CHINA REPORT RED FLAG

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP04-01460R000100360001-8
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 89
• Document Creation Date: December 21, 2016
• Document Release Date: March 19, 2008
• Sequence Number: 1
• Publication Date: October 12, 1982
• Content Type: REPORT

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JPRS 81958
12 October 1982
China Report
RED FLAG
No. 16, 16 August 1982
IFBISI
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JPRS 81958
12 October 1982
CHINA REPORT
RED FLAG
No. 16, 16 August 1982
Translation of the semimonthly theoretical journal of the Central
Committee of the Communist Party of China published in Beijing.
CONTENTS
Comrade Mao Zedong's Five Letters to Relatives and Friends
(May 1950-June 1957) (pp 2-4) ........................................... 1
Learn From Comrade Liu Bocheng (pp 5-9, 31)
(Xiao Ke) .......................................................... 5
Properly Using Power Entrusted by the People--Reading Comrade
Mao Zedong's Five Letters to Relatives and Friends (pp 10-11)
(RED FLAG commentator) ............................................. 15
Communists Should Uphold Principles in Handling Family
Problems (pp 12-13, 40)
(Zhu Yan) .......................................................... 19
On the Working Class After the Elimination of the Bourgeoisie
as an Exploiting Class in Our Country (pp 14-18)
(Yu Yannan) ...................................................... 23
On the Basic Characteristics and Contents of the Draft of the
Revised Constitution (pp 19-25)
(Lu Zhichao) ........................................................ 31
Strengthen the Great Unity of All Nationalities (pp 26-31)
(Ismail Amat) ...................................................... 43
Several Problems Concerning the Current Ratio Between
Accumulation and Consumption (pp 32-36)
(Chen Feizhang, Jiang Zhenyun) ...................................... 53
Be Vigilant Against the Danger of a Revival of Japanese
Militarism (pp 37-40)
(RED FLAG commentator) ............................................. 63
a - [III CC - 75]
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Cadres' Study Should Be Assessed and Examined (pp 41-42)
(Cheng Shu) ..................................................... 69
What Can Be Learned From the Western Experience in Enterprise
Management? (pp 43-45)
(Zhou Shulian) .................................................. 72
What Is the Difference Between the Urban Youths Waiting for
Jobs in Our Country and Unemployment in Capitalist
Countries? (pp 46-47)
(Chu Zhengkun) ................................................. 78
Will Strengthening of Planning Guidance Impair the
Decisionmaking Power of Production Teams? (pp 47-48)
(Zheng Youyun) .......................................... 81
Aquatic Breeding and the Question of Eating (inside back cover)
(Xing Xiangchen) ................................................ 184
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COMRADE MAO ZEDONG'S FIVE LETTERS TO RELATIVES AND FRIENDS (MAY 1950-
JUNE 1957)
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 16,.16 Aug 82 pp 2-4
[Text] Comrade Mao Zedong's five letters to his relatives and friends
(written between May 1950 and June 1957).
Letter to Mao Yiminl (dated 8 May 1950):
Comrade Yimin: Your 3 January letter has been received. Thank you for your
kindness and for telling me in detail about the situation in our home
village. The poor people in the village live a hard life and the families
of revolutionary martyrs live an even harder life. They must bear it at
this time. After the land reform, things will improve somewhat. Then, the
people's government will be able to give some aid to the people, such as
providing loans for them. By that time the people will be able to grad-
ually improve their livelihood.
Care for the families of revolutionary martyrs is a nationwide concern.
There are millions of families of revolutionary martyrs throughout the
country. Of course, it is inconvenient for the government to give special
care to the families of revolutionary martyrs in only a few localities.
However, the local government should give consideration to the people with
the greatest difficulties when reducing rent on land and carrying out land
reform and when the new crop is still in the blade and the old one has been
consumed.
It is very good that you work in the home village. Thus, you can write to
me often and tell me about the situation there.
Please give my best regards to the comrades in the village. I hope they
will work hard and progress.
This is my reply to your letter. I wish you good health.
Mao Zedong, 8 May 1950
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Letter to.Wen Nansong (dated 12 May 1950):
Cousin Nansong: Your letter has been received. Thank you for your kind-
ness. Brother Yunchang2 wrote me several letters and I sent him a reply
which was mailed to the address in Baibangkou, Nanxian County. I do not
know if he has received the letter. It is improper for me to recommend
brother Yunchang for a job. He should acquit himself well among the people
to win their trust. Then, he will have an opportunity to participate in
work. Are our 10th and 17th elder brothers still alive? I am greatly
relieved to learn that our 11th elder brother is still alive and healthy.
He has written to me and I have sent him a letter in reply. I do not know
if he has received the letter. In your letter you said that there was a
food shortage in the village, but the government refused to provide food
grain. How are things now? Is there still a food shortage? Has the
government done anything about it? Please write to me and tell me in
detail about the situation.
This is my reply to your letter. I wish you well.
Mao Zedong, 12 May 1950
Letter to Li Shuqing3 (dated 16 October 1952):
Mr Shuqing: Your letter has been received. I am delighted that you told
me about the situation in the home village. I am willing to collect infor-
mation on local matters for reference only; I am unwilling to directly
handle general local matters and should not do so. Otherwise, it would be
inconvenient for local party and government organizations to handle
matters. I hope you will excuse me. I avail myself of this opportunity
to extend my respects to you.
Mao Zedong, 16 October 1952
Letter to the Shicheng village party branch and government (dated 29 April
1954):
Comrades of the Shicheng village party branch and government: Comrade Mao
Yueqiu4 brought me your report when he came to Beijing. Many thanks.
The Wen family of Tangjiatuo are my relatives. In the past several years,
they visited me often in Beijing. Since their return to Tangjiatuo, some
of them have become arrogant and not very cooperative with the government.
This is wrong. Any member of the Wen family, like others in the village,
should obey the leadership of the party and the government, farm diligently,
and abide by the law and should not be treated differently. Please do not
hesitate to subject them to discipline just because they are my relations.
My attitude is:
1. I love them because they are working people and my relatives.
2
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2. Because I love them, I hope they progress, farm diligently, abide by the
law and participate in the mutual aid cooperative organization like everyone
else. They should not enjoy any special privileges. They should.be criti-
cized if they show backward behavior. Do not hesitate to criticize their
shortcomings and mistakes just because they are my relatives.
Enclosed is a letter from Comrade Wen Bingzhang5 for your perusal. I agree
with Comrade Wen Bingzhang. Please handle what he mentioned. Also, please
let those in Tangjiatuo read my letter and Wen Bingzhang's letter, and help
them correct their shortcomings and mistakes. I believe that as long as
you and I assume a correct attitude and as.long as they do not stubbornly
adhere to their opinions, they can correct their shortcomings and mistakes
and progress.
With comradely regards,
Mao Zedong, 29 April 1954
Letter to Sun Peijun6 (dated 8 June 1957):
Comrade Peijun: Your 16 May letter was received. I am glad. that you have
graduated from junior middle school. It is inappropriate for me to write
to the school regarding your admission. The school should decide whether
you passed the examination and have been selected. If you are not admitted
to the school of higher grade, you may review your lessons at home.
Enclosed is 300 yuan for your mother. I will send you more money later.
Do not worry.
Mao Zedong, 8 June 1957
1. Mao Yimin, a native of Shaoshan in Xiangtan, Hunan, joined the CPC in
1938, worked for the Shaoshan District CPC Committee before liberation
and worked for the Huanglong District CPC Committee of Xiangtan County
in the early years after liberation. He died in 1968.
2. Yunchang was Mao Zedong's cousin Wen Yunchang, a native of Xiangxiang,
Hunan. He died in 1961.
3. Li Shuqing, a native of Shaoshan in Xiangtan, Hunan, was a teacher.
When Mao Zedong was young, he often asked Li for advice. Li died in
1957.
4. Mao Yueqiu, a native of Shaoshan in Xiangtan, Hunan, joined the CPC in
1925 and once served as secretary of the Shaoshan party branch. After
liberation, he worked as a receptionist at Mao Zedong's old residence
and died in 1957.
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5. Wen Bingzhang, a native of Xiangxiang, Hunan, and Mao Zedong's second
cousin, was dead.
6. Sun Peijun, a native of Changsha, Hunan, is Chen Yuying's daughter.
From early 1927 to 1930, Cheng Yuying accompanied and took care of Yang
Kaihui.
CSO: 4004/1
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LEARN FROM COMRADE LIU BOCHENG
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 16, 16 Aug 82 pp 5-9, 31
[Article by Xiao Ke [5135 0344]]
[Text] Comrade Liu Bocheng is a devoted proletarian revolutionary, a tested
marshal, a Marxist military theorist and a noble-minded communist fighter.
His magnificent contributions and his inspiring words and deeds are models
for the whole party and the whole army. I knew Comrade Bocheng's name at a
very young age. The second day after the start of the Nanchang uprising, I
saw in the street a bulletin by the advisory group of the revolutionary
committee. Liu Bocheng's signature heading others caught my attention.
This was the first time I saw his name. Only later did I realize that he
was a brave and remarkable general of Sichuan well versed in the military
arts. During the period connected with the central revolutionary base, I
could not tear myself away from any translation or work by him that I picked
up. To me, he was a cherished mentor. In the summer of 1936, the 2d and
4th Front Armies of the Chinese Workers' and Peasants' Red Army converged
on Ganzi. I at last saw Comrade Bocheng. I regretted not having had such
an opportunity earlier.
Comrade Bocheng said with emotion: "I am very proud to be a member of the
Communist Party of China and to have found the right leader.... I wish that
after my death, I could have a monument over my tomb bearing the inscrip-
tion: the tomb of Bolshevik Liu Bocheng. That would be a source of great
satisfaction to me." These words from the bottom of his heart spelled out
Comrade Bocheng's sense of dedication to communism. All who made his
acquaintance had nothing but admiration for his conversion from a democrat
of long standing into a faithful communist!
In his youth, Bocheng cherished the idea of making the country rich and the
army strong. He was from a poor family. Some people advised him to go into
business. He said: "A gentleman has nothing but the well-being of the poor
in mind. How can he think of his own prosperity?" He resolutely went into
the army and participated in the revolution of 1911. In 1912, Yuan Shikai
usurped the fruits of the revolution of 1911. Joining the army of Xiong
Kewu, a member of the Sichuan League, Comrade Bocheng participated in the
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first battle against Yuan.. After its failure, Dr Sun Yat-sen reorganized the
scattered members of the KMT and established the Chinese Revolutionary Party.
Comrade Bocheng in Shanghai joined it. At the end of 1915, Yuan Shikai laid
claim to the title of emperor. From Yunnan, Cai E led an army to Sichuan to
fight Yuan Shikai in defense of the country. Yuan Shikai made Cao Kun lead
an army upstream for Sichuan. The two forces were thrown into a decisive
battle in the neighborhood of Luzhou and Naqi. At this time, Comrade
Bocheng was leading the 4th Detachment of the Sichuan Safeguard-the-Country
Army. His troops occupied the important town of Fengdu, intercepting enemy
troop transportation on the Changjiang River and attacking the flank of
troops sent to help Cao Kun. This gave an effective boost to the northward
advance of Cai E's Safeguard-the-Country Army. Comrade Bocheng spent 10
years in the Sichuan army rising from platoon leader to a ranking commander.
He witnessed the replacement of the old militarists by the new ones and the
sorry plight and miserable fate of the people. He deeply felt that there
was no hope for the realization of his original idea of saving the country
and the people. His despair was bitter.
After the Russian October Revolution, Marxism-Leninism was brought to China.
In the autumn of 1923, Comrade Bocheng was seriously wounded in his left leg
in a battle against bandits (represented by Wu Peifu). He recuperated in
Chengdu. He got acquainted with Communist Party members Wu Yuzhang and
Yang Angong. They became good friends talking about the situation and
discussing Marxism-Leninism. Thereafter, he broadened his horizon and his
thinking changed greatly. Just as Bocheng was in a confused state of mind
looking back over the past and pondering the future, militarist Lai Xinhui
asked Chengbo's former subordinate Wang Erchang to persuade Bocheng to
fill an important military post in Lai's army. Comrade Bocheng replied:
"I have been with you for so many years. But you still don't know what I
want. Yue Wumu said: 'Just as a civil official is not greedy for gain so
a military official is unafraid of death.' I am from a poor family. I
have nothing to fear in fighting the enemy. My only fear is that there
may be trouble from within and without. The country may be reduced to such
a state that officials carry out persecution and soldiers throw their weight
around, leaving the people in a sad plight. The last thing I have in mind
is fame and fortune. If these militarists think that they can lure me with
high office and lucrative pay, they are dead wrong. I have made up my mind.
I will follow Yuzhang and leave Sichuan with him. So long as I am alive, I
will not stop participating in the revolution." In May 1924, Bocheng and
Wu Yuzhang left Sichuan together. They went to Beijing, Shanghai, Hong Kong
and Guangzhou studying the revolutionary movement. In July 1925, they
returned together to Chongqing. As members of the Sichuan Provincial KMT
Committee, they participated in the work of the leftist provincial head-
quarters of the KMT. In May 1926, through Yang Angong and Wu Yuzhang's
introduction, Bocheng joined the Communist Party of China, realizing his
conversion from a democrat into a communist.
In the summer and autumn of 1926, the Northern Expedition jointly organized
by the KMT and the CPC reached the Changjiang River valley. As assigned by
the party, Bocheng joined Yang Angong, Zhu De and Wu Yuzhang in organizing
and leading the uprisings in Luzhou and Shunqing (Nanchong). Five brigades
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totaling 12,000 people participated in the uprisings. Bocheng was recom-
mended by all as the,general commander in charge of the various route armies
of the National Revolutionary Army in Sichuan. The uprisings this time
lasted from early December 1926 to the middle of May 1927. They played a
helpful role in the Northern Expedition, realizing the strategic aim of
preventing the main force of the Sichuan army from moving eastward to
threaten Wuhan--a strategic aim called for by the CPC Central Committee.
The uprisings "shattered the pipedream of the militarists and aroused the
consciousness of the masses, producing a great impact on the Sichuan
situation. Success or failure should not be the measure of a big or small
achievement." (The "National Bulletin," 29 January 1927) The uprisings of
Luzhou and Shunqing were a big contribution by the communists toward the
Northern Expedition. They also represented our party's first attempt in
leading armed struggle.
Due to Chiang Kai-shek and Wang Jingwei's rebellion against the revolution,
coupled with rightist capitulationism erroneously promoted by the leader-
ship organ of the Communist Party represented by Chen Duxiu, the spectacular
great revolution failed. Serious White terro-: was subjecting every revolu-
tionary to a test. Some of the revolutionaries retired from the scene,
assuming a passive attitude. Some gave up their cause and joined the
reactionary camp. A number of most devoted communists and proletarian
revolutionaries represented by Mao Zedong, Zhou Enlai, Zhang Tailei and
other comrades formed the backbone in keeping the cause alive. "Wiping off
the bloodstains from their own bodies and burying the corpses of their good
companions, they kept on fighting." ("Selected Works of Mao Zedong," Vol 3,
p 985) At this historical turning point, Bocheng displayed the firm faith
and high principles of a Communist Party member. Knowing what should be
done, he first found his way to Wuhan and then reached Nanchang. He joined
'thou Enlai, Zhu De, He Long, Ye Ting and other comrades in leading the
Nanchang uprising, firing the first shot in resisting the KMT reactionary
group and turning a new page in the history of the Chinese revolution.
A Marxist Strategist and Military Theorist
Comrade Bocheng was one of the founders of the Chinese People's Liberation
Army. In the long period of revolutionary war, he directed many battles
and fought and won many major battles. He was an invincible general strik-
ing awe into the enemy. He left a glorious page in the history of the
Chinese revolution and the revolutionary war. His art of directing mili-
tary operations and his combat strategies formed an important part of Mao
Zedong-'s military thinking. Comrade Bocheng was worth being called a
tested marshal, Marxist strategist and, military theorist.
After the failure of the Nanchang uprising, the party sent him to study in
the Soviet Union. In the summer of 1930, he returned to the country from
the Soviet Union. The party Central Committee assigned him to the
Changjiang Bureau as secretary of the military committee. At a meeting of
the Presidium of the Changjiang Bureau on 3 September, he relayed the
instructions on Wuhan's work given by Comrade Zhou Enlai as representative
of the party Central Committee. He prevented the execution of the
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adventurist plan calling for an insurrection in Wuhan. The likely damage
arising from "leftist" putschism was avoided. In January 1932, Comrade
Bocheng joined the central soviet area and acted for the first time as
president of the Red Army College and concurrently political commissar.
In October, he served as chief of the General Staff of the Red Army helping
Comrades Zhou Enlai and Zhu De in directing operations and achieving a great
victory in the fourth counter-"encirclement" campaign. During the Long
March, Comrade Bocheng assumed weighty responsibilities and worked uncom-
plainingly. Before the Zunyi meeting, he brought up the rear of V Corps,
giving the central organ cover in breaking through four enemy blockade
lines. At the end of 1934, the central authorities transferred Comrade
Bocheng back to the military committee. He again acted as chief of the o
general staff and concurrently commander of the central column. After the
Zunyi meeting, Comrade Bocheng led, an advance force seizing important points
and paving the way for the advance of the whole army. This enabled the Red
Army to get across the Jinsha River, through the area of the Yi nationality
and across the Dadu River to reach the Sichuan-Xikang plateau and join
forces with the 4th Front Army. In the spring of 1937, Comrade Bocheng was
appointed as the commander of the army sent to help the Western Route Army.
At this time, the Western Route Army was fighting a hard battle with the
enemy on the Hexi corridor with neither the support of the party nor a mass
foundation. It was hard put to obtain grain and munition supplies.
Bocheng urged his army units to start on their way quickly. He was worried
over the plight of the Western Route Army. He was overflowing with class
sentiment. When his army reached Zhenyuan, the Western Route Army had
unfortunately been defeated. Bocheng and Political Commissar Zhang Hao led
the masses of cadres and fighters of the 4th Front Army in correctly waging
a struggle to criticize Zhang Guotao's mistakes.
After the outbreak of the anti-Japanese war, Bocheng was appointed the
commander of the 129th Division of the 8th Route Army. Together with
Political Commissar Deng Xiaoping, Deputy Divisional Commander Xu Xiangqian
and other comrades, he led the effort to establish the Shanxi-Hebei-Henan
anti-Japanese base in the Taihang Mountains. They successfully organized
and directed the battles of Shentou Ridge and Xiangtangpu; led their army
units to break through the encirclement of nine routes by the Japanese
renegades and smashed the policy of imprisonment pursued by the Japanese
renegades, opening up and developing vast areas eastward to the Jinpu road,
westward to the Tongpu road, northward to the Cangshi road and Zhengtai
road, and southward to the Huanghe River. Thus, they established the
Shanxi-Hebei-Shandong-Henan base, which became one of the important anti- o
Japanese bases. In September 1945, the militarymen and civilians of the
whole Shanxi-Hebei-Shandong-Henan area launched a massive counterattack
against the enemy. In a short period of time, they annihilated more than
50,000 enemy troops and recaptured 59 counties and towns. Bocheng was one
of the main leaders responsible for this brilliant achievement.
After the victory in the anti-Japanese war in 1945, the Chiang Kai-shek KMT
in September that year launched an attack on the Shanxi-Hebei-Shandong-
Henan liberated area and occupied six towns in our Shangdang Prefecture.
Bocheng and Comrade Xiaoping led their army units to fight bravely in
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self-defense. At one stroke, they annihilated 13 enemy divisions composed,
of more than 35,000 people. This provided effective support for Comrades
Mao Zedong and Zhou Enlai in their peace talks in Chongqing. Chiang
Kai-shek was forced to sign the "double 10th agreement." But Chiang Kai-shek
gave lip service to peace on the one hand and concentrated large numbers of
troops to push northward from Xinxiang along the Pinghan road on the other.
Bocheng and Comrade Xiaoping immediately sent forces eastward and organized
and directed the Pinghan battle, annihilating two army corps comprising
23,000 people. Another army corps and a column revolted and crossed over
while in the battlefield. Thanks to the great victories achieved in
Shangdang and Pinghan and in other battlefields, half a year of peace
ensued. On 26 June 1946, Chiang Kai-shek blatantly tore the peace agreement
to pieces and launched an all-out attack on the liberated area. Together
with Comrade Xiaoping, Bocheng organized and directed the battles of Longhai,
Dingtao, Juye, Juancheng and Huaxian. Victories were achieved in all the
five battles. Ten and a half brigades of the intruding Chiang troops or
more than 70,000 people were annihilated. This gave an effective boost to
the efforts on other battlefields in the country. Chiang Kai-shek's plan
for an all-out attack was smashed. In June 1947, to crush Chiang Kai-shek's
concentrated attack, Bocheng and Comrade Xiaoping led their troops to cross
over the natural barrier of the Huanghe River at one stroke. After annihi-
lating nine and a half brigades of enemy troops in southwest Shandong, they
advanced quickly making straight for the Daibie Mountains. This was the
enemy's most strategically sensitive and yet weakest area--a vantage point
of ours jeopardizing Nanjing to the east, Wuhan to the west, the Changjiang
River to the south and threateningly overlooking the central plains. It was
like a sharp blade thrust at the.enemy's heart, pinning down 90 of the 160
brigades on their southern front and raising the curtain on the strategic
counterattack in the war of liberation.
At the end of 1948, together with Xiaoping, Chen Yi, Su Yu, Zhen Lin and
other comrades, Comrade Bocheng directed a decisive battle on an unprece-
dentedly large scale--the Huai-Hai campaign. They achieved a great victory
annihilating 22 army corps and 56 divisions or 555,000 enemy troops and
realizing Comrade Mao Zedong's prediction before the battle: "Given
victory in this battle, not only will the situation north of the Changjiang
River be brought under control but also the national situation as a whole
can be basically taken care of." In January 1949, Comrade Bocheng acted
as the commander of the 2d Field Army. Together with Political Commissar
Comrade Deng Xiaoping, he led troops to cross the river liberating vast
areas of Anhui, Zhejiang, Jiangxi and Fujian. Not long after, they
received orders to attack southwest China. They resorted to the practice
of making a big detour and a big encirclement--beating the enemy to it in
occupying important points and cutting off their retreat. The enemy troops
ran away helter-skelter, revolted, crossed over, or were killed. There
were 900,000 such enemy troops. With southwest China under control, the war
of liberation basically ended. Thus, the long period of battle life also
ended for Comrade Bocheng.
During the long period of revolutionary war, Comrade Bocheng displ2vved the
poise and talent of a great strategist who was both prudent and decisive in
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directing operations. He was capable of arriving at a correct understanding
and judgment of the enemy's strategy and battle plans. He was no less
skilled in deploying his own troops in light of the conditions concerning
the enemy and ourselves. Therefore, he could foresee the development of the
war and seize the initiative in fighting. Comrade Bocheng often stressed
that commanders and fighters at all levels must have a clear idea of given
tasks, information about the enemy, our own position, the terrain, and the
time factor. He called these points "five tricks." He consistently opposed
fighting in a "rigid" way and opposed the strategy of "meeting force with
force." Instead, he called for "capitalizing on every favorable factor and
avoiding all unfavorable ones and annihilating the enemy flexibly." In
practice, he carried on and developed many tricks in war, such as
"encircling a city and attacking the reinforcements," "concentrating on one
point, attracting the attention of the relief troops, tackling a given part
of them and annihilating them one by one," "making an encirclement on three
sides, leaving one side open, providing a make-believe route of escape and
setting a trap," "aiming for the heart of a fierce tiger," and the snake-
beating art of "pinning down its head, grabbing its tail and cutting it in
two." He was skilled in using military dialectics to organically unify
strategy, battle and tactics. This provided a magic weapon for defeating
the enemy. In a fair assessment and a graphic description of him, Comrade
Chen Yi said: "He is the modern version of Sun Wu when it comes to the
military art. In his dedication to protect national territory, he'is the
match of Fan Han in ancient history." A review of Comrade Bocheng's
revolutionary life of battle shows that he really "has the style of well-
known ancient generals and is a general with expertise rarely seen in the
country."
