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CONFIDENTIAL 48 /GS /S Morocco March 1973 NATIONAL INTELLIGENCE SURVEY CONFIDENTIAL APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200080026 -9 NATIONAL INTELLIGENCE SURVEY PUBLICATIONS The basic unit of the NIS is the General Survey, which is now published in a bound -by- chapter format so that topics of greater per- ishability car, be updated on an individual basis. These chapters� Country Profile, The Society, Government and Politics, The Economy, Military Geog- raphy, Transportation and Telecommunications, Armed Forces, Science, and Intelligence and Security, provide the primary NIS coverage. Some chapters, particularly Science and Intelligence and Security, that are not pertinent to all countries, are produced selectively. For small countries requiring only minimal NIS treatment, the General Survey coverage may be bound into one volume. Supplementing the General Survey is the NIS Basic Intelligence Fact book, a ready reference publication that semiannually updates key sta- tistical data found in the Survey. An unclassified edition of the factbook omits some details on the economy, the defense forces, and the intelligence and security organizations. Although detailed sections on many topics were part of the NIS Program, production of these sections has been phased out. Those pre- viously produced will continue to be available as long as the major portion of the study is considered valid. A quarterly listing of all active NIS units is published in the Inventory of Available NIS Publications, which is also bound into the concurrent classified Factbook. The Inventory lists all NIS units by area name and number and includes classification and date of issue; it thus facilitates the ordering of NIS units as well as their filing, cataloging, and utilization. Initial dissemination, additional copies of NIS units, or separate chapters of the General Surveys can be obtained directly or through liaison channels from the Central Intelligence Agency. The General Survey is prepared for the NIS by the Central Intelligence Agency and the Defense Intelligence Agency under the general direction of the NIS Committee. `t is coordinated, edited, published, and dissemi- nated by the Central Intelligence Agency. WARNING This document contains information affecting the national defense of the United States, within the meaning of title 18, sections 793 and 794 of the US code, as amended. Its transmission or revelation of its contents to or receipt ,yy an unauthorized person is prohibited by law. CLASSIFIED BY 019641. EXEMPT FROM GENERAL DECLASSIFI- CATION SCHEDULE OF E. O. 11652 EXEMPTION CATEGORIES 58 (1), (2), (3). DECLASSIFIED ONLY ON APPROVAL OF THE DIRECTOR OF CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE. c t 6 F k g 3 4' F r L 4 APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200080026 -9 WARNING The NIS is National Intelligence and may not be re- leased or shown to representatives of any foreign govern- ment or international body except by specific authorization of the Director of Central Intelligence in accordance with the provisions of National Security Council Intelligence Di- rective No. 1. For NIS containing unclassified material, however, the portions so marked may be made available for official pur- poses to foreign nationals and nongovernment personnel provided no attribution is made to National Intelligence or the National Intelligence Survey. Subsections and graphics are individually classified according to content. Classification /control designa- tions are: (U /OU) Unclassified/ For Official Use Only (C) Confidential (S) Secret APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200080026 -9 This chapter was prepared for the NIS under the general supervision of the Central Intelligence Agency by the Bureau of Economic Analysis, Social and Economic Statistics Administration, Depart- ment of Commerce. Research was substantially completed by November 1972. APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200080026 -9 U CONTENTS This General Survey supersedes the one dated Jan- uary 1969, copies of which should be destroyed. A. Introduction 1 Historical divisions of the society; social effects of protectorate; current conditions. B. Stnucture and characteristics of society 2 1. Ethnic and cultural groups 2 Differing groups and their sizes; government policy; Arab- Berber divisions; linguistic prob- lems. CONFIDENTIAL APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200080026 -9 2. Social classes Mobility, past and present. a. Rural classes Traditional society; forces altering the structure. b. Urban classes Traditional social structure; group changes. C. National elite Groups forming elite and their positions in society. 3. Kinship groupings and family Tribal society; structure of tribe; effects of modernization; role of men and women; mar- riage customs; family cohesion. 4. Rural -urban community patterns Organization in flux; variety in form and structure; the Moroccan city. 5. Values and attitudes a. Basic value system Religion, tribalism, nationalism basis of central values; conflict of modern and traditional values. b. Basic attitudes Social pluralism; tribalism impeding na- tonalism; rural -urban divisions; regional factors; modem influences; attitudes to- ward government and King; foreign rela- tions; pan -Arab sentiments; military tradi- tions. C. Population Statistics on growth; family planning; vital rates; estimatgs and projections. I. Size and distribution a Size Statistics. b. Density and distribution Highest density in Maghreb; extreme variation, ranging from 10 to more than 1,000 persons per square mile; increase in urban population; size of cities; govern- ment attempts to check urban migration; patterns of migration. Page Page 5 2. Labor legislation Major statutes; problems of enforcement; 5 settlement of grievances; wage rates; work week. 7 3. Labor and management 25 Labor organizatic.,.5_-political affiliations and 7 size; management groups. E, Living conditions and social problems 26 8 1. Levels of living 26 Per capita income lowest in Maghreb; econ- omy stagnant; pattern of land ownership least equitable in North Africa; urban -rural income; 11 cost of living rising faster than wages; hous- ing stock; growth of slums; land redistribution and other government programs. i3 2. Social services 29 i3 Traditionally responsibility of family; govern- ment programs for modern sector; private wel- fare organizations. 3. Social problems 31 15 Effects of urbanization and unemployment; drug addiction. F Health 31 Level of health low; principal diseases; caloric in- take and diet; government food programs; food distribution; water supply; waste disposal; health 17 care and facilities; medical personnel; medical supplies. G. Religion 35 18 Dominance of Islam; classical and folk Islam; 18 links between government and religion; religious brotherhoods; Roman Catholic organization and activity; Protestant activity; Jewish co 18 official attitude toward minorities. H. Education 41 2. Age -sex structure 21 Distribution by age; sex ratio. D. The role of labor 1. The people and work Subsistence farming major occupation; Labor pool increasing faster than opportunities in almost all sectors; unemployment and under- employment; government programs; labor productivity. ii 22 I. The role and problems of education 41 Fails national needs; Arabization of system; declining standards; private schools; public discontent and student activists. a. Traditional education 43 Enrollment dropping; teachers poorly trained; curriculum primarily religious. 22 b. Modem public education 43 Three main levels of system; shortage of teachers and use of foreign nationals; teacher qualifications; curriculums; voca- tional and technical education; higher education; teacher training. t F r F APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200080026 -9 Page 2. Educational attainment and opportunity 47 Literacy rate; enrollment growth and limi- tations; school facilities; higher education. I. Artistic and cultural expression 48 Heritage; government interest. Area concentration of ethnolinguis- 1. Literature and drama 49 Few works of distinction; mzjor authors; 33 poetry highly regarded; oral literature and tic groups (nap) drama. Fig. 18 2. Music and dance 50 Classical and popular music; instruments; Representative Arab and Berber dance forms. Fig. 19 3. Architecture 51 Most distinctive cultural manifestation. types photos) 4. Arts and crafts 52 Fine arts previously inhibited by religion; art 38 schools; decline of crafts; government interest. Tents used by nomads photo) Page J. Public information 54 State of development; government use and con- trol; foregn informational ectivities. 1. Printed media Number and importance of newspapers and periodicals; press services; distribution serv- ices; publishers; libraries. 2. Radio Ownership and facilities; content of broad- casts; foreign broadcasts. 3. Television Facilities, availability, and programs. 4. Motion pictures Popularity and source of films. 56 59 59 60 K. Selected bibliography 60 Glossary 62 FIGURES I iii APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200080026 -9 Page Page Fig. 1 Area concentration of ethnolinguis- Fig. 17 Public water fountain photo) 33 tic groups (nap) 3 Fig. 18 Scenes from the Koran photo) 36 Fig. 2 Representative Arab and Berber Fig. 19 Muslims prostrated in prayer (photo) 37 types photos) 6 Fig. 20 Hand of Fatima photo) 38 Fig. 3 Tents used by nomads photo) 12 Fig. 21 Young girl jumping over a fire Fig. 4 Moroccan suq, or market (photo) 13 photo) 38 Fig. 5 Moroccan madinahs photos) 14 Fig. 22 Saint's tomb photo) 39 Fig. 6 Population density map) 19 Fig. 23 Entrance to a local saint's tomb in Fig. 7 Urban -rural residence by province the High Atlas photo) 39 table) 20 Fig. 24 Synagogue near Marrakech photo) 41 Fig. 8 Growth of cities table) 20 Fig. 25 Marinid medereseh photo) 44 Fig. 9 Age -sex stucture, Morocco and the Fig. 26 Fig. 27 Qarawiyin University photo) Educational system (chart) 45 48 United States (chart) 21 Fig. 28 Literacy rates (table) 47 Fig. 10 Representative working conditions Fig. 29 Storyteller in Tangier photo) 50 chart) 23 Fig. 30 Drummers and flutists photo) 51 Fig. 11 Household expenditures table) 27 Fig. 31 Classical instruments photos) 51 Fig. 12 Examples of rural housing photos) 28 Fig. 32 Arabesque carving photo) 52 Fig. 13 Bidonville dwellings, Casablanca Fig. 33 Minaret of the Kutubiya Mosque, (photos) 29 Marrakech (photo) 52 Fig. 14 Home of an upper class family, Fig. 34 Detail of the interior of the Mosque Casablanca photo) 30 of Moulay Idriss, Fes photo) 53 Fig. 15 Flies attack child photo) 32 Fig. 35 Moroccan handicrafts photos) 55 Fig. 16 Meat market, Khemisset photo) 33 Fig. 36 Selected newspapers table) 58 iii APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200080026 -9 The Society A. Introduction (C) With a rich history encompassing periods of imperial expansion and foreign conquest, as well as brilliant cultural achievement and intellectual stagnation, Morocco has long been recognized as a distinct country. Nonetheless, the Moroccan people, divided in the main between Arabs and Berbers, do not yet constitute a cohesive society. Although the Berber- speaking minority has rarely manifested separatist tendencies, Berber -Arab frictions are not unknown, and the almost universal allegiance to Islam has not entirely breached original cultural disparities between the tw:, groups. Moreover, Morocco's urban and rural areas represent almost two separate worlds, the one influenced by economic and social modernization and displaying an essentially French cultural orientation, and the other clinging to an ancient, tradition -bound wa of life in which loyalty to one's kinship groupings takes precedence over identification with the nation. Independent since 1956, after 44 years of French tutelage, Morocco is struggling to become a modern state, but progress has been slowed by a legacy of internal conflict and economic underdevelopment and by disagreement over national goals and political procedures. Efforts to raise living levels have thus been retarded, and the material well -being of the populace has not kept pace with rising popular expectations or with the rapidly growing population. Nonfulfillment of expectations, in turn, has given rise to economic, social, and political discontent. Berbers were the earliest known inhabitants of the area that is now Morocco. Because of the: strategic location of their homeland, the Berbers experienced successive waves of invasion in ancient times, beginning with the Phoenicians. From the first century B.C. until the fifth century A.U., the area was a Roman province, and thereafter Vandals, Visigoths, and Byzantine Greeks successively ruled. Finally, in the late seventh and early eighth centuries, Arab forces from the east lecupied Morocco, beginning the process of acculturation by which Berbers converted to Islam and gradually began to adopt the Aral) language and some Aral) folkways associated with Islam. Both Arabs and Berlwt, identified themselves with tribes, which constituted the basic sociopolitical institution. The rule of the sultan rarely extended throughout the country, and in fact Morocco's history was characterized by a constant struggle between hyo regions, the "lands of dissidence" (bled al -siba) and the "lands of government" (bled al- nnakhzen). Geographic and social division, however, was moderated by unifying economic and religious forces. and communication between the two zones was facilitated by pilgrims, members of religious brotherhoods, and itinerant artisans and students (see the Country Profile chapter, The Weight of History). Although contact with European culture was to transform Morocco after the establishment of the French Protectorate in 1912, the direct benefits of modernization were confined to an infinitesimally small group. Only a fey thousand Muslims received a French education, and few native merchants were able to compete with Europeans. Even the well educated were unable to acquire jobs in the largely French administration. The French, moreover, made no systematic attempt to assimilate the Muslim community, and social intermingling between them and the Moroccans was rare. Among the principal agents of cultural change were native soldiers serving in the French Army, although they were ill equipped to mediate between the two cultures. The Qarawiyin University at Fes, administered by religious scholastics, slowed the pace of soon, change and helped preserve much of Morocco's traditional character. When the French departed in 1956, they left behind an indelible but uneven legacy. Because they had created a Moroccan national consciousness as well as a modern nation, independent Morocco is a more integrated and interdependent society than ever before. Social conflict and political crises, formerly only local in scope, now take on national proportions. Tribal institutions are in retreat, and social groups are no longer able to withdraw from national life as they did in the pass: when challenged by the government. APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200080026 -9 Significant progress has occurred since independ- ence. The new economic a:_l social order has been broadened and consolidated, rural modernization has continued, and educational opportunities have been o._usiderably expanded. Although the Shar.a (Muslim religious lacy) was not entirely replaced, an independent civil (-)de drawing on Swiss precedent has been established. Exposure to foreign ideas, products, and customs has been widened through increased cultural exchange, trade, and tourism. Moreover, the French community in Morocco, although greatly reduced, continues to exert a substantial influence, manifested by the use of the French language and by French teaching methods and business practices. Despite some improvement in living conditions, radical social change his not yet occurred, and sonic rural areas have remained essentially untouched by modern life. Many southerners of the Saharan region still adhere to ancient customs. As a close observer noted in 1969, their farm tools, work methods, crops, and clothes have changed little in 1,000 years. Berber tribal organization has been fairly well preserved, and traditional attitudes still prevail among many tribesmen. Probably no more than 10% of the population are members of the modern social and economic community; even fewer are financially secure. According to some observers, the monarchy constitutes a partial barrier to more rapid change. Although serving as an instrument for maintaining the country's unity, King Hassan is in some ways a traditional autocrat. Partially European trained, he is conversant with the modern world and concerned with achieving .social justice for his people. At the same time, however, his position is dependent on the loyalty of traditional elements �the tribes; an army composed mainly of Berbers; religious leaders who view the King as an imam, or commander of the faithful; and important families existing in a client- patron relationship with the monarchy. To provoke these groups by promoting a radical social transformation would likely endanger the King's position and relea:,e uncontrollable political and social forces. Hassan's gradualist approach notwithstanding, the intensity and pace of change have produced a profound social malaise among many elements of society. Old patterns have been eroded, and new ones are not ,et well established. Social relationships are in flux, resulting in the disorientation of family life and the development of new classes and new conflicts. Corruption, never far below the political surface, has spread throughout society, while nepotism, favoritism, 2 and the traditional baksheesh (h_ adout) appear to have been institutionalized by the government. For the first time in Moroccan history, a potential revolutionary challenge to the royal system itself, rather than to individual kings or dynasties, has emerged. As perhaps manifested by the blood%- coup attempt of 10 July '.971, in which many government officials were killed or wounded, and the second attempted coup on 16 August 1972, Morocco is faced with grave e conomic social, and political problems. Unemploy- ment is high, levels of living are low, and social unrest. particularly among educated youth, is increasing. A number of observers feel that if the King does not soon address himself to real and rapid reform, the result is apt to be increasing instability, perhaps accompanied by widespread violence. B. Structure and characteristics of society (C) 1. Ethnic and cultural groups Morocco is it