CHINA REPORT RED FLAG

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP04-01460R000100390001-5
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 62
• Document Creation Date: December 21, 2016
• Document Release Date: March 19, 2008
• Sequence Number: 1
• Publication Date: October 29, 1982
• Content Type: REPORT

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JPRS'82121
29' October 1,982
China Report
RED FLAG
No I7,, 1 Se'p:tembe'r 1982
FBIS
FOREIGN BROADCAST INFORMATION, SERVICE
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JPRS 82121
29 October 1982
CHINA REPORT
RED FLAG
No. 17, 1 September 1982
Translation of the semimonthly theoretical journal of the Central
Committee of the Communist Party of China published in Beijing.
CONTENTS
Communist Ideology and Our Practice (pp 2-8)
(RED FLAG editorial department) .................................... 1
Further Promote the Succession of Old Cadres by New Ones
(pp 9-11, 26)
(Commentator) ...................................................... 12
The Deeply Respected Comrade Cai Chang (pp 12-16, 32)
(Ou Mengjue) ....................................................... 18
The 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee Creates
a New Path for Agricultural Development in Our Country (pp 17-21)
(Zhan Wu, Liu Wenpu) ................................................ 29
A Major Problem in Implementing the Policy Toward Intellectuals
(pp 22-26)
(RED FLAG commentator) ............................................. 39
Correctly Appraise the New Generation of the Chinese Working
Class (pp 27-32)
(Yu Yannan) ........................................................ 47
A Letter to a Reader (inside back cover)
(Xiong Fu) ............................... ....................... 56
- a - IIII - CC - 751
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COMMUNIST IDEOLOGY AND OUR PRACTICE
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 17, 1 Sep 82 pp 2-8
[Article by RED FLAG editorial department]
[Text] The 12th CPC National Congress has successfully opened. This con-
gress will hold higher the banner of communism, analyze and answer major
problems cropping up in the new stage of socialist construction with com-
munist ideology and further point the way forward for the communist move-
ment during the period of socialism. This is a congress of great historical
and immediate significance. In order to study, propagate and implement all
the documents and decisions of the congress in, a satisfactory way, it is
necessary, first of all, for us communists to study communist theory,
enhance communist political consciousness, arouse our communist spirit and
educate and unite the people: with this theory.
What is communism? Communist theory and practice have told us that com-
munism is a twofold thing: one is the communist social system and the other
is the movement to realize communism. As the ultimate goal of our party,
communism refers to the communist social system. Furthermore, to attain
and realize the communist social system, it is necessary to pass through
and depend on the communist movement. Why is our party called the Com-
munist Party? This is because the goal of our struggle is a communist
social system and our revolutionary practice is the communist movement.
The Communist Party and communism are indivisible. Without the Communist
Party, there would be no communist movement and the realization of a com-
munist system would be out of the question; moreover, the Communist Party
would not be worthy of its name if it did not struggle for a communist
social system and carry out the communist movement. This is a most basic
fact and also the most elementary knowledge.
,What kind of system is the communist social system? Why does the Communist
Party take it as its ultimate goal of struggle? This is because the com-
munist social system is the most progressive, rational and fine social
system in human history. In a communist society, classes and class differ-
ences will be completely eliminated, all major social distinctions and
inequalities will be abolished, the whole people will have highly advanced
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communist political consciousness and moral values, the social productive
forces will be highly developed, social products will be extremely abundant,
the principle of "from each according to his ability, to each according to
his work" will be implemented, labor will become a pleasurable undertaking
and everybody will really become a person who enjoys freedom and develops
in an overall way. It goes without saying that this is the happiest social
system which has ever been seen in human history. The oppressed and
exploited proletariat and other working people yearn for this social system
day and night and warmly cherish the ideal of it. The Communist Party which
takes the realization of the. communist social system as its ultimate goal
entirely reflects and represents the fundamental interests and wishes of the
proletariat and other working people. This is an extremely great and lofty
historical mission.
Some people say that the communist social system is a "daydream" and a
"utopia." There have been people saying so ever. since Marx and Engels put
forth the scientific communist doctrine. Now there are still people saying
so. This is not in the least strange. Among the people who say so are both
bad and innocent people. We must strike a resolute counterblow at the
enemy who slander and abuse communism; with regard to those who are unaware
of the truth or the well-intentioned skeptics, we must conduct painstaking
persuasion and explanation work among them. This is also extremely clear,
definite and unequivocal.
Communism has appeared in the form of a "daydream" or "utopia" in history.
For example, the socialism and communism of Robert Owen, Claude Henri de
Saint-Simon and Charles Fourier in the early 19th century were in such a
category. Owen and others criticized, censured and flung abuse at capitalist
society and fancied that a better system would replace it. However, they
failed to indicate the real way out. They not only failed to expound the
nature of the capitalist system of wage slaves and bring to light the laws
governing the development of capitalism but also failed to find out the
social force to create a new society. The proletariat was, in their eyes,
only a class which was subject to suffering and hardship. Therefore, their
socialism and communism could be nothing but a "daydream."
The emergence of utopian socialism and communism not only indicated the
protest of the proletariat against capitalist oppression and exploitation
but also reflected the immaturity of the proletariat, that is, the prole-
tariat had not entered the historical stage as an independent political
force at that time. Engels pointed out: "Immature theory is suited to the
situation of immature capitalist production and of an immature class. The
solutions to social problems remain in the underdeveloped economic rela-
tionships and thus they have to'come out of the brains. What the society
reflects is only drawbacks, and the elimination of these drawbacks is the
task of thought. This necessitates the invention of a new and more perfect
social system and its imposition on society from outside through propaganda
and typical demonstration if possible. This new social system is doomed
from the outset to become a daydream. The more meticulously it is designed,
the more it will degenerate into a sheer daydream." ("Selected Works of
Marx and Engels," Vol 3, p 299)
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In order to turn socialism and communism into a science, Marx and Engels put
it on the basis of reality. In accordance with historical materialism and
the theory of surplus value which they founded, Marx and Engels regarded
socialism and communism as the result of the development of the socioeconomic
movement of modern capitalist society and as the inevitable outcome of the
struggle between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie rather than as the
fortuitous discovery of some' geniuses. The task of scientific socialism
and communism is to study the economic course of the history which inevitably
gave rise to these two classes and the struggle between the two, and to pro-
ceed from the resulting economic and political circumstances to find the
means to solve contradictions and conflicts rather than conjuring up a
possibly perfect social system. The communist social system emerges as the
opposite of the capitalist social system. It is the result of the function
.of the social force brought about by capitalism. Therefore, the basic
characteristics of the communist social system can be logically brought to
light from the inherent contradictions of the capitalist social system. Of
course, these characteristics can only be the general orientation and a
rough.sketch and are not, and cannot, possibly be well conceived and
detailed con,crete stipulations.
Marx and Engels were absolutely loyal to their own scientific communist
doctrine. They always determined what could be determined in the light of
actual conditions. Just as Lenin said: "There is no trace of an attempt.
on Marx' part to make up a utopia or to indulge in idle guesswork about
what cannot be known. Marx treated the question of communism in the same
way as a naturalist would treat the question of the development of, say,
a new biological species, once he knew that it had originated in such-and-
such a way and changed in such-and-such a definite direction." ("Selected
Works of Lenin," Vol 3, p 243) It can thus be seen that the communist
social system put forth by Marx and Engels is based on a host of absolutely
true facts. It has nothing whatsoever to do with a "daydream" or an
"illusion." If those who regard the communist social system as a "day-
dream" or a "utopia" are not muddleheaded, they must have ulterior motives.
Those who are muddleheaded will become politically awakened so long as they
are willing to earnestly study the works of Marx, Engels and Lenin.
We communists have never concealed our own political propositions. Our
ultimate goal is to be determined to make China advance to a communist
society. This is already fixed and admits of no doubt whatsoever. The
name of our party and our Marxist world outlook already clearly point out
this future, boundlessly bright and splendidly supreme ideal. At present,
we are unswervingly marching toward this goal. No difficulties and
obstructions can deter us.
Communism is an undertaking throughout ages. The realization of a com-
munist social system in any country cannot be accomplished in one move.
It will always go through a long process of practice. Without the
unswerving disciplined hard work and heroic sacrifices of many generations,
it is impossible for communism to make the transition from ideal to reality.
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it is precisely in this sense that communism is not only a social system
but also a movement and above all a movement. Marx and Engels pointed out
long ago: "We call communism the real ["real" in boldface as published]
movement which abolishes the present state of affairs." ("Selected Works
of Marx and Engels," Vol 1, p 40)
The communist movement began the very day the Communist Party was founded.
Internationally, the founding of the Communist League and the publication
of the "Communist Manifesto" indicated the beginning of the communist
movement. The first remark of the "Communist Manifesto" which clarifies
the purpose and main theme from the very beginning is that "a specter is
haunting Europe--the specter of communism. All the power of. old Europe
has entered into a holy alliance to exorcise this specter: pope and czar,
Metternich and Guizot, French radicals and German police." ("Selected
Works of Marx and Engels," Vol 1, p 250) The "specter" making all reac-
tionary forces in Europe extremely frightened which Marx and Engels stated
here means the communist movement. With the spread of communist ideas in
the 1870's there emerged the Paris Commune in France; at the beginning of
this century, the October Revolution took place in Russia. Neither of
them practiced a communist social system but they undoubtedly all consti-
tuted the great communist movement which was of far-reaching significance.
The communist movement in China already has more than 60 years of history.
From the day the CPC was founded, the CPC led the proletariat and the
revolutionary people in embarking on the communist movement in the land of
China in an organized and programmatic way. During the 28 years before
the founding of the PRC, although the struggle we carried out was the new
democratic revolution with the spearhead of struggle being directed at
imperialism, feudalism and bureaucrat capitalism, it was an indispensable
step in realizing communism in China and an important stage which we had to
pass through. Therefore, during this stage, we smashed the warlords,
struggled against the landlords and shared out the land, fought a bloody
battle against the Japanese imperialists and overthrew the reactionary
and decadent Chiang [Kai-shek] dynasty. All this constituted the communist
movement. Party members and the broad masses of the revolutionary people'
carried'out a persistent and heroic struggle for the cause of communism and
thousands upon thousands of revolutionary martyrs gave their lives for it,
shouting the slogan of "Long live communism." The struggle which we party
members and party cadres carried out and the work which we did at our own
posts constituted, in fact, a part of the great communist movement. Our
enemy was also perfectly clear about this matter. At that time, they
called our base areas the "communist-controlled areas." It was justifiable
for them to say so because our base areas were where we started the com-
munist movement. They called our army the "Communist Army." That was also
justifiable because our army was exactly an armed group which was engaged
in the communist movement.
However, some of our comrades find it hard to understand this matter.
Regarding the new democratic revolution as a communist movement, as they
see it, seems not to tally with Marxism. Actually, they precisely forget
Marxism. Marx and Engels said: "The communists struggle for the immediate
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goal and interests of the working class but concurrently represent the
future of the movement." ("Selected Works of Marx and Engels," Vol 1,
p 284) They also pointed out: "At the various stages of development
traversed by the struggle between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie, the
communists represent all along the interests of the whole movement."
("Selected Works of Marx and Engels," Vol 1, p 264) The historical facts
are exactly like this. The new democratic revolution led by our party was
not only for the sake of the immediate goal and interests of the working
class and other working people but more important, was also for the sake of
the ultimate realization of communism in China. Concerning this matter,
our party's program has made quite clear statements. Comrade Mao Zedong
said: "The Communist Party has an immediate and a future program, a mini-
mum and a maximum program, with regard to the social system it advocates.
For the present period, new democracy, and for the future, socialism; they
are two parts of an organic whole, guided by one and the same communist
ideology." ("Selected Works of Mao Zedong," Vol 2, p 647) For this rea-
son, winning victory in the new democratic revolution is only our minimum
program and realizing communism is our maximum program. Did we party mem-
bers not all make a solemn vow to dedicate our whole lives to the realiza-
tion of communism when we joined the party? Is there not a phrase the
"Internationale is bound to be realized" in the "Internationale" which we
often sing with spirit? That is to say, our ultimate goal is to realize
communism. In the course of the new democratic revolution, our party has
educated thousands and tens of thousands of party members and advanced
elements with this communist ideology to devote themselves to the noble
cause of communism. If it had not been for communist ideology that guided
us in our struggle, we would not have been able to win complete victory in
the new democratic revolution, let alone to realize the transition from new
democracy to socialism.
Since the founding of the PRC, the communist movement has been developing
more vigorously in China. Following the complete victory of the new demo-
cratic revolution, our party led the people in completing the task of the
socialist transformation of the private ownership of the means of produc-
tion, putting an end to the history of the exploiting classes and exploita-
tive system which had existed for several thousand years in China and
establishing brand-new socialist political and economic systems. Then,
our party again led the people in carrying out large-scale socialist con-
struction. Although in the course of construction we traversed a tortuous
path, no one can obliterate the achievements scored in construction. We
have now entered a new historical stage. The party is leading the whole
party and the people of all nationalities throughout the country in carry-
ing out the socialist modernization program in all spheres to build our
country into a country with highly advanced material and spiritual civiliza-
tion. This is a grand-scale and far-reaching communist movement that has
never been exceeded since the founding of our party. The full-scale
development and full maturity of this movement under socialism will bring
us nearer and nearer to the ultimate goal of communism. To fulfill this
great task, we must hold high the banner of.communism, carry forward the
communist spirit, and persist in carrying out the revolutionary struggle
in all spheres until the supreme communist ideal is fully realized. The
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"Resolution on Certain Questions in the History of Our Party Since the
Founding of the PRC" adopted by the 6th Plenary Session of the 11th CPC
Central Committee pointed out: "This is a great revolution, unprecedented
in human history. Our present endeavor to build a modern socialist China
constitutes but one stage of this great revolution." This is the glorious
task which history has entrusted to us. All of us party members and party
cadres must devote ourselves to doing-our bit for this great revolution.
