listed as agriculturists. Agreements for
administration of immigration and colonization
programs have been concluded with the Netherlands,
Italy, Spain, and Japan, and Brazil cooperates closely
with the Intergovernmental Committee for European
Migration, created to assist refugees and other persons
desiring to emigrate. Although Brazil's need for
immigration is greatest in the agriculfiural sector, most
newcomers, except the Japanese, have shown a
decided preference for urban settlement.
The number of emigrants totaled approximately
55,000 during 1960 -70, resulting in a net immigration
to Brazil of 120,000 during that period. This net
immigration compared with a total of 553,000 during
1950 -60. The emigrants included a significant number
of engineers, physicians, and scientists. This "brain
drain' has become a matter of serious concern to the
government. Some programs have been undertaken to
encourage skilled Brazilians who have gone abroad to
return, but the degree of success of these efforts is
uncertain.
5. Geographic distribution and density (U /OU)
Historically an agrarian country, Brazil is now
officially more urban than rural (Figure 11). The 1970
census indicated that Brazil had acquired an urban
majority in the mid- 1960's, the urban population
having grown from about 451 of total population in
1960 to in 1970. The figure may reach 671 by
1980. The 1970 census classified as "urban and
suburban" those areas having 2,000 or more residents,
thereby including not only the urban centers but also
rural pockets and fringes of the municipio (county) in
which the center is located. Thus, many of the
localities classified as urban have few if any urban
characteristics.
Brazilians, throughout the course of the country's
history, have been a highly mobile people. Although
the study of these internal migrations is still in an early
stage, it is clear that the most significant migrations
are those that have extended agriculture into ne
,y h
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PJ
0
FIGURE 1 1. Population by major regions and urban/
rural distribution, 1970 (U /OU)
areas and those that have drawn people from the
countryside to the cities and towns. Migrants
participating in both of these movements came
primarily from the older rural regions. The net
migration from these areas� particularly in the
Northeast� during the 1950 -60 period included about
7 million people, of whom 6 million moved into urban
areas and 1 million moved to new agricultural
frontiers. An estimated one -third of those who left
rural homes during this decade found the move
unsatisfactory and returned to their original points of
departure, and sonic moved from one urban area to
another, but there was no discernible movement of
people from established urban localities to new rural
homes. Although no official data are yet available on
the 1960 -70 period, the migration trends evident in the
previous decade probably continued.
Of the several types of migrations since World War
11, by far the most significant has been the shift from
country to town. During the decade between 1960 and
1970, the growth rate of the rural sector was 1.1
annually, whereas for the urban sector it was 4.6
Migration combined with natural increase has
resulted in a tremendous expansion in Brazils cities
(Figure 12). In 1970 almost 79% of all urbanites lived
in cities with more than 10,000 inhabitants, and 94
cities had more than 100,000 people. Although in
absolute terms Sao Paulo continued to have the
greatest population increase, the most rapid rate of
growth during the decade was recorded by Brasilia. It
is possible that Goiania, the capital of Goias State, is
growing even more rapidly than the Federal Capital.
Almost the only area which has taken steps to try to
stem the wave of migration to urban areas has been
Sao Paulo State. In July 1971, the mayor of Sao Paulo
noted that some 200,000 migrants converged annualh
on the Greater Sao Paulo area (the city plus the 36
surrounding municipios) and that the city could not
adequately provide housing or public services at the
rate required. He recommended that the city replace
its slogan of "Sao Paulo Cant Stop" with "Sao Paulo
Must Stop." Greater Sao Paulo, with over 8 million
people in 1970, is one of the largest metropolitan areas
in the Western Hemisphere. The annual growth rate
of 5.4% during the period 1960 -70 would mean it
doubling of population every 14 years. Some 87% of
the migrants to Greater Sao Paulo are illiterate, more
than 50% have serious health problems, and almost
none have job skills. Part of the state's effort to resolve
the problem has been to train some workers and aid
others in returning to their original residence. Also,
since 1972 areas in the state outside of the Greater Sao
Paulo zone have been assisted in providing (xouonlic
opportunities for migrants from other states and for
their own residents, thus deterring them from moving
to the metropolis. The rapid growth of cities in Sao
Paulo State. such as Campinas and Sao Jose dos
Campos, suggests that such programs have some
feasibility, but they probabiv will not stem the flow
toward Greater Sao Paulo (Figure 13).
FIGURE 12. Population growth of principal
urban
areas (U /OU)
11120
1950
1970
Sao Paulo...........
579,03:3
2, 1m,09(i
5,1178,977
Rio de Janeiro.......
1,157,873
2,377,451
4,315,746;
Belo Horizonte.....
55, 46:3
352,724
1,255,415
Recife
238,843
524,6;82
1,084,459
Salvador............
28:3,422
417,235
1,027,142
Porto Alegre.........
179,263
394,151
903.175
Fortaleza............
78,536
270,169
872,702
Belem
236,402
254,949
642,514
Curitiba
78,98(;
180,575
624,362
Goiania.............
53,389
:389,784
Not pertinent.
21

1M
FIGURE 13. Growth of central Sao Paulo from about 1920 to 1961 (U/OU)
The basic migratory illovement from of(; agricid- largest outward migration, Lirgelv because of its
(oral regions, especially from the impoverished proximity to the St of Guatiaham, Sao
Nortlj(%ist, to open ill) it( agricultural l begun P-1kolo, and Purina.
ciirf% in the country's history and is still in progress. According to the 1970 census, the national
The 111MICIII(Illt has been carried out by hidivi(Iii,11 1)(Tillatioll density was 31 persons per square mile, but
settlers ;ill(] by government and private settlement density in the various regions varies widely. As in 1960,
prograins. From 19 to 19(i(1 the popidition growth the coastal and the southernt plains and
in ov%ier rural areas was niore than five times Ill;lt in plateau remain the most jel )se lN populated parts of
the older; this was especially evident in l)oo
the country (F1pire I In 1970 the State of (;ijaimbem
Parana State. The large State of Minas Gerais has the (the former Federal District), which encompasses the
22
1
-1 W
W M
WWII=

ID
city of Rio de Janeiro, had 3,68:5 inhabitants per
square kilometer, representing the greatest density of
any state in the nation. The relatively inhospitable
natural features of the Central -West and Northeast
highlands have resulted in a scanty population there,
and much of the great Amazon Basin remains
uninhabited. The predominant form of farm village
settlement in most parts of the country is the long
village, a series of farms strung out at right angles to a
watercourse or road. The settlement pattern remains
incomplete for, although urbanization is progressing
rapidly, vast areas in the interior consist of empty land
still awaiting settlers. The Medici government is
making considerable effort to populate these areas
through colonization projects operated by INCRA.
6. Population policy (C)
Birth control is one of the most sensitive and
controversial subjects in Brazil; there is both concerted
opposition against and growing public support for the
limitation of births. The opponents of family planning
continue to give widespread attention to traditional
arguments and even appropriate new factors such as
the results of the 1970 census and Brazil's current
impressive rate of economic growth. Nevertheless,
organized and open resistance is weakening. The
practice of family planning is spreading, especially in
urban areas. Important interest groups are empha-
sizing the ceuntry's demographic problems, and high
officials of government are known to favor a franker
debate on the question, even though they remain
silent for the moment.
Brazilians find themselves caught between the
overlapping waves of two attitudes toward population
growth. The traditional attitude emphasizes expansion
of population and uses terms like colonization,
occupation of space, exploitation of resources, and
national greatness through a sizable population. The
newer attitude is centered on planned national
development and is slowly beginning to incorporate
the contribution of demography to the analysis of
economics, urbanization, health, and the quality of
human existence.
The development of a policy of population
limitation has been hampered by the traditional desire
for more people. In an analysis of Brazilian national
aspirations, the historian Jose Honorio Rodrigues calls
occupation of the vast nearly empty lands of Brazil "a
national dream." Before World War 11, manpower
was the basic need in the predominantly agricultural
society. It was only the postwar industrial expansion
that led planners to place more emphasis on an
adequate supply of trained labor rather than on mere
numbers of workers.
Brazil's historic need for population was not only
economic, but also linked to security. Portugal, and
afterwards Brazil, always feared tha" some other
country would take advantage of the lack of
population to annex some of its territory. This possible
security threat has been a particular preoccupation of
the armed forces, which have advocated programs to
settle the interior rapidly. In addition, the Brazilians'
desire for an important world role has reinforced the
opinion that a large population is an asset.
The 1960's in Brazil, as in other Latin American
countries, opened a period when man people
mainly in urban areas �began to adopt contraceptive
practices and when pressure groups began to urge new
approaches to the subject of demographic growth. The
major groups favoring population control include
many economists and medical men. A private
organization, the Brazilian Society for Family Welfare
(BEMFAM), founded in 1965, is the only important
family planning organization in the country.
BEMFAM, which is affiliated with and largely
supported by the International Planned Parenthood
Federation, now operates 70 clinics in some 17 states.
Abortion is illegal, blA the prevalence of abortions
estimated in 1965 at 1.5 million annually �makes the
law unenforceable. Propaganda for contraception is
also illegal, contraceptive devices are freely sold in
pharmacies.
The issue of population control has been a very
sensitive one for the government; no official at the
national level has ever come out openl in favor of it.
The official position of the Medici administration
apparently is that voiced by Finance Minister Antonio
Delfim Neto, the only cabinet member to speak
Publicly on the issue. Delfim Neto has argued that the
high rate of economic growth will provide jobs for the
increased population and that a program large enough
to affect the birth rate would divert resources that
could be more effectivel invested in increased
Production moreover, birth control eventually will be
adopted on an individual basis, with no need for the
government to become involved. Some cabinet
members, such as Education Minister Jarbas
Passarinho, privately favor more involvement in
population control, but their positions in the
government could be jeopardized by opposing the
official stand. In June 1971, the government of the
State of Rio Grande do Norte became the first official
body to sign an agreement to aid BEMFAM in its
efforts to limit population growth. 'The state
government agreed to provide offices and staff to
BEMFAM for the operation of clinics to "offer
information arid services necessary for the promotion
of family welfare." BEMFAM signed a similar
23
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agreement with the State of Alagoas in 1972, and there
are also agreements with mayors of several cities.
The Catholic Church in Brazil is probably the most
open to family planning of any in Latin America.
Officialiv the episcopate supports the position of Pope
Paul VI in his encyclical Humanae Vitae opposing
artificial birth control, but in practice some bishops
and priests accept contraception on an individual
basis. Leading Brazilian theologians in articles and
hooks lave disagreed with Pope Paul. Several
theologians are regular participants in the seminars of
BEMI FAM, in which they state that the practice of
family planning does not contradict the teachings of
the Catholic Church.
Other sectors of the population also are divided on
the issue. The overwhelming majority of militan
officers practice family planning and generally
recognize the negative impact of population
proliferation on the standard of living of the average
Brazilian. Some older, more senior officers oppose
birth control because of their traditional upbringing
and their long acceptance of the belief that Brazil
needs more people to speed its development �a
concept unchallenged until quite recently. News-
papers reflect the dual pressures of the tr litional and
modern policies. Only two major newspapers, O
Estado de Sao Paulo of Sao Paulo and O Globo of Rio
de Janeiro have strongly and consistently campaigned
for family planning. A few newspapers rigidly oppose
the idea, while the majority seem to vacillate.
Extreme nationalists of both the left and right have
always been strongly opposed to birth control and
exploit the issue whenever possible. They have labeled
birth control a "conspiracy" by the more developed
countries, especially the tJnitcd States, to "keep the
Brazilian giant down."
The decline in the birth rate may be evidence that
family planning is gaining ground, although the high
abortion rate probably also has been a major
contributing factor. Officials of the Medici
administration such as Delfim Neto are using this
trend to support their view that the reduction of
demographic growth will occur without a government
campaign behind it. It is likely that the birth rate will
continue to fall throughout the 1970'x.
D. Societal aspects of labor
1. Employment opportunities and problems
(U /OU)
Preliminary data from the 1970 census indicated
that the economically active population totaled
approximately 30 million. Although over half of all
M
Brazilians now live in urban areas, the largest single
bloc of workers is engaged in agriculture. Some 3
million agricultural workers receive no remuneration,
and many others receive only token payment for their
services. Reflecting the rapid expansion of industry,
workers in this sector now represent the second largest
bloc in the labor force (Figure 14).
Although extensive efforts have been made to
develop sparsely populated areas, the concentration of
the labor force in the broad coastal strip is likely to
continue for many years and to be accentuated by
continuing industrial expansion in the South and
Southeast. The geographic distribution of the labor
force continues to be strongly affected by the
migration of rural workers to the cities. This trend has
had a marked impact on the agricultural sector, which
declined from about 52% of the labor force in 1960 to
only 42% in 1970. The trend away from agriculture
generally means an improvement in the lives of the
workers concerned. Those in the agricultural sector
have the least schooling �the average farm worker has
received only I year of education, and over 50% have
had none at all. They also have the lowest pay �on an
average of the equivalent of US$28.50 per month in
1970. Some 250,000 of these workers are now leaving
the land every year to seek better jobs. Since most of
the cities are in the coastal area, this migration has
largely affected this region. The five States of Sao
Paulo, Rio Grande do Sul, Guanabara, Minas Gerais,
and Rio de Janeiro �which occupy only 14% of the
national territory� contain about 75% of the
industrial labor force.
C)
�s!
.j j
A
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FIGURE 14. Worker in a modern automobile factory in
the growing industrial center of Sao Jose dos
Campos (U/OU)

`RJ
Although every census since 1940 shows an increase
in the share of the total labor force represented by
manufacturing workers, they represented less than 8%
of the labor force in 1970. These workers �who are
concentrated largely in Sao Paulo� constitute the elite
of the manual labor force. Although not generallv
satisfied with their income or working conditions,
these workers have gained considerable benefit from
the growth of the manufacturing sector during the
past two decades.
Some occupational specialization is apparent
among the ethnic groups. Established families of
Portuguese origin, descendants of early settlers,
probably contain a Higher than average proportion of
owners and managers. They domini'e the retail food
industry bakeries, groceries, and restaurants
although many are engaged in other retail trade
service activities. Those of other European back-
ground predominate in heavy industry. Japanese
Brazilians, of whop, over half a million are located in
the State of Sao Paulo, are chiefly truck farmers. The
tribal Indians, who live in the interior and were not
included in the census data, are engaged chiefly in
subsistence agriculture, hunting, and fishing.
Although slavery was abolished in 1888 and many
Negroes have acquired skills o entered professions, the
proportion of Negroes employed in unskilled
occupations is much above the national average.
The number of women in the work force has
increased as follows (in millions):
women. Banking and telephone unions have a high
proportion of women members, but usually the
women's departments in these unions are devoted
solely to social activities. The highest work
participation rate for males is in the ages of 25 to 49,
whereas for females it is highest in the ages 15 to 24. At
older ages, it suffers a progressive decline for both
groups. The relatively higher rate of female
participation at vounger ages probably results from
the considerable migration of young women from
country to town, their employ, ent as domestics and
in other service occupations, coupled with their early
withdrawal from the labor force following marriage
and assumption of family responsibilities.
The participation of children in the labor force
seems to be declining with the increasing availa'.>ilit
of education. The number of working children under
the age of 15 generally has been considerably higher
than the official estimates, which have not included
children working in concession stands, as bootblacks,
or as lottery ticket sellers. in addition, the laws
prohibiting employment of minors have been largely
overlooked in view of family need and the lack of
schools. Most Brazilians probably have been in the
labor market since age 14. In the immediate future,
the educational reforms being gradually implemented
are likely to change this picture. The decision to
implement the constitutional requirement for free,
public education for all children age 7 to 14 may mean
some children who formerly dropped out of school
after only one or two years will remain in school
lon, The increasing emphasis on developing some
vocational skills in school should make children better
able to earn a satisfactory living wl en they do end
their studies.
The Brazilian workers' greatest problems are
unemployment and �more commonly� under-
employment, the lack of education and specialized
training, and a high turnover rate in jobs. Real wages
grew rapidly during the late 1950's, but the inflation
of the early 1960's caused considerable erosion. Thr
governments anti inflation campaign from 1964 to
1968 kept wages down, and only since then have they
kept up with or gone slightly ahead of the inflation
rate. The government's refusal to permit strikes and
the lack of authentic representative spokesmen for
labor are roadblocks to workers' efforts to improve
their lot. The government since 1964, in making policy
affecting the workers' interests, has almost never
sought their views.
During most of the past decade the economy has
been under heavy and increasing pressure to supply
new jobs. The labor force has been increasing in size
1960 4.1
1970 6.2
Some women have achieved well- remunerated
positions of responsibility; most, however, perform
routin- occupations and usually receive less pay than
men doing the same kind of work. Their representa-
tion in the well -paid industrial labor force of Sao
Paulo has increased dramatically in the y ^ars since
World War 11. Still, in the 1960 censui women
comprised 63% of all service workers; some 28% of the
entire labor force were so engaged. The predominance
of females in this field results primarily from their
employment as teachers and clerical workers, as well
as domestic servants. Females are increasingly active
economically as a result of the growing relaxation of
the traditional prejudice against women working
outside the home or the family enterprise. Relatively
few females are employed in trade, an occupational
sector that offers substantial employment to women in
some other Latin American countries. Few women are
found in union leadership positions, and there is no
movement to encourage such leadership among
25
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by an estimated average of 1.2 million annually. At
the same time, an increasing number of marginal jobs
has, been endangered both by mechanization and
introduction of better agricultural practices and by a
shift from labor- intensive to capital- intensive
operations in industry.
Unemployment is primarily a problem of the
unskilled and semiskilled. The shortage of skilled and
technical workers is such th�t they have little trouble
finding jobs. In addition, unemployment affects the
two sexes unequally. Government surveys in various
parts of the country in 1968 showed unemployment of
females from one -third to one- fourth higher than that
of males.
Underemployment is it serious problem, and the
underemployed are vastly underpaid. In the mid
1960's underemployed persons were estimated to
represent as much as 40% of the labor force. The
problem is most serious in the agricultural sector where
whole families work to produce it living at the
subsistence level, and where elimination of the work of
one or more family members would not reslt in any
perceptible drop in production. In the urban sector,
underemployment is especially serious among the
unskilled engaged in marginal retail trade and
personal services. The relatively low wages paid to
unspecialized and manual labor has often resulted in
overhiring in many labor- intensive industrial
enterprises, commercial services, and the larger
plantations. In the case of better educated people, the
problem of underemployment is often countered by
holding two or more jobs, a frequent situation among
teachers and civil servants. Government agencies at all
levels tend to he heavily staffed, and the work hours
generally allow workers the time necessary to
supplement their income with a second job.
2. Attitudes toward work (U /OU)
Historically, Brazilians' attitudes toward work and
wealth have reflected Portuguese colonial traditions
and the plantation society. In this environment,
standards of gentlemanly behavior developed which
placed high value on mental rather than physical
activities and on wealth acquired genteelly rather than
through strenuous effort. The ideal man traditionally
gained wealth as it landowner, professional man, or
public administrator and was able to enjoy it dignified
and leisurely life. In the past, efficiency was not highly
value(], but attitudes are changing rapidly in the
industrialized areas of the South and Southeast where
the rewards for effort are more apparent. In the
agricultural zones, effort does not always produce
greater income or prestige and, therefore, has not been
generally valued.
0dfl
f
In the past sonic sections of the upper classes have
had an aversion to business and industrial activity,
and the most prestigious careers were medicine and
the law. Since the 1940's engineering and economics
have become increasingly popular fields. A "get rich
quick" attitude toward wealth prevails in much of the
country. A history of boom and bust in economic life
has reinforced the attitude that wealth is more the
result of good fortune than of careful planning and
hard work. Great fortunes were made quickly during
the sugar, gold, diamond, cotton, rubber, cocoa, and
coffee booms. In contrast, there has been relatively
little interest in establishing a stable business built up
Ever the years with it small profit margin The native
Brazilians' reluc �'nee to engage in economic activities
which required long -tern investment of money and
energy proved an advantage for immigrants. Many
Italians and Portuguese bought small businesses such
as groceries, and Japanese became wealthy through
intensive truck farming. Their descendents arc
influential members of the business and industrial
community.
Because nanual work in industry tends to be
regarded as inferior, those who have achieved a basic
education and therefore are better prepared to acquire
skills tend to seek higher social status through service
employment in hanks, commercial houses, and public
administration. Because most of the services sector of
the labor force is made up of people unable to find
work elsewhere, it general lack of skills and a low level
of productivity are characteristic in much of that
sector. A high degree of mechanization in the big,
modern factories has greatly increased the productiv-
itv of industrial workers, whereas agriculture and the
services sector have continued to lag far behind.
3. Organization of labor (C)
a. Government control
The heavy hand of the government in all labor
matters� settlement of disputes, regulation of wages
and working conditions, and control over the leaders
of worker and employer organizations �has prevented
th, development of an independent labor movement.
The long -term effects of denying unions an
independent rule may well be the weakening of
influence of the democratic leaders and the
strengthening of those of the, radical left. There is little
doubt that if free elections were permitted, many of
the unions would replace their present officers with
persons of more. radical views.
Labor leader%, especially at the national and state
levels, have been forced to make their influence felt
through political action, either by lobbying at the
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F
Ministry of Labor and Social Security or !,y
associating with prolabor political figures. More than
any other Br:i.;li: ;;li;.;aun former President Joao
Goulart used labor for political ends. When he was
Minister of Labor and Social Security (1953 -54) in the
Vargas Cabinet, his diligence in manipulating the
labor movement to promote Vargas* Brazilian Labor
Party so incensed the military that they forced his
removal. As Vice President tinder Kubitschek (1956-
61) and as President (1961 -64), Goulart controlled the
appointment of labor leaders to high patronage
Positions and helped many pro Communists reach
Positions of prominence in labor in return for the
support of the Communist Party in electoral
campaigns. Ile apparently attempted to build up a
Communist -led labor force to counter industrialist and
military pressures and vet keep it snfficientiv under his
control to prevent a complete Communist takeover.
His strategy proved successful in 1962 when political
strikes called by the extralegal Communist -led
Workers General Command (CGT) helped build up
,pressures which forced the Congress to return full
presidential powers to him. At the time of Goulart's
ouster, four of Brazils six major labor confederations
were dominated by the Communists.
Following Goulart's downfall., many Communist
and pro- Communist labor leaders went into hiding or
exile or were arrested. Documents were found sho%%:ng
that the CGT misused trade union tax funds for
Communist -front political activities, that the CGT
was promoting rnutinons efforts by army and navy
noncommissioned officers, and that it planned a
nationwide general strike to support closing the
Congress if the legislators did not pass Goulart's reform
program within 30 days. The Castello Branco
government prohibited further activity by the (,G'I',
most of the CGT leaders suffered suspension of their
political rights under an Institutional Act, and federal
intervention was ordered in the national and state
confederations and local unions controlled by the
CCT. Most of these unions continued operating under
government- appointed trustees (interventors) or
provisional committees until investigations were
completed and new elections authorized. Most of
these elections took place; only about 20 interventions
are still in effect.
The Consolidation of Labor Laws (the labor code),
promulgated in 1943 %'hen Getulio Vargas was
dictator, was lesigned to make hot[] labor and
management subordiruite to th'.. governn nt. The
code provides that both workers and cnrplovers he
organized in svnclicates, federations, and confedera-
tions, from local to national levels, under the strict
regulation of the Ministry of Labor and Social
Security. The governments extensive prerogatives
include the power to refuse to charter a union, to
withdraw any union's charter, to nullifv the results of
elections, to veto an. candidacy in such elections, and
to intervene when deemed necessary. Most impor-
tantly, the government controls the distribution of the
imposto sindical (trade union tax, 1 day's pay per year
per worker), this control enables the government to
play a dominant role in labor affairs, since most state
and national labor organizations have little other
income. In addition, the government can offer many
well- paving positions in the ministry and in social
security institutes to cooperative labor leaders.
The paternalism inherent in the r- lationship
between the government and labor, spelled out by the
Constitution and the labor code has been the subject
of much contention. The considerable detail in which
the law spells out the terms of conditions for
employment, coupled with the dependence of unions
on government collection of foods as their principal
sources of income, has been criticized as blunting
organized labor's independence of action. An opposite
position has held that the laws give labor a security it
could not otherwise have attained, and that, without
the provision of funds the unions could not have
developed it broad membership basis.
The Ministry of Labor and Social Security enforces
labor legislation, functions as the official control point
for organized labor activities, and supervises a variety
of setniautonomous agencies concerned with labor.
The ministrv*s labor functions are performed through
regional delegates in the states, as well as in the
Federal District. Under the ministry, national
deparntents have the following functions:
LABOR
Lnforces labor standards and collective agreements,
processes appeals against fines for violation of stand-
ards, passes judgment on violation of laws by unions,
and supervises an inspection service. Charters labor
unions, advises them on procedure, audits their ac-
counts, and offers instruction in Insman rel _.ions, leader-
ship, and labor law.
M ANPOWER
Studies labor supply and demand, supervises tech-
nical and vocational training, and acts as coordinator
of employment service activities. Maintains a labor
register and issues identification cards to workers.
WAGES
Administers the preparation and enforcement of wage
legislation, assembles data on prices, and maintains cost
of living and wage indexes.
LABOR SAFETY AND HYGIENE
Conducts research on industrial accidents, drafts labor
hygiene regulations, conducts research on occupational
illnesses, and administers laws and regulations con-
cerning child and female labor.
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,Y K nYY�r,( ?W !!'.'9r i RTa.. .J;PCR'f ^fR"."1Y: -fM-.
Regional labor delegates exercise locally the law
enforcement responsibilities of the National
Department of Labor. With broad autho 'ty in the
state to which he is assigned, the regional delegate has
orisdiction over all workers with the exception of
sea nen, port workers, and fishermen, who are
sup rvised by regional maritime labor delegates
attached to port captaincies under the Ministry of the
Navy.
h. Wor.zers' organizations
Guilds and mutual benefit societies have existed
since the colonial era, and constitutions since 1891
have asserted the right of association and freedom to
combine in labor unions. Modern unions were not
organized until the beginning of the 20th century,
however, and were not legally recognized until 1907.
Under President Vargas in the 1930's a corporative
state was established. patterned on Portuguese .aid
Italian models. Labor vv brought under government
control as a basic element in the new governmental
system. Using the Italian Carta Lavoura as a model,
Vargas removed the freedom to organize competing
trade unions, and limited organization for each
economic sector to a single union. Unions not
conforming to the new plan were declared illegal.