pluralistic society composed of disparate ethnic, linguistic, and tribal groups (Figure 1) held together in large measure by a common religion and loyalty to an ancient monarchy. Constituting 99.1% of the population in 1971, Moroccan Muslims consist of Berbers, Arabs, Negroes, and those with some Negroid physical characteristics, who are known in the south as haratin. Although the Berbers are the indigenous inhabitants of Morocco, the Arabs are the dominant ethnic group, having largely shaped the country's political and social history during the last 1,000 years. Nevertheless, because the number of Arab immigrants from the Middle East was at all times a small percentage of the indigenous population, most Moroccans are simply "Arabized Berbers." More than 700 Arab and Berber tribes inhabit Morocco's plains and mountains. Although their social mores are basically similar, regional variations exist, and their life stvles are distinctly different from those of urban dwellers. The proportion of Negroes and haratin in the country is probably less than 10% of the Muslim population. Since independence, the European and Jewish communities have been dwindling, the former group, mostly French, declining from 3.4% of the total population in 1960 to 0.7% in 1971, and the latter from 1.4% to 0.2% during the same period. Government policy, on the whole, is tolerant of these various groups. Berbers serve in the cabinet and the civil service and are amply represented in the APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200080026 -9 Tanpla 'Ti Ian 1 RABA e fb ca s ibbne Arabic Berber Arabic and Berber r.: Selected tribal groupings y, T'si Allad iz Tan -Tan Torfayn 501256 1 73 FIGURE 1. Area concentration of ethnolinguistic groups and major tribes (U /OU) armed forces. According to the constitution, Arabic is the official language of the country, but Berber is among the languages used in the state broadcasting service and in some schools. The European and Jewish communities are officially protected, although popular passions may be aroused against them in times of international crisis or social stress. The French still exert considerable influence, manifested by the continued use of the French language in government and business circles and the prevalence of French educational and commercial practices. Seizures of European land have been gradual for the most part, and compensation is offered. The remaining Jews, most of whom reside in Casablanca, also retain some influence, particularly in modFm economic en- terprises. Some serve in the civil service, a few in high positions. Nevertheless, many Jews are skeptical about their future, especially if the King, whom they regard as their protector, should be overthrown. Conse- quently, since the July 1971 coup attempt, concern is mounting in the Jewish community, and while a whct�,,sale emigration has not occurred, individual families continue to depart. The chief ethnic division in the country is behveen the Arabized majority and the Berber minority, although both Arabs and Berbers belong to the Mediterranean branch of the Caucasoid rac,. Classical scholarship has generally divided the Berbers into four basic cultural groups. The Sh1uh (Chleh) are mostly sedentary agriculturalists inhabiting the western Iligh (or Ilaut) Atlas and Anti -Atlas mountains. The Beraber, whose dominant \\av of life is transhumance, are found in the Middle the eastern High Atlas, and their southern slopes. The Jabala- Bhomara- siffi group, interspersed through- out the northwest, is composed of sedentary farmers. The smallest group, the Zenata, who are settled agriculturalists or transhumancs, are located directly east of the Iiiffians along the Algerian border near Oujda and on the northeastern spur of the Middle (Moven) Atlas. A substantial number of Berbers, moreover, have migrated to the cities where they have shed their regional and cultural identities. The Arabs first entered the country during the late seventh and early eighth centuries as invaders and bearers of Islam. A second more substantial tribal 3 APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200080026 -9 incursion occurred in the 11 th and 12th centuries, and a third group composed of Arabic speaking Muslims from Spar, not all of them ethnic Arabs, migrated to the region in the late Middle Ages. After their arrival, the Arabs established themselves in the cities in much greater numbers than the Berbers, as well as in the plains and foothills. The city Arabs have always possessed broader social horizons than the Berber tribesmen; however, the life styles of rural Arabs are not much different from those of ethnic Berbers. Most are sedentary agriculturalists, although a few seminomadic pastoralists still exist. The Rguibat Bedouins, called the" Blue People" because the indigo dye used on their clothing rubs off on their skin, are among the last true Sahara nomads, ranging with their camels across wide expanses of southern Morocco, Algeria, Spanish Sahara, and Mauritania. Arabs and Berbers have coexisted for more than 1,000 years. With the exception of language, no sharp cultural or social boundaries divide them. Both Berber and Arab core communities maintain similar social institutions and values; intermarriage has been frequent, although it has not occurred in all areas; and despite frictions, strong racial feelings do not exist. A significant cultural difference, however, involves a traditionally dissimilar approach to political and social organization. The Berbers were governed by customary law until its replacement in 1956 by a unitary legal system and were ruled by tribal councils of a protodemocratic nature. Berber society, in fact, remains generally less differentiated and more egalitarian than the Arab community. In contrast, Arab tribesmen were led by individual, often hereditary, chiefs; city Arabs, more;: er, adhered more rigidly to Islamic law than did the Berbers; and Arab tribal organization was more easily modified by the makhzen, whereas the Berbers were less subject to government influence. Negroes are found in increasing numbers from north to south. Most prominent in the area of the southern oases, they may account for up to 77l of the residents of the Oued Draa valley. Many were brought to Morocco by the slave trade, which ended only in the early 20th century. Black concubinage was common among the aristocracy of Fes, and miscegenation was socially acceptable to Islam. In the south, however, the haratin are subject to considerable prejudice. Many live in a client relationship with surrounding Berber tribes, cultivating their fields and performing menial work, while others subsist independently as farmers; a substantial number have migrated to the cities. Cultural diversity is manifested most obviously by linguistic differences. Although the King encourages 4 the use of French among his advisers and, in effect, within the entire: government, most Moroccans speak either Berber or Arabic. The number of Berber speakers cannot he determined. Estimates range fri m about 25% to just under 50% of the population, but the number of persons who derive from Berber stock is greater than the number who speak the language. Many of them are Arabized, and according to some estimates, the Arabs together with the Arabized Berbers constitute about 75% of the population. Scholars usually place the Berber language within the Afro- Asiatic family, which includes Ancient Egyptian, Cushitic, and Semitic. Moroccan Berber is divided into three regional dialects, Tachelhit, Tamazirt, and Zenata, which are mutually intelligible only with great difficulty. These dialects are further divided into subdialects, which may vary in pronunciation from village to village and from tribe to tribe. The primary language of the Shluh is 'Tachelhit: Tamazirt i., spoken by the Berbers and the southern tribes of the Jabala- Rhomara- Riffian group; and Zenata is spoken by the Zenata and by the eastern Jabala- Rhomara- Riffians. Except for one or two minor dialects, Berber is an unwritten language spoken primarily in the mountainous areas. Berber men often employ Arabic to communicate with Arabs or with other Berbers and to conduct business; the women are usually monolingual. Linguistic change, moreover, has been occurring steadily since the first Arab migrations; the pattern is typically from Berber to bilingualism to Arabic. As elsewhere in the Aral) world, Arabic in Morocco possesses three levels of formality. Classical Arabic is the language of Islam. Few other than learned religious scholars understand it, although ordinary Moroccans may know some standard prayers, classical phrases, or passages from the Koran. Literary Arabic is the modern form of classical Arabic; it has a simplified grammar and a modernized vocabulary, and it can be understood throughout the Aral) world. It is used in the schools, in the communications media, in official statements by political leaders, and in written correspondence. Most Moroccan secondary school graduates can probably understand and, at least hesitantly, read and write it. Literary Arabic, however, is not well adapted to modern technical and scientific terminology. Moroccan colloquial Arabic is a variant of Maghrebi, a group of mutually intelligible dialects spo ken throughout northern Africa as far east as Tripolitania in Libya. However, it is rarely written and cannot be understood by eastern Arabs. Linguists have distinguished three major colloquial Arabic dialects in Morocco: 1) an urban dialect reflecting the speech of the original Arab invaders; 2) a mountain APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200080026 -9 dialect used in northern Morocco, influenced by speech of Fes,' Rabat, and Tetouan; and 3) a lowland version which shows traces of the language of I I th and 12th century immigrants. A fourth _dect has been traced to Hebrew. The distinction between rural and urban Arabic is pronounced, the most elegant forms being spoken in the cities. In the northern towns, many words of Spanish origin are noticeable. Foreign languages are not spoken in Morocco except by educated urban dwellers and the foreign community. Because of the difficulty of adapting Arabic to the requirements of science and technology, French retains its importance as the language of government, higher education, and modern economic activity. Attempts to replace French with Arabic in these areas have met with limited success. Although Spanish has been eliminated from the formal educational system, it is still spoken in some northern areas. Because both Berbers and Arabs derive from the same racial stock and have frequently intermarried, ethnic identification on the basis of physical characteristics is difficult and often impossible (Figure 2). "Pure" Berbers have been described as individuals of stocky build, -vith large heads, broad faces, broad noses, and black or brown eves and hair. Somewhat taller than most Mediterranean types, they have a slightly higher frequency of light skin, hair, and eyes, particularly among the Riffian Berbers of the north. "Pure" Arabs are short to medium in stature .vith long to oval heads and prominent high bridged noses. A tendency toward blondism is evident among those claiming to be descendants of the Prophet Muhammad, royal courtiers, and wealthy merchants. Negroes and haratin can be distinguished from other Moroccans by their darker skins and kinky hair. 2. Social classes In traditional Morocco, both rural and urban, an individual's p=ace in society was determined at birth, and social mobility was almost nonexistent. The broad social categories were defined by ethnic affiliation, vet the major ethnic communities did not always agree on one another's definition of their rank. Berbers, for example, did not accept an inferior classification, dictated by Arabs, who placed them below ethnic Arabs, Arabic- speaking Andalusian Muslims, and Arabized Berbers, and just a step above Jewish grid Christian converts to Islam, Muslin slaves, and Jews. Class consciousness, moreover, was not well 'For diacritics on place names, see the list of names at the end of the chapter and the maps in the text. developed, and strictly defined economic classes, at least prior t., tho protectorate, did not exist. Within each ethnic community, however, various distinctions prevailed. While status was always to some extent dependent on personal or family wealth, other criteria, such as family origin, age, occupation, religious devotion, and relationship to powerful political leaders, were also taken into account. A saintly though impoverished person, for example, might consider himself the equal of his wealthier neighbor and be so recognized. In contemporary Morocco, conventional definitions of class, based on wealth, modern education, and individual performance, have assumed more importance, while respect for age and traditional learning has declined. Where .atus is no longer determined by the ability to trace descent to a venerated ancestor, it is sometimes redefined in terms of occupation. New groups, moreover, are in the process of formation, others have retained their former position, and some have iost status. Relationships bL' individuals and groups of different status are also in flux. in addition, the pace of modernization is uneven; traditional status relationships which prevail in one area of the country may have been abandoned in another. a. Rural classes At the top of traditional rural society %Aere those with claims to authority over the masses, principally the saintly families, wealthy landowners, a fewgrands raids, and local representatives of the maklizen. Somewhat further down the scale were the small landlords, local chiefs, marabouts (saints), and minor functionaries. With the advent of independence, the grands caids were dispossessed, and local functionaries were replaced with nonlocal bureaucrats representing the central government. A new rural elite composed of these officials and modern farmers is developing, while the old tribal leaders are having difficulty maintaining their position. A few of their sons have regained lost status by entering the civil service, but tile% are unlikely to recover their former prominence. The mass of ordinary tribesmen represent a middle grouping in rural society. Lxcept for their leaders, many of whom are little more th, first among equals, few important status distinctions separate one tribesman for another. Berber society_ is egalitarian, and privileged social categories do r.ot exist. Nevertheless, in certain areas, status is largely determined by the ownership of productive land or livestock. In northern Morocco, for example, the most 5 APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200080026 -9 a lai t/ Vo r� I FIGURE 2. Rep esentative Arab (top) and Berber (bottom) types. Except for small pockets of "pure" Arabs and Berbers, it is almost impossible to distinguish between the two groups on the basis of physical differences. Facial tattoos on Berber women generally indicate tribal buckground. (C) AP 1 l APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200080026 -9 Y respected individuals at present are the "gentlemen farmers" whose "wealth" is based not on material goods but on the crops they produce. In many areas, the conditions once favorable to tribal independence and to a person's sense of pace have been radically upset. French colonization profoundly altered the importance of the tribe. Tribal lands were expropriated, forcing many peasants to r, become tenant farmers, sharecroppers, or agricultural laborers. The French presence among tribal pastoralists near Rabat, for example, created a new class of rural proletarians who still depend upon wage employment on large farms. Even rural notables have u been forced to farm their own land because laborers prefer to work at higher wages on government sponsored rural projects. At the bottom of rural society are various depressed groups on the fringes of the tribal system. The most notabic are the haratin, who, in contrast to former Negro slaves, are looked down upon by both Arabs and Berbers. Although broadened opportunities under the French and the independent government enabled some to purchase property or to migrate to the cities, many continue to perform low status jobs and to cultivate Berber fields in return for tribal protection and one -fifth of the harvest. Other depressed groups, 'raditionally endogamous and without property, include those engaged in the "shameful" occupa- tions� musicians, dancers, donkey breeders, black- smiths, tinkers, butchers, and itinc ant artisans. b. Urban classes In traditional urban society there were four broad social categories. notables, artisans and shopkeepers, unskilled laborers, and depressed persons. Urban notables included the religious aristocracy, a small number of wealthy absentee landlords, and large -scale merchants (tajirs), some of whom invested heavily in urban real estate and engaged in international trade. During the protectorate, many adopted Western financial procedures and increased their wealth, creating in the process a new business class. On the other hand, old families associated with the makhzen, which the French failed to support, lost their prestige and influence. The traditional middle group in urban society consisted largely of artisans and shopkeepers. Organized into numerous craft guilds, the artisans comprised the largest element of the urban population and were an important factor in Morocco's political stability. Increasing competition from European goods has decimated these groups, and those who failed to adapt have been absorbed into the lower class. In creating a modern armv and bureaucracv, the postindependence Moroccan Government greatly expanded the middle class, which now includes the lower -to- middle ranks of the civil service, lower echelon armv officers, policemen, intellectuals, and schoolteachers and other professionals. Like some elements of the middle class, the lower class is a product of economic modernization. Recently forced off the land by their poverty, many of its members are uprooted, unskilled, ill housed, and severely underemployed. Because their number is growing steadily as migration to the cities continues, these unskilled and often illiterate workers constitute a potential threat to national stability. At the base of city life are also large numbers of economically marginal persons whose occupations are characteristic of earlier periods of urban development, such as poor artisans, d: nkev drivers, and streetcleaners. c. National elite At the top of Moroccan society, drawing upon both urban and rural elements and to a certain extent uniting them, are a few great families, certain groups favored by Moroccan independence, and the religious officialdom. Entry into this elite is limited but not closed, and its s;ze is expected to grow as economic and educational opportunities expand. High social status, for example, is almost automatically conferred upon those who graduate from a university. At the center of national power are members of both traditional and modern groups, informally linked by ties of family and friendship, mutual self- interest, and political ambition. In addition to the royal family, the traditional oligarchy is composed of a small number of landowners, many of them absentee regional chieftains, tribal r:heikhs and caids, and various interlocked urban clans and merchant families. Their influence has declined since independence, and they are dependent on the King fv the maintenance of their privileges. Morocco's financial, managerial, and professional elite includes wealthy businessmen, senior officers in the armed forces, and younger officers serving as provincial governors, caids, and directors of civic action programs. Most possess occupational skills useful to the government, and a few enjoy popular political support. The weakest elements of the national elite, in terms of actual power and security of position, appear to be the religious aristocracy �the ulama (Koranic scholars) and the shurafa (plural form of sharif, a descendant of the Prophet). Members of the ulama are employed as gadis (religious judges), mosque administrators, and heads of pious foundations. An APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200080026 -9 allied group but less respected by orthodox Muslims are the marabouts, who may possess no venerated ancestor but who are saints by virtue of their good works and their supposed ability to perform miracles. Known as igurramen among the Berbers, a few are said to be developing new bascs of influence through participation in party politics. All these religious groups are cultivated by the royal family in order to strengthen popular support for the monarchy. Shurafa families enjoy the respect accorded to distinguished lineages in a conservative, deeply religious society. Other status distinctions relate to their learning, wealth, and barakah (holiness). Highly endogamous, they still exhibit some aspects of it caste group. Although membership in a Shurafa family is in theory strictly hereditary, their genealogical claims are often spurious. 