Differing from the communist movement during the period of the new demo-
cratic revolution and also from that during the period of the transition
from new democracy to socialism, the communist movement in which we are
now engaged has its own characteristics. With the establishment of a
socialist social system, it has become a communist movement during the
stage of socialist society. At present, the conditions, whether objective
or subjective, for us to struggle for the cause of communism are better
than in any preceding period. First, through several decades of the
party's efforts to conduct propaganda and education, communist ideas have
increasingly taken root in the hearts of the people, with more and more
people believing in communism and fewer and fewer people doubting and even
opposing communism. Next, in the socialist society in which we live, there
exist many communist factors. With the continuous development of socialist
society and the reinforcement of. education in communist ideas, there will
surely emerge more communist new people and things. Again, through the
60-odd years, and particularly the last 30-odd years, of the communist
movement since the founding of the PRC, our party has accumulated rich
historical experiences, both positive and negative, and formulated entirely
correct line, principles and policies which are suited to the state of
things at the present stage. In sum, as the primitive phase of communist
society, the basic content of socialist society is to prepare both material
and spiritual conditions for moving on to communist society. This deter-
mines the nature, orientation and tasks of the communist movement under
socialism.
The communist movement has more than 60 years of history in China. That is
to say, the communist ideolpgy founded by Marx and Engels has for more than
60 years been tested by practice in China and has been proved, and will
continue to be proved, to be an incomparably correct scientific truth.
.However, when discussing the question that practice is the only criterion
for testing truth in 1978, some comrades unexpectedly put forth the follow-
ing argument: Communism is a truth but it has not been tested in practice.
It can therefore be seen that truth should not necessarily be tested by
practice and practice is thus not the only criterion for testing truth.
This is out-and-out nonsense. The history of the practice of the communist
movement in which our party has been engaged since its founding, as stated
above, essentially refutes.this erroneous view. Are all struggles which we
carried out during the period of the new democratic revolution actually not
the great practice of the communist movement? Are the socialist revolution
and socialist construction in which we have been engaged since the founding
of the PRC not precisely the great practice of the communist movement? If
we say that communism has not been tested in practice, then what is the
purpose of our holding meetings to sum up experience? What is the
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fundamental nature of this experience? By summing up experience, we mean
summing up our experiences in practicing communism at the different stages
of development, that is, the experiences in developing the communist move-
ment. The "Resolution on Certain Questions in the History of Our Party"
adopted by the enlarged 7th Plenary Session of the 6th CPC Central Com-
mittee was the summarization of the practical experiences in developing the
communist. movement during the 24 years after the founding of the CPC; and
the "Resolution on Certain Questions in the History of Our Party Since the
Founding of the PRC" adopted by the 6th Plenary Session of the 11th CPC
Central Committee was the summarization of the practical experiences in
developing the communist movement during the 32 years since the founding
of the PRC. This shows that communism, this great truth, has for years
experienced the test of historical practice in China. Practice has proved
it to such an extent that to this day every one of us can feel it in real
life. With regard to the future communist social system, we have not yet
practiced it. Marx and Engels made general assumptions on the communist
social system. The correctness of these assumptions, and in particular,
whether or not they can be realized according to the ways and patterns
which they assumed, needs of course to be tested in practice. The comrades
who put forth the above-mentioned erroneous argument do not refer to this
point alone. They fundamentally negate that communism is a process of
practice. In this way, they do away with the indispensable relationship
between corm unism and practice. Furthermore, doing away with this relation-
ship will lead nowhere other than to an erroneous conclusion, that is,
negating that all the revolutionary struggles we carried out in the past,
and are carrying out at present, have the nature of putting.communism into
practice, and as a result, negating that communism is a scientific truth
and regarding it merely as a hollow and abstract belief.
The communist movement, from the outset, has been directed by communist
ideology. Without the communist ideological system founded by Marx and
Engels, there would be no communist movement for us to speak of. The com-
munist movement, from a "specter" haunting Europe, has become, after the
experience of 100-odd years, a great mass movement which is sweeping the
world with tremendous momentum. This is wholly due to the guidance of com-
munist ideology. The victory of the international communist movement is
the victory of communist ideology and the victory of the Chinese communist
movement is also the victory of communist ideology.
It is no accident that communist ideology has unparalleled might. Lenin
pointed out: "Communist theory--the science of communism created mainly
by Marx, this doctrine of Marxism--has ceased to be the work of a single
19th century socialist, even though he was a genius, and it has become the
doctrine of millions and tens of millions of proletarians all over the
world, who are applying it in their struggle against capitalism." "That
was because Marx based his work on the firm foundation of human knowledge
acquired under capitalism. After making a study of the laws governing the
development of human society, Marx realized the inevitability of capitalism
developing toward communism. What is most important is that he proved this
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on the sole basis of a most precise, detailed and profound study of this
capitalist society by fully assimilating all that earlier science had
produced." ("Selected Works of Lenin," Vol 4, p 347) He went on to say:
"The Marxist doctrine is omnipotent because it is true. It is comprehen-
sive and harmonious, and provides men with an integral world outlook
irreconcilable with any form of superstition, reaction, or defense of
bourgeois oppression." ("Selected Works of Lenin," Vol 2, p 441) Communist
ideology not only guides the communist movement but at the same time is
also tested by the communist movement. It advances with the development
of the communist movement. The more than half a century of the party's
revolutionary practice has further developed Marxism-Leninism and enriched
the contents of communist ideology which can thus more powerfully guide
the communist movement.
The communist movement led by our party has undergone many historical
stages. As we have mentioned above, what we are now engaged in has become
the communist movement during the period of socialist society--the primi-
tive phase of communism--rather than the communist movement in the general
sense. In accordance with historical experience, the strengthening of the
guidance of communist ideology is even more necessary during the period of
socialist society.. Just as without the Communist Party, socialism cannot
be built, without communist ideology, it is impossible to build socialism.
However, some people even go so far as to say that spreading communism and
strengthening propaganda and education in communist ideas and ethics in
the period of socialism is "transcending historical stages" and "contradic-
tory to the policy of distribution according to work," and so on. These
viewpoints and arguments are utterly wrong.
First, during the period of the new democratic revolution, we were already
adhering to guiding all our work with communist ideology, standardizing the
words and deeds of the party members and advanced elements, and spreading
the communist spirit, such as serving the people wholeheartedly, "being
selfless" and "utter devotion to others without any thought of self." We
have now entered the stage of socialist society--the primitive phase of
communism--so why can we now not do so? This cannot be explained away.
Second, in socialist society, we resolutely uphold the implementation of
the principle of "from each according to his ability, to each according to
his work," continuously perfect it as a matter of policy and strive to
overcome egalitarian drawbacks. However, implementing this principle pre-
cisely needs, rather than excludes, the encouragement of a communist atti-
tude toward labor among the masses of people. Party members and party
cadres in particular must energetically engage in work without fixed quotas,
regardless of remuneration and self, of their own accord and in the spirit
of discharging their responsibilities for society to the best of their
ability rather than confining themselves to the principle of "distribution
according to work." In fact., inside and outside the party there are people
who are engaged in this noble labor in all matters. Just imagine, can the
advanced deeds of those who sacrifice themselves to save others, and par-
ticularly the thoughts and actions of those who sacrifice their own happi-
ness and even give their lives for the sake of safeguarding the motherland
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and the lives and property of the people be explained by the principle of
"distribution according to work"? Upholding the principle of "distribution
according to work" and encouraging the communist attitude toward labor are
mutually complementary rather than being contradictory. Encouraging a
communist attitude toward labor and advocating handling various social
relationships with communist ethics are the required conditions for ensur-
ing the correct implementation of the principle of "distribution according
to work" rather than obstacles to the implementation of the principle.
Innumerable facts have shown that wherever education in communism is
strengthened, the principle of "distribution according to work" is satis-
factorily implemented, the enthusiasm of the people for labor is high, the
people tackle difficulties themselves and make things easy for others, they
work with one heart and one mind and help one another in unity; and wherever
the education in communist ideas is discarded or weakened, there emerges
the trend of "doing everything for the sake of money," the principle of
"distribution according to work" turns into "working according to remunera-
tion," with everyone haggling over every ounce and even "not working despite
receiving remuneration," discipline becomes lax, dereliction of duty occurs
and out-and-out egoism and anarchy run rampant. These phenomena call for
deep thought.
Third, in socialist society, class struggle will continue to exist within
certain limits for a long time to come and the corrosive influence and
attacks of capitalist ideology are still very serious. "Distribution
according to work" is a socialist principle and is antagonistic to the
capitalist principle of distribution. However, facts have indicated that
it is impossible to resist the corrosive influence and attacks of capital-
ist ideology by relying on the principle of "distribution according to
work" alone. To effectively resist the corrosive influence and attacks of
capitalist ideology, it is imperative to rely mainly on communist ideas.
Some veteran party members and veteran cadres were not conquered by the
enemy's force of arms during war years and were not compelled to submit by
the despotic power of the Lin Biao and Jiang Qing counterrevolutionary
cliques during the 10 years of internal disorder. They are worthy of the
title of hero and fighter. But they were defeated and became captives in
the face of the corrosive influence and attacks of capitalist ideology.
Where does the reason lie? It is mainly because they have discarded
communist ethics, lost the purity of communism, and forgotten and aban-
doned their original intention of vowing to struggle for communism. This
lesson is quite profound.
Theory and practice as well as history and reality tell us that in the
socialist society, we must propagate communism boldly and forcefully.
First we must teach all the party members and party cadres to preserve
their own purity of communism, to standardize their words and deeds with
communist ethics and observe and handle all matters with communist ideology.
Then we should influence and'unite the broad masses of people through the
model and vanguard role of all the party members and party cadres and,
together with the masses of people, develop socialist spiritual. civiliza-
tion with communist ideas as'its core and train the Chinese people into men
with revolutionary ideas, revolutionary morality, revolutionary discipline
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and culture. Only in this way, can the orientation of socialism be upheld
and the modernization progran} be victorious.
Of course, by adhering to guiding our actions and work with communist
ideology during the period of socialism, by no means do we need to carry
out immediately the policy of realizing top-level communism. In the wake
of the October Revolution, in the process of leading the socialist revolu-
tion and construction, Lenin time and again stressed that the work of
spreading communist ideas on the most extensive scale should be propagated,
and he highly praised and warmly supported the communist factors and buds
(such as "weekend voluntary labor") which emerged at that time. At the
same time, he again pointed out that the communist system should not be
prematurely carried out, and held that it was harmful and dangerous to do
so before the material basis was ensured for carrying out the communist
system. While leading the new democratic revolution in China, Comrade Mao
Zedong also said: "Beyond all doubt, now is the time to spread communist
ideas more widely and put more energy into the study of Marxism-Leninism,
otherwise we shall not only be unable to lead the Chinese revolution for-
ward to the future stage of socialism, but shall also be unable to guide
the present democratic revolution to victory. However, we must keep the
spreading of communist ideas and propaganda about the communist social
system distinct from the practical application of the new democratic pro-
gram of action; we must also keep the communist theory and method of
investigating problems, undertaking research, handling work and training
cadres distinct from the new democratic line for national culture as a
whole. It is undoubtedly inappropriate to mix the two up." ("Selected
Works of Mao Zedong," Vol 2, p 666) We must firmly bear in mind and
follow the principles concerning the relationship between communist
ideology and existing policies, which were expounded by Comrades Lenin and
Mao Zedong. We are now in a stage of socialism. As the primitive phase of
communism, there are many communist factors in socialism and moreover it is
advancing and developing toward its higher phase--communism--but there is,
after all, a distinction between socialism and its higher phase--communism.
In the past we paid a high price for mixing up and obliterating the demarca-
tion line between the primitive and advanced phases of communism and being
overanxious to overstep the primitive phase. It goes without saying that
this should not be repeated. Therefore, during the period of socialism,
we.must adhere to the guidance of communist ideology and strengthen the
education in communist ideas and must not be vague and waver in the slight-
est degree on this matter; at the same time, we must determine our poli-
cies under the guidance of communist ideology and in light of current
actual conditions and resolutely carry them out. The argument and practice
of mixing up the two different stages of development, socialist and com-
munist, in the conditions of the present policies is wrong. The argument
and practice of approaching problems in an isolated and one-sided way,
denying the nature of our socialist system as being the primitive phase of
communism, and thus proceeding to deny the guidance of communist ideology
and deny the practice of the communist movement guided by this ideology, is
also wrong. That is to say, we must conduct the struggle between two lines
both in theory and practice. On the one hand, we must not isolate socialism
from communism and set the former against the latter in theory and practice
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and negate the necessity of taking communist ideology as the guiding
ideology in socialist society and on the other hand, we must also not mix
up and equate socialism with communism in terms of the stage of develop-
ments and must not carry out the policies of its higher phase--communism--
in the period of socialism. Only when this extremely important Marxist
principle is effectively grasped and implemented, can it be ensured that
our communist movement will consistently and healthily develop along a
correct course.
We should have the whole world in view and look forward to the future.
With a rosy future, we are full of pride and enthusiasm. Under the direc-
tion of the line of the 12th national congress of the CPC, let us hold high
the banner of communism and continuously push the communist movement during
the period of socialist society forward to the long-range goal of communism
in a down-to-earth and highly effective way.
Y
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FURTHER PROMOTE THE SUCCESSION OF OLD CADRES BY NEW ONES
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 17, 1 Sep 82 pp 9-11, 26
[Commentator's article]
[Text] The succession of old cadres by new ones has been going on steadily
and healthily since the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee,
thanks to the exemplary role of the proletarian revolutionaries of the old
generation in vigorously, patiently and carefully pushing forward the work
in this respect. This year, the CPC Central Committee has regarded stream-
lining of the administrative structure.as a major task for the whole year,
thereby greatly accelerating the progress of the succession of old cadres
by new ones and making it possible for this succession to progress smoothly
among the leading cadres of the central organs of the party and state. Our
current task is to further promote the succession of old cadres by new ones
from the top downward and in an overall manner and to make this an important
matter, a matter of strategic significance to our party's communist cause,
to produce the desired results.
The succession of old cadres by new ones means to build powerful, energetic
leadership organizations fully capable of accomplishing socialist moderniza-
tion and to set up leading groups which are more revolutionary, younger in
average age, better educated and more professionally competent in all lead-
ing organs of the party and state. Specifically, this means that in the
leading groups of the party and state at various levels, a number of old
cadres will retire and at the same time a number of middle-aged and young
cadres who have both ability and political integrity will be promoted to
the leading posts.