These great achievements of Comrade Bocheng are inseparable from his
assiduous study and research efforts. He had a busy military life and was
always on the move. But he took time out to seriously study military works
by Engels and Mao Zedong and well-known works on the military art by writers
in modern and ancient times at home and abroad. Having regard to changes
in the situation and our army's needs, he translated many works related to
the civil war in the Soviet Union and the antifascist war--works of all
kinds from small-scale to large-scale fighting and from defense to attack.
The aim of making the past serve the present and foreign things serve China
was really achieved. Comrade Bocheng paid great attention to summing up
experiences in fighting. He wrote many good military works. The "Selection
of Military Writings by Liu Bocheng" soon to be published is the crystal-
lization of his brilliant thinking on military life. His military works and
his translations were his magnificent contributions to our military history.
They have produced and will continue to produce a great impact on the
building of our army. Military commentators have traditionally held that
a good strategist should combine the three arts of leading soldiers, train-
ing soldiers and using soldiers. Comrade Bocheng is a master of all the
three arts. He is called a Marxist strategist and military theorist. His
repute is well deserved.
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The Founder of Our Military Colleges
During the protracted revolutionary war, Comrade Bocheng was deeply aware
of the fact that all the powerful armies, at all times and in all countries,
could not "fight without given training." To give training, it was first
necessary to train cadres. Therefore at the time of the Lushun uprising,
at the time he first entered the central soviet area, at the time the 4th
Front Army was attacked by Zhang Guotao and from the time of the war of
resistance against Japan to after the nationwide liberation, he always
attached great importance to setting up a military college. Sometimes, he
concurrently supervised the work of the college in the capacity of command-
ing officer, and at times, he devoted his whole attention to the work. He
worked conscientiously and painstakingly and took infinite care in turning
out batch after batch of qualified people versed in polite letters and
martial arts for the army.
Before the nationwide liberation, our army was scattered in rural areas
among various strategic areas. There was only a single poorly equipped arm
in the army. Although there were military schools in various major areas,
most of them were still in the primitive stage of learning to fight by
taking part in actual fighting. After winning nationwide political power,
just as Comrade Mao Zedong pointed out: "A basic change has already taken
place in this kind of objective condition. We are now at the higher stage
of army building, or the stage of mastering modern technology." For the
sake of enabling our army to complete this new historical change, it was
necessary to set up military colleges in keeping with modern conditions.
Comrade Bocheng, who advocated "to run the army well, we must run military
colleges well," resigned from his post as chairman of the Southwest Mili-
tary and Political Committee and earnestly proposed to the Central Com-
mittee: "The war.is now over, let me go and set up military colleges!"
The Central Committee handed this difficult task to Comrade Bocheng. This
indeed could be described as picking the right man for the job!
In October 1950, Comrade Bocheng received instructions to set up a military
college. He made light of the hardship and braced himself for the vigorous
effort of making a success of the work. With this revolutionary spirit of
bravely exploring, he discovered the experience for properly setting up
regular higher command schools in the new historical period. In drawing up
training policies for the military college, he proposed: Using Mao Zedong's
thinking on integrating theory with practice to unify military thinking,
reorganize the style of study, oppose empiricism and guard against dog-
matism. He stressed that attention must be paid to opposing two tendencies
in training: First is the tendency of casting away our former foundation,
the fine tradition of the PLA and Mao Zedong's military thinking. The other
is the tendency of stubborn conservative unwillingness to accept new things
and modern military sciences. With regard to the purpose of training, he
proposed: Train senior commanders and staff officers loyal to the party
and to the revolutionary cause of the Chinese people led by the party and
who are good at organizing and commanding modern units composed of regi-
ments, divisions and various services in coordinated operation. These
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policies and principles for setting up military colleges were basically
affirmed at that time.
Under the historical conditions of that time, Comrade Bocheng studied the
advanced experience of the Soviet Union in accordance with the instructions
of the Central Committee. He insisted on learning the organizational and
command experiences of the Soviet Army on the basis of summing up the battle
experiences of our army. He translated and edited a complete set of teach-
ing materials on military theory and gradually built a Red and expert con-
tingent of instructors. For the sake of bringing theoretical study and
planning exercises closer to reality, the military college organized a total
of 35 military maneuvers and 12 large-scale field exercises from 1951 to
1955. These activities not only unified thinking, but they also trained
and toughened the ability of the cadets to actually command a composite army
in battle and played a vital role in the education and training of the units.
For the sake of fitting in with the needs of modern warfare, naval, air
force, artillery and armored departments were added one after the other not
long after the setting up of the military college. When these departments
could independently fulfill their teaching assignments, they were also
expanded into independent command colleges for the services with the
approval of the Military Affairs Commission. This enabled our army to have
a more comprehensive college system and thereby promoted the process of
building a modern and regular army.
i
In his "Instructions to the Military College," Comrade Mao Zedong highly
appraised Comrade Bocheng's work. He said: "The founding of the military
college and its teaching over the past year and more have made an important
contribution to the building of a regular and modern national defense unit."
Naturally, some shortcomings and mistakes existed during this period of
military education and some unsuitable things were copied from the experi-
ence of the Soviet Army. These minor aspects which emerged in our advance
because we had no experience in building a modern army were immediately
corrected upon discovery. This was reflected in the bimonthly work report
submitted by Comrade Bocheng to the Military Affairs Commission of the
Central Committee.
However, in the so-called "oppose dogmatism movement" suddenly launched in
1958, such labels as "dogmatism" and "mistakes of the bourgeois military
line" were imposed on Comrade Bocheng, and large numbers of comrades in
charge of military training were also wrongly criticized. From then on,
"leftist" guiding ideology began to develop in the army. When Lin Biao
was in control of the Military Affairs Commission, he actually negated the
orientation of building a regular and modern army and even preposterously
abolished military training and dissolved large numbers of military colleges.
This caused serious damage to army building. The leading comrade of the
Military Affairs Commission has pointed out that the oppose "dogmatism" of
that time was wrong. He also said that the many military colleges estab-
lished after the founding of the People's Republic had achieved great
successes, but later suffered two serious reverses. One was from oppose
"regularization" and the other was from oppose "dogmatism." The words of
the leading comrade of the Military Affairs Commission are in keeping with
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Historical facts, and they have not only reaffirmed the past achievements
of Comrade Bocheng in setting up military colleges, but are also of impor-
tant actual significance in bringing order out of chaos on the orientation`
of army building and the policy of training.
Comrade Bocheng has lofty communist moral character. He never takes
advantage of his great merit or fame. He lives frugally and simply and is
honest in performing his official duties. He is open and aboveboard, and
is not afraid of shouldering responsibility. He is a model for us com-
munists.
He is boundlessly loyal to the party and consistently submits to the leader-
ship of the CPC Central Committee, the Central Military Commission and the
party organization at various levels. He used to say: "When I joined the
party, my oath was 'absolute obedience to the party.' Since then, I have
always exhorted myself: I am a senior cadre of the revolutionary army led
by the party, and I must be boundlessly loyal to the party. I must set
myself up as an example and teach the troops under me to fully accept the
unified leadership of the party and become glorious tools of the party."
Comrade Bocheng has faithfully carried out the oath he took when he joined
the party scores of years ago. At critical moments, he showed no fear of
personal hazard in safeguarding the party organization. In the autumn of
1947, when Bai Chongxi dispatched more than 30 brigades to lay siege to
Dabieshan, Comrade Bocheng was heading the evacuation of the organs of the
Central China Bureau. When they were camped in the Beixiangdian district
of Guangshan County, Henan Province, they happened to run into the enemy's
11th Division. Bocheng's first thought was for the safety of the Central
China Bureau. When the comrades by his side urged him to quickly evacuate
from the dangerous situation, he solemnly and firmly said: "I will not
leave without establishing contact with the Central China Bureau." Five
minutes passed, and then 10 minutes...it was not until the liaison staff
reported that the Central China Bureau had safely evacuated that he would
make his departure.
He can take the interests of the whole into account and make concessions.
He has strong party spirit and good party work style. In 1939, he was
dissatisfied with the blockhouse policy and positional warfare pushed by
the leaders of the "leftist" line. He would neither give advice nor offer
plans and was not tolerated by them. Using his quarrel with Le De as an
excuse, the "leftist" leaders dismissed him from the post of chief of the
general staff and assigned him as chief of staff of the 5th Army group. He
was not dejected and said: "The practice of a year of battle has proved.
that the broad masses of cadres and fighters of our Red Army are brave and
skillful in battle. However, there are problems in our strategy and tactics
which must be changed." In 1936, when Zhang Guotao insisted on moving
south and made a split with the party and the Red Army, he righteously
pointed out: "The split is a mistake and will have no popular support!"
Zhang Guotao consequently sent him to work in the Red Army Univers-ty of
the 4th Front Army. Comrade Bocheng took advantage of the opportunity to
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patiently propagate the correct advocation of the Central Committee to the
cadres and, together with Comrade Zhu De, carried out a great deal of work
in the leftist army. Particularly after the "oppose dogmatism movement"
in his old age, he had no choice but to leave his leadership post at the
military college. This aged but ambitious warhorse has actually lost its
chance of galloping a thousand li. When I think of it, I feel sorry for
him! However, even in his dotage Comrade Bocheng is still concerned about
military defense matters and army building, and is always thinking and
worrying about them. He called himself an "auxiliary staff officer." He
is always thinking about what military work should be constructed on the
border, which strategic highway should be quickly repaired and what should
be done for urban civil air defense.., When he has an idea, he will ask his
staff officer to write it down and send it to the comrades of the Military
Commission and the chief of the general staff for consideration. He donated
more than 2,000 volumes of works on military matters he had collected over
the years to what was then the Military and Political University. In the
autumn of 1972, I paid a visit to Comrade Bocheng. The moment he saw me,
lie said: "You have come to teach at the Military and Political University?
Good. I am already old. Make a success of the work."
He firmly believes that the masses are the makers of history. In June 1947,
party, government and mass representatives from all walks of life in
northern Hebei Province presented him with an embroidered inscription with
the characters "Evervictorious general." He modestly said: "You have
called me an evervictorious general. I really do not deserve this. I have
not been always victorious. If I win most of the time that is already not
bad. I only performed my duty under the leadership of Chairman Mao and
Commander in Chief Zhu and with the support of the people in the rear areas.
The credit should belong to the party and the people. I dare not claim
credit for the achievement of other people. Without the civilians provid-
ing us with food and clothing, the army cannot fight in a war." These
simple and unpretentious words are not a polite remark but his world out-
look. He constantly educated the cadres: "Some of our cadres think that
they have won this battle and I have won that battle, or, I have opened up
this region and he has opened up that region. Actually, without the masses
joining the army where does your army come from? Without the workers making
clothes and guns, how can you win a battle without the workers making
clothes and guns, how can you win a battle without clothes and guns? If
the masses do not organize mass organizations and do not elect the political
power, how can your region be opened up? Therefore, all the credit should
belong to the working people. We ourselves are only members of the masses."
This is. the way he understands the relations between the generals and the
masses. He has lectured the cadres on numerous occasions to explain this
viewpoint and to oppose the tendency of claiming credit for oneself and
becoming arrogant.
On Comrade Bocheng's 50th birthday, Comrade Deng Xiaoping composed an essay
to him: "His fervent love for the country, the people and his party is a
fine quality every communist must possess. Our Comrade Bocheng not only
possesses this quality, but he has also dedicated his whole life to the
country, the people and his party." To learn from Comrade Bocheng, we must
proceed by wholeheartedly dedicating our lives to the motherland, to the
people and to the party.
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PROPERLY USING POWER ENTRUSTED BY THE PEOPLE--READING COMRADE MAO ZEDONG'S
FIVE LETTERS TO RELATIVES AND FRIENDS
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 16, 16 Aug 82 pp 10-11
[Article by RED FLAG commentator]
[Text] Comrade Mao Zedong's five letters to his relatives and friends,
which are carried in this issue of our journal, were written from 1950 to
1957. They raised a serious question: How should the cadres of the party
in power properly use the power the people entrusted to them; should they
seek private gain for themselves or a few people, or work for the interests
of the masses of people? An important factor is how they treat their
relatives and friends. This is an important question concerning our
party's nature and purpose. Comrade Mao Zedong's letters expounded the
correct principles toward this question. They are brilliant examples
for us in this respect.
The principles expounded in Comrade Mao Zedong's five letters can be sum-
marized into the following three points: 1) Comrade Mao Zedong was very
glad to hear from his relatives and friends about his "hometown situation."
He hoped that they would "often write to me and tell me something about our
hometown." While telling Comrade Mao Zedong about his "hometown situa-
tion," some relatives and friends also requested him to respond in one or
two words about his hometown so as to directly help solve some problems.
Comrade Mao Zedong politely declined their request. He said: "It is not
appropriate to give independent and preferential consideration of the
interests of a few localities." "As to local affairs, I would like to
collect some materials for reference. But I would not, and indeed should
not, directly handle local problems of a general nature, because that
would embarrass the local party committee and government." 2) To those
relatives and friends who asked for help in finding jobs or admission to a
.school, Comrade Mao Zedong politely declined and furthermore patiently
tried to educate them. In his letter to Wen Nansong he wrote: "As to
Yunchang's work, it is inadvisable that he get a job through my recommenda-
tion. He should do something among the people and win their faith before
he can get a job." In his letter to Sun Peijun he wrote: "It is not suit-
able for me to write to the school, so far as your study at a higher school
is concerned, whether you can be admitted should be decided by the school
only." 3) Comrade Mao Zedong advised the party branch and government of
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Shicheng township to supervise and educate his relatives and "not to feel
awkward or balk at criticizing their shortcomings, mistakes and backward-
ness because they are my relatives." He said that he hoped his relatives
would be "treated exactly the same as the masses and would not be given any
preference." In short, the main spirit of Comrade Mao Zedong's five
letters can be summed up as follows: Never use one's position and power to
seek private interests and preferential treatment for one's relatives,
friends and hometown, strictly require one's relatives and friends "not to
seek privilege," and resolutely support the party and government organiza-
tions to criticize and deal with the shortcomings and mistakes of one's
relatives and friends. This is the attitude Comrade Mao Zedong adopted
toward his relatives and friends. It is also the only correct communist
attitude.
Comrade Mao Zedong set a good example in this respect. So did many other
veteran proletarian revolutionaries like Zhou Enlai, Liu Shaoqi and Zhu De
and the majority of the thousands upon thousands of high and middle-ranking
officials and grassroots cadres. Since they acted in strict accordance
with the party's principles, set strict demands on their relatives and
friends as well as on their own children, asking them not to seek privilege,
and did not use their positions and power to seek private gain for their
relatives, friends and children, they won the trust and admiration of the
people. Comrade Luo Shunchu, a former leader of the consultative group of
the PLA Shenyang units and a veteran Red Army soldier, set strict demands
on himself and his children throughout his life. He fostered a revolu-
tionary atmosphere in his family. Facts show that there are many such
examples within our party. This is a good tendency and a fine tradition
of our party.
Not using one's position and power to seek personal gain for one's rela-
tives and friends is a principle determined by the nature of our party.
Marx and Engels pointed out in their "Communist Manifesto": "All previous
movements were movements of a few people, or movements for the interests
of a few people. The movements of the proletariat are, however, movements
of the majority and are for the interests of the majority of people."
("Selected Works of Marx and Engels," Vol 1, p 262) Ours is a proletarian
political party which seeks the interests of the majority of the people.
Every party member, especially every cadre, has the duty of serving the
people heart and soul, and is granted no privileges. If a cadre thinks
that he is a cut above other people and certainly has the privilege to seek
personal gain for his wife and children and other relatives and friends,
then he is running counter to the purpose of the Communist Party, and what
he does does not conform to the description and role of a party member and
a cadre.
During the decade of internal disorder, the Lin Biao and Jiang Qing
counterrevolutionary cliques seriously damaged our party's work style
through their factionalist and illegal activities. They preached such
fallacies as "power means everything" and "power may expire and become
invalid," which greatly corroded people's minds? Their pernicious influ-
ence on some cadres has not yet been totally eliminated. An example of
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this is that some cadres have not acted according to principles in treating
their relatives and friends. They have placed their family or personal
relationship'above the revolutionary relationship and have taken advantage
of their position and power to solve such problems as school enrollment,
employment, joining the party, receiving a promotion, going abroad and
returning to work in cities for their relatives and friends through improper
or illegal channels. When their relatives and friends committed mistakes
or crimes, they tried all possible means to protect them and cover up their
mistakes and evil deeds, or even took advantage of their power to bully
others so as to obstruct the execution of discipline and the laws. Another
expression is that some "warmhearted people" have, under the pretext of
"caring for comrades and showing consideration for leaders," sought personal
gains by various means for the relatives, friends and children of their
leaders and friends. They have actually attempted to seek preferential
treatment for themselves and their relatives, friends and children by fawn-
ing over their leaders. Instead of regarding it as a disgrace, they took it
as an honor. They did not realize that this is a reflection on themselves
of a feudalist privilege mentality and the corrosive bourgeois ideology.
The socialist system is a new social system. Under this system, the rela-
tionship between man and man, including the relationship between family
members and relatives and friends, must first be comradeship on the basis
of revolutionary principles. Every party member and cadre must closely
relate his family, relatives and friends to the destiny of the state, the
nation and the people. The interests of the former must never be placed
above the fundamental interests of the latter. Like a mirror, the attitude
of a party member and cadre toward his family, relatives and friends clearly
reflects his party spirit and work style. It also has an important bearing
on the relationship between the party and the masses. After the founding
of the PRC, Comrade Zhou Enlai repeatedly stressed that cadres must pass
"five tests," that is, the ideological test, the political test, the social
test, and test of relatives and friends, and the test of hard life. At
present, under the new historical conditions, it is necessary for our party
members and cadres to check themselves again to see whether they have
successfully passed these tests.
Lu Xun said: "Not exactly all passionless men are real heroes." We com-
munists have never denied the passionate feelings between relatives and
friends and have never prohibited people from establishing normal contacts
with their relatives and friends. However, we have our own principles in
dealing with these feelings and contacts. We hold that personal feelings
must be related to the passionate feelings toward the peoples, and the
former must never be played above the latter. Personal relationships must
be subordinate to the revolutionary relationships and must never surpass
the latter. When one's relatives and friends commit mistakes or crimes,
one must not protect them and try to cover up their mistakes and evil deeds.
One must not protect "private feelings" at the expense of "public laws."
In short, in treating our relatives and friends, we must always adhere to
the party's stand and principles and always have our party's purpose in
mind. In this respect, we must earnestly learn from the proletari'n revo-
lutionaries of the older generation represented by Comrade Mao Zedong, and
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actually follow their examples in our actions. We must all learn something
from Comrade Mao Zedong's five letters to his relatives and friends, raise
our consciousness and unify our understanding so that we can encourage each
other to properly use the power entrusted by the people and advance forward
side by side.
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COMMUNISTS SHOULD UPHOLD PRINCIPLES IN HANDLING FAMILY PROBLEMS
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 16, 16 Aug 82 pp 12-13, 40
[Article by Zhu Yan [2612 1484]]
[Text] The Communist Party has nearly 40 million members, every one with
his or her own relatives and family. Communist Party members, as the lead-
ing section of the proletariat class must, when dealing with the problems
of relations between family members and relatives, uphold the party line
and certain principles. The most important thing is that they set an
example while teaching and helping their family and other relatives that
the most important thing is to act for the benefit of the party and the
people, that the good of the party and the people must come before the
good of the individual or the small family unit, and to prevent or correct
any actions which might be damaging to the good of the party or the people.
Of course, it should be made very clear that the vast majority of party
members carry out such duties very well. The older generation of proletariat
revolutionaries and various other outstanding communists may all be cited as
paragons of the communist way of thinking in terms of their correct handling
of family problems. However, we cannot ignore the fact that some communists,
including some leading cadres, do not perform their duties well in this area;
one might even say in some cases, that they are very bad. Some choose to
socialize and never talk about anything of any importance with their fami-
lies, tend to spoil and pamper their children, creating very unfavorable
tendencies which then go unchecked and become overlenient. Some tend to
take advantage of their position and use the back door for their families
and relatives, helping them to do such things as move to the city, to
school, get jobs or receive promotions. Some, in a brazen attempt to
satisfy the unreasonable demands of their families, take over organizational
distribution and actually make alterations in work conditions, while others
find every means possible to create a "nest of hedonism" for their families.
There are still others who resort to deception so that their children or
other relatives may go to Hong Kong or leave China without a care for the
integrity of the country or the individual. But what is of a more serious
nature are those who either overtly or covertly support and connive with
.their families to engage in smuggling and illegal selling as well as specu-
lation, swindling and corruption. Some even directly involve themselves and
their families in such fraudulent and illegal activities. Such phenomena
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are clear illustrations of the egoism of the capitalist classes which has
developed in the hearts of some communists and their families, causing them
to lose their original leadership spirit. Not only do such people harm the
great reputation of the Communist Party, they also damage the party struc-
ture and are a very bad influence on the general mood of society. Every
level of the party structure must take a serious look at this problem, and
make every effort to rectify it.
The Communist Party of China is a well-formed and tested proletariat polit-
party armed with the philosophy of Mao Zedong and Marxism and Leninism.
ical
Not only does it take a serious attitude toward and openly expose and
criticize negative elements within the party, it must also rely on its own
strength to overcome these negative elements, transforming bad into good,
educating every party member and strengthening the party structure. The
party's history already speaks for itself in terms of such determination.
Examples such as the smashing of the "gang of four," the restoration of order
after chaos and the correct rerouting of the party line are all evidence
enough. The party has already made great efforts to correct the mistakes
of some communists in their handling of family problems including the severe
punishment of some very bad criminal elements. The extremely important task
now before us is to clarify to a greater extent the principles of family
behavior to each party member and to set up a correct and revolutionary view
of the family.
The family is a cell within society and family relations always reflect a
certain historically developed stage in production relations. In China,
both the victory of the revolutionary task of the people and the transfor-
mation by socialism of the previous system of private ownership of the
means of production are basically finished, necessitating the establishment
of a new form of socialist family relations. Within this new kind of
family, not only is it necessary to destroy the outdated idea of subordina-
tion of one family member to another, which is rooted in the basis of the
system of private ownership of the means of production, but it is also vital
to reestablish new relations between the family and society. In other words
we must bind tightly together the happiness and pleasures of each family
with the future and destiny of countless millions of others as well as the
future
and destiny of our socialist homeland. The families of Communist
Party
members
should become models for this new kind of family. E
very
single
party
member, regardless of his or her position within the
family,
'should
adopt
philosophies and actions of this advanced core of the
prole-
tariat
to influence and guide every member of the family, strictly
adhering
to party philosophies and principles to eradicate contradictions within
family life and should strive to create unified harmony within the family to
form a revolutionary collective struggling together for the causes of
socialism.
Should the Communist Party lay down principles related to family love? Of
course it should. But it is not the feudal and patriarchal kind of love that
is reflected in the old sayings such as "When a man goes to heaven so does
his entire family," nor is it the vulgar love of the bottom levels of the
capitalist classes which takes enjoyment and money as its central themes.
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It is instead a love emanating from a Communist Party member, under the
guidance of the party and its principles, helping to unite the spirit of
his family and relations with the revolutionary cause of the proletariat.
He or she should promote mutual concern, consideration, help and under-
standing with his or her spouse, parents, children and other relatives.
But anyone who wants to put the narrow confines of the family above the
good of the party, the country and the people, is contravening a law of. the
party and the government and is committing a crime against the moral prin-
ciples of socialism and communism. Under the conditions of socialism, if
the good of the individual family is put above the good of the country and
the people, a conflict will arise, often resulting in undesired results
which in the long run are bad for the country, the people and the indi-
vidual family.
In dealing with the question of whether a party member is correctly uphold-
ing party principles when dealing with family problems it is important to
examine, after he or she has come to terms with power they possess, whether
they are abusing this power to benefit their family.