3. Kinship groupings and family In the early 20th century, Morocco was in essence a tribal society. Small cities existed, but urban life was largely based on kinship ties similar to those which prevailed in rural areas. Even today, most Moroccans identify themselves as tribesmen. Tribal customs remain particularly strong in the south, where modernization is limited. Nonetheless, political and economic change is eroding the strength of tribal organization, and the largest tribal groups tend to survive only in memory or sentiment. Man\- desert herdsmen of southern Morocco, moreover, are shifting to sedentary pursuits, and some have emigrated to Europe in search of work. Sedentarization, however, does not necessarily mean a rejection of tribal ways; most of the northern region, for example, has been settled for years, but tribal identification is still important. The Moroccan tribe, according to conventional definition, is the largest politi pally autonomous unit in the countryside. Although the Arabic- speaking tribes have not been as well investigated as the Berber tribes, both appear to be structurally similar. Most tribes claim to have a common ancestor, and overall social cohesion is based on this fact. The principle of group segmentation through descent from different ancestors within the same tribe helps to preserve internal order by maintaining a balance of power between opposing kin groups. Genealogical knowledge usually does not extend beyond one's grandfather, at least among the Berbers of central Morocco, although the most prestigious saintly families can often trace their ancestors through some 40 generations back to the Prophet Muhammad. 8 Traditionally, tribal cohesion also depended upon blood feuds, customary law, and the effectiveness of tribal leadership. External threats were instrumental 4. keeping tribal groups together, as lack of cohesion usually resulted in military defeat. When the French disarmed the tribes and eliminated insecurity in the countryside, they removed a central pillar of the tribal system. Nonetheless, blood feuds, although dormant, are not dead. Shared memories remain, and tribal enmities persist. Tribal law has been affected by recent changes, but has not been abolished. in the central Atlas, for example, the collective oath, in which an accused was required to swear his innocence publicly before his male agnates (paternal kinsmen) and the plaintiffs, now takes place in a mosque and is sworn on the Koran in the presence of government officials. Punishment of criminal acts, however, at least officially, is no longer it tribal prerogative. Traditionally, it murderer, if not killed outright by the victims relatives. was exiled by his tribe, and blood money (diva) was paid by his family to the deceased's kin. The French sent murderers to jail, although blood money was still paid. In most tribes, theft was punished according to Islamic law; either the thief paid it fine equivalent to four times the value: of the stolen object, or he suffered the loss of a hand. 'These Koranic rules, however, have been considerably modified by the secular criminal code. The institutions of tribal government also have been .weakened and the authority of chiefs and councils diluted. Arabs have depended more on hereditary leaders than have Berbers, whose chiefs were formerly elected on an annual basis. Although this system has been officially abolished, informal mechanisms have probably been established to accomplish the same purpose. In the Bif, a tribal council rather than it single chief has prevailed, the council being composed of village sheikhs and lineage chiefs. The councils, however, are subject to greater government influence than before, and their powers are limited. The nain function of the council in the village of Mediouna, for example, is to adjudicate disputes concerning arable land. The largest tribal grouping is the confederation, which has been of little practical significance except during periods of extreme crisis. Below the coltfederation, in order of complexity, are the subconfederation, tribe, clan, subelan, lineage, extended family, and nuclear family. The average size of a tribe is said to be about 10,000, but membership may range from several thousand to 150,000. Group descent from a common ancestor is implied. Although APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200080026 -9 the tribe may have a patron saint, shared traditions, and occasionally a common flag, it coalesces only in time of danger. The clan is the largest segment below the tribe whose members claim a common ancestor, real or imagined. Some clans constitute a political federation of hamlets or villages which may contain several hundred families; however, any one clan may exist in two or more widely distant parts of the tribal territory. Village life is usually conducted at the level of the subclan, whose functions have traditionally concerned local administration, ceremonial activities, adjudica- tion of disputes, maintenance of the mosque and cemetery, distribution of water for irrigation, and the division of inheritances. The subclan may be quite large, numbering over :3,000 people. Further subdividing the subclan is the lineage, the largest effective social group whose members can and do trace their origins to a common ancestor; it may constitute the population of a small village or a village segment. A typical Berber lineage consists of from two to four extended families. The extended family, composed of three genera- tions, is the basic social and economic unit of rural Moroccan life and, to a much lesser extent, of urban life. As in other Muslim societies, descent is reckoned through the male line, and sons frequently continue to live with t11eir parents after marriage, either in the same domicile or in a nearby dwelling. The ranking male of the household, who is not necessarily the eldest, regulates virtually all aspects of his agnates lives, including their financial affairs, occupations, marriages, and travels away from home. Nonetheless, although family responsibilities ordinarily take precedence over personal desires, the individual is not totally inhibited by kinship obligations. By the mid 1960's, moreover, the nuclear family had reportedly become the predominant kin group in some areas. As Morocco modernizes, family cohesion dimin- ishes, particularly in urban areas. Expanded educational and occupational opportunities have reduced the need for the extended family as a refuge or informal instrument of social security. In lower class families, fathers may have less control over their children because they have few resources on which the children depend. Independent work does not always lead to emancipation of the young, however, and married sons living with their fathers are known to deposit their earning with the latter. Many urban women have become heads of households, some supporting partially or even totally unemployed husbands. Employment of women, moreover, is creating family tensions by equalizing or, in a few cases, reversing traditional Muslim male- female roles. The sire of the household appears to be decreasing with continued migration to the cities, %where the family's patriarchal character is less pronounced. In 1960, family size was estimated to average 4.9 persons -5.2 in rural areas and 4.4 in urban areas. 1'he typical family is dominated by .he male; wives and other women play a subordinate role, both in the household and in society at large. Men spend little time at home with their families, and children, although traditionally under their fathers absolute authority, are in closest contact with their mother. In theory, women Is rights are well protected. According to law, women may administer their m.n wealth and engage in business without consulting their spouses. Women played an important role in the nationalist movement, and after independence obtained the right to vote. In practice, Nwonrer rarely participate in contemporary political life or in modern commerce and business, even though each political party an!.] labor union maintains a women's branch. I'c ;iic opinion, both male and female, is generally opposed to women who work; in fact, female workers are xpected to turn over their earnings to their husbands. Attitudes are changing, however, and parents more frequently allow daughters to choose their own occupations. Although most urban Aral) still swear veils, the young arrant garde are abandoning the practice as a symbel of female subordination. Nonetheless, Moroccan women exert a powerful social influence, as reflected in the old proverb, "What the devil does in a year, an old woman does in an hour." Thew perform a significant role i rearing children, teaching religious values, arranging marriages and, through extensive social contact with other women, mediating intrafanrihal disputes. According to one scholar, their general lack of education makes them "the defenders of tradition, superstition, religious forms, and obscurantist policies." In traditional Berber society, nun and wornen apparently constituted almost two distinct societies, each with its own customs, beliefs, and language. Riffian men, even today, are extremely jealous of their women, \vho are kept secluded. Among most other groups, however, it is common only for the wealthy to practice seclusion, since women of poor families must help their husbands in the fields. Berber women, nevertheless, are evidently permitted a greater degree of independence than Aral) women. Early marriage is still the ideal and the norm, especially for the girl. Civil marriage laws enacted in 1957, and as amended, established the legal marriage 9 APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200080026 -9 age of females ;;t 16 and of males at 18, and stipulate that if either partner is not yet 21 the written consent of the parents o: legal guardian is required. These laws, ho%% -.ver, are frequently violated. In the mid 1960's, the mean age at marriage for all rural women was 15.5 wars. Of 656 rural mcr. surveyed, 36 married for the first time between the ages of 15 and 19, the mean age being 22.3 years. An important reason for early marriage is the desire of parents to restrict opportunities for premarital sexual relations %which, if discovered, would disgrace the family and probably bring retribution upon the girl from her father, brothers, or uncles. Once a girl marries, however, she becomes the responsibility of her husband. Until that time, she is closely watched and supervised. According to Islamic la a man may have up to four wives. Polygyny, however, is uncommon. It remains a social desideratum among many transhu- mant tribes; ideally, a man %with two wwives 17- one at his permanent home to help with the harvesit and sends the other to the mountains to tend the sheep, but such cases are apparently rare. The 1957 ci%. ii code permits a wife to stipulate in the marriage contract that her husband may not take another wife; this provision provides her .vith grounds for divorce if he does. In addition, a prospective bride is entitled to know the marital status of the man she expects to marry. As elsewhere in the Arab world, marriages are often contracted within a small group. Among the Berbers, marriage is usually endogamous at the level of the clan or lineage. Riffians frequently marry outside the local tribe, but they do not marry Arabs, whom they consider socially inferior, or Berbers from other regions. In the Middle Atlas, marriage Nvith the daughter of one's fathers brother is apparently the norm. Among some Berber groups, in fact, it suitor who is not related to the males of the family must obtain permission to marry from the prospective bride's patrilateral cousins Endogamy, hoNvever, is an often violated ideal. The marriage taboo, for example, between at least one Ait Atta clan and the haratin, their traditional subordinates, has broken down, and mixed marriages between Muslim men of the Western- oriented elite and European wornen have increased. Many marriages, even among sophisticated urbanites, continue to be arranged by the family. Future spouses are often not personally acquainted, and even young, educated men of Mowing persuasion are known to ask family elders for permission to marry, although their ideology rejects this practice. However, 10 a father's right to oblige his daughter to marry has been modified by civil law. During the protectorate, the number of marriages designed to advance one's f.snily nosition markedly increased. As a result, in all r r cities, members of the commercial middle class arc ,nterew netted in what an observer has termed an enormous web of marriage alliances." In rural society and among the more conserv-'ive urban families, marriage arrangements and cerC,:io- nies are conducted in the traditional manner. Typically, the young man's father negotiates the bride price with the girl's father, sometimes a lengthy process. According to civil law, the marriage contract must be witnessed by two notaries and a judge before it is considered valid. Considerable time often separates the signing of the contract and the wedding festivities, which may last several days or up to a .week if the families are wealthy. Newly harried couples usually desire children as soon as possible. The husband .wants to prove his virility, while the wife wishes to retain her husband by producin sons, failure to do so being grounds for divorce. In addition, children are often desired to provide security in their parents old age. Bovs may be circumcised in the first year or later. Because the ceremony, which symbolizes the boy's confirmation as a Muslim, is expensive, poor families occasionally share the cost b; havi,ig several children circumcised together. In 1971, the circumcision of the Crown Prince was celebrated in week -long national festivities, during which 40,000 needy youths were circumcised in ceremonies sponsored and subsidized by the King. Boys and girls are generally segregated in late childhood, and dating in the Western sense is rare. There is no special ritual at puberty, but it is traditional for adolescents to begin observing the Ramadan fast at that time. Although family cohesion is weakening, personal conflict do not appear to be widespread. Divorce has alwa\s been common, partly because society emphasizes parental agreement rather than individual choice in marriage and partly because Koranic law strongly favors the man, who simply expresses repudiation of his wife, before witnesses, three times on three separate occasions. Male grounds for divorce are unlimited. While some Berber groups allow the wife to initiate proceedings, women can only obtain a divorce upon proof of nonmaintenarce, abandon- ment, physical cruelty, or sexual abstinence. Among some Berbers of the High Atlas, if the husband agrees to a divorce at his wife's request, he has the right to stipulate the men she cannot marry, although the number is limited by law. This practice was designed APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200080026 -9 to prevent wife stealing. Fey men evidently remain faithful to their wives. In some areas, many frequent prostitutes. 