Because of historical reasons and other reasons arising from work, our ranks
of cadres are faced with the question of the succession of old cadres by new
ones. At present, the leading organs of the party and state at various
levels are vexed with the questions of "senility" and "inadequate knowledge."
These questions are very serious in some localities. In some leading organs
of the party and state, there is an acute contradiction between these ques-
tions and the demands put on leadership work during the new historical
period. This situation can be thoroughly changed by starting from the top
down to promote the succession of old cadres by new ones. Therefore, the
succession of old cadres by new ones is not just a task for a few central
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organs of the party and state but is a common task confronting the leading
organs of the party and state at all levels. Negligence of this question
of succession will seriously impede the establishment of a leading group
which is more revolutionary, younger in average age, better educated and
mote professionally competent. Now much headway has been made in the
replacement work in the central party and state. The replacement work will
start soon in all leading organs of the party and state at the provincial,
municipal, autonomous regional, prefectural and county levels. Only when
the replacement work has been accomplished by all leading organs ranging
from the central to the grassroots levels in accordance with the plans and
principles drawn up by the CPC Central Committee can we establish a power-
ful, energetic leading body suited to the needs of the four modernizations.
This is the only way to convince the cadres and the masses to minimize the
obstacles of all kinds hindering replacement work and, subsequently, to
accelerate progress in this work.
The key to carrying out replacement work lies in the promotion of thousands
of outstanding middle-aged and young cadres. That is to say, it is impera-
tive to promote hundreds of thousands and even millions of these cadres and
absolutely not just a few or a few dozen of them. For a long time in the
past, in handling the question of promoting revolutionary successors, we
held the wrong viewpoint that only a few people should be promoted. We
consciously or unconsciously linked the future development and the destiny
of the proletarian revolution with only a few people and neglected the role
of the vast number of cadres and the broad masses of people. This method of
thinking and work was incompatible with the principle of the proletariat.
Our mistake taught us many lessons. During the last few years of his life,
Lenin did some hard thinking about a series of questions regarding the
training of successors to the revolutionary cause of the proletariat. Many
of his valuable opinions still provoke our deep thoughts and serve as our
guide today. In a letter dictated by him to the congress in 1922, he first
proposed increasing the number of Central Committee members. As we see it
today, the essence of this proposal was to train and cultivate large groups
of successors to the revolution. He held that this increase is good in that
it might serve "a double or even a treble purpose." He said: "Such a
reform would considerably increase the stability of our party" and "the
stability of our party would gain a thousandfold." ("Collected Works of
Lenin," Vol 36, pp 615-616) During the period of China's socialist con-
struction, Comrade Mao Zedong pointed out more clearly: "In order to
guarantee that our party and country do not change their political color,
we must not only have a correct line and correct policies but must train
and bring up millions of successors who will carry on the cause of prole-
tarian revolution." (Quoted from 14 July 1964 RENNIN RIBAO) Undoubtedly,
these opinions are very correct and we can learn from them the great
importance of training and bringing up millions of successors to the revo-
lution. Today; our party has put forth that it is necessary to promote
hundreds of thousands and even millions of middle-aged and young cadres.
This is not only a summing-up of our party's experiences and lessons. on the
question of succession but also a summing-up of the experiences and lessons
on this question acquired in the international communist movement. Our
party is now leading the socialist modernization in a big country with a
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population of 1 billion. The socialist modernization is an extremely impor-
tant stage of development in our entire historical course of achieving the
great ideal of communism. Whether for the purpose of guaranteeing the con-
tinuity and stability of our party's line and policies, or for the purpose
of preserving our party's purity of communism, or even for the purpose of
accomplishing the various historical tasks at the present stage, it is
necessary for us to promote middle-aged and young. cadres as an important
task which should be carried out in a planned way. The party's organiza-
tional departments and the party and government organs at all levels should
jointly carry out this task. Any crude and careless styles of work and rash
and arbitrary actions may lead to a new disaster.
The most important point in promoting millions of middle-aged and young
cadres is to consider their political qualities. We must be vigilant
against "three kinds of people." That is to say, we must never promote
those who rose to prominence by rebellion, those who displayed strong
factionalism and those who indulged in beating, smashing and looting. None
of them should be promoted. Those among them who have been promoted must be
resolutely dismissed. These "three kinds of people" are political dangers.
Once leadership power is in their hands and the political climate is good
for them, they will make trouble and again play the tricks of the "gang of
four." For this reason, before the middle-aged and young cadres are pro-
moted, their behavior during the "Great Cultural Revolution" must be
seriously considered. At the same time, their political record after the
downfall of the "gang of four" and in particular after the 3d Plenary
Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee must be considered. Those who
politically, ideologically and organizationally oppose the four basic
principles, those who stubbornly resist the party's Marxist line, prin-
ciples and policies and those who have committed serious political, economic
and organization crimes must not be admitted into the leading groups. Those
who grovel at the feet of the capitalists and those who are interested in
the capitalist tricks and hanker after the bourgeois way of life are degen-
erates inside our ranks. They will play an enormous role in eroding our
party organizations and our revolutionary ranks. Their serious danger
should not be underestimated. Those who are seriously imbued with selfish
ideas, whose political qualities have always been undesirable and whose
work is not motivated by principle must not be allowed to sneak into the
leading groups. We must specially emphasize that a party cadre, no matter
how high his position and how important his work, must be a "servant of the
people," treat others as equals and appear among the masses as an ordinary
member of the working people. He must remain humble and prudent, honest,
open and aboveboard, energetic in work and must never exploit his office
.to seek private gain and to profit at the expense of the masses and the
state. In his actions he must observe the revolutionary discipline,
faithfully carry out the party's policies and keep in line with the CPC
Central Committee. He must not hesitate to sacrifice his all and to fight
his whole life for the communist cause. In short, our purpose of promoting
middle-aged and young cadres is to make sure that there are successors to
the cause of proletarian revolution and that the communist movement may be
carried on generation after generation. For this reason, the middle-aged
and young cadres who are to be promoted must, first, have the political
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qualities of being loyal to the people and holding themselves responsible
to the people and, second, are capable of serving the people. That is to
say, they must be both Red and expert and have both ability and political
integrity. It is extremely wrong to promote a. cadre by seeing only that he
is young and capable and without considering his political performance and
quality.
In promoting middle-aged and young cadres, special attention should be paid
to promoting and using those who are intellectuals. After the founding of
the PRC and before the "Great Cultural Revolution," about 5 million intel-
lectuals graduated from colleges and universities or attained equal educa-
tional level'through private study. They have already become the backbones
in our country's socialist modernization. Close attention should be paid
to bringing their role into full play. Facts have shown that in an enter-
prise, department or locality, our work in all fields will develop if there
is a group of "people in the know" who have special knowledge and are
active in work and capable of maintaining ties with the masses. We must
understand that qualified personnel can be trained only by being boldly
used and that experience can be accumulated only through practice. The
intellectuals' shortcomings should not be indiscriminately dealt with. For
example, arrogance certainly is a shortcoming which should be overcome.
However, one who does not have a bit of confidence can achieve nothing.
Moreover, some of the shortcomings of the intellectuals are caused by their
being divorced from reality. They can be corrected if the intellectuals
are helped to maintain ties with the masses even though they may be holding
some leading posts. There are qualified personnel around. They are before
your eyes once you widen your field of vision. Once the guidelines put
forth by the CPC Central Committee are implemented, it is definitely possi-
ble to discover and promote large groups of qualified or outstanding middle-
aged and young successors.
In short, to further promote the succession of old cadres by new ones, it
is necessary to implement the CPC Central Committee's policy on the suc-
cession of old cadres by new ones at all levels without exception, to pro-
mote hundreds of thousands and even millions of middle-aged and young
cadres and to closely consider the political qualities and performances of
the middle-aged and young cadres to be promoted. In this way, we can
gradually, steadily and comprehensively accomplish the succession of old
cadres by new ones and establish a leadership system suited to the tasks
of socialist modernization. This is a demand imposed on us by socialist
modernization. We must not even slightly slacken our efforts, hesitate and
fall short of this demand. Otherwise, our ardent wish and strategic plan
for attaining our great goal at the end of this century will come to nothing
because we have a weak leading group.
The exemplary role, of the old comrades is of utmost importance in further
promoting the succession of old cadres by new ones. The old comrades are a
valuable treasure of our party and state. In the struggle to found and
develop our state, they showed no fear of self-sacrifice and fought bravely,
making tremendous contributions. Now they will retire from their work posts,
painstakingly select successors from among the middle-aged and young cadres,
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thus ensuring that the. ranks of cadres are more revolutionary, younger in
average age, better educated and more professionally competent and that
there are successors to the cause of the proletarian revolution. This is
yet another historic contribution they make to the party. It will be
remembered forever by the future generations. The realization of our great
communist cause needs the arduous struggle and the continuous course of suc-
cession of the old by the new throughout many, not just a few, generations.
At all times and under all circumstances, a proletarian revolutionary
fighter must never slacken his efforts but must struggle ceaselessly. The
old comrades understand that although they have now retired, their revolu-
tionary spirit must never recede and they must still carry out the work
of passing on experience, giving help and setting examples in training the
middle-aged and young cadres. Only by doing this work well will they have
contributed their last ounce- *of strength to the party and the revolutionary
cause. They also see this point very clearly: They are old and weak. They
must live a few more years in order to contribute more to the party. In
order to live a few more years, they should do less work. In this sense,
doing less work means having more time for doing the work; doing more work
means having less time for doing the work.
All our comrades, the old ones in particular, must have a high sense of
responsibility for the work of promoting the succession of old cadres by
new ones and must be aware of the urgency with which this work should be
done. In fact, it is now time for solving without fail the problem of
promoting middle-aged and young cadres, who have both ability and political
integrity, to the leading posts at all levels and in various fields. Mean-
while, there are conditions for solving this problem. In particular, prole-
tarian revolutionaries of the older generation are still around, a large
number of old comrades are consciously displaying their revolutionary
spirit and playing an exemplary role, and a large number of middle-aged and
young cadres have both ability and political integrity and are capable of
shouldering the responsibility of inheriting the past and ushering in the
future. Our middle-aged and young cadres do not have so much revolutionary
experience as the old cadres do. However, generally speaking, they have
been trained after the founding of the PRC and are better educated. They
also have acquired a great deal of experience in revolutionary work, thanks
to their training in practical work for many years. Judging by those who
have been promoted to the leading posts, almost all of the middle-aged and
young cadres are full of vigor and highly enthusiastic in their work and,
with the help of the old comrades, can do their work competently.. There-
fore, if we choose the right ones among them and if the old comrades do
well their work of passing on experience, giving help and setting examples
in training the new ones, the middle-aged and young cadres who have both
ability and political integrity and who have been promoted can gradually
assume the leadership work of the party and state at all levels. We should
have full confidence in them.
From now on, the succession of old cadres by new ones should be gradually
institutionalized. That is to say, it is necessary to establish the cadres'
retirement system and to abolish the de facto lifelong tenure of office of
the leading cadres. The establishment and application of this system are
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of great significance to the building of our party and the development of
the cause of proletarian revolution. Facts tell us that the existence of
the lifelong tenure of office of the leading cadres dampens the enthusiasm
of the middle-aged and young cadres, causes, the gradual "senility" of the
leading groups and leads to the "senile cycle." Under these circumstances,
our leading groups can hardly maintain their exuberant vitality and subse-
quently our socialist modernization cannot be smoothly carried out, our
state can hardly cope with the sudden changes in the international field
and will have to face sudden social upheavals caused by the question of
successors. Precisely for this reason, after careful consideration, our
party has determined to reform the present cadre system. Of course, due
to the present conditions in our cadre ranks, some transitional methods
have to be adopted to gradually enforce the cadres' retirement system and
to finally and completely abolish the de facto lifelong tenure of office
of the leading cadres.
The succession of old cadres by new ones has always been a major problem in
our party. Serious lessons on this problem have been learned. in the inter-
national communist movement and in our party. Now our party actively,
systematically and methodically carries out replacement work within the
cadre ranks. This shows that the CPC has taken a step forward in becoming
a mature, great party. Under the leadership of this mature, great party,
the succession of our old cadres by new ones can surely and triumphantly,
be accomplished and our communist cause will definitely prosper and be
carried on from one generation to the next generation. There is no doubt
whatsoever about this.
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THE DEEPLY RESPECTED COMRADE CAI CHANG
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 17, 1 Sep 82 pp 12-16, 32
[Article by Ou Mengjue [0575 1125 6030]]
[Text] Comrade Cai Chang is a proletarian revolutionary of the elder gen-
eration, an outstanding leader of the women's movement of our country, and
a noted activist in the international progressive women's movement. She is
deeply beloved and respected by the people. As early as in early 1926 I had
the privilege of making her acquaintance. Since then, for more than 50
years, I have worked alongside her on various occasions. She has greatly
impressed me with her affectionate concern and patient teaching. She was
and is my good teacher. When I heard and read the message of greeting
extended to her by the 7th Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Com-
mittee, I was greatly excited. Each and every word of the message brought
to me a reminiscence of the past.
Comrade Cai Chang always stood at the forefront of the struggle in the vari-
ous historical stages of the country's revolution. In this way, she has
made an immortal contribution to the revolutionary course of the proletariat.
Truly, she was the most outstanding feminine revolutionary of our party.
Comrade Cai's native place is Yongfeng village of Xiangxiang County (now
known as Shuangfeng County), Hunan Province. Quite a number of relatives
of her family are known to have sacrificed their lives for the sake of the
revolution. Her mother, Ge Jianhao, was a revered old lady who was always
keen for advancement, progressive in thinking, and imbued with a determined
fighting spirit.. Her elder brother Cai Hesen was one of the leaders of our
party in its initial stages and was an outstanding proletarian revolutionary
and theorist. He was killed in 1931 by the Kuomintang reactionaries. Her
sister-in-law Xiang Jingyu was also one of the leaders of our party during
its early stages. She was an outstanding leader of the feminist movement.