After the Communist Party began to rule the c.:ountry, many party members
were given certain powers and thereafter lived for a long time in a peace-
ful environment, with a stable family life and ever-increasing family rela-
tions. Among some party members, the number of cadres who became more
involved in family affairs and their children's situations increased and
we saw the appearance of some people who wanted to use their powers within
the family to gain special "favors and allowances." Under this situation
our comrades were faced with the problem of how to correctly manipulate the
powers bestowed on the people. The question of whether our party members
are able to stand up to this sort of test or whether or not they have good
family relations is not a question related to individuals, but is a ques-
tion of great concern to the whole positive or negative mood within the
Communist Party. If some people decide to adopt an attitude of abusing
the power they have been given and wasting their time while gaining
advantages for their own families by means of the power they possess, then
the power bestowed on them becomes abused and lessens in quality, they
themselves are abusing their positions as public servants and there is even
a danger of overturning the stability of the society. In order to avoid
this danger, the party has for many years stressed the importance of
correcting these few errant communists and cadres. It is clearly stated in
"Concerning the Principles of Political Life Within the Communist Party"
that it is forbidden for anyone to abuse their power to gain benefits for
their own family, it is forbidden for anyone to separate public and private
and to use public office for private gain. Furthermore, it is forbidden
for any leader or cadre to transgress any of the party's criteria and
structural principles for cadres or to promote or aid the promotion to a
leadership position of any member of one's family. It is forbidden for
anyone to reveal state or party secrets to family members, and no one may
overstep one's authority and meddle in the work of the party or state or
see to it that a family member is placed in a position of crucial impor-
tance in relation to one's own position. Such rules reflect the funda-
mental good of the party, the country and the people and in addition
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embodies the expectations and respect of the party and the people toward
the party members and hence, every self-respecting self-possessed party
member, especially leading cadres, should without exception strictly observe
these guidelines or rules.
Communists who uphold these principles in handling family problems should
not simply handle each problem one at a time but should constantly
strengthen education along the party lines, encouraging and giving support
to using communist thinking in fighting against individualism and other
nonproletariat thinking. While creating an objective world, every party
member should consciously build a subjective world and firmly establish a
communist world view and morality and build up strength to resist the
corrosive influence of exploitive capitalist thinking. It should be said
here that most Communist Party members have already reached this level of
consciousness, but there will always be a certain number of people who
lack such a consciousness and indeed under some circumstances it can occur
that those with consciousness may lose it. Thus the importance of party
member and cadre consciousness must be stressed. In addition we must have
supervision by the organization and supervision by the masses, as one is
vital to the other. Recently the supervision of cadres by the masses has
intensified and the number of people who have dared to criticize those who
abuse power to their own ends has increased. Initially this was a very
good thing but later many cadres began to feel awkward about the situation
and started to use their powers to pressure or carry out reprisals against
their critics. Obviously the party cannot in any way ignore these "special
party members," and the more they concern themselves with their families and
themselves, the greater the necessity for strict supervision. The recently
investigated economic criminal cases helped step up the supervision by the
organization and by the masses and made a move toward helping to solve some
of these problems. Such problems which are present in any areas or depart-
ments should be immediately investigated by party members in authority,
thereby helping to strengthen softened and lapsed party structures. We must
encourage and insist on finding those cadres and party members from
conniving and protective families who have committed various crimes and get
them to quickly correct their mistakes and severely punish those who insti-
gate or participate in activities and crimes involving family members and
who refuse to repent and mend their ways. We believe that if the whole party
works with unremitting efforts we can achieve these goals and thereby deeply
impress and educate the wide spectrum of party members and cadres with the
party line. In this way, not only will we be able to put a relatively quick
stop to the incorrect thinking of some party members in terms of their
family problems, but at the same time we will be able to encourage all
Communist Party members to conscientiously strive toward the establishment
of a new kind of family setup which will correspond to the principles of
socialism. This without a doubt would have a deep influence on and be felt
by the millions of families in China, resulting in an improvement and change
in the mood of society, both in the cities and the countryside, and would
powerfully spread the material, cultural and spiritual facts of socialism.
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ON THE WORKING CLASS AFTER THE ELIMINATION OF THE BOURGEOISIE AS AN
EXPLOITING CLASS IN OUR COUNTRY
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 16, 16 Aug 82 pp 14-18
[Article by Yu Yannan [2456 3601 0589]]
[Text] Editor's Note: From this issue onwards, this
publication will publish a series of articles on the
current situation of the working class in our country.
These articles will later be compiled into a book by
the RED FLAG Publishing House.
Over the past 30 years or more since the founding of the country and in the
wake of the advancement of our country's socialist cause, the contingent
of our country's working class has greatly developed. According to statis-
tics, the total number of workers in the country was 8 million in 1949 and
was 109 million in 1981, an increase of more than 1,200 percent. In 1949,
there were only 3.9 million industrial workers who formed the main body of
the working class--workers of the units owned by the whole people including
industrial, capital construction, communications and transportation, and
postal and telecommunications units, but the number was raised to 46 million
in 1981, showing an increase of about 1,100 percent. In 1952, there were
only 164,000 engineers and technicians in the units owned by the whole
people, but the number rose to 1.862 million in 1980, showing an increase of
more than 1,000 percent. In 1981, the proportion that workers occupied in
the country's total urban population was raised to about 60 percent from
14 percent in 1949. Of this, the proportion that industrial workers working
in units owned by the whole people occupied in the country's total urban
population also rose to 35 percent from 7 percent in 1949. In certain
medium-size industrial cities such as Changzhou, Yangzhou, Wuxi and Suzhou
U in Jiangsu, the number of workers already accounts for over 60 percent of
the total urban population. Before the founding of the country., the output
from modernized industry only accounted for about 10 percent of the GNP, and
in 1981, the proportion of industrial output in the GNP was raised to above
70 percent. This is a great historical change. This change has, and is
still playing, a very important role in our country's socialist moderniza-
tion drive, the consolidation and perfection of our country's socialist
system, the development of our party's ideology, politics and organizational
construction and the development of our entire economic life, poli_ical life,
cultural life and other aspects of life.
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The status and role of the greatly developed and strengthened working class
in our country in state life and social life, and its labor situation,
ideological and political situation, cultural and educational situation and
other situations not only represent to a large extent the development of
our country's economic, political and cultural situation, but also inevitably
exert great influence on other social classes and people of various classes
and exert great influence on the development and future of the party and
the state. Thus, we must attach great importance to investigation and
research into the situation of the working class under the socialist condi-
tions and into the ideological, political and organizational construction
of the contingent of the working class. In addition, we must raise the
level of our work concerning the working class to the important agenda of
various party and government departments at all levels.
Currently, some comrades both inside and outside the party fail to cor-
rectly understand the historical relation of the unity of opposites of
mutual interdependence between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat and that
they are prerequisites for one another. They hold the view that since the
bourgeoisie in our country has been fundamentally eliminated as an exploiting
class, the working class as its antithesis will discontinue to exist as a
class. This view fundamentally distorts the actual social situation of our
country and seriously affects work in many respects. This view accounts for
many problems that we encounter in actual practice such as neglecting the
building of the contingent of the working class, giving up education among
the working class, slackening efforts in giving play to the advanced role
of the working class, not being enthusiastic enough in imbuing the peasants
and masses with the ideology of the working class, thinking that everything
is unanimous between the working class, peasants and intellectuals judging
by their unanimous fundamental interests, and denying class distinctions in
a socialist society. Thus, we think that when talking about the question of
the working class now and discussing the building of the contingent of the
working class, we must primarily clarify this incorrect view. We must
unswervingly affirm both inside and outside the party the basic Marxist
view that when the bourgeoisie has been eliminated as an exploiting class,
the working class will not only exist but will become a strong and advanced
class for a long time, a leading class and the principal force of a socialist
society, and that it will exert great influence on other classes and strata.
Undoubtedly, like all other classes and all other historical phenomena, the
bourgeoisie and the working class come into being and develop in history,
and must all become extinct in history. However, we cannot naively inter-
pret this conclusion of development laws which has been highly generalized
and the relation of the unity of opposites between two antagonistic classes
as meaning that they can come into being in the same morning and become
extinct in the same morning. In history, except for the simultaneous
elimination of the two antagonistic classes of slaveowners and slaves, the
two antagonistic classes of landlords and peasants have not been simultane-
ously eliminated in the wake of the abolition of the feudal system of
exploitation and it is impossible for the two antagonistic classes of the
bourgeoisie and the working class to be simultaneously eliminated in the
wake of the abolition of the bourgeois system of exploitation. In our
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country, with the abolition of the feudal system of exploitation, the land-
lords were eliminated as the exploiting class. However, the class of
peasants still existed and has started off on the socialist road after
undergoing socialist transformation of the system of private ownership of
the means of production. After socialist transformation was basically com-
pleted, our country's bourgeoisie was also basically eliminated as an
exploiting class. However, the working class was not eliminated in the
wake of the elimination of the bourgeoisie but has become stronger. Today,
the Chinese working class, as the representative of the advanced productive
forces and production relations, is standing like a giant in the Orient.
By means of its vanguard force--the Communist Party of China, it leads the
PRC and the Chinese people in carrying out the great cause of socialist
modernization, and is playing an important role in world affairs. Why?
Does this violate the law of the unity of opposites or violate the.his-
torical law of development that socialism means eliminating classes? The
answer is absolutely no. Fundamentally speaking, the continued existence,
and existence for long years to come, of the working class and the peasants
in our country is attributable to the fact that our country's social pro-
ductive forces are still far behind the standard required for eliminating
all classes and class distinctions and that the Chinese working class has
not yet fulfilled the mission entrusted to it by history.
The historical mission of socialism, in simple words, is to eliminate
classes and prepare conditions for ultimately making the transition to a
proletarian communist society. This is also the great historical mission
shouldered by the working class. This point has already been expounded in
Marxist theories. However, actual socialist practice has shown that elim-
ination of classes is a lengthy and complicated historical process. This
historical process must be realized in two stages: First, the working
class and its vanguard force must lead and unite the broad masses of
people, eliminate the system of exploitation and the exploiting class by
means of a socialist revolution, and consequently, eliminate in history the
class distinction between the exploiting class and the exploited whose
fundamental interests contradict each other and are antagonistic to each
other; then, by fully developing the social productive forces and creating
conditions in various aspects over a long period of time, eliminate the
class distinction which is of a consistent nature between the working class
and the peasants, who enjoy the unanimous fundamental interests of the
laboring masses, and eliminate other social distinctions, and consequently
eliminate the working class itself and push society forward to communism
based on a proletarian structure. Only by realizing these two steps can
the working class ultimately fulfill its historical mission. The historical
process of class elimination can only advance on the road determined by this,
objective law. In our country, it is absolutely impossible for the working
class to eliminate all class distinctions and other major social distinc-
tions in social life in a short time. This is because our country was
originally a semicolonial and semifeudal state and has never undergone a
stage in which capitalism was fully and independently developed. As a
result, social, economic and cultural development were backward. Although
the establishment of the socialist system has opened-up a wider channel for
the development of the productive forces, our country's current level of
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development of productive forces is still rather low. The elimination of
the class distinction between the workers and peasants, the distinction
between the urban and rural areas, the distinction between physical and
mental labor and other major social distinctions as a result of insufficient
development of the productive forces can only be realized on the basis of
achieving a rapid development of the social productive forces and improve-
ment of the cultural and educational level and political awareness. Thus
it is a fairly difficult and lengthy task which is necessary for eliminating
the system of exploitation and the exploiting class. It is necessary to
undergo a long historical development process before we can fulfill this
historical mission. Since the development of the social productive forces
progresses step by step, the historical process of eliminating the dis-
tinction between workers and peasants, the urban and rural distinction and
the physical and mental labor distinction inevitably bears the historical
characteristic of progressing step by step. As far as the basic content
and basic orientation of this historical process is concerned, it is a
process in which the working class transforms the whole society according
to their own image and is also a process of working-classizing [gong ren
jie ji hua 1562 0086 7132 4787 0553] all members of the society. In the
wake of the gradual improvement of the social productive forces and the
social cultural and educational level, class distinction and social dis-
tinctions are gradually reduced, the peasants and other members of the
society are gradually more closely connected with the workers. When all
the members of the society have become working-classized, these distinc-
tions will be eliminated. Thus, in this long historical process of
progressing step by step, the working class gives fuller play to its
advanced role and its contingent becomes stronger. All this totally com-
plies with the laws and with dialectics which governs the development of
history.
In our country, it is impossible, in a short time, to eliminate all class
distinctions and other major social distinctions or to completely eliminate
the social phenomenon of class struggle from our country's social life.
To be sure, we have eliminated the system of exploitation, eliminated the
bourgeoisie and other exploiting classes, and have consequently eliminated
class struggle between the exploiting class and the exploited. Undoubtedly,
this is a critical step for the working class in our country in the course
of fulfilling its historical mission of achieving the elimination of its
own class, class struggle and class distinctions. We absolutely cannot
underestimate its great significance and role, However, class struggle
has not completely ceased and it will continue to exist for a long time
within certain limits in our country's society. When we say that the
bourgeoisie has been eliminated in our country, we mean that this class
has been eliminated on the mainland of our country. This class still
exists as a whole exploiting class in Taiwan, Hong Kong and Macao and
still plays the roles determined by its class interests and class nature.
Outside the country, the capitalist system and the bourgeoisie still exist.
Capitalism is an international phenomenon. Similarly, the existence of the
working class is also an international phenomenon. The working class'
struggle against capitalism is inevitably a class struggle within inter-
national limits. Class struggle in a socialist society is related with the
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class struggle within international bounds. Our socialist modernization
cause cannot be carried out by closing the country to international inter-
course, we must adopt and adhere to the open-door policy and, on'the basis
of upholding the principle of equality and mutual benefit, develop economic,
trade and cultural intercourse with various countries in the world includ-
ing many capitalist countries. Under the circumstances of incessantly
expanding the situation of being open to foreign countries, the foreign
bourgeoisie will inevitably and greatly affect, infiltrate and corrupt our
country's social life. Thus, the Chinese working class will shoulder
tougher tasks of struggle in opposing and overcoming such influences,
infiltration and corruption. At the same time, due to the fact that the
semicolonial and semifeudal system in our country has only been overthrown
for a short time and that the feudal class and the bourgeoisie have only
been eliminated for a short time, their traces cannot be completely wiped
out in the wake of their overthrow and elimination. Because our socialist
system is still in a stage of initial development, is far from being per-
fect and well-established and does not have the essential economic, polit-
ical and social conditions which enable us to completely get rid of the
hostile elements, there still exist in our society various hostile elements
who deliberately sabotage and subvert the socialist system. These hostile
elements include the small number of former counterrevolutionaries, enemy
agents, a small number of old exploiting elements who still uphold a
reactionary stand, certain new counterrevolutionaries, new exploiters who
are engaged in corruption and theft, speculative activities and smuggling
and selling of contraband, and those people who jeopardize socialism. We
stress that class struggle will continue to exist within certain limits in
our country, and this class struggle within certain limits mainly means
the struggle between the people and these hostile elements. With regard to
these hostile elements, the working class, peasants and the intellectuals
must maintain sharp vigilance and must exercise powerful dictatorship over
them by means of the state power of the people's democratic dictatorship.
In addition, among the people, due to the influence of the system of
exploitation and the exploiting class outside socialist society and the
remnant ideological influence of the exploiting class, bourgeois and non-
proletarian ideas and deeds such as bourgeois liberalization, anarchism,
and extreme individualism exist among a certain number of people. All
these ideas and deeds contradict the interests of the socialist system,
the working class and all the people. Generally speaking, this contradic-
tion, among various social contradictions of a socialist society, is one
which embodies the nature of class struggle. However, it belongs to a kind
of contradiction among the people. This contradiction is still very com-
monly found in our current socialist society. Thus, it is necessary for
the working class and the majority of the people to adopt appropriate
methods, mainly the method of criticism and active ideological struggle,
to overcome these ideas and deeds so that the contradiction will be
effectively solved.
In light of the above analysis, we can clearly see that the Chinese working
class must still make more arduous efforts and more contributions in order
to complete its historical journey and fulfill its historical mission of
eliminating all class struggle phenomena and all class. distinctions within
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our society. This will only be achieved in the remote future. Before the
completion of the historical journey, the working class as a class will not
disappear from our country's political and social arena.
Some comrades do not deny that the working class, as a class, still exists
in our country. However, they hold that today's working class is no longer
the working class in the same sense as before, and that the definitions
given by Lenin of the working class and other classes no longer apply to
their modern counterparts. We do not recognize such a viewpoint as being
correct. The working class, like all other things that emerge and finally
vanish in history, has to undergo a course of development. In this course,
it inevitably undergoes changes of some kind. Following the victories of
the new democratic revolution and socialist revolution in our country, the
working class of our country has indeed experienced enormous changes and
now has a new face and new characteristics. These changes include the
change of its status from a ruled class in the past to the ruling class in
the new society, from wage laborers who did not possess means of production
in the past to the masters of the new society who own the means of produc-
tion today; the constant enrichment and development of its inherent.class
character during the continuous social practice in the new historical
conditions; and so on. This is not only the case of the working class.
The peasantry has also undergone considerable changes, which can be seen
in the change in its status from a class of small property owners in the
past to the peasantry which is organized under the system of collective
ownership in socialist society today, the noticeable improvement of its
cultural, technical and ideological levels, and so on. But, in general,
the working class has not lost its original nature despite these changes.
And, as a legacy of the class society in history, the class difference
between the workers and the peasants has not vanished because of these
changes either; their relations with the means of production are still
different (the labor of the working class is mainly based on the system of
ownership by the whole people, while that of the peasantry is mainly linked
to the system of collective ownership); and their roles in the organization
of social labor, their concrete forms in the distribution of social revenue
and social alimony are also different from each other. These several aspects
are exactly the basic characteristics which Lenin pointed out in his "A Great
Beginning" and other articles to distinguish between different classes.
Therefore, although socialist society, by eliminating the system of private
ownership of the means of production, has eliminated the demarcation line
which divided the members of a society into a group of people who owned the
means of production and another group of people who did not own the means
of production, every member of society is not completely equal in terms of
their relationship with the means of production. Lenin's definition of
class is by no means completely outdated. It basically applies to all
classes in socialist society. We should interpret the changes, which our
country's working class has undergone since the victory of the revolution,
and the abolition of the bourgeoisie as an exploiting class, as inevitable
phenomena which China's working class, as the rival of China's bourgeoisie,
working class, had to experience in the long and uncompleted course of its
emergence, development and withering away.
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In the final analysis, the history of mankind is a history which records the
production of means of subsistence, and the struggle of the laboring people
who are the producers of means of subsistence. This is the basic' viewpoint
of Marxism on the development of social history. In our socialist society,
workers, peasants and intellectuals are the basic force in socialist
construction, and therefore they play the main roles in historical
evolution. Nevertheless, the working class remains the leading force of
our society, and the most advanced and the best organized class with the
highest political consciousness. The reason why our country's working
class can play a leading role under socialist conditions is, first of all,
because of its objective status in the system of socialist economic rela-
tions--most workers are working in enterprises under the system of owner-
ship by the whole people which is the highest form of socialist ownership,
and the economy under the control of the ownership by the whole people is
the leading and decisive factor in our country's national economy. In the
second place, it is because our country's working class has been linked to
socialized mass production since its emergence in history, has stood the
tests of revolutionary struggle over a long period of time, has obtained
rich experiences in revolution, and has cultivated a high degree of collec-
tivist spirit and sense of revolution, organization and discipline.
Furthermore, in the practice of socialist construction, our country's
working class has constantly improved its political quality and quality
in other aspects. For the above reasons, the leading status and role of
our country's working class in socialist society is an objective existence
independent of man's will. And this status and role of the working class
will never change even though there are various temporary negative factors
within the class.
Of course, our country's working class cannot spontaneously exercise its
leadership of socialist construction but mainly leads it through the
activities and work of its vanguard--the CPC. The party is the force at
the core leading the socialist cause forward. The leadership of the work-
ing class is embodied in the formulation and implementation of the party's
line, guiding principles and policies; in the political work, organiza-
tional work and other work of the party; in the education carried out by
the party for the whole people with the communist ideological system and,
of course, also in the advanced ideology and exemplary acts of the members
of the working class which may influence, and thus bring along, the broad
masses of the people. Without the party's activities and work, the leader-
ship of the working class can never be realized since the prerequisite and
guarantee for exercising such leadership do not then exist. During the 10
years of turbulence, in flaunting the banner of the working class as the
leading class, and in "promoting revolution by discarding the leadership of
party committees," Lin Biao and the "gang of four" replaced the leadership
of party committees at various levels with worker propaganda teams. They
directly gave orders and thus vigorously distorted and destroyed the
position and role of the working class in history, and seriously spoiled
the working class' reputation. Such pernicious influence left behind by
them must be thoroughly eliminated. In order to correctly and effectively
exercise its own leadership, and to represent the working class' will and
accomplish the working class' historical mission in a better way, Lhe party
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undoubtedly has to conscientiously attach importance to constantly maintain-
ing close ties with the working class, unremittingly absorb wisdom and .
strength from the working class, and give full play to the advanced role
of the broad masses of workers in the life of the state and the life of
society.
As Lenin pointed out, "The main thing in the doctrine of Marx is that it
brings out the historic role of the proletariat as the builder of a social-
ist society." ("Selected Works of Lenin," Vol 2, p 437) Today, to more
thoroughly elaborate on the position and role of the working class in the
construction of our country's socialist modernization in light of our new
historical conditions and new historical mission after the elimination of
the bourgeoisie and other exploiting classes in our country remains an
important task in our party's Marxist ideological work. We must conscien-
tiously redress some wrong viewpoints which, stating that our country's
working class no longer exists as a class, and so on, do not conform with
the objective reality in our country and go against Marxism. Moreover, in
view of the present situation that the working class' sense of class has
been worked, we need to adopt various vivid forms to strengthen the correct
propaganda on the historical position, the historical mission and advanced
role of the working class so as to promote the class consciousness of the
working class, reinforce the sense of class of the working class, arouse
the sense of glory and sense of responsibility of the working class, and
thus push ahead with the building of work class contingent.
Do we mean that the working class should enjoy any privilege when we empha-
size the working class' leading position and role in socialist social life?
Of course not. On the contrary, we just mean that the working class has to
undertake an arduous historical mission with regard to the future of the
state, the nation and the people, and with regard to the future of the
socialist cause. Acknowledging this historical mission of the working class
in no way means to play down the role of the people belonging to other
classes and strata in the socialist. construction. It is under the party's
leadership and through firm unity and close cooperation with the whole
people that the working class will fulfill its historical function and
unremittingly push ahead the socialist cause.
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ON THE BASIC CHARACTERISTICS AND CONTENTS OF THE DRAFT OF THE REVISED
CONSTITUTION
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 16, 16 Aug 82 pp 19-25
[Article by Lu Zhichao [4151 0037 6389]]
[Text] After the "Draft of the Revised PRC Constitution" was promulgated,
the people of all nationalities throughout the country held warm discus-
sions on it and deemed that this is a fairly good draft of the constitu-
tion which tallies with the needs of the Chinese people at present and for
a considerably long time. In order to do better work in the discussion by
the entire people on the draft of the constitution and its further revision,
it is quite .necessary to both. theoretically and politically understand the
basic characteristics and contents of this draft.
With the exception of "A Common Program" which was similar to a provisional
constitution, the 1954 constitution was the first constitution that China
ever promulgated following the founding of the PRC. At that time, we were
in a stage of transition from new democracy to socialism. Under the
leadership of the CPC, the Chinese people seized the state power and estab-
lished-the people's democratic dictatorship, led by the working class and
based on the alliance of workers and peasants. However, the socialist
social system had not yet been set up. The major tasks of the Chinese
people were to further consolidate and develop the people's democratic
system and to realize socialist industrialization and the socialist trans-
formation of individual farming, the handicrafts and capitalist industry
and commerce step by step by relying?on this state system. All these
matters were fully reflected in the 1954 constitution. At that time,
Comrade Mao Zedong said: "This constitution of ours is a socialist-type
constitution but is still not yet a socialist constitution in the full
sense. It is a constitution for the transitional period." This remark
summarized the characteristics of the 1954 constitution quite well. As the
first constitution after the founding of the PRC, the 1954 constitution
summed up the long years of experience of the Chinese revolution, affirmed
the socialist component parts and defined the orientation of building
socialism. It was of immediate significance not only at that time but many
of its basic principles and basic institutions were also of long-tLrm
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significance to our country. Therefore, it can become the foundation for
us today to revise the constitution.