4. Rural -urban community patterns Patterns of community organization in rural areas, as well as in the cities, are in flux. Change in the countryside has been caused by the disruption of the tribal system and the introduction of new administra- tive units, such as the commune. Instituted after independence, the commune is designed to facilitate rural modernization and government control in a hitherto highly dispersed, particularistic, and tribal environment. Some government administrators, who see the tribe as a barrier to progress, view the commune as an instrument for destroying the tribal system altogether. A number of commune districts overlap tribal boundaries, others divide tribes into more manageable unity, and still others regroup small tribal segments into larger organizations. Each has a governing council, whose responsibilities are limited to problems of local economy, administration, and social and religious affairs. Another government- sponsored effort to modernize rural life with a much greater potential impact is the support of village self -help projects, including the constuction of such community facilities as water line:;, sewers, streets, shops, communal ovens, public baths, and dispensaries. Climatic, geographic, and status factors have determined the great variety in form and structure of Moroccan settleint Ats. The most desirable home sites �those nearest the ritosque, local shrine, or streambed �ar. frequently occupied by the com- munity's most prestigious members, such as saints, major landowners, or tribal chiefs. The isolated farmstead, most common in northern Morocco, has become more typical in other areas since security has been established in the countryside. There are also numerous mall hamlets comprising only two or three households. Middle and High Atlas villages are usually located on hillsides for protection against formerly hostile: neighbors and for proximity to valley fields. They are often extremely compact; houses in Zaouia Ahanesal, for example, are frequently joined by a common wall, with the flat roof of one house serving as the base or courtyard of a dwelling higher up on the slope. The Isar (walled fortress community) is the main settlement unit of the southern oases. Built on flat ground, it is a rectangular structure with corner towers. Inside the walls, houses are situated close together and ar, usually taller than most rural dwellings in order to conserve arable land in a semidesert environment. Some of these communities contain imposing buildings called casbahs (kasha'), which once served as fortresses in tribal wars. Now the old sections of the cities are called casbahs or madinahs, a %%ord meaning literally city but used to distinguish the old from the new sections. These urban casbahs or madinahs F.)use hundreds of people. Thee consist of dwellings connected by a complex, maze like system of passageways. Among Morocco's nomads and seminom uls, community patterns are determined by the type and extent of tribal wandering. The Rguibat are pastoral nomads living in tents the entire year (Figure 3), with a movement cycle dependent on available pasturage and water. Transhumants tend to migrate between fairly fixed boundaries, some clans traveling more than 60 miles from their base camp. The Ait Attu, for example, make two moves per year: in the spring they leave their permanent dwellings in the valleys for the Middle Atlas, where they live in tents and pasture their animals; in the autumn tt..: return to the valleys. Other tribes reside in the mountains but migrate down the slopes for winter pasture. Still others, such as the Beni Mguild, live in a middle region between summer and winter pastures. French colonization severely disrupted old transhumant patterns by sharply reducing available grazing lands and by requiring land registration, a process which fractured many communally owned tribal lands. "Tribal patterns of land ownership, however. still have not been radically altered. A central feature of rural life is the market, or stiq (Figure 4), which for many villagers remains the main point of contact with the outside world and an important economic and social center for the exchange of goods and information. The rural market is usually located on ar, open site. some distance from the nearest village, vet conveniently situated within the general trading area which it scarves. The large stigs have permanent buildings for the display of Nyares, but most sites are deserted e\cept on the weekly market days Although, in the past, cities were small and fey in number, urbanization in Morocco has deep historical roots; Fes, for example, was founded in 808 and Marrakech in 1070. Located in the plains regions for defensive purposes, the cities were almost always surrounded by fortified walls. A central square with a large mosque was common. Major cities were divided into quarters haeas) and wards (haunias), largely on the basis of ethnic, tribal, or occupational differences. Many have survived intact. In the early 20th century, Marrakech contained a Muslim quarter (madinalt), 11 APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200080026 -9 further subdivided into individual .vards for different tribes; a Jewish quarter (mellah); and a military quarter where troops were stationed. In most of the cities, with the exception of Casablanca, there were also separate wards for the various occupational guilds. The protectorate fundamentally changed the character of Moroccan cities. Almost immediately affected were the guilds, whose decline led to a disintegration of the urban social structure, paralleling the detribalization of much of the countryside. Muslims adopted new habits and occupations, moved into new quarters, and lived in new kinds of houses. Extensive runAl migration to th ities accelerated the decay of residential segregation by ethnic group and irreparably weakened the system of social control by ward and quarter. In Marrakech, for example, there are no longer any definitive rules governing residence or occupation, and the customary "zoning" practices which determined where businesses could operate: have been discarded. Moreover, the large -scale Jewish exodus has virtually eliminated the mellah. The madinahs, with their old buildings (Figure 5), are in decline everywhere. The European ci'y imported to Morocco represents the archetype of the early 20th century garden city 12 movement, which emphasized wide converging boulevards, separate industrial, commercial, and residential quarters, and numerous parks, gardens, and tree -lined streets. As a result, urban areas contain sections that a:e essentially modern, others that arc almost completely traditional, and still others that are transitional. Casablanca's basic radial concentric 'avout dates from the French master plan of 1922: in the center is the old, compact, Muslim town, while near[)\ are 20 -story skyscrapers and what remains of the first French city. laid out in straight narrow streets lined by four- to five -story houses. European villas lie farther out, while bidonvilles (shank and barracks -like low- income housing are scattered on the periphery. In order to absorb a growing population, it number of new towns have been built, accomno- dating 30,000 to 40,000 people. Designed as self sufficient, low income, residential communities with central shopping centers, the\ have more amenities and wider streets than the madinalts. In the 1960's, the Moroccan Goverrun ^nt sponsored the construction of several tie" towns surrounding Marrakech; Mohammedia, for example, is supplied with schools, hospitals, recreation areas, commercial districts, and a bus se ice linking the town with central Marrakech. APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200080026 -9 FIGURE 3. Tents are usually divided into two compartments, one for sleeping, the other for entertainment and family life. Household equipment and utensils are primitive and kept to a minimum. This scene is of a festival (moussem) held at a saint's sanctuary in Tan -Tan. During May the nomadic tribes gather here. (U /OU) FIGURE 4. Every Moroccan tribe arranges for markets or sugs. They generally take place in the open country and are always called by the name of the day they are held. (U /OU) 5. Values and attitudes a. Basic value sysfern The central values of society are drawn from three main sources �the Islamic religion, Aral)- flerber tribalism, and nationalism. Since the beginning of the 20th centh.ry, traditional values have undergone substantial transformation in r,�sponse to Western political and economic influences, although the extent of change should not be exaggerated. Nloroccans remain it basically conservative people, attached to the old ways but receptive to gradual change Many would agree with the Aral) proverb: "Slowly, oh slowly, my children, for we are not in it hurry." While ancient religious and tribal practices have been seriously eroded, virtually all Moroccans, regardless of ideological persuasion, still regard themselves as Muslims, and in the rural areas, at least, a person still tends to identify with it particular tribe. Furthermore, while traditional society shared many cornmon bonds, it was, nonetheless, it varied society whose disparate groups struggled to preserve their o\yn particularistic values and stele of life, even to the point of fighting one another. Among traditional values which most impress the foreign observer are hospitalit\, self reliance, tribal egalitarianism, it concern for proper behavior (c�aido) and the avoidance of shame (hshunaa), and it deep respect for piety and learning. Berber mountaineers stress the virtues of physical hardiness, fighting ability, and frankness of speech and tnanner. while educated Arabs of the cities attach greater importance to the possession of formal Islamic learning, mental subtlety and it gift for discussion and argument. Aggressive or flarnboyant personal behavior- is not countenanced, and reticence is seen as it social responsibility. Stylistic flourishes of language and exaggerated rhetoric are commonplace, but this stems in large measure from it passionate love of the Arabic language. Although the outward forms of traditional behavior arc still generally obscnrd, including deference to the family head, many younger Moroccans reject such 13 APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP0l- 00707R000200080026 -9 FIGURE 5. The madinahs are characterized by maze -like streets and crowded condi- tions. Most inhabitants are petty traders or traditional artisans. (left) Bab Bou Jeloud, one of the entrances to the ancient madinah, Fes. (r;ght) An alleyway in the madinah, Rabat. WOU) patriarchal values as filial p;ety and female seclusion as symbols of backwardness and humility inappropri- ate to a modern nation. Uiscontent is rising among certain groups, particularly urban youth, and old civilities and conventions are often abandoned. These Moroccans, whose new ideas and social horizons were unknown to their parents, value secular education, individual achievement, and material slrccess. Because they no longer completely believe in the superiority of their culture, they are left with a serious problem of cultural identity. The sense of dislocation and insecurity felt by Borne social groups is well expressed by the protagonist in a 1964 Moroccan novel: People say its better to have no life at all than a life full of holes. But then they say: Better an empty sack than no sack.... I don't know how it's going to come out, all this. The changes occurring in Moroccan values are illustrated by the royal family. the late Mohamed V, who changed his title from Sultan to King, considering the latter more appropriate for a modern monarch, was essentially a traditionalist caught between the demands of religious life and the substance of secular 14 life. Ile secluded his wive! hilt unveiled his daughters and gave there a modern education, wore Western clothes in private but donned traditional robes in public, rationalized the governmental pure aucraev but at the same time continued the ancient procedures of the court. King Hassan received a modern French education and is familiar with Western thought. in governing Morocco, however, h appears as a conservative, appealing to tradition and using Islamic symbols to justify his rule. In his accession speech in 1961, Hassan set the tone for his reign by promising to perform his duties "in conformity with the principles of Islam, with its spiritual values and with our national secular traditions." Nevertheless, aware of the demands for chanY_e of his leftwing opposition, he has declared that Islam is not incompatible with modern socialism. Members of the Istiqlal party doubt the governments commitment to Islamic values, decry the alleged abandonment of moral principles in society and the increasing use of alcohol and drugs, and stress the importance of Islamic education. Those of leftist persuasion, on the other hand, emphasize secular values and call for the government to APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200080026 -9 undertake a radical restructuri ng of societ along the s lines of a socialist welfare state. Both groups, despite: their different emphases, draw on French ideological and organizational concepts, and bath stand in sharp j contrast to the religious scholars and other traditionalists -who oppose all change as a departure from Muslim law and the original precepts of Islam. Most Moroccans are preoccupied with their private affairs, unaffected by crosscurrents of political activism. Traditionally, Moroccans have been manipulated rather than consulted by their leaders, and royal authoritarianism continues to inhibit the growth of public participation in political life. Although democratic values and an individualistic ethic are gaining strength in the cities, the social and political norms of the majority are still drawn from the tribe, where family and patriarchal values are paramount. Even those Westernized Moro-cans who scorn the notion of filial piety rarely renounce their family ties. b. Basic attitudes Social pluralism has severely restricted the development of a strong national consciousness. The unifying influence of Islam is counterbalanced by cultural differences, regional animosities, tribal feuding. and a lack of consensus among the intelligentsia. Although independence contributed somew to a sense of national solidarity, tribalism is still pronounced, and Morocco continues to be confronted with the problem of unification. Moroccans take great pride it the country as a historic center of Muslim civilization, vet loyalty to the person of the King is a more developed feeling than lovalty to the state and its institutions. The legacy of tribalism has been a major influence impeding the growth of modern nationalism. Prior to the arrival of the French, feuding within and between tribes was endemic, often originating in disputes over land, water rights, or women. Even today, a general pattern of hostility among component units of many tribes can be detected. Internal tribal animosities have created a considerable amount of mistrust among the people, who tend to suspect one another's intentions. In'(ertribal feuding also has a long tradition, and although widespread violence between tribes is generally a thing of the past, occasional brawls still occur, particularly in the south, between nomadic and sedentary tribesmen. As late as 1969, armed government intervention was required to contain a tribal clash in Beni Melia] Province. The tribal world has changed considerably during the 20th century. With the development of modern communications, its exclusiveness has broken down, and tribes have been forced to admit outsiders into their once remote lands. Among many long- settled rural migrants to the cities, moreover, the concept of tribe is losing its meaning. The tribal sector, however, is not fully integrated into the nation. Identification of nomadic tribes with the central government is slight, and ethnic particularism is still pronounced in some area%. The se;f- identity of the Riffian tribes, for example, remains strong, fostered in part by memories of Abdei Krim's short -lived Riffian republic in the 1920's and in part by resentment of domination by non- Riffians since independence. The Riffians, in fact, revolted in 1958 -59. The insurgency. which was forcibly put down by the army, was not an attempt at secession, but rather a protest against government neglect, poor administration, and a lack of educational and employment opportunities. While the government is sensitive to the potential for tribal rebellion in such areas as the Rif, the trend since the early 1960's seems to be one of increasing loyalty to the national government. The balance between rural and urban forces has alwave been precarious, and the continuing division between town and country constitutes a major social problem. Some authorities view the rural -urban dichotomy as essentially a conflict between the agrari oriented Berbers and the more sophisticated Arabs of the cities, for whom rural values have little meaning. While the Arab townsmen tend to look down upon the Berber tribesmen and accuse them of being "bad Muslims," the Berbers reject the inferior social status which urban Arabs impose on them and claim to be the only "true" Moroccans. As late as 1967, strong "separatist" feelings were said to exist among Berbers of the mountains and the southern plains, stemming from resentment of the political and economic control exercised by city Arabs, especially the elite of Fes. However, it is difficult to know .whether these sentiments are significantly different from the traditional tribal opposition to the central government. Despite frictions, the political manifesta- tions of Berber -Arab differences have been intermit- tent and generally unorganized since independence. The main problems are cultural and linguistic; racial antagonisms are muted or noncsistent. Divisive attitudes based on re factors are not unknown. Some hostility, for em exist.; between the Riffian Berbers of the north and the Sussi Berbers of the southwest. There are also intercity rivalries and prejudices. A well -known case i, that of Marrakech vis -a -vis Fes. The residents of Nlarrakec "t reportedly regard the Fassis as intellectual snobs, while the latter criticize the Marrakechis for their carefree ways. 15 APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200080026 -9 APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200080026 -9 25X1 exploitation of Algeria's iron ore fields. Subsequently, the two nations signed a treaty providing for the demarcation of disputed areas. Moroccans have a strong tradition of respect for military qualities; many are descendants of tribal warriors. The French and Spanish protectorates recruited Moroccans, chiefly Beabers, into their national armed forces during World Wars I and I1, in which they established a creditable. record. Although Morocco has been generally unwilling to use force to achieve its territorial claims, guerrilla forays against the Spanish Army in Spanish Sahara and Ifni were encouraged in 1917 -38, and serious fighting with Algeria over the disputed border took place in October 1963, with Morocco winning a limited military victory. These conflicts notwithstanding, Morocco views its military role as a defensive one, and the army, .which continues to rely on Berber units, remains small. C. Population (U /OU) As the result of a consistently high birth rate and it high but declining death rat" Morocco's population has grown rapidly, having risen by more than 50 1 5' o during the period from independence in 1956 until mid -1972, when it was estimated at slightly more than 15.8 million. During the years 1960 -71, the population increased at an average annual rate of 2.554, and the