She was killed in 1928 by the KMT reactionaries. She had another brother,
Cai Luxian, a graduate of the Whampoa Military Academy and a member of the
Communist Party. During the big Guangzhou-Hong Kong strike he acted as the
commander of the Workers!_Picket Corps. He was killed in the course of the
struggles. Comrade Cai Chang was brought up in a family environment of this
nature.
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In her early youth, under the influence of Mao Zedong, Cai Hesen and Xiang
Jingyu, Comrade Cai Chang took part in various progressive campaigns such
as the May 4th movement, and in this way received new ideas and new culture.
Before and after the May 4th movement, Mao Zedong, Cai Hesen and others
started a movement to organize young Hunanese to study in France as students
under the part.-work and part-study system. Xiang Jingyu and Comrade Cai
Chang jointly organized an association of Hunanese girl students for the
same purpose. From 1920 to 1924, Comrade Cai Chang was in France studying
in such a capacity. She was able to mingle well with Chinese workers and
French workers. She studied diligently the French language and various
Marxist-Leninist publications such as the "Communist Manifesto." She was
an active participant in such movements as the "28 February" movement under
the leadership of Comrade Cai Hesen and the "Reject Indemnity" and "Occupy
the Sino-French University of Lyons" movements led by Comrades Cai Hesen,
Zhou Enlai, Zhao Shiyan, and others. In 1920, she became a member of such
progressive bodies as the New People's Study Society, and the Workers'
World Study Society. In 1922, she joined the China Socialist Youth League
(European Branch). The following year, through the introduction of Comrade
Zhao Shiyan.and Liu Bojian, she became a regular member of the Communist
Party of China (European Branch). In 1924, she was sent to the Soviet Union
by the party organ to study at the Eastern University in Moscow.
There she made a more intensive study of Marxism-Leninism and the experi-
ences of the Soviet Union's socialist revolution.
While Comrade Cai Chang was studying in the Soviet Union, a new revolu-
tionary high tide was surging in China. To meet urgent needs, the party
organization transferred her back to China. In August 1925, she arrived at
Guangzhou and took part in the Northern Expedition. She served as assistant
secretary and then secretary of the Women's Committee of the Guangdong-
Guangxi CPC Committee. That period was the first period of KMT-CPC coopera-
tion. The party sent her to serve as a cadre in the Central Women's
Department of the Kuomintang and concurrently as the dean of the Research
Institute of the Central Women's Movement, helping He Xiangning, head of
the department, to promote the women's movement. As a result of efforts
rendered by He Xiangning, Deng Yingchao, and herself, the women's movement
in Guangdong enjoyed rapid development. Following the start of the Northern
Expedition, Comrade Li Fuchun became the party representative of the 2d Army.
She likewise followed the troops northward to Nanchang and took part in
political work in the army as well as in the women's movement of Jiangxi
Province. Soon afterwards, she arrived in Wuhan and became the head of the
Women's Department of the Hubei Provincial CPC Committee. In April 1927,
she attended the fifth party congress.
The failure of the great revolution caused the death of thousands of Com-
munist Party members. Comrade Cai Chang then proceeded to Shanghai, the
city of White terror, to engage in underground work. She led the strikes
of the women workers in the Huxi Cotton Mill and the Zhabei Silk Factory.
In June 1928, she attended the sixth party congress in Moscow and also
attended the sixth congress of the Communist International. Afterwards,
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she traveled back and forth between Hong Kong, Shanghai and other places to
continue to engage in the party's underground work.
At the end of 1931, Comrade Cai Chang proceeded from Shanghai to the central
revolutionary base. At first she worked at the Political Department of the
Ruijin Red Army Academy. She personally lectured on the history of social
development to army cadres. The cadres who attended her lectures can still
recollect that Comrade Cai Chang's lessons and lectures were impressive and
moving, made people increasingly interested and enabled them to learn many
of the truths of Marxism. Afterwards, she journeyed to places such as
Xingguo and Ningdu and became the head of the Organizational Department of
the Jiangxi Provincial CPC Committee, concurrently head of the women's
department, chairwoman of the supervisory committee for industry and agri-
culture of Jiangxi Province, and so on. Subsequently, she took part in
the world-famous 25,000-li Long March.
At the end of the Long March, Comrade Cai Chang at first worked in the
Shaanxi and Gansu provincial CPC committees. She served as the head of the
united front department, head of the organization department and secretary
of the Zhongxin County party committee. Afterwards when in 1941 the party
Central Committee reorganized the Central Women's Committee, she succeeded
Wang Ming and served as acting secretary of the Central Women's Committee.
She was generally responsible for promoting women's participation in the
anti-Japanese struggle. In April 1945, she attended the seventh party
congress and was elected a member of the Central Committee. In the same
year, she was elected head of the Women's Union of China's Liberated Areas.
Following the triumphant conclusion of the anti-Japanese war, Comrade Cai
Chang left Yanan and arrived'at the northeast China liberated zone. She
continued in her capacity as secretary of the CPC Central Women's Committee
and concurrently served as the secretary of the Northeast China Bureau
Women's Committee. She organized the vast masses of women to take part in
the war of liberation. Following the peaceful liberation of Beijing, she
organized and took charge of the convening of the First All-China Women's
Congress. She was elected chairwoman of the All-China Democratic Women's
Union.
After liberation, Comrade Cai Chang, in her capacity as chief representa-
tive of the All-China Women's Union, took part in.the first session of the
Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference. She was elected a
member of the central people's government. She served as first secretary
of the Women's Committee of the CPC Central Committee and continued to act
as the chairwoman of the All-China Women's Union. Furthermore, she was
successively a member of the 8th to 11th CPC Central Committees and was
also the vice chairwoman of the Standing Committee of the 4th and 5th
National People's Congresses. She thus worked wholeheartedly and dili-
gently for the party and the people.
In the course of our party's various struggles against erroneous thinking,
Comrade Cai Chang was unwavering in her stand. She spontaneously supported
the correct line held by Comrade Mao Zedong and other comrades. During the
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period of the first KMT-CPC cooperation, Chiang Kai-shek singlehandedly
engineered the "Zhongshan gunboat incident" and brought forth the "party
reform program" in an endeavor to attack the Communist Party and break the
KMT-CPC cooperation. Comrade Cai Chang maintained the same stand as Mao
Zedong, Zhou Enlai, Chen Yannian and other comrades and was firmly deter-
mined to strike back at Chiang Kai-shek. Both before and after the
"April 12th" and "July 15th" counterrevolutionary incidents, as well as
at both the fifth and sixth party congresses, she was firmly opposed to
the errors of Chen Duxiu's rightist capitulationism toward the Kuomintang's
rightist elements. During the anti-Japanese war, she continued her deter-
mined opposition to Wang Ming's "leftist" and rightist errors. All this
fully demonstrates her allegiance to the basic principles of proletarianism.
During her several decades of revolutionary struggles, Comrade Cai Chang
insisted on learning and researching on Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong
Thought. She was extremely loyal to the party and to the revolutionary
cause. Toward the elder revolutionaries such as Mao Zedong, Zhou Enlai,
Liu Shaoqi, Zhu De and others., she harbored deep proletarian feelings.
Over several decades, she offered her entire energy to the party. For this
reason, she won high respect from the entire Chinese people and even people
of the entire world. Just as Miss Ning Mo Wei Er Si [1337 6206 7279 1422
2448] wrote in her book "Recollections of the Westward Journey (Continued)":.
Cai Chang is "China's leading female communist member," "the most active
female revolutionary," and a "superior female revolutionary."
From the time of the Northern Expedition to after the liberation of the
whole country, Comrade Cai Chang devoted herself to the women's movement
under the leadership of our party. In fact, she has persevered for over
half a century in the struggle for the complete liberation of Chinese women
and the development of the progressive women's movement of the world and
has made enormous contributions thereto.
First, she has faithfully followed and carried out the party's line for the
women's movement and firmly insisted on the direction of the women's move-
ment of the proletariat. As early as in the Northern Expedition, Comrade
Cai Chang led the Guangdong Provincial Federation for Women's Liberation to
struggle against the women's organizations of the rightist elements of the
Kuomintang. She clearly pointed out that the "liberation of women must
join forces with the national revolution and with the liberation of the
working class," and in this way put the women's movement on the right track.
In her article "The Russian Revolution and Women," she introduced the
experiences of the women's movement in Russia. She pointed out: "The
laboring women's movement is part and parcel of the entire proletarian
movement." The women's movement must be linked with the liberation cause
of the proletariat to become a "new contingent" of the proletariat. Only
in thoroughly overthrowing the exploitation system and establishing the
proletariat's own political control and domination can we talk about a real
women's movement. She sounded the call: "If the Chinese women want a
thoroughgoing liberation, the only way is to unite themselves and actively
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take part in the revolutionary movement." It may be said that from the
beginning, our party's women's movement, under the leadership of comrades
such as Xiang Jingyu, Cai Chang, Deng Yingchao and others, has followed the
correct track of the proletariat. During the anti-Japanese war, the
women's work of the party was under the leadership of Wang Ming who called
in vain slogans such as "economic independence," "freedom of marriage,"
"opposition to the fourfold oppression," and so forth, but failed to
organize women to take part in actual production and in revolutionary
struggle. In this way, the women's movement segregated itself from the
populace, fell into formalism, and took the wrong direction. Endeavoring
to rectify Wang Ming's errors, Comrade Mao Zedong issued the call to
organize women to take part in production and to render aid to the front.
In 1943, based on this spirit, Comrade Cai Chang drafted for the Central
Committee a "resolution on the guideline for women's work in the various
anti-Japanese base areas." Comrade Mao Zedong carefully edited each and
every word of the draft resolution. This was subsequently known as the
"1943 Resolution." The resolution pointed out that for women to take part
in economic work constituted the "most suitable work for women" and the
"central link in protecting women's own interests," and would be equivalent
to the same "glorious task" as the warriors fighting on the front line.
The resolution clearly pointed out that this should be the "new direction of
women's work in the various anti-Japanese base areas." In addition, Comrade
Cai Chang personally wrote an important article entitled "Greetings to the
New Direction in Women's Work." The article propagandized and explained in
detail the "1943 Resolution." She thus devoted her utmost efforts to the
thoroughgoing adoption and execution of this resolution. After that, Wang
Ming's erroneous guideline was discredited and the "1943 Resolution" has
guided the women's movement of our country ever since. Comrade Cai Chang
was truly a glorious standard-bearer of the women's movement in China.
Second, she organized and led the vast women's masses to participate in the
revolution and production. During the period of the Northern Expedition, I
worked beside her and saw with my own eyes how she led the work of the
Women's Liberation Federation of Guangdong Province, how she organized the
formation of the Guangzhou-Hong Kong Joint Association of Women Workers on
Strike, and how she efficiently handled the convening of a large-scale
Guangzhou-Hong Kong Congress of Women Workers. At her recommendation, and
with the approval of Minister He Xiangning, the women workers on strike in
these two localities successively organized factories to produce reed
sandals, sewing plant and knitwear plants. Women were also mobilized to
solicit contributions to help solve the financial difficulties of workers
on strike. Thus valuable support was given to the Guangzhou-Hong Kong
strike and the way was cleared for mobilization and preparation for the
Northern Expedition. In the central revolutionary base areas, for the sake
of mobilizing women to take part in production and to support the war, she
took the lead in going out to the field and broke the feudal superstition
that "women who dare plow the fields will be struck dead by a thunderbolt."
She thus succeeded in organizing the womenfolk into a huge army of workers.
During the anti-Japanese war` and the war of liberation, under the party's
leadership, the women's movement particularly prospered and grew, and much
of this was due to Comrade Cai Chang's immortal contributions. At that
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time, it was found that in the liberated areas the vast masses of women were
busily occupied in one or anqther of the following pursuits: Taking part
in production to support the war; or going directly to the frontline to
slaughter the enemy; or bidding farewell to husband or son who were joining
the armed forces; or serving as stretcher bearers or nurses attending to the
wounded; or, behind the enemy lines, engaging in guerrilla warfare,
strengthening the defenses and clearing the fields and working together
with the civilian armed forces to resist and break the enemy's "mopping-up"
campaigns; or taking part in suppressing bandits, resisting unruly elements,
engaging in land reform and staging struggles against reactionary land-
lords, and so on. After liberation, the women of our country continued to
display the traditions of the war years. On the socialist revolutionary
and construction fronts, their activities literally covered "half the sky."
This, in effect, was indivisible from the efforts made by Comrade Cai Chang.
Third, she trained up many women cadres and promoted the development of
nursery enterprises. In Comrade Cai Chang's understanding, the development
of the women's movement in our country required the existence of a large
force of women cadres who were both virtuous and talented. As early as in
1926 during the Northern Expedition, she already paid great attention to
the training of women cadres. She took charge of the setting up of train-
ing schools for the women's movement. She trained a number of women cadres
who were subsequently sent to various parts of the country and became the
backbone force of the revolution. Wherever she went, she showed intimate
concern for the interests of women and gave her support to struggles such
as those against feudal oppression, fighting for freedom of marriage and
claiming equality between the sexes. She actively encouraged women to
leave their homes in order to take part in revolutionary work. She
fervently helped them to acquire culture and learning and to raise their
political consciousness and thus to create conditions for their participa-
tion in the revolution. Many cadres have subsequently become the party's
leading cadres thanks to her, concern and encouragement. Even today many
comrades can be found who have benefited from her teaching and who would
fondly point her out as the first teacher ever to guide them to take part
in the revolution. In the actual revolutionary struggle, Comrade Cai Chang
managed to summarize a set of experiences in cadre training. She said: We
must systematically train up party and nonparty women cadres. Women cadres
must be discovered and trained up amid struggle. While we must pay great
attention to giving vital training to comrades from families of industrial
workers or peasants, we should not confine ourselves to the theory of the
unique importance of class origin. We must boldly select people who are
"upright, good in labor, can unite the populace, and dare to struggle" and
people who are both virtuous and capable. We must pay attention to train-
ing up women cadres who belong to the intelligentsia while, for those women
.cadres who already possess a known degree of intelligence and technology,
we should guide them to do more intensive study and research so as to become
specialists. As to the method of training,.we can set up cadre schools, or
short-term'training classes, or let the elder or more experienced people
teach the new. These experiences summarized by Comrade Cai Chang are still
very valuable today. In May 1949, Comrade Cai Chang gave her vigorous
support to the establishment of an All-China Training School for Women
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Cadres. This school exists even now (although classes were interrupted for
a brief period) and has trained up for the various localities a large num-
ber of women cadres. At the eighth party congress, she delivered a speech
on "Actively Training and Promoting More and Better Women Cadres." In the
speech, she specially dwelt on the importance of selecting, training and
promoting women cadres and on the method of training these cadres.