China's socialist transformation of the private ownership of the means of
production was basically completed in 1956. Since then, the stage for all-
round socialist construction has begun. On the one hand, major achieve-
ments were scored and rich experiences were gained in China's economic and
political construction and educational, scientific and cultural under-
takings, and on the other hand, for quite a long time, grave mistakes were
committed. In regard to the work of the party and the state, we failed for
20 years to conscientiously and unswervingly shift the work onto the course
which takes economic construction as its center. This was an extremely
profound lesson. The aim of revolution is, of course, to liberate the pro-
ductive forces. Overthrowing the rule of the reactionaries, establishing
the state's power of the people's democratic dictatorship, eliminating the
exploitative system and setting up the socialist system are all aimed at
removing the obstacles of the development of productive forces. When the
obstacles are basically removed, the contradiction between the increasingly
growing demand by the people for material goods and culture and the back-
ward social production will naturally become the principal contradiction
which China has to solve; and in addition, concentrating our efforts on
developing the social productive forces and carrying out the socialist
modernization program with economic construction as the center should
naturally become the main task of the people throughout the nation and the
focus of work of the party and the state; and all other types of work,
including the class struggle which is carried out in accordance with actual
conditions, should center on and serve this main task. We have taken a
long roundabout path because of the failure to correctly understand and
solve this problem, both in theory and practice, and even committed the
grave error of the "Great Cultural Revolution," an error comprehensive in
magnitude and protracted in duration. It was precisely at this stage,
when,we took a roundabout course and committed errors, that the 1975 con-
stitution was promulgated. It reflected China's extremely abnormal polit-
ical life during the "Great Cultural Revolution." The basic characteristics
of this constitution were to affirm the theory on the "basic line," which
took class struggle as the key link, and on the theory of "continued revo-
lution under the dictatorship of the proletariat" in a form of fundamental
law, and affirm the practice of the "Great Cultural Revolution.". As a
result, the central task of carrying out economic construction and
developing the productive forces was squeezed to a much less important
position.
The 1978 constitution was formulated shortly after the smashing of the
Jiang Qing counterrevolutionary clique. Owing to historical conditions and
cognitive restrictions, no fundamental changes were made in the 1975 con-
stitution (nor in the serious shortcomings).
The 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee held in December
1978 put an end to the course that hovered about erroneous theories and
practice and began the new historical stage which took socialist moderniza-
tion and the building of a high level of civilization and democracy as the
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fundamental task. It was only after several years of bringing order out of
chaos since the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee, after
the comprehensive and profound summarization of the basic historical
experience. since the founding of the PRC--a summarization made at the.6th
Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee and in the situation in
which not only the focus of work of the party and the state has been
resolutely-shifted to socialist modernization program but also many major
reforms have been made in fields such as the systems of economy, politics
and state leadership--that it is possible for our country to draw up a
draft of the revised constitution as we have today.
In short, since the founding of the PRC, we have gone through three stages
and promulgated four constitutions: the 1954 constitution, which correctly
embodied the. characteristics and tasks during the transitional period; the
1975 and 1978 constitutions, which reflected the faults and errors in our
guiding ideology; and the new constitution, which is now under discussion
among the entire people and will be adopted. this year, a constitution
which correctly embodies the characteristics aad tasks of the new histori-
cal stage. History has taken a zigzag road. Our constitutions are its
record.
Today we have gradually embarked on a new and victorious broad road. A
road which is clear, definite and correct is stipulated in the draft of
the revised constitution which is now under discussion. The basic charac-
teristics of this draft of the revised constitution are as follows: First,
it clearly defines the fundamental task of the Chinese people during the
new historical stage and the bases, conditions and guarantee for ful-
filling this.task. The stipulations concerning the various fields, such
as the tasks and principles of the economic and political systems and
education, science and culture should center around and serve this funda-
mental task. The fundamental task of the new historical stage is both the
center of our present work and our long-term goal of struggle. Therefore,
the various stipulations of the draft of the revised constitution should
be suited to China's current actual conditions on the one hand and should
take China's relatively long-term development prospects into account.
The principal contradiction and fundamental task of the new historical
stage will not change for a considerably long historical period. The new
constitution which correctly reflects this contradiction and task will also
certainly contain the characteristic of long-term stability. Second, it
has correctly and profoundly summed up historical experience. This draft
of the revised constitution was promulgated after we had traversed a long
course of historical twists and turns. Therefore it is a crystallization
of historical experience. For example, regarding the fundamental task of
socialist construction, the adherence to the four basic principles, the
strengthening of the building of socialist democracy and socialist
legality, the ensuring of the basic rights of citizens and of the insep-
arability of their rights from their duties, the safeguarding of social
order and the state's laws and discipline, the reforms. of the systems of
economy, politics and state leadership and so on, it is impossible to
formulate them in such a practical and concrete way. It is also ir??ossible
for the people to have such a profound understanding of them in a time when
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the socialist transformation was just basically completed and without the
following 20-odd years of experiences, both positive and negative, and
particularly without the lesson of the "Great Cultural Revolution." That
is to say, the valuable experience for which hundreds and millions of people
have paid a high price have now become a long-term constitution for running
the country well and giving the people peace and security. Third, it con-
tinues to affirm the correct principles and systems since the founding of
the PRC in a new sense. This draft has inherited and developed the basic
principles of the 1954 constitution and reserved and reinstated many of
its stipulations which are still suited to present conditions. However,
this draft has enriched and developed the contents of the 1954 constitution
rather than a simple reservation and revival of the 1954 constitution. For
example, the stipulation of the draft on the people's democratic dictator-
ship led by the working class and based on the alliance of workers and
peasants is largely the same as that of the 1954 constitution, but owing
to the tremendous changes in the class situation in China's society over
the past 20-odd years, its content has been considerably changed. Some
of the stipulations concerning the system of people's congresses and the
basic freedoms and rights of citizens are also basically and even com-
pletely the resurrection or revival of the clauses concerned of the 1954
constitution, but with 20 years and more of experiences full of complica-
tions, its meaning and the way the people understand it are entirely differ-
ent from what it was in those years. It is precisely as one case and is the
same motto for life. Its meaning is not at all identical, like the under-
standing between a juvenile who has not seen much of the world and an adult
who has experienced the hardships of life. The draft of the revised con-
stitution shows that the country and the people are becoming increasingly
more mature in the course of building socialism.
By the so-called basic contents, we mean, of course, the several important
contents which are related to the characteristics and fundamental task of
the new stage rather than the whole contents and stipulations. They are
mainly as follows:
1. On the Socialist Economic System and Economic Construction
The socialist system is the basic system of the PRC. Its basis is the
socialist economic system, that is, the socialist relations of production.
When we say that the socialist system is an advanced system and has tre-
mendous superiority, this is first because when compared with the old-time
relations of production, the socialist relations of production are more
commensurate with the nature of the development of productive forces. Over
the 30-odd years since the founding of the PRC, although we failed to bring
this superiority of the socialist economic system into full play, owing to
lack of experience and committing repeated errors, there still have been
innumerable facts proving its superiority and vitality. Upholding and
unceasingly perfecting the socialist economic system is an important
guarantee for us to win victory in the socialist modernization program.
As the fundamental law of the state, the constitution must contain clear
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and definite stipulations on the socialist economic system and the prin-
ciples and policies of the economic construction which are related to the
socialist economic system.
The. draft of the revised constitution on the socialist economy contains the
most concrete and detailed clauses of all the previous constitutions since
the founding. of the PRC. From Article 6 to Article 19 of the "General
Principles," there are 14 stipulations on the socialist economic system and
the principles and policies of economic construction. These clauses are a
summary of the 30-odd years of experiences and lessons and a record of the
positive achievements of bringing order out of chaos and of the reforms of
the economic system since the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central
Committee.
Usually, when we talk about the socialist economic system we first refer to
the aspect of the basic principles of this system, such as the public owner-
ship of the means of production, the distribution of the personal means of
subsistence according to work done, the planned economy and so on. All the
socialist countries during the whole socialist historical stage are the
same in this respect. However, because of the difference in the various
socioeconomic conditions, and particularly in the situation of the develop-
ment of productive forces, the socialist economic system in different coun-
tries or in different historical stages of a country must have different
concrete forms which are manifested in the various concrete systems and
policies. To uphold the socialist economic system and give full play to the
superiority of the socialist system, we must proceed from actual conditions
and in light of the situation and requirements of the development of pro-
ductive forces, create the concrete economic systems which are suited to
the development of productive forces and carry out the principles and poli-
cies which are commensurate with the development of productive forces, and
in addition, with the development of productive forces and the changes in
the situation, we must constantly transform and perfect these concrete
systems and policies. In reviewing the "leftist" errors we committed in
our previous economic construction, we found that they were by and large
related to the failure to correctly understand and solve this problem. For
example, we imagined a set of fixed development patterns of the socialist
relations of production by deviating from the actual conditions of the
development of China's productive forces and we held that the larger the
scale of public ownership, the more advanced its superiority would be; we
imposed excessively rigid control on planning and management; in economic
construction, we overlooked the principle of doing things in light of
actual conditions and within the limits of our own capabilities; in
economic activities with other countries, we one-sidedly understood the
principle of self-reliance and thus emerged a situation in which the coun-
try was closed to international relations. Such circumstances were the
results of the ossified and oversimplified understanding of the socialist
economic system and economic construction, deviating from China's reality
and violating the principle that the relations of production must cor-
respond to the situation and requirements of the development of productive
forces. Of course, while correcting these "leftist" errors, if we have
doubts and take a wavering attitude toward the basic socialist economic
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system, for example, the public ownership of the means of production, the
planned economy and the centralized and unified leadership of the state
over the national economy and so on, our attitude is similarly quite wrong.
Historical experience tells us that on the question of the socialist
economic system and economic construction, it is necessary to integrate
well the universal theory of Marxism with the concrete practice of the
Chinese revolution and to integrate the principle of adhering to the basic
socialist system with the flexibility of adopting various forms and methods
in accordance with actual conditions. Since the 3d Plenary Session of the
11th CPC Central Committee, our party and state have carried out a policy of
domestically revitalizing the economy and internationally opening up the
door to other countries, reformed the economic system and readjusted the
principles and policies of economic construction. The aim'of all this is
to solve the question of this "integration" and to discover appropriate
forms and a correct path which uphold the socialist road and develop the
socialist economy under the present conditions of our country.
The achievements gained both in understanding and practice in this respect
since the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee have been
fully absorbed in the draft of the revised constitution. First, on the
question of the ownership system of the means of production, on the one
hand, it holds that the basis of the socialist economic system is the
state sector of the economy, that is, the economy under the ownership
system owned by the whole people, is the "dominant force in the national
economy" and that the various forms of the cooperative economy in the
countryside and the cities and towns constitute a socialist sector of the
economy collectively owned by the working people. In particular, an addi-
tional special clause is added, which stipulates in a relatively clear
manner that mineral resources, water, forests, mountains, grasslands,
underdeveloped lands, beaches and other natural resources, seas and land,
are owned by the state or are collectively owned, thus ensuring the nature
of the socialist public ownership of these basic and important means of
production; at the same time, it clearly affirms the principle of "socialist
public property shall be sacred and inviolable," and in accordance with this
principle, it stipulates many concrete regulations in the clauses concerned.
On the other hand, it still affirms that the various forms of the collective
ownership system are in the cities and the countryside, that the individual
economy of the urban and rural working people, within limits prescribed by
law, is a complement to the socialist sector of the economy owned by the
public, that the right of the peasants who are members of organizations
of the rural collective economy to farm plots of agricultural and hilly
land, engage in household sideline production and keep livestock for their
own needs and affirms the various forms of the socialist responsibility
system in operations and management, and so on. Second, on the question
of the planning and management of the national economy, it clearly stipu-
lates that the principle of "the state plans of the national economy on
the basis of socialist public ownership" should be upheld, and at the same
time, while affirming the supplementary role of regulation by market
mechanism, it stipulates that "the state ensures the proportionate and
coordinated development of the national economy through the comprehensive
balancing of economic plans, with regulation by market mechanism as a
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subsidiary." In regard to state-run enterprises and collective economic
organizations, in accordance with their different conditions, on the one
hand, the draft separately stipulates that they should submit to the
unified leadership of the state, carry out the state plan or accept the
planning and guidance of the state and abide by the laws concerned, and
,on the other hand, it respectively stipulates the different forms of
decisionmaking,power gained by the two types of enterprises and the differ-
ent forms of power of democratic management enjoyed by the working people
of the enterprises. Third, on the question of the principles and policies
of economic construction, it stipulates the aim and means of socialist
production and the relationship between accumulation and consumption and
between the state, the collective and the individual, and it affirms the
principle of gradually improving the livelihood of the people on the basis
of the development of production. Fourth, in accordance with the principle
of developing the economic and technical cooperation with other countries
on the condition of achieving independence and self-reliance through
rejuvenation, an additional clause for permitting foreign enterprises or
foreign individuals to invest in China or carry out various forms of
economic cooperation in accordance with the provisions of state laws is
stipulated in the draft, and so on. All this briefly records the achieve-
ments and orientation of the reforms of the economic system and the prin-
ciples and policies of economic construction since the 3d Plenary Session
of the 11th CPC Central Committee in the form of succinct and precise legal
articles and thus embodies the integration of principle and flexibility.
There are still many concrete problems concerning the economic system and
economic policies which demand further exploration and solutions but the
basic form and path have been clearly defined. It is of tremendous and
long-term significance to the development of China's socialist economy to
affirm them in the form of the fundamental law of the state.
2. On the Building of Socialist Spiritual Civilization
The development of civilization always includes material and spiritual
aspects. Socialist construction undertakings similarly embrace two
aspects: One is to develop the economy and create increasingly sophisti-
cated conditions for material production and more and more material
products and the other is to develop culture and enhance the ideological
and moral levels. After the socialist system has been established, it is
wrong not to place economic construction as the central task of the people
all over the country; however, when the focus of the work of the state has
been shifted to modern economic construction, it will also be wrong not to
concurrently put the building of socialist spiritual civilization in an
important position. This is because without the building of spiritual
civilization, the people will be ignorant and backward and unable to free
themselves from the old ideas and old habits which were shaped under the
exploitative system and the private ownership of the means of production.
This being the case, it is obvious that it is impossible to accomplish
socialist modernization and also build a highly advanced material civiliza-
tion. Furthermore, as a new social system, socialism must raise the
socialist and communist political consciousness and moral level of the
entire people and establish a new-type relationship between man.anu man in
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light of new ideas rather than confining itself to establish new-type
economic ties and improving material living conditions. The socialist
system was, as it should be, founded under the guidance of advanced and
scientific ideology, and the continued advance of socialist society will
surely be achieved under the guidance of this advanced ideology, and more-
over this advanced ideology should be gradually spread among the whole body
of the members of society. Otherwise, the socialist system cannot possibly
develop healthily and there may even emerge a phenomenon of shrinkage and
retrogression in this respect. Therefore, the building of socialist
spiritual civilization is a question of fundamental importance concerning
the consolidation and development of the socialist system. The constitu-
tion during the new historical period has to work out principled stipula-
tions from various aspects on this question.
There are two main aspects in the draft of the revised constitution regard-
ing the contents of spiritual civilization: One is to develop socialist
education, science, public health and various cultural undertakings and
the other is to encourage social virtues and educate the people on the
ideas and ethics of communism.
Article 20 in the "General Principles" stipulates in principle the develop-
ment of such undertakings as education, science and culture. In particular,
the following clear stipulations have been drawn up concerning the educa-
tional system and tasks: 1) Universalize primary education and wipe out
illiteracy. This is the prerequisite for raising the whole nation's
scientific and cultural level. 2) Develop secondary, vocational and.
higher education. This involves the question of establishing a rational
educational structure and helping education suit itself to the require-
ments of scientific and cultural development and the modernization program.
3) Promote political, cultural, scientific, technical and professional
education among the workers, peasants and other working people (Article 41
still stipulates that necessary vocational training should be provided to
citizens who have not yet been assigned work). This is the education for
adult working people who are at their posts. It has a bearing on the
constant improvement of the political and technical quality of people who
are capable of full-time labor in industry, agriculture and various other
trades. 4) Promote the spoken Han language for wide use throughout the
country to facilitate the development of cultural and educational work.
This is of tremendous significance to the cultural exchange of the various
regions and various nationalities all over the country and.also one of the
basic measures for increasing the scientific and cultural level of the
people throughout the nation. The above-mentioned matters are all extremely
important work which should be undertaken for a long period and conscien-
tiously carried out. Developing educational undertakings is the basis for
the whole cultural construction. Doing a good job in this type of work is
of great strategic significance to improving the cultural quality of the
whole nation, to raising the quality of labor of the entire working people
and to the balanced development of the country's cultural undertakings and
the unity and prosperity of the country.
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Article 22 of the draft is a stipulation concerning one important aspect of
socialist spiritual civilization--political consciousness and ideas and
ethics. This article embraces three contents: One is to promote the
virtues of love for the motherland, the people, labor, science .and social-
ism. Listing "loving five things, that is, the motherland, the people,
labor, science and socialism," which the state promotes as social virtues,
into the constitution means determining the common codes of conduct for all
citizens. The other is to educate the.people in the ideas and ethics of
patriotism, collectivism, internationalism and communism. This education
serves as the consolidation and development of the socialist system which
'takes the'public ownership of the means of production as the foundation
and serves as the core of building socialist spiritual civilization. Still
another is to oppose the influence of capitalist ideas, the remaining
feudal ideas and other decadent ideology. The building of socialist
spiritual civilization is not carried out in a vacuum. Putting forth the
task of such ideological struggle in light of China's domestic conditions
and international conditions is the important guarantee for building
socialist spiritual civilization. In short, the three tasks which comple-
ment each other and are stipulated in the draft are the program for building
socialist spiritual civilization in the field of education in ideas and
ethics.
The draft has not only formulated programmatic stipulations on the building
of spiritual civilization but also concretely stipulated the legal codes
and moral standards which should be followed by the whole citizens in the
clauses concerned. For example, they concern the matters of the principle
that socialist public property shall be sacred and inviolable and the
various concrete stipulations related to it; of work being a glorious duty
of every able-bodied citizen and the due attitude toward labor which the
working people should hold; of the principle that all citizens are equal
before the law and the various concrete stipulations on equality between
different nationalities, between man and woman and between citizens' rights
and duties; of the stipulations that the state functionaries and armed
forces must serve the people; that the state and society take care of and
train young people and children, give help to citizens who are old, ill or
lost their abilities to work, ensure the livelihood of the disabled members
of the armed forces and help arrange for the livelihood and education of
handicapped persons; of the requirements for citizens to observe work
discipline, observe public order and respect social ethics and beneficial
customs and habits; of the stipulations' that marriage, the family, the
mother and the child should be protected, that children have the duty to
support their parents and that maltreatment of old people, women and
children is prohibited; of the sacred duties of citizens to be duty-bound
to safeguard the unity of the country and the unity of all nationalities
and to safeguard the security, honor and the interests of the motherland
and to defend the motherland and resist aggression. All this is a new-type
relationship between man and man and a code-of conduct which are both based
on the socialist system of public ownership. The aim of establishing this
relationship and carrying out this code of conduct is to enable the'people
throughout the country to become disciplined socialist: citizens with ideas
and virtues. Putting these stipulations into the fundamental law of the
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state is first aimed naturally at establishing the people's socialist
political relationship and legal standards and at the same time aimed at
establishing the people's socialist ideological belief and moral standards.
This is because the stipulations in the constitution concerning the new-
type relationship between man and man which a socialist society should have
are not only manifested in concrete systems and laws but also should go deep
into the people's ideology and life and become the codes of conduct which
the people should abide by. In order to suit the requirements of the
modernization program and to perfect the socialist system during the new
stage, such concrete and clear and definite stipulations on the building
of spiritual civilization have been formulated. This is a naked charac-
teristic of this draft of the revised constitution.
3. On the Building of a Highly Democratic Socialist Political System
The socialist system is not only an economic system but also a political
system. The socialist political system which corresponds to the socialist
public ownership of the means of production and under which the entire
people enjoy in a political sense the supreme power to administer the
affairs of the country means the system of the people's democratic dictator-
ship. Building a highly democratic socialist political system is the guar-
antee for accomplishing socialist modernization and building spiritual and
material civilizations. Because the socialist cause is an undertaking by
the whole people, only when we realize in a political sense a high level of
democracy and practice centralism on the basis of a highly advanced
democracy, can we ensure the political situation of long-term stability,
bring the enthusiasm of the broad masses for socialism into full play,
make a tremendous united force and ensure the smooth development of
socialist construction. At the same time, realizing a high degree of
democracy and fully ensuring the entire people's right of being the masters
of the country and the legal freedoms and rights of individual citizens
themselves are also some of the important goals of the Chinese people for
building socialism. Therefore, formulating systematic stipulations on
highly advanced socialist democracy in a way ranging from principle to con-
crete system is a fundamental requirement of the revision of the constitu-
tion.
Highly advanced socialist democracy includes two meanings: On the one hand,
in terms of the nature of the state system, socialist democracy, that is,
the people's democratic dictatorship, indicates the entire people's ruling
position and their position of being the masters of the country. This is a
democracy in which the entire people are the masters of the country and for
this reason, it is a democracy of a higher degree compared with that of the
bourgeoisie. On the other hand, in terms of the various democratic systems
and democratic life under socialism, we are now far from sufficient in this
respect and achieving highly advanced democracy still requires a course of
long-term development. For this reason, we take the realization of a highly
advanced democracy as an important task of building socialism. The two
meanings we have talked about here are, in fact, the state system and
political system of a socialist country. These two meanings are inter-
related. Without overthrowing the rule of the reactionary classes and
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establishing the people's democratic dictatorship led by the working class,
highly advanced democracy is out of the question and any allegations, such
as "the majority of the people decide" and "the minority should submit to
the majority," are nothing but empty talk. So the state power- under the
people's democratic dictatorship is the prerequisite for achieving highly
advanced socialist democracy. However, after the people's democratic
dictatorship is established, if the building of the highly. democratic polit-
ical system is not strengthened according to democratic centralism and the
perfect socialist legality of this system is not displayed, it will be
impossible to fully ensure that the entire people can exercise their right
of being the masters of the country. Therefore, strengthening the building
of democracy and the legal system is an important condition for upholding
the. people's democratic dictatorship. Our previous lessons lie in the
serious-neglect of the building of various, socialist democratic systems and
the legal system. This is precisely one of the important reasons why the
"Great Cultural Revolution" could come into being. Since the 3d Plenary
Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee, while summing up historical
experiences and lessons, our party has once again stressed the importance
of realizing highly advanced socialist democracy, and over the years, it
has. done a lot of work in the reforms of the country's political and
leadership systems and in the building of the democratic and legal systems,
thus enabling. China's socialist democracy to revive and greatly develop.
The profound understanding of realizing highly advanced socialist democracy,
which we gained from historical experience, and the advances which we
:achieved in the building of democracy and the legal system find expression
in a centralized way in the clauses of this draft of the revised constitu-
tion. In the "Preamble" of the constitution, the draft takes the building
of a modern socialist country with a high level of democracy and culture as
the fundamental task of the people throughout the country in the days to
come. Article 1 through Article 5 of the "General Principles" stipulate
the fundamental principles of our country's political system, including
the state system of the people's democratic dictatorship and the system of
people's congresses, which are organized according to democratic centralism.