figure would have been higher had it not been for the departure of over 400,000 Moroccan Jews and foreigners, as well as several hundred thousand Moroccan Muslims seeking work in Western Europe. The Moroccan Musli,ii population, for example, increased at an average annual rate of 2.95C' during 1960 -71, and it must be assumed, with the departure of most Jews and foreigners from the country, that the annual growth rate during the late 1960's and at the beginning of the 1970's was no less than 2.9% and was probably higher. Growth of such magnitude is a serious hindrance to official efforts to raise living levels through programs of economic and social develop- ment. E\ en in the 1960'x, population growth exerted heavy pressure on scarce economic resources and contributed to rising unemployment. Although Morocco has instituted a well- conceived family planning program, there is a wide gap between policy and execution, and to date the program has not served to curb population growth. Family planning is a sensitive issue from political, sociological, and religious viewpoints. Although increasingly desirous of limiting the size of their families, Moroccans still regard children as an asset and as a form of social security in old age, with from three to five children being considered the ideal number. Nonetheless, concerned with the tendency of population growth to outstrip economic gain and perhaps stimulated by the family planning program inaugurated in Tunisia in 1964, the Moroccan Government since 1963 has cautiously and at times hesitantly developed its own family planning program. A High Council on Population was created in 1966, and family planning centers, where instruction in contraception is given and interuterine devices are inserted without charge, were subsequently established in all urban health clinics. In August 1967, the government abrogated a 1939 law forbidding the advertising or sale of contraceptive devices, and in 1968 the Ministry of Public Health began the distribution of oral contraceptives. In the same \rar, the family planning program was incorporated into the Five Year Plan (1968 -72), and it was subsequently labeled a national priority objective. A project involving the sale of condoms at reduced prices in tobacco stores in Casablanca was initiated in 1969, and a Demographic Research Center was created in 1971. The primary goal of the family planning program is to inform Moroccans of the various possibilities of limiting family size and of the different contraceptive methods available. Ultimately, the government hopes that the program will effect a reduction in the birth rate, but to date the program, hampered by weak administration and the strong opposition of certain political and religious leaders, has achieved minimal results. In urban areas the basic infrastructure has been established and personnel trained, but rural areas remain largely unaffected. Moreover, no significant effort to educate the population in matters of family planning has yet been undertaken. Sizable segments of the population are still basically apathetic or ignorant about contraceptive methods, particularly in the countryside few persons are even aware of the government's family planning program. Knowledge of contraceptive practices is more widespread among city residents, but it is by no means universal, and the practice of contraception is extremely low. According to one survey of urban couples, more than 90% had never clone anything to prevent conception. Because births and deaths are grossly underreported in Morocco, it is impossible to determine prevailing birth and death rates accurately. The U.N., however, rh APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200080026 -9 has estimated the following vital rates for Morocco for the decades of the 1950's and 1960's: The U.N. estimates for the period 1965 -70 are basically in accord with the official estimates of the Moroccan Statistical Service. In 1966, that agency assumed that Morocco had a birth rate of 50 per 1,000 population and a death rate of 17 per 1,000. As the U.N. estimates indicate, birth and death rates have been declining since 1950. During 1950 -70, the birth rate dropped by approximately 2 1 /i whereas the death rate decreased by about 56 the result Wi%s rapidly increasing population growth. The rate of natural increase rose by 34% during the 1950 -70 period, culminating in a 3.3% annual rate during 1965 -70. Emigration, however, served to lower somewhat the average annual rate of grwvth during the late 1960'x. According to U.N. estimates, life expectancy at birth rose from 42.9 years in 1950 -55 to 50.2 vears in 1965 -70, and has been projected at 56.5 years in 1975- 80. IDespite the improvement between 1950 and 1970, life expectancy at birth is somewhat lower in Morocco than in any other Maghrebian country. Because of the uncertainty of future levels of fertility and morality, as well as the magnitude of emigration, it is difficult to predict the level of Morocco's population in the years to come. Observers agree, however, that the current age structure is highly conducive to accelerated population growth in the future and that the population call he expected to continue to grow rapidly during the 1970's and 1980's whether or not the birth rate declines. In fact, the birth rate is likely to continue the very gradual downward trend begun in the 1960'x. The death rate has alreadv dropped substantially, but the current level of mortality is sufficiently high to respond positively to improved health conditions, and the death rate probably will continue to fall. In particular, the infant mortality rate, estimated at 145 deaths of children under age I per 1,000 live births in 1970, is expected to decline as health conditions gradually improve. The U.N., in its estimates aril projections of the Moroccan population, has assumed that the population will grow by 3.4% per year in 1970 -75 and that the rate will increase to 3.5% during 1975 -80 before dropping to 3.3% during 1980 -85 aril to 3.2% during 1985 -90. Should these assumptions prove valid, 9 the population would reach 20 million in 1978 and 30 million in 1990. Even at the 2.95'' annual growth rate imi)lied for the Moroccan M41Alin1 population in 1960- 7 1, the 1972 population wokk(k] double in 24 years. I. Size and distribution a. Size According to the preliminary results of the census of 20 July 1971, Morocco had a population of 15,379,259, a 32% increase over the number enumerated in 1960 and a 65% increase over the figure officially estimated for the area in 1952. By midyear 1972, the population had risen to an estimated 15,800,000. Morocco thus ranks as the most populous of the four Maghreb nations. It also has a larger population than any of the other Arab states except Egypt and the Sudan, and it is the seventh most populous country in Africa. b. Density and distribution Morocco's population is spread over broad and well- watered coastal plains, in contrast to other countries of the Maghreb, where the population is often concentrated in a fairly narrow coastal belt. Nonetheless. Morocco is the most densely populated country of the Maghreb. With a land area of approximately 158,100 square miles, Morocco had a density of almost 100 persons per square mile at midyear 1972. Its neighbors to the east and south are much less densely populated. Extreme variation in rainfall and physical geography underlie diverse patterns of settlement, which range from in unsettled nomadic state in the arid southeastern desert area to fairly dense rural settlements and great concentrations of urban population along the fertile Atlantic coast. Intermediate between the desert and seacoast are extensive mountain regions, where settlement patterns range from those of scnlinomadic pastoral groups at the higher altitudes of the Atlas Mountains to those of settled agriculturalists who crowd the foothills of the Rif mountain chain. Excluding the areas around Casablanca, Rabat, and Tangier, population density in 1960 ranged from fewer than 10 persons per square mile in districts in the desert and semidesert regions of the southeast to more than 400 in districts in the west and far north (Figure 6). Rural densities as low as 1 per square mile were reported in Tarfaya Province, and as high as 209 in fertile agricultural zones near Marrakech and Rabat. The mountainous regions are generally more densely settled than the and regions of the southeast. This is especially true in the mountainous areas of northern APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200080026 -9 RATE oT BIRTH DEATH \ATURAI. RATE RATE INCREASE 1950 -55 50.4 25.7 24.7 1955 -60 50.4 22.7 27,7 1960 -65 50.1 19.6 30.5 1965 -70 49.5 16.5 33.0 The U.N. estimates for the period 1965 -70 are basically in accord with the official estimates of the Moroccan Statistical Service. In 1966, that agency assumed that Morocco had a birth rate of 50 per 1,000 population and a death rate of 17 per 1,000. As the U.N. estimates indicate, birth and death rates have been declining since 1950. During 1950 -70, the birth rate dropped by approximately 2 1 /i whereas the death rate decreased by about 56 the result Wi%s rapidly increasing population growth. The rate of natural increase rose by 34% during the 1950 -70 period, culminating in a 3.3% annual rate during 1965 -70. Emigration, however, served to lower somewhat the average annual rate of grwvth during the late 1960'x. According to U.N. estimates, life expectancy at birth rose from 42.9 years in 1950 -55 to 50.2 vears in 1965 -70, and has been projected at 56.5 years in 1975- 80. IDespite the improvement between 1950 and 1970, life expectancy at birth is somewhat lower in Morocco than in any other Maghrebian country. Because of the uncertainty of future levels of fertility and morality, as well as the magnitude of emigration, it is difficult to predict the level of Morocco's population in the years to come. Observers agree, however, that the current age structure is highly conducive to accelerated population growth in the future and that the population call he expected to continue to grow rapidly during the 1970's and 1980's whether or not the birth rate declines. In fact, the birth rate is likely to continue the very gradual downward trend begun in the 1960'x. The death rate has alreadv dropped substantially, but the current level of mortality is sufficiently high to respond positively to improved health conditions, and the death rate probably will continue to fall. In particular, the infant mortality rate, estimated at 145 deaths of children under age I per 1,000 live births in 1970, is expected to decline as health conditions gradually improve. The U.N., in its estimates aril projections of the Moroccan population, has assumed that the population will grow by 3.4% per year in 1970 -75 and that the rate will increase to 3.5% during 1975 -80 before dropping to 3.3% during 1980 -85 aril to 3.2% during 1985 -90. Should these assumptions prove valid, 9 the population would reach 20 million in 1978 and 30 million in 1990. Even at the 2.95'' annual growth rate imi)lied for the Moroccan M41Alin1 population in 1960- 7 1, the 1972 population wokk(k] double in 24 years. I. Size and distribution a. Size According to the preliminary results of the census of 20 July 1971, Morocco had a population of 15,379,259, a 32% increase over the number enumerated in 1960 and a 65% increase over the figure officially estimated for the area in 1952. By midyear 1972, the population had risen to an estimated 15,800,000. Morocco thus ranks as the most populous of the four Maghreb nations. It also has a larger population than any of the other Arab states except Egypt and the Sudan, and it is the seventh most populous country in Africa. b. Density and distribution Morocco's population is spread over broad and well- watered coastal plains, in contrast to other countries of the Maghreb, where the population is often concentrated in a fairly narrow coastal belt. Nonetheless. Morocco is the most densely populated country of the Maghreb. With a land area of approximately 158,100 square miles, Morocco had a density of almost 100 persons per square mile at midyear 1972. Its neighbors to the east and south are much less densely populated. Extreme variation in rainfall and physical geography underlie diverse patterns of settlement, which range from in unsettled nomadic state in the arid southeastern desert area to fairly dense rural settlements and great concentrations of urban population along the fertile Atlantic coast. Intermediate between the desert and seacoast are extensive mountain regions, where settlement patterns range from those of scnlinomadic pastoral groups at the higher altitudes of the Atlas Mountains to those of settled agriculturalists who crowd the foothills of the Rif mountain chain. Excluding the areas around Casablanca, Rabat, and Tangier, population density in 1960 ranged from fewer than 10 persons per square mile in districts in the desert and semidesert regions of the southeast to more than 400 in districts in the west and far north (Figure 6). Rural densities as low as 1 per square mile were reported in Tarfaya Province, and as high as 209 in fertile agricultural zones near Marrakech and Rabat. The mountainous regions are generally more densely settled than the and regions of the southeast. This is especially true in the mountainous areas of northern APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200080026 -9 Persons per square ank 0 28 78 130 Persons nor square kkanoter Based on 1880 census 501549 173 FIGURE 6. Population density (U /OU) Morocco, where population d_;sities in the Rif and its foothills frequently rise to more than 100. Densities of more than 1,000 were recorded in 1960 along the west coast �in Casablanca, Rabat, and Tangier. The most densely settled area in the country is a 90 -mile coastal strip from Casablanca northward to Kenitra. A belt of high densities also extends eastward from Rabat through the Taza corridor, which separates the Rif and Atlas mountain chains. In 1971, about 83% of the population of Morocco resided in the northwestern half of the country. The rest lived in the area southeast of a line drawn roughly between Nador in the north and Agadir in the south. Morocco is still a predominantly rural country, but the proportion of the urban population to the total population has been rising steadily, as shown in the following tabulation: 1926 10% 1936 16% 1952 25% 1960 29% 1971 35% At current rates of growth, the urban population is expected to constitute 40% of the total population by 1980. The process of urbanization, however, is uneven. Most of the major urban centers are within 100 miles of the Atlantic, primarily in the northwestern quarter of the country; there are no settlements with a population as large as 15,000 in the southeast or in the far south. Moreover, the urban areas witnessing the most rapid growth are those located along the Atlantic coast. Such traditional inland centers of population as Fes and Marrakech, while growing, show a rate of population increase below that of the coastal cities. During the 1960 -71 intereensal period, the urban population increased by 58 compared with 21 for the rural population. The number of cities with 100,000 or more inhabitants rose from eight to 11, and in 1971 these 11 cities made up 69% of the total urban population. At that time, about half of all urban dwellers lived in Casablanca or in the twin cities of Rabat and Sale. Among the 19 provinces, Tangier had the highest proportion of urban residents, Ouarzazate the lowest (Figure 7). Generally, the northern and 19 APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200080026 -9 FIGURE 7. Population, by administrative area and urban -rural residence, 1971 (U /OU) western provinces had a much higher proportion of urban residents than the southern and eastern provinces. By far the largest of Moroccan cities, Casablanca accounts for slightly more than 40% of the total urban population and about 10% of the total population. With a population of 1.5 million in 1971, it was almost three times as large as Rabat -Sale, the second largest urban complex (Figure 8). Increasing largely as the result of migration from the countryside, the population of Casablanca grew at an average annual rate of 4.1% during the 1960 -71 period. Overall, the urban population increased at an average annual rate of 4.3% during 1960 -71, compared with 1.8% for the rural population. Moroccan officials have estimated that the net volume of migration to the cities averaged about 30,000 persons per year in the 1936 -52 period, rese to 50,000 in 1952 -60, and has since increased to about 100,000 migrants annually. Economic factors are the underlying cause of this rural exodus. As a result, cities with the greatest economic potential have been the preferred destinations. These include Casablanca, Kenitra, and Safi, with Casablanca being the prime magnet for rural migrants. Sale is also the destination for many, partly because influx to its cross -river twin city, Rabat, has been zealously blocked by authorities intent on keeping the country's capital free of bidonvilles and discernible unemployment. Morocco's cities have been unable to cope with the number of migrants arriving from the countryside. They have become overcrowded, already inadequate FIGURE 8. Growth of cities of 100,000 or more inhabitants in 1971 (U /OU) PERCENT ADMINISTRATIVE AREA URBAN RURAL TOTAL UR RAN Province: AVERAGE Agadir 170,600 993,028 1,163,628 11,.7 Al Hoceima 22,496 224,098 246,594 9.1 Beni \lellal 117,296 542,395 659.691 17.8 E.1Jadida 92,185 498,738 590,923 15.6 Fes 383,904 687,512 1,071,416 35.8 Kenitra 308,477 1,034,498 1,342,975 23.0 K houribga 143,170 185,134 328,304 43.6 Ksares Souk 46,595 424,525 471,120 9.9 llarrakeeh 393,118 1,159,410 1,552,528 25.3 Meknes 363,499 420,561 784,060 16.4 Nador 44,176 436,341 480,517 9.2 Ouarzazate 29,048 493,328 522,376 5.6 Oudja :315,188 318,640 633,828 19.7 Safi 193,619 704,327 897,946 21.6 ettat 112,947 542,422 655,369 17.2 Tangierr 187,894 27,608 215,502 87.2 T arfaya 11,826 12,335 24,161 48.9 Taza 73,218 501,338 574,556 12.7 TetouaP 278,882 :117,396 796,278 35.0 Prefecture: Casablanca 1,576,272 149,501 1,72:1,773 91.3 Rabat Sale 539,056 102,658 641,714 81.0 All Morocco 5,403,466 9,975,793 15,379,259 35.1 NOTE -Data are based on the preliminary results of the 20 July 1971 census. western provinces had a much higher proportion of urban residents than the southern and eastern provinces. By far the largest of Moroccan cities, Casablanca accounts for slightly more than 40% of the total urban population and about 10% of the total population. With a population of 1.5 million in 