Under the system prevailing since then, governmen-
tal supervision of internal union affairs does not end
with the ministry's right to prescribe the conditions of
recognition and jurisdiction. The law specifies the
administrative pattern .or unions at all levels,
including terms of office, qualifications and
responsibilities of officers, and procedures for holding
union elections. The ministry states when union
elections shall take place and has the power to annul
the results and to order new ones under government
supervision.
The Minister of Labor and Social Security is
e mpowered to intervene in the operation of a union if
in his opinion, the union is not adequately fulfilling its
tunction. Ile may remove union officers and appoint a
deputy to administer the union in case of violations of
union regulations, which are also punishable by fines,
suspension of the union, or revocation of the charter.
The government regulates the ')come and
expenditures of each union, whether t employees,
employers, or self- employed. Unions must present
their budgets for the approval of the Ministry of Labor
and Social Security and account for expenditures in
annual reviews. A major source of financial support for
the government is provided by the union tax collected
annually from each employer, nonagricultural
employee, and the self employed, whether or not a
28
union member. Employers pay in proportion to thei
capital investment. They deduct the workers tax and
forward it to the Bank of Brazil in the name of the
union to which the worker belongs. If no union is
organized in that locality, the money Zoes 0-rectly to
either a corresponding federation or confederation, or
is paid to the Union Social Fund.
On]v one union is permitted for a given trade or
occupation in any one geographic area. Since a union
may obtain legal recognition when it includes one
third of the workers in its field in the area of its
jurisdiction, labor leaders have been able to benefit
from the collection of the union tax from all workers,
even when the leaders have organized only the
required minimum.
Union leaders assert that total membership is about
12 million, but only around 10% of the members are
active in the affairs of the unions. Membership claims
are t!xaggerated in order to gain government 'rands,
which are distributed to the uu.ions on the basis of the
number of affiliated workers. According 1%) the
Ministry of Labor and Social Securitv, in November
1971 there were 6,053 labor unions, professional
associations, and employer organizations.
Five or more unions may hand together to form a
federation; three or more federations, usually
organized on a statewide or interstate basis may form
a national confederation, of which a maximum of
eight are permitted. The largest and most important of
the eight national labor confederations is the National
Confederation of Industrial Workers (CNTi), with an
estimated membership of 6 mil']on. The others are the
National Confederation of Commercial Workers
(CNTC), 3.5 million; the National Confederation of
Agricultural Workers (CONTAG), 2.5 million; the
National Confederation of Land Transport Workers
(CNTTT), 500,000; the National Confederation of
Air, River, and Maritime Transport Workers
(CNTTMFA), 450,000; the National Confederation
of Workers in Credit Institutions (CONTEC),
250,000; the National Confederation of Communica-
tions and Publicity Workers (CONTCOP), 100,000;
and the National Confederation of Educational and
Cultural Workers (CNTEEC), 30,0(1) members.
There is little cohesion among the eight workers'
confederations, a situation in accord with the wishes of
the government, which wants to prevent any
possibility of joint action by the organizations.
Brazilian labor law dies not sanctior central
organizations comparable to the AFL-CIO in the
United States, or the Trade Unions Congress of Great
Britain. Under the corporate concept spelled out in the
1943 Consolidation of Labor Laws, the federal
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X
Z
government itself, through the agency of the Ministry
of Labor and Social Security, performs the central
function in the labor movement.
Since the Vargas era, Brazilian governments have
used "tame" labor leaders, openly labeled pellegos
(stooges), to maintain control of organized labor. One
prominent pellego, for example, is Ary Campista,
president of the CNTI. Campista has maneuvered
himself into positions of prominence in every
administration of the past 20 -ars. Others, some of
them relative newcomers who have achieved
prominence since the militi �y came to power, h -tve
also personally profited from their positions in
government directed agencies. Few, if any, people
remain as labor leaders unless they are prepared to go
along with the policy line indicated by the ministry.
In 1971 the ministry stipulated completion of a
special educational program on such subjects as union
administration, welfare, and economics would be a
requirement for all candidates for union offices. At a
pilot course in late 1971, the classes included lectures
by civilian officials and military officers on union
matters, as well as such political topics as national
security and the 200 -mile territorial waters issue.
Since the early 1950's unions affiliating formally
with international worker organizations have been
required to obtain authorization by presidential decree
for such affiliation, although some informal
international union ti !s were not affected. Regulation
of foreign ties was tightened substantially in 19,68 after
a leftist inspired political campaign aimed against
association of Brazilian unions with anti- Communist
international labor groups. A decree was issued
prescribing strict control over all aspects of labor's
international relations, as well as the operations of
international labor bodies with interests in Brazil. The
International Labor Organization (ILO) was
specifically excepted from this control.
Under the terms of this decree, unions wishing to
affiliate with an international group, and interna-
tional organizations wishing to establish offices or
representation in Brazil, are required to submit
applications to the Ministry of Labor and Social
Security for consideration; approval by the President is
required. I'he decree further stipulates that
representatives of international labor bodies are
subject to supervision by the Ministry of Labor and
Social Security. They must submit annual financial
reports and projected budgets to the ministry, as well
as any additional information requested.
Four of the eight national labor confederations
(CNTI, CNTC, CNTTT, and CONTCOP), are
affiliated with the moderate International Confedera-
tion of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU) and its Latin
American associate, the Inter American Regional
Organization of Workers (OBIT).
The overt influence of communism in Brazil's
organized labor movement is in virtual eclipse. During
the early 1960's, however, Communist influence had
been strong in the leadership of many unions, and had
been in control of three national federations and the
Peasant Leagues of rural workers. In 1962, 60
Brazilian labor leaders attended the Fifth World
Congress of the leftist World Federation of Trade
Unions in Moscow.
Since the end of World War II, there has been
increasing interest in Latin American labor displayed
by rile international trade secretariats that during
earlier years had concerned themselves principally
with European and North American labor programs.
The secretariats having affiliates in Brazil are the
Postal, Telegraph and Tc! ^"hone International
Federation and the International Federation of
Petroleum and Chemical Workers. Brazilian labor also
cooperates with the American Institute for Free Labor
Development (AIFI.D), a labor- oriented assistance
program in which United States private enterprise,
labor organizations, and foreign assistance programs
participate jointly. AIFLD has worked with Brazilian
labor in educational programs including leadership
training for union leaders, and it variety of social
projects. Another program involving direct union -to-
union cooperation is it personnel exchange program
enabling union leader delegations from the United
States and Brazil to visit one another, and to
encourage maintenance of such a relationship on it
continuing basis. Programs with Brazil and Japan were
the first two of this sort undertaken by the United
States labor movement.
The Medici government, like its predecessor, has
viewed the activities of foreign labor organizations,
which are in part aimed at developing a more active
and politically independent movement in Brazil, as a
possible threat to strict government control over
organized labor. The government has also been
extremely sensitive to any foreign criticism, and at it
meeting of the ILO in June 1972, labor Minister Julio
Barata declared that the Brazilian Government
"would not accept advice on its labor policy from any
nation.'
4. Management organizations (U /OU)
Some of the management associations are
spontaneous in origin, having evolved from a coming
together of commercial leaders in the old seaport
cities. 'Their principal aims are to exchange mutuall
29
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el
important information and to influence the
government cn mziters of concern to the business
commu Among the most prominent of such
bodies is the Commercial Association of Rio de
Janeiro. Founded in 1834, it provides its members with
advice and guidance in a wide range of business
matters, maintains an extensive commercial librarv,
and acts for its members in dealings with the
government. It is the senior member of the Federation
of Commercial Associations of Brazil, which publishes
an important commercial periodical, Revista das
Classes Produtoras (Review of the Producing Classes).
U.S. business firms have their own representation in
the 50- year -old American Chambers of Commerce for
Brazil, with principal chapters in Rio de Janeiro and
Sao Paulo, in which the U.S. ambassador and the U.S.
consul general, respectively, serve as honorary
presidents.
Management associations with industrial rather
than commercial orientations have come into being
with the growth of industry since World War IL Of
particular significance among these has been the
Brazilian Association for the Development of Basic
Industry. Created in 19 55, this organization furnishes
advice to its nembers, arranges the pooling of high
level industrial skills, and serves to draw together other
management organizations with industrial interests.
Management of the mining industry is represented by
the Brazilian Mining Association, which was founded
in 1963.
A second kind of management association was
brought into being with the restructuring of organized
labor during the late 1930's. As set forth in the
Consolidation of Labor Laws, employers unions
(sindicatos empregadores) made tip of employers and
self employed persons are organized by economic
sector in categories like those of the worker unions,
except that provision is also made for associations
representing the professions. Like the labor unions, the
management unions (associations) are supported by it
union tax prorated among the local, state, and
national organizations. It is levied on members and
nonmembers alike. For employers, the amount is
determined on the basis of the company's capital
assets; for the self employed, it is calculated by the
local association subject to confirmation by the
National Department of Labor.
Five or more employer associations may combine to
form federations, and a confederation may be formed
by three federations. The principal officially chartered
employer organizations are the National Con
federat:on of Industry ((,NI) and the National
Confederation of Commerce (CNC). They administer
30
vocational training programs and maintain statistical
sections, administrative branches, and economic staffs
which make special studies of economic problems. On
the local level employer organizations negotiate
collective agreements and represent employers in
regional labor courts and also represent them in
relations with Congress and state and local assemblies
on matters concerning them.
Apart from these officially recognized organizations
for employers, employers in practice have relied
extensively upon such private groupings as the
Council of the Producing Classes of the State of Sao
Paulo to protect their interests. The government itself
generally has preferred to act through executive groups
composed of government and industry representatives,
instead of consulting the trade associations. A group of
this type, for example, proved very effective in
converting the automobile industry from assembly
plants t� full production facilities.
A similar type of employer organization, the rural
association (associacao rural), was brought into being
by legislation in 194 5. The local associations are joined
into federations, formed usually on a statewide basis,
-in(] all federations are combined in a national
confederation, which by the end of 1964 was made up
of over 2,000 local associations and it membership of
some
A 1966 decree lase revised the rural employer
associ system by creating it National Confedera-
tion of Agriculture, replacing the old organization
established under tile 194.5 legislation. The new plan
called for the transformation of the old local
associations either into ones similar to the local urban
employer groups, or into civil nonprofit organizations.
The Association of Christian Business Executives
(ADCE), an affiliate of the international Union of
Christian Patronage, is a Catholic lay management
organization. Founded in 1961, the ADCE promoted
a type of liberal Christian Democratic program during
the Quadros and Goulart regines. Because of this
activism, it subsequently was viewe by the leaders of
the 1964 revolution as being "socialistic" and
therefore undesirable. Consequently, it number of
pressures were brought to bear on the ADCE v.-hich
caused it to decline in sire and importance. It now has
about .5(X) members. 1'he programs it supports are
minimal and not very significant; two small
cooperative factories established in the 1960's have
had no success. Although church officials, such as
Eugenio Cardinal Sales of Rio de Janeiro, have urged
the ADCE to become more involved in social action
projects, the organization's present conservative
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X
X
leadership and the government's hostility are likely to
prevent adoption of any programs such as those
undertaken before 1964.
Labor legislation (U /OU)
The principal provisions regulating labor arc
contained in the Consolidation of Labor Laws,
promulgated in 1943 and amended in 1967. Among
other matters, the consolidation regulates the work
day, wages, labor safety and hygiene, and individual
and collective labor contracts and contains ules of
procedure for labor courts. In practice, conditions of
employment are prescribed by law in such detail that
only a relatively narrow field remains to be defined by
bargaining between labor and management. Such
matters as working hours, days of rest, vacations,
contracts and retirement are covered by legislation,
which appear to be observed in urban localities. The
Statute for the Rural Worker, passed in March 1963,
was intended to give farm workers the same protection
as urban labor. Certain different rules apply to
employment in the countryside, however, and the
wide dispersal of the rural localities makes
enforcement of regulations almost impossible in many
farm areas.
Personnel seeking employment must present to the
prospective employer a work card (carteira profis-
s!anal) issued by the Ministry of Labor and Social
Security. This card provides information concerning
the dates of previous service and the amount of
remuneration but does not include qualitative
evaluation of performance. Except in the major cities,
few facilities are available for verification or
evaluation of an applicant's performance record.
Only officially recognized labor unions and the
corresponding employer associations are empowered
to negotiate a collective contract. It then must be
ratified by two thirds of the membership in the
negotiating union and is not effective until approved
by the Ministry of Labor and Social Secua ;y. Once
approved, the contract has the force of law. It is valid
for a period not to exceed 2 years, and the 1 -year
contract is customary. It is designed for application at
either the industrywide or regional level. Although
collective contracts are occasionally negotiated
informally between individual firms and local unions,
they are not enforceable until registered with the
Ministry of Labor and Social Security or a labor court.
The settlement of labor disputes and to a large
extent the administration of collective wage
agreements are handled by three: levels of labor courts,
although the executive branch can intervene in some
cases, even overruling labor court decisions. All labor
court! include representatives of workers and
employers, in addition to appointed judges. Most
grievances are heard at the local level in the
conciliation boards; disputes over collective
agreements are generally handled at the regional level
of tribunals. Negotiations between unions and
employers or employer associations are supervised by
the regional labor courts, which issue decisions on
terms and conditions of work. Maximum legal wage
adjustments, however, are now controlled by the
indexes calculated by the National Department of
Wages of the Ministry of Labor and Social Security,
and the labor courts' role is to conciliate within these
limits. In only a few instances is agreement reaches: by
direct negotiations between worker and employer
organizations. Whenever agreement cannot oe
obtained at the local or regional level, appeal may be
made to the Superior Labor Tribunal, which is the
highest labor court of appeals. Because the labor
courts have to deal with so many cases, some involving
non of wages to individuals, heavy workloads
and long delays in hearing cases are common.
The right to strike, subject to government
regulation, was recognized by the 1946 Constitution,
but legislation implementing this provision was
delayed until 1964. A simple majority at a meeting of
the general membership of the union is required to
declare a strike, but the government has established a
variety of preconditions that inhibit the declar
and implementation of a strike. Another obstacle to
the exercise of this basic right is government control of
labor unions through its legal power to replace union
leaden.
Minimum wages are more meaningful in Brazil
than in many other countries. First established in
1936, the system in theory now coven all wage workers
except public employees and domestic .workers.
Minimum wages are fixed by the National Wage
Policy Council, whose members are the Ministers of
Labor and Social Security, Transportation and Public
Works, Industry and Commerce, Mines and Energy,
and Planning and General Coordination. This body is
assisted by the National Department of Wages, an
administrative division of the Labor Ministry which
performs technical studies on the subject. This
department does periodic cost -of- !;wing research to set
minimum wage levels for different lines of activity in
the various regions and to determine the currency
adjustment indexes to be applied to wages. Wage rates
may be set in collective labor agreements or by
decision of the labor courts. The law requires
minimum wages to be revised -it least every 2 years,
but rising costs of living have made annual
31
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adjustments necessary. In the Northeast, in particular,
the minimum wage as prescribed by law has often
tended to coincide with the standard hourly, daily, or
monthly regular payment. In more prosperous parts of
the country, such as Guanabara and Sao Paulo, the
legal minimum has provided a kind of vardstick as
actual wages are often determined on the basis of
multiples of the legal minimum wage. In addition,
apprentices between the ages of 14 and 18 legally may
be paid half the minimum wage. It is reportedly a
common practice to hire young people at this reduced
wage, without offering the benefits of apprenticeship
training. In rural employment, which still makes up a
substantial proportion of the national total, the
frequently informal nature of work contracts coupled
with the relative absence of government inspection
makes enforcement of the legal minimums difficult.
A substantial part of a worker's income consists of
fringe benefits, which include severance pay, social
security, paid vacations and holidays, premium pay
for overtime and night work, family allowances, and a
"13th month" bonus. The degree to which workers,
particularly in rural areas, receive these benefits varies
greatly. The cost to the employer of the supplemental
benefits required by law varies between 35% and 55%
of the total payroll, according to the size of the firm.
Voluntary benefits provided by employers represent an
additional 8%-20% of the average employer's labor
costs.
The government also provides some direct benefits
to workers, including scholarships for children in
secondary school. Another program channels funds
from the federal lottery to unions for use in their
educational, health, and recreation programs.
Severance pay amounts to 1 month's wages, at the
highest rate paid the worker, for each year of
employment. In addition, the law stipulates that
employees gain permanent tenure after 10 years of
service in an enterprise. Social security provides 1) old
age pensions; 2) retirement pensions; 3) survivors'
pensions; 4) disability pensions; 5) paid sick leave; 6)
medical and hospital services; 7) maternity benefits; 8)
funeral grants; 9) unemployment insurance; and 10)
special programs for food distribution and medical
aid. In addition, the bulk of workers' housing has been
financed through social security institutes. After I
year's employment a worker is entitled to a paid
vacation of 20 working days. There are 7 legal
national holidays, and each state and each
municipality may declare up to 7 additional local
holidays. The average number of paid holidays is
between 12 and 14. The legal premium for overtime
and nightwork is 20 Supplemental payments for
993
work performed under unhealthful -onditions are
prescribed by law, but enforcement is erratic.
Family allowances are paid by establishments
whose workers are covered by the social security
system. A monthly allowance of 5% of the appropriate
legal minimum wage is paid to emplovees and workers
for each child under 14 years of age. If both parents
are employed, each receives allowances for the same
children. The cost is borne entirely by the employer.
The "13th month," or Christmas bonus, is equal to I
month's I- y, without deductions.
The law guarantees the right of all workers to
government- financed rest clinics and vacation resorts.
Establishments which are located more than 2
kilometers (approximately 1.25 miles) from a school
and which permanently emplov more than 30
illiterate minors are required to furnish priman-
education to their workers. Employed persons (except
those in positions of trust) whose transfer for the
convenience of the employer involves a change of
residence are entitled to a premium of 25% over their
regular wages for the duration of their service in the
new locality.
Unsatisfactory working conditions contribute to low
productivity. Safety laws are seldom enforced outside
the large industrial cities. In 1970, accidents affected
approximately one in every seven workers. The
Industrial Social Service is a private organization
compulsorily supported by industry through a federal
law which imposes a 2% tax on industrial payrolls. No
governmental funds are provided to this organization,
which has a central agency and regulatory
departments in each state of Brazil. The Industrial
Medicine Service is expanding, although it is not vet
very effective outside the main industrial centers. In
rural areas working conditions depend largely upon
the good will of the individual emplo
The normal working hours for commercial and
industrial establishments are 8 hours a day and 48
hours per week. According to law, workers are paid
20% extra for overtime work in most occupations.
However, the number of hours permitted is limited by
law, and a special permit trust be obtained for work
on holidays. Effective enforcement of these
regulations is often lacking. Agricultural workers are
usuallh' at the mercy of their individual emplo and
their own needs when determining the number of
hours they work. Workers covered by the Consolida-
tion of Labor Laws were formerly entitled to annual
vacations only after 12 elapsed months of emplo
ment, but 1967 legislation established the right to
leave in proportion to the length of time of
employment.
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f, ^J
Equal pay for equal work is required by law but is
difficult to enforce. For both women and minors, the
legal provisions are hedged with terms such as "equal
productivity," and definition is generally left to the
judgment of the employer.
Night work (between 10:00 p.m. and 5:00 a.m.) is
prohibited for minors under the age of 18. Until 1969
it was also, with a few exceptions, prohibited for
women at any age. In August of that year, however,
legislation amended the Consolidation of Labor Laws
to make it possible for women to work at night in a
broad range of economic activities. Medical approval
and previous communication to the appropriate local
labor authority is required.
Women may work overtime only when authorized
by a physician and may, in general, not work in excess
of 48 hours a week. Children tinder the age of 18 may
work overtime only in specific emergencies.
Children under the age of 12 may not be employed
under any circumstances, and those under 14 may
work only in connection with occupational training, in
welfare institutions, or in family undertakings under
supervision of the head of the family. Thev may not
work in occupations designated as unhealthful.
A Tenure Guarantee Fund, financed by an 8i,
payroll tax, was established in 1967 as an alternative
to the older tenure system. Under the new plan a
worker is entitled to funds deposited on his behalf in
the event of dismissal without just cause, and, in
addition, a worker may make withdrawals under
certain conditions. A worker's equity in the fund is not
limited by term of employment or any given job.
improved their positions between 1960 and 1970, the
real wages of the poorest groups rose by 245i while the
wealthiest 10''ir of the ixpulation had an income
increase of 60%.
In rural areas most people live in po% and a few
in luxury. In urban areas the same extremes prevail,
but there is a growing middle income group, especially
numerous in the cities of the industrial South and
Southeast. The -ural masses have for the most part
accepted without question the living conditions with
which they are familiar, but their situation has
worsened with the gradual breakdown of the patrao
(patron) worker relationship, which gave them some
security in times of crisis. The benefits of wage laws
and regulations, in general, are not enjoyed by
sharecroppers. The sharecropping system is widely
practiced, but arrangements are usually verbal and so
informal that regulation of compensation is almost
impossible. Most frequently, a small parcel of land is
rented for 3 days per week of condicao (obligatory
work) in the fields of the landholder. This work is
customarily remunerated at half the minimum wage.
On larger parcels of land, the condicao cyan be
supplemented by the landowner's taking to up to half
the product grown by the sharecropper.
Rural Brazilians grow a single crop for the market
rather than a variety of crops for home consumption.
Sines: his cash income is low and he uses it to purchase
nearly all of the commodities he needs, as well as
much of his food, the peasant has little left for
anything else. In fact, he usually spends more than he
earns and is in debt to his employer or the shopkeeper.
Real wages in rural areas have reportedly decreased
steadily since the late 1950's, and the living conditions
of the majority have worsened. Farm wages are the
lowest on the national scale; workers ;n the South and
Central -West earn about US$100 to $200 a year and
some workers in the Northeast as little as $30.
Minimum wage protection is relatively ineffective.
Rural unemployment and underemployment arc
widespread, particularly in the Northeast, where some
4 million persons without land or permanent jobs
constitute a migrant labor force continuously in search
of work. In some areas, especially those affected by
droughts, intolerable conditions have forced great
numbers to migrate to the cities. Many return to the
countryside after saving a little money; those who
remain in the slums, although pessimistic, probably
regard their living conditions as better than those of
their rurai counterparts, with better educational
opportunities for their children, protection of labor
unions, and greater benefits through the urban welfare
system.
E. Living conditions and social problems
I. Living conditions (U /OU)
X
Brazilian living levels are about average for Latin
America but fall well below thot:e in Chile, Argentina,
and Uruguay. National indexes in Brazil, however, are
misleading, since there are great disparities between
regions. In the South and Southeast the levels of living
approximate those of southern Europe, while in the
Northeast, which is the largest and most populous
underdeveloped area in the Western Hemisphere,
living conditions are comparable to those in Southeast
Asia.
The government has long recognized that most of
the people do not receive enough income to attain an
adequate standard of living. An estimated 60 million
to 70 million people live at the subsistence level or
below. The disparities in income between the wealti
and the poor apparently are increasing. The Finance
Minister has noted that while all economic groups
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i
i
i
Although considerably higher than those for rural
workers, real earnings for many urban workers are also
low. Since 1940 important gains in real income and it.
consumption levels have been noted only in the
industrial states, principally Sao Paulo. Workers who
have transferred from agricultural to nonagricultural
pursuits and from unskilled to skilled leveis have
participated in these gains; those in the textile and
other slightly mechanized industries have barely
maintained their real income level, and, at least
during the 1964 -67 period, unskilled workers incomes
declined. The slowness in the rise of income levels is
largely the result of the restrictive wage policies
imposed by the governments since 1964. About half of
the workers receive little more than the officially
established minimum wage, and this has barely kept
up with inflation. The minimum wage is defined as
one which in a given locality is capable of satisfying
the workers' normal needs for food, shelter, clothing,
health, and transportation costs. There are five
minimum wage jurisdictions throughout the country,
each with its own minimum wage scale based on local
cost -of- living studies. In May 1972, the minimum
monthly wage in Brasilia and the States of Sao Paulo,
Rio de Janeiro, Guam Sara, and Minas Gerais was
about US$50, while in the Northeast it was about $30.
Basic wage payments are accompanied by substantial
supplementary payments, ranging from 30% to 55% of
the basic wage costs, the extent depending principally
on the size of the employing enterprise. In addition,
voluntary payments by employers represent tin to 20%
of the wage cost%.
Little information is available on workers'
purchasing power nationwide. Most studies deal only
with the situation of the workers in Sao Paulo, who are
the nation's most skilled and best paid. The majority
of residents of the city of Sao Paulo (about 3.25
million) are members of lower class families with an
income between two and six times the minimum
salary, according to a survey done in 1972 for the
municipal government by the University of Sao
Paulo's Institute for Economic Research. The average
family in this income group was found to have 4.72
members, with a median per capita income of just
US$29 pe- month.
The typical lower income family spends its money
as follows (in Percent):
Food 45
Housing 19
Personal expenses 14
Clothing 7
Transportation 7
Health 6
Education z
34
In April and May 1971, the newspaper fornal do
Tarde conducted a survey of Sao Paulo workers at the
lowest economic level �those whose incomes are less
than US$50 per month. The average wage earner in
this category has one job (95 and is the only income
earner in the family (91%). He never completed
primary school (80 His family of four spends 56%
of their income on food, but they cat meat only
occasionally. After food, housing, and transportation
are paid for, only 3% of the family's income is left for
clothing, entertainment, and other expenditures. They
are likely to own a radio but not a sewing machine,
television set, refrigerator, phonograph, or washing
machine.
Those workers who lack either educational
background, intelligence, or ambition and who
consequently are unable to move up into more
responsible jobs continue to suffer a decline in their
purchasing power. Most workers fall within this
category. On the other hand, marry thousands of other
workers are improving their skills and moving up into
better paying jobs. As they do so, their aspirations for
the better things in life increase, with the result that
many of them are getting into debt by buying
"luxury" items, invariably on credit at high interest
rates and in some cases beyond their means. According
to a study carried out in 1971 by a union sponsored
research organization, much of the income of Sao
Paulo workers above the lowest level now goes for
domestic appliances. Whereas 10 years ago few Sao
Paulo working class households had electric household
appliances, 87.5% now have television sets; 75
sewing machines; 72 electric mixers; 64
refrigerators; and 52 record players. Working class
families have been stimulated to purchase these items
by easy access to credit and because advertising has
influenced them through radio, television, and
newspapers, creating a desire for status symbols. The
automobile is rapidly becoming the ml sought after
status symbol and increasing numbers of low income
families are making great sacrifices to buy one.