The stipulations in the chapter on the "Fundamental Rights and Duties of
Citizens" concerning the freedoms and democratic rights of citizens are
derived from the principles of socialis.t democracy, which are included in
the "General Principles." The chapter on "The Structure of the State" is
the objective of China's socialist political system--the system of people's
congresses. These stipulations stress from many angles the building of
socialist democracy and socialist legal system. First, in order to con-
scientiously ensure that the people can really exercise state power, the
chapter strengthens the building of the state organs at the various levels,
in particular the building of the system of people's congresses in
accordance with the principle of democratic centralism, such as strengthen-
ing the functions and powers of the National People's Congress and its
Standing Committee; restoring the post of the state chairman; establishing
the Central Military Commission, which is responsible to the NPC; raising
the work efficiency of the administrative organizations; enlarging the
functions and powers of the State Council and practicing the premier-
minister responsibility system; strengthening the functions and posers of
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the local people's congresses at the various levels, and so on. All this
will enable the state organs to better represent the interests and will of
the people and better serve the people and to effectively lead and organize
socialist construction. Second, in accordance with the principle of social-
ist democracy, the chapter concretely stipulates the various basic rights
and duties of citizens and establishes the social political relationship
between man and man and between the individual citizens on the one hand and
the state and society on the other; restores, increases and substantiates
the clauses on the citizens' rights of democracy and freedoms; establishes
the principle that all citizens are equal before the law and stipulates that
no organization or individual shall enjoy privileges that transcend the
constitution and the law; establishes the principle that the rights of citi-
zens ?
are inseparable from their duties, stipulates the duties every citizen
should observe and that when exercising their freedoms and rights, citizens
must not infringe upon the interests of the state, society and the collec-
tive and other legal freedoms and rights of citizens. This provides legal
bases to correctly handle the relationship between democracy and centralism,
between freedom and discipline and between rights and duties in accordance
with the principle of democracy. Third, except for the exercising of state
power through people's congresses, the chapter on the "General Principles"
stiuplates that "the people have the right to administer the affairs of the
country and its economic, cultural and social affairs, according to the
provisions of the law, through various channels and in various forms." In
keeping with this, separate stipulations are made on the right of citizens
to make criticisms of and proposals to any state organ or any department
therein and on their rights to supervise; the right of workers in the
state-run enterprises and in units of the collective economy, urban or
rural, to take part in or exercise democratic management, and of the right
of the residents in urban and rural areas to practice autonomy of a mass
character, and so on. This enlarges socialist democracy in the various
fields, such as the political, economic, cultural and social life of the
people all over the country. Fourth, the principles of socialist legality
are established. The chapter on the "General Principles" clearly stipulates
that "the state upholds the uniformity and dignity of the socialist legal
system" and "all state organs and people's armed forces, all political
parties and public organizations and all enterprises must abide by the
constitution and the law." This provides a constitutional and legal guaran-
tee for the institutionalization of socialist democracy. The new constitu-
tion itself is the supreme legal basis for the institutionalization and
legalization of social democracy. It will play a tremendous role in build-
ing the socialist political system with a high level of democracy. ?
CSO: 4004/47
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STRENGTHEN THE GREAT UNITY OF ALL NATIONALITIES
Beijing RED.FLAG in Chinese No. 16, 16 Aug,82 pp 26-31
[Article by Ismail Amat]
[Text] The "Resolution on Certain Questions in the History of Our Party
Since the Founding of the PRC" approved by.theparty's sixth plenary
session pointed out: "It is of profound significance to our multinational
country to improve socialist relations among our various nationalities and
strengthen national unity." More than 30 years' history in Xinjiang has
proved that, under the leadership of the.CP.C Central Committee, people of
all nationalities should strengthen unity and march in unison in the great
socialist family of the motherland. This constitutes an important guaran-
tee for the cause of opposing hegemonism,, consolidating the unification of
the motherland, promoting the common prosperity of the various nationali-
ties and smoothly carrying out the socialist modernization program.
Our great motherland has been a multinational state since ancient times.
The Chinese nation, including Han and other minority nationalities, is an
entity. Although in history splits and disunity have occurred on many
occasions among the various nationalities, they have been only temporary
phenomena while unification has always been-the main aspect of China's
historical development. Chinese history of the past thousands of years
is one of founding and defending the motherland-by the people of various
nationalities who are interdependent and are. inseparable from one another.
It is a history of the people of various nationalities who live in compact
societies and who get along well with, and help, one another. Xinjiang,
like all other minority nationality autonomous regions in our country, is
an integral part of the great motherland. As early as 2,000 years ago,
the Western Han dynasty exercised its sovereignty over Xinjiang by setting
up administrative organs. In the past 2,000 years and more, the people of
various nationalities in Xinjiang and the Han people have drawn on each
other's experiences in politics, economics and culture. This has vigor-
ously promoted economic development and enriched the cultural treasure
house of the motherland. In the course of historical developments, the
various minority nationalities have introduced from the Han region advanced
production tools and techniques and thus promoted the economic anc: cultural
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development of the border region. The Han people have also introduced
from the minority nationalities particular strains of crops and cultivation
techniques nonexistent in many areas of the central plains and thus pro-
moted the agricultural development of the central plains. The people of
Xinjiang consist of 13 nationalities including the Uygur, Han, Kazak,
Monggol, Hui, Kirgiz, Xibo and Tazik. They have been working hard to build
up and defend this beautiful and richly endowed border region of the mother-
land. Many outstanding political, military, scientific and literary and
artistic personages from various nationalities in Xinjiang have made great
efforts to safeguard the unification of the motherland and the unity of all
nationalities and, with their outstanding talents, greatly contributed to
the higher education and culture of the motherland. A large number of
artifacts that have been uncovered in Xinjiang over the years, such as
ancient books, documents, contracts, letters and inscriptions on tombs,
bear witness to the historical fact that, since ancient times, the people
of various nationalities in Xinjiang have closely united with, and got
along well with, the Han people.
In the struggles against imperialism and feudalism, the people of all
nationalities in Xinjiang were united as one and fought side by side. They
fought heroically and unremittingly against invaders from czarist Russia
and the feudal rule of the Qing dynasty and performed many moving deeds.
The common cause of defending territorial integrity and national unity
against national split and exploitation and oppression by the reactionary
ruling classes have bound the people of all nationalities tightly together.
They depend on one another for survival and are inseparable. Especially
during the new democratic revolution, the people of all nationalities in
Xinjiang, under the leadership of the CPC, set off a mighty revolutionary
movement. As early as 1933, the CPC successively sent party members to
Xinjiang to engage in revolutionary work. In 1939, it again sent Comrade
Chen Tanqiu, a member of the CPC Central Committee, to serve as a party
representative in Xinjiang. Together with Mao Zemin and many other com-
rades, he spread Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought in Xinjiang and pointed
out to the people of all nationalities the correct way to revolutionary
struggle. With their outstanding work, the Chinese communists in Xinjiang
managed to awaken the people of all nationalities who had suffered for a
long time under the reactionary rule of the warlords and the KMT. The
revolution that broke out in the three prefectures of Ili, Tacheng and
Altay in the autumn of 1944 dealt a telling blow to the KMT reactionary
rule. This was an integral part of the people's democratic revolution
throughout the country. Exemplary communists, including Comrades Chen
Tanqiu, Mao Zemin, Lin Jilu and Qiao Guozhen remained staunch and
indomitable in the enemy's prison and were murdered in cold blood. They
dedicated their precious lives to the revolutionary cause of all nationali-
ties in Xinjiang. Their revolutionary spirit of complete dedication and
wholehearted service to the people of all nationalities in Xinjiang will
always be remembered by the people in Xinjiang.
In the early postliberation period, in accordance with Comrade Mao Zedong's
instructions on marching into Xinjiang, stationing troops to open up the
wasteland and defend the border and doing more good for the people of all
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nationalities, Comrades Wang Zhen and Wang Enmao marched into Xinjiang at
the head of their troops. A large number of Han cadres enthusiastically
answered the call of the CPC Central Committee and Comrade Mao Zedong and
came to Xinjiang from various localities thousands of li away. Later, the
CPC Central Committee again transferred and-dispatched a large number of
cadres and scientific and technical personnel of the-Han nationality to
Xinjiang. Most of these Han cadres, whether they came at an. earlier or
later date, were diligent and conscientious in serving the people of all
nationalities in Xinjiang. Shouldering heavy responsibilities on various
fronts, they modestly learned from the cadres and masses of minority
nationalities, conscientiously implemented the party's policy toward
nationalities, respected the customs and habits of minority nationalities,
were as-dear to the minority nationality cadres as. members of their family
and fought-side by side with them. They have done a lot of good deeds for
the people of all nationalities and have made tremendous contributions in
the great struggle to defend and build up the border region. Many veteran
cadres working in Xinjiang, who had experienced the agrarian revolution,
the 25,000-li Long March, the war of resistance against Japan and the
liberation war and who had gone through all kinds of hardships and difficul-
ties by fighting north and south on many fronts, consistently keep and carry
.forward the glorious traditions of hard work and plain living and the
Nanniwan spirit and devote all their energy to the-cause.of building up the
border region. They are cadres with relatively high political conscious-
with a work style of arduous struggle, with practical experience in
building up the border region and with rich experience in national work.
They are familiar with Xinjiang's natural conditions and have a profound
feeling for the people of minority nationalities. They have set an example
for the cadres of various nationalities to learn from. In the protracted
struggle to build up and defend the border region, not only have they
painstakingly and loyally led the people of various nationalities in over-
coming difficulties and winning fresh victories in both construction and
revolution, they have also,'with a high degree of political enthusiasm and
patience,- helped a large number of minority nationality cadres to reach
maturity. At present, quite a few minority nationality cadres who are in-
leading positions in the various departments of our region, including
myself, have grown up with the solicitude and cultivation of the party and
with the help of Han cadres. According to statistics, in 1949 there were
only more than 3,000 minority nationality cadres throughout the region, but
in 1981, the number increased by 51.95 times, to more than 158,800 minority
nationality cadres throughout the region. In 1950 there were only 460
professional and technical cadres of minority nationalities throughout the
region, but, in 1981, there.were more than-44,700 persons, an increase of
96.17 times. With the education of the party, the numerous minority
nationality cadres have gradually heightened their political consciousness,
working ability and cultural and technical levels. They love the party,
the motherland and socialism, are familiar with the past and present con-
ditions of their nationalities, understand the sentiments, habits and
special characteristics of the people of minority nationalities and have
a close link with the masses of people in the localities. These cadres
include veteran comrades from the-revolution in Ili, Tacheng and Altay and
middle-aged and young cadres who grew up after liberation in the c,)urse of
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revolution and construction. At their own respective posts, they study
assiduously, work hard and maintain close links with the masses, thus
winning the praise of the party and the people of the various nationalities.
In the difficult years of pioneering work in production and construction,
the minority nationality cadres throughout the region, along with the Han
cadres, shared weal and woe. They supported and made allowances for each
other and, united as one, marched forward hand in hand. The growth of many
Han cadres is also inseparable from the enthusiastic help of minority
nationality cadres.
Facts have fully proved that since the existence of recorded history,
Xinjiang has always been a component part of the history of our motherland.
Over the years, the minority nationalities and Han people in Xinjiang have
been working and fighting in this beautiful and richly endowed land. Han
people have helped the minority nationalities; the minority nationalities
have also helped Han people.
Bound by a common cause, the various nationalities are as close as flesh
and blood and live amicably and inseparably together like members of one
family. We must certainly cherish the glorious history of the motherland
and inherit and carry forward the glorious traditions of unity and friend-
ship among all nationalities.
In his article "Certain Questions in China's Policy Toward Nationalities,"
Comrade Zhou Enlai pointed out: "Our socialist state is aimed at mod-
ernizing all fraternal nationality regions and autonomous regions. The
modernization of the whole country must be achieved in an all-round way.
We should have this spirit, a spirit of genuine equality and friendship in
this great family of nationalities. We should not let the backward areas
remain backward forever. If we do, we are creating inequality; and, this
is a mistake." Strengthening the great unity of the people of all
nationalities is precisely the requirement for realizing socialist
modernization.
The motherland's modernization program is closely linked with the common
prosperity of various nationalities. The social and economic structures
of the various nationalities in our country are extremely uneven in their
development. Generally speaking, economy and culture develop quite
speedily in the Han region while in the outlying regions where the minority
nationalities live in compact communities, due to some natural conditions
and historical causes, the social, economic and cultural developments are
rather slow. Without the leadership and help of the party and state and
without the vigorous support of fraternal provinces, municipalities and
autonomous regions in manpower and in material and financial resources, it
would be impossible for the nationalities which are rather backward polit-
ically, economically and culturally to speedily get 'rid of their backward-
ness and catch up with the advanced regions. This has been proved in the
past and will continue to be proved in the future.
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In-the past 30. years and more, the cadres and-masses of various nationali-
ties in Xinjiang, with the solicitude of-the CPC Central Committee and the
support of relevant state departments and fraternal provinces, municipali-
ties and autonomous regions, have made common efforts. and engaged in
arduous: struggle. They have achieved great. successes:in various under-
takings,, bringing about earthshaking changes to the north and south of the
Tianshan Mountains. In the early postliberation period, the region had only
a?dozen or so small, poorly equipped factories or workshops and access to
the,;reg?ion was.,very difficult. Now, relatively modern industrial enter-
prises--including iron and steel, machine building, coal, power, petroleum,
chemical, cement, nonferrous metal, textile; paper and sugar making--have
been built. We are more than self-sufficient in some products. We have
not only supported the state and some fraternal provinces and regions but
also sold products abroad. In 1981, the region's total industrial output
value was 45?.25 times the 1949 figure; total output value of agriculture and
animal husbandry was 5.33 times the 1949 figure. Of these, total grain
output was 4.6 times the figure of the early'postliberation period while
the number of livestock was 2.72 times the figure of the early post-
liberation period. The region's industrial avid agricultural output value
is increasing at an average progressive rate, of 7.8 percent every year.
The communications network, consisting of railways, highways and civil
aviation, links up all parts of the region. With the development in pro-
duction, financial revenue has constantly.. increased. Cultural, educational,
sanitation, scientific and technological undertakings are thriving and the
material and cultural life of the people of various nationalities has
greatly improved compared with the early postliberation period. Before
liberation there was only 1 small college with 185 students; now the region
has 12 universities and colleges with nearly 8,000 minority nationality
students. The number of secondary and primary school pupils has increased
still more. In 1949 there were only 48?small hospitals while now the
region has 903 hospitals, 17.8 times the 1949 figure. Scientific research
institutes and technological departments can be found all over the region
and a large number of middle and high-level scientific and technical person-
nel of various nationalities are emerging on various fronts. However, we
should also soberly note that although we have achieved great successes and
attained fairly great developments in the economic and cultural construction
of our region, we still lag far behind the advanced fraternal provinces and
regions. We still fall short of the requirements of the four modernizations
by a greater margin. These facts conclusively show that in developing and
building up Xinjiang, not only did we need in the past the strong leader-
ship and vigorous support of the state and the enthusiastic help of the
cadres and scientific and technical personnel of fraternal nationalities
in the hinterland, but we also need them now and shall still need them in
the future.
Naturally, help between various nationalities in our country has always
been mutual. The minority nationalities need the help of Han people and
vice versa. This has been decided by the interests of the party, state
and nation and the long-range goal of communism. Achieving socialist
modernization is the common goal of struggle for the people of all .
nationalities. This constitutes a basis for further strengthening the
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great unity of the people of all nationalities. The minority nationalities
in our country have relatively sparse population but they are scattered
over vast regions. There are abundant resources and hidden treasures in
these regions. Due to different weather and natural conditions, there are
great varieties of agricultural crops that can be developed and we enjoy
exceptional advantages in some products. In animal husbandry, all the
five great natural pasture grounds in our country are situated in the
minority nationality regions, where there are also abundant forestry
resources. There is still a greater potential for developing mineral
resources. Xinjiang is a valuable place where there is vast territory and
abundant resources and where development and construction is urgently needed.
It also plays an important role in promoting the four modernizations of the
motherland. The four modernizations desperately need the active support and
participation of the people of all nationalities. Only by making concerted
efforts and making up for each other's deficiencies will it be possible for
the people of all nationalities to build a modern socialist motherland and
achieve common prosperity for the people of all nationalities. The cadres
and masses of our various nationalities must proceed from the viewpoint that
the four modernizations program has a direct bearing on the fundamental
interests of the people of all nationalities and conscientiously safeguard
and strengthen the great unity among the various nationalities.
Xinjiang is an important strategic place for national defense in the
western part of our country. The CPC Central Committee and the leading
comrades of the central authorities have issued a series of important
instructions on work in Xinjiang. A very important aspect of these
instructions is that, in thinking and working, the cadres and masses of
all nationalities should proceed from the overall situation of unity
against hegemonism and of strengthening border defense, and strengthen
unity between the army and the government and unity between the army and
people in order to genuinely build Xinjiang into a powerful fighting force.
In the protracted struggle of building and defending the border region and
in the struggle to oppose the aggressive, subversive and sabotage activities
of hegemonism, the people and cadres of all nationalities, the staff and
workers of the production and construction corps, police cadres and militia-
men unite closely and fight side by side with the commanders and fighters of
the PLA units stationed in Xinjiang. They are as close as fish and water
and have cemented ties of deep friendship. The people of all nationalities
in Xinjiang will always remember the difficult years in the early post-
liberation period when the PLA units stationed in Xinjiang, carrying forward
the glorious traditions of being a fighting force, working force and produc-
tion force, suppressed bandits, opposed local despots and engaged in
democratic reforms together with the cadres and masses of minority
nationalities; they developed production by opening up wasteland and carry-
ing out farming; they lived frugally and set up iron and steel, textile,
machine building and many other factories through self-reliance, thus
laying a foundation for Xinjiang's industrial construction. In the social-
ist revolution and construction period, the commanders and fighters of the
PLA units stationed in Xinjiang, carrying forward the revolutionary spirit
of "fearing neither hardship nor death," facing blizzards, eating in the
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wind and sleeping in the dew, have guarded the frontiers of the motherland
with high vigilance. They have strengthened the army-civilian joint defense
and helped the people with their production. Wherever conditions are the
hardest and most dangerous, there you are sure to find the people's own
army. They have done a lot of good deeds for the people of all nationalities
and managed to foil the hegemonists' scheme of aggression; they leave no
opening for a handful of foreign and domestic enemies to exploit. The
people's army love the people and the people love the liberation army. In
the past 30 years and more, the cadres and masses of all nationalities in
Xinjiang have regarded the difficulties of the people's own army as their
own and, in manpower and material resources, have actively helped the PLA
successfully fulfill the tasks of defending and building up the border area.
Now, whether in the rural areas or grasslands, whether in the army barracks
or at sentry posts, the stories of supporting the army and cherishing the
people and of unity between the army and people and between the army and
government are being widely circulated. The western frontier defense of the
motherland is more consolidated and the wall of army-civilian joint defense
is indestructible.
Comrade Mao Zedong said: "One of the reasons why the imperialists dared to
bully China in the past was because the various nationalities in China were
disunited. However, this era has passed forever. Since the founding of
the PRC, the various nationalities in China have united into a great family
of friendship and cooperation. This is sufficient to vanquish any imperial-
ist aggression and to build our motherland into a prosperous and powerful
country." Now, the hegemonists are threatening our country and are employ-
ing various means to carry out subversive and sabotage activities in
Xinjiang in a vain attempt to split our country. A handful of domestic
enemies are also engaged in the criminal activities of undermining national
unity and splitting the unification of the motherland by every possible
means. The people of all nationalities in Xinjiang, cadres at various
levels, commanders and fighters of PLA units stationed in Xinjiang, the
staff and workers of the production and construction corps, police cadres
and the militiamen should'greatly heighten their vigilance against the
enemy. The more the enemies fear our unity, the more closely should we
unite. We should also make all preparations and struggle against foreign
and domestic, overt and covert enemies that undermine our national unity
and split the unification of the motherland. We should guard well the
western gate of the motherland with one heart and one mind and achieve a
still greater victory in building and defending the border region.
In Xinjiang, both historical experiences and the tasks confronting us demand
that, in considering every problem and doing any work, we must attach great
importance to national unity. All our tasks must be subservient to unity,
which constitutes an overall situation. If we neglect or forget this over-
all situation, we will be committing a big mistake.
The key to strengthening unity among all nationalities lies in the correct
implementation of the nationalities policy of the party and in the consoli-
dation and strengthening of regional. national autonomy. The party's policy
on. regional national autonomy is the party's basic policy for solving
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national problems. In the course of long history, the Han people and the
minority nationalities as well as the various minority nationalities them-
selves have lived and mixed in compact communities. Most of the minority
nationalities live in small compact communities over vast regions. There-
fore, in most autonomous regions, the "nationalities that practice
autonomy" do not command a majority. This is a special feature of the
regional national autonomy in our country and is particularly advantageous
to the development of socialist national relationship. Our country's
policy on regional national autonomy has affirmed the rights of the
minority nationalities to become the masters of their own affairs. It ?
ensures that the various minority nationality regions, under the unified
leadership of the central authorities and the leading bodies at a higher
level, have the right to modify the policies of the party and the state
to suit their special conditions. Efforts should be made to help these
regions develop their own economy and culture, to respect the minority
written and spoken languages, customs and habits, to train and select
cadres from among minority people and to bring their role into full play.
However, this policy should not be misunderstood to mean that the Han cadres
are not needed or that cultural, educational, scientific and technical
personnel and masses of the Han nationality are not needed. It should be
pointed out that, due to serious interference and sabotage by Lin Biao and
the "gang of four," some people have a vague idea of the party's policy
toward nationalities. Especially among the large number of youths that
have grown up recently, we have not conducted a good education on the
Marxist viewpoint on nationalities and the party's policy toward nationali-
ties. This merits our particular attention. To this end, we should con-
scientiously and frequently conduct publicity and education among the
minority cadres on the party's policy toward nationalities and on national
unity so.that the minority cadres can penetratingly study Marxist national
theory and foster a Marxist viewpoint on nationalities. It is necessary
to improve party work style and strengthen party spirit. In order to do a
good job of inner-party democracy and promote, through this, the great unity
of the people of all nationalities, it is necessary to wage struggles,
through criticism and self-criticism, particularly through opposing and
rectifying the erroneous tendencies and national prejudice within the party
on the national question, against the ideas and acts that run counter to
the party's national policy and the principles of party spirit.
Comrade Hu Yaobang once pointed out: The Han cadres and cadres of minority
nationalities should be united. They cannot be divorced from each other.
Our cadres of all nationalities, especially leading cadres at various
levels, must set examples with their own conduct and take the lead in
promoting unity among cadres and the masses of all nationalities. Both Han
cadres and cadres of other nationalities should not say anything harmful or
do anything detrimental to unity. Criticism and self-criticism must be held
often among cadres of all nationalities and heart-to-heart talks must be
encouraged among them so that they will be really able to have mutual
affinity, show utter devotion toward each other, and value the interests of
the party and the people above everything else. In handling problems
involving relations between nationalities, we must be firmly convinced that
the great majority of cadres and the masses of every nationality uphold the
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leadership of the party, love the socialist motherland and safeguard national
unity. Those who disrupt national unity and whip up national split are only
a -few bad elements. We should never waver in this firm conviction. If the
conviction wavers, we will commit.'dreadful mistakes. In viewing any dispute
or problem between one or two individuals of Han nationality and a minority
nationality,'cadres of all nationalities must make a concrete analysis in
line with the spirit of seeking truth from facts. A problem should be
determined by its real nature. The problems of a certain person should,not
involve others. Problems of one individual should not be termed as a prob-
lem of one nationality. Bad elements who provoke incidents and disturbances
and disrupt national unity must be dealt with according to law and must be
handled strictly regardless of nationality. A solid unity among people of
all nationalities can be ensured only when ideology is unified, relations
improved and unity strengthened among cadres of all nationalities. This has
been repeatedly proved by practice and the experience of many localities
and departments in our region.
In order to further enhance unity among the .people of all nationalities,
the regional CPC committee and people's government have called on the party'
organizations and government departments at all levels to attach primary
importance to cementing the unity of all nationalities, especially the unity
of cadres of all nationalities. Leading cadres at all levels should pay
attention to the work on national unity while giving instructions for
assigning work of other fields, and while examining and summing up work of
other fields. In places like our Xinjiang, relations among nationalities
and unity should be considered as major criteria in measuring the work in
one district, one department and one unit and the work of one leading cadre.
Safeguarding national unity should be considered as one of the essential
aspects while assessing and promoting cadres of all nationalities. We must
make further efforts to implement the policies of the party and thoroughly
redress all unjust verdicts, false charges and mishandled cases. so as to
properly handle all pending problems. National unity should be taken as one
of the important aspects in building spiritual civilization. Education on
the policy toward nationalities and national unity should be once again
stressed extensively and penetratingly throughout the region. It should
spread into every department and every unit of the party, government, mili-
tary, civilian and educational organizations.. Courses on policy toward
nationalities and national unity should be established in kindergartens,
primary schools, middle schools and universities. The party's policy
toward nationalities should be made known to every household, striking root
in the hearts of the people. Departments in charge of historical science,
literature and art, press, publication, radio and television should make
much of national unity, publicize the great significance of enhancing
national unity, building and safeguarding the frontier region and commend
stirring deeds relating to national unity and unity between the army and
the people so that a new situation in which everybody pays attention to
and safeguards national unity will appear.