1971, it was almost three times as large as Rabat -Sale, the second largest urban complex (Figure 8). Increasing largely as the result of migration from the countryside, the population of Casablanca grew at an average annual rate of 4.1% during the 1960 -71 period. Overall, the urban population increased at an average annual rate of 4.3% during 1960 -71, compared with 1.8% for the rural population. Moroccan officials have estimated that the net volume of migration to the cities averaged about 30,000 persons per year in the 1936 -52 period, rese to 50,000 in 1952 -60, and has since increased to about 100,000 migrants annually. Economic factors are the underlying cause of this rural exodus. As a result, cities with the greatest economic potential have been the preferred destinations. These include Casablanca, Kenitra, and Safi, with Casablanca being the prime magnet for rural migrants. Sale is also the destination for many, partly because influx to its cross -river twin city, Rabat, has been zealously blocked by authorities intent on keeping the country's capital free of bidonvilles and discernible unemployment. Morocco's cities have been unable to cope with the number of migrants arriving from the countryside. They have become overcrowded, already inadequate FIGURE 8. Growth of cities of 100,000 or more inhabitants in 1971 (U /OU) (Population in thousands) AVERAGE ANNUAL POPULATION RATE OF GROWTH, CITY 1960 1971 1960 -71 Casablanca 965 1,500 4.1 Rabat 227 375 4.7 M arrakeeh 243 333 2.9 Fes 216 322 3.7 Meknes 176 248 3.2 Tangier. I 142 188 2.6 Oudja 129 176 2.9 Sale 29 156 16.5 Kenitra 87 139 4.4 Tetouan 101 139 2.9 Safi 81 129 4.3 APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200080026 -9 services have deteriorated, and urban administration has been aggravated by the heavy burdens caused by the migrants. The Moroccan Government has long sought to check migration from rural areas to urban centers bi undertaking programs designed to create a rural counterattraction to the cities. "These have involved agricultural development projects, road and school construction, and other economic and social endeavors. An attempt has also been made to round up recent migrants and send them back to their rural homes. Because controls in the urban areas have been effective only periodically and because the rural development schemes have been too limited, the rural exodus has continued more or less unabated. Although definitive statistical data are riot available, some well defined patterns of recent internal migration are nonetheless apparent. Most migrants to the cities come from rural districts in the southern part of the country, where rainfall is lowest. Specific areas of out migration occur in the arid and semiarid lands of the Sous and Draa river valleys, and in the vicinities of Tafilalt and Figuig. Mountainous areas have also contributed their share of migrants; these include the dry Anti -Atlas arid western High Atlas ranges and the rugged Rif region of the math. Out- migration has also occured in some of the fertile Atlantic plains areas, i.e., Abda, Chaouia, and Doukkala, where the problem is one of too little land and too many people. 2. Age -sex structure Although age -sex data from the 1971 census are not yet available, Morocco is known to have a very voting population. At midyear 1970, according to an official Moroccan estimate, the median age of the Moroccan Muslim population (99% of the total population) was 16.4 years, more than 11 years below that for the United States. Moreover, the figure for 1970 was 2.5 years lower than that ascertained in 1960, pointing up the trend toward an increasingly youthful population than is expected to continue in the near future. At midyear 1970, almost one -fifth of all Moroccan Muslims were under age 5 and slightly more than 46% were under age 15. At the other extreme, only 2.5% were age 65 or older. All together, 49.2% were in the dependent ages (0 -14 and 65 or older), while 50.8% were in the working ages (15 -64), providing a ratio of 967 persons in the dependent ages per 1,000 in the working ages, a figure some 57% higher than that in the United States. k such countries as Morocco, however, the formal dependency ratio tends to overstate the actual degree of dependency, as many children under age 15, especially in rural areas, are engaged in some form of work activity, and persons Age and over 70 74 65 -69 60 -64 55 -59 50 -54 45 -49 40-44 35 -39 30 -34 25 -29 2024 I5 -19 10 -t 4 5 -9 0 -4 Percent NOTE: Moroccan Muslim population FIGURE 9. Age -sex structure, Morocco and the United States, midyear 1970 (U /OU) age 65 or older are often compelled by economic necessity to continue working. Morocco's population profile, compared with that of the United States (Figure 9), shows that the proportion of the population under age 5 is more than double that of the I- 'sited States, attesting to Morocco's much higher level of fertility. In fact, Morocco has a larger proportion of persons in all age groups under .35 than has the United States. Converselv, 'ne proportion of the U.S. population in the middle ed to spi ad a I)()lndar \ersion of Islam and re instrumental in prr,\iding \lc,r()c�co \\ith i t sense ()f unite through it countn\side d()uriant) ()f it house often has it handprint painted ()n it to gain pr()tcc�ti()n f()r the household. Fvvn Weslern- edrlc�atecl \lorocc�ans nut car it khuntsu I>end;ult to avoid bad luck. Folk Islam stresses it personalized sic\% of nature. Fc,r example, the death and resurrection of fields and nu�Ml()\%s is bclic\ -d to he i, regular occurrence. and the practice ()f it griculhl.e is marked h\ ark )its seasonal fesli\als and rites. \t its must printili\e lox d, the popular religion ex()k('s into an almost undisguised nature \%orship. Certain high places, springs, rocks, and trees are generated, (It i\e offerings [wing spade al such sites. In sonic areas, ��h()I\ trees are considered to have the p()\%er to facilitate cunc�eptic,n. Shnilarl\, the elennents ()f ater and fire arc frcduentI\ linked to fcrlilit\: 'dung married w( nnen nta\ he inuncrsed in \utcror mule to jump over fire (F igure ?1 in the belief that this kill prevent sterilit\. characteristic of North :kfricim Islann, the cull of saints has been effec�tivel\ incorporated into popular .Moroccan belief. Saints, c,r marabouts, are believed to have hurakuh and the abilil\ to perform nniracles. The APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200080026 -9 FIGURE 20. This pendant of five fingers is worn to counteract the evil eye. It is sometimes called the hand of Fatima, after the Prophet's daughter. (U /OU) FIGURE 21. Young girl jumping over a fire, a ritual practiced in parts of southern Morocco in the belief that it will insure fertility (U /OU) network of zau'ira /ts (lodges or fueadyuarters) during the late middle ages, a period of ssrak central government and strong tribalism. 13% the mid -19th century. mane had degenerated into aggre-gations of mystics Nyhose ecstatic excesses %%ere opposed by the mama, the guardians of orthodox Islam. Otber hrotherhoods in that period turned to politics, and sonu' hec�ane nuclei of early resistance to French and Spanish encroachments. With fe\ exceptions, the "lost active orders in the first half of the 20th century were Berber in character, nruty of these c�ollahorated s%ith the protectorate regime, Mlic�h encouraged their antinatiol'Aisl tendencies� By supportirig these brotherhoods and sponsoring ne%% ones, the French hoped to wean the Berbers front Islam, the nationalists of orthodox persuasion, and strengthen their os\n position. However, tic French un\yittingl\- helped to diminish the importance of the brotherhoods by centralizing the government, thereby elininating certain functions which they had formerly performed. 1'hc y were further x\eakened in the early 1900's b\ the Salafiyah reform noyentenl, I sought to eliminate heterodox religious practices, as nunifestecl in the orders, by encouraging a return to orthodox Islarnic principles. Mohamed V. father of the present King, trltinnutely identified luinuself with the reformers, and in 1946 he forbade the esta I isli nt of ney brotherhoods and the formation of zauiyahs withocut royal permission. With the brotherhoods i decline by the mitt- 1950's, the Sulaf'iyah also lost much f its force, but its spirit still infuses the pro"ouncc'nu�nts of Istiylal leaders and others c�oiwertwd with the preservation of national and religious values. Still functioning in contemporary Moroccan soc�iet but scorned hs the educated elite. the� religious brotherhoods c�unuhine elcrnents of Islamic nystic�isn, or Sufism, animistic- beliefs, and Sumo theology. brotherhood is headed by it sheikh, the group spiritual leader, anti each has its o%%n ceremonial rituals, special pra\cr, and ernbh'nu. In the past, the rituals of some irwluded self flagellation, violent dancing, and snakehandling. %lenubership is on an infornntl basis. In 1962, the uunuberof active "ethers in the country \\as placed at about IOS( of the population. "11ie tsco largest brotherhoods at that lime xyerc� the "I'idjani\a and the Derkawa, both of sshich were organized in the Pith century. The "I'idjanis, syhic�h has its mother zatriyah in Fes, is considered the most orthodox of the groups. L'nlike "lost brother- 39 APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200080026 -9 FIGURE 22. This plain, domed, whitewashed building is typical of many saint's tombs that dot the Moroccan landscape (U /OU) FIGURE 23. Entrance io a local saint's tomb in the High Atlas. Strips of cloth, left by a worshiper, may be seen hanging on the door. (J /OU) hoods, which draw the majority of their members from the lower strata of the population, the Tidjaniya recruits some from the middle class. The Christians of Morocco are located chiefly in the larger towns and cities, particularly Casablanca, Rabat, Tangier, Tetouan, Oujda, and the Meknes area. Similarly, the Jews are concentrated primarily in the urban centers. A significant reduction in the size of the Christian and Jewish groups has occurred in the past 20 years. The Christian community totaled about 535,000 in 1952 and the Jewish community approximately 215,000 in the same year, in contrast to 1971 estimates of 180,000 and 31,000, respectively. Most of the decrease in the number of Christians reflects the exodus resulting fro:cr independence, wbile the decline in the number of Jews has been caused primari by large -scale emigration io Israel. The beginnings of Christian missionary activity in Morocco date back to 1234, when a Roman Catholic Franciscan priest was appointed Bishop of Morocco. The succession lasted until 1566, at which time the jurisdiction passed to the Archbishop of Seville. In 1630, the Apostolic Prefecture of Morocco was established at Tangier, and there has been no interruption in the Moroccan succession since that time. However, the Catholic community remained small until the establishment of the protectorate in 1912 and the subsequent influx of Europeans. In 1923, a separate apostolic vicariate for the French 'Lone was created at Rabat. Both jurk''ictions were eventually raised to the status of archdiocese, the see of Rabat in 1955 and the see of Tangier in 1956. The archdioceses of Tangier and Rabat conic under the direct authority of the Sacred Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith in Rome, as Morocco is considered a mission territory. The Archdiocese of Tangier, which comprises only Tangier and former Spanish Morocco, ministered to about 25,000 baptized Catholics in 1970. The Archdiocese of Rabat, encompassing the remainder of the country, served approximately 150,000 Catholics in the same year. Each archdiocese is subdivided into parishes, which constitute the basic unit of church organization. The Franciscan Order is administratively responsible for the church in Morocco. Franciscans occupy the highest positions in the hierarchy and predominate at all levels of the ecclesiastical organization. Church leaders tradition- ally have been born outside the country. The Archbishop of Rabat is a French citizen and the Archbishop of Tangier is a Spaniard. Statistics relating to the Roman Catholic establishment in Morocco for 1970 indicate that there were 86 parishes and approximately 65 places of 40 worship. "These "ere served by 294 priests, about two- thirds of whom belonged to religious orders. In addition, there were 591 nuns. Schools conducted b Catholic religious personnel numbered 56, and church -run charitable institutions, including hospitals, totaled 22. A number of lay organizations function at the parish level, one of the most active being the Society of St. Vincent de Paul, a welfare organization whose local units are federated into a central council for all of Morocco. There has been some Protestant activity in Morocco by British, L'. S., French, and internationally supported groups since 1883. The missions usual]\ have been prudent enough not to arouse hostility, but they have made few converts. Information derived from the 11 "orlci Christian handbook for 1968 indicates that the only established Protestant dem:tnination at that time was the Evangelical Church of Morocco, of French origin, which claimed a total community of 2,500 persons. Missionary groups listed were the Bible Churchmen's Missionary Society, the Emmanuel Mission, the Gospel Missionary Union, the North African Mission, and the Seventh -day Adventist Mission. The North African Mission claimed a membership of 350; no figurca were presented for the others. North American Protestant sources in 1970 reported a number of other denominations and missionary organizations having representatives in Morocco. These included the Berean Mission, the Church of the Brethren, the Churches of Christ, the Fellowship of Independence Missions, the Mennonites, the Southern Baptist Convention, and the United Church of Canada. The number of North American missionary personnel active in Morocco was given as 73. Most of Morocco's Jewish population has consisted of Arabized Jews, descendants of immigrants of ancient times and converted Berber tribespeople. Practically indistinguishable from their Muslim counterparts, they speak a Judeo- Arabic dialect and share some of the animistic beliefs which have influenced Islam in Morocco. The emigrants to Israel have conk almost exclusively from this group. Jewish leadership in Morocco, as elsewhere in North Africa, rests in the hands of Sephardic Jews, descendants of refugees from 15th and 16th century Spain. Stressing education, both religious and secular, tLev constitute a small, skilled group whose services are valued and who frequently have a high social status. The central body of Moroccan Jewry is a Rabat based Moroccan Jewish Communal Council, in which local communal councils are represented. The central council exercises no supervisory responsibility over the APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200080026 -9 local councils brit sen es as the official point of contact %%ith national authorities. Menrbership in the local bodies caries in size and is restrictcd to promincnt Jews Of the conununits. suc�i as s\ nagogue administrators and well -to -do businessmen. Responsibilities of the conun(unal councils relate to welfare activities for the needy .end for xo(ttII, provision fur religious obsen ance. and a(Iministrrtiun of c�onununal financial affairs. The actual scope of their actin ities has d(�pended on local leadership, and \%ith the steal\ decline in the nunnber of Je\%s, mane of the councils have ceased to operate effec�tivel\. S\nagogues are found in most cities which have a Jewish quarter and uc�casionaII y in the cornntr\ side l I igur(- 2 -1). There are three in Casablanca. which has the largest and most active Jewish comrn(rnity. Casablanca is also the Moroccan headquarters for it number of international Jewish organizations which have been "forking to raise health, educational, and vocational lei els of the generally poverty- stricke Moroccan je%\s. Despite tic consen'ati\e character of the national religion its it is offic�iall\ expounded. %lor(,cco has been fairly tolerant of its religious minorities. permitting freedom of worship for both Jews and Christians. The 1958 Code of Moroccan Vationalit\ made Jews full and equal citizens of the state, an(I their persons and property are legally protec-ted. Nevertheless, it fcs% Jess s(rre subjected to personal attacks after the 1967 Arab- Israeli \car. The Penal Code prohibits religious proselytism by non- Mctslims. and the government tends to view as subversive am interest vvincvd by Moroccan Muslims in otL�er religions. The N1inister of Islamic Affairs and Properties (a post no\% combined with tic Ministr of FIGURE 24. Synagogue in the Atlas foothills outside Marrakech (U /OU) (:ulturc) asserted in 196 that (:hristian missionan acti\itics \%crc an inc�ileneenl t political dislmjlt\. since the hiug is not only tit(. head of state but also the religious lvader. It is assunn (1 hucew r. that Leo Moroccan Muslim could ever \%isle to forsake ("lane. and the threat of social ostracism has als\a"s scnrd as a p(merf(rl deterrent to c�onvcrsiou. 1 -I. Education (U /OU) 1. The role and problems of' education Moroccan eduwation�a h\ brid of scc�cnL�rr and religious, public an(1 private, and Arab zmd I'rcncle elcments �fails to reach more than hall of the s(�hool- age population and is ulhen(isc unsuited to national n CC( Is. At indepen(lenc( the nation inherited tiro ),Im el but essentially iu(Icpencicnt c(lucatiunaI s;stvnns, one traditional and the other modern. Since that time, despite resi"tancv bs c�nnscnati\cs. the irnportanc�e of traditional education ha" tended to diminish, as the gerernnrent has promoted declup- nnent of the nnoderre system. Its dexclopnnent. howc\cr, has been retarded b\ a chronic scarc�it% of funds and b\ the inabilit\ of gmernntenl polio makers and educators to implcnnent a fe;nsible c(luc�ation Ilan and to resokc c�ert;nin lorgstanding problems that plague the sstenn. One of the most serious difficulties, for example, concerns the language of instruction. Most Arab parents are illiterate and entplo\ collog(rial Arabic at home: yet, school children are required to learn litcran Arabic. as \%ell as I' rench. a ktim\ ledge of hic�h is v irtuaII\ a prerequisite for admission to sec�ondar\ school. Berber "peaking children, un the other hand. must learn both 41 APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200080026 -9 colloquial and literary Arabic, in addition to French; consequently, these children often enter secondary school without an adequate knowledge of any of the three. 