Reportedly 15% of the Sao Paulo metalworkers now
own cars, even though their average monthly income
is only about US$70, and few earn the $175 monthly
that it has been calculated is the minimum income
needed to afford a car. Although more meml of the
family have gone to work, working fanuiies have
not really been able to afford the ite dwi have been
purchasing, and to pay for them they have decreas-
their consumption of nearly all basic food items. The
working class' neglect of its diet may have serious
effects on health.
According to a study by the University of Sao Paulo,
that city's average middle class family, with an
0
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income of between USS234 and 346; per month,
spends a higher percentage of its income on housing
than do families of either the lower or upper class
because it is the economic class with the lo%%est
percentage of homeowners. Social pressure compels
the middle class to live in better housing, yet most
families of this class lack the financial means to bnv a
home. As a resnit. the% spend on the average 20.2r of
their income on housing. ranch of it in rent, while the
average loser class famil% spends only 18.7
Although this is a small spread in percentage terms. in
absolute terms it is often substantial.
Since the 1930'x, when the wave of migration to the
cities began, the shortage of adequate housing has
been one of Brazil's major social problems (Figure 15).
Although there are no firm data on the housing deficit.
174V r.
r" r A ti
FIGURE 15. Living conditions of the poor (U/OU)
(a) Houses built on stilts in a slum area of
Belem; adjacent canals double for water
supply and waste disposal
(b) Slum housing in Recife
(c) Typical rural housing
(d) A favela in Rio de Janeiro
(e) Villa Kennedy, AID sponsored low
cost housing project in Rio de Janeiro
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it was estimated in 196.3 at 10.5 million units. The
president of the National Housing Bank (BNH) has
said that 800.0x1 new units must be constructed each
year to abolish existing slums and meet population
growth. The problem may have worsened since 1963,
despite intensified government efforts to alleviate it.
The most obvious evidence of the housing shortage
is the improvised housing constructed by migrants on
vacant land around large cities. These jerry -built
communities (called fauelas in Rio de Janeiro, corticos
in Sao Paulo, malocas in Recife) consist of shacks
made of packing cases or odd scraps of lumber for
Halls; zinc sheeting, canvas, rough tile or flattened oil
cans for roofs; and bare earth for floors. The shanty's
area is perhaps 8 by 14 feet, sometimes divided into
two rooms and housing a family of five or six people.
There is little furniture and rarer enough space for
heds. Customarily, there is no electricity, toilet
facilities are lacking, and water is carried in oil cans.
The only walks are often crossed by deep and jagged
gullies formed by water erosion of the soil.
Estimates of the number of people living in these
communities range from 10% to 30% of the urban
population, although the latter figure is probably
much too high. In Rio de Janeiro they were reported to
have doubled between 1950 and 1960, when they
represented 11.6% of the population. The slums may
include as much as 50% of the population of Recife. In
more recent years, however, the population of such
areas in large cities has been declining, partly because
some residents have made enough money to move into
more adequate housing, and perhaps even more
importantly, nearly all large cities are carrying out
slum erradication programs. On the other hand, the
slum population of small and median -size cities may
be expanding.
In the countryside housing conditions are as diverse
as those found in the cities. Manor houses of the
Northeast sugar plantations and the ranches of the
serlao are frequently gracious, rambling establish-
ments of great size and luxury. Not far from Rio de
Janeiro and Sao Paulo, however, are found the houses
characteristic of most of the rural areas. 'These are two
and three -room wattle and -mud houses, often with
five or more persons sleeping in the same room.
Windows, when the% exist, are usually without glass;
the uneven dirt floors collect filth; and the walls may
harbor the insect whose bite transmits the incurable
Chagas' disease. Of the small towns, only a few have
electricity, public sewerage, or water supply systems,
and these utilities usually serve only public buildings
and occasionally the homes of the wealthy. A small
fraction of rural houses has sanitary services (mostly
cesspools and pits); since only a few families build
outhouses, their drinking water, tapped from natural
sources, is frequently polluted. Middle class housing is
seldom found in rural areas, except for homes of
plantation and ranch managers and in the South,
where wooden dwellings with steeply peaked roofs are
reminiscent of Germany or Switzerland.
The principal difficulty in meeting the home
construction problem is in financing, although gains
have been made. The prig ;e sector had shown
relatively little interest in this kind of investment; and
the public sector, heavily burdened with other
commitments, had been unable to allocate adequate
funds to lo -cost housing construction. For many
years the construction industry had stagnated as
inflation had reduced savings, and those savings
generated were channeled into fields that offered
quicker profits. As late as 1966 inflation was at an
annual rate of more than 40 credit for housing was
limited to 2 years, a downpayment of 50c� was
customary, and annual interest rates ranged upward
from 12
The housing investment climate, however, began to
change in 1964. Tile previously rigid controls were
gradually relaxed to it point where owners of
apartment buildings could charge rents commensurate
with the demand for accommodations. The year of
1964 was marked also by enactment of legislation
establishing the National Housing Bank (BNH) as the
principal source of loans for new housing. An
independent entity within the Ministry of Finance,
the bank works with the Ministry of ?'fanning and
General Coordination in regulating, the housing
operations of national savings banks, social security
funds, and other sources of housing investment.
BN I I was established with an income consisting of a
I l payroll tax on all salaries coming within the scope
of the Consolidation of Labor Laws. The bank had
little effect during its first 2 years of existence, a time
during which its efforts were concentrated on planning
programs and developing subordinate agencies. In
1967, however, it became a significant factor in
generating an unprecedented flow of resources into the
construction industry. The number of housing units
financed by BNI-I increased from 60,400 under
construction in 1966 to 167,3(x) in 1967. During the
same time span, the number actually completed
increased from 27,900 to 50,6(x).
By the end of 1971, BNH had financed construction
of over 780,(x1) homes and was meeting the credit
needs of up to 25% of all home construction. In late
1971, a new National Housing Plan was developed to
improve the efficiency of BNH and its subsidiary
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0
agencies involved in home financing. With the
changes introduced by the plan, BNH was expected to
be able to meet 40Sr of the. total demand for home
financing by 1980 and to supply 6Mi to 705c' of the
financial needs of the middle class housing sector by
1975. Activity in the areas of rural and low-income
housing, however, may be limited because of the BNH
goal of becoming profitable.
As part of its role in providing housing financing,
BNH established in 1966 the Brazilian System of
Building and Loan Associations and acts as a central
bank for this entity of over 100 member organizotions.
In 1968 BNH extended its managerial operations to
urban infrastructuiv tith the creation of the Sanitary
Financing System, which is composed of state and
municipal governments and private entities.
Housing for the lowest economic sectors remains a
serious problem which may be worsening as cities such
as Rio de Janeiro carry out massive programs intended
to eliminate slums. Although some low -cost housing is
being provided for persons displaced by these
programs, it is often too limited to accommodate more
than a small percentage of them. Even a small rent
may be more than the affected people can afford.
Such housing is also likely to be on the outskirts of the
cities or at some distance from them, far from jobs,
stores, and schools. The main impetus for clearing the
slums may be the desire of developers to obtain
valuable land, which can then be used to construct
high -rise apartment buildings. Constriction of public
hous`.ng apartments is limited by the fact that BNH
may finance construction only of homes and
apartments designed for ownership by the occupant.
In January 1973, President Medici announced the
establishment of a new government program aimed at
relieving the pressures of inadequate housing
conditions in urban areas, mainly among the lower
classes. The National Popular Ilousing Plan calls for a
major expansion of the central governments support,
in collaboration with state and municipal housing
agencies, for the construction over a 10 -year period of
2 million units of individual family housing for wage
earners whose monthly family income is less than
$130. BNH will furnish 80% of the resources for the
program and the states and municipalities will make
up the remainder. The program, like previous less
ambitious ones, will test the administrative ability of
both the federal and local agencies, as well as their
ability to generate and allocate the large financial
resources required.
The rural sector has only begun to receive much
attention. Although B N I I is supposed to provide funds
for rural housing, this area in fact has received only 1
of total BNH financing since 196.1. The president of
BNH has justified this distribution on the grounds that
the rural population is groving very slowly and that
the housing problem there thus is not as serious as in
urban zones. He also noted that farmers were able to
obtain very low interest loans from agricultural
development banks to finance housing.
Since 1964, and partic in recent ears, the
government has been dev .ting increasing attention to
reforming the agrarian structure, characterized b
large numbers of subsistence plots and huge holdings
covering much of the arable land. Reform measures
have included an amendment to the Constitution to
allow payment for expropriated lands in long -term
bonds carrying a currency adjustment clause, a
transfer to the federal government of the proceeds of a
rural property tax, and promulgation of a land statute.
Between 1966 and 1970, 45,000 families occupying
2,276,367 acres received property deeds or were
otherwise given possession of land. In the same period
2,157 families received 272,970 acres of land
purchased by the state or distributed by private owners
under public auspices. Under the government
financed land settlement program, I0.000 families
were settled on 81,510 acres. Finally, under the
program for "spontaneous' land settlement, 7,100
families were set up on 185,744 acres.
In July 1970, all responsibility for agrarian reform,
rural colonization, and related programs was given to
the National Institute. of Colonization and Agrarian
Reform (INCRA), an autonomous agency under the
Ministry of Agriculture. The INCRA will play a major
role in implementation of two Medici government
programs for rural areas. The National Integration
Program, instituted in June 1970, is responsible for
extending agricultural services to the Amazon Basin,
integrating the strategy for settling the Amazon Basin
with that for developing the Northeast, and
redirecting migration from the Northeast toward the
watered valleys in that region and to the new
agricultural frontier in the Amazon so as to head off
movements toward the major urban centers.
The Program of Land Redistribution and
Encouragement to Agroindustrics in the Northeast
and North (PROTERRA), instituted in Jul 1971,
complements the work under the National Integration
Program in the same area. Scheduled investments will
he raised by reallocating part of the program of tax
incentives for investment in the North and Northeast
and from the funds of other federal agencies.
1'ROTERRA's main objectives are to finance the
purchase of land for small and medium -sized fauns,
promote increased production of agricultural inputs,
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finance the expansion and modernization of
agroindustrial undertakings (particularly sugar
refining). guarantee minimum export prices, and
develop agricultural research programs.
2. Welfare (U /OU)
Public welfare acti it i heavily dependent upon
state initiative, with tederal assistance aimed primarily
at supplementing and coordinating local and regional
efforts. The major exception is the social insurance
system, which is national in character. The prime
federal social welfare organization is the National
Council of Social Service in the Ministry of Education.
Its main duties have consisted of planning and
carrying out distribution of federal subsidies to private
and state organizations. The Constitution of 1969,
however, called for considerable fiscal centralization,
and the decentralized system of welfare administra-
tion may be modified.
Other ninistries participating in welfare activities
include Labor and Social Security, Health, Interior,
and Agriculture. The National Nutrition Service,
financed from employer- employee contributions to
social security and sonic other sources, endeavors to
improve the food distribution system, conducts a
nutritional research program, and furnishes inexpen-
sive meals to factory workers and schoolchildren. The
Brazilian League of Assistance is it voluntary relief
organization supported by a tax on employers. In
addition, a union tax imposed on workers is used by
the unions in providing welfare services, as well as in
conducting regular union activities.
Welfare programs receive assistance from a number
of foreign governments and international agencies,
such as the U.S. Agency for International
Development (AID), and specialized agencies of the
United Nations, such as the Children's Fund, the
World Health Organization (WHO), and the
International Labor Organization (11.0). Assistance
was given to the Northeast from the West German
Government through private Brazilian organizations.
Social development projects were aided by U.S.
private nonprofit foundations, such as Kellogg, Ford,
Rockefeller, the Institute of International Education,
the American Foundation for Overseas Blind, the
World Rehabilitation Fund, the Young Women's
Christian Association, the Young Men's Christian
Association, the Salvation Army, the Catholic Relief
Service, and the Protestant Church World Service.
The disparity in areas served by welfare agencies
reflects differences in state wealth and private
initiative. The imbalance in types of welfare services
offered is indicative of federal governmental interests
in such fields as maternal and child welfare, health
conditions, rural assistance, nutrition, and municipal
housing. Concepts of preventive and rehabilitative
social action appeared after world War 11 and are
limited to projects of social counseling and vocational
rehabilitation. There are almost no general relief
services, family casework offices, or public works
programs designed to relieve unemployment. Some
public work projects are usually carried out in the
Northeast when severe droughts disrupt the economy
there.
Theoretically, everyone is assured of work and other
minimal conditions under the labor code. Never-
theless, the poor, aged, unemployed, deserted, and
abandoned are without resources beyond occasional
care in charitable institutions.
The prevailing attitude of most Brazilians toward
public welfare activities (especially where facilities are
lacking) seems to be, "The national government has to
give its a push." Local municipal councils like to
interpret their public assistance responsibility as
building bridges, roads, markets, police stations, or
other tangible projects. For basic improvements in the
general condition of education, sanitation, public
health, or even medical facilities, the people tend to
look beyond local authorities.
Social security i:< not concentrated in one single
agency, but the major role in this field devolves upon
the National Institute of Social Welfaire (IMPS),
created in November 1966 to merge six former pension
and retirement institutes. The INPS has charge of the.
General Social Security System and covers risks for all
gainfully employed persons. Also of importance are
the Government Employees' Welfare and Relief
Institute and the pension and retirement funds of the
armed forces and of the employees and officials of
municipal and state governments and various
agencies.
In 1970 about 8.8 million persons were insured
under the INPS and some 2 million under other
systems, representing about one -third of the
economically active population. The general system
covers illness, maternity, disability, old age, death and
family allotments. In 1969 some 349,00) persons
received benefits under health insurance, 681,000
under maternity coverage, 489,000 under occupa-
tional accident and illness insurance, 1.2 million
received survivor's benefits, and 92,000 other benefits.
The social security system is controlled by the
Ministry of Labor and Social Security through its
National Department of Social Welfare. Also
exercising functions in this field are the General
Inspectorate of Finances, which supervises and audits
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X
the financial condition and operations of the funds
of other agencies; the Council on Social Welfare
Appeals, an administrative tribunal for jurisdictional
coutrol, and the Boards of Social Welfare Appeals, one
to each state, which hear appeals against the decisions
of the INPS on benefits, contributions, and the
relationships of beneficiaries.
Brazil has no civil defense organization, but disaster
planning and the concept of joint effort to meet
emergencies are developing. Police and firemen, the
armed forces, the Brazilian Red Cross and other
volunteer agencies, and foreign governments
supplement the Brazilian Government's efforts when
emergencies arise. Task forces are set up to provide
medical care and immunizations, distribute food and
clothing, and construct emergency housing. After a
major flood in Recife in 1966 the armed forces and
other government organizations developed a disaster
plan for tire: area and eliminated much of the
confusion and lack of coordination which generally
arise.
Natural disasters which frequently necessitate joint
(forts are floods, droughts, and earthquakes. In
addition to assisting at such times, the army civic
action program provides regular medical care to
civilians in remote areas, mostly in the North and
Central -West. The navy's Amazon Flotilla provides
medical assistance and food to the population along
the river, and the air force flies medical aid to Indian
tribes in the interior, transports the seriously ill to
hospitals, and collects health data. The Brazilian Air
Force, at the request of the Argentine Government,
assisted in flood relief in the border area in 1966 and in
that same year transported medical supplies to South
Vietnam.
3. Social problems (C)
Nationwide statistics are lacking, but the available
evidence suggests that crime, narcotics addiction,
alcoholism, prostitution, juvenile delinquency, and
suicide are increasing. All urban areas are facing these
problems, with Sao Paulo as usual in the forefront.
The public has a low opinion of law enforcement
officers, a view reinforced by recurrent instances of
graft, bribery, and other scandal. Offenses against the
person (particularly aggravated assault, but including
murder) are most prevalent, followed by crimes
against property and by sexual offenses. Much of the
crime is committed by teenagers, whose activities
consist mainly of mugging, petty thefts, and theft of
automobiles and weapons. These offenders conic
mostly from migrant families but include some
teenagers of middle and upper class families, an
indication of declining family stability.
According to O Estado de Sao Paulo, one of Brazil's
gravest "social tumors" is the large number of
homeless children, many of whom turn to crime to
survive. In nearh every large city there are man
children who live by shining shoes, .vashing cars,
begging, stealing, selling drugs, and prostitution. In
some cities, children are responsible for 75% of the
crimes investigated by police. A police official said in
early 1973 that some 30,000 minors were in public and
private institutions in greater Sao Paulo, but that this
number was less than 10% of the homeless children in
that area. Most of the minors �even those who have
committed crimes �who are picked up b the
authorities are soon back on the streets because of the
lack of facilities to care for them. The only institution
that appears to be seriously dealing with the problem
is operated in Guanabara State by the National
Institute for Protection of Minors, created in 1964.
This facility serves only the Rio de Janeiro area,
however, and even in this limited area the number of
needy children far exceeds the maximum that can be
adequately cared for.
Throughout the country penal facilities to house
adult offenders are also seriously inadequate. In 1972,
it Rio de Janeiro police official said that manv
convicted persons had to be released because of lack of
space in jails. He attributed the growing dime vision of
the problem to the rising crime rate.
Prostitution is a serious social problem. Prostitutes
cater to the upper and middle class male almost
exclusively; among the lower classes the rules of
chaperonage and segregation are far less stringent. The
law prescribes penalties for contributing to the
institution of prostitution but none for the practice
itself.
The number of alcoholics was estimated in 1973 at
over 4 million. Alcoholism was considered responsible
for over half of all traffic accidents, for man- lost work
days, and for the growing incidence of dcscrtion of
families by husbands. In addition, roost suicides were
c�ornmitted under the influence of alcohol. Treatment
for alcoholism is difficult to obtain, particularly for
members of the lower classes, among whom the
problem is most common.
In the early 1970's Brazilian authorities became
aware that drug addiction was becoming ac
increasingly serious problem. Marijuana, which is
grown in southern Brazil and in Paraguay, is the most
prevalent drug; some 75% of arrests for drug abuse
involve marijuana. Amphetirnines and barbituates
manufactured in both legitimate and clandestine
factories in Uruguay aril Argentina easily enter Brazil
across the long, relatively lightly patrolled borders
with these countries. In addition to professional
39
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:f *^t7.xw ,".,,"`v', *i P',tPr .:a VrFz ...fix. .^P3` ^7t �T. q 1+.
smugglers, frequent use is made of truck drivers,
students, and other travelers to transport the drugs
across the borders and into southern Brazil. Thus far,
there is little evidence of significant consumption of
cocaine, morphine, opium, and heroin, but the
authorities fear that as Brazils prosperity increases so
will the demand and supply of these drugs. Brazilian
authorities have said that the seizure of a large
quantity of heroin on board a U.S. ship in Rio de
Janeiro in October 1972 constituted evidence that
international drug traffickers are using Brazil as a
transit point.
Until 1972, Brazilian authorities, preoccupied with
matters of internal security, gave relatively low
priority to the drug problem. Moreover, coordination
was lacking among the various law enforcement
agencies involved in combatting the drug traffic. The
Federal Police have overall enforcement and
coordination responsibility, but military agencies and
state police departments are also active. A tough new
drug law was sanctioned in October 1971, but
implementation was handicapped by the lack of an
adequate infrasturct tire. While the federal and state
governments have taken a strong moral stand ag ainst
drug trafficking and use and have increased their
enforcement capabilities, little has yet been done in
the area of education and treatment. The numerous
pressing health problems have forced the authorities to
allocate their limited resources to more immediate
i needs and to relegate drugs to a position of low
priority. The ratio of addicts who are treated and then
return to drug use is believed to be very high. A Drug
Prevention Council was established under the
Ministry of Education in early 1972 to wage an
antidrug campaign directed primarily at youth. The
I campaign is to be low keyed, however, because some
officials fear that toe much publicity may stimulate
interest in drugs. An extensive education program
initiated in Sao Paulo State was halted in 1971
because officials felt it might lead to increased drug
I usage.
F. Health (U /OU)
1. Environmental factors affecting health
The level of health is generally low, although there
are wide regional and social variations, Marked
progress has been made against sonic communicable
diseases and health hazards since the late 1940'x, but
most of the gains have been made in the southern part
of the country, while the North and Northeastern
regions remain generally primitive. The average life
expectancy in 1970 was 63.1 years. The mortality rate
has dropped noticeably since the 1950 census,
indicating some progress in the field of public health,
but some diseases especially tuberculosis �have
increased in incidence because of migration to urban
areas and the consequent overcrowding in slums.
Efforts to improve health standards have been
impeded by the shortage of medical manpower, the
inadequacy of transportation and communication
facilities, and the passivity of the people.
The average daily food consumption per person is
estimated to provide 2,900 calories. This is among the
highest in Latin America, but wide variations exist
among the social classes and regions. The average
intake in the Northeast, for example, is only about
1,450 calories. Moreover, the monotonous diets in
many areas contain too many carbohydrates and too
few vitamins, minerals, and proteins, even in the more
favorable average diet of the metropolitan Southeast-
ern areas there is a shortage of calcium. Malnutrition
is the major medical problem, especially in the
Northeast and among children. The state government
of Ceara, for example, stated in May 1971 that one
third of the preschool age children there suffered from
malnutrition.
In late 1972, the Congress sanctioned the creation of
a National Institute of Food and Nutrition under the
Health Ministry. The institute would have control
over a National Nutrition Program, which would
provide sonic direct assistance to the needy, but would
he involved primarily in disseminating information
about nutrition. The information program would
include the creation of it folkloric personality who
would transmit advice through newspapers, radio, and
television, and the establishment of special orientation
courses in elementary schools. The government called
for intensive efforts to overcome the extreme
reluctance of Brazilians to change their dietary habits,
even when improved health could result from such
changes.
The production, transport, and distribution of foods
are inadequate, as are storage and refrigeration
facilities. It is estimated that one -third of the food
spoils before it reaches retail markets. Control
measures regardit; sanitarN food handling are not
well enforced, particularly in the interior. Mcat is
properly inspected only when it is destined for foreign
narkets. Flies and mosquitoes rre prevalent, and
screening is rare. Supermarkets in the major cities have
:sigh sanitation standards, but in general the small size
of retail meat outlets increases the likelihood of
unsanitary human handling and minimizes the
likelihood of inspection. Visitors to the country should
heware of untreated fresh vegetables and unpeeled
fruits. Adequately pasteurized milk is available in
most of the large cities. The sale of raw milk has been
prohibited since October 1969.
-j
HE
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The humid climate and lush swamps of northern
and western Brazil favor propagation of disease
hearing and harmful animals and plants. The animals
include many species of mosquitoes, biting and blood-
sucking flies, filth flies, lice� fleas, ticks, and nines,
other arachnids and insect pests, scorpions� mollusks,
helminths, reptiles (especially the coral snake. tropical
rattlesnake. bushmaster� and pit viper), rodents,
vampire hats and cebus monkeys (the latter two are
carriers of yellow fever). There are dangerous fish� such
as the piranha, and numerous allergenic and toxic
plants.
No cite or town has adequate water and sewerage
facilities� and eater is not potable anywhere in the
country unless it is boiled or chemically treated.
According to census statistics, the percentages of
private habitations with running water, toilets of sonic
type, and electric lights were as follows:
1950 1960
Running water 16 21
Toilets 3.3 51
Electric lights 24 39
Establishment of environmental sanitation systems is
primaril% an urban undertaking. As estimated by the
Pan American Health Organization (PAHO) at the
end of 1968� abort 27 of the population had some
kind of public .cater supple. This included 46'(' of the
urban and Wi of the rural residents. Adequate public
sewerage was provided for 12r' of the population, all
of it urban. Facilities were most extensive in the large
cities, particularly in Sao Paulo which, despite its
rapid rate of growth. had a relatively small
shantytown slum population. In 1969, however, a
Brazilian magazine estimated that 12 million in Sao
Paulo State were without direct access to it public
water supple. In the country as it whole. in 1968 some
4Wi of the country's municipalities had water suppl
systems, and WC had sewerage lines. Extension of the
water supple system is an urgent need: millions of
people, according to the 1969 estimate, suffer from
amoebic dysentery and other waterborne diseases as a
result of drinking polluted water (Figure 16).
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FIGURE 16. The expansion of water supplies requires major investments. Here, finishing
touches are put on an addition to Sao Paulo's water system. (U/OU)

In the countryside, primitive environmental
sanitation is to some extent offset by the personal
cleanliness of the people. The rural sanitation program
is directed primarily at reducing water pollution and
eliminating disease vectors, such as the malaria
carrying mosquito and the schistosomiasis- carrying
snail. In addition, during the late 1960's between
1200 and 15,000 cesspools and septic tanks were
installed annually.
Garbage and trash collections are regular and
adequate in the major cities but are virtually
nonexistent in their satellite shantytowns. In general
waste disposal services best developed in the South
and scantiest in the (ities of the Northeast.
International loa s for water supple and sewer-
age systems from 1962 through 1968 included
USS113,060,000 for water and 514,650,000 for sewer-
age from the Inter American Development Bank, and
$21,695,000 for water and 52,5(x),000 for sewerage
from the U.S. economic assistance otogram. The
estimated nation) matching funds were the
equivalent of $186,161,000.
In 1970 the national government announced long
range health and sanitation programs as a part of
"Objectives and Bases for Government Action." The
sanitation program is to be carried out mainly by the
Ministry of the Interior through subp.;grans
est ablished by the National Housing Bank with 25%
of the investment to be made by the municipalities. In
general, the program aims to provide at least 50% of
the urban population with adequate sewer by the
end of 1980. Little improvement for the rural
population is indicated. The program also seeks during
this period to provide water systems for about 80% of
the urban population. However, among the obstacles
to transmitting potable water is the continued practice
of Brazilian engineer of installing low- pressure
distribution systems.
The surge of interest in the United States in
environmental pollution control has reached Brazil,
where there has been increasing press discussion and
serious interest in the environmental sciences on the
part of leading engineers and scientists. This interest
brought renewed attention for example, to the
uncontrolled sewage contamination of Rio de Janeiro's
famous beaches. Efforts have been undertaken in this
area, as well as to reduce diesel exhaust fumes and
other air pollution. The 1970 report on health and
sanitation programs pointed out that in Sao Paulo the
concentration of sulfurous anhydride in the
atmosphere was tvic, as high as the normal rate in the
United States. The report called for the creation of
national guidelines for environmental pollution
42
control and for agreements with states and
municipalities for the study and control of pollution
problems. Concern was also expressed about industrial
wastes and the longstanding misuse of soil, forests, and
wildlife. However, government officials have stated
that Brazil's first priority must be rapid economic
development, even though this process at times may
create environmental problems.