Concurrently with actively tVainjng up women cadres, Comrade Cai Chang's
attention was also directed at children's welfare. She was particularly
concerned with the orphans of martyrs and took a special interest in foster-
ing successors to the revolution. During the Yanan period, through Comrade
Cai Chang's efforts, Yanan's first nursery school was established. It pro-
vided care and education to many of the martyrs' children and cadres'
children. Following the martyrdom of Comrades Zhang Tailei, Guo Liang,
Cai Hesen and Xiang Ying, she was extremely concerned with the well-being
of their children and with their subsequent education and growth. When she
was convalescing in Moscow, she paid frequent visits to the international
nursery to see the Chinese children entrusted to its care. The children
themselves were very fond of her and affectionately called her "Mother Cai."
In audition, she set up nursery classes to train up cadres for children's
welfare and devoted much effort to bringing up the revolution's younger
generation.
Fourth, she committed herself to the international democratic women's move-
ment, extended the influence of the Chinese revolution to the international
front, and rendered aid to the struggle for liberation of the world's women
workers. At the end of World War II, on 1 December 1945, the International
Democratic Women's Union was established with the purpose of establishing
everlasting peace and strengthening the friendship and unity of women all
over the world. At the end of that year, the Women's Union of China's
Liberated Areas became a member of the International Women's Union. In
1946, Comrade Cai Chang was elected a director of the International Demo-
cratic Women's Union and in the following year was elected vice president.
In November 1948, when the Second International Women's Congress was con-
vened in Budapest, Hungary, Comrade Cai Chang led a delegation of China's
women representatives to take part in the congress. This writer happened
to be a member of the delegation to Hungary. Comrade Cai Chang delivered a
speech at the congress. She analytically explained the relationship
between the proletarian revolution and women's liberation and systematically
told the congress the state of development, role and experience of China's
revolutionary women's movement. In great anger, she unveiled and con-
demned the atrocities of the American soldiers and the Kuomintang reac-
tionaries in exploiting, oppressing and inhumanly trampling on the rights
of womenfolk in the KMT-dominated areas. Her speech won deep sympathy and
support for the Chinese women from the delegate-s in attendance. In the
early period of the formation of the PRC, our country was entrusted by the
International Democratic Women's Union to handle the preparatory measures
for convening the Asian Women's Congress in Beijing. Comrade Cai Chang was
head of the preparatory committee and took up the responsibility of prepar-
ing for the convention of the congress. In the course of such inter-
national intercourse, Comrade Cai Chang propagandized to the world China's
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revolution, in this way expanding the influence of the Chinese revolution,
strengthening China's international status, and winning honor and glory
for Chinese women. At the same time, the development of the international
progressive women's movement-was fostered.
The whole people and people of the entire country loved and respected Com-
rade Cai Chang because of her determined and firm party "character,"
elegant personal integrity and high moral character. Truly, she is a
superior representative of the proletariat. Her many virtues constitute
indeed a valuable spirit and wealth for eternally. educating the millions
of party members and people. Our Chinese women take great pride in having
amidst them such an outstanding proletarian woman revolutionary.
Comrade Cai Chang has a deep faith in communism. Imbued with this faith,
she has worked relentlessly for the revolution and never paused for a moment
in the endeavor. Over several decades of struggle, she has from beginning
to end demonstrated an unyielding, indomitable, resolute and determined
revolutionary spirit. In her family alone, several members have already
fallen victim to the reactionaries' ruthless slaughter, but she was never
frightened. What she did was to bury the dead, take over their baton and
flag and continue determinedly with the struggle. While engaging in
underground work in the White-terror stricken cities like Shanghai,
Guangzhou and Hong Kong, she was always in danger of being caught or killed
but she was never mindful of her own safety. In the Long March, she scaled
snowy mountain tops or crossed the grassland and all the time insisted on
doing propaganda and promotion work and on toiling along with the populace.
Sometimes when the comrades were fatigued, she would loudly sing the
"Internationale" or the "Marseillaise" thus imparting faith and strength
to the populace and fully demonstrating the steel-like aspirations of
Communist Party members. In the 10 years of internal disorder, Comrade Li
Fuchun suffered humiliations of various sorts and was branded as "going
against the current," or being a "black ringleader." She herself was
implicated. But even in such circumstances, she and Comrade Li Fuchun
never forgot to study Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought. They would talk
about the party's history with other comrades to augment their faith in the
party. Mao Zedong said: Comrade Cai Chang is an honest person. This gave
her much encouragement.
In 1973, a tea party was held in the Great Hall of the People in celebra-
tion of the 8 March International Women's Festival. Comrade Zhou Enlai
specially invited her to be present and warmly praised her in the course of
the party. On her 80th birthday, Deng Xiaoping, Deng Yingchao, Kang Keqing,
Zhuo Lin and other comrades went to her residence to offer their congratu-
lations. Comrade Nie Rongzhen additionally brought her a gift, a Chinese
potted landscape adorned with a miniature evergreen tree. All of them con-
veyed the party's warm feelings and concern, in the hope that she would
live comfortably in her last years.
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When Comrade Cai Chang was still young, she saw with her own eyes such
scenes as communist intellectual elements like Mao Zedong, Cai Hesen and
others, with only an umbrella and a pair of sandals but not a cent in
their pocket going about everywhere, penetrating deep into the peasant
villages to do investigation work and fraternizing with the workers and
peasants. This deeply impressed on her that in revolution if you do not
go deep among the masses and'if you segregate yourself from the realities
of China, then the revolution can hardly succeed. Since taking part in the
revolution, she has taken such people as Mao Zedong, Cai Hesen and others as
a model, gone deep into the worker and peasant masses and engaged in
research and investigation work. In Guangzhou, at the time of the Northern
Expedition, she frequently visited factories, rural villages and schools to
do investigation and publicity work, encouraging the workers in the work.
When doing underground work in Shanghai, she went deep among the worker
masses. As a result, the attempts of the reactionaries to arrest her were
foiled more than once. In.the central revolutionary bases, she was entirely
one of the masses. She would labor like the masses and intimately coached
them in culture and learning. She penetrated deep into the families of the
masses to learn the real situation and to do ideological work. In 1941
when she took up the post of acting secretary of the Central Women's Com-
mittee, she at once dispatched investigation and research teams to the
counties and municipalities in the Shaan-Gan-Ning [Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia]
border area. Comrade Mao Zedong's article "On Investigation in Rural
Villages," was based on talks with the investigation teams at that time.
This was Comrade Cai Chang's way of insisting on penetrating deep into a
subject and learning the facts from all sides and then proceeding to shape
the guideline for work in accordance with the actual conditions. This
completely rectified Wang Ming's vulgar work style of formalism, objec-
tivism, and doctrinairism. In 1942 a special issue of the Yanan JIEFANG
RIBAO carried a reprint of Mao Zedong's caligraphy which urged "going deep
among the masses and avoiding empty talk." These Chinese characters
represented warm coaching to the women's work under the leadership of
Comrade Cai Chang. They vividly described just what she was doing.
Comrade Cai Chang is a friendly and amiable person. Before her comrades
and her subordinates she is untiring in her persuasion and has the utmost
patience in doing educational work. She stands on principle and makes
rigid demands. At the same time, she is friendly and always endeavors to
unite comrades together. In my recollection, she would always meet people
with a smiling face. I never had any occasion to see her angry. She has
the tender heart of an affectionate mother. She treats comrades sincerely,
warmly and straightforwardly, and is always glad to help others. To
brothers and sisters of other classes, she is full of affectionate senti-
ments. I remember that on one occasion in Guangzhou, a peasant girl by
the name of Cheng Furu left her home to escape from a mercenary marriage.
Comrade Cai Chang gave the girl refuge in her own home. She helped her to
solve her living problems. 'Following patient educational work, this girl
was finally converted to the path of revolution and eventually joined the
Communist Party of China. In Yanan, many leading cadres lived near her
cave. Whenever there was a family dispute, she was invited to mediate.
Everybody treated her as an intimate acquaintance. Just because of her
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possession of such qualities, within our party she has won everybody's
respect. The entire party all fervently called her "Big Sister Cai."
Comrade Cai lives strictly within her means and lives very frugally. This
has always been her style, be it in war years or in peacetime. When doing
underground work in Shanghai, she worked very hard every day. Besides, she
suffered then from a stomach ailment and occasional headaches. She did not
have the heart to spend her money and preferred to economize on food and
clothing. She put aside Comrade Fuchun's meager salary and eventually
contributed the money to the party's coffers to serve as party expenses.
After liberation, she and Comrade Fuchun continued to live frugally. Even
now she wears clothes from the 1950's. The savings from her and Comrade
Fuchun's salaries were not accumulated or reserved for their children on
their younger generation. Rather, the whole of the savings was contributed
to the party. Following the death of Comrade Fuchun, she contributed a sum
of 100,000 yuan under her name and Comrade Fuchun's name to the party as
"party fees." In fact, several years earlier, she had already contributed
30,000 yuan for the same. purpose. She has always felt that the party had
given her much but she had contributed little in return and that therefore
she must devote her entire efforts to the service of socialist construc-
tion.
Comrade Cai Chang has never been proud or arrogant. Rather, she has always
been modest and cautious. She herself-is a superior woman revolutionary
while her brother Cai Hesen, sister-in-law Xiang Jingyu and her husband Li
Fuchun were all noted leaders in the party. However, she has never publi-
cized herself or her family members. On one occasion, a correspondent of
ZHONGGUO FUNU [CHINESE WOMEN] magazine visited her and asked for informa-
tion about her past history and family background. She courteously rejected
the request. In her estimation, revolution is the people's undertaking.
We should propagandize the party and the people and should not heap the
achievements on any one individual'q account. This is indeed a lofty virtue
of a Communist Party member. Although for a long time she has occupied a
leadership position in the party and in the government, she and Comrade
Fuchun never once utilized their power and position for private gain. Nor
did they allow their relatives, friends or children to do so. She has
always maintained the "color" or lifestyle of a public servant of the
people. She has a strict organizational concept, has always spontaneously
taken part in organizational life., paid the party fees on due time, and
rigidly observed the party's security protection system and various kinds
of disciplinary codes. What she wants for her children is especially stern
and demanding. She sent her only daughter to study agricultural technology
in the Soviet Union so as to devote her life to the reorganization of
China's backward agriculture. One of her grandchildren was staying with
her, but she made him take his meals in the public canteen for staff and
workers. She also made him take part in the labor and in production. She
always taught him to learn from the workers and peasants and to make
friends with the latter's children.
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In recent years, she wholeheartedly responded to the party's call to
abolish the lifelong tenure system for leadership cadres. She wrote on
various occasions to the party and the state to offer her resignation from
her party and government posts, in order to better train up her successors.
In 1978, she relinquished the post of president of the All-China Women's
Union. In September 1980, she was no longer the vice chairwoman of the
National People's Congress. This year, she no longer took part in the
party's 12th national congress and resigned from all her party posts. Her
action fully demonstrated an old Communist Party member's breadth of vision
and earned her even greater respect from the whole party and whole people.
CSO: 4004/2
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THE 3D PLENARY SESSION OF THE 11TH CPC CENTRAL COMMITTEE CREATES A NEW PATH
FOR AGRICULTURAL DEVELOPMENT IN OUR COUNTRY
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 17, 1 Sep 82 pp 17-21
[Article by Zhan Wu [6124 2970] and Liu Wenpu [0491 2429 3877]]
[Text] Since the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee, a
profound change has taken place in the features of the countryside and an
excellent situation of unprecedented vitality has appeared. This is mani-
fested by an all-round development in agriculture, forestry, animal hus-
bandry, sideline production and fishery, and a big and extensive increase
in production. Between 1979 and 1981, the average annual growth of 5.6.
percent in gross agricultural output value surpassed the average annual
growth rate of 4.4 percent between 1950 and 1981. There was a pronounced
improvement in the living standard of the peasants. The net income of
peasant households showed an unprecedented average growth rate of 18 per-
cent between 1979 and 1981. The proportion of affluent production brigades
with an average per capita income of more than 150 yuan from collective
distribution rose from 3.8 percent in 1978 to 15.6 percent in 1981. A
large number of communes and production brigades began to shake off the
condition of economic backwardness, straitened circumstances and lack of
initiative among commune members, and the number of poor counties with an
average per capita income of less than 50 yuan from collective distribu-
tion dropped from 381 in 1978 to 211 in 1981.
The main reason why the rural economic situation has been able to quickly
take a turn for the better is because, since the 3d Plenary Session of the
11th CPC Central Committee, we have more thoroughly corrected the long-
standing "leftist" mistakes in agriculture and adopted a series of impor-
tant policies and measures such as raising the prices of some agricultural
sideline products, reducing or exempting taxes by taking circumstances into
consideration, improving credit and agricultural sideline products purchas-
ing work, encouraging and backing the commune members to make a success of
their private plots and family sideline production, restoring country fair
trade, popularizing various forms of responsibility system, respecting the
ownership rights and decisionmaking power of the collective economy, suit-
ing measures to local conditions and supporting the collectives and indi-
viduals to develop a diversified economy. This has enabled the agricul-
tural economy to embark on a new path in keeping with the conditions in
our country within a few short years.