Engels once pointed out: "Only the proletarians can cease the state of
estrangement among all nationalities, and only the awakening proletariat
can foster fraternal affection among all nationalities." ("Collected Works
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of Marx and Engels," Vol 2, p 666) Before liberation, national oppression
existed in China; but all nationalities were also oppressed by imperialism,
so they were oppressed nations too. As a result of imperialist aggression
and oppression, all Chinese nations came to realize from their common
sufferings that they had to unite and struggle against imperialism and its
lackeys. Through protracted struggle under the leadership of the CPC, at
long last they achieved victory in revolution, with the founding of the
People's Republic of China under a united flag of all nationalities and
embarking on the road of socialism. The founding of new China discarded a
system of national oppression which had lasted over thousands of years and
opened up a new era of national equality and unity in our country. Under
the leadership of the CPC, the people of all nationalities have established
a new style socialist relationship of unity and friendship. Like the people
of all nationalities in other provinces, municipalities and autonomous
regions of our country, the people of all nationalities in Xinjiang consti-
tute, too, a major member of the big socialist community of the motherland
and share the right of equality in managing state affairs. Cadres and the
masses of all nationalities in our region should greatly treasure the right.
Under the leadership of the party Central Committee and under the brilliance
of the light of the party's policy toward nationalities, they will work hard
for enhancing national unity, safeguarding the frontier regions of the
motherland and protecting the integrity of the motherland. And they will
work hard for the common development and prosperity of all nationalities
and for the realization of communism--a common goal of all nationalities.
CSO: 4004/47
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SEVERAL PROBLEMS CONCERNING THE CURRENT RATIO BETWEEN ACCUMULATION AND
CONSUMPTION
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 16, 16 Aug 82 pp 32-36
[Article by Chen Feizhang [7115 2431 4545] and Jiang Zhenyun [5592 2182
7189]]
[Text] Since the 3d Plenary Session of the 1.1th CPC Central Committee the
whole party has conscientiously summed up the experiences and lessons in
economic construction and clearly seen that the practice of high accumula-
tion rate and low consumption which we adopted for years in the past should
by no means be allowed to continue. The CPC and the government have adopted
a series of measures and strived to solve the problems in this respect. At
present, what is the ratio between accumulation and consumption? What
problems remain unsolved? These questions have aroused the extensive
attention and concern of the people. Here we are going to discuss our
understanding of these questions.
In 1979, the CPC Central Committee decided to readjust the national economy.
One important decision was to adjust the ratio between accumulation and
consumption funds in the distribution of national income and to gradually
reduce the accumulation rate. Through several years of efforts, remarkable
achievements have been scored.
First, in accordance with the principle of doing things within the limits
of our capabilities, we have reduced the accumulation funds, mainly the
scope of capital construction and correspondingly increased the expenditure
on consumption funds. In 1978, the accumulation rate had reached-36.5 per-
cent, the third highest since the founding of the PRC following that in
1959 and 1960. After readjustment, the accumulation rate has decreased
year after year and it dropped to 28.3 percent.in 1981.
Second, in-the distribution of accumulation funds, spending of a production
nature has been gradually reduced, while spending of a nonproduction nature
has been considerably increased, thus initially putting an end to the
longstanding situation in which the "bones" and the "flesh" were not suited
to each other. Of the total investment in capital construction in 1981, the
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proportion of a production nature used for enlarging reproduction fell to
58.8 percent from 82.6 percent in 1978 and the proportion of a nonproduction
nature used for satisfying the people's material and cultural needs rose
from 17.4 percent to 41.2 percent. The aggregate sum of investment spent by
the state on nonproduction construction in the last 3 years was equal to
140 percent of the total sum of investment spent during the decade-long
"Great Cultural Revolution," or 54 percent of the total sum of investment
spent during the 29 years between 1950 and 1978. Of the investment in non-
production construction in 1981, the proportion for housing alone rose from
7.8 percent in 1979 to 25.5 percent. The aggregate sum of investment spent
by the state over the last 3 years on the construction of houses in the
cities and towns was 29.1 billion yuan. The floorspace of newly completed
houses totaled 223 million square meters and the average annual increase
was more than 74 million square meters or more than 300 percent of the
total average floorspace completed annually during the 10 years of the
"Great Cultural Revolution."
Third, in the distribution of production construction investment, the ratio
between light and heavy industry has also been readjusted. The proportion
going to light industry rose from 6.1 percent in 1978 to 10 percent in 1981,
while that going to heavy industry fell from 50.9 percent to 40.3 percent.
The above-mentioned adjustment of the ratio between accumulation and con-
sumption has improved the life of both urban and rural people remarkably
in all aspects.
First, let us start with the 800 million peasants. The further implementa-
tion of the rural economic policies and the rapid development of agricul-
tural production was the fundamental guarantee for the improved livelihood
of the peasants. However, what must not be ignored is that the state has
given more money to the peasants through the redistribution of national
income. The rise in state purchasing prices of some farm produce and side-
line products, coupled with the practice of paying more for production in
excess of the quota, has cost the state 48.1 billion yuan in the last 3
years. This sum of money has become the income of the peasants. During
this period, the state has still adopted the measures of reducing or
remitting part of rural taxation, which cost it 7.8 billion yuan. That is
to say, these two-things combined have meant a gain in income of 55.9
billion yuan for the peasants, an average of 70 yuan each. According to the
State Statistics Bureau's sample survey of 28 provinces, municipalities and
regions, the average per capita increase in the peasants' net income added
up over the last 3 years was 89 yuan, equivalent to 220 percent of the
increase in income achieved during the 20 years between 1957 and 1976.
Again according to a "survey of 100 villages" conducted by the former
State Agricultural Commission in March this year in 27 provinces, munici-
palities and regions, the number of villages where the livelihood of the
peasants has been improved or remarkably improved constituted 95 percent
of the total.
Next, let us have a look at the living standards of the residents in cities
and towns. Over the last 3 years, most staff and workers have seen their
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wages rise, with some going up one grade and others up two grades. With
more than 26 million people employed, the widespread implementation of the
bonus system among enterprises and undertakings, and staff and workers
receiving subsidies to compensate for nonstaple food price increases, the
total wages of the staff and workers throughout the country in 1981 were
44 percent more than in 1978 and the average increase in the wages of the
staff and workers was 25.7 percent. The average staff member or worker's
wage has still registered ,an increase of 12 percent over the figure for
1978, after taking into account the factor that the prices for some com-
modities have risen in varying degrees during this period. The population
which every employee had to support (excluding the employee himself)
dropped from 1.06 people in 1978 to 0.77 people in 1981.
There are two pronounced indications of the improvement of the living
standards of the urban and rural population. One is the substantial
increase in total sales of consumer goods, with the figure for 1981 being
60.4 percent higher than in 1978. New changes have taken place in the
structure of.consumption. In the consumption of the families of staff and
workers in cities and towns, more and more people are tending to buy medium-
and high-grade commodities and durable consumer goods. By the end of 1981,
every 100 staff and worker families had 58 TV sets, 70 sewing machines and
100 radios, or they increased by 320 percent, 32 percent and 61.2 percent
respectively compared to 1978. In the consumption of the peasants, besides
improving the quality of their food and clothing, the peasants need larger
quantities of durable consumer goods. Particularly in housing, in some
communes and their subdivisions with high incomes, almost every family has
built a new house. According to incomplete statistics, over the last 3
years, the floorspace of housing built by commune members throughout the
nation themselves was about 1.4 billion square meters. The current housing
floorspace of every rural resident is, on the average, nearly 10 square
meters. The other is the big increase in the amount of savings deposits.
The remaining sum of the savings deposits of the urban and rural popula-
tion in 1981 reached 52.4 billion yuan, an increase of 150 percent over
1978.
The above-mentioned facts have irrefutably shown that the living standards
of urban and rural people have indeed improved. In addition, in the short
space of 3 years, fairly big advances were made in improving the people's
well-being. This was scored through the great determination and efforts
exerted by the party and the government. It is also a great achievement
gained in readjusting the ratio between accumulation and consumption.
Over the last few years, new problems concerning the ratio between accumu-
lation and consumption have arisen which warrant attention and urgent
solution. They are mainly as follows:
First, the marked improvements of the people's livelihood have been
achieved under a situation in which the national income has increased
limitedly. Nearly all of the newly increased national income has been used
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for consumption. From 1979 to 1981, the usable amount of national income
increased by 87.4 billion yuan, of which 87.1 billion yuan was spent on
consumption (including the consumption of the people and of society). The
growth of the consumption funds is mostly arranged by the state plan. It
is entirely necessary to adjust the excessively high accumulation rate and
put an end to the situation in which no improvements were ever made for many
years in the people's livelihood. However, it must also be admitted that a
part of the consumption funds has been increased blindly outside the targets
of the state plan, which is manifested in increasing purchase prices of
agricultural products sold in excess of the quota and in issuing bonuses
among the enterprises in cities and towns. This has resulted in loss of
control over the growth of consumption funds to a great extent. The prob-
lem now which should be taken into account is that on the one hand, the
accumulation rate should be reduced rationally so as to ensure the con-
tinued increase in the level of consumption and, on the other hand, a certain
growth rate of the national economy should be maintained. This requires us
to raise the economic effect of accumulation funds by every possible means
and to increase national revenue by a big margin.
It should be acknowledged that over the last few years, the economic effect
of accumulation funds has been very poor. The national revenue created by
every 100 yuan of accumulation funds has decreased year by year rather than
increasing year by year, that is, it decreased from 33.7 yuan in 1978 to
only 20.2 yuan in 1981. The drop in the accumulation rate has resulted in
a decrease in the economic effect of accumulation funds. This has brought
about new difficulties to the development of the national economy. Failure
to solve this problem will interfere not only with the growth rate of the
national economy but also the continued improvement of the people's
standard of living.
Second, despite steady growth in production, state revenue has dropped. The
method of everybody "eating in separate kitchens" practiced in the financial
system, the expansion of the decisionmaking power of enterprises, the wide-
spread implementation of the bonus system among enterprises and undertaking
units and the correction of the drawbacks of excessively centralized state
control over the distribution of the national income have produced marked
achievements in arousing the enthusiasm of the localities, enterprises and
staff and workers and rejuvenating the economy. Nevertheless, a new problem
has also cropped up, that is, despite a certain growth rate maintained in
the national economy year by year, state revenue has been on the decrease.
Compared with 1978, in 1981, the total output value of industry and agri-
culture rose by 180 billion yuan (excluding the factor of price fluctua-
tion), whereas the state's revenue decreased.by 11.7 billion yuan. With
the development of production, why has the state's revenue decreased?
This involves a multitude of factors. But the main cause was a reduction
in profits turned over to the state. The ratio of the state's revenue in
the national income was 37.2 percent in 1978, which was, as it should be,
on the high side. It was manifested in the relatively high degree.of
centralization by the state and the limited amount of reserve financial
resources of local administrations and enterprises. The ratio in 1981 was.
only 27 percent, which seemed to be on the low side. It found expression in
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the fact that the country did not have sufficient money whereas the
ex-budgetary funds of local administrations, mainly the money of the enter-
prises, increased by a big margin roughly equal to more than half of the
state revenue. In the last 2 years, the state has had to borrow money from
local administrations and enterprises in order to make up financial deficits.
Exploration into the proper ratio for the state's revenue in the national
economy should be continued. But one thing is certain, that is, with the
funds being decentralized and without money in hand, the country will
accomplish nothing big or significant. It will not do to let things go on
for a long time in this way. It is not a permanent solution for the coun-
try to get along by depending on borrowing money from local administrations
and enterprises. The problem to which consideration should be given now is
that the country should appropriately amass funds and undertake the work
which should be done and what is more, be done urgently, and the work which
is conducive to the overall situation but cannot be undertaken by local
administrations and enterprises.
Third, all kinds of subsidies for improving the lives of urban and rural
people and promoting industrial and agricultural production have been on
the increase. During the 3 years from 1979 to 1981, the total amount of
state subsidies reached 104.3 billion yuan, of which the amount in 1981 was
42.9 billion yuan, an increase of 170 percent over 1978. The ratio of state
subsidies in the state's revenue within the same year was 14.2 percent in
1978, and in 1979, 1980 and 1981 was 25.9 percent, 32.7 percent and 42.7
percent respectively. Of state subsidies, subsidies compensating for
commodity price increases come first and in 1981 reached 32 billion yuan,
constituting 74.7 percent of the total amount of subsidies within the same
year. According to rough statistics, at present, the number of subsidized
items amounts to more than 80. Take the important ones for example, the
subsidies spent on the people's livelihood, such as on the price difference
between the purchase and sale of grain, edible oil, nonstaple foodstuffs,
coal and industrial articles for daily use, and subsidies spent on agri-
cultural production, subsidies for losses in marketing chemical ferti-
lizers, farm chemicals, farm machinery, plastic films and small-sized farm
implements and for the price difference in supplying diesel oil and elec-
tricity in preferential prices; the subsidies spent on industry, such as on
the losses and subsidies resulting from the price difference in supplying
such materials as cotton, leather, coal, bamboo and timber, and silkworm
cocoons. Huge amounts of state subsidies are spent on the consumption of
the people. Because of the subsidies for price differences and the reduc-
tion in, or exemption from, taxation, in 1981, subsidies to the people in
urban and rural areas averaged 32 yuan per capita--a total of 31.6 billion
yuan. That is to say, the improvement of the living standards of the
people in our country has resulted not only from the increased income from
labor and collective welfare but also from the portion of state subsidies.
Without doubt, it is entirely necessary to practice state subsidies at a
time when there are some latent dangers in finance and market prices. At
such a time, our major task is to stabilize the economy. It constitutes a
most important prerequisite and concerns the overall situation. The fact
that we adhered to the method of state subsidies in the previous stage has,
in fact, played a considerable role whether in stabilizing market prices,
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improving the people's well-being, providing conditions for readjusting the
economy or promoting the development of industrial and agricultural produc-
tion. This is precisely an indication of the superiority of the socialist
system of our country. The problem to which consideration should be given
now is that in a situation when the economy has gradually been stabilized
but state revenue has been on the decrease, with more and more money spent
on various kinds of subsidies and a heavier and heavier load on the state,
it is impossible for the state to amass funds for much needed construction.
All these problems have resulted from misapplying some aspects of the
present economic system, from the irrationality of the pricing system, and
from hastiness in adjusting accumulation and consumption rates. Above all,
haphazard use of accumulation funds and economic inefficiency have been
basic causes. The reform of the economic system and pricing system cannot
be accomplished within a short time. Carrying out the reform without full
preparations and an overall plan will lead the economy to chaos. As for the
problems in the ratio between accumulation and consumption, they can be
solved so long as all of us have a unified understanding of them and do a
good job in achieving an overall balance and rational arrangements. So, the
key to the problem lies in the fact that we should raise economic effect
and put an end to waste on the one hand and the state should amass neces-
sary funds and put them to rational use under overall arrangements on the
other.
After the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee, in the
course of correcting the "leftist" mistakes committed in economic work,
some comrades in the economic theoretical circles and professional depart-
ments probed and discussed the rational limits of the ratio between accumu-
lation and consumption. After analyzing historical experience, some
departments pointed out that under normal circumstances, the proper accumu-
lation rate was about 25 percent. In our opinion, that is suitable. Seen
from the last few years of practice, it was precisely because of the reduc-
tion in the accumulation rate that the level of consumption could be raised
and the people's livelihood could be considerably improved. In the future,
provided we rationally arrange and use the accumulation funds well and
substantially raise their economic effect, we can help develop production
at a fairly rapid pace and help increase the national income considerably.
This will be able to fulfill the requirements of both reducing the accumula-
tion rate and gradually increasing the absolute amount of accumulation
funds.
In a speech delivered at an important meeting, Comrade Chen Yun pointed out
that one major policy of our economic work is "first, the 1 billion people
must have enough to eat; second, socialist construction must be carried out."
This is our guiding ideology for correctly arranging the ratio between
accumulation and consumption. In accordance with this guiding ideology and
in light of the actual conditions of the ratio between accumulation and
consumption, at present, proper arrangements should be made for the follow-
ing aspects:
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First, in the distribution of national income, the ratio of the funds for
redistribution amassed by the state (that is, state revenue) should be
increased in order to guarantee the construction of necessary major state
projects. At present, the state's revenue has not increased but the funds
outside the budgeted targets of local administrations and enterprises have
increased by a big margin. True, this has played a fairly great role in
solving the financial difficulties of the local administrations and enter-
prises and in undertaking some work conducive to developing the local
economy and revitalizing enterprises. However, generally speaking, there
are very big contradictions in this respect. Ours is a big country with
a population of 1 billion. In order to carry out the modernization program,
we must have a big overall arrangement of the disposition of the productive
forces anyway, and we have to undertake a batch of backbone projects which
will play their part for many years and have a bearing on the national
economy and the people's livelihood. The formation of a rational layout of
the productive forces and the construction of large-scale projects are out-
side the power of local administrations and in undertaking them, it is even
difficult to produce satisfactory results by depending on the joint efforts
of several local administrations. They can be undertaken only by depending
on the state's unified arrangements. Therefcre, it is imperative for the
state to appropriately amass the scattered funds and to use them in the
production construction of overall importance. Of course, by the state
amassing funds, we do not mean taking the old road in which excessively
rigid control was imposed on everything, all financial resources were
centralized in the hands of the central authorities and as a result, local
administrations and enterprises did not have any power to manage their
financial affairs in a flexible way; but we mean adjusting the ratio of the
distribution of the interests of the state, the collective and the indi-
vidual so as to ensure a relatively big increase in,the portion of funds
amassed by the state and give proper consideration to the needs of local
administrations and enterprises rather than negating and putting an end
to the measures for reforming the economic system which have been carried
out in the last few years and have produced certain results, measures includ-
ing the method of everybody "eating in separate kitchens" practiced in the
financial system, the expansion of decisionmaking power of enterprises and
the introduction of the economic responsibility system in industrial enter-
prises. In studying the proper ratio of the portion of funds amassed by
the state, the professional departments concerned are encouraged to consult
with local administrations. In giving consideration to the imbalanced
development of the economies of the various regions, more care should be
given to the economically backward provinces and regions and different
regulations should be worked out, for different trades and enterprises.
It is not suitable to impose uniformity on all trades and enterprises.
Second, strive to raise the economic effect of the use of accumulation
funds. The key problem is to conscientiously readjust the work of capital
construction. Judged from the situation in the last few years, funds
allocated for capital construction within the state budget have been cut
considerably. The number of projects arranged according to the state plan
have decreased, while that of projects constructed with funds raised by local
enterprises themselves and with funds from bank loans have greatly increased.
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The trend in this respect is tending to get out of control. The solution
to this problem is to bring the construction projects based on funds
collected by local administrations and.local enterprises into line with
state planning, strike an overall balance and draw up overall planning for
them. This will enable us to control the general scope of capital con-
struction and at the same time, to concentrate our efforts on undertaking
the projects which are most badly needed by the state at present and the
projects which are preparing for the development over the next 10 years.
Arranging the capital construction projects concerns not only the question
of financial resources but what is more important, also the question of
material resources. At any one time, the state has only a certain amount
of materials. If we overextend the scope of capital construction, have no
guarantee for material supply and fight a protracted war of attrition, then
huge accumulation funds will stay idle in the numerous projects under con-
struction and it will be impossible to form them into productive force so
they can play their part in the production of material goods. In arranging
capital construction projects in the future, we must base ourselves on the
capabilities of the state's financial and material resources and on what the
state urgently needs and succeed in fighting a quick battle to force a quick
decision and strive to complete the project in one vigorous effort once a
project is undertaken. Only in this way can we genuinely manage to shorten
the construction cycles of capital construction and raise economic effect.
The enthusiasm of local administrations and enterprises for carrying out
capital construction should be brought into play but deviating from the
needs and capabilities of the overall situation of the country will lead to
blindness. We must take the whole country into account, strike an overall
balance and overcome blindness so as to make the limited accumulation funds
produce the most satisfactory economic effect.
Third, accumulation funds must be spent on key projects in a centralized
way. At present, energy and communications are the pronounced weak links
in the national economy. Owing to a strain in energy supply and in com-
munications and transportation, many enterprises are operating below
capacity and there has been a failure to give full play to the existing
productive forces. Therefore, it is a pressing task to spend the accumula-
tion funds amassed by the state in a selective way on boosting the energy,
and communications. The construction of energy and communications projects
requires huge investments and a long construction cycle and cannot possibly
provide products and service to society within a short period of time and
contribute to the acceleration of the economic growth gained in recent years.
However, so long as full preparations are made to concentrate funds, equip-
ment and materials in this respect, construction cycles can surely be
shortened and the construction of energy and communications projects can
produce economic returns in the minimum possible time. With these bases,
other branches of industry will then have conditions for rapid development.
Seen in the short term or from a regional angle, using funds in a
decentralized way for developing the processing industry in a big way rather
than concentrating funds on energy resources and communications may ensure
a relatively rapid development and produce some economic effect, but
eventually this practice will be handicapped'by the shortage of energy
supply and transportation capacity and as a result, the already formed
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productive forces will not be able to be brought into full play. In addi-
tion, this will delay the construction cycle of energy and communications
and interfere with the future growth rate. We must avoid the occurrence of
this situation. Of course, by concentrating funds on energy and communica-
tions construction projects, we mean striving to strengthen energy and com-
munications--two weak links in our national economy--through 3 or 5 years
of efforts by concentrating on completing the projects arranged by the
annual state plan rather than attempting to undertake a considerable number
of projects within a short period of time.
The construction funds collected by local administrations and enterprises
themselves should also be used in a centralized way, mainly in the techni-
cal transformation of existing enterprises, and particularly in the tech-
nical transformation centered around energy conservation. In this way, it
seems that no new construction projects have been undertaken and no new
enterprises have been set up. However, upgrading the level of technology
and equipment of existing enterprises will not only accelerate the renewal
and replacement of products, increase product varieties, improve product
quality, cut material consumption and alleviate the strain in energy
supply but also substantially boost production output.
Fourth, measures should be taken to reduce state subsidies. At present,
the total amount of state subsidies is amazing and it is justifiable to say
that the number has reached the limit. In our opinion, state subsidies in
the future can only be reduced rather than increased. Now one fairly prac-
tical aspect in our work is to strengthen overall reorganization of enter-
prises, raise economic results, quicken the pace of commodity circulation
and capital turnover, reduce the losses of the enterprises which are being
run at a loss or change the losses into profits, enable most of the enter-
prises to increase their profits and help,maintain the growth of profits
of enterprises or help their profit growth rate surpass the growth rate of
their production. There is abundant potential in this respect. No matter
whether it is industrial, communications or financial units, or whether it
is rural communes and their subdivisions, they must all think about the
interests of the country, reduce their dependence on state subsidies as
far as possible and make greater contributions to the state.
Fifth, the improvement of the people's livelihood must be realized step by
step on the basis of the development of production and the enhancement of
labor productivity. With the development of production, we will have a
material basis for improving the living standards of the people. Compared
with the people's well-being in the past few years, the people's livelihood
has been remarkably improved but the overall level of consumption is still
not high. There is no doubt that the improvement of the people's liveli-
hood must be continued. The steady improvement of the people's level of
consumption will not only further arouse the enthusiasm of the broad masses
of people for production but also promote the development of industrial and
agricultural production and other undertakings through the growth of con-
sumption and boost the national income. Nevertheless, there must be a
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guiding principle in raising the people's level of consumption: One is to
manage both to ensure the continued improvement of the people's livelihood
and to carry out economic construction in light of the current national
strength, and the other is to arrange the growth of the consumption funds
disbursed by the state strictly in accordance with the state plan. Blindly
increasing the consumption funds by deviating from the capabilities of the
nation and from the arrangements of the state plan does not tally with the
long-term interests of the people throughout the country.
With satisfactory solutions to the above-mentioned problems in five areas,
the new problems that have cropped up in the current ratio between accumu-
lation and consumption may possibly be solved fairly properly.