2. Disease
Health hazards vary so substantially in nature and
intensity according to economic and social conditions
and by locality that nationwide statistics lose much of
their significance. In 1970, the general mortality rate
in rural localities was about twice that in state
capitals. Infant mortality in some rural parts of the
Northeast was three times that in capital cities.
Data concerning the principal causes of death are
slow to appear and are complete only for Sao Paulo
State. Late in 1969, however, a voluntary organization
named the Brazilian Welfare Legion reported that
malnutrition was the direct or contributory cause of
most infant and many adult deaths. The legion
estimated that more than half the children horn in
1970 would die in infancy or live without sufficient
natural resistance to disease because of inadequate
nutrition. To combat this inadequacy, the National
Nutrition Service has developed a school level
program, along with its other duties.
Available data indicate that during the 1960's the
principal recorded causes of death were diseases of
early infancy and heart ailments, the latter attributed
to the strains of increasing urbanization. Other major
causes, varying from year to year in order of
prec edence, were vascular lesions affecting the central
nervous system, cancer. pneumonia and influenza,
gastritis and enteritis, and tuberculosis.
The most common of the ailments of infancy are
diphtheria, gastroenteritis, and parasitic diseases, all
related to lack of proper sanitary practices. Other
diseases common among the young include malaria,
tuberculosis, influenza, whooping cough, and
diphtheria. Malnutrition after weaning is a
contributing factor in all of these. In addition, in the
rural areas where a doctor or trained midwife is rareiv
in attendance at deliveries, the incidence of infant
death from tetanus is probably high.
Respiratory ailments represent the most widespread
health hazard and are responsible for about one- fourth
of the deaths at all ages. Pneumonia and influenza are
most prevalent in the South. Tuberculosis is endemic
in all regions and most frequently affects those in the
econonically productive age groupings. The country's
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X
antitubercular campaign, developed with assistant of
PAHO, maintains a network of regional tuberculosis
laboratories.
Among the most serious of the parasitic diseases is
schistosomiasis (liver flukes), contracted by eating the
snails and mollusks that act as host to it, and by
wading in or drinking polluted water. The disease
occurs primarily in the Northeast and along the coasts,
but it can he transmitted by human feces and is spread
by migration from farms to cities and by the expansion
of irrigation works. In 1971 the Ministry of Health
estimated that as many as 8 million people, largely in
the Northeast, were infected by it. Schistosomiasis is
fatal only occasionally, but its victims are often so
weakened that they are unable to work. A major tool
in the campaign against it is a molluscicide spraved
into those watercourses used for irrigation. A new
approach toward helping the victims of the disease
involves an injection of the drug hycanthone, which
reportedly has suppressed the disease in 90% of test
cases.
Chagas' disease, named for the Brazilian physician
who first identified it, is an incurable parasitic ailmen!
that debilitates the victim and, through heart damage
may eventually cause death. The carrier of the disease,
un insect called the barbeiro in Brazil, lives in the wells
and thatch roofs of the wattle- and -daub houses in the
countryside. The disease is endemic in rural are;.;, and
reportedly some 2 million people are infected. Dr.
Humberto Menezes of the Sao Paulo Medical School
has had initial success in working on a vaccine, but he
has estimated that it may not be perfected for some
yea rs.
The third major parasitic disease is hookworm. Its
principal incidence is in the Northeast, where most of
the children are reported to be suffering to some extent
from it or from some other parasitic worm. Late in
1969 a Brazilian magazine published the estimate that
23 million people were suffering from hookworm.
Goiter, primarily a consequence of iodine shortage,
I. endemic in the Northeast and Central -West. An
estimated 1 million persons suffer from hypertrophied
(abnormally developed) thyroid, commonly referred
to as papo. T'w simple preventive is consumption of
iodized salt. Salt iodization has been required by law
since 1956.
An antimalarial campaign has made significant
advances in bringing that disease under control. Brazil
was the only nation of the Americas in the 1960's
where smallpox continued to be endemic; between
1960 and 1968 Brazil had over 90% of the cases
reported in the Western Hemisphere, although
smallpox accounted for an average of only about 3%
of all deaths. In March 1972 the government said that
no cases had been reportrj in the preceding year and
that 90 million persons had been vaccinated. The
World health Organization withdrew Brazil's name
from the list of countries where smallpox is endemic.
Since 19.38 the National Leprosy Service has
campaigned for early detection of the disease and for
greater emphasis on home treatment. A network of
dispensaries records new cases and treats as outpatients
manv of those afflicted with contagious forms of the
disease. In addition, usually in connection with the
leprosariums, there are more than thirty preventive
units for children and other persons who have been in
contact with contagious persons. The Brazilian School
of Leprology is responsible for discovering that
bacillus Calmette- Guerin, the standard tuberculosis
vaccine, can also immunize against some forms of
leprosy. In mid -1971, however, it was reported that
this disease was still a major medical problem, with
cases probably totaling a quarter of a million or more,
giving an unofficial prevalence rate of about 25 cases
per 10,000 population. Contrary to some earlier
assumptions, it is less prevalent in the poverty- ridden
Northeast than in the Central -West and even in states
such as Rio Grande do Sul, Santa Catarina, and Sao
Paulo, which have the hest health conditions in the
nation.
The common form of yellow fever, possibly the
country's worst health hazard in earlier years, was
eradicated from the entire country by the late 1950's.
The rarer jungle type continued to occur sporadically
in the Northeast, but during the years 1964 -68 an
average of fewer than 15 cases were reported annually,
except in 1966 when a small outbreak resulted in 167
reported cases. In April 1972 the government stated
that no more cases had been reported the previous year
in Para or Maranhao States and that it planned to
close the eradication program against the mosquito
vector, the aedes aegypti, by the end of 1972.
Bubonic plague entered the country in 1899 and
caused a series of epidemics. It was later virtually
eradicated from the cities but has persisted in some
rural areas where the thatched huts and dirt floors
offer shelter for rats. During the years 1959 through
1968 the 1,100 cases reported in Brazil represented
about one fourth of those reported in the Western
Hemisphere.. In 1970, 375 cases were reported in
Brazil. Plague has been most serious in rural parts of
the Northeast, where all of the most recently reported
cases occurred. The heaviest incidence in 1968 was in
Ceara State with 198 cases. An additional 46 cases
were reported in parts of Pernambuco adjacent to the
Ceara border.
43
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Poliomyelitis is present but does not appear to
constitute a major health hazard. The Ministry of
Health started a program in March 1972 to immunize
in the following 2 years 16 million children. Among
the zoonoses (animal diseases transmissible to
humans), rabies is believed the most prevalent.
Trachoma occurs mainh� in the States of Ceara,
Paraiba, Pernambuco, Alagoas, Bahia, Minas Gerais,
Sao Paulo, Parana, Mato Grosso, and Rio Grande do
Sul but is being brought under control, and each year
fewer cases are reported. There are no comprehensive
statistics on the incidence of venereal disease, but
isolated investigations undertaken in 1960 led to an
estimate that 112.6 per 100,000 people were infected
with some form of the ailment.
In connection with construction of the Trans
Amazon Highway and other projects in the Amazon
region, the government in 1971 established the
"Osvaldo Cruz" project to prevent people going into
the area from taking diseases into the region, as well as
to prevent them from being attacked by diseases
present there.
3. Medical care
The level of public health, long an area of low
priority for the government, nevertheless has been
improving. The death rate has been cut in half in the
last 30 years, as a result of major gains in the fight
against contagious diseases, especially malaria,
tuberculosis, typhoid fever, and dysentery. Yet,
contagious diseases still account for 40% of all deaths;
the death rate from such illnesses is three or four times
higher than in other underdeveloped countries, even
those with much lower per capita incomes, such as
Ceylon or Bolivia.
The distribution of medical care is extremely
uneven among regions, between city and countryside,
and among income groups. The numbers of doctors,
nurses and other medical specialists is comparatively
low in relation to the population. In 1970, according
to the Minister of health, there were 47,000
physicians, resulting in a ratio of over 2,0(x) people per
physician, compared to 1,630 per physician in Latin
America as a whole. Moreover, over half of Brazil's
physicians are in the wealthy and urbanized States of
Guanabara and Sao Paulo, and three fifths are in staate
capitals. In Rio de Janeiro there is a doctor for every
3.50 people, while in the State of Maranhao there is
one doctor for every 180X). Many small communities
and rural areas have no resident physicians. Brazil's
almost exclusive reliance on private mi- dicine has also
worked against the effective use of preventive
programs, many of which can be carried out only in
44
mass campaigns. People have not been taught better
dietary and sanitary habits, and national campaigns
against specific diseases have not been mounted with
the planning and resources needed for full success
largely because few doctors and few administrations
have felt that preventive medicine was important. All
levels of government combined have seldom spent
more than 3% or 4% of their resources on health.
President Medici, upon taking office in 1969, said
that his top priorities would be education, health, and
agriculture, a change from the past priorities of
industry and infrastructure. Considerable advances
have been accomplished in agriculture and education,
but there has been little progress so far in health. The
Health Ministry has been unable to protect its budget
from severe cuts. Only moderate progress has been
made in the contagious disease program and in the
assault on waterborne diseases. The Ministry of
Health has also been rewriting the national health
laws.
There are, however, some favorable signs. Health
services, even though of low quality, are now more
available to the poor, the farmer, and the
Northeasterner. Preventive medicine is now taught in
several medical schools and has become a live topic in
the medical journals. The government and the people
are coming to the realization that this neglected area is
critical to development, and the government is looking
for effective programs.
About half of all federal spending on health now
comes from sources other than the Health Ministry
budget. The establishment of the Water and Sewerage
Revolving Fund in the National Housing Bank was
probably the most important recent development in
health in Brazil. Increased water service and sewerage
are expected to drastically cut the high incidence of
contagious waterborne diseases, the leading cause of
death and illness in Brazil. Also the health services run
by the Labor Ministry under the social security
program for half of the urban work force have
improved.
Another hopeful sign is the fact that the drastic
decline of the midsixties in the number of medical and
dental school graduates has been reversed, and the
numbers of doctors and dentists are expected to
increase faster than the population in the 1970's. In
addition, a program to improve the quality of
instruction at medical schools and to broaden the
curriculum has begun. However, nursing schools still
graduate only about one -third as many nurses as they
did 10 years ago, and courses for nursing assistants,
which once graduated several hundred students per
year, have disappeared.
i. i. a... afa x..:iYarc!dit,a'e6:(r C!.n.,.iac _S n. s, .:..::.t,._ b
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The limited supply of professionals is heavilv
concentrated in private hospitals, where salaries are
higher; public hospitals rely largely on partly trained
and untrained personnel. In rural areas graduate
nurses are almost unknown; auxiliaries must perform
duties ordinarily undertaken only by physicians.
Women in rural areas, however, often prefer receiving
the advice and ministrations of a midwife to those of a
physician or public health nurse, and the use of
midwives is widely accepted, even in the hospitals.
In 1968 there were 26,770 dentists, or about 3 per
10,000 of the population. Even more than physicians,
dentists tend to establish themselves in large cities and
in the wealthier part of the country. The occasional
dental services performed in rural areas consist almost
entirely of tooth extractions; even in the cities,
preventive care among lower income groups is seldom
sought.
Pharmacists play an important paramedical role,
often taking the place of physicians in localities where
regular professional care is not available. In small
towns they often prescribe for clients from as many as
75 home remedies maintained on hand, as well as
from the variety of more potent drugs that are often
sold without a prescription. Native healers are
consulted frequently, particularly in the rural areas
and sometimes also in urban shantytowns.
In 1970, hospitals, clinics, and other major health
centers numbered as follows:
The first significant social insurance program for
medical care was applied to railroad workers in 1923.
Expanded to include commercial and industrial
workers in 1934 and 1936, respectively, it has since
been further extended to include other worker groups.
In 1963 agricultural workers were made eligible for
benefits earlier accorded to urban labor. Social
security medical care, available to dependents, as well
as workers themselves, in 1963 was available to an
estimated 25% of the population. Current data are not
available, but in early 1970 it appeared likely that
there had been a moderate proportional gain in
coverage as a consequence of extension of the social
security program to additional segments of the
working population. Care is provided through
institutes covering the major areas of employment
such as industry, commerce, and transportation and a
single Institute of Providence and Welfare of State
Employees.
The Ministry of Health has proposed establishing a
medical program intended ultimately to provide
services for all persons but following the basic
principle of medical care as a private undertaking.
The program would organize services on a regional
basis, through 84 local structures to be known as
health areas, each under direction of nonprofit civil
entities made up of professionals enrolled in the plan,
representatives of the public sector, and well -known
members of the community. The pl :n would permit
the patient to select his own doctor, dentist, and
hospital and to make payments proportionate to his
economic: condition. The program was reported
already in effect in 1970 on a pilot basis in portions of
the Southeast and Northeast and to be serving some.
800,000 people.
It was anticipated that beneficiary contributions to
the program would represent about 46% of the cost,
the balance coming from the federal government, the
states, and the municipalities. Reportedly indigent
people would be treated free, and others would
contribute according to income.
Private
3,246
Public
584
Total
3,830
Hospital beds totaled 354,373, the ratio per 1,000
people having increased as follows:
1964 2.9
1970 3.1
D01
The occupancy rate of hospital beds tends to be fairly
low. Some large industrial and commercial enterprises
arid associations, such as the major mining companies
and sugar plantations, have their own programs,
usually in isolated localities but also in some urban
centers. Medical services are also provided by a
considerable number of social service associations of
employers too small to provide them alone.
Theoretically, workers served by these programs are
eligible for the medical assistance provided by the
regular social security medical system. The uneven
distribution of social security resources, however,
makes it desirable or necessary for enterprises to
establish or participate in voluntary programs. In
addition, a few labor unions are reported to maintain
facilities for ambulatory patients.
G. Religion
1. The special role of religion (U /OU)
Brazil, with a population of over 100 million
about 93% of whom are nominally Roman Catholic
has the largest Catholic population of any country n
the world (Figure 17). 'There is, however, less religious
homogeneity than this fact would seem to indicate.
Perhaps only 15% of the Catholics actively practice
their faith and follow church teachings. 'These are
Mostly women and children; men, as in other Latin
American countries, rarely attend Mass unless it is in
45
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FIGURE 17. Church of St. Francis in Ouro Preto. The plan
and sculptural decoration are attributed to Antonio
Francisco Lisboa, called O Aleiladinho (1730 1814).
The first truly Brazilian artist, O Aleiladinho made
adaptations in the baroque style of the 18th century
and is best known for his sculpture. His religious statues
in Minas Gerais are visited each year by thousands
of pilgrims. (U /OU)
memory of a deceased relative or friend. Furthermore,
many nominal Catholics also adhere to spiritualist
cults, a practice for which the Catholic Church denies
sacramental communion to the participants.
Catholicism, nevertheless, is intimately related to the
history of Brazil and has been a powerful force in
unifying the nation. Catholicism permeates the
national culture, not so much as an active religions
systern but as a way of life, and the church is a
fundamental national institution. Brazil also has a
comparatively large Protestant population, which,
although only about 3.3% of the Brazilian population,
is equal to the total population of several Latin
American countries.
Catholic influence in Brazil began in 15W when a
Franciscan monk accompanying the Portuguese
explorers offered Mass on the Brazilian shore and
dedicated the new territory as the Land of the Holv
Cross. Accompanying the Portuguese colonists who
followed were great numbers of clergy and religious,
46
mostly Franciscans, Benedictines, Capuchins, and
Jesuits. The last were especially active and were
largely responsible for establishing the educational
system and, in general, preserving much of Portuguese
culture transplanted to the new world. The Jesuits,
however, in their efforts to prevent the enslavement of
the Indians, clashed with the powerful landowners. In
1759 the Jesuits were expelled, and they were not
readmitted until 1842. Because of the isolation of large
estates, Catholicism became a religion of the colonial
family, centering about the plantation manor, and
Mass was celebrated in the manor chapel. The priest
was often one of the sons of the household, ordained
sometimes when only 15 years old, and the clergy
became allies and adherents of the patriarchal system.
Priests customarily married or took mistresses, religion
became domestic and festive, slavery was tolerated,
and the moral strength of the church diminished.
African cult practices arose to rival and fuse with the
Catholic heritage.
lligh dignitaries of the church often were more
concerned with politics than with religion partly
because they, as a highly educated segment of the
population, were also called upon to perform
government service. It was through this intellectual
elite, however, that liberal and republican principles
entered the colony. Freemasonry, which became
popular in the 18th century, was closely connected
with independence movements, and some clergymen
were among its most active members, remaining so
until the latter part of the 19th century. Involved in
politics, conspiracies, and revolution, priests and laity
mingled closely. Relations between the state and the
church were marred in the 1830's by disagreement
with the holy See over the appointment of a bishop in
Rio de Janeiro who was identified with radical
doctrines. When that dispute was resolved by a more
conciliatory attitude in Brazil, however, relations
resumed a peaceable course until the 1870's. This
relationship was fostered by the comparatively liberal
character of Luso- Brazilian Catholicism, less
puritanical than its Spanish counterpart, and by the
corresponding tolerance consistently exhibited by the
emperor who, for instance, welcomed Protestant
missionaries as well as Protestant immigrants in Brazil.
In 1872 Freemasonry became the issue in a more
serious dispute. The Pope had denounced the Masonic
Order in the Encyclical of 1864, as a consequence of
the anti Catholic activity of some Masonic groups in
Europe; but in Brazil the order flourished and counted
numerous clerics among its members. Active in the
independence movement in an earlier epoch, the
Masons had last their revolutionary inclinations. The
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government and lower clergy were united in their
rejection of the papal denunciation; however, the
upper reaches of the church hierarchy were bound to
respect the encyclical, and the issue became one of
discipline. The government, as personified in the
emperor and the Supreme Court, sided against the
Brazilian bishops and wi,s mct by equal obduracy on
the part of the Holy Set. The government eventually
adopted a less stubborn attitude and alienated liberal
republican sentiment without necessarily healing the
wounds inflicted on the church.
After the downfall of the monarchy in 1889, the
new government decreed in 1890 the separation of
church and state. The state relinquished any claim to
competence in spiritual matters, a major improvement
from the church's point of view over the traditional
tendency of the state to intervene in ecclesiastical
affairs. Although the separation, confirmed by the first
Constitution of the Republic, ratified in 1891,
permitted fairly successful missionary activity by
Protestants, the net result was favorable to the church
and contributed to the maintenance of religious
harmonv.
2. Structure of the Catholic Church (U /OU)
The Catholic Church in Brazil is the largest in Latin
America, consisting of 31 archdioceses, 120 dioceses,
40 prelacies (separate territories under the Holy Sees
Office of the Propagation of the Faith), and nearly
5,000 parishes. The church structure is headed by 4
cardinal arc[ bishops, 33 archbishops, and 242
bishops. The National Council of Brazilian Bishops
(CNBB) provides central direction and guidance
through its national and 13 regional secretaries,
although individual bishops exercise srnbstantial local
automonv. The archbishops all sit on the CNBB's
central commission, whose� secretaries hold specific
substantive responsibilities in such fields public
opinion, social action, education, ecumenism, and
theology. The CNBB also has several associated,
autonomous institutions, and every Catholic entity in
Brazil is in some manner connected to it. 'Technically
subordinate, but indirectly a rival to the CNBB, is the
Conference of Brazilian Religious Orders (CRB) which
has some 60,000 members controlled by a strong
secretary general. The CRB carries on monetary
exchange, sells religious equ :pment, and publishes a
review that follows the progressive leftist line of its
clerical leaders. Although less influential than the
CNBB, the CRB is still a force to be reckoned with,
especially in advancing the trend toward liberaliza-
tion.
The religious orders supply some 60 '/i of the total of
approximately 13,150 priests, as well as su-ne 40 i of
the bishops. There are 104 male religious orders and
congregations. all of which were founded abroad. The
largest is the Franciscan order, with nearly 1,000
priests, followed by the Capuchins, the Salesians, th^
Jesuits, and the Redemptorists. Approximately 42 i of
the priests are engaged in parish work, 11 `i in
education, and 79i in extradiocesan work, including
some 270 missionary priests working in the North and
Northeast. The church in Brazil has long had
difficulty attracting young men into the priesthood,
and there has always been a shortage, particularly in
rural areas. In 1970 there was one priest for each 7,((x)
Catholics. The problem is compounded by the fact
that some priests serve 20 to :30 churches in as many
communities. It has been necessary to fill the gap with
foreign -born priests; in 1969 it was reported that 425i
of the priests in Brazil were from other countries, 845('
of them serving with the religious orders. Only about
16% of the diocesan clergy were foreign -born
compared with 5351 of those in religious orders. The
foreign priests come from over 20 countries, with Italy
furnishing about one -third and Germany and the
Netherlands also making important contributions. In
1964 the foreigners included 4(x) priests and eight
bishops from the United States. The number of foreign
priests entering Brazil has been steadily declining,
partly because of the declining number of priests
worldwiJe and partly because priests no longer are
ordered into missionary work by the church. Foreign
priests constitute over 70ii of the total in northern and
western Brazil, where mission work predominates; in
all other areas, they are in the minority.
An important asset to the church in Brazil is the
widespread activity of its more than 40,(x)0 nuns
belonging to 292 religious orders, including 09 of
Brazilian origin. Approximately 871 of the nnis are
Brazilian; am ng tlic foreign nuns, the largest number
conies fnnn Hall, llowed Icy French, German.
Dutch, and Spanish ,isters Imost 220X) nuns are
engaged in teaching and c.u. a large share of the
burden of religious instruction, but the schools in
which they teach are genera located in the larger
population centers, leaving most rural children
ignorant of the tenets of their faith. In 1963 it was
reported that only 4% of Brazilian children receive
religious instruction beyond the rudimentary
catechism.
The church has helped to fill a part of the void in
the Brazilian educational system, particularly at the
secondary level. For many vears secondary education
was available only in private schools. The church
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operates 8,600 secondary schools as well as 10
institutes of higher learning. In 1967, some 10% of
Brazil's primary students, 46% of secondary, and 50%
of university students attended private schools, most of
them run by the church. A continuing problem in the
church's educational effort is the fact that, like their
lay counterparts, many priests and nuns are poorly
prepared to be teachers.
A longstanding and important aspect of lay
participation in the church are the irmandades, or lay
brotherhoods. Established in the 16th century by the
clergy, they serve as centers of social welfare, worship,
and entertainment. A brotherhood provides security in
case of sickness or old age, pays funeral expenses for its
members, and sponsors Masses for the good of a
deceased member's soul. They are usually centered
around a particular saint or religious figure and restrict
their membership to certain economic, racial, age, or
sex groups. Wealthy men often left considerable
at ounts of money and property to the brotherhoods,
enabling them to establish orphanages and hospitals,
build churches, and establish retreats.
Each brotherhood usually includes members of only
one parish, although the local brotherhood may also
be a chapter of a larger national society. In the late
1960's there were about 25,000 associations with 4.2
million members, totaling 5% of all nominal
Catholics.
Depending on the nature of the organization, the
attitude of the church officials toward the
brotherhoods is mixed. Some of the lay brotherhoods
have become more powerful than the clergy in certain
areas, and church leaders see them as a competitive
force. It is not uncommon in rural areas for the
practices of the local brotherhoods to represent
unorthodox religious beliefs, and the parish priest may
seek to change radically these organizations. In other
towns or regions, however, the church may see the
brotherhood as a bulwark of Catholicism, reinforcing
traditional spiritual practices against the inroads of
modernism.
3. Recent trends in the Catholic Church (C)
The Catholic Church in Brazil traditionally has
been on the side of conservatism. Its stand on national
issues related to religious matters has sometimes
proved decisive; it sucessfully opposed in 1945 and
again in 1952 a bill that would have legalized divorce.
Yet a candidate for Vice President, Joao Cafe Filho,
who favored mch a law, was elected in 1946 despite
church opposition. Nevertheless, the church's
opposition to divorce continues to prevent its
legalization; only legal separation (desquite) is
permitted.
Since 1920 some segments of the church have been
aware of its need for a new role in the world and in
society. During the 1930's and 1940's the church
became more involved in social and political
problems, as the thoughts of liberal Catholic writers
such as Jacques Maritain of France and Alceu
Amoroso Lima, Brazil's most prominent Catholic
thinker, became widely known. At the same time,
about one -third of the episcopate supported the
doctrine of Integralism, a Brazilian concept promising
order, stability, and improvement of the standard of
living of the rural masses. During President
Kubitschek's term of office, 1956 -61, a period of rapid
economic development and industrialization, some of
the prelates became even more concerned with the
country's social, economic, and political problems.
The imbalance between the relatively wealthy,
industrialized South and Southeast and the .rest of the
country, as well as the poverty of much of the
population, gave added impetus to their increasing
involvement.
The papal encyclicals of the 1960's have had a
strong impact on the church, particularly John XXIII's
Mater et Magistra (Mother and Teacher, 1961), and
Pacem in Terris (Peace on Earth, 1963), especially
with their discussions of the rise of the working class,
colonialism, the problems of underdevelopment, and
the dignity of labor and its primacy over capital. Paul
VI's Populorum Progressio (The Development of
Peoples, 1967), and the Second Vatican Council
(1962 -65) have also contributed to a basic, liberal
ideology centered on social justice for the masses,
institutional reforms, a concern for man and the
human community, and the importance of social
action to extend Christian influence in the world.
Differences over how to solve the problems plaguing
Brazil have caused divisions within the clergy, making
it di cult for the church to speak with a single voice.
There is a broad spectrum of iews among the prelates
on the pn,per role of the church, ranging from the
extreme conservatives, who share the Medici
government's position that man's spiritual life should
be the preeminent concern, to radicals, who have
assisted groups using violence to combat the
government. Most of the Catholic hierarchy, and
probably a majority of the priests, hold to more
moderate positions between these two extremes.
The moderates, although relatively progressive on
social questions, tend in general toward conservatism
on matters touching the dogma, internal organization,
and discipline of the church. The moderates also
strongly believe that peace and unity in the church
must be preserved. Hence, they frequently favor
compromises to prevent unseemly altercations with
r
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the civil authorities. Probably the preeminent
spokesmen for the moderate sector are Agnelo
Cardinal Rossi, formerly Archbishop of Sao Paulo and
presently a senior official in the Vatican; Eugenio
Cardinal Sales, Archbishop of Rio de Janeiro; and
Avelar Cardinal Brandao Vilela, who, as Archbishop
of Salvador, also holds the honorary title of Primate of
Brazil. These prelates and other key moderates have
gradually come to accept views originally enunciated
only by the progressives. They believe that unless the
church takes positive action to assist the people in
bringing about necessary changes, even at the risk of
interfering in secular matters and incurring the
displeasure of the temporal authorities, there will be a
radicalization in which the people: will turn against
the church and against democratic solutions.