4 After independence, the government undertook a r rapid expansion of public education, particularly at the primary level. Simultanec us';y, Moroccan educators and politicians endeavored to "Arabize" the system by reforming curriculums, replacing foreign instructors with M oroccan nationals, and promoting the use of Arabic as the language of instruction. Another major objective was that of unifying Moroccan education. Having recognized the importance of developing an integrated and relevant educational system, as well as the desirability of fostering a knowledge of Moroccan history and culture, the people generally have supported these policies. Sharp differences have arisen, however, among national leaders regarding the means and pace of implementation. During the immediate postin- dependence period, largely at the urging of Istiqlal partisans, programs designed to Arrbize the educational system were pushed vigorously. The resulting decline in academic standards, coupled with difficulties that arose concerning the instruction of modern ;kills and sciences in Arabic, subsequently forced policymakers to slow the pace of Arabization and to reinstitute some of the French pedagogic methods and practices. As a result, bilingual instruction in Arabic and French is ewnmonplace in primary schools, and French is the main language of instruction in postprimary education. Moreover, the most important educational goal �that of free and universal instruction �has eluded the government. As the public school system has expanded, academic standards have declined markedly, and graduates of primary school often are little more than functionally literate. Even those who graduate from secondary school, where a classical curriculum has been emphasized at the expense of scientific and technical training, find it difficult to obtain jobs. Disenchant- ment with public schools has sustained a high demand for private education, especially among members of the elite, many of whom prefer to send their children to schools operated by the French University and Cultural Mission (MUCF) and later to Frcnch universities. Thus, during the late 1960's and early 1970's, somewhat over of all secondary students attended private schools; about 60% of all MUCF students were Moroccans. In addition to facilities administered by the MUCF, private schools also are operated by a Spanish cultural mission and by Muslim, Catholic, and Jewish groups. Because a 42 number of entities are involved in the operation of private schools, and because governmental regulations concerning curriculums are not uniformly enforced, the content of private education differs considerably from that of public education. The curriculums of modern private schools tend to resemble those of Western European educational systems rather than those of Arab systems, whereas many of the Muslim operated private institutions adhere to a traditional curriculum. The public school system, including higher education, is financed almost exclusively Dy the central government Private Muslim schools also receive governmental support in the form of loans and subsidies for teachers' salaries. Educational expenses of the Moroccan Government increased almost fourfold during the years 1956 -71, but the proportion of the national budget allocated for education changed little during the period. Most foreign educational assistance emanates from France; in accordance with provisions of a French- Moroccan agreement, moreover, MUCF schools are staffed with French teachers who are paid by the Government of France. Although the government has made progress in building new schools and increasing enrollment, it has been less successful in adapting a largely French- oriented system to the realities; of domestic life. Many groups are sharply critical of government educational programs, and frustration and social discontent among youth are widespread. Secondary school and university students, occasionally aided by their parents, frequently go on strike over issues relating to educational policies, poor housing facilities for pupils, and the lack of job opportunities. Opposition political parties frequently denounce the slow pace of educational reform but evidently lack realistic ,programs of their own. Nevertheless, Moroccans generally agree that education is important for national development and should have a large share of public funds; most approve of state control of the educational system, as well as of the government's authority to regulate private :schools. Since 1970, student activists have manifested a greater tendency to stray from purely educational issues and to become involved in political matters. The Janu ary -April 1972 student strike, which disrupted the educational process, stemmed from both educational and political grievances. Moreover, the leading student organizations appear to have strengthened their links with national political parties. Formed in 1956, the National Union of Moroccan Students (UNEM) is the largest student organization. Although aligned with the UNFP, a non Communist leftwing party, the UNEM is basically autononu;;,. I'he APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200080026 -9 UNEM claims a membership of almost 6,000, but few are activists. I Laving a pronounced radical orientation, UNEM leaders generally express more strident opinions concerning foreign capital, agrarian reform, and state intervention in the economy than do other students, and they frequently complain about the King's "reactionary," "feudal," and "despotic" personal power. The UNEM's strong antimonarchistic sentiments and predilection for radical political change are shared by some trade union youth and increasingly by university students in general, but these views have not formed the basis for a cohesive political movement. Because of its antiregime stance, the UNEM has been dealt with harshly by the government. In c�)ntrast, members of the General Union of Moroccan Students (UGEM), the Istiqlal youth wing which was also formed in :956, advocate respect for Moroccan traditions and champion conservative causes. To discuss student and political issues, the UGEM holds annual conferences which, like those of other student entities, must he approved beforehand by the government. The organization claims 4,000 members, but there are probably no more than 100 active participants. a. Traditional education Designed to impart it thorough knowledge of Arab history and culture, as well as of the tenets of Islam, traditional studies can be pursued at all levels (preprimary through higher) and in both private and public institutions. Enrollment in traditional education declined steadily during the 1960'x, and by the close of the decade only about 15(1 of all pupils in public primary and secondary schools were engaged in traditional studies. The enrollment in private institutimis specializing in traditional studies also was low (perhaps tinder 5,500 in the 1969/70 school year). As of 1970/71, moreover, public primary schools devoted exclusively to traditional studies (kuttabs) were phased out, elements of traditional education evidently having been incorporated in the curriculum of modern public schools. "Teachers of traditional studies are generally poorly trained, often being little more than semiliterate scribes (fighs). Nonetheless, Istiqlal Party officials regularly defend traditional education, regarding it as the "sole guarantee of preserving the Arabic language and Islamic culture." This position has probably been instrumental in the retention of specialized traditional institutions at the preprimary and postprimary levels of public schooling. As of 1970/71, 8,383 pupils, or 3.1% of all those enrolled in secondary education, attended traditional secondary schools (ntedereselts) (Figure 25). Although courses in science and mathematics; were added to the traditional curriculum during the 1960's so as to give pupils some preparation for modern studies, nredere-veh graduates are not admitted to Morocco's leading institution of higher learning, Mohamed V University, which is part of the modern educational system. Instead, the\ must attend QaraNviyin university, in Fes, or its affiliated Ben Youssef Institute, in Marrakech; in addition, the university operates the Iladith Institute in Rabat and a branch in Tetouan. As of 1969/70, 859 pupils, or 6.75(1. of all students at the level of higher education, were enrolled in these institutions. The total included 33 female students and 20 foreign nationals. Having rivaled the leading universities of Europe in the training of scholars during the medieval period, Qarawiyin University (Figure 26) had declined sharply in importance by the 20th century. Despite attempts since independence to modernize the institution, the content and methodology of courses have remained basically unchanged; the curriculum, for example, continues to focus on Islamic lacy, Arabic literature, theology, and Hadith (traditions of the Prophet), subjects which arc taught in separate faculties. In 1969/70, about 69io of all students in traditional higher education pursued religious studies, the remaining 31 1 /r" having specialized in literary studies. Being essentially unprepared for entry into modern occupations, graduates often serve as judges (gadis) in the Islamic court system, while others engage in scholarly research, teach in traditional schools. or lecture in mosques throughout the Arab world. b. Modern public education Morocco's system of modern public education comprises three main levels� primary, secondary, and higher (Figure 27). A fourth level, that of preprimary education, began evolving prom the traditional Koranic schools during the late 1960's; as of 1970/71, however, few children attended modern preprimary schools. Primary education extends over 5 pupils normally entering at age 7. One year of so- called "secondary observation," designed to develop student proficiency in the French language, is required prior to admission into regular secondary studies. Regular secondary education, which consists of tyo -\-ear cycles, is normally attended by youngsters ages 13 -18. The first cycle consists of general academic studies, whereas the option of undertaking specialized training, in either academic or technical fields, is available in the second cycle. Additionally, vocational and technical training programs designed to improve worker skills are sponsored by various government agencies. 1 1igher education is provided at Mohamed V 43 APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP0l- 00707R000200080026 -9 FIGURE 25. Ablution courtyard, the 14th century Marinid school Bu'lnaniya, which is the largest medereseh (secondary school) in Fes (U /OU) l niversitN a d at \a riot s spec�ialized nonunkcrsit institutes operated I)\ grncrunu�nl agencies. \s ill the h'rench cdttcatioual sstcnt. successful contplclion of c�omprehcnsi\e ev,minalions is re( lnired for ackance- ment front grade to grade and for admission to secondary and higher schools. Bcc�artsc� of the i lit portanc�r� altac�hed to cxanlina )II. s. students throughout the sxstcnt rely hcuil on the memorization of' lessons. "Throughout public cdllc�ation, a shortage of instructors constitutes it nutjor ohstacle to progress. In 19_10 /i I. the pupil- teacher ratio in priniar\ schools \%as 35: that in sec�nnclar\ institutions was 21:I. The pupil- teacher ratio in Mohan ed V Univcrsih :i \cars earlier \%as about 20:1. As a result c,f gmerntncntal programs to \rahizc public education, all but 18 of the nations 32.050 primar\ tcac�hcrs were Nloroc�can nationals in 1970 I. II(m( uunrr�rous forcien nationals, nt�st of lhcm hrenc�h, ha\ c�ontirtuecl to cr\t as tcachcrs in public postprimar\ education. \t the sccmidar. Ic\cl. foreign rtationak constituted 52'; (d the s\stenI's 1 i.009 teachers in 19 7 10 7 I. and although the lot llnivcrsit\ IIigIIerlc\clinstitIItcs lit \c probably been staffed Im- dontinantk Im \lorocc�ans. fomign n;tlionals c�ontprised appro \imatel.\ 5r;r; of the facull of lohanu�cl l'ni\ersit Is rec�eIItI as 196( (iS). 'In Ink itIt schools during the .ear 1911 T I. tltr pupil teacher ratio at the keel of primar\ education \cas consideral,ls losccr (2.5:1 1. hot that al the scc�ondan lea(-1 seas highor 1:311:1 than in pul,lic institutions. Prisate primim schools seer( staffed I,c' 22 it- ,tchers. I t`( of Ihem htreign nationals. \%Iwreas pricalc second;tn schools etnPlo,'ed I .ti -1 teachers, 66 of Ihcnt foreign. :\n estimated K.Otlo French h�ac�hers acre emplaced Ihnntghoul Mfimc�co. in 1,oth public and prkate institutions, during 19711 T1. APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200080026 -9 i FIGURE 26. Courtyard of the mosque at Qarawiyin University, Fes (U /OU) A more serious problem than the scarcity of teachers is the lack of qualification among those available. In 1969 7 0, only about 30(' of all teachers were fulls tr ained and qualified, the remainder having included trainees, teacher assistants, or substitute instnu�tors. Qualified teachers are concentrated in the main cities, and the resulting shortage of competent instructors in rural areas account in large measure for the deficiencies in rural education. In addition, secondary teachers are often recruited from the ranks of the experienced primary staff, thereby tending to depress the general level of qualification anwng primary instructors; nevertheless, probably no more than half of all native secondary teachers have a secondary school diploma, or haccalaureat, possession of which is ostensible the minimum qualification for teaching at the secondary level. The curric of public priman education includes arithmetic and elctnentary geometry, Moroccan history and geography, and Islamic religious studies. As of 1969/70, the official language of instnuction in the first two grades was Arabic, whereas Arabic and French were given equal inportance in the remaining three grades. Having repeatedly endorsed the maximum utilization of Arabic, by the early 1970's public officials had conk to recognize the need to retain I rench indefinitely as the language of instruction in most of the modern disciplines such as mathematics. Partly because fey secondary text hooks are available in Arabic, the curriculum in secondary schools is largely patterned after that of the French educational system. Students, however, are given the opportunity to enro in it monolingual program, in which the language of instruction is either Arabic or 1 rench, or in a bilingual progran. Because of limitations inherent in the monolingual program, most pupils -80fi of all those enrolled during 1968/ choose the bilingual program; the remaining pupils are nearly equally divided between the two kinds of monolingual instruction. As of 1969/70, Arabic was reportedly the language of instruction in one -third of al! courses in the first cycle of secondary education: in the second cycle, its usage was limited to courses on Arabia language and 1;terature. The use of Arabic, however, is to be gradually increased. In 1969/ 3,175 pupils were-awarded a boccalaureal, which is requisite for adnission to university studies and teacher training. Despite repeated reorganization of vocational and technical education, there appears to be litte incentive for :he nation's youth to undertake such training. In 45 APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200080026 -9 PRIMARY SECONDARY HIGHER 1 a 2 3 4 5 1 j 1 1 2 1 T T 4 1 5 6 (IstCycle) (2nd Cycle) Arabic Letters ,a BAC Modern Letters o BAC Teacher Training Experimental Science a C.A.P.E. Advanced Teacher Training a BAG Economics o C.A.P.E. o BAC University Mathematics Primary O.S. General L. o D.E.S. o D.n o BAC C.E.P. n C.E.S. a Industrial D.T. Agricultural D.T. Commercial D.T. Hotel D.T. C.E.P. Certificate of Primary Education (Certificat cr Etudes Primaires) O.S. Secondary Observation (Observation Secondaire) C.E.S. Certificate of Secondary Education (Certificat or Enseignement Moyen Secondaire) BAC. Upper Secondary School Certificate (Baccoloureat) C.A.P.E. Education Training Proficiency Certificate (Certificat d Aptitude Pedogogique a r Enseignemenf) D.E.S. Post graduate Diploma (Dipi6me d' Etudes Superieures) L. First University Degree (License D. Doctorate (Doctorate) D.T. Technical Diploma (Diplome Technique) FIGURE 27. Basic structure of the modern system of public education, 1970 (U /OU) 1969 /70, about Wi of all pupils in the second cycle, or less than 5% of the total enrollment in public secondary education, received vocational or technical training, chiefly in industrial and commercial arts; 1,106 students received technical diplomas that year. Most programs are terminal, fogy pupils being able to pursue postsecondary instruction. The type and quality of training, moreover, are said to bear little relationship to national manpower needs, and a considerable proportion of graduates remain unemployed or are forced to accept jobs outside their 46 field of specialization. In yie\y of the limitations of public vocational and technical education, the government established new training programs during the late 1960's and early 1970's outside the regular channels of public education and expanded existing ones. Designed principally to improve the skill of john eynien workers and to r. train workers for ne\y jobs, the training is supported by various agencies, the most important being the Ministry of Labor. Soci ;d Affairs, Youth, and Sports, which operated 21 training centers in 1969/70. A national vocational training APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200080026 -9 center to coordinate and execute all of Morocco's training needs is scheduled to be established during the period of the 1913 -7 Five fear Plan. Higher education is provided mainly at Mohamed V University, which was established in 1557 at Rabat, and has branches at Casablanca, Fes, Marrakech, and Tetouan. The university comprises four faculties Letters and humanities; Juridical, Economic, and Social Sciences; Mathematical, Physical, and Natural Sciences; and Medicine. In addition, the university has three affiliated entities �the Institute of Sociology; the Moharnmedia School of Engineering; and the Advanced Normal School (Ecole Normale Superieure �ENS). Modeled after French universities, Mohamed V University awards the equivalent of U.S. bachelor of arts, master of arts, and doctorate degrees. Undergraduate programs last 3 or 4 depending on the field of specialization; postgraduate programs cover an additional 2 or 3 years. Possession of a baccalaureat, or its equivalent, is requisite for admission. Entry may also be gained, however, by successful completion of a special examination. Faculty members are civil servants, as the university is attached to the Ministry of National Education. In addition to Mohamed V University, several government operated training facilities have the status of higher institutes. (laving been organized chiefly to train administrative and technical personnel for the civil service, the institutes generally caulnot he regarded as integral parts of the public educational system. Most teacher training takes place in two types of postsecondary institutions, the so- called regional teacher training institutes, which prepare primary school teachers as \yell as t;Iose for service in the first cycle of secondary education, and the ENS, which trains teachers for the second cycle of secondary education. In addition, the government administers an extensive in- service training program, of 2 years' duration, at some 60 centers throughout the country. Modern higher education has generally failed to meet the nation's needs, particularly in technical fields. Enrollment is heavily vweighted toward law and jurisprudence, letters and humanities, teaching, and medicine fields which attracted 87%, of all postsecondary students in 1969/70. Disciplines related to agriculture, science, engineering, business, and sociology attracted only 13% of the total enrollment. 