CSO: 4004/47
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BE VIGILANT AGAINST THE DANGER OF A REVIVAL OF JAPANESE MILITARISM
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 16, 16 Aug. 82 pp 37-40
[Article by RED FLAG commentator]
[Text] In the course of screening school textbooks, the Japanese Education
Ministry has brazenly distorted the history of Japanese aggression and
absolved the Japanese militarists of their war crimes. This incident has
naturally evoked strong indignation and protests from the Chinese, Korean
and other East and Southeast Asian nations. The Chinese Ministry of
Foreign Affairs has made representations to the Japanese Government demand-
ing that it assume the responsibility of correcting the mistakes made by
the Japanese Education Ministry. The situation is still under review. A
flood of condemnation from various countries, including public opinion in
Japan, is swelling. As pointed out by many commentators, this is defi-
nitely not a simple dispute over the use of words or over the accidental
mistakes made by the Japanese authorities concerned. It is a grave signal
that the danger of a revival of militarism exists in Japan.
Why is the Japanese Education Ministry trying to cover up and distort
historical facts?
As everybody knows, Japan entered the imperialist stage of development in
the latter part of the last century and the early part of the present
century. One of the basic characteristics of imperialism is external
expansion, contention for colonies and spheres of influence and partition
of the.world. By means of wars of aggression, Japan successively annexed
Taiwan and the Penghu Islands from China in 1895 and completely swallowed
up Korea in 1910. Lenin, in "Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism,"
listed Japan with Britain, Russia, France, Germany and the United States as
one of the six biggest imperialist nations. In 1914 these six possessed 92
percent of all the colonies in the world. Japan ranked fourth among them,
only after Britain, France and Russia. In 1931 Japan invaded and occupied
the three northwest provinces of China, and in 1933, invaded and occupied
Jehol Province. In 1937 it launched the full-scale aggression against
China and occupied large areas of north China, east China, the central
plains and south China. In December 1941, Japan also started the Pacific
war and occupied the-Philippines, Malaysia, Singapore., Indonesia and Burma.
In all the wars of aggression and the colonial rule wli.ich followed, the
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Japanese militarists brought great suffering to the Chinese, Korean and
other Southeast Asian nations. These aggressions by the Japanese mili-
tarists and their aftermaths are historical facts which have been clearly
recorded in the history books and textbooks of many countries in the world.
What should be particularly pointed out is that during the war of aggression
against China from the 1930's to the 1940's, the Japanese militarists com-
mitted countless inhuman crimes against the Chinese people. They burned,
killed and looted everywhere they went, raped the women, carried out large-
scale massacres of old and disabled people as well as women and children
and committed all kinds of atrocities. In particular, they carried out an
extremely brutal policy of "burn all, kill all, loot all" in the anti-
Japanese base areas which were under the leadership of the CPC. In the
occupied territory, they also forced Chinese workers to engage in slave
labor and created many "mass graves" filled with corpses. The big Nanjing
massacre, which shocked the country and the whole world, was only one of
their sordid crimes. To the Chinese people who suffered deeply from the
war of aggression, all these events will never be forgotten. The war of
aggression launched by the Japanese militarists also exacted a heavy price
from the Japanese people. As for the Japanese people, they should also
always bear this lesson in mind.
In modern Chinese history, it was the lofty ideal and goal of all progres-
sive Chinese as well as the common desire and national sentiment of
millions of Chinese both at home and abroad, to completely liberate the
nation from the oppression of imperialist Japan and other imperialist
powers. For half a century, and particularly in the 1930's and 1940's,
the Chinese people waged a heroic and indomitable struggle, despite
extreme hardships and difficulties, against the Japanese invaders and
wrote a glorious chapter in the annals of the world national liberation
movement. During World War II, as a result of the joint efforts of the
Chinese people and other peoples of the world, Japanese imperialism was
defeated together with the German and Italian fascists. At that time, the
Japanese Government shouldered the blame for the war and signed the sur-
render. Such major war criminals as Hideki Tojo and Ishine Matsui, who
directed the Nanjing massacre, were tried by the International Military
Tribunal and received the punishment they deserved.
It has long been a verdict of history that the Japanese militarists com-
mitted a serious crime of aggression against the Chinese, Korean and South-
east Asian people. These butchers, who massacred the people of various
countries, have been locked forever in the pillory of history.
Now, the Japanese Education Ministry has distorted the history of this half
century in the screening of Japanese textbooks and has denied that Japan
carried out aggression against China. They have used such words as
"advance into north China" to cover up the full-scale war of aggression
against China which began in 1937. They actually made a counterattack and
described the indiscriminate killing of Chinese civilians after the
occupation of Nanjing by the Japanese invading army as the result of
"provocations" caused by the resistance of Chinese soldiers and civilians.
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Besides the Japanese Education Ministry, some high officials in the
Japanese Government have also come forth to express'support for this dis-
tortion. Among them is Yukeyasu Matsuno, head of Japan's National Land
Agency,, who.even argued: "When Japan 'advanced' into foreign countries,
it did not call its actions aggressions, and to present 'advance' as
aggression is a distortion of history." According to the principles of
international law generally recognized by the world, the violation of the
territorial integrity and sovereignty of other countries and the act of
plundering and enslaving the people of other countries by any country
constitutes aggression. Moreover, is it not a fact that Japan has practiced
such acts of aggression against China for almost half a century? According
to the logic of certain people in Japan, aggressions and aggressors do not
exist in world history, and not only should the whole history of Japanese
aggression against China be completely rewritten, but the whole history of
World War I should also be completely rewritten. From the attitude a
person adopts toward the mistakes and crimes he committed in the past, one
can see what this person will do in the future. This also applies to a
country as well as to a nation. The attitude adopted toward crimes of
external aggression in history has a bearing on this country and the trend
of the future development of this nation. Iu 1972 when Chinese Premier
Zhou Enlai was normalizing relations between China and Japan, he made an
allegorical statement pregnant with meaning.regarding the past incidents
caused by the Japanese militarists' invasion of China. He said: "The
invasion of China by Japanese militarists has caused great sufferings to
the Chinese people, and the Japanese people have also suffered deeply.
Past experience, if not forgotten, is a guide for the future. We must
firmly bear in mind such experiences and lessons." The reason the human
race cannot forget the past and must respect history is because they can
learn from history, draw useful lessons and take warning so as not to make
the same mistake as their predecessors. Therefore, we should not cover up
the true picture of history and, moreover, we cannot distort history. This
deliberate distortion of history to defend aggressions in history means that
some day Japan will probably retrace the old footpath of militarism. The
incident of.the distortion of history. by the Japanese Education Ministry
indicates that this danger is already looming in present-day Japan.
The Japanese militarist forces suffered a crushing defeat in World War II.
Since the war, the militarists have always been thinking of staging a come-
back, but they have never been able to succeed because of the resolute
resistance of the Japanese people and the strong opposition of the people
of various Asian countries. What should be noticed is that the militarist
elements have by no means vanished in Japan; there are many of them in the
numerous extreme rightwing groups in the country today. These people are
carrying out all kinds of activities in a bid to revive militarism and %re
vainly thinking of turning Japan from an economic into a great military
power and reliving the old dream of the "Great East Asia Coprosperity
Sphere." These people are praising the barbaric and ignorant bushido
spirit, beautifying the history of Japan's external aggression, absolving
the militarist ringleaders and war criminals of blame and even worshipping
them as "national heroes" and praying for their souls. The film "Thai
Nippon Teikou" ("The Great Japanese Empire") recently released in Japan
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wantonly glorifies the war criminal Hideki Tojo and propagates the notion
that Japan's launching of aggressive wars was for its own "protection" and
the "liberation of Asia." According to an advertisement in NIHONG KEIZAI
SHIMBUN, the purpose of the film is to "restore a historical view of the
great East Asian war that is favorable to the Japanese." This has clearly
explained the purpose of certain Japanese in reversing the verdict against
the militarists. Cultural education is the reflection of economics and
politics, and ideological opinion is the precursor of action. The dis-
tortion of history is precisely for the sake of preparing public opinion 10
in an attempt to revive militarism and is an important manifestation of
this political trend.
World War II brought unprecedented disaster to the whole of mankind, and
its memory is still fresh in the minds of the people. This great war was
started by the Japanese full-scale war of aggression against China. One
important lesson learned from the outbreak of this great war was: When the
Japanese militarists kept on expanding the scale of aggression against China,
when Mussolini was carrying out a war of aggression against Abyssinia and
when Hitler was embarking on such adventurist actions as intervening in the
Spanish Civil War, annexing Austria and occupying Czechoslovakia, the anti-
fascist countries either lacked vigilance or adopted a policy of appeasement
toward the aggressors. They did not curb the danger of a world war in its
germinating stage. Today the situation of the whole world and the balance
between the forces of peace and war are vastly different than before. How-
ever, the danger of a world war still exists. A common urgent task facing
the people and all peace-loving countries of the world at present is to curb
any factor which might lead to the outbreak of a new world war and making it
possible to breed or grow.
The Chinese people and government have always adopted a reasonable,
magnanimous and farsighted attitude regarding the historical question of
the Japanese invasion of China. We believe that China and Japan are
separated by only a strip of water, that the people of both countries have
a long history of friendly relations and that the Japanese aggression
against China occurred under conditions which were entirely against the
wishes of the Japanese people. Therefore, we have made a distinction
between the Japanese people, who could not decide for themselves at that
time, and the Japanese ruling class; between elements of the Japanese ruling
class who did not approve of the war of aggression and the militarist
forces; and between those in the Japanese Government who at that time were
willing to carry out a friendly and good-neighbor policy and those in the
Japanese Government who should take the blame for launching external wars
of aggression in history. Japan, which has practiced external aggression
in its history, owes a debt to the countries victimized by its aggression.
As far as China is concerned, over 10 million people were killed by Japan's
war of aggression in the 1930's and 1940's, while property damage exceeded
$50 billion. Japan, which has now become an "economic big power," should
retrace its roots. Was not a considerable part of its capital and wealth
in fact plundered from other countries by aggressive war and colonial rule?
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From the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-1895 alone, Japan extorted from China
reparations equivalent to what was then 350 million Japanese yen, and "the
funds guaranteed the maintenance of the empire's armaments and the estab-
lishment of modern industry." ("History of Japan's Foreign Affairs" by
Seisaburo Nobuo) Regarding the half century from the Sino-Japanese War of
1894-1895 to the end of World War II, it is even more difficult to estimate
the. wealth Japan looted from China, Korea and other Asian countries (includ-
ing wealth created by laborers from these countries). The Chinese people
do not demand that the present Japanese Government assume responsibility
for the war, and, for the sake of friendship between the people of the two
countries, they have also dropped the demands for reparations. However,
the Chinese people and all Asian peoples who suffered from Japanese aggres-
sion have the right to demand that the present Japanese Government assume a
political and moral responsibility to curb the attempts of extreme rightwing
forces in Japan to revive militarism, to tell the Japanese people--and
particularly the younger generation--the historical truth, and to teach
them that they must never again allow Japan to become a militarist state or
to launch external wars of aggression. At present, some of the people in
the Japanese Government are not only unwillint, to do so but, instead, are
trying to distort history and glorify aggression. This is a dereliction of
duty. It should be pointed out that to distort the history of Japanese
aggression against China is, in essence, an extreme insult to the Chinese
people. The Chinese Government has approached the Japanese Government and
asked for a correction. This is the legitimate right of the aggrieved
party. But some high-ranking Japanese officials, on the contrary, tried to
find fault with China by saying that this is "interference in Japan's
internal affairs." Their disregard for morality and,justice has reached a
level that is impervious to reason. However, public opinion from all walks
of life in Japan has also proved that this behavior of the Japanese authori-
ties is also intolerable to the Japanese people. Kazuo Asukada, chairman
of the Japanese Socialist Party and member of the Diet, pointed out: "They
attempted to play down the aggression perpetrated in the past against the
Asian countries, cover up the injuries caused by the conduct of the
Japanese militarists and erase such things from history. It is only natu-
ral that this tendency will evoke strong indignation among peoples of
various Asian countries who were the victims of such acts of aggression."
Toluma Utsunomiya, president of the Japan-China Friendship Association,
'said: "Pandering to the rightwing tendency, the Japanese Government
attempts to use textbooks to blot out the Japanese people's self-reproach
for aggression. We cannot agree to this." An editorial in YOMIURI SHIMBUN
pointed out: "Over 60 percent of the people in Japan at present belong to
'the generation who do not know anything about the former war.' Therefore,
the important thing is to teach them not to blot out the responsibility for
the-war. However, the screening (of textbooks) has done just the opposite.
This. cannot but be considered as a distortion of historical facts." The
National Conference of the Japanese History Education Workers Association
has unanimously demanded that the Education Ministry change the practice of
distorting history at once. All these reflect the sentiment of the
Japanese public from all walks of life who are willing to have friendly
relations with the people of China and other Asian countries.
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As a result of the concerted efforts of the Chinese and Japanese peoples
as well as people of insight, diplomatic relations between China and Japan
were normalized in 1972 and a joint statement was issued in this connection
by the governments of the two countries. The treaty of peace and friend-
ship concluded between China and Japan in 1978 affirmed that "the joint
statement is the basis for the development of peaceful and friendly rela-
tions between China and Japan, and various principles indicated in the
joint statement must be strictly observed."
The joint statement pointed out: "The Japanese side is keenly aware of
Japan's responsibility for causing enormous damages in the past to the
Chinese people through war and deeply reproaches itself." This showed the
attitude of self-reproach adopted by the Japanese Government for the wars
of aggression launched against China in the past. It was written as a
major principle into the Sino-Japanese joint statement on the establishment
of diplomatic relations and is also affirmed by the treaty of peace and
friendship. It is a prerequisite for the development of peaceful and
friendly relations between China and Japan. This prerequisite cannot be
overthrown. To do so means to wreck the basis for the establishment of
peaceful and friendly relations between the two countries. The Chinese
people have all along valued the friendly relations with the Japanese
people. The broad masses of Japanese people also have friendly feelings
for the Chinese people. Just as pointed out by the joint statement of the
two governments, "the normalization of diplomatic relations between the
two countries and the development of neighborly and friendly relations
between the two countries conform to the interests of the peoples of both
countries and will also contribute to the easing of tension in Asia and
the safeguarding of world peace." Only by solemnly accepting historical
facts, respecting the political basis for the establishment of diplomatic
relations between the two countries and educating the younger generation
in accordance with this guideline can friendly relations between China and
Japan develop and can the peoples of both countries get along as friends
from generation to generation. The Japanese Government should squarely
face the distortion of the history of Japanese aggression against China
made by the Education Ministry in the process of screening textbooks, an
affair which is damaging Sino-Japanese relations, and take practical action
to defend the basis for friendly relations between the two countries by
correcting this mistake.. As far as the Chinese people are concerned, we are
willing to work together with the Japanese people and the peoples of other
Asian countries, unite with them and make joint efforts to prevent the
danger of a revival of militarism.
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CADRES' STUDY SHOULD BE ASSESSED AND EXAMINED
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 16, 16 Aug 82 pp 41-42
[Article by Cheng Shu [2052 5289]]
[Text] While promoting reform of the organizational structure, our party
also attaches great importance to cultivating cadres. It has called for
making the education of cadres a regular, constant practice and an institu-
tion. It has clearly defined targets which cadres of central party and
government organizations should attain after they have been theoretically,
professionally and culturally trained in the next 5 years. It has decided
that a system should be set up for arranging a short-term sabbatical study
for cadres after working a few years in posts, appointing and promoting
cadres according to the results of their training, and checking and
examining cadres' study. The formulation of the policies and systems fully
shows that the party Central Committee attaches great importance and pays
adequate attention to the education of cadres. It not only reflects
requirements for the development of building socialist modernization, but
also expresses the eager desire of vast numbers of cadres.
The great majority of cadres uphold the system of checking and examining
their study. However, some cadres have doubts about the necessity and
possibility of doing so. Therefore, it seems it is necessary to offer
some explanations on this issue.
The system of checking and examining cadres' study constitutes part of the
whole system of conducting education on cadres. Its essential contents
demand that after a period of concentrated study, every cadre should be
assessed and examined according to the requirements of his study plan,
with marks to be kept in his file to help in making the appropriate appoint-
ment. If the study is arranged in accordance with the teaching plans,
teaching outlines and subjects at the middle school, polytechnic school or
college levels, comrades who pass the exams will then be able to acquire
diplomas. A test system like this will help promote cadres' study and
progress, and will contribute to the formation of a rank of cadres that is
younger, better educated, more advanced professionally, and more revolu-
tionalized.
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Cadres of the party and government organizations are leaders and organizers
in the arduous struggle for the realization of socialist modernization.
Their quality, level of Marxism, professional knowledge and educational
level in meeting demands for building modernization have a bearing on the
success or failure of our cause. All our cadres are servants of the
people, doing everything on their behalf. The people call on us to do
everything well with high efficiency and quality, so we must unceasingly
enhance our theoretical, cultural and professional levels and work
proficiency. With a view to achieving fruitful results in study, cadres
should meet strict demands and abide by the system. Slackness, careless-
ness and perfunctoriness in the training are not allowed. Since the
education of cadres has been made regularized and systematized, every one
of our cadres now has the right to take a sabbatical leave for study
according to a scheduled plan. And he is also bound to study a great deal
in the assigned period of time. Checking, attesting or examining results
of cadres' study is a normal practice. In a'certain sense, it is a kind
of motive power to promote the study. On the other hand, superior organi-
zations will be able to know every cadre well from the records in his file
concerning his knowledge, proficiency and marks in study and traniing. And
thus the superior will also be able to cultivate every cadre according to
his practical deeds in work and know him well enough to assign him a job
and promote him commensurate with his ability. This is essential not only
for the growth of every cadre but also for the formation of the whole rank
of cadres.
Such a test system in cadres' study is not a new phenomenon. As early as
during the war years, many cadres' schools organized by our party in vari-
ous forms had strict testing systems. After the founding of the People's
Republic, those who took time off to go to a worker-peasant short program
high school and those who received specialized training could graduate
only after formal exams. In addition, in some localities those who studied
Marxist theories while still working had to have tests on a certain number
of courses. In 1955, the party Central Committee issued a report submitted
by the central propaganda department, demanding a system of exams for in-
service cadres who studied Marxist theories in party schools or political
schools. This system played an active role at that time in promoting
initiative among cadres studying in these schools. Some cadres now are not
used to the exam system, or have doubts about such a system. This mainly
results from the protracted weakening of cadres' education work since the
late 1950's, the result of an error in the party's guiding ideology.
However, in recent years, more and more cadres have demanded a change in
the aimless, unsystematic education of cadres, and in the lack of a rela-
tionship between cadres' training and job assignment. Under these circum-
stances, most cadres will accept an exam system once they realize the
reasons for such a system.
It can be said that now objective conditions are mainly ripe for establish-
ing such a test system. Such conditions are: Since the third plenary
session in 1978, party committees at various levels have strengthened
leadership over cadres' education work. Material conditions for cadres'
education have improved. We have accumulated experience in conducting
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education on cadres from massive cadres' training. We have set up bases
for cadres' education on a certain scale, which can be further expanded
according to the amount of cadres available for training. And we have had
an experienced teaching corps which is loyal to the cause of cadres'
education. In addition, the central departments concerned and local party
committees at various levels have worked out the proper. length of schooling
and teaching plans for courses on Marxist theories, basic professional
knowledge, specialized occupational knowledge, and cultural and scientific
knowledge. And different curricula are being. arranged to suit cadres of
different scholastic backgrounds and with different needs. All these have
created good conditions for practicing a test system in cadres' study.
Some comrades may worry whether exams will come as "a surprise attack"
without considering the different situation of each cadre. In accordance
with the spirit of the central authorities, from now on, cadres' training
should be flexible enough to adapt to different aims, work requirements and
different scholastic levels in theory, profession and culture. Exams
should be designed to satisfy the demands of a cadre's study plan. There-
fore, it is not necessary to worry about the exams. Some comrades may also
worry whether the exams will be implemented is in full-time schools. It
must be made known that the education of cadres is part of adult education.
It is different from that of youngsters, so the method of examination should
not be indiscriminately imitated on that used for the young students in full-
time schools. In recent years, some methods of assessment and examination
which are specially adaptable to the education of cadres have been used in
some party schools and cadre schools. For example, some courses are only
assessed and some must be examined. The subjects assigned for exams stress
the knowledge applicable for cadres to,master and use in the future, but
do not aim at reciting a lesson from memory. The open-book and closed-book
exam systems are both adopted. Sometimes-the exams can be done by writing
a report on what one has learned from the study or by drawing up a plan for
solving practical problems in work with the knowledge one has acquired. The
'methods of examination can still be further explored and renovated by con-
tinuously summing up experience from. the practice of teaching work. On the
problem of exams, we must not only pay attention to the characteristics
accompanying cadres' education, but must also set strict demands on them
and adopt a stern attitude toward the problem.
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WHAT CAN BE LEARNED FROM THE WESTERN EXPERIENCE IN ENTERPRISE MANAGEMENT?
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 16, 16 Aug 82 pp 43-45
[Article by Zhou Shulian [0719 0647 5571]; passages within slantlines
published in boldface]
[Text] Editor's Note: Many readers have pointed out
that in studying economic theory it is very important
to relate the theory to practice and with an open mind
and dynamic thinking, not only study the economics of
a socialist country but also examine and draw on the
experiences of capitalist countries' methods of
management and administration. These ideas reflect
the shared demands of a certain number of cadres and
we are now publishing this article by Zhou Shulian so
that our readers may examine such ideas themselves.
In the process of studying the Marxist theory of economics, we should
always examine and summarize China's own experiences in enterprise manage-
ment while at the same time not completely ignore, indeed we may even
borrow from, some experiences in economic management gained by Western
countries and thereby do everything possible to find ways of improving
enterprise management.
Marx said: "All direct processes of production reflect the form of the
combined processes of society and are not expressions of the isolated
labors of one independent producer, but should engender both controlled
and organized labor." ("Collected Works of Marx and Engels," Vol 25, p 431)
Both capitalist and socialist enterprises are built on the societal founda-
tions of production and it is in this sense that they are related. Over
the years, Western countries have accumulated a wealth of experience in
enterprise management, some of which is well worth our taking note of.
For, as Comrade Mao Zedong pointed out: "Within the enterprises of
industrially developed countries the work force is low, efficiency is high
and there is an understanding of how to do business. Thus we may be able
to improve on our own work by learning some of the principles and reasons
behind these phenomena." ("Selected Works of Mao Zedong," Vol 5, p 287)
Thus on the basis of our present need to raise the level of enterprise
management in China, we must take careful note of and learn from their
experiences in organizing social mass production. For example:
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/We can learn from their experiences in managerial policymaking./ In order
to survive and, develop within constantly changing internal and external
surroundings, Western enterprise has always, and indeed is increasingly,
seriously examining the question of management policies.. The American
management expert Xi Meng [6007 5536] considers that "management means
policymaking." Traditional thinking has always viewed policymaking as a
very.last-minute thing. Modern theorists of policymaking see. it more as
a process involving the gathering together of all the; facts, examining
them,... analyzing them and making decisions: and choices from a selection of
all the possibilities available. They consider that it is, possible to
divide the process of policymaking into the, following three stages: 1) The
gathering together of information: involving. the. collection of relevant
economic. and technological information . both inside and outside the enter-
prise for the purpose of analysis. 2) The. drafting of a plan: drawing up
all feasible plans on the basis of the information gathered in the first
stage.. 3) Choosing a plan: making a choice of the best plan from all the
feasible ones. Thus, in the process of policymaking, the role of informa-
tion is always stressed. Furthermore, policym.aking theorists distinguish
between finalized and nonfinalized policymaking; the former type of policy-
making, involving finalization and procedure, has set patterns to follow,
while the latter, nonfinalized policymaking is characterized by a lack of
set rules to follow. China's socialist enterprise, by the nature of its
subordination to changes in national plans, is relatively unique. It must
not only have good administration but also.good management. Having ignored
enterprise management in the past, it is doubly important that we attach
importance to it now and study and learn from the experiences of policy-
making within capitalist countries' enterprise management.