Possibly 10% to 20% of Brazil's bishops, and a
higher percentage of the priests, can he placed in the
progressive category. They place more stress than the
moderates on the need for rapid change in the social
and economic structures of Brazil and are somewhat
more willing to criticize the government on particular
issues. Several times since 1969, for example, the
CNBB has publicly expressed concern about the
regime's authoritarian methods and occasional resort
to brutal treatment of leftist opponents. The
progressives now occupy the key positions in the
direction of the CNBB.
The president of the CNBB is Bishop Aloisio
Lorscheider, who, at the time of his election in 1971,
was 46 years old, the youngest man ever sleeted to this
office. He has outspokenly opposed several
government actions and has attempted to convince
military officers that these methods were coun-
terproductive. Bishop Lorscheider is particularly
concerned about the lack of men entering the
priesthood and the increasing rate of departure of
priests from the church. According to the CNBB's
Center for Social Research and Religious Statistics,
some 688 priests �most of them young abandoned
their vocations between 1966 and 1969, and nuns were
leaving at an even faster rate than priests. his cousin,
No Lorscheiter, auxiliary fishop of Porto Alegre,
occupies the second highest post in the CNBB, that of
secretary general.
Another active leader is Paulo 1varisto Arns, who
succeeded Cardinal Rossi as archbishop of Sao Paulo
in 1970 and became a cardinal in March 1973.
Formerly known primarily as a teacher and scholar,
Arns, after assuming his post in Sao Paulo, on several
occasions angered some military and civil authorities
by his criticism of their actions. Ile has organized
several thousand Sao Paulo residents into "basic
committees" to discuss urban problems such as job
conditions, housing, and isolation, which the prelate
has said is the number one problem in his huge
archdiocese.
One influential progressive prelate, Bishop Jose
Maria Pires of Joao Pessoa, has said that rather than
interpreting events in the church oil a "progressive
versus conservative" basis, it would be more realistic to
describe any struggle that may exist as between the
"younger clerics, more fervent and more impatient to
obtain results, as opposed to the older ones, perhaps
more prudent, but equally interested in and
committed to achieving the same results."
The most consistent clerical thorn in the side of the
government since 1964 has been Helder Pessoa
Camara, archbishop of Recife and Olinda, in the
Northeast. Ile is a personal friend of Pope Paul V1,
who elevated him to the archbishopric. Dom Helder s
concerns center on the need for rapid economic
development, particularly in the Northeast. He
maintains that the misery of the poor can be blamed
on the monopoly of power by the rich and that the
poverty of underdeveloped nations is caused by the
affluence of the developed nations. His pronounce-
ments during his frequent foreign travels have earned
him considerable attention in the press outside Brazil,
although rigid censorship deprives him of a forum at
home. His criticism of the government has aroused the
deep hostility of many military and conservative
civilian Brazilians, who regard him as a threat to the
church. Most moderate prelates consider Dom Helder
a maverick, outside the main current of the church in
Brazil, but they f"I obliged to defend him, as a
representative of the church, from criticism and
pressure from the government. At times, other bishops
arc willing to identify themselves with Dom Helder's
stands. In May 1973, 13 bishops of the Northeast
joined him in issuing a report which vharged that the
situation of the poor in that region was deteriorating.
The paper also accused the government of using harsh
repressive measures to insure that there was no change
in the social structure that could improve the life of
most of the people. Dom Fielder has not opposed all
the government's actions; in certain areas such as
changing the structure of rural landholdings, he has
urged all sections of the society to encourage the
government to take more action.
A small radical sector within the church appears to
Ile confined almost completely to priests and
seminarians, although the security officials at times
h ave included some bishops, such as Dom Helder, on
the "black list." A number of the radical priests
worked with Catholic: worker and student groups such
49

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as the Catholic Workers' Youth Movement, Catholic
Secondary School Movement. and the Catholic
University Student Movement, although these groups
now are circumscribed in their actions by the hostility
of the government, which sees their emphasis on social
problems and the inequities of capitalism as being
outside the legitimate realm of the church. The
Popular Action (AP) organization, which evolved in
1962 out of the Brazilian Catholic Action movement,
took a steadily leftward course including cooperation
with Marxists and espousal of violence to overthrow
the government. The AP never had the support of
more than a small minority of the clergy, and now few
priests seem willing to associate themselves with an
organization that is high on the government's list of
subversive movements.
Perhaps as many as 40 clergymen have been
arrested since 1968 for alleged involvement with
extreme leftist groups. The largest group were several
seminarians belonging to the Dominican order who in
1969 were apprehended and charged with collaborat-
ing with the National Liberating Action organization
headed by terrorist Carlos Marighella.
In contrast to the radical clerics is a small but still
powerful group of reactionaries who believe the
mission of the church is solely to guide the spiritual
lives of the faithful. They view social problems as
inherent in the human condition and connscl the
virtue of charity, rather than political action, as a
means to ameliorate them. Thev are closely associated
with the existing social and political structure and
either want to keep the church out of all political
involvement or else believe that the church has a deity
to support the legally constituted government
authority.
The extreme right in the church is represented by
men such as Dom Geraldo Proenca Sigaud, the
archbishop of Diamantina, who is convinced that the
Catholic Church in Brazil is thoroughly penetrated by
Communists. The reactionaries have publicly
disassociated themselves from the "clamorous and
demagogic" pronouncements of the progressives, and
they regard Dom fielder as an abomination. Dom
Geraldo attacked Dom Helder so strenuously, in fact,
that he scandalized the progressives and ultimately
generated sympathy and support for Dom Helder an(']
his campaign for nonviolent change.
Despite the opposition of the conservatives, the
trend toward more church involvement in social and
economic fields seems certain to continue. One
influence in this direction is the changing form of
education in the seminaries. The Recife Theological
Institute, the. principal training school for priests in the
Northeast, has been radically reformed. The
seminarians study a broad range of social and natural
sciences, read secular journals and newspapers, and
are encouraged to relate Biblical teachings to problems
of modern society. Further, they live in small groups
with families in the urban area and are encouraged to
become deeply involved with pastoral work and
independent sociological studies to give them a better
understanding of the problems of the people they seek
to help. The institutes program, originally regarded as
outrageously radical by traditional seminarians, is now
being closely watched by the Vatican and could
become a model for modernizing_ other seminaries.
Because the seminaries do not turn out a sufficient
number of priests and because foreign priests are not
able to fill the growing gap, the church has increased
its program to create more lay ministers (Ministers of
the Eucharist) to perform certain religious functions,
thereby relieving the priests of some of their more
routine pastoral duties. The church is turning to the
Study Movement (cursilhos) to provide a pool of lay
activists in economically poor parishes. The Studv
Movement is composed mainly of middle and upper
class Catholics who hitherto lacked the organizational
form or action programs to put their good intentions to
use. Even with these attempts to fill the manpower
needs of the church, the requirements of its ambitious
programs will be very hard to meet.
4. Folk Catholicism (U /OU)
The beliefs of most Brazilians have been heavily
influenced by American Indian, African, spiritualist,
and European folk concepts, creating a mixture
known as folk or popular Catholicism. This mixture is
most apparent in isolated rural areas with few priests,
as in the North and Central -West, where it is the
predominant religion. Many of the same ideas also
appear in urban areas, but there the veneer of formal
Catholicism is likely to be more in evidence.
These forms of religious belief sometimes appear
among middle and upper class Catholics, as well as in
the lower classes. It is impossible to estimate the
number of adherents since one form of the religion
shades imperceptibly into the other, and elements of
folk Catholicism may appear in many churches.
Religion is considered by. members of these sects to
be a technique for controlling the supernatural and
exerting some influence on the operations of nature.
Christ, the Virgin, and the saints, endowed with the
characteristics of African gods or Indian spirits, are
regarded as protectors and helpers of those on earth,
and emphasis is placed on persuading the saints to aid
men in this world more than on achieving salvation in
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the next. When an individual is in trouble, sick, or in
need of help, he prays to a saint and makes a vow to
perform some act of piety or repavment if the saint
fulfills his wish.
Curing plays an important part in folk religion,
since doctors are scarce and disease is an ever present
Problem. Health may he regained through a vow- to
the right saint or through a faith healer. Miracles are
expected and believed to occur; a saint can gain a
reputation as an especially effective and miraculous
healer. Occasionally, miracles are associated with
priests or holy men, who quickly gain fame and a large
following.
Saints are thus regarded as protective helpers who
can dispense health, life, tranquility of spirit, good
luck, and protection if they choose, but can also cause
sickness, unhappiness, and bad luck if they are
displeased. Their displeasure does not result from sins,
however, since they do not demand moral purity, and
the only recognized sin is lack of respect for the saint.
The concept of the opposition of good and evil is
nonexistent; thus, the threat of punishments or
rewards in the afterlife makes little impression.
Each village may have its own patron saint, and
various saints are patrons of different activities. Saint
Christopher protects travelers, and Saint Benedict
watches over rubber gatherers. The Virgin Marv,
Christ, and the saints are all considered as equals, and
there may be several "Jesus Christs" in different
localities, each regarded as distinct. In general, Christ
is a more distant figure than the Virgin Mary and the
saints.
Because of familiarity with the ritual of
Catholicism, many of its elements are used in magic
practice. Saints assume the proportions of independent
and powerful spirits which can be tricked, coerced, or
paid to grant special favors. Praver and the sacraments
have an efficacy of their own, and a rosary said from
left to right may have an effect quite different from
when it is said from right to left.
Religious movements prophesving the end of all
troubles and the birth of a new age have periodically
emerged from the folk Catholic traditions of the rural
masses, particularly in the and Northeast. Stich
movements usually center around a religious figure
who predicts the coming of a Messiah to save the
world and eliminate the oppressor. Followers ustially
must adhere to a strict moral code prohibiting
drinking, extramarital sex, and participation in the
corrupt world. A situation of extreme poverty and
desperation usually sparks such a movement, and the
periodic droughts of the interior of the Northeast, the
sertao, have often provided this situation. During a
series of droughts between 1877 and 1919, an
estimated 2 million people in this area died of
starvation and disease.
One of the most famous movements was led by
Antonio Conselheiro, the Counselor, between 1893
and 1897, during a period of intense drought that had
caused mass migration and starvation. Conselheiro
was a holy man who wandered through the sertao
curing the sick, preaching sermons, and living on alms.
He gradually gained a reputation as a faith healer who
could work miracles. He predicted the end of the
world and the return of King Sebastian, a 16th
century Portuguese king w -ho had mysteriously
disappeared, to free all people from their tribulations.
Because of his opposition to the Republic, the
government sent troops to arrest him, but his followers
resisted and overcame them. Conselheiro and his
followers then withdrew into a fortified town, called
New Jerusalem, which they defended against four
successive government expeditions. Although the
village never surrendered, by the end of the fourth
attack in 1897 only four people were left alive. This
epic struggle: was chronicled in 1902 by Euelvides da
Cunha in Os Sertoes (Rebellion in the Backlands).
Similar sects continue to arise. In 1938 police
dispersed a religious community of 2,000, taking its
communal church and confiscating its cattle and
crops. In the 1960's it man claiming to be a
reincarnation of both Cicero, another messianic
leader, and Conselheiro established a corninunity in
Bahia. He had about 2,000 followers and preached
rigid adherence to Catholicism, hard work, and
abstinence from tobacco and alcohol.
5. Protestantism (U /OU)
Adult members of Protestant denominations
represent approximately 3.3% of the total population,
and their numbers are increasing. Protestantism is a
relatively recent arrival, having been introduced for
the most part by German Lutheran immigrants in the
mid -19th century. Southern Baptists from the United
States arrived soon after the Civil War, seeking the
security of a slave economy; they stayed on even after
sl avery wa abolished in 1888, and their religion
flourished. The Presbyterian Church came to Brazil in
1869. With the separation of church and state in 1890,
the various denominations were able to begin work in
earnest. In the process of its growth over the past
century, Protestantism has acquired it distinctly
Brazilian character; individual churches, most notably
Pentecostal, have become self generating, native
Brazilian movements.
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Membership in Protestant denominations has been
increasing rapidly. There are now over 3 million adult
members. The largest denomination is the Pentecostal
Church, which is estimated to have nearly 2 million
members. The most important Pentecostal sects are
the Assembly of God, the Christian Congregation
(Congregacao Crista no Brasil), and Brazil for Christ.
Other large denominations are the Lutheran
(600,000), Baptist (350,000), Presbyterian (180,000),
and Methodist (70,000). In addition, there are about
100,000 Mormons, Jehovah's Witnesses, and Seventh-
day Adventists. The greatest concentration of
Protestants is in the South: Rio Grande do Sul, Santa
Catarina, and Parana. In these states most Protestants
are of German descent and are Lutherans.
The various Protestant denominations reflect, in
great measure, the social structure of the country.
Episcopalians, Evangelicals, Lutherans, and Method-
ists recruit most of their members from the middle
class, the old traditional families, and the intellectuals.
The Baptist and Anabaptist churches appeal mostly to
artisans and commercial employees, while the
Pentecostal Church is popular with the lower social
and economic classes in urban areas. The Pentecostal
sects are characterized by extensive use of music in the
services, by great devotion to "divine will," a belief in
miraculous cures, and in the ability to "speak in
tongues." The Pentecostals have concentrated on
straight, fundamentalist evangelism and have not
expended significant effort on education or social
programs. In general, traditional Protestantism, with
its emphasis on study and self improvement, appeals
mainly to members of the middle class, and to those
who aspire to reach middle class status.
I There are more than 12,000 Protestant ministers,
about the same number as Catholic priests. When the
number of deacons and lay leaders is added, the figure
is between 30,000 and 40,000. The ratio of pastors to
church members is about 1 to 275, remarkably
different from the Catholic ratio of 1 to 7,000.
In addition, the Protestant clergy are more
indigenous than their Catholic counterparts; the
overwhelming majority are native -born Brazilians.
Between 2,000 and 3,000 foreign -born missionaries are
engaged in operating; two hospitals, 47 clinics, 38
seminaries, an(' 632 schools. The Pentecostal Church
reportedly has no foreigners at all among its more than
10010 pastors. Even in the Baptist church, where the
foreign missionary element is relatively important, less
than 10% of the ministers are foreign. Most of the non
Brazilian Protestant missionaries are from the United
States, although there is a significant number of
British ministers in both the Anglican and Presbyterian
churches. In general, because of the autonomy of the
Brazilian Protestant churches, the foreign missionaries
have little voice in church policy.
Clergy and laity have a close relationship. The
Pentecostal Christian Congregation has no formal
clergy; anyone can become an elder or church leader if
he seems to evidence spiritual gifts and is ordained or
approved by a board of church members.
Protestants are engaged in extensive social welfare
activities, placing particular emphasis on education.
They have established a number of highly regarded
schools �such as Colegio Bennett (a school f( girls in
Rio de Janeiro) and MacKenzie College in Sao Paulo
(a commerce and engineering school) �that are
attended by both Catholics and Protestants.
As the Catholic Church has become more involved
in efforts to improve the lot of the underprivileged, the
leaders of the Protestant churches have instead
become more conservative and have tended to
withdraw from controversial social action projects.
Protestants, who have spent many years gaining
acceptance in Brazilian social life, apparently are
unwilling to risk their gains by criticizing the
government or by engaging in activities that could
prove unsettling to the "Establishment." Caution has
also caused them to reject ecumenical overtures from
the Catholic Church. Many y oung Protestants,
however are more progressive than their elders and are
frustrated to discover that they often have more in
common with voting Catholics than with members of
their own faith.
Despite the conservative trend in the leadership
of the Protestant church, the overall effect of
Protestantism is dynamic, and it is likely to remain a
force for change in Brazilian society. It will also,
however, probably continue to be largely apolitical,
and thus will be far less likely than the Catholic
Church to run into major problems with the
government.
6. Jewish and other groups (U /OU)
There are between 140,000 and 150,000 Jews,
mostly in the States of Sao Paulo and Guanabara.
Despite their small numbers, the Jews have made
important contributions to Brazilian life since its
earliest days. Many have risen to positions of
importance in the government �there are several
Jewish deputies in the Congress �and in the business
community. The Jewish community operates about 30
schools, educating several thousand children. Anti
Semitism has never been a serious problem in Brazil,
but occasional incidents crop up. For example,
sporadic: press attacks have accused prominent Jewish
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members of the journalistic community of writing
"blasphemous" articles regarding Christ.
Another prevalent form of religion in Brazil is
spiritualism, ranging from intellectual sects such as
Kardecism to the numerous Afro Brazilian fetish cults
such as Macumba, Candomble, and Umbanda. which
are similar to Voodoo. The Catholic Church estimates
that as much as one -fourth of the population, despite
the fact that they are nominal Catholics, participate at
least occasionally in such rites. Kardecism, founded on
the writings of the Frenchman Alan Kardec, generall
finds its adherents in the more intellectual circles,
mainly in Rio de Janeiro and Sao Paulo and among
persons with more than an elementary education. The
religion is based on a belief in multiple reincarnations
of the human soul, ultimately ending in union with
God. It accepts Jesus Christ as an exceptional Jew who
achieved this state much more quickly than others. In
1966 it was reported that Kardecism had about
750,000 adherents and some 3,000 places of worship.
Because of their concern for the spirits in other
humans, spiritualists emphasize charitable works. In
spite of their relatively small numbers, they maintain
almost as many hospitals, clinics, asylums, and shelters
as the Catholics and almost half as many schools.
The African slaves brought their traditional
religious beliefs with them to Brazil, where they were
mixed with Indian, Catholic, and spiritualist ideas
(Figure I$). Cults proliferated, largely among the
poorest classes of society. In general, these cults
combine spirit possession arid supernatural curing with
African traditions of music and dance. One of the
most rapidly expanding cults is Umbanda, an African
influenced version of spiritualism. Established in the
1930'x, it had grown to an estimated 180,000 members
by 1966, although the groups are so fluid and
membership so unstructured that it is impossible to
obtain accurate statistics. Furthermore, manv
followers list themselves as Catholics or spiritualists. It
is a predominantly urban and Negro phenomenon,
although many non Africans are also attracted to the
sects, and some middle class elements aw being
attracted.
Another type of Afro-Brazilian cult, the Gege- Nitgo,
is similar to Umbanda but more influenced by African
ideas, principally those of West African tribes such as
Yoruba, Hausa, and G(!ge. Brazilians have largely
taken over the African pantheon of deities, or orishas.
The African version centers around a fetish, or
material object endowed with the supernatural power
of a certain deity. Each deity is associated with a
certain fetish, color, force of nature, and day of
worship. For example, the god of evil, I?xu, has a head
molded from clay with eyes and mouth of shell as his
fetish, his consecrated holy day is Mondav, his colors
are red and black, and the animals sacrificed to him
are the buck goat, rooster, and dog.
The religious cults of Brazilian Negroes have served
as a focal point for solidarity among them. The cults
are as much socially as ethnically oriented. Those who
attend the ritual are invariably of the lower classes.
Should one of their number elevate himself in the
social strata, a farewell feast rnav I)e given him, since it
is recognized, indeed expected, w'at he will no longer
attend the ceremonies. This may change as the �nits
become more acceptable among the middle class.
Other religious groups are primarily immigrants
who have maintained their traditional religion. The
Maronitcs� rnemi.crs of a Catholic Uniate church in
communion with ilome �are confined to a single
immigrant ethnic group, the Syrians. Buddhists, who
number probably more than 175,000, are found only
among the Japanese immigrant population. Shinto
ism, the official religion of Japan, has few adherents.
H. Education (U /OU)
I. Extent of schooling and literacy
A grossly inadequate educational system and a
consequent high percentage of illiterates have long
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FIGURE 18. Priest of an Afro Brazilian cult (U /OU)
Ilk
`1
A-
molded from clay with eyes and mouth of shell as his
fetish, his consecrated holy day is Mondav, his colors
are red and black, and the animals sacrificed to him
are the buck goat, rooster, and dog.
The religious cults of Brazilian Negroes have served
as a focal point for solidarity among them. The cults
are as much socially as ethnically oriented. Those who
attend the ritual are invariably of the lower classes.
Should one of their number elevate himself in the
social strata, a farewell feast rnav I)e given him, since it
is recognized, indeed expected, w'at he will no longer
attend the ceremonies. This may change as the �nits
become more acceptable among the middle class.
Other religious groups are primarily immigrants
who have maintained their traditional religion. The
Maronitcs� rnemi.crs of a Catholic Uniate church in
communion with ilome �are confined to a single
immigrant ethnic group, the Syrians. Buddhists, who
number probably more than 175,000, are found only
among the Japanese immigrant population. Shinto
ism, the official religion of Japan, has few adherents.
H. Education (U /OU)
I. Extent of schooling and literacy
A grossly inadequate educational system and a
consequent high percentage of illiterates have long
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FIGURE 18. Priest of an Afro Brazilian cult (U /OU)

been recognized by Brazilians as being among the
country's greatest weaknesses. Although qualitative
gains and growth in enrollment since World War II
have been extensive, progress in education has been
retarded by it number of factors, one of the most
important of which is the immensity of the country
and the sparsity of settlement in many areas. Despite
the constitutional provision for free and compulsory
elementary schooling for all children ages 7 to 1.1,
about 30% do not attend school at all; in Guanabara
and Sao Pardo nearly_ all such children attend for at
least it while, but in the Northeastern St;,tvs of Ceara
and Pernambuco the attendance drops t al-lif 6W4.
Many rural children are unable to obtain cvc! a
primary education because of the lack of schools u.
some localities and shortage of leachers and facilities
in many others. In VM:. of the country -'chools
had only one roost and t,, leacher. %1altc teacher-
are. poorly trained; naUill,%ide aboo 111'; do not Meru
certification requirements, and this figure may reach
80% in some rural areas. Furthermore, even though
public ducation is free, the cost of hooks, schools
supplies, and, in some cases, uniforms is beyond the
means cif many logy- income families. The curriculum
generally has been geared to the needs of an elite
leisure class and is not very meaningful to urban
children of the lower economic strata or most of those
in rural areas. Poor health limits the ability of many to
learn.
The most frequently heard criticism, however, has
been the lack of adequate intermeshing of the
educational levels and between one kind of school
system and another. Taxing qualifying examinations
result in the loss of much of the student population
through examination failure. Moreover, rigid curricula
make it difficult or impossible for students in the
middle of their studies to change from one education
goal to another or to broaden their educational
foundation.
The literacy rate is somewhat misleading because of
the disparity in devc!opiiient throughout the country
and because of the basis on which literacy is judged
an individual's declaration of ability to read.
According to preliminary results of the 1970 census,
two- thirds of the population 15 years or older are said
to be literate. On this criterion literacy in the major
cities may exceed 80 "C', while in the predominantiv
rural and backward areas of the Northeast it is
probably over 405('.
2. Evolution and projected reforms
The educational system, originally begun tinder the
Potuguese colonial rule to serve the needs of the upper
class, has changed little in its basic philosophy in the
intervening four centuries. Established by the Jesuits,
it was designed for the leisure class and emphasized
classical erudition in preparation for advanced study
at the Universitv of Coimbra in the mother countr..
After the expulsion of the Jesuits in 1759, this tradition
persisted, with its emphasis on encyclopedic learning,
its contempt for practical knowledge and labor and
crafts, and its exaltation of privileges for the elite The
concept that education is an adjunct to social status
and it key to personal and political advancement
became firmly fixed. Although the Constitution of
1824 established the right of all to free elementary
education, lack of financial support, teachers, and
popular interest, as well as opposition from the tipper
class, made this legislation ineffective. In 1834,
responsibility for elementary and secondary education
was delegated to the provinces (later states), while the
crown retained control of higher education, but both
systems were incomplete. There was no relationship or
continuity between elementary, secondary, and higher
levels of education, nor was there communication
between schools at the same level.
The first Constitution of the Republic (1891)
provided in essence for the continuance of the
traditional character of education. It stipulated that
the federal government should organize the arts and
culture of the country. Elementar and normal schools
remained in the hands of the states. Secondary schools.
although nominally under the direction of the
government, continued to be unregulated private
preparatory centers for higher professional studies.
Higher education was under federal control.
An educational reform decree in 1928, coupled with
the revolution of 1930, marked it decisive break with
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E
the past. For the first time, the educational system was
aimed, at least theoretically, to -ac�h all children, and
an attempt was made to integrate education within
the structure of other social institutions. The reform of
1030, implemented in the Constitution of 1946,
became the foundation of a system that was to
undergo little change until the enactment of
educational legislation in 1961. The Constitution of
1946 made education the right of all, to he imparted
at home and in the school with the purpose of
inspiring ideals of liberty and human solidarity. The
first federal legislation outlining the policy and bases
of national education was passed in 1948.
In 1961 the Law of Directs and Bases of National
Education sought to provide the framework for a
general reform and modernization of the educational
system through its decentralization and a revamping
of the curriculum. A 24- member Federal Council of
Education was established and given investigative,
pl anning and decisionmaking responsibilit while
the Ministry of Education was charged with carrying
out its decisions. Similar bodies ^xist on state and
municipio levels. Nevertheless, m, nv of the defects
inherited from the past have remained and have been
publicly discussed in newspaper and journal articles
indicative of changing goals and conflict in Brazilian
society. The validity of traditional educational
concepts is questioned, as higher education hecomcs
accessible to more people. Pure erudition is becoming
less esteemed as the industrialized sectors of the
economy increase their demands for personnel with
practical skills and knowledge, but most university
students continue to hold middle class goals, aspiring
mostly to the benefits of a classical education.
The Medici government has established three major
objectives in education: to improve the quality of
instruction, raise enrollments, and integrate education
with programs for scientific and technological
development. The high priority given to education is
demonstrated by the increase in investment. Total
federal expenditures in education more than doubled
from 1961 to 1970, growing at an annual rate of
11.2%, considerably higher than the annual increase
in the GDP. About 101 of federal expenditures are
devoted to education; this is scheduled to rise to 15%
in 1973. The Ministry of Education was fifth in order
of total allocations from the federal budget in 1963; it
led all other ministries in 1970. Furthermore, the
ministry's budget is noyv protected by presidential
decree from the arbitrary reductions to which it
formerly was subject. In 1972, the total funds
budgeted to education were $1.3 billion, of which the
federal government provided $372.4 million (281),
the states 5771.4 million (581), and the municipalities
$186.2 million 14f Although the federal
government's financing responsibility applies basically
only to higher education, it is also transferring funds
from federal tax collections to the states and
municipalities to assist in improving the primary and
secondary systems.