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The Important Thing Is To Arouse the Enthusiasm of the Peasants
The "Decision of the CPC Central Committee on Certain Questions Concerning
the Acceleration of Agricultural Development" adopted by the 4th Plenary
Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee pointed out: "The first point of
departure in affirming agricultural policy and rural economic policy is to
give full play to the superiority of the socialist system and to the enthusi-
asm of the 800 million peasants in our country. We must ideologically
strengthen socialist education over the peasants, and at the same time,
economically show full concern for their material interests and politically
safeguard their democratic rights. Divorced from given material interests
and political rights, the enthusiasm of any class cannot spontaneously
emerge." This has grasped the crux of our agricultural problem. In the 20
or more years since cooperativization, we have wasted a great deal of
energy on rural work. However, prior to the 3d Plenary Session of the
11th CPC Central Committee, about one-third of the production teams still
had an average per capita:.income of less than 60 yuan and lived in the
straitened circumstances of "relying on resold grain for food, relying on
loans for production and relying,on relief for existence." Although the
grain output of some of the economic units of advanced collectives rose,
the economic effect was not ideal. That was because. they did not grasp
this crux of solving the material interests and political rights of the
peasants and did not touch on the basic defects in the agricultural policy
and the management system. They suppressed the enthusiasm of the masses
and caused agricultural economic development to lack any kind of intrinsic
motivation. These defects were mainly manifested in:
First, one-sided emphasis was given to the development of heavy industry,
and the economic interests of the peasants were ignored and infringed upon.
High indexes, high purchasing quotas, blind commands and inappropriate
restrictions on the peasants to prevent them from developing avenues for
making money resulted in the fact that production, could not be properly
developed and the livelihood of the peasants could not be properly improved
in many areas.
Second, the peasants lacked decisionmaking power. Many production policies
did not come from the peasants themselves but from the upper levels. The
policymakers were also far away from the scene of production and did not
have to assume any responsibility for mistakes in commanding production.
This was the basic reason for blind commands. Blind commands inflicted a
heavy economic burden on the peasants.
Third, egalitarianism was practiced in the internal distribution of the
collective economy, everybody ate out of a "big pot" and the economic
interests of the individual were not linked with the fruits of labor. The
peasants had no economic incentive, consequently their production initia-
tive and labor enthusiasm were dampened.
In the light of the above defects, the agricultural policy decisions since
the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee have used. carrying
out the production responsibility system as the turning point supplemented
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by various comprehensive countermeasures to firmly grasp this basic prob-
lem of arousing the enthusiasm of the peasants. Therefore we have been
able to sweep away the depressing atmosphere in the countryside within a
few short years and witness the appearance of a dynamic and vigorous
situation.
From the tortuous path of development taken by our collective economy, we
can obtain the following revelations:
First, in socialist construction, we must adopt an extremely cautious atti-
tude in coordinating the economic interests of the state and the peasants.
The state must accumulate funds and carry out industrialization, and the
peasants should make contributions. At the same time, we must carry out
work in accordance with the capability of the peasants and must not try to
achieve high rates of industrial growth at the expense of the peasants'
rightful economic interests. Otherwise, we will dampen their enthusiasm
and damage agriculture, and in the end, the whole national economy will also
suffer. One of the important policy decisions made after the 3d Plenary
Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee was to readjust the proportion
between agriculture, light industry and heavy industry and provide enormous
material benefits to the peasants by raising the purchasing prices for agri-
cultural sideline products and reducing taxes. This has played a very
important role in arousing the enthusiasm of the peasants. Naturally, the
material benefits given by the state to the peasants cannot exceed the
extent the state can afford. If this extent is exceeded, the balance of
financial revenue and expenditure as well as price stability will also be
affected. This would be disadvantageous to the state, and ultimately, to
the peasants.
Second, rural economic policy must be based on showing concern for the
material interests of individual peasants and correctly handle the economic
interests of the state, the collective and the individual peasant. The
reason why the production responsibility system can produce such obvious
results is because it has closely integrated the personal. interests of the
peasant with those of the state and the collective. Because of this, the
peasants will 'profoundly feel that they are the masters of the collective
economy and will wholeheartedly throw themselves into socialist construc-
tion.
Third, respect the decisionmaking power of the peasants. The "Decision of
the CPC Central Committee on Certain Questions Concerning the Acceleration
of Agricultural Development" stipulated: "Under the premise of upholding
the socialist orientation, implementing the policies, laws and decrees of
the state and accepting the planned guidance of the state, all basic
accounting units of the people's communes have the right to carry out
planting in line with local-conditions, the right to determine measures for
increasing production, the right to determine methods of management and
administration, the right to distribute their own products and cash and
the right to resist the blind commands of any leading organ or member."
This has played a very good role in arousing the enthusiasm of the peasants.
The?production contracts signed between the peasants and the production teams
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and the supply and marketing contracts signed between the peasants and the
state commercial departments which appeared everywhere have more clearly
defined the rights, responsibilities and interests of the peasant, the
collective and the state. They not only safeguard the decisionmaking power
and rightful interests of the peasants, but also safeguard the implementa-
tion of the plans of the state and the collective.
Rural Economic Development Must Take a Chinese-Style Path of Modernization
Since the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee, leading
comrades of the Central Committee have successively proposed that our agri-
cultural development must take a Chinese-style path of modernization. This
includes transforming agriculture from solely grasping grain to all-round
development and from purely carrying out farmland water. conservancy con-
struction to properly grasping the planting of trees and afforestation and
improving the plant cover at the same time. Our policy is, we absolutely
cannot slacken up on grain production and the active development of a
divetsified.economy. Our agriculture must take the path of garden-style
cultivation and horticulturalization [zou yuan lin hua yuan yi hua de dao lu
6382 0954 2651 0553 0954 5669 0553 4104 6670 6424], the path of all-round .
development of agriculture, forestry, animal husbandry, sideline production
and fishery and the path of comprehensive operation of agriculture, industry,
commerce and transportation. After several years of practice under the
guidance of these guiding principles, we have initially developed a path
for agricultural development that is in keeping with our national condi-
tions and tangible results have already been achieved.
What are the distinguishing features of the so-called Chinese-style path of
agricultural modernization, and what is its objective inevitability?
1. In the utilization of cultivated land, it is necessary to carry out
garden-style cultivation and horticulturalization. China has a huge popu-
lation and little land, and the population will continue to grow in the
future. Therefore, our policy can only be to keep on raising the utiliza-
tion rate of the land and take the path of intensive operations, garden-
style cultivation and horticulturalization.
In the process of readjusting the production structure and developing
diversified economy, the most conspicuous contradiction is the struggle
between grain and cash crops for land. This is mainly because the degree'
of intensive management of agricultural production in our country is not
high and extensive management has been carried out on a very large part of
the cultivated land. To solve this contradiction, we can only find a way
out from garden-style cultivation and horticulturalization. Regardless of
whether in grain or in cash crops, we must keep on raising the level of
intensive cultivation and greatly increase the yield per unit area. Here,
we must also properly handle the question of long-term and immediate rela-
tions. Taking the long-term view, we must continue to readjust the produc-
tion, structure of agriculture. A considerable part of the cultivated land
will gradually shift to various areas of the diversified economy in order to
greatly increase the ratio of diversified income in agricultural income.
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Otherwise, it will be difficult to quickly develop the rural economy and
also difficult to more speedily bring general affluence to the peasants.
However, readjusting the production structure is, in the final analysis,
conditioned by the level of productive forces and the level of the supply
of commodities and grain in particular. Under the present condition of the
level of our agricultural productive forces being very low and the grain
problem still rather tense, the steps of readjusting the production struc-
ture cannot be too quick. Under the condition that there is no evident
improvement in unit grain yield, the area of grain field should be
stabilized at a certain level and can no longer be reduced. All areas
suitable for the planting of grain must develop grain crops. Areas which
are not only suitable for the planting of grain but are also suitable for
the development of cash crops should give priority to the planting of
grain. A small number of sandy land, alkaline land and sloped land areas
not suitable for the planting of grain but suitable for the development of
cash crops or forestry and livestock production naturally must not have
grain planted on it. The extent of readjusting the production structure
must be determined in accordance with the margin of increase in the unit
yield of grain and cash crops. An important aspect at present is to trans-
form-the medium- and low-yield fields which accounted for two-thirds of the
existing cultivated land in our country. If effective measures can be
taken to raise the unit yield of this portion of cultivated land, the con-
tradiction in the struggle between grain and cash crops for land can be
greatly mitigated.
2. Rural economy must implement the all-round development of agriculture,
forestry, animal husbandry, sideline production and fishery as well as the
comprehensive management of agriculture, industry, commerce and transpor-
tation. For a long time, one of the serious defects in the development of
agriculture was focusing attention only on the 1 billion and more mu of
cultivated land and neglecting the use of the vast mountain areas, grass-
lands and water areas. Since the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CPC
Central Committee, we have broadened our field of vision. We understand
that people can make use of the abundant resources of these places to
produce ligneous oil, ligneous grain, dry and fresh fruit products, aquatic
products and livestock products. All of these are excellent foods. They
not only can satisfy the various livelihood needs of the people but can also
reduce the pressure on grain. We understand that grain production is the
basis for the development of-forestry, animal husbandry, sideline produc-
tion, fishery and diversified economy, that forestry also provides excel-
lent ecological environment for the development of agriculture and animal
husbandry, and that forestry, animal husbandry, sideline production,
fishery and diversified economy supply fertilizer and funds to the planting
industry. As a result of the implementation, an .excellent situation has
appeared of the all-round development of agriculture, forestry, animal
husbandry, sideline production and fishery promoting each other.
China has a population of 1 billion people, of which 800 million live in
the countryside. China has a labor force of 400 million people, of which
300 million are engaged in agriculture. Since 1957, our agricultural labor
force has increased by about 50 percent and our agricultural machines and
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power for agricultural use have increased 10 times, scores of times and even
hundreds of times, but the cultivated land worked by the agricultural labor
force has, been reduced by half and there is a great surplus of agricultural
labor. Since the institution of the production responsibility system, this
ptoblem has become even more pronounced. Where can we assign this surplus
agricultural labor? Our national economy is backward, and the ability of
urban industries,' commerce and service trades to absorb surplus rural labor
is limited. Moreover, the increase of the population in cities and towns
is also conditioned by the situation of commodities and grain supply, and
there will be no basic change., in this situation for a relatively long time
to come. Therefore, we must keep most of the surplus agricultural labor
in the countryside and find a place for them there. This is advantageous
to the all-round development of agriculture, forestry, animal husbandry,
sideline production and fishery. At the same time, we must develop rural
industries, commerce, transportation and service trades in a planned manner,
promote the development of rural towns, bring about the development of rural
culture, education, social welfare and public undertakings and progressively
diminish the gap between towns and villages.
3. Agricultural production must develop along the direction of making con-
centrated use of labor and knowledge. We must give play to this superiority
held by the rich agricultural labor resources of our country. Automation
and mechanization of agriculture can only be selectively carried out in key
points, and we cannot blindly run after wholesale mechanization and automa-
tion under existing conditions in China. For the sake of satisfying the
constantly growing material and cultural needs of our society, we must not
only pay attention to improving labor productivity, but we must also pay
attention to improving the productivity of the land. To do so, merely
relying on increasing capital and means of production is not enough. We
must raise the level of intensive cultivation and put in more work and know-
how. Our agriculture has a fine and longstanding tradition of intensive
cultivation. We must continue to give play to this distinguishing feature
and integrate it with modern science and technology. For this reason, we
must attach great importance to the promotion of rural intellectual develop-
ment. Without a large number of peasants with a good grasp of science and
technology, there will not be a Chinese-type modernization in agriculture.
Rural intellectual development must begin with an improving rural education,
the setting up and perfecting of a sparetime cultural and technical educa-
tion system and a setup for popularizing rural technology to the peasants
is a path for raising the technical level of rural areas that requires
little investment and produces faster and better results.
Under the Premise of Public Ownership of the Means of Production, Manage-
ment of Collective Economy Must Be Flexible and Diversified
For a long time, people have developed this kind of understanding: After
the cooperative transformation of agriculture, collective management,
centralized labor and unified distribution should be practiced. This tradi-
tional concept has been smashed by' the practice of the peasant masses since
the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee.
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At present, the two forms of the responsibility system practiced by most of
the communes and production brigades are "production contracted to each
household" and "responsibility for the task assigned to each household."
Some changes have taken place in the unified management and unified distri-
bution system of the production teams, and what they practice is decen-
tralized management with the family as a unit, or the collective economy
has adopted the form of household management. This reform in management
reflects a change in rural relations of production. It cannot be denied
that various districts have a number of well-run production teams. Their
economic level, management level and the income level of their commune
members are higher. They have accumulated more public property and a very
great change has taken place in the features of their production and liveli-
hood. This kind of production team can, and also should, continue to prac-
tice the form of unified management and unified distribution with the pro-
duction team as a basis. However, such production teams are actually very
few in number. As for the communes and production brigades in many dis-
tricts, household management has become the principal management form of
the collective economy.
Why is it that socialist collective agriculture can adopt the form of house-
hold management, and will not this form of household management change the
socialist character of the collective economy? Outwardly, the form of
household management adopted by the collective economy at present bears a
certain resemblance to the individual economy. However, the character of a
mode of production should not be judged on the basis of its form. We
should go beyond the form to'analyze its internal economic relations. The
distinguishing features of management by separate household are: 1) It is
carried out on publicly owned land. The ownership by the collective over
the land is protected by law and the land cannot be leased or sold. There
are also stipulations regarding the use of the land, and if necessary, it
can be readjusted or taken back. Therefore the economic position of the
contracting peasant households is entirely different from that of indi-
vidual peasants. They have no means to freely amass land, and polarization
is also inevitably restricted. 2) As the contract-awarding unit, the
collective economy can supervise and direct the activities of peasant house-
hold management in accordance with the terms of the contract. It also
possesses essential material means such as large and medium-size farm
machines and implements as well as water conservancy facilities able to
influence the production of the subcontracting households and bring them
into line with the plans of the state and the collective. 3) In addition
to administrative methods, the state also has at its disposal to orient
production all essential economic means, including large-scale industries,
commerce, credit, subsidies and taxation. These conditions will shift
decentralized household management from the socialist course and place it
in the service of socialist, interests. Therefore, it is an integral part
of the collective economic structure of socialist agriculture and a form
embodying the socialist mode of production.