/We can learn from their experience of closely linking production and sales./
In order to be competitively successful, Western enterprise not only
attaches importance to production but also to sales., thereby closely linking
the processes of production and circulation. The most important measures
adopted within Western enterprise include: 1) Implementation of market-
limited production. When an enterprise fixes its production plans it first
determines the variety and amount of production according to market demands,
and after this continually alters these plans in accordance with changes in
the market situation. 2) Examination and study of the market situation.
The enterprise either undertakes such studies itself or enlists the aid of
experts in market studies and advertising agencies to carry out the studies.
Such studies include examinations of purchasers, competition, the expansion
capacity of'the market and consumers' opinions. 3) The drawing up of
market forecasts. On the basis of examinations and studies of the market
situation, market forecasts are drawn up. Such forecasts include the extent
of sales of specific commodities, sales areas and period of sales. Most
forecasts are either annual, seasonal or monthly, while some forecasts are
more long-range, sometimes 3 or even 5 years. 4) Moves to raise the quality
of service and customer convenience. A great deal of importance is attached
to improving the quality of the work and service performed by salesmen. In
addition, the need is recognized to catch the customer's interest through
sales activities, to grasp the psychology of the customer and stim,ilate his
or her need or desire for a product, thereby encouraging the customer to
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make a purchase. Emphasis is also placed on the importance of post sales
service. The above experiences provide several lessons worth learning
from for socialist enterprise.
/We can learn from their experiences in raising product quality and lower-
ing production costs./ Many enterprises in Western countries make use of
expert help when organizing their labor force, and. in terms of saving power
and raw materials, they apply scientific and technological skills as well
as using advanced and sometimes imported management tools and management
skills, and there are valuable lessons to be learned from the experiences of
such an approach. Particularly worthy of China's attention is their
experience in raising product quality and lowering production costs. The
improvements in quality and management may be seen as having occurred in
stages. Initially it is based on a simple examination of the situation
after it has happened. Since the 1920's quality examination has been based
on statistics. Learning to control the process of production leads to con-
trol of product quality. In the 1960's general quality control was
developed and product design, purchasing of raw materials, production and
fitting all the way up to post sales service all conformed to the set
requirements for product quality. Many enterprises developed a "perfec-
tionist movement" whereby workers were mobilized to eliminate any flaws in
the work process and thus ensure a constant high quality of production. In
order to bring down production costs, many Western companies have adopted
an approach to production costs management known as value analysis or value
engineering. The U.S. firm General Electric was an early practitioner of
this scheme. In essence it involves achieving low production costs by
doing one's utmost to find the simplest production methods and cheapest raw
materials while not letting the quality of the end product suffer. In
carrying out value analysis it is important to find out whether there is a
need to use a certain type of raw material, and find out what profit can be
made from it. In addition it must be ascertained whether there are any
excesses in the quality of the raw materials and whether it would be pos-
sible to adopt even cheaper production methods. Furthermore one must check
that there is a rational breakdown of the production costs, whether there
are any cheaper prices or any better suppliers and whether the selling price
is worthwhile in terms of production costs.
In Japan, the Toyota Company feels that its own achievements in this area
have been "to make quality guarantees the heart of technological work" and
"to make reductions in production costs the main aim of enterprises." Our
socialist enterprises must therefore set up firm principles on raising
quality and lowering production costs and the above experiences of Western
enterprises are well worth our taking note of.
/We can learn from their experience in improving the enterprise management
system and the setting up of good relations between centralization and
decentralization./ Capitalist enterprise has one problem with the manage-
ment system, the solution to which is often a prerequisite for the success-
ful organization of production for the enterprise. For example, since the
1920's the United States has run centralized management systems but as
enterprises gradually grew bigger, the faults of such a system became more
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and more apparent with the result that some large enterprises began a system
of departmentalization. Such a system has three main characteristics:
1) Each department is a decentralized unit with the enterprise granting the
department whatever limited powers are necessary. 2) Each department is a
unit responsible for its own profits, having defined responsibilities in
terms of profits, thereby reaping the benefits in accordance with the ups
and downs of the management situation. 3) Each department is a unit
responsible for its products and hence must actively try to expand the
market and put the products through market tests. Under certain conditions
the departmentalization system can be helpful in allowing a large company
to accurately balance centralization and decentralization and also carry
-out management policy decisions. It is considered by many Western enter-
prises that to achieve an ideal relationship between centralization and
decentralization, many factors must be taken into consideration such as
the scale of the enterprise, management make-up, regional distribution, the
number of management employees and their standard of work, the company
history and external relations. Thus, the larger an enterprise is, the
greater, in general, the need for decentralization. With a low number of
management employees and low quality of work, decentralization will be
harder. If a company's outside relationships change very quickly, then
decentralization will be relatively simple. Certain restrictions have also
been defined for the powers of decentralized departments within an enter-
prise. For example: 1) The extent and range of such powers should be
related to the nature and extent of responsibility of the department.
2) The powers of,each level of managerial departments must be clearly
defined and differentiated. 3) The relations between each functioning
department of the enterprise must be clearly laid down. 4) Each depart-
ment only takes orders from one superior department, thereby avoiding a
situation in which a subordinate department is at a loss as to what to do,
having received two conflicting orders. These few ground rules should be
learned by China in its move to revolutionize the economic management
system and set up a system of economic responsibility.
Furthermore, /we should take note of Western enterprises' experiences in
training management personnel./ _ In the United States of America, for
example, management education is fairly well developed and not only should
our. Education Ministry take note of this, but our enterprises as well. In
the United States many large companies train their own management personnel
and, according to statistics, in 1976 U.S. companies trained 1.4 million
personnel on company work time in various managerial positions, spending a
total of U.S.$43 million. Many companies have "management personnel train-
ing centers" where they train people in whatever areas of management they
are needed.
.In learning from the experiences of Western enterprise management what are
the things that we should be most careful of?
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/1. We must recognize the fundamental differences between capitalist
enterprise management and socialist enterprise management./
Marx scientifically clarified the dual nature of management in that the
content and style of management is restricted by production forces and
production relations. Since production relations of socialism and capital-
ism couldn't be more different, the nature of enterprise management is
different too. In terms of the content of enterprise management, capitalist
enterprise management embodies capitalist exploitation. As Lenin pointed
out, capitalism is predatory by nature. Capitalist enterprise management is
designed to allow the capitalist to reap the greatest possible profits,
while socialist enterprise management is designed to fulfill society's and
every member's material and cultural needs. A socialist enterprise should
also strive for greater profits because profits are the main source of
financial accumulation and without such accumulation it is possible to
develop production and society and satisfy the needs of the people. But
we must not, on any account, copy the capitalist enterprise system and
engage in speculation and profiteering, resort to deception and harm others
to benefit the individual, purely for the sake of increased profits.
Socialist enterprise must accord with the country's plans and it must not
weaken or destroy these plans merely to achieve greater profits.
When one considers the style of enterprise management, one can see that
capitalist enterprise management is extremely autocratic with all important
decisions being made by the capitalists and their representatives. Today,
some capitalist enterprises have set up "democratic management," but
because of the emphasis on the capitalist's profits and the severe limita-
tions of its power, it has not been able to change the basic face of capi-
talist enterprise management. In socialist enterprises it is essential and
therefore possible to closely link scientific and democratic management.
It is important that one can recognize these basic differences between
the two types of management before one can take a correct stance in learn-
ing from the experiences of Western enterprise management.
/2. We cannot totally adopt and copy the experiences of capitalist enter-
prise management./
Lenin said the Taylor system "is a combination of the refined brutality of
bourgeois exploitation and a number of the greatest scientific achievements
in the field of analyzing mechanical motions during work, the elimination
of superfluous and awkward motions, the elaboration of correct methods of
work, the introduction of the best system of accounting and control, etc."
("Selected Works of Lenin," Vol 3, p 511) Mao Zedong also pointed out at a
very early stage that "to reject out of hand all foreign science, tech
nology and culture without analysis is not a Marxist approach, and likewise,
total acceptance of all things foreign is equally unacceptable and neither
of these stances will advance the cause of socialism." ("Selected Works of
Mao Zedong," Vol 5, p 287) It is necessary to promote the study of scien-
tific advances and methodology of Western enterprise management, but on no
account should we simply copy and imitate. And of course, those areas of
enterprise management which do not correspond with socialist concepts
should not be adopted within the socialist enterprise.
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/3. We should take an all-round scientific view of the Western capitalist
class' theory of enterprise management./
In the case of some very soundly based theories, we must look for the
possibility that the theory contains some scientific truth and in its
application we must see to what extent it upholds the exploitive system
of.capitalism. When we are examining these theories and the feasibility
of using them or ways of applying them in a system of socialist enterprise
management, we must not forget our task of adhering to the socialist road.
Socialist enterprise management must help develop the forces of production
as well as help consolidate and develop socialist production relations.
Finally, /when we learn from the experiences of foreign enterprise manage-
ment, we must base what we learn on the actual situation in China today and
remember the importance of integration with the concrete conditions
existing within each area and unit./
We must remember the importance of our own experiences and traditions, for,
since liberation, China's socialist enterprises already have a 30-year
history and if one goes back to the foundations of the revolution, then we
have a history of nearly half a century. Within this time period we have
amassed considerable experience in terms ofenterprise management and have
developed our own fine traditions. For example, from the very first days of
China's socialist enterprise system, importance has been attached to
ideological politics, to following the mass line and to introducing demo-
cratic management. All of these things represent our fine tradition and
experience. Today, on a foundation of summarizing and popularizing China's
own experiences and traditions in this field, we must make more use of the
experiences of other countries and thereby gradually build up a modernized
and scientific socialist enterprise system which corresponds to China's
specific needs and situation.
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WHAT IS THE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN THE URBAN YOUTHS WAITING FOR JOBS IN OUR
COUNTRY AND UNEMPLOYMENT IN CAPITALIST COUNTRIES?
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 16, 16 Aug 82 pp 46-47
[Article by Chu Zhengkun [0443 2973 0981]]
[Text] Outwardly there are some similarities between the urban youths
waiting for jobs in our country at present and unemployment in capitalist
countries, and yet these two aspects are different in nature.
First, these two aspects have different origins and different natures.
Unemployment is a natural product of the capitalist system. Under the
capitalist system, following the development of production and the improve-
ment of the organic formation of capital, the proportion of changeable
capital in gross capital is becoming less and less with each passing day
and the demand on labor force by capital is also relatively decreasing.
At the same time, the supply of labor force in general will increase
following the development of capitalism. The supply of labor force exceeds
the needs of capital and this situation consequently gives rise to enormous
unemployment. At the same time, the existence of excessive unemployment
constitutes an indispensable condition for the existence and development
of the capitalist mode of production. Therefore the existence of enormous
unemployment forms an invisible pressure on employed workers while capital-
ists make use of this situation to step up their exploitation of workers.
In addition, a capitalist economy is characterized by cyclical crises and
during these crises a great number of workers are sacked. But on the other
hand, during economic upsurges, many workers are employed again. Capitalist
production needs a reserve of industrial workers that are subject to
exploitation at any time. Therefore, the existence of unemployment is an
objective need and a natural consequence of the capitalist system. Marx
termed this situation as a relative surplus of population. That is to say,
relative to the needs of the production of surplus value by capitalists, the
supply of labor force exceeds demand, some workers cannot be included in the
process of production and consequently they become "surplus" persons in..
society.
Ours is a socialist country that is based on the system of public ownership
of production. The purpose of our production is to meet the increasing
needs of people's material and cultural life. At the same time, socialism
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practices a planned economy, and not only is the production of goods and
materials carried out in a planned way, the growth of population is also
put under control and these situations provide the possibility of..elimi-
nating unemployment and solving the employment of all the laborers. The
present situation in which some young people in urban areas are waiting for
jobs has been mainly caused by the mistakes we made over the past long
period in our guiding ideology and work. We are undertaking socialist con-
struction in a country which is poor and yet with a huge population. There-
fore in order to solve the employment question, it is imperative to spare
no efforts to develop production and at the same time to control the growth
of population so that our population will grow according to plan. But we
made "leftist" mistakes in our guiding ideology for a long period in the
past and made one mistake after another in our work. On the other hand,
the proportions of the national economy were seriously out of balance. As
a result, the development of our economic construction was slowed down to
affect our ability to absorb the newly added labor force. Furthermore, we
did not pay enough attention to training laborers while our education was
divorced from employment and this situation ha3 resulted in the fact that
there are some jobs with no one to do them. on the other hand, we did not
pay attention to the proportionate development between the production of
goods and materials and the growth of population.' As a result, the develop-
ment of production has been out of step with the growth of population. This
is the basic reason why at present some youths in urban areas are waiting
for employment to be arranged for them. With regard to ownership systems,
for quite a long period in the past we only paid attention to the system of
ownership by the whole people, neglected the system of ownership by the
collective and squeezed and impaired the individual economy. In the
industrial structure, we paid attention to heavy industry and neglected
light industry, commerce and service trades.,
Such irrational ownership structure and industrial structure have seriously
limited the employment of the newly increased labor force in urban areas.
The policy of "unified guarantee, unified arrangement" for employment that
has been implemented for a long time, has, resulted in a wrong understanding
that only working in state-owned enterprises with an "iron rice bowl" is
considered as employment and that individual operations and cooperative
operations do not constitute employment. Thus the road for employment has
become narrower and narrower. In fact, the situation in which part of the
population in urban areas is waiting for jobs has no definite connection
with the socialist system, nor is its nature that of surplus population as
mentioned by Marx.
Second, the two aspects have different methods for solving problems and
different prospects. Many years have passed since the bourgeoisie and
their representatives declared that they would "eliminate unemployment" and
"realize full employment"; but they have not done so,; nor is it possible
for them to do so. The bourgeoisie will be compelled to take some moderate
measures and decrease unemployment to some extent only when the number of
the jobless is so excessive as to cause serious social problems, large-
scale strikes and to seriously threaten the capitalist politico-economic
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system. But they can in no way really solve unemployment. In order to
eliminate unemployment it is imperative to overthrow the capitalist system.
The current problem of waiting for jobs in our country is a temporary
phenomenon that is caused by mistakes in our work. This problem can be
completely resolved as long as we are able to correct our ideology, carry
out correct principles and policies and display the advantages of the
socialist system. Since the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central
Committee, the party and government have paid much attention to the problems
of youths in urban areas waiting for jobs. Finally, a series of correct
principles and policies have been implemented such as readjusting the
structure of the ownership system, developing the collective economy in a
big way and appropriately developing the individual economy; readjusting the
industrial structure, paying attention to the development of light industry
and developing commerce and service trades in a big way; readjusting
employment policy and opening up more ways for arranging employment.
Thanks to these policies and measures, considerable achievements have been
made. From 1978 to 1981, employment has been arranged for 34 million people
across the country. Many medium and small towns across the country have
basically resolved the problem of employment. Of course, in order to
thoroughly solve the problems of employment in our country, we must spare
no effort to develop production and control the growth of population in a
planned way so that the reproduction of population and labor force will
accord with the development of the whole national economy.
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WILL STRENGTHENING OF PLANNING GUIDANCE IMPAIR THE DECISIONMAKING POWER OF
PRODUCTION TEAMS?
Beijing-RED FLAG in Chinese No 16, 16 Aug 82 pp 47-48
[Article by Zheng Youyun [6774 1635 7189]]
[Text] Some comrades regard respecting the decisionmaking power of produc-
tion teams as contradictory to the implementLtion of state planned guidance
over agricultural production. According to their view, to respect the
decisionmaking power of production teams means not to stress the importance
of state planned guidance and'means that production teams must be allowed
to arrange production by themselves and grow however much of whatever crops
they want. If stress is given to state planned guidance, the decision-
making power of production teams will eventually be. impaired. This view is
one-sided and not correct.
The socialist economy is a planned economy that is based on the system of
public ownership. Agriculture is the foundation of the national economy,
therefore agricultural production and circulation must also be carried out
in a planned way. Our country has a population of 1 billion, of which 800
million are peasants and therefore agricultural production occupies a
particularly important position in the economic activities in our country.
At present, about 80 percent of the daily necessity goods in urban and
rural areas are agricultural and sideline products and goods processed from
these products.; about.70 percent of the raw materials that are needed by
light industry are supplied by agriculture while in our foreign trade,
half of the revenue from foreign exchange is gained through :exports of
agricultural and sideline products and goods processed from these products.
In order to guarantee that the socialist economic construction can be
carried out smoothly, and that agricultural and sideline products are
distributed in a planned way and rationally while social needs are ensured,
it is. imperative for the state to.keep a certain amount of agricultural and
sideline products. Consequently, -the production and sales of major agri-
cultural products in various places must be included in state planning.
The various departments of agricultural production such as agriculture,
forestry, animal husbandry, sideline production.and fisheries produce many
.items of their own and objectively there exist certain proportionate rela-
tions among these production departments and production items. Therefore
it is necessary for the state.to consider natural conditions and economic
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conditions as well as the needs and possibility, and to do a good job of
zoning so as to give planned guidance. over the production in various places
and form a rational agricultural production structure. At present, there
are 6 million production teams across the country. Most of these, production
teams are basic accounting units. The production quotas and work quotas
that are assigned by production teams to individual peasants' households are
carried out individually. Therefore it is difficult for both production
teams and peasant households to understand in an overall way the market
situations of agricultural and sideline products and predict the development
of these situations. Consequently they also need state planned guidance so
that they will not carry out production blindly.
To stress the importance of agricultural production being put under the
state planned guidance does not mean to abolish the decisionmaking power of
production. teams. By production team decisionmaking power we mean that
the decisionmaking power of production teams must be put under state planned
guidance. The "Resolution of the CPC Central Committee on Certain Questions
in Stepping Up the Development of Agriculture" points out: "Under the
premise of persisting in socialist orientation, implementing state policies,
laws, and rules and regulations, and accepting state planned guidance, all
the basic accounting units of the-people's communes have the right to carry
out farming according to their specific conditions, to decide on measures
for increasing production, to decide on management methods, to distribute
their own products and cash, and to oppose any unrealistic directive from
any leading body or leading person." If we consider the decisionmaking
power of production teams as a .way to depart from state planned guidance
and to permit production teams to grow whatever crops they consider
profitable, apparently this view is not in line with the spirit of the
decision made by the CPC Central Committee about . the.decisionmaking power
of production teams. The state planned guidance we are talking about means
following the needs of natural and economic laws, proceeding from reality
and working out agricultural production plans according to specific condi-
tions and all these accord with respecting the decisionmaking power of
production teams. The state now does not generally draw up plans for the
acreage of crops grown by production. teams; it only defines the tasks of
state purchase and assigned purchase of the major agricultural and sideline
products that affect the national economy and people's life. Under the
premise of respecting the state planned guidance and fulfilling the tasks
of state purchase and assigned purchase, production teams have.the right to
arrange their own production. It is groundless to think that while we are
stressing the importance of planned guidance, we do not respect the
decisionmaking power of production teams.
Of course, there may appear to be contradictions between state planned
guidance and the decisionmaking power of production teams. For example,
by proceeding from the overall situation, the state requires that all
places that are suitable for growing grain crops must grow such crops,
because it is only in this way that the grain that is needed by the state
can be guaranteed. This practice will also enable the places that are
unsuitable for growing grain crops to undertake forestry or animal hus-
bandry or when conditions permit, to grow industrial crops. But as the
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price parity -between grain crops and industrial crops has yet to be
rationalized,~the income from growing grain crops is lower than that from
growing industrial crops. As a result, production teams are not willing
to grow grain crops rather than industrial crops. Another example is that
.thevstate requires production teams to sell greater quantities of some
agricultural and sideline products; but production teams consider their own
intermediate interests and consequently they are reluctant-to respond to
such requirements. In order to solve these contradictions,;it is impera-
tive, on?the?one hand, to step up ideological and political work among
cadres and peasants in production teams so as to help them foster the idea
of "taking'the whole country into account" and correctly handle the rela-
tions of interest among the state, the.collective and the individual. On
the other hand, while working out guiding planning, the departments con-
cerned must step up study and investigations so that the planning may
accord with reality. When there.are changes in reality, the planning must
accordingly be amended or measures must,be.taken to look after the interests
of, .production teams and peasants so as.to,.minimize the difficulties involved
in the production teams accepting state.planned guidance.
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AQUATIC BREEDING AND THE QUESTION OF EATING
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 16, 16 Aug 82 inside back cover
[Article by Xing Xiangchen [0438 3276 5256]]
[Text] Statistics showed that 60 million tons of protein is needed
annually throughout the world as food for mankind; of this figure, 40 per-
cent is animal protein. Fish is an important source of animal protein.
At present, the average per capita world figure for aquatic products is
33 jin while the figure in our country is less than 10 jin, and when
shells, moss and damage are deducted from this figure, the average per
capita figure is just over half a jin per month. In order to solve the
problem of feeding the 1 billion population in our country as soon as
possible and to provide more and better protein for the urban and rural
population, it is imperative to continue to develop grain production and
improve the protein content of our grain crops and at the same time to
spare no efforts to produce animal protein and develop animal husbandry
and fishery. In developing fishery, it is imperative to further utilize
and exploit the resources of ocean and hinterland waters so as to develop
aquatic breeding.
The aquatic breeding industry in our country dates back a long time and has
advantageous natural conditions. Our country's coastline is more than
18,000 kilometers long, with many rivers and much fertile water and there-
fore it is suitable for fish propagation. The area of continental-shelf
fish-breeding grounds with a depth of less than 200 meters is 1.5 million
square kilometers while the area of shallow sea and seashore that is suit-
able for manmade breeding grounds is 7.4 million mu. Our country is charac-
terized by many rivers of various sizes and is dotted with lakes, ponds and
reservoirs. The number of rivers with an area of more than 100 square
kilometers each is more than 50,000. The total area of fresh water lakes
is 36,000 square kilometers with the area suitable for fish breeding
amounting to about 25 million mu. The number of big, medium and small
reservoirs is more than 82,000 while the area suitable for fish breeding
is more than 30 million mu. But of this enormous water area, only a little
has been used for developing the aquatic breeding industry. For example,
the utilization rate of the 75 million mu of water in the hinterland is
less than 60 percent; a great amount of water surface is yet to be
utilized. The output of the water surface that has been utilized is very
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low. For example, the average production of water ponds is only 113 jin
per mu; the average production of lakes is less than 20 jin per mu while
that of reservoirs is as low as only about 12 jin per mu.
In order to supply more and better aquatic products for our people and
solve the problem of "no fish to eat," it is imperative first of all to
improve our understanding, step up leadership, correctly handle the rela-
tions between grain and fishery production, put the latter on the agenda
and do a good job in this respect. It is necessary to follow the principle
of "giving play to advantages and avoiding disadvantages," with breeding as
the key and to combine breeding with catching.
Second, it is necessary to sum up the experiences of aquatic breeding in our
country and to popularize advanced technology. We have many traditional
breeding methods such as combining agriculture with animal husbandry and
fishery to solve the problem of fodder, making use of low-priced agricul-
tural and sideline products and their "rejects" and particularly to use
grass and droppings as the main fodder for increasing aquatic products.
This method is also in the interest of maintaining the ecological balance
and protecting the environment. In addition, we have also created such
technical measures as mixed-breeding and coupled-breeding of various
species and rotational catching and breeding that are important for
increasing per unit output. We must also import and popularize advanced
science and technology from other countries such as net-box breeding, the
warm-running-water breeding method and other new methods.
Third, readjust fishery policy and develop many forms of aquatics produc-
tion. Some regions with certain conditions may concentrate their efforts
on setting up a number of aquatic breeding bases. Commune members, state-
owned undertakings and collective undertakings must be encouraged to carry
out fish breeding in some water areas that are scattered and where it is
not easy to implement unified management. Incomplete statistics from the
five provinces of Hunan, Hubei, Jiangxi, Jiangsu and Guangdong show that at
present, more than 1 million peasant households are undertaking fish breed-
ing. With correct policy, this method of fish breeding will achieve better
results with less investment.
Fourth, step up the building of the ranks of technicians, From the view-
point of the whole national economy, there is a shortage of science and
technology in our agriculture, but the shortage of technology in aquatic
breeding is even more acute. Therefore at present it is imperative to
reorganize the ranks of aquatic technicians, set up a system and adopt all
sorts of methods to train a planned and organized contingent of technicians
that are both Red and expert.
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