In addition to the important quantitative changes
in the education system, major reforms in its structure
are under way. One of the most important is the
restructuring of the inefficient Education Ministry_ a
primary goal of Minister Jarbas Passarinho. He has
said that the next decade is likely to see even greater
transformations in education as its vital role in making
possible continued economic development becomes
better understood.
is
3. School system
Historically, the school system has consisted of 4
years of primary- school, and 7 years of secondary
school divided into a 4 -year basic secondary cycle
(ginasio) and a 3 -year advanced secondary cycle
(colegio). Approximately half the students who
complete primary school do not go on to secondary_
school.
Since 1970, however, a Department of Fundamen-
tal Education (DEF) within the Education Ministr
has been working on an ainhitious program to
combine the primary and ,ginasio cycles into an 8 -year
"fundamental education" cycle �the "Operation
School" �to he available to all children between 7
and 14 years of age. This program involves much more
than simply changing the names of the units; it
includes a complete restructuring of the educational
philosophy and practices applicable to these levels.
While secondary education is to retain the 3 -year
colegio, the ratio of 75% pre university to 2 5%
vocational students would be reversed so as to better
meet middle level manpower requirements for
continued economic development. The Ministry of
Education is to direct this transformation and to
supply technical assistance to the states as needed.
Each state is to he responsible for planning,
administration, and implementation of this program
within its borders.
Legislation authorizing this transformation was
sanctioned by Congress in 1971, but its implementa-
tion will he long and difficult. The following
discussion relates mainly to the system existing in
1972.
The school year is 10 months, beginning on March 1
and ending in December but with a 30 -day vacation
in July. Most primary public schools alloyw a midweek
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-..o-. ...w.. .-.r, ,so. ..,.+r.... _cr r.., i. .....xr :...,......;..:3"'r�',vK1F'+: M.!'`. .cMwr::..T
holiday, usually on Thursdays, in addition to Sundays.
The traditional schoolday lasts 4 ib- to 5 hours but,
owing to lack of facilities, especially in the rural areas,
the schoolday is often shortened to 3 hours or less.
At the national level, general supervision of the
educational program and operation of the federal and
private elementary and secondary schools are
conducted by the Ministry of Education. 1 he Federal
Council of Education is responsible for the
formulation of educational policy. At the state level
there are state secretariats of education and state
councils of education but in many states they suffer
from shortages of qualified personnel; considerable
operational responsibility remains at the national
level.
Preschool education is not a part of the na-
tional educational structure and is not compulsory.
Nursery schools and kindergartens, intended for
children up to the age cf 7, are maintained by public
and private groups, but preprimary schooling is
developing slowly and almost exclusively in urban
.areas. Many teacher training schools maintain
exl,erimental preschools, but the greater initiative
comes from private sources. The government
encourages businesses emploving mothers with
children under 7 years of age to maintain nurseries and
kindergartens, either with their own funds or in
cooperation with the government. In such preprimary
schools as exist, the child usually attends for 2 years.
In 1961 control of most of the elementary schools
passed to the state governments, although a few
schools remain under federal and municipal control,
including those in the territories where education
remains a federal responsibility.
In 1972, Education Minister Passarinho stated that
approximately 70% of the children between 7 and 14
years of age were attending school, meaning that 3
million to 5 million remained outside the system.
Enrollment percentages vary widely between different
areas of the country and between rural and urban
districts. Most urban children have access to a full 4
years of primary school, and many who complete
primary school are able to continue in the first cycle of
secondary school. Only a fifth of those who enroll
complete the fourth grade within 4 years, however.
Inadequate facilities and unrealistic promotion
requirements remain obstacles to the student flow
through the system.
Paralleling the national population growth trend,
the number of primary schools (about 150,000) has
been rising faster in urban areas than in rural areas
at annual rates of 6.4% and 5.6 respectively.
56
Primary and secondary school enrollment increased
from 1960 to 1970 as follows, in millions:
1960 1970
Primary 7.0 13.5
Secondary 1.2 4.1
However, a very high ci,vout rate and a large number
of grade repeaters concentrate over half the primary
enrollment in the first grade. Rural schools of only one
or two grades are also con`ributing factors; however,
35% of the students even in the state capitals are first
graders. The dropout rate is one of the major
shortcomings of the educational process. About 50% of
those entering first grade do not continue to the
second, and less than 19% rea ^h the fourth. The
percentage of those who continue drops to 10% upon
entering the ginasial cycle, to 5.4% at the beginning of
the colegial cycle, and to 3.9% by the last year of
secondary school. Thus, of every 100 students enrolled
in the first grade less than four reach the last year of
high school. The number of grade repeaters, especially
in primary school, is high, and many of these
eventually become discouraged and leave school
completely.
Enrollment in secondary schools, the traditional
bottleneck in the educational system, also has
increased rapidly. However, only about 20% of the
children from 12 to 19 years of age are enrolled. Until
recently, most secondary students were in private
schools, many operated by the Catholic Church. Now,
however, although there are more private than public
schools, over 50% of the students are enrolled in public
schools, a circumstance leading to severe overcrowding
and multiple shifts in many public institutions. Even
so, the public schools are able to accept less than half
of their applicants. With the rapid growth of
elementary school enrollment and the concurrent
improvement in retention rates, the public secondary
school system must look forward to further pressure on
its physical facilities during the 1970's.
In secondary schools the student may choose among
general academic, business, industrial arts, agricul-
tural, or normal (elementary school teacher training)
curriculums. The academic course college prepara-
tory in either science or humanities �is by far the most
popular because of the prestige it lends and has
traditionally claimed the great majority of secondary
students. By 1965 academic enrollment had declined
to 72 indicating an increased interest in vocational
su0jects. Two changes in the secondary system
probably encouraged this. More flexible curriculums
since 1961 have made it possible to transfer from one
track to another. In addition, all secondary schools-
1.
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not just the academic �are called either ginasio or
colegio. Those other than the academic are known, for
example, as ginasio induce ell r(. legio normal, thus
adding some status to tb� w4W ic rnnrses.
Nevertheless, secondar. edwA domi-
nantly academic and encrlup040 n the
classical tradition of Europe cttlt l'USti tage
of middle -level public school�
major bottleneck for the UnIhli ,n of
children from lower income families, cannot
afford the tuition charges of the private schools.
One provision of the 1971 educational reform law
places increased emphasis on vocational education in
the colegio cycle. It is intended to give students the
preparation needed to enter the labor market in a
competitive position for middle class occupations, as
well as performing the traditional function of
providing academic skills needed by students who
intend to go on to higher education. Attention is also
being given to isolated rural areas, which contain large
numbers of children who lack access to education. The
development of a system of rural, live -in schools is a
priority project of the Education Ministry. In 1970,
the National Campaign for Community Schools, a
private, nonprofit organization which received
support from the Educat;�n Ministry, was assisting
nearly 1,000 municipalities, mostly in the rural interior
to operate 1,234 schools enrolling nearly 274,000
students.
preparation after completion of secondary school,
itself largely in private institutions, has acted as a filter
in further limiting the enrollment of young people
with lower socioeconomic backgrounds.
Higher education is both public and private. In
1972 more than 530,000 students were enrolled in 43
universities �all but eight public �and over 500 other
institutions of higher education, mostly "isolated
faculties." As stipulated by the 1961 Law of Directives
and Bases, universities must contain under a common
administration at least five institutes or schools of
higher learning and facilities for research and
professional training. "Isolated faculties," on the other
hand, are simply separate schools of education,
dentistry, law, or accountancy, organized and
operated without benefit of a "university" umbrella.
The difference between universities and "isolated
faculties" is not as great as it appears, since faculties
within universities are much more independent and
isolated than are colleges within U.S. universities.
Higher education was conducted in "isolated
faculties" of law, medicine, and engineering until
1934, when the first Brazilian university, the State
University of Sao Paulo, was established, followed in
1939 by the National University of Brazil in Rio de
Janeiro (later known as the Federal University of Rio
de Janeiro). The founding of modern universities
revealed the almost complete lack of Brazilians
qualified to teach the natural and social sciences, and
professors had to be recruited from Europe and the
United States. Scientific research is still heavily
weighted with foreign specialists. While this situation
has promoted vigorous growth and some research
which is attracting worldwide attention, the
traditional emphasis on the humanities still limits
Brazilian scientific progress. Moreover, in general, the
universities are badly administered and have obsolete
faculty systems and excessively rigid and unrealistic
curriculums. A further problem is that graduates in
engineering, law, and medicine often do not employ
their acquired skills but enter politics or business
instead.
Each university is administered Ihy :i rc, lot 111ul it
university council. The rector is chosen by the
President of the Republic from a list provided by the
university council composed of the heads of the
various faculties and other organizational units at the
faculty level, an alumni representative, and the
president of the student body.
Universities have administrative, instructional, and
disciplinary autonomy within the limits of the law.
Although the Federal Council of Education gives and
suspends accreditation and approves new curriculums,
4. Higher education
0
Only about 4% of the 18- to 21 ,,,d population
is enrolled in higher education. A principal harrier has
been the demanding university entrance examination
(vestibular). Less than half of the entrants into the last
year of colegio qualify to take the vestibular, and onlv
a minority are successful in passing it. The passing rate
improved from 36.8% in 1962 to 41.7% in 1968, but
passing a vestibular does not necessarily mean
admission. This depends on the number of vacancies
available for the entering class, and these vary in
accordance with the popularity of the fields of
special izatioa, which the candidate must select before
undergoing examination. The extraordinary difficulty
of the university entrance examinations has made it
nearly impossible for the student to pass without
till-ling. It has, accordingly, become customary for
those who can afford it to devote� as many as 3 i,vars to
rum'nhos (informal preparatory schools) relatively
ev (nstltutlonS rnn ;uM lhr n'Ko(l,u 'drool
s)si 1965 survev.purid III,,( h'i, i "c (if thefirst-
year university studNls (IUPs1101INI had (ak�n a
cursinho course at leaf oil( The nveessity (,f ru+inho
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t sis .e_'re:r. r �:,nc =w -vv Y! .'AS' r;+ 9Motsr*' Y' C"- "+C'dl'Ae!rfir[r._- s._._.,.
each faculty continues to operate as a quasi
independent institution with its own curriculum. The
resulting administrative and academic duplication is
inefficient and expensive and severely limits the
variety of course selections open to the student.
The teacher at the university holds a position of
prestige. Socially, he is regarded at least as upper
middle class even though he may have come from a
working -class background. Except at the University of
Brasilia, nearly all professional appointments are part
time undertakings. Salaries are substantially higher
than those in elementary and secondary schools, but
the rates of pay offered do not compare favorably with
those in other occupations open to university
graduates. Pay is not the principal incentive to
university teaching, however. A man who has enjoyed
a successful professional career may take up a
university professorship as a matter of status, and,
conversely, a professorship has often led to a career in
public life.
The 1968 student- professor ratio was six to one for
undergraduates and three to one at the graduate level.
These ratios are misleading, however, because teachers
usually work only part time. The three teaching levels
are instructor, assistant professor, and lecturer. At the
top of the teaching hierarchy is the catedratico
(faculty chairman), who holds life tenure, although in
many instances he does not work full time at his
university assignment.
The catedra (chair) is filled by selection from a list
reviewed by a board of peers on the basis of degrees,
publications, and previous experience, plus either a
written examination or public defense of a research
undertaking. Catedraticos appoint the instructors and
assistant professors on their faculties and, in general,
hold veto power over intrafaculty policy matters.
Generally a conservative group, the faculty chairmen
have attracted some criticism, and the university
reform program initiated during the late 1960
appears likely to result in the deemphasis or outright
abolition of the position.
The National Institute for the Development of
Education and Research, created late in 1968, is
establishing it national education fund to consolidate
federal financing to education, particularly at the
universit,, level. In addition, under it new system for
the university staff, teaching personnel will be
grouped in three teaching -load categories: a minimum
of 12 hours a week, a minimum of 22 hours a week,
and full time. A new pay scale has also been
established to make full -time teaching more
attractive. A decree for this purpose was issued early in
1969.
In the late 1960's the basic organizational structure
of the university system began a process of
fundamental change. The new University of Brasilia
established an introductory program to avoid an
overlap in basic courses, and the University of Sao
Paulo announced that beginning in 1971 the
academic year would be divided into three quarters of
12 weeks each of actual classroom work. Examinations
would be given outside these periods. In this way, a
student repeating a course would be able to make up
lost credits in a single quarter.
A working group on university reform, appointed in
1968, recommended conversion of the faculty system
into one based on academic departments, and
implementation of this recommendation has
commenced. In the pioneering University of Sao
Paulo, the university statutes were revised in general to
replace the powerful faculties with institutes or
departments as teaching units, enjoying only limited
administrative authority
Although the Medici government has dedicated
substantial resources toward raising the quality of
higher education in the fields of science and
technology, and the number of trained people is
growing, most students are still enrolled in the
traditional disciplines of literature, education, and
law. The relatively low number of students enrolled in
certain fields, such as agronomy and veterinary
medicine, may not reflect student preferences so much
as the shortage of vacancies in these disciplines. New
facilities for scientific study, such as those under way
at the giant University of Sao Paulo, will alleviate the
shortage. Upon successful completion of his course of
study the student receives a title that when properly
registered, establishes his right to practice a profession.
For example, lawyers receive the degree of hacharel,
and graduates in philosophy and letters receive a
licenciado. The degrees are at the same level, except
that the recipient of the licendado may qualify as a
secondary school teacher. The degree of doutorado is
also awarded upon successful completion of
undergraduate work, but it carries greater prestige.
Requirements for it vary among institutions, but the
common additional requisite is a thesis based on
independent study.
Postgraduate enrollment is small (probably about
5,(Xx)) but is increasing. It is limited by the fact that
professional education, predominant rut the university
system, is offered at the undergraduate level. Schools
and training programs established since World War 11
have attempted to remedy the lack of trained
administrators. An outstanding example is the Getulio
Vargas Foundation, established in 1944 to carry out
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research, training, and technical assistance in the field
of public and business administration. The foundation
includes the Brazilian Institute of Administration,
which, in addition to conducting research, courses,
and seminars, supervises the Brazilian School of Public
Administration in Rio de Janeiro and the School of
Business Administration in Sao Paulo; the Brazilian
Institute of Economics; the Institute for Professional
Selection and Orientation; and the Institute for Public
Law and Political Science. Of these, the best known is
the Brazilian School of Public Administration, which
has as its primary purpose the development of a corps
of trained administrators for federal, state, and
municipal government, as well as for the autonomous
government agencies. The school has earned fame
throughout Latin America. The success of the Vargas
Foundation has led some more traditional universities
to organize themselves as foundations.
5. Vocational training
Vocational training in commerce offered by the
secondary school system is supplemented by the
National Service for Commercial Apprenticeship
(SENAC), which offers training varying from
apprenticeship on the job plus some elementary
education to important experimental programs.
Completion of many apprenticeship courses entitles
�+f the graduate to enrollment in it technical lower
secondary school at an appropriate level after passing
an examination; in the case of more advanced courses,
a secondary degree may be awarded, enabling the
recipient to apply for admission to an institution of
higher learning.
Created in 1946, SENAC is financed by it tax levied
on commercial firms employing more than 100 persons
and determined according to the wages they pay.
SENAC course enrollment increased by about 170 i0
between 1963 and 1967 when 81,(X)0 persons were
enrolled, 16.8% of whom were underage 18. In 1969 it
'r.
was estimated that SENAC training was reaching
about 100 of the emploved vouths under age 18.
The National Service for Industrial Apprenticeship
(SENAI) is generally similar to SENAC in manner of
operation, although emphasis is on the training of
Youth between the ages of 14 and 18. Organized in
1942, SENAI administered more than 100 trade
schools throughout the country in 1968, with an
enrollment (195,000) double that of 1961. It has been
criticized for not fully meeting the demands of
industry for trained personnel, but there are some
indications that many SENAI graduates do not seek
industrial work. The organization's leaders have
recognized that its off the -job training has limited
application to industry and have assisted some
industries in establishing their own in- service training.
The U.S. assistance program has participated in
projects training several hundred SENAI staff
members.
Other it ing has been accomplished by
the Intc Training Program. Estab-
lished h scree in 1963, the program
until 1971 on training workers for the
manufacturin. 1t the end of 1971, it was
reorganized to extend its activities to the upgrading of
professional and teaching staff at all levels of the
primary and service sectors, in fields such as
instruction in agricultural technology and marketing,
advice to firms on how to train their personnel, and
labor market surveys.
In July 1972, the Ministry of Labor and Social
Security launched it National Program for Developing
Skilled Workers. The programs main goal is to train
1.5 million workers by the end of 1975 in areas such as
civil construction, federal public service, tourism,
fishing, and labor union administration. The program
is directly in line with Finance Minister Delfim Neto's
theory that efforts to improve education and job skills
will result in a more equitable distribution of the
national income.
Except in the regular school system, there have been
relatively few vocatim -1 training opportunities in
agriculture oc 110011, at I. secondary level do,
however nffcr fo y Lx-olc and adults courses
compar,hle In those of SENAC and SENAL In
addition, t,,n% rural center m .�uj hart courses in
home econmmcs for girls.
6. Litunt -y and adult edutvtllttn
Since lyd,. ;,I of programs to reduce
illiteracy have been undertaken. A major goal of the
Medici admi to reduce the number of
illiterates in niv population 15 -35 years old from 8
million (in 1970) to 2 million in 1974, and to eradicate
illiteracy as a basic prol n by 1980. In an important
step toward achieving; ois goal, President Medici
launched in September 1970 the Brazilian Literacy
Movement (MOBRAL). MOBRAL operates at three
levels: through national and state coordination
centers, and over 30X) municipal committees. It is
focused on community initiative and involvement at
the municipal level. MOBRAL, usually offers 3 -month
courses at minimal cost. RN, the end of 1971
MOBRAL's programs had benefited more than 3
million people, of whom 1,3 million completed the
entire course, designed to attain functional literacy.
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The directors of MOBRAL hope to reduce the drop-
out rate below the present .30
A number of states are experimenting with radio as
a means of transmitting both formal and adult
education� including MOBRAL programs �to
remote interior areas. Although experiments in
educational television date from the early 1950's, this
form of special education remains in an intermediate
stage. Only two channels, in Pernambuco and Sao
Paulo, are in operation. In addition, closed- circuit
programs have been initiated in Guanabara and Rio
Grande do Sul. Feasibility studies with respect to the
use of a fixed position satellite system reportedly have
been made.
Most of the other states are planning to use
educational television, but there are serious handicaps
to overcome in a country of vast distances. The costs of
an extensive video teaching program severely tax
educational financial resources, which are already
heavily strained; planning seems not to be fully
coordinated; and teachers fully qualified for the
television broadcasts arc hard to find.
The subject matter of most of the programs aired
appears to concern cultural enrichment rather than
development of basic education and skills. A television
course, however, has been developed to prepare voting
people over the age of 16 to qualify for a gina. io
certificate. In addition, a private foundation with
headquarters in Rio de Janeiro has undertaken to
prepare technical personnel for the educational
television program and, in general, to coordinate the
program.
Installation of about 300,000 receivers in classrooms
and communities is an eventual goal. The developing
program. aimed at raising the general level of cultural
awareness rather than at supplementing the regular
school system, envisages varied curricular content,
such as public health training, community develop-
ment, nutrition, cultural integration, and general
information.
In late 1972, the Education Ministry was planning
to establish its own cultural and educational network.
Its programs would teach subjects from primary school
through university level.
7. Noncurricular student activities
Brazilian students particularly those in higher
education represent a sector of society whose
influence far outweighs their numerical strength. The
average age of university students tends to he higher
than that of students in the United States, and this
characteristic tends to enhance their influential role.
Youth frequently have to wait one or more years after
secondary school to enter a university; moreover, most
students hold full- or part-time jobs, and take longer to
complete the university program. The political power
of the students �and intellectuals in general �also
derives in large part from the prestige which Brazilian
society accords to intellectual attainments. Other
factors were the largely elite nature of the educational
system and the concentration of student groups in the
cities, where links have long existed between the
student groups and discontented labor elements.
Although most students are generally apathetic and
apolitical �only 10% to 20% normally participate in
student politics �they share many attitudes with the
activist minority. One is a faith in Brazil's "great
destiny" and a deep disappointment in its present day
reality. They see around them the poverty and
illiteracy of the masses, the undeveloped natural
resources, and inequality of opportunity. Because of
the apathy of the majority of university students, a
minoritv of Communists and leftist ultranationalist
extremists were able until 1964 to control the major
student organizations and use them as instruments of
political pressure. The dominant organization was the
National Students' 1.T�iion (UNE); during the
Kubitschek, Quadros, and Goulart administrations the
UNE was supported by the government, but control
lay in the hands of the Communists through a united
front with a radical student group, Popular Action.
Since the advent of military -led government in
1964, the capabilities of this extremist leadership �as
well as student organizations in general �have been
almost completely nullified. Through the Suplicy
Law, enacted in 1964 by the Castello Branco
administration, the government at first sought to
break the hold on the student movement of
Communists and other extreme leftists by abolishing
the major student organizations and substituting new
ones which were to be controlled by democratic
student leaders. Most students, however, opposed this
law and continually urged its repeal. In early 1967 the
government amended the Suplicy Law to abolish all
student groups at state and national levels, while
permitting organizations within the individual
universities and their schools (faculties). The law also
banned student strikes and involvement in political
activity. Moreover, all secondary school student
organizations, except athletic, civic, cultural, and
social groups, were declared illegal. Partly in protest
against these increasing restrictions on their activities,
student agitation became frequent in the mid- 1960's.
The peak year of student action against the military
regime was 1968, particularly after a student was
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killed by the police. The government closed down all
student representative organizations and temporarily
occupied the campuses of some of the major
universities. The following year it promulgated decree
law 477, which punishes any student condemned for
"subversive activities" with expulsion or suspension
for three years. Decree -law 477 has been applied over
40 times and continues to be a tool that the regime can
use, although these occasions have become less
frequent because of the decline in student activism.
When student militancy can be defined as "a question
of national security," few students are willing to risk
expulsion or prison in order to challenge the
government.
These pressures have made the average student
politically timid. Rio de Janeiro's universities have
been seized by a craze for politically safe activities
such as ping -pong, table football, and chess, while
student representatives claim drug taking has
increased. little or no interest can be aroused in
elections to student bodies or university councils, and
one student has summed it up by saving: "All we are
concerned with is survival."
At least publicly, the government does not favor
such a withdrawal. In 1971 the Minister of Education
stated that a student "cannot ignore the problems of
the world in which he lives. His participation demands
a knowledge of the great forces at work in the present
day world. It is therefore absurd to order him to forget
the social injustices, the problems of underdevelop-
ment, the contradictions within the society in which
he lives, and above all, the contradictions in the
educational system on which his professional future
depends."
In 1967, the government established a program
known as the Rondon Project to try to channel some of
the students' energies into constructive fields �and out
of politics. The project, similar to the U.S. VISTA
program, is intended both to make the students aware
of the problems of Brazil's remote areas, particularly in
the Amazon Basin, and to provide assistance to the
residents of the areas in the form of medical care,
development of humati resources, road building, and
construction. Under the control of the Interior
Ministry, the Rondon Project also receives support
from other government agencie! and from the armed
forces, as well as from the remote communities
themselves, which provide lodgings and, in some
instances, food for the 9 of students assigned to
the respective projects. An outgrowth of the Rondon
Project has been the installation of 10 branches of
university campuses in backward areas for the purpose
o" :!^veloping centers of economic and s cial growth,
as well as experimental fields for university students.
New campuses are scheduled to be established both in
the Amazon area and in the Northeast.
I. Artistic and cultural expression (U /OU)
Brazilian intellect lal and artistic development dates
largely from the end of the 19th century and �with
few exceptions �had no appreciable significance
before 1920. Despite the existence of a leisure class
possessing the customary material and intellectual
requirements for developing a high culture, no
sustained attempt was made to produce an authentic
Brazilian literature, art, or music before the 20th
century. The major figures in Brazilian literary and
artistic development are almost entirely contem-
porary; a number of them are still alive and still
creating important works.
Brazil was dependent on the intellectual resources of
Portugal until the arrival of Dom Joao X'I at Rio de
Janeiro in 1808. No printing press, public library,
college, or university was allowed in Brazil prior to
that date. Education was available in Brazil only to a
small elite group; advanced study was permitted only
in Portugal. Unlike Mexico and Peru, B azil could
boast of no pre Columbian artistic dev('�'pment on its
own soil, and its intellectual forms were imported from
the mother country. Art forms, particular) in
architecture and the related arts, developed and were
put to the service of the church, but architecture was
in the baroque style imported from Portugal and
Spain, and baroque in Brazil achieved its highest level
of development as interior ornamentation, with lavish
use of gold, diamonds, emeralds, wood carvings, and
sculpture. Foliowing independence, Portuguese
models were replaced by th,,se of France, and
Brazilian artists, architects, writers, and intellectuals in
general reflected French schools of thought. The
Brazilian people were only beginning to look with
interest at their national origins but mainly without
the leadership of the elite, whose intellectual interests
continues; to be focused on Europe. For this reason,
20th century intellectual and artistic expression in
Brazil has been largely a middle sector phenomenon.
The great majority of the population, functionally
illiterate, isolated, and impoverished, have remained
uninterested in literary and artistic themes except in
the field of folk art.
Contemporary achievements in Brazilian cultural
development had their origins in the Week of Modern
Art held in Sao Paulo during February 1922 �a
gathering of voting intellectuals and artists in revolt
against the heavy domination of art forms by
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European patterns. The Brazilian environment was
recognized as an authentic source of inspiration for a
distinctive literature, art, and music. The exhibition
featured Brazilian themes in cubist and expressionist
art, along with concerts of modern music and readings
of poetry authored by members of the group. The
1920 were a turbulent but fecund period in Brazilian
history, with many of its events centered in Sao Paulo,
where the revolutionary consequences of a rising
industrial order were being felt. In 1923 the First
Brazilian Cengress on Regionalism, held in Recife,
emphasized regional historic values, which subse-
quently became the heart of a movement in the
Northeast producing a rich literature of social criticism
based in large part upon the findings of the social
anthropologist Gilberto Freyre. In 1934, also in Recife,
the First Congress on Afro Brazilian Studies drew
attention to Negro contributions to the formation of
the national character and culture. This reinterpreta-
tion of Brazilian racial history constituted a third
literary trend of the new cra. The three movements
modernist, Northeast regionalist, and Afro- Brazilian�
formed the basis for the emergence in the mid -20th
century of genuinely Brazilian art and literary forms.