For a new mode of production to adopt the shell of the old mode of produc-
tion at the initial period of its establishment, because productive forces
are not strong enough, is not a unique phenomenon in history. At the
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initial period of its establishment, the capitalist mode of production
had extensively adopted the form of household industries, and judging from
the appearance in connection with such characteristics as the employment
of household labor, the use of the home as a factory and the independent
household management, there was almost no distinction between these house-
hold industries and the former household handicraft industries of capital-
ism. However, because they had established contract relations with large
capitalist factories, Marx correctly pointed out that with the exception
of a similarity in name these household industries were completely differ-
ent in essence from the household industries of the past. They were the
external sections of capitalist factories and their workers also increas-
ingly became wage workers. For the same reason, separate household
management under the publicly owned economy is only using the form of the
small peasant economy, but its essence has basically been changed.
However, we should see that household management also has its limitations.
Most have not broken away from the state of natural economy, and manage-
ment items are small and complete. This situation is in contradiction to
the demand for the further development of production. This is most sharply
manifested in: It is detrimental to the specialization of production tech-
niques, and people with specialized technique also cannot easily bring
their skill into full play. Contracting everybody to work in large fields
is detrimental to changing the state of the unitary production structure.
Separate management has made it difficult to centralize for production the
surplus funds and labor scattered around the countryside. It affects the
rational utilization of large and medium-size agricultural machines and
water conservancy facilities as well as the popularization of advanced
science and technology. Moreover, it can also be easily divorced from the
plans of the state and the collective. It is detrimental to developing the
commodity economy and raising the marketability of commodities. Therefore,
our socialist agriculture must certainly develop along the direction of
specialization and socialization. Such household management on the basis
of public ownership will also gradually head toward specialization and
socialization along the three paths listed below.
1. Specialization of contract management and household sideline production.
The specialized households and key households that have emerged everywhere
at present are an embryonic form of specialization and socialization. They
are a transitional form of development from natural economy to modernized
agriculture. In terms of the whole country, their number is still very
small. As they require little investment but produce better economic
results and more commodities with high marketability, they have already
shown great vitality. They have a common tendency, which is that they
have gradually broken away from the small and complete natural economy.
They have first of all separated the planting industry from the livestock
and poultry-raising industry. Since then, specialized division of labor
has also appeared within the planting industry and the livestock and
poultry-raising industry and they have also set up all kinds of socialized
technical service companies and organizations.
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2. Strengthen the ties and joint operations of the socialist-owned
economy. After carrying out separate household management, some of the
better-run production teams have, on the principle of unifying what should
be unified and separating what should be separated, strengthened unified
control and.xuse of large and:, medium-size agricultural machines and water
conservancy facilities, and some of the sideline industries not suitable
for decentralized management have been placed under the unified management
of production teams or production brigades. Based on the demands of the
state plan and the needs of the collective economy, they have worked out a
unified production plan and have also properly organized contract work to
guarantee their implementation. They have drawn necessary funds, including
accumulated funds, from the reserves kept by the collective to give play
to the material base of unified management and expanded production. In
this way, they have strengthened the economic ties and leadership to the
collective economy over various peasant households, with notable results.
Along with the raising of the degree of specialization and socialization
of various peasant households (especially specialized households and key
households), the ties between the management activities of the peasant
households and the commercial, transportation, agricultural product
processing and technical service departments of the state and the collective
have steadily strengthened, and some of them have also set up joint opera-
tions with the above-mentioned organizations. The higher the degree of
specialization and socialization, the greater the reliance of the manage-
ment activities of peasant households on the socialist publicly owned
economy and specialized service departments and the more they are condi-
tioned by socialist planned economy.
3. Organization of new economic cooperation and alliances. In areas
carrying out the "production contracted to each household" and "responsi-
bility for the task assigned to each household" systems, economic coopera-
tion and alliance between the contracting households have experienced vary-
ing degrees of development in recent years. On the whole, they can be
divided into: 1) Temporary production cooperation. The distinguishing
features are: voluntary production cooperation, with separation and inte-
gration or alliance but no integration of a seasonal nature, for the sake
of solving the contradiction between the dissemination of advanced tech-
nology over a large area and decentralized management. The nature of labor
cooperation among the peasant households takes such forms as labor exchange,
mutual help and joint soaking and raising of seedlings. Some have used
their hardcore technical forces, to contract with peasant households for
certain technical and production tasks, such as the prevention and control
of plant diseases and elimination of pests. Certain peasant households
have set up unified planning and technical service organizations. 2) Estab-
lishment of an independent economic alliance. Generally speaking, this is
led and organized by people who have.a good grasp of technology with those
taking part putting in investment and buying a share. Some have mainly
taken advantage of their natural resources, some have joined forces to
raise money for running sideline production.
There are still many problems facing agriculture, and we cannot treat them
lightly or be unrealistically optimistic. However, the course has been
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charted and the way clearly pointed out. It has only been a short time
since the implementation of the policies affirmed by the 3d Plenary
Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee, but the changes taking place
in the countryside have already manifested the powerful vitality of these
policies. We are positive that they will continue to promote the develop-
ment of our agricultural and rural situation in a favorable direction.
CSO: 4004/2
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A MAJOR PROBLEM IN IMPLEMENTING THE POLICY TOWARD INTELLECTUALS
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 17, 1 Sep 82 pp 22-26
[Article by RED FLAG commentator]
[Text] Earnest and overall implementation of the party's policy toward
intellectuals, in particular toward middle-aged intellectuals, is an impor-
tant question affecting the overall situation in the socialist moderniza-
tion of our country.
Since the smashing of the "gang of four," especially since the 3d Plenary
Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee, the party Central Committee has
attached great importance to the question of intellectuals. It has done
much theoretical work in straightening things out in this respect and has
adopted a series of measures', to implement the policy toward intellectuals.
For example: Those who were unjustly, falsely and wrongly charged before
and during the "Great Cultural Revolution" have basically been redressed
and most of them have been offered appropriate posts; a large number of
old intellectuals have been restored to leading posts and a large number of
outstanding middle-aged and young intellectuals have been elected to lead-
ing groups at various levels to strengthen them; a large number of out-
standing intellectuals have been admitted into the party; assistants have
been assigned to some old specialists; the situation that some intellectuals
cannot make use of what they,have learned or cannot make use of their strong
points has been changed as a result of the readjustments made, and the
question of ensuring intellectuals to use what they learn is being grad-
ually resolved; in many departments and units, many cadres engaged in
professional work have been examined and given higher technical titles;
the problems of couples living separately in different localities or
couples without a child living with them to take care of them have been
solved for many people; and-the work and living conditions of intellectuals
have been preliminarily improved. These measures show that the party and
the people are concerned with intellectuals and have aroused their enthusi-
asm in dedicating themselves to socialist modernization. However, for
various reasons, many problems remain unsolved in implementing the policy
toward intellectuals. Therefore, it is imperative to earnestly check the
work in implementing the policy toward intellectuals in accordance with the
party Central Committee's instructions.
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At present, the results of checking the work in implementing the policy
toward the intellectuals throughout the country show that, comparatively
speaking, the work in implementing the policy toward old intellectuals is
better; whereas the work in implementing the policy toward middle-aged
intellectuals, that is, raising their political status, giving full play
to their role and improving their work and living conditions, is not yet
satisfactory. However, implementing the policy toward the middle-aged
intellectuals is the key to implementing the policy toward all intellec-
tuals. This question has already drawn the attention of the whole party,
the people of the whole country and the people in all walks of life.
The middle-aged intellectuals are basically those who were directly
nurtured by the party and matured after the founding of new China. Most
of them suffered from hardships inflicted on the nation and the classes
to which they belong and their world outlook was fostered in the early
1950's-1960's when our party's work style and the general mood of the
society were the very best ever. Therefore, their political consciousness
is relatively high and they have a deep love for the party. They have
unswerving faith in socialism, great enthusiasm toward the revolutionary
cause and the spirit of dedicating themselves to it. Although many comrades
among them have been unjustly treated or have,suffered hardships in some
political movements, in particular during the "Great Cultural Revolution,"
they have all along loved the party and socialism and have great faith in
the victory, destiny and future of our party and motherland. Moreover, the
intellectuals of this generation have received relatively more systematic
education and training in specialized fields and their knowledge of science
and culture is relatively better. Even during the adverse conditions during
the 10 years of internal disorder, many comrades continued to diligently
study and closely followed the development of modern science and technology.
Therefore, $lthough changes `occur every day in all fields of knowledge at
present, they are still able to keep pace with new situations, acquire new
knowledge and make new achievements in science and technology. All this
shows that the various fine qualities and special skills of our country's
intellectuals can be collectively found in the middle-aged intellectuals.
They are a very valuable treasure of the party and the people.
Intellectuals of the older generation in our country have made important
contributions to socialist modernization in various fields and they have
been highly commended by the party and the people. At present, most of
them are over or well over 60 years old. Although they have lofty aspira-
tions and are still working their hearts out for the socialist cause, they
find their ability unequal to their ambition. There are quite a few young
and capable intellectuals but they are still growing to maturity and they
still have to make further improvements and advanced studies in politics
and their work. Under these circumstances, the position and role of the
middle-aged intellectuals, who are in the prime of their lives and consti-
tute the main body of our country's intellectuals, have become very
prominent. For example, of the 179 scientific and technological workers
who were prize-winners 96 times in scientific research achievements of the
first and second grades in the Beijing area of the Chinese Academy of
Sciences in 1978-79, 158 are 36-50 years old, accounting for 88 percent of
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the total. Again, of the 100 scientific research items in the Jiangsu
Agricultural Research Institute, 71 are in charge of middle-aged scientific
and technological workers. The situation on the education front is more or
less the same. The middle-aged teachers of the ship dynamics department of
the Shanghai Jiaotong University account for 65 percent of the teachers of
the whole department; of the 50 courses offered in this department in one
year, 48 are taught by middle-aged teachers, accounting for 96 percent; of
the 6 major items of scientific research achievements made by this depart-
ment and awarded by Shanghai municipality or the state, 5 were organized and
directed by middle-aged teachers. These facts clearly show that the middle-
aged intellectuals are the mainstays and backbones of the entire ranks of
intellectuals. They are shouldering the historical mission of inheriting
the past and ushering in the future in making our country's science, educa-
tion and culture prosper. Whether or not we can give play to their role
involves the inheritance and development of our country's science, education
and culture, the orientation and level of development of material civiliza-
tion and socialist spiritual civilization and the success or failure of our
country's socialist modernization.
It is not enough just to understand the position and role of the middle-
aged intellectuals in our country's socialist modernization. We must also
understand their initiative toward this undertaking. The line, principles
and policies formulated by the party Central Committee since the 3d Plenary
Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee have further aroused their tre-
mendous enthusiasm. They are proud of the historical mission they have
shouldered. This is the spiritual motive force that makes them work self-
lessly in their posts on the scientific, technological, educational, cul-
tural and other fronts, and attain tremendous achievements. We must be
fully aware of the latent initiative and creativeness of the middle-aged
intellectuals. We are not telling the truth if we say that the mental
state of the middle-aged intellectuals is gloomy and pessimistic. The
broad masses of middle-aged intellectuals will not agree to this either.
The selfless spirit of the broad masses of middle-aged intellectuals dedi-
cating themselves to the struggle for the cause of socialism is worth
respecting and commending. Besides, the party and the state are fully
aware of their difficulties. In order to give full play to their initia-
tive and creativeness, we must provide favorable conditions for them so
that they will be able to concentrate and energetically display their
talents in the socialist modernization drive. At present, the party Central
Committee regards solving problems for the middle-aged intellectuals as the
main task in implementing the policy toward intellectuals. This is an
important decision with far-reaching significance. The implementation of
this decision will undoubtedly speed up the progress of our country's
socialist modernization. We must consciously and resolutely implement this
decision of the party Central Committee and must never adopt a passive
attitude in this respect.
In implementing the policy toward the middle-aged intellectuals, we must
give full play to their special skills so that they can make the best use
of what they have learned. What distresses many middle-aged intellectuals
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most is that they cannot rationally use their knowledge in specialized
.Fields which they acquired during the years when they were educated by the
party. This is the most urgent demand of the middle-aged intellectuals at
present. Party committees at all levels must pay great attention to this
problem and earnestly solve it. We must truly understand them, trust theta
and provide conditions for them to display their wisdom and talents. We
must elect outstanding middle-aged intellectuals with moral integrity,
capability and ability to do organizational work in leading posts at vari-
ous levels and see that their authority commensurates with their posts and
duties. This is also an urgent task in making the cadres in leading groups
become more revolutionary, younger in average age, better educated and more
professionally competent. We must admit into the party in good time, just
as we treat advanced elements among the workers and peasants who want to be
admitted into the party, all advanced elements among the middle-aged intel-
lectuals who have satisfied the requirements for becoming a party member
and must not discriminate against them or treat them with prejudice. In
addition, in accordance with the situation of uneven distribution and
actual needs of professional people in various departments and localities,
we should encourage a rational directional flow of these people and estab-
lish rational management systems for the distribution, use, examination,
flow and advanced studies of these people, The fundamental question in
arousing the enthusiasm-of the middle-aged intellectuals at present is to
use them rationally and appropriately. If we do a good job in this respect,
their ideals and enthusiasm for participating in socialist modernization
will find sustenance and there will be a basis for solving other problems
for them.
An important question which is closely linked with the questions of having
full faith in them and letting them have a free hand in their work is that
we must be determined to gradually improve the work and living conditions
of the middle-aged intellectuals. We must resolve actual difficulties in
their work and daily life and provide necessary material guarantee in order
to give full play to their role. For example, we must gradually increase
their wages, improve their housing conditions, reduce their household
chores, give them necessary books, material, apparatus and equipment for
their work and so on. All this is very necessary to protect their energy
and health and to raise their efficiency. If we have not done a good job
in this respect, we cannot say that we have truly implemented the policy
toward intellectuals.