2. Educational attainment and opportunity According to the 1960 census, only 13.1 of all individuals age 10 and over were literate, with the FIGURE 28. Literacy rates, by age group urban rural residence, 1960 (U /OU) 53,307 Total 1,175,277 (Percent) Public 298,380 Private 30,500 AG F: GRLII'I' I'll It AN If UIt Al. AREAS 10 11 1 ;0.0 18.2 ?J.8 15 19 43.1 9.8 /9-9 20 29 213.8 I;.; 1, .3 :30 :39 17.7 6 .1 y .H 10 :i!) 15.1 60 and over 10. I1 ;.G 5.7 All ages 10 and over........... 27. 6 8.3 1:3.1 literacy rate ar:wng the urban population being more than three times higher than among rural residents (Figure 28). Monolingual Berbers were considered illiterate, as Berber is an unwritten language. In 1965, literacy among urban residents \was estimated to be 4051 for males and 17'(' for females; among rural dwellers, the figures were 18 and less than 251, respectively. 13% 1970, the national literacy rate had increased to perhaps 20 illiteracy having remained considerably higher in Morocco than in other north African countries. Prior to independence, educational opportunities were extremely limited. In 1944, for example, only $(1,000 students out of an estimated 2 million eligihic children \\ere reportedly in school, almost all in primary or vocational institutions. While the French generally discouraged mass education, they estab- lished a fe\w schools designed to impart basic literacy and to develop agricultural, industrial, and clerical skills useful to the modern economy. Modena institutions of higher learning did not exist (141 110 protectorate, although a few students pursued luglu'r studies in other Arab countries or in Europa. Since independence, total enrollment in primary and secondary education has increased more than threefold, from 450,732 during the 1956/57 academic year to 1,474,157 in 1970/71. In the latter year, as shown in the following tabulation, primar school pupils outnumbered secondary ones by almost four to one: Primary: Public 1,121,970 Private 53,307 Total 1,175,277 Secondary: Public 298,380 Private 30,500 Total 298,880 47 APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200080026 -9 Enrollment at the secondary level has not only been held down by the scarcity of facilities and teachers, but also by the higher academic standards that prevail at that level, as educators have concentrated on upgrading the quality of secondary schooling while tending to neglect that of the primary level. A high proportion of pupils are disqualified for further study during the preparatory, or observation, year of secondary school, while others fail after having attended only 1 or 2 years; in 1967/68, for example, only 9ii of all individuals enrolled in secondary school were in grades 10 -12. To accommodate increased enrollment, the number Of schools has multiplied about threefold during the postindependence period, primary facilities alone having increased from 2,132 in 1956 to 5,570 in 1965. Although schools constructed since independence are generally modern in design, many old schools. including former military barracks, remain in use. Irrespective of age, however, most facilities are inadequate and overcrowded, new school construction having failed �in view of the rapid growth in enrollment �to overcome the deficit in classroom space that existed prior to 1956. In addition, widespread disparities exist in the distribution of school equipment; most facilities are underequipped, particularly with respect to laboratory materials, and are poorly furnished. Arabic- language textbooks, other than grammar hooks which are imported from countries of the Middle East, were unavailable in Moroccan secondary schools until 1960, and there are still virtually no scientific or technical textbooks in that language. Generally, the condition of private schools is superior to that of public facilities. In the private sector. Muslim- operated schools were attended by 45.7% of the total number of primary and secondary students, whereas MUCF schools were attended by 29.25 of the pupils, Hebrew schools [)y 7.5 and all other facilities by 17.65('. It is estimated that roughly one -third of all Moroccan children aged 7-18, the group which normally comprises individuals pursuing primary and secondary schooling, were actually enrolled during the early I970's, compared with about one -fifth in 1956/57. Moreover, the educational opportunities for females and rural residents remain quite restricted. Although opposition to equal educational opportunity for females declined during the 1960'x, and the enrollment of girls in all levels of education grew substantially, parental resistance is still pronounced. Traditionally, girls learned to sew and perform other household tasks but received little or no formal education. In contemporary society, rural girls are 48 usually withdrawn from school at the c)..g(. of puberty. In 1970/71, fernales constituted :33.95; of the total primary level enrollment and 28. Vi of secondary enrollment; a year earlier they made up 14.3`,1 of those receiving postsecondary training. Although the nation is predominantly rural, over 709" of all primary and secondary pupils enrolled during 1970/71 attended urban schools. The scarcity of opportunities for secondary education in rural arras results, in part, from the low population density. which makes it economically infeasible to construct schools in many areas; in addition, many parents are unwilling to release their children from family chores, and rural parents are more reluctant than their !:roan counterparts to send daughters to school. The number of students attending institutions of higher learning is extremely small. In 1969!70 there were 12,770 postsecondary students in Morocco, about 875(' of them attended Mohanmd V University; an additional 3,302 students pursued studies in foreign countries, including 2,010 in Prance. Among those ho studied abroad. 2, �792 were enrolled in universities, the remaining 610 attended specialized technical schools. Conversely, only 638 foreign students, or about 55z of all individuals enrolled in higher education, attended Moroccan institutions. I. Artistic and cultural expression (U /OU) Morocco has a varied cultural heritage, the product of its location between Europe, Africa, and the Middle Fast. At the base of the Moroccan cultural tradition are Berber music, dance, and folk arts, to which has been added the Arab Islamic contribution of literature and learning. The Aral) invasion, beginning in the .,eventh century, [)"ought a body of Islamic beliefs and scholarship which provided the framework for the intellectual life of the region for more than 1,000 years. European influences ;ire also present, specifically those of Spain and Prance, the former steaming from Morocco's long association \yith Spain in the Middle Ages and the latter from the 20th century French presence in the country. Noticeable, but of much less importance, are Ottoman 'Turkish and African influences. Intellectual expression in Morocco historically has been the domain of the few. In a society which is essentially pastoral and tribal, the literati has enjoyed considerable prestige, for among the rural people the written word is invested with a certain mystic importance. For centuries, the city of Fes has been the traditional intellectual center of Morocco. Founded in A.D. 808 by Moulay ldriss 11, it had acquired APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200080026 -9 considerable fame by the 10th century. Koranic theology and Muslim law were taught in its mosques, and respected scholars lectured on philosophy, mathematics, astronomy_ medicine, and music. Fes reached its zenith of intellecturai renown in the Muslim .world in the 13th and 14th centuries under the Merinid Sultanate. Although the vitality of the late medieval period is long past, the nation's cultural legacy remains a source of pride and inspiration for Moroccans, and the government is showing an increasing interest in fostering cultural expression as part of its effort to encourage a national consciousness and achieve a national identity. A Ministry of Culture was established in 1967 to coordinate official activities in the fields of art and literature, and is is no%y combined with the Ministry of Islamic Affairs and Properties. Comprising departments of Archaeology, Architecture, Cultural Action, Libraries and Archives, Museums and expositions, Performing Arts, and Plastic Arts, the ministry has been concerned with the study of various aspects of Moroccan culture, the sponsorship of concerts, theatrical productions, and lectures, and a variety of other activities directed toward promoting a wider awareness of the nation's cultural heritage. 1. Literature and drama Although traditional Moroccan literature included histories, commentaries, biographies, poetry, and tales, the heaviest emphasis was placed on studies of the Arabic language, the Koran, and religious traditions. Literary accomplishment was in harmony with the general syllabus of Islamic learning. In time, the formalism of the religious approach tended to cramp literary creativity, and verbal perfection came to be sought above originality. A new twist given to an old theme, or a small step toward stylistic perfection, especially in poetry, served to justify the writer's labors. Inherited forms were faithfully preserved. There has been no notable renaissance in Moroccan letters, and few literary Nvorks of distinction have been produced in the 20th century. Modern Moroccan prose might be said to have emerged in the 1930's, influenced by Arabic translations of Western authors. The dominant theme has been that of political and religious revolt. From 19.17 to 1956, many clandestine works of a militant nature were circulated, reflecting the concerns of the nationalist movement. Since independence, literary expression has dealt largely with the Moroccan- French struggle and with social problems and reform. The best known Moroccan authors write in French. One of the few prominent literary figures is novelist Driss Chraihi. Among his best known .works is Les Boucs (The He- goats), in .which he condemns Europeans for attracting non Westerners and then rejecting them on racial grounds. Another is Le Passe Simple (The Past Perfect), .which deals with the conflict between a dogmatic Muslim father and his Westernized son. Through the character of the son, Chraibi boldly criticizes Moroccan institutions. Another swell -known .writer of fiction is Ahmed Sefrioui, who has published short stories dealing with the life and people of Morocco. His best known collection is Collier d'Ambre (Necklace of Amber). It has been said that Sefrioui, in his stories, achieves a harmonious mingling of oriental sensibility with occidental culture. An unusual figure in Moroccan letters is Mahjoubi Ahardane, who is both a poet and an artist and who has long been active in Moroccan political life, having served as Minister of Defense (1961 -64) and of Agriculture (1964 -66). In February 1968, a collection of his poems Cela reste Cela (It Stays the Same) �was published in Paris at the same time that some of his drawings were being exhibited in Versailles. Traditionally, poetry has been regarded as the highest use of language, and the ability to express oneself in poetry is still considered a mark of the cultivated man. Rhymed prose is also admired and has been used extensively even in scholarly works. Onlv recently have modern poets begun to digress from the traditionally strict rules governing meter and rhyme. Recognized contemporary Moroccan poets include Fmbarek Kittan -i, Ben Brahim, and Ahmed Ziani. Oral literature is one of the most enduring of the folk arts in Morocco. Tales and poems in Berber and dialectal Arabic are a familiar source of entertainment among the rural population and can he heard also in the cities. The subject matter is immensely varied historic incidents, ancient myths, tribal origins, exploits of heroes and saints, animal fables, and romance. Stories and poems are delivered by traveling storytellers (rawis) before gatherings in marketplaces, local festivals, and at family celebrations (Figure 29). Sometimes they are sung by the performer, either self accompanied or accompanied on a single musical instrument by a companion. Common among the Berbers of central Morocco is the tanshat, a kind of socioreligious poem delivered in the form of a chant. The poet performer (anshad) composes the tanshat, using comtemporary themes which he relates to the virtues of Islam. This kind of poem is frequently heard on Berber language radio programs. Especially noted are the poet performers of the Ait Haddidou tribe, 49 APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200080026 -9 FIGURE 29. Storyteller entertaining a large audience in Tangier (C) whose verses often include harped political and social commentary reflecting adversely on the competence of the central government. Drama is not a part of the Berber or Aral) tradition. The theater was apparently unknown in Morocco until it was introduced by the French in the 20th century. Although early Moroccan nationalists employed their own acting companies and experi- mented with original theatrical productions to promote their cause, drama is still regarded primarily as a European art form and is generally restricted to urban areas. 'Theater groups function in several cities, some under private sponsorship and others supported By the government. 'I'here is also a Moroccan National "Theater, as well as it government sponsored dramatic research center and a dramatic arts school. Most of the plays produced are the works of European dramatists, both classical and modern. Development of it more widely available native Moroccan theater is inhibited by several factors, including it shortage of financing and a difficult language problem. 'I'hc majority of Moroccans are unable to understand classical Arabic, and the colloquial version of the language is generally unsuitable for expressing abstract ideas. 2. Music and dance What is cornmoi-Iv referred to as "classical" Moroccan music is partially Andalusian in origin. Contain;ng Spanish, Moorish, and Aral) elements, it 50 consists of lengthy ensembles of musical unities called nauhahs, each of which has five measures. 'I'herc are four fundamental modes solemn, gentle, fiery, and serious �each following a precise pattern. Poems of a romantic nature are frequently set to this type of music. Important orchestras in the larger cities regularly play Andalusian music, and there is a government sponsored Andalusian Music Association which maintains a school of classical music ;n Casablanca. Although some of the popular music heard in the cities, particularly in the northern part of the country, borrows front Andalusian melodic strains, much of it is likely to be of Western or Egyptian origin. U.S. jazz and rock are said to especially attractive to Moroccan youth. Moroccan folk music, heard as an accompani- nent for storytellers and dancers on festive occasions and for singers of religious chants (Figure 30), derives from ancient Berber tribal music and the folk tunes of roving Bedouins and camel herders. R is dissonant to the Western ear, and its rhythms are complex, reflecting African influences. Some urban Muslims consider it barbarous, and sporadic efforts to suppress it were reportedly made after independence. "Traditional musical instruments include the rehab, a one- or two- stringed viol; the kemanjah, a two- or three stringed fiddle; the oudh, or lute, a stringed instrument; the tahr, a tambourine; and the drbugkha, a drum Figure 31). Both the rehab and the APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2009/06/16: CIA- RDP01- 00707R000200080026 -9 FIGURE 30. Drummers and flutists of a national brotherhood (U) OU) keiiianjah are pla\rd \\ith a boy\. \\Idle� the oudh requires it plectnnn. :k snwil drum, the ar;ual, is used b\ itinerant nusic�ians and stun tellers. Other popular instruments associated \\itli moro(ViIII folk music are the sanar, it double pipe \\ith t%\o reed nuluthpieces: the awicada. it flute %ehic�h has also been used traditionall\ for purpose of divination: and the raitah, an oboe, frcyuenll\ pla\ed at celebrations of ssrddinL!s and circ�unu�isions. Dancing has been c�losc�I\ associated \ritli folk music. It is it c�oninion feature of Berber social life, taking place on Inau\ oc�c�aSions c�alliug for celebration. In the opinion of al least one scholar, the folk dance and its ic�c�ompan\ ing music constitutes the Berbers most creali\c ac�livit l�:ac�II tribe or region has its it distinct dances to be performed at local festivals, and the best of the performing groups participate in an annelal F'estiv al of l olklore held It Marrakech. t\picul dance form. \\idol\ observed in the central Grande :WaS. is the haidu.s. The haidus is associated particularl\ \%ith the festivities common on Hie nights of ilamildan. AIthoug I it is usuall\ performed nu�n, some versions iI v nle,I and W0111Vn (lancing shoulder to shoulder. Another \cell know n Moroccan folk dance' is the ghedra, popular iI: the southern regions of the c�ountr\. Ilestric�tcd to women, the ghedra is performed iuclividuall\ cold re(liires intense concentration, the dancer assuming cI kneeling position and moving the head, shoulder,, arms, hands, and fingers in a complicated rhythmic pattern. :\(cording tc. one obsery er. the dance is unrnistakabl\ African in its forcefulness and its strongly erotic undertone. FIGURE 31. The classical orchestra is made up mai