Brazilian intellectuals have traditionally devoted
themselves chiefly to literary achievement, and their
fondness for verbal and classical erudition
still persists, but in the 20th century they began to
develop an interest in science and social problems.
Alberto Santos Dumont was the first man to fly a
dirigible. Oswaldo ",ruz, for whom the well -known
South American school of tropical medicine is named,
treed Rio de Janeiro from plague, yellow fever, and
malaria. Carlos Chagas discovered the insect which
carries Chagas' disease. J. Florencio Gomes founded
an institute famous for developing serums to
counteract snake poisoning, and Miguel Osorio has
won international larizes for research in physiology.
Gilberto Frevre is internationally known as a social
anthropologist. Nina Rodrigues' study of the Negro
initiated important work in social anthropology.
Although the country has produced few widely
recognized philosophers, the social and political
thought of Mceu Amoroso Lima, inspired by Neo-
Thornisrn and the Social Christian Movement, has
been influential since the mid -20th century.
1. Architecture, painting, and sculpture
Architecture has become the major Brazilian art
form in the 20th century, and the work of a number of
prominent architects has exerted it perceptible
influence upon European and North American
architec�ttire. The. leading pioneer is Luc�io Costa
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(1902- a gifted student of the French architect Le
Corbusier and master planner of the new capital city
of Brasilia in the late 1950's. The architecture of the
buildings of Brasilia is largely the creation of Oscar
Niemeyer Soares Filho (1907- who exercises the
t iajor single influence on the younger generation of
Brazilian architects. A student of Costa's in the 1930
Nicrmver had collaborated with him earlier in
designing the Palacio da Cultura in Rio de Janeiro, a
building completed in 1939 and still considered one of
the best examples of modern architectural design.
Niemeyer s sense of elegance and feeling for plasticity
have transformed modern functionalism into an
original style particularly well adapted to the Brazilian
scene. His fame is so widespread that his sketches for
Brasilia were published all over Ire world long before
they were complete. His creativity is illustrated in the
presidential palace and in the Pampulha chapel near
Bek) Horizonte.
Since 1964 Niemeyer has been in political disfavor,
and the more traditional tastes of the military
authorities have limited governmental support for
architectural innovation. His design for a new airport
in Brasilia was rejected in 1968. Niemeyer, however,
has been commissioned to design public buildings for
several foreign governments. Meanwhile, his protege,
Sergio Bernardes, whose Brazilian Pavillion won the
grand prize for architectural design at the 1958
Brussels Worlds Fair, has been commissioned to
design hotels in Manaus and Recife. The former is to
feature a dome some 500 feet high, of transparent
materials, enclosing the entire structure. In Recife he
plans to make use of the dramatic qualities of the
ocean; two floors of the hotel are to he under water.
The late Affonso Eduardo Reidy, who was particularly
concerned about the sociological aspects of
architecture, was responsible for the country's most
outstanding example of low -cost housing, the
Pedregulho development, fitted to the contours of it
hill in the suburbs of Rio de Janeiro.
Comparatively little native painting of any sort had
been produced in Brazil by the end of the Empire
except for tlic works of a few� regional colorists. During
the 19th century, having abandoned religious subjects
in favor of historical scenes and portraits, serious
painting remained nonetheless lifeless, dull, and
academic, closely following the French masters.
Dutch, French, and German artists were primarily
responsible for the record of Brazilian art after 1800.
Rejection of these narrow and formalistic styles was
the original purpose in organizing the 1922 Week of
Modem Art in Sao Pardo. Led by the Lithuanian
Brazilian painter, Lasar Segall (1890- the movement
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was dedicated to creating an indigenous or national
art but, as an initial effort, consisted of Brazilian
adaptations of such new European departures as
expressionism, cubism, and fauvism.
Not until the 1930 -50 period did Brazilian painting
come into its own with the original contributions of
Candido Portinari (1903 -62) and his associates.
Portinari's concern with social problems is reflected in
his symbolic paintings of Negro, white, mulatto, and
Indian workers. His canvasses depicting the Flight of
starving refugees from barren Ceara in the Northeast
burst forth with power and emotion. He ranks with
Mexico's Diego Rivera as one of the best of the
modern impressionists. In 1942 he finished four murals
in fresco for the Hispanic Institute of the Library of
Congress in Washington, D.C. The most noted of his
later murals is a bitter allegory on war at the U.N.
headquarters in New York.
A new phase of modern art began with the end of
World War 11, when Brazilian architecture began to
win international acclaim and aroused interest in the
country's other arts. The postwar scene has been
characterized by the appearance of an even larger
number of good artists, the interest of wealthy
collectors in Brazilian art, the creation of study centers
that are among the best in the world, and the
development of art criticism, which is manifested
especially in the newspapers. In the late 1940's
modern art museums were established in Sao Paulo
and Rio de Janeiro (Figure 19). In 1951 the first Sao
Paulo Biennial was held; its subsequent success has
placed it on a level with the Biennial of Venice and the
Carnegie International.
Manabu Mahe, the son of Japanese immigrants,
has become one of Latin America's bestselling
abstractionists since taking first prize in the 1959 Sao
Paulo Biennial. In addition to the primitives,
expressionists, and abstractionists, some artists are
concentrating on geometric and line drawings. The
forms, at first known collectively as coneretism
because of their relationship to the schematic lines of
modern Brazilian architecture, has led to greater
interest in collage and the use of relief.
Among the new trends that enjoyed some
popularity Lit the late 1960's were the works of the
figurativists, or pop artists, such as Glauco Rodrigues
and Gastao Henrique. Techniques of engraving,
including woodcutting, which has traditional roots in
the country, have become highly developed. The field
is dominated by women, of whom Fayga Ostrower,
Maria Bonomi, and Edith Behring are probably the
best known.
In the early 1960's art galleries proliferated in all the
larger cities. The painting boom was deflated in the
latter half of the decade, however, as a result of
increasing disaffection between the government and
the artistic community. Censorship of exhibits has
been common, and art museums, fortnerly heavily
subsidized by the government, by 1970 were being
forced to rent out rooms for parties and conferences or
to sell their paintings in order to meet expenses.
Sculpture, which has been the least developed of the
major arts in Brazil, has tended to he largely
stereotyped and academic. The most significant
Brazilian sculptor was Antonio Francisco Lisboa
(1730 1814), called 0 Aleijadinho ("The little
Cripple), who lived in Minas Gerais, where he
produced religious art and architecture of unsurpassed
brilliance. His most famous sculpture, a group of 12
prophets carved in soapstone, stands in front of a
church in Congonhas (Figure 20). The first truly
Brazilian artist, 0 Aleijadinho also designed the
architecture of several baroque churches, the most
famous of which is the Church of St. 1- rancis in Ouro
Preto (Figure 17).
The modernist movement in sculpture has largely
taken the form of architectural integration. The
compositions of Bruno Giorgi, noted for their linear
simplicity and gracefulness, include The Warriors at
the Plaza of the Three Powers in Brasilia. The main
entrance of the Presidential Palace is adorned by the
Bronze of Alfred Ceschiatti, who also contributed the
conventional reliefs in the church designed by Oscar
Niemeyer at Pampulha and the War Memorial,
consisting of military figures, in Rio de Janeiro. Maria
Martins is noted for sensuous and exuberant
representation of tropical vegetation. The monutmen-
tal wood sculpture of Mario Cravo utilizes the
contours of the wood itself as it major clement of the
composition. In the 1960's he worked primarily with
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FIGURE 19. Museum of Modern Art, Rio de
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metals, creating allusions to animal and vegetable life
through the use of masses f nuts, hoops, and metal
sheets.
2. The performing arts
a. Music
Art music based on native themes has developed
vigorously since the turn of the century. Brasilio
Itibere da Cunha (1848 -1913) and Alexandre Levv
(1864 -92) were the first to incorporate folklore as
thematic material into their music. Da Cunha's
orchestral rhapsody, Sertaneja, is generally considered
the point of departure for authentic Brazilian music;
Levy's symphonic Suite Brasileira incorporated it
samba. Afro- Brazilian rhythms and melodies
characterize the ballets and orchestrations of
contemporary composer Francisco Mignone, whose
works have been performed in Europe and the United
States.
The creative giant in Brazilian music, Heitor Villa
Lobos, (1890 1959), was also the most prolific
composer in the Western Hemisphere. Writing in
nearly all genres, secular and sacred, he produced
more than 1,500 works for symphony, chamber
groups, chorus, piano, organ, guitar, and voice.
Recognized worldwide, Villa Lobos orchestrated the
complex musical idiom native to Brazil. His
symphonic poem, zimazonas, and his Dansa,s
4 ricanas are cited as outstanding examples of his
64
work, in addition to the famed Choros (choral songs)
for orchestra and children's suites. As director of music
in the Federal District, he revolutionized music
instruction in the entire country.
Oscar Lorenzo Fernandez, a contemporary of Villa
Lobos, is also known throughout the Western
Hemisphere, both as a conductor and a composer
largely of music drawn from Indo American themes.
Camargo Guarnieri (born in 1907) has made a refined
and polished use of folk material for piano and
especially chamber music, and has had considerable
influence on younger generations of composers. In the
mid -20th century it new current of atonal music
evolved, led by Claudio Santore and Guerra Peixe.
Among the younger composers are Osvaldo Lacerda, it
pupil of Guarnieri; Marlos Nobre, who has worked
with the Argentine Alberto Ginastera at the Latin
American Institute for Advanced Musical Studies in
Buenos Aires; and it Sao Paulo experimental group of
voting musicians, including Willy Correia de Oliveira,
Rogerio Duprat, and Gilbert Mendes, working closely
with avant -garde poets.
Brazil has produced many internationally known
performing musicians, including pianists Guiomar
Novaes, Joao de Souza Lima, and Maria Antonia de
Castro and classical guitarist Laurindo Almeida. Bidu
Sayao was for many years a leading soprano at the
Metropolitan Opera Company of New York. Olga
Praguer Coelho is it noted folk singer and guitarist.
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FIGURE 20. Five of the twelve prophets, which form O Aleijaclinho's
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As in the case of scholars and artists in other fields, a
number of outstanding musicians are living abroad.
Blaming the government for "a total lack of
reasonable conditions" for serious musical activities,
Eleazor de Carvalho, one of the foremost conductors
of symphony orchestras for some 30 years, announced
in December 1969 his decision to leave the country.
The daily O Estado de Sao Paulo commented that the
Fourth International Festival of Song, in October
1969, was essentially an amateur show, as all of the
country's major composers and performers were
absent.
b. Theater and cinema
The commercial theater traditionally presented
little more than light comedy until 1943, when a
highly successful play by Nelson Rodriques criticized
the mores of the time. A serious experimental theater
movement, sparked by the immigration of European
directors schooled in avant -garde staging techniques,
appeared shortly thereafter in Sao Paulo and by 1950
had spread to several cities. Since midcentury several
Brazilian dramatists have received international
recognition, including Pedro Block, for his The Hands
of Euridice, staged in 19-50, and Guilherme Figueiredo
for The Fox and the Grapes, which has been staged
since 1953 in more than 30 nations. In his The Rogue's
Trial in 1957, regional playwright Ariano Suassuna
expressed the mood of social rebellion in the Northeast
through a medieval religious allegory. Jorge Andrade,
influenced in style and staging by Arthur Miller and in
content by Eugene O'Neill, has reinterpreted the
nation's history in a series of experimental wort the
most outstanding being Moratorium (1956).
Andrade's works have been considered a link between
regional expression and the socially and politically
committed drama that characterized the Arena
Theater of Sao Paulo.
After 1964 it became increasingly difficult to stage
the type of play for which the Arena Theater group
had become noted, as social protest was considered
offensive by the military authorities. Thus, the
initiative in dramatic development was assumed by a
new group associated with the Workshop Theater of
Sao Paulo, which applied avant -garde staging
techniques to old plays of various national origins. In
1969 a new movement began, involving young
playwrights inclined toward themes similar to those
employed by the Arena Theater group but attempting
to adjust to the political situation by presenting their
social protest through subtle symbolism; among these
dramatists are Plinio Marcos, Jose Vicente, and Leilah
Assumpeao.
The great popularity in recent years of Afro
Brazilian music has contributed to a new dimension in
theatrical production and has given the Arena Theater
a new lease on life. One of the most successful of the
musical plays has been Arena Tells About Zumbi,
written in 1965 by Augusto Boa] and Gianfrancesco
Guarnieri with music by Edu Lobo. This political
satire invites the comparison of historical periods 270
years apart by the dramatizing of a 17th century slave
uprising.
Although motion picture production has been
hindered by the limited market for films in
Portuguese, the Brazilian cinema has created a valid
style of its own in both subject matter and
photographic technique. In the early 1950's O
Cangacero (The Bandit) by Lima Barreto, was a
prizewinner at the Cannes Film Festival. The cinema
novo movement launched in 1955 achieved
international prestige when five of the 19 feature films
produced in 1962 won prizes at festivals and were
purchased for distribution abroad. A leader of the
movement, Glauber Rocha, received the award for the
best director at Cannes in 1969.
Among the most successful films in the vein of
ncorealism was Pereira's Vidas Secas (Dry Lives),
produced in 1963, which dramatized the hardships
and violence of rural life. Paulo Cesar Saraceni's O
Desafto (The Challenger), portraying the moral
dilemmas and insecurities of city life. was favorably
received at the Rio de Janeiro Film Festival in 1965.
Orfeu Negro (Black Orpheus), depicting Carnival time
in the favelas of Rio de Janeiro, and Garota de
1panenw (The Girl from Ipanema), both written by
the poet Vinicius de Morais and making use of the
syncopated rhythms of the bossa nova, delighted
foreign audiences in the 1960's.
In the latter half of the 1960'x, however, moral and
political censorship and inadequate funding hindered
creativity and innovation. Lack of planning and
disinterest in marketing techniques were also cited by
a group of cinema critics meeting in Rio de Janeiro in
September 1969 as reasons for the slump in the film
industry. By 1970 several of the most talented
directors, such as Glauber Rocha. had left the country.
3. Literature
Brazil entered the stage of world literature in the
20th century with two outstanding personalities.
F,uclides da Cunha (1866 -1908) and Joaquim Maria
Machado de Assis (1839- 1908). Da Cunha's 1902
masterpiece, Os Sertoes (published in English as
Rebellion in the Backlands), presents a sociopsycho-
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logical treatment of the Northeastern plainsman at the
turn of the century. The book helped create a climate
of self- criticism, preparing the way for the
development of a truly Brazilian literature. Machado
de Assis, by contrast, described interpretively the
aristocratic and urbane society of Rio de Janeiro at the
end of the Empire, creating distinctly Brazilian
psychological character types. Machado da Assis' 1900
novel Dom Casmurro has been described as Brazil's
greatest literary production. Since the 1930's the
Northeast regionalist group has produced a literature
of international standing, probing deeply into the
roots of Brazilian social problems. The site of original
Portuguese colonization in the Western Hemisphere
and center of the traditional culture and landed elite,
the Northeast coastal region had produced most of
Brazil's literary figures down to the 20th century.
From the Northeast came the 19th century poets
Castro Alves and Goncalves Diaz; the novelists Jose de
Alencar, Aluizio de Azevedo, and Domingos Olympio;
the positivist philosopher Tobias Barreto; the critic
Sylvio Romero. and the statesmen essayists Joaquim
Nabuco and Ruy Barbosa. At the turn of the century
cam(- Graca Aranha, descended from Northeastern
aristocracy, whose novel Canaan has been described as
an anticipation of the modern social novel of Brazil.
Dominating the 1920'x, the modernist surge was
characterized by a preoccupation with things
Brazilian (brasilidade), by the use of Brazilian
vernacular instead of the archaic literary language of
classical Portuguese, and by themes from Indian and
Negro legends. Although concerned mostly with
poetry, modernism influenced nearly every phase of
Brazilian literature, and above all the developing
novel of the Northeast. Its introspective interest in
Brazil and innovations in literary language channeled
the course of new fiction in the Northeast as elsewhere
Ll the nation.
One of the most fruitful and artistic undertakings in
Brazilian history, the regionalist movement in the
Northeast was begun under the influence of Gilberto
Fre�yre, who returned to his native Pernambuco in
1923 after graduate study under Franz Boas at
Colombia University. Freyre organized the Congress
on Regionalism in Recife and set the example by such
epochal studies of Brazilian social development as
Casa Grande a Senzala (published in the United States
as The Masters and the Slaves). The regionalist
movement diverged from the iconoclastic modern
school in its psychological concern for the sources of
Brazilian culture and in its attempt to discover it set of
values in harmony with the Brazilian conditions of
life.
fWi
l
After Vargas seized power and set in motion his
revolution of 1930, Brazilian culture seemed to take on
new life, and the novelists of the Northeast began to
produce works that were predominantly sociological
and focused upon the wretchedness of the lower
classes. The initial incredulity of the critics in Rio de
Janeiro and Sao Paulo gave way to anxiety with the
discovery that the problems of the Northeast, as
revealed in the novels, were an index of the weakness
in the entire Brazilian social structure.
By the mid- 1930's, the Northeasterners had won
acceptance throughout Brazil with novels that were
often works of art as %yell as social documents. Jose
Americo de Almeida had shown the flight of the
refugees from the drought areas in A Bagaceira (Cane
Trash) of 1938. Raquel de Queiroz followed in 1940
with O Quinze (The Year Fifteen) with a similar
setting. Jorge Amado told of the exploitation of
workers in southern Bahia in Cacau (Cacao) and of
the horrors of slum life in the city_ of Salvador in Suor
(Sweat).
The novel in the 1960's was in the forefront of
Brazilian artistic expression, using the new trends of
modernism. The tendency of Northeastern writers to
concentrate on sociological themes is complemented
by the tendency of writers to the south to emphasize
psychological, moral, and intellectual factors. This has
led several critics to interpret modern literature strictly
in terms of regionalism. All, however, are imbued with
the same desire to spell out the national character.
Reflecting the fact that the city and its problems have
come to dominate the national scene, more and more
modern novels are set in an urban environment.
4. Folk arts
A rich variety of native arts has resulted from the
cultural [)lend of Portuguese, African, and Indian
elements. The figureheads, used on boats on the Rio
Sao Francisco, are among the outstanding examples of
folk sculpture. Carved in strong and simple style and
towering several feet above the how of the boat, they
depict women, animals, and characters from Afro
Brazilian folklore. The country's folk pottery (Figure
21) continues to reflect the Indian rather than the
Portuguese tradition, and many of the weaving
techniques found throughout the nation are Indian in
origin. Weaving in straw is highly developed in the
Noah and Northeast, and in the cattle- raising regions
of the Northeast, sophisticated leatherworking
techniques may be found. The art of lacemaking was
inherited from the Portuguese. Goldstnithing has been
highly developed in Minas Gerais, Goias, and Bahia.
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One of the greatest folk festivals in the world is the
Brazilian Carnival. which precedes the Lenten season
(Figure 22). It is celebrated throughout the country
but is most spectacular in Rio de Janeiro where all
t
ordinary business stops for at least 3 days, while
Millions of eadocas (natives of Rio de Janeiro) and
visitors move through the streets to the graceful
rhythm of the samba. In addition to the spontaneous
street dancing and the private halls, parades of
costumed dancers are accompanied by small
orchestras with homemade instruments, representing
various neighborhoods and towns. Until recent years
costumes were often designed to poke fun at such
institutions as the government, the church, and the
military. Prizes have traditionally been offered for the
hest new songs, often composed b%� individuals or
groups from the firvela.s (slum areas).
In the mid- 1950's a st'h of music resembling
American jazz was combined with the percussive
rhythns of the samba, resulting in a nc�w form of
popular music, the bossa nova, cool, intimate, urban,
and often containing political and social satire. The
popularity of the bossy nova spread throughout
I?urope and the United States in the 1960's through
the performances and recordings of Sergio Mendes.
Antonio Giherto Johim, Joao Gilberto, and others.
After 196 -1 a new generation of composers and
performers largely abandoned the bussa nova for
protest songs teased on ethnic and folk music. The
lyrics indicated a preoccupation with liberty and
decried hunger, miser, and social injustice. A favorite
anong the young and winner of the second prize at
the annual festival of Song in 1968 was Caminbanclo
(Walking). The INrics, appealing for social change,
were offensive to the government; the song was
banned, and its composer performer, Ceraldo Vandre,
left the country.
In early 1970 quele Abraco ('Thal Embrace), by
exiled composer Gilberto Gil, was a popular favorite.
IM
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FIGURE 21. Folk art of the Northeast (U /OU)
FIGURE 22. The spectacle of Carnival (U /OU)

�e�!!+- T:.i:+?r mw .qcr .r' :r+s �.tf+:- ...a�. n.... r. o- x
Ostensibly a tribute to the beauty of Rio de J aneiro, it
used obscure symbolism to register political protest.
For the most part how ever, the folk music boom had
been eliminated by 1970, as almost all of its prominent
composers and performers had left the country. Some
of these figures have since retumed to Brazil, but in
order to continue their musical Freers have had to
mute their criticism of the government.
J. Public information
Brazil ranks high among Latin American nations in
all aspects of public information. However, the high
rate of illiteracy, the poverty of many of the people,
and the vast distances involved limit the use of
modern communication facilities. Informal means of
communication continue to play an important role in
the rural areas. Individuals place considerable reliance
in information gathered by word -of -mouth in
marketplaces, churches, family gatherings, and
country stores. Mass media are concentrated largely in
the state capitals and in the more urbanized Southeast
and South. Radio broadcasting is the most efficacious
means of reaching the great majority of people. The
increasing availability of cheap transistor radios has
enabled many people to expand their awareness of
both local and world affairs. Other means of
communication include gazettes, bulletins, and
special publications distributed by federal, state, and
municipal authorities and the armed forces; posters,
both printed and handmade; and signs and symbols
appearing not only on walls in urban areas but also on
hillsides in rural regions. (U /OU)
Brazil has numerous publishing houses, but books
are costly by Brazilian standards, and cheap
paperbacks are not yet widely distributed. The cost,
therefore, limits the book- reading public mainly to the
middle and upper classes. Brazil has over 2,000
libraries, containing over 1 I million volumes, and over
2W museums. Nearly one quarter of both the libraries
and museums are located in Sao Paulo. Mann,
however, belong to universities or other private
institutions and are not open to the general public.
Even the universities have serious shortages of books,
particularly technical ones which must be imported at
great cost. (U /OU)
A substantial number of channels of communica-
tions are controlled by single families or corporations,
each of which owns newspapers, radio and television
stations, and possibly a publishing house. In the past
the influence of these groups and their political
associates has gone far to maintain freedom from
extreme governmental interfe and the larger
newspapers have tended to be conservative in outlook.
The existence of a number of schools of journalism has
contributed to the fairly high quality'of publications,
and the use of U.S. and European news services has
insured extensive foreign coverage in the larger dailies.
(U /OU)
1. Newspapers (U /OU)
Approximately 250 daily newspapers are published
in Portuguese with a total circulation of about 2
million. The more important are listed in Figure 23.
More than half the dailies are published in the state
capitals, and almost all of their total circulation is
absorbed by these cities. In other parts of the country
hundreds of newspapers, published less than four
times it week, art: serving several million readers.
Established communications dynasties or corpora-
tions control a number of the larger newspapers. The
late Francisco de Assis Chateaubriand's Associated
Daily Newspapers and Radio Stations, for example,
includes a chain of some 30 newspapers, 15 televise m
stations, 23 radio stations, 33 periodicals, and a news
agency. As it rule, such media have reflected the
political viewpoints of the controlling families. Few
newspapers have been considered mouthpieces of
particular political parties, but most have usually
reflected their political orientation through the
editorial pages and through the amount of space given
to the speeches and activities of various personages. In
order to appeal to different categories of readers, a
newspaper chain may publish widely varying types of
newspapers. Thus, the Chateaubriand chain has
published both O Jomal and Diado da Noite in Rio de
Janeiro; the former strongly supports private enterpriac
and appeals to tipper class businessmen, and the latter
is a popular daily read widely among lower income
groups. Other important dailies in the Chateaubriand
chain are Correio Brasiliense, published in Brasilia,
and the Diado de Sao Pardo.
An outstanding daily is O Estado de Sao Paulo,
founded in 1875 and owned since 1902 by the
Mesquita family. O Estado's coverage of foreign news
is extensive. It has branch offices in all the larger cities
of Brazil and has staff or part time correspondents in
major cities throughout the world. Another leading
daily, O Gloho, published in Rio de Janeiro, is a
conservative newspaper influential :among the upper
class and, along with O Estado, read by the literate
public regardless of their political viewpoint.
Other important newspapers in Rio de Janeiro are
Correia da Martha, a morning daily founded by
F.dmundo Bittencourt and known for good quality
.w.
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x
FIGURE 23. Major daily newspapers (U /OU)
TITLE
CIRCULA-
LOCATION TION
CORamo BRASILIENSE
Brasilia. Federal District......
15,000
BRAZIL HERALD
Rio de Janeiro...............
16,000
C ORREIO DA M ANHA
....do......................
102,000
D IARIO DF. NoTxCIAS
....do......................
70,000
JORNAL Do BRAZIL
do......................
185,000
JORNAL DO COMERCIO
do......................
30,000
DIA
....do......................
195,000
JORNAL
....do......................
120,000
A N oTICIA
O GLOBO
TRIBUNA DA IMPRF.NSA........
ULTIMA HORA
DIARIO DA N OITE
DIARIO DE SAO PAULO............
DIARIO POPULAR (evening)
O ESTADO DE SAO PAULO..........
FOLIIA DA MANHA (morning) and
FOLHA DA NOrrE (evening)
A G AZFTA (afternoon)
N OTICIAS POPULARFS
DIAmo DF NOTICIAS (morning)
ERI'ADO DA BAIIIA
ERTADO DE MINAS
FOLIIA DE MINAS
O DIARIO
CORRF.IO POPULAR
DIAR10 DF. POVO
ESTADO (evening)
F.STADO DO PARANA
DIARIO DO PARANA
O Povo
CORRF.10 DE PARAIBA
DIARIO DF. PF.RNAMBUCO...........