In order to earnestly implement the party's policy toward intellectuals,
in particular toward middle-aged intellectuals, we must also solve some
ideological problems. First, we must make clear that improving the working
and living conditions of the middle-aged intellectuals and giving full play
to their role are in keeping with the interests of the broad masses of the
people. In deciding to solve the problems of the middle-aged intellectuals,
the party.Central Committee proceeded from the interests of the working
class, the people and the nation. Whether or not we can build a highly
developed material civilization and a highly developed socialist spiritual
civilization and attain the goal of our 20-year struggle depends on the
foundation we lay in the 1980's. If we can do a solid job in the coming
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I G
10 years, we will bring about bright prospects in endowing our economy with
vitality in the future and will create conditions for a highly developed
socialist spiritual civilization. In order to lay a good foundation in
this respect, we should, of course, carry out structural reforms and make
material preparations but the most important preparation is to train the
necessary capable persons. The experience of many economically developed
countries has proved that economic prosperity depends to a very great
extent on science, technology and education and the training of capable
persons. Without intellectuals, it will be impossible to develop our
country's science and education or to speed up the development of our
country's productive forces by means of science and technology. Without
intellectuals, it will also be impossible to raise the scientific and
cultural level of the whole nation or to make our next generation become
new people with good education, lofty ideals, moral integrity and cultural
knowledge and people who will observe discipline. We must, with the broad-
mindedness and far-sightedness of the proletarian, carefully handle and
earnestly resolve the important question of the intellectuals, which
involves the overall situation. Otherwise, we are prone to be "short-
sighted."
We should realize that many people are suffering from "short-sightedness."
The longstanding "leftist" ideas of belittling science, culture and the
intellectuals and the pernicious fallacies about the intellectuals spread
by the "gang of four" are still affecting the minds of some comrades. Much
effort is needed to eliminate this influence. Today, this influence is
manifested in: 1) Ideologically and theoretically, some people have not
yet truly realized that the great majority of the intellectuals are compo-
nents of the working class who have mastered relatively more knowledge in
science and culture. 2) Some people do not really understand that the
further we go on with the modernization, the more we need the intellectuals.
They even think that "without the intellectuals, production will be carried
on and houses will be built just the same" and so on. It is high time this
kind of prejudice and narrow--mindedness was gotten rid of. If we do not
realize that the intellectuals are components of the working class, we will
not adopt an equal and comradely attitude toward them. If we do not under-
stand the role played by the intellectuals, we will not look squarely at
their difficulties and demands. Our leaders at all levels must remain
sober-minded and use Marxist views to theoretically clarify the position
and role of science, technology, education and culture in the socialist
modernization and the position and role of the intellectuals and educate
the cadres and the masses in this respect. We must make everybody under-
stand that in modern large-scale production, we cannot stick to the old ways
or be complacent and conservative. Without the prosperity of science,
technology, education and culture, we will lag behind and be vulnerable to
attack. Stalin said that theoretical mistakes never brought benefit, nor
would they ever bring us any,. It is not easy to eliminate the influence of
the "leftist" ideas if we do not theoretically and thoroughly clarify all
questions of concern; nor will it be possible to increase our consciousness
and to reduce our blindness in implementing the policy for the intellectuals.
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Second, we must overcome the idea of looking down upon mental labor. It is
undoubtedly a correct attitude of historical materialism to criticize the
erroneous idea of regarding "everything inferior to study," give an appro-
priate place to physical labor and respect physical laborers. However, we
should not play down mental labor or show contempt for knowledge and the
intellectuals. The separation` between mental labor and physical labor is
the product of social development at a certain stage. Its emergence was of
progressive significance and promoted the development of science and cul-
ture. In a class society, this separation is based on class antagonism.
In a socialist society, the nature of class antagonism between mental and
physical labor no longer exists. However, protracted efforts are needed to
eliminate the differences between them, and the elimination of these dif-
ferences is precisely the important revolutionary task to be implemented
during the whole historical period of socialism. Under the conditions of
socialism, both mental workers and physical workers are laborers. They are
only assigned different jobs` and have no basic conflict of interests. The
relationship between them is a comradely relationship of mutual cooperation
among comrades. Only in a communist society will the differences between
mental and physical labor finally disappear when these two kinds of labor
merge together. The process of this merging is inevitably realized by
increasing mental labor and reducing physical labor and not otherwise.
Therefore, the idea of despising mental labor is entirely wrong.
Mental labor has its own characteristics. These characteristics are usually
manifested in its creativeness, continuity and complexity. Creativeness
means that it continuously makes new achievements for the spiritual life
of human beings and for the transformation and regeneration in production
and promotes the development of spiritual and material civilizations. Con-
tinuity means that mental labor is work which often takes longer time to
complete and requires-greater efforts before achievements can be made and
which cannot be interrupted at will or even interfered with in any way.
Complexity means that mental labor is to mainly probe into the inherent laws
of things. It often comes across in new questions and therefore needs a
rich accumulation of knowledge which continues to develop in depth through
practice. Generally speaking, mental labor is complicated work which only
people who have received special training can do. Marx said: Labor power
which can do complicated labor "is trained at higher educational costs and
for a longer period of time than ordinary labor power. Consequently, it
has a higher value. Since this kind of labor force has a higher value, it
is engaged in high-level labor and turns out more value within the same
period of time." ("Complete Works of Marx and: Engels," Vol 23, p 223)
It is precisely because the labor of the intellectuals has the above
characteristics, that their' treatment, work conditions and living condi-
tions. should be suited to these characteristics. For example, since the
value created by their labor is greater, they should have higher remunera-
tion. We must change the irrational phenomenon of middle-aged intellectuals
earning lower wages than skilled workers of the same age group so that the
mental and physical energy consumed in the labor of the former can be duly
compensated. We must pay attention to solving their housing problem and
their problem of having to do heavy household chores so that they can have
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a quiet environment and an undisturbed mind, and so on. All these must be
solved step by step in the course of implementing the policy toward the
intellectuals.
Third, we must overcome the idea of egalitarianism. Egalitarianism reflects
narrow-sightedness of petty producers and is the product of the handicraft
industry and small-scale peasant economy. The old China was under the
feudal system for a long period of time. There were countless petty pro-
ducers and the influence of egalitarianism was great. The implementation
of the principle of to each according to his work in a socialist society
is a way to negate egalitarianism. However, due to the prolonged influence
of "leftist" ideas, egalitarianist ideas often spread extensively. This
was particularly so during the 10 years of internal disorder. Its manifes-
tation in actual life is inappropriate control of distribution according to
work, including inappropriately evening remuneration for mental and physical
labor and for complicated labor and simple labor and making the remuneration
for mental labor less than that for physical labor. Therefore, in imple-
menting'the policy toward the middle-aged intellectuals, we must oppose
egalitarianism, foster a general social mood of respecting mental labor
and treasuring capable persons and create good conditions for them in terms
of public opinion and material benefits.
Of course, in improving the working and living conditions of the middle-
aged intellectuals, we must do our work step by step according to the
development of the country`s economy, and it is impossible to solve all
problems at one go. But there are things which can be done under the
present situations without spending much money. We must do these things
without delay or hesitation. Party committees at all levels must put the
issue of solving problems of the middle-aged intellectuals on the list of
important work of the day and administrative departments of various units
must be sincerely concerned with the life of the intellectuals and try
their best to help them overcome their difficulties. Besides, we must also
stress that leading comrades at all levels must earnestly make friends with
the intellectuals and must understand them and know their demands well.
Many intellectuals eagerly hope that leading cadres will frequently go
among them, be concerned with them, talk with them and listen to their
views. If leading cadres act in this way, even if some problems in their
work and life are not solved for the time being, the intellectuals will
still be heartwarming. This is extremely helpful in implementing the
policy toward the intellectuals and in giving play to the socialist
enthusiasm of the broad masses of intellectuals.
That the party and the state show concern and attach importance to the
middle-aged intellectuals shows that the party and the state trust them and
place their hopes on them. It also means that the middle-aged intellectuals
are shouldering heavy responsibilities. The broad masses of middle-aged
intellectuals must be modest and prudent and learn modestly from the work-
ers, peasants, intellectuals of the older generation, young comrades and
more advanced comrades. Only if they continuously remold their own
subjective world while transforming the objective world will they be able
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to shoulder the historical mission. We hope that the broad masses of
intellectuals, in particular the middle-aged intellectuals, will further
arouse themselves, continuously increase their capability in practice and
together with the broad masses of people make even greater contributions
to building our country into a modern powerful socialist country.
CSO: 4004/2
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CORRECTLY APPRAISE THE NEW GENERATION OF THE CHINESE WORKING CLASS
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 17, 1 Sep 82 pp 27-32
[Article by Yu Yannan [2456 3601 0589]]
[Text] The replacement of old workers by young workers in Chinese working
class has increased dramatically since the 1970's. From 1949 to 1969, the
number of workers increased on average by more. than 2 million annually
while between 1970 and 1981, the number increased by an annual average of
4 million. The number of old workers who began their work prior to libera-
tion and in the early days of the founding of new China has drastically
decreased, while the proportion of young workers has grown bigger and
bigger. According to close of 1981 statistics, the number of young workers
under the age of 35 who began to work in 1966 was more than 60 million
nationally, making up about 60 percent of all workers. The young workers
have become the main body of the Chinese working class and this is an
important fact. A very important question is that of how to appraise the
more than 60 million young workers. There are different views among many
comrades as to how to appraise this young generation of the Chinese working
class. Through study and investigation, our basic view is that, taken as
a whole, the general outlook and nature of the young workers are good and
that their weak points and shortcomings can no doubt be overcome through
education and help. They represent a hopeful new generation of the Chinese
working class. This basic appraisal accords with objective reality and
with the basic principle of the theory of dialectic materialism and the
theory of historical materialism.
In order to correctly appraise the-new generation of the Chinese working
class, we must first of all understand the basic fact that the majority of
these 60 million young workers are active in the front line of production.
and have become the main force and backbone of production in various trades.
For example, the mechanical workers in the Shanghai No 7 Cotton Mill under
the age of 35 make up more than 90 percent. The crew of the Guangzhou
Ocean Shipping Company under the age of 35 make up 88 percent of the total.
The statistics of the maintenance service section and workers' service sec-
tion of the Zhengzhou Railway Subbureau and the Zhengzhou north railway
station show that young workers under the age of 35 who are working in the
front line of transportation make up 66 percent of the total. In the Daqing
oilfield, of the 1,222 production team leaders, 68 percent began their work
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in 1966 or later. The proportion of young workers in the trades with a
higher labor circulation rate (such as building construction) is still
bigger. In short, extensive investigation shows that the new generation
of the working class has historically begun to shoulder the heavy task of
realizing the national modernization program and have begun, in particulat,
to shoulder the task of modernizing our industry. Since the 3d Plenary
Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee, there have been tremendous
achievements in economic and'other construction, and in the various causes
of the working class there have also been tremendous developments. If we
consider that the basic condition of the young workers who make up 60 per-
cent of the total workers in our country is one of disorder, it is obvious
that this view runs counter to the logic of life.
In order to correctly appraise the new generation of the working class in
our country, it is necessary to analyze in an overall way the basic features
of the young workers and the reasons for the appearance of these features.
The new generation of our working class differs very much from the older
generation in such aspects as social experience, cultural level,.class
consciousness, mental outlook and mode of life, for the older generation
was subject to political oppression and economic exploitation in the old
society, was emancipated following the victory of the revolution and has
made tremendous contributions to socialist construction. In effect, what
are the features of the new.generation of the Chinese working class, and how
should we understand and treat these features? The following are our views,
based on extensive reference from investigation.
1. Most of the new generation of workers are from urban workers' families,
while their predecessors were mainly from bankrupt peasants' families. The
majority of veteran workers who began to work before liberation are from
poor peasant families or handicraft workers' families in rural areas. Most
of the new workers who began to work soon after liberation also came from
the rural areas. But the situation now is different. The majority of the
new generation of workers are from cities. Statistics show that in 1957,
there were 7 million new industrial workers, of whom about 30 percent were
from worker families. Reference materials from recent investigations show
that 80 percent of the new workers who have worked in factories since 1966
are from worker families (the proportion of new workers from peasant fami-
lies who are working in such enterprises as coal mines .and oilfields is
bigger). Generally speaking, the young workers who are from worker families,
including urban cadre and intellectual families, have grown up in a peaceful
environment. They have spent happy childhoods and they have beautiful
memories because their families, thanks to the party and socialist system,
spent their days in happiness. They themselves experienced a good social
atmosphere and received a regular education in their early days. Following
the downfall of the "gang of four" and particularly since the convening of
the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee, the political
situation and living standards of these young workers and their families
have, thanks to the implementation of the party's various policies, develop-
ment of production and expansion of employment, improved considerably.
Recent investigations show that the majority of young workers support the
party's line, principles and policies. A number of typical investigations
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show that most young workers have affection for the party and for socialism.
But, because they did not experience the oppression and exploitation of the
old society to compare the new society with the old one, generally speaking,
their feelings are therefore not as strong and profound as those of their
predecessors. These young workers are also less conscious than their prede-
cessors regarding a sense of responsibility as the masters of their own
state, in overcoming hardships and in abiding by organizational discipline.
2. The cultural level of the young workers is higher than that of the old
workers. Following the liberation and particularly since the mid-1960's,
junior secondary school education has been popularized in the cities, while
since the 1970's, senior secondary school education has also been popu-
larized in the cities. But most of the young workers, who are mainly from
the cities, are junior and senior secondary school graduates ands conse-
quently, their cultural leveir is higher than that of their predecessors.
Statistics researched by the departments concerned show that in 1957, the
cultural level of workers across the country was at that time, less than 20
percent below secondary school, 64 percent primary school level and 15 per-
cent illiterate. But now, more than 90 percent of young workers are junior
or senior secondary school graduates and only a few are illiterate. Of
course, because of the delay and influence caused by the "Great Cultural
Revolution," regular education received by many young workers did not cor-
respond with the level of their education. The actual cultural level of a
number of young workers is lower than their education level and this situa-
tion has been termed as the "level" lower than "diploma." But in modern
life in the cities there are many ways for people to acquire knowledge. For
example, many young workers have acquired scientific and cultural knowledge
through.TV programs, broadcasts and exhibitions, and such knowledge cannot
be acquired in schools. Investigations