JORNAL DO COMF.RCIO.
CORRF.10 DO POPO
DIARIO DE NoTic IAR
JORNAL DO DIA
FoLIIA DA TARDF
A TRIHITNA
PACOTII AAA
....do
....do
...(10
Salvador
.....lo
Belo 11crizonte
....do
d........................
Cam pinRS
....do
Florianopolis
....do
....do
Fortaleza
Joao Pessoa
Recife
....,to
Porto Alegre
....(to
....do
....(10
Santos
Bno Luis Maranhao...........
Not pertinent
k
reporting and serious coverage of both domestic and
foreign events, and Mario de Noticias and Jornal do
Brasil, which since the early 1960's have been critical
of Castro's Cuba and the Soviet Union.
In Sao Patllo three widely read newspaper are
Folha da Manha, Folha da Tarde, and Folha da
Noite, all published by the same corporation as
separate dailies. They have been independent in
political orientation.
80,000
200,000
30,000
100,000
30,000
40,000
30,000
200, (1(10
200,000
35,000
25,000
10,000
16,000
50,000
10,000
12,0W
3,000
3.000
5,000
15,000
5,000
25,000
40,000
120,000
20, (1(10
32,000
20,000
36,000
20, 00(1
REMARKS
Chateaubriand newspaper
English- language newspaper
A leading newspaper
Moderate opposition
Wide news coverage
Oldest newspaper in Rio de Janeiro; inde-
pendent; conservative
Sensational, labor
Leading newspaper of Chateaubriand chain;
commercial news; conservative
Sensational
Conservative
Nationalistic, opposition
Do.
Independent
Chateaubriand morning newspaper
Long established
A leading newspaper, conservative, some-
times critical of government
Independent
Conservative
Sensational
Democratic
Do.
C hatcauhriand newspaper
Independent newspaper
Catholic newspaper
Independent
Do.
Long established
State government views
Chateaubriand newspaper
Conservative
Ride news coverage
Oldest newspaper in Latin America; agri-
cultural and commercial interests;
Chateaubriand newspaper
Conservative
Independent, conservative
Chateaubriand newspaper
Catholic newspaper
Independent
Conservative
Chateaubriand newspaper
Outside of Rio de Janeiro and Sao Paulo a number
of newspapers have more than purely local appeal.
The Correio do Povo of Porto Alegre and Diario de
Pernambuco of Recife, founded in 1825, have
reputations for being conservative. The Samuel
Weiner chain, which has followed a leftist nationalist
line, publishes various editions of 111tinta Hora in
Porto Alegre, Recife, Sao Paulo, Rio de Janeiro, and
other cities.
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Among the newspapers appealing to readers with
particular interests is A Gazeta Esportiva of Sao Paulo,
devoted to sports news. The Jornal do Comercio of Rio
de Janeiro, established in 1827, serves the commercial
community. The Brazil Herald of Rio de Janeiro is
directed to English- speaking readers; other dailies are
published in German and Japanese.
Sensationalism, often focusing on scandals in the
personal lives of major political figures, is
characteristic of much of the press. This feature is
largely a legacy of the strict government censorship
imposed during the Vargas era and during the present
period (see Government Controls, below). The leading
newspapers, however, have tended to avoid this hype
of reporting, and in the 1960's schools of journalism
began emphasizing the need for objectivity and good
professional standards.
In the metropolitan press, foreign news coverage is
remarkably thorough. The first few pages of leading
dailies are often devoted almost entirely to such news,
and stories from abroad are interspersed with domestic
news on the following pages. Domestic news stories are
usually printed without bylines, but bylines are used
by some columnists in leading newspapers.
Most newspapers rely heavily on advertising for
revenue, and advertisements consume a great deal of
space. Daily editions of the larger newspapers vary
behveen 45 and 60 pages in length. Sunday editions
may run to as many as 190 pages. The minor
metropolitan newspapers and most of those published
outside Sao Paulo and Rio de Janeiro may vary
between 10 and 25 pages.
A number of news agencies, both foreign and
domestic, provide the press with national and
international news. The government press agency has
agreements with international news agencies through
which news of Brazil is disseminated abroad. The
Associated Daily Newspapers and Radio Stations
(Chateaubriand) chain has its own news agency,
which serves the various newspapers and radio and
television stations under its control.
Among the foreign news agencies most frequently
used are United Press International (UPI) and the
Associated Press (AP) of the United States and Reuters
of the United Kingdom. News material from Agence
France Presse (AFP) and the Italian agency, Agencia
Nationale Stampa As.sociala (ANSA), is also used.
Representatives of Telegrafnoge Agentslvo Sovietskovo
Soyuza (TASS), Agensivo Pressi Novo.sti (APN), and
Radio /TV Moscow are stationed in Brazil but are
more involved in newsgathering than in distribution.
In early 1970 Prensa Latina, the Cuban press service,
was barred from operating in Brazil, and all
dE
Communist newspapers in the country were shut
down.
In January 1970 representatives from 13 Latin
American newspapers meeting in Mexico Cite signed
an agreement calling for an investment equivalent to
US$] million during the succeeding 2 years to
establish a news agency designed to report on
hemispheric and world affairs from a Latin American
point of view. Four of the 13 signers of the agreement
were representatives of Brazilian dailies-0 Est.?do
and Diario Popv..,ar of Sao Paulo and Jomal do Brasil
and O Globo of Rio de Janeiro. During its initial
stages, the news agency was to have a contract with
Reuters to train staff members and organize
communications.
Since the founding of Lrazil's first newspaper in
1808, journalism has been regarded by Brazilians as a
legitimate channel for advancing literary and political
careers; contributors to newspapers and periodicals
have frequently been persons prominent in public life.
Throughout the history of the country the press has
often criticized governments and influenced political
trends. In the early 1970's criticism was greatly
restrained but was still, on occasion, frank and
pointed.
2. Other periodicals and book publishing (U /OU)
Brazilian magazine production, which far exceeds
that of any other Latin American country, includes
several hundred weekly and monthly periodicals,
seven of which reach it sizable national audience
(Figure 24). Among the smaller periodicals, those
concerned with art, entertainment, and sports are the
most popular. There are also periodicals and journals
dealing with the sciences, religion, literature,
geography, and history. Many publications cater to
special interests such as education, home economics,
farming, and labor. Among the more popular women's
magazines are Claudia, Contigo, and Capricho. Some
200 journals, bulletins, and reviews, including many
government publications, deal wid, economic, social,
and academic subjects. Among these is Revista
Brasiliense, organ of the prestigious Getulio Vargas
Foundation concerned with studies of the. Brazilian
economy.
In 1968 an estimated 60 million books, most of
them soft cover, were printed in Rio de Janeiro and
Sao Paulo, where most of the 250 to 300 publishing
houses are concentrated. This output included an
estimated 17,000 new titles in a great variety of fields,
and translations of some 900 foreign books. The latter
is a category of increasing importance in the bigger
bookstores in Rio de Janeiro and Sao Paulo, possibly
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9
FA
C)
0
l
Newsweek in layout and editing
because of its appeal to the growing middle class,
which constitutes it large proportion of Brazil's book
purchasers (Figure 23). Large numbers of hooks are
imported from North America, and others from France
and Italy.
In 1969, according to a survey made by a writer in
Manchetc, there were less than l,(XX) bookstores in the
country, of which some 200 were in Sao Paulo, IN) in
Rio de Janeiro, and 1(X) in Porto Alegre. In Recife, a
city with approxirnatelN the same number of
inhabitants as Porto Alegre, there were 20 bookstores.
Brasilia had only five bookstores, as compared with
the small cite of Juiz da Fora in Minas Gerais, which
had 50. Mane other stores also sell hooks, however. In
1969 over 13,0(X) drugstores were authorized to sell
hooks. The government is the largest publisher and
printer with its National Press, the official printing
establishment; agencies of the government, such as the
Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and institutes, such as the
Getulio Vargas Foundation, have their own printing
and publishing plants. Newspapers often own and
operate publishing houses, thus reinforcing the
concentration of mass media in the hands of several
large families or organizations.
r FIGURE 25. Educated Brazilians are voracious
l readers (U /OU)
3. Radio, television, and motion pictures (U /OU)
More people are reached daily by radio than by an
other medium. Transmitters cover the countrv. In
1972 there were about 12 million radio receivers, most
of which were in the coastal and southern areas. Manv
small towns use pi- hlic address systems wired to radio
receivers. Transistor sets are becoming so popular that
the worker who has saved money often makes a
transistor radio his first purchase. A limited number
are distributed free or at logy cost for listening to
literacy lessons. Radio broadcasting is largely in
private hands. but the federal and some state
governments, the Catholic Church, and some
universities also operate transmitters. All stations must
carry the daily hour -lung federal government program
/fora do Brasil, which reports official activities and
plans. About 2W r' of air -time is devoted to advertising,
IMSr to news and sports; a high percentage of the
remainder features music, while civic, educational.
and religions programs and government propaganda
are heard occasionally. Almost all programs are in
Brazilian Portuguese; there are a few special- audience
programs in Japanese, English, Spanish, French, and
German. A number of stations are used almost
exclusively for educational purposes.
"Television has been expanding rapidly. As of 1972.
there were 56 TV stations, with ntnnerous relay
transmitters. Most are in the heavily populated areas
of eastern and southern Brazil. Where are some 7
million sets, with about 25 million viewers. Most TV
stations are privately owned, hilt the federal
.government has one in Brasilia. Television, including
the government station, derives its income from
advertising.
'There are no networks of the sort found in North
America, lint most privately owned stations belong to
assoCialiotts. Of these, the Chateahriand chain is the
largest with a total of 13 stations. Many of the larger
newspapers and most of the radio stations operate
television stations.
it
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FIGURE 24. Major magazines (U /OU)
TITLE
CIRCULATION
REMARKS
Selecoes............
320,000
Portuguese language edition of Readers Digest
Realidade..........
240,000
Popular, general subjects
Fatos a Fotos.......
190,000
Pictorial, appeals to less educated
Nfanchete..........
190,000
Pictorial weekly, middle -class readership
O Cruzeiro.........
160,000
Pictorial weekly, conservative, middle and upper -class
readership
Veja
120,000
Popular, general subjects
Visao
70,000
Weekly Portuguese language edition, similar to Timc and
Newsweek in layout and editing
because of its appeal to the growing middle class,
which constitutes it large proportion of Brazil's book
purchasers (Figure 23). Large numbers of hooks are
imported from North America, and others from France
and Italy.
In 1969, according to a survey made by a writer in
Manchetc, there were less than l,(XX) bookstores in the
country, of which some 200 were in Sao Paulo, IN) in
Rio de Janeiro, and 1(X) in Porto Alegre. In Recife, a
city with approxirnatelN the same number of
inhabitants as Porto Alegre, there were 20 bookstores.
Brasilia had only five bookstores, as compared with
the small cite of Juiz da Fora in Minas Gerais, which
had 50. Mane other stores also sell hooks, however. In
1969 over 13,0(X) drugstores were authorized to sell
hooks. The government is the largest publisher and
printer with its National Press, the official printing
establishment; agencies of the government, such as the
Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and institutes, such as the
Getulio Vargas Foundation, have their own printing
and publishing plants. Newspapers often own and
operate publishing houses, thus reinforcing the
concentration of mass media in the hands of several
large families or organizations.
r FIGURE 25. Educated Brazilians are voracious
l readers (U /OU)
3. Radio, television, and motion pictures (U /OU)
More people are reached daily by radio than by an
other medium. Transmitters cover the countrv. In
1972 there were about 12 million radio receivers, most
of which were in the coastal and southern areas. Manv
small towns use pi- hlic address systems wired to radio
receivers. Transistor sets are becoming so popular that
the worker who has saved money often makes a
transistor radio his first purchase. A limited number
are distributed free or at logy cost for listening to
literacy lessons. Radio broadcasting is largely in
private hands. but the federal and some state
governments, the Catholic Church, and some
universities also operate transmitters. All stations must
carry the daily hour -lung federal government program
/fora do Brasil, which reports official activities and
plans. About 2W r' of air -time is devoted to advertising,
IMSr to news and sports; a high percentage of the
remainder features music, while civic, educational.
and religions programs and government propaganda
are heard occasionally. Almost all programs are in
Brazilian Portuguese; there are a few special- audience
programs in Japanese, English, Spanish, French, and
German. A number of stations are used almost
exclusively for educational purposes.
"Television has been expanding rapidly. As of 1972.
there were 56 TV stations, with ntnnerous relay
transmitters. Most are in the heavily populated areas
of eastern and southern Brazil. Where are some 7
million sets, with about 25 million viewers. Most TV
stations are privately owned, hilt the federal
.government has one in Brasilia. Television, including
the government station, derives its income from
advertising.
'There are no networks of the sort found in North
America, lint most privately owned stations belong to
assoCialiotts. Of these, the Chateahriand chain is the
largest with a total of 13 stations. Many of the larger
newspapers and most of the radio stations operate
television stations.
it
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Television programs are similar in content to North
American programs. There are also programs on
agriculture, nutrition, health, and women's interests.
The programing on the commercial stations includes
many TV series purchased from the United States and
old motion pictures with Portuguese subtitles.
Brazil's approximately 3,900 theaters with a seating
capacity of about 1.9 million show motion pictures to
audiences of around 27 million per month. In some
areas films reach more people than do radio or
newspapers; many small towns have a film at least
once a week. Educational and documentary shorts are
frequently used for instruction. The Brazilian movie
industry produced nearly 100 feature motion pictures
in 1971, although only 47 feature- length films were
produced in 1972. Several Brazilian films have won
international prizes. An occasionally enforced law
requires a fixed percentage of films shown to be
Brazilian made. About 80% of the films are imported,
notably from the United States and also from Japan,
France, West Germany, Spain, Italy, Mexico, the
United Kingdom, and Portugal. Most are subtitled in
Portuguese.
4. Government controls (C)
Except during the Vargas dictatorship and the
present military governments, the press has suffered
fewer restrictions in Brazil than in most other Latin
American countries. Since 1824, successive constitu-
tions have provided for freedom of expression without
censorship, and freedom of the press was generally
observed until the first Vargas administration n 1930.
Vargas created a Department of Press and
Propaganda, which both enforced censorship, aimed
mainly at his political opponents and the foreign
language press in Brazil, and put out a favorable
image of the government. The degree of freedom of
expression enjoyed between 1943 and 1964 was
governed by the extent to which a President wished to
invoke articles of the Constitution that would limit
individual rights, or decrees of the Vargas regime still
technically in force that, if applied, could limit these
rights.
The Castello Branco administration, which ushered
in the present line of military -led governments,
favored increased supervision of the press, culminating
in a national press law passed by Congress in January
1967 and a national security decree in March 1967,
which inter alia, makes it it crime to spread false,
tendentious, or distorted news which endangers Brazil
or offends the "honor or dignity" of high officials.
Institutional Act No. 7 of 13 December 1968 and the
subsequent tightening of national security laws have
72
further muzzled the press and have drawn severe, but
largely unavailing, criticism from the Inter American
Press Association.
After promulgation of Institutional Act No. 5,
government controls were increased under a system of
self- censorship that encouraged the press to avoid
publication of anything that might lead to prosecution
under the security law. In June 1969 the government
issued a set of recommendations and suggestions
warning the press against printing criticism of official
economic policy, labor strife, comments of a political
nature by religious leaders, reports on legally dissolved
organizations, or interviews with persons deprived of
their political rights. A presidential decree issued in
January 1970 banned the publication or broadcast of
any material "offensive to morals or good customs"
and required that publications, imported or produced
in Brazil, be checked by Federal Police before being
placed on sale. The preamble of the decree stated that
lewdness in the press and in broadcast programs was
considered part of it subversive plot endangering the
nation's security.
Pursuant to this decree, un implementing regulation
on precensorship of books and periodicals was issued
by the Ministry of justice which requires advance
submission of manuscripts to the Federal Police. If
they have doubts about a publication, they would
refer it to the Minister of Justice, who would decide
whether it should he prohibited.
Many journalists, writers, and publishers attacked
the unconstitutionality of such prior censorship. The
impossibility of precensoring all publications, plus this
Public outcry, quickly persuaded the Justice Minister
to issue a modifying instruction exempting from
previous censorship such publications as are purely
philosophical, scientific, technical, and pedagogical in
nature, as well as those which do not have themes
relating to sex, morality, and good taste. Still, the
threat of censorship can he used as a weapon by the
government.
Censorship of newspapers and news periodicals is
difficult to pin down because of the generally informal
manner in which it often takes place and because of its
uneven application. Newspapers usually have not
been required to submit their copy prior to publication
to government censors, and there is generally no hard
rude about what cannot he published. Word of taboo
subjects is communicated individually to the news
media mostly on an ad hoc basis. The military's chief
interest as to what should not he published lies in the
field of national security and in protecting Brazil's
image. The guideline the army has on occasion
relayed to newspigvi-s suggests that articles specifically
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RWl on terrorism, the torture of prisoners, and the arrest of
subversives should be cleared with the regional army
Press office prior to publication. But the military is also
sensitive to other issues H ith seemingly more tenuous
ties to national security. The difficulty that
newspapers have in obtaining clear approval of even
sanitized articles on certain subjects, moreover,
frequently acts as a deterrent to publishing them.
Some newspaper officials have said they would prefer
to have onsite censors rather than the informal, often
arbitrary system now used.
In addition to the military, the Federal Police may
impose censorship conditions. In Bahia, for example,
the Federal Police seem to exert a dominant role in
censorship; in Rio de Janeiro the army and the Federal
Police appear to divide the responsibility between
them. In some cases, the National Intelligence Service
reportedly also has exercised censorship.
A paper's traditional orientation (liberal or
conservative) probably also determines to some extent
the degree to which its articles and editorials are
subject to scrutiny. Some editors have complained
about O Estado's apparent immunity because of its
conservative and prestigious reputation, as well as its
solid financial basis; however, in late 1972 even O
Estado became a particular target of the censor s
hand. In view of the continuing press censorship and
uncertainty as to what may be printed, the occasional
daring of some editors and publishers is somewhat
surprising. They face an ever- present threat that if
they go too far in exceeding the written and unwritten
limits, the issue may be confiscated, the paper can be
closed, and they can be sentenced to prison. The
pattern with regard to punishment is similar to that of
enforcement; it seems to vary considerably in its
severity from one jurisdiction to another.
Radio and television news reporting is subject to
strict censorship guidelines, which roughly parallel
those of the written media. Each radio and television
unit is required to designate a member of its
directorate who is held personally responsible for the
content of news programs. The censorship of the
programs seems to be based on both political and
moral criteria. In mid -1972 the Communications
A. Ministry announced that a "Code of Conduct for
Brazilian Television" would be developed. The most
important portion of that code will probably be a
requirement that all programs he videotaped and
submitted to censorship before being broadcast. Iiow
inclusive the videotape requirement might be is still
unclear, for exceptions presurnably would have to he
made in the case of news shows and certain other live
programs. The big networks appear reconciled to
complying with such a requirement since they have
the necessary resources and seem to prefer federal
censors rather than the arbitrary criteria of regional
censorship officials. Independent stations already use
videotape shows for a large portion of their
programing.
In November 1972, the Communications Minister
said that a government study had recommended that
Brazil begin a domestic communications satellite
program. As a first step, Brazil would rent channels on
the Intelsat -4 satellite in 1973, and the second stage, to
be achieved in 1976, would be the launching by the
U.S. National Aeronautics and Space Administration
(NASA) of a Brazilian satellite.
Censorship of motion pictures by the government
was initiated in 1932; all films, domestic ar.d foreign,
are subject to censorship; and in 1969, of 7,428 films
checked, 10 were banned entirely and many others
were cut. Motion picture advertisements indicate the
minimum age of those admitted. In Rio de Janeiro
children under 14 are not allowed to attend showings
starting after 6:00 p.m. even if accompanied by
adults. In Sao Paulo children are admitted after 6.
when accompanied by adults but not after 10:00 p.u:.
K. Selected bibliography (U /OU)
1. General works
Baklanoff, Eric. N. The Shaping of Modern Brazil.
Baton Rouge: Louisiana State Universitv Press, 1969.
Important influences in the evolution of Brazil.
Bello, Jose Maria. A History of Modern Brazil,
1889 -1964. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1966.
Emphasis on the earlier years of the period covered.
Brazilian Institute of Statistics. Anuario Estatistico
do Brasil, 1972 (Statistical yearbook of Brazil, 1972).
Brasilia: Ministry of Planning and Coordination,
1972. Source of basic s I and economic
information.
Burns, E. Bradford. A History of Brazil. New fork:
Colombia University Press, 1970. The best English
language general history of Brazil.
Keith, Ilenry H. and S. F. Edwards. Conflict and
Continui; y in Brazilian Society. Columbia: University
Of South Carolina Press, 1969. Examination of
important issues and trends in Brazilian history.
Poppino, Rollie E. Brazil: The Land and the People.
New fork: Oxford Universit Press, 1968. Good
general introduction by a former State Department
analyst.
Roett, Riordan. Brazil in the Sixties. Nashville:
Vanderbilt University Press, 1972. Perceptive essays on
73
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political, social, and economic events during the
decade.
Smith, T. Lvnn. Brazil: People and institutions.
Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1972
(4th ed. Basic stud% of the social, economic, and
political structure.
Wagley, Charles. An introduction to Brazil. New
York: Columbia University Press, 1971. The first book
to read in order to gain a general grasp of Brazil, by a
lifetime student and admirer of the country.
Weil, Thomas E. et al. Area Handbook for Brazil.
Washington, D.C.: American Universitv, 1971.
Valuable compendium of pelitical, social, and
economic information.
2. Specialized studies
Broucher, Jose de. Dom Helder Carnara: Violence
of a Peacemaker. Maryknoll, New York: Orbis Books,
1970. A favorable account of the activities of the
outspoken prelate.
Castro, Josue de. Death in the Northeast: Poverty
and Revolution in the Northeast of Brazil. New York:
Random House, 1969. Leftist scholars catalogue of
the ills of the Northeast.
Coutinho, Afranio. An Introduction to Literature in
Brazil. New York: Columbia University Press, 1969.
Overview of literary production during more than 400
years.
Cruz Costa, Joao. A History of Ideas in Brazil.
Berkeley: University of California Press, 1964. The
major philosophical currents that have had an impact
on Brazil.
Cunha, Eudides da. Rebellion in the Backlands.
Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1944.
Translation by Samuel Putnam of the classic Os
Sertoes, important for its political as well as social
aspects.
Fernandes, F'lorestan. The Negro in Brazilian
Society. New fork: Columbia University Press, 1969.
Thorough treatment of the racial issue.
Freyre, Gilberto. The Masters and the Slaves. New
York: Samuel Putnam, 1946. This study of the social
and economic development of the Northeast is a
classic which opened the field of Brazilian sociology.
New World in the Tropics: The Culture
of Modern Brazil. New York: Alfred Knopf, 1939.
Introduction to the field of "tropicology" as applied to
Brazil.
Furneaux, Robin. Tine Ammon: The Story of a
Great Ricer. Ne%y York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1969.
Text and photographs portray the magnitude of
Brazil's greatest natural phenomenon.
Havighurst, Robert J., and Aparecida Joly Gouveia.
Brazilian Secondary Education and Socio- Economic
Development. New York: Frederick Praeger, 1969.
Analyzes a principal problem area in Br -dlian
education.
Hopper, Janice H. Indians of Brazil in the
Twentieth Century. Washington, D.C.: Institute for
the Cross Cultural Research, 1966. Comprehensive
study of the rapidly disappearing Indian element of
the Brazilian social fabric.
Hunter, John M. Economic ,Aspects of Higher
Education in Brazil. East Lansing: Michigan State
University Press, 1971. A collection of essays intended
to form part of a comprehensive study of Brazilian
higher education, not yet completed.
Jesus, Carolina Maria de. Child of the Dark. New
York: New American Library, 1962. Translation of
Quarto de despejo The Garbage Room), the
autobiography of it resident of Rio de Janeiro's slums.
which became a best seller in Brazil and had it
considerable social impact.
Kadt, Emanuel de. Catholic Radicals in Brazil.
London Oxford Universitv Press, 1970. Views of it
Dutch clergyman sympathetic to the radical clerics in
Brazil.
Landsherger, Henry A. Latin American Peasant
Movements. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1969.
Contains good material on peasants, especially in the
Northeast.
Morse, Richard. From Community to Metropolis: A
Biography of Sao Paulo Brazil. Gainesville: University
of Florida Press, 1958. A pioneering attempt to trace
the evolution of Latin America's greatest urban center.
Page, Joseph A. The Revolution That Never Was:
Northeast Brazil, 1955 -64. New York: Grossman, 1972.
A study of Francisco Juliao's peasant leagues and
reasons why they failed to bring change to the
Northeast.
Rios, Jose Arthur. The University Student and
Brazilian Society. East Lansing: Latin America
Studies Center, Michigan Stale Universitv, 1971.
Good description of the contemporary role of students.
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El
Glossary (u/ou)
ABBREVIATION PORTV(i UESL
ENGLISH
t
ADCE........
Assoriarao dos Diri,cnlfx Crixtaos df
9
Association of Christian Business
e
Ernprecas
Executives
UFLll....
American Institute for Free Labor
1P...........
Aroo Popular
Development
Popular Action
BENIFAM....
Sociedadc Brasilcira do Brnicstar dal
Brazilian Society for Family Welfare
Fa in ilia
BN11.........
Banco Narinna/ de Ilabilaran...........
National Housing Bank
e
(SGT
Coniando Geral dos Trnbnlhadnres.......
Workers General Command
CNBB........
Confcderacaq Narional dos Bispns
National Council of Brazilian Bishops
Brasileiros
CN(..........
Confcderaran A'arional do Comerrin......
National Confederation Of Commerce
CNI..........
Confedcrncno Narional do Induxlria.....
National Confederation of Industry
CNTC........
Confedcrncno Narinna/ tins Trnbnlhadnres
National Confederation of ('cannier
nn Comerr�io
vial Workers
CNTEE(
Confederacan :Narional an.c Trnbnlhadnres
National Confederation of E(lucu-
cm Eduracao c Cullura
tional and Cultural Workers
CNTI.........
Confcdcrarao Narinnal dos Trahalhadorrs
National Confederation of Indus ad
nn Industria
Workers
CNTT%IFA...
Confcderarao Narional dos Trnbnlhadnres
National Confederation of Air. River,
cm Transporics Marilimos, Fiurinis, c
and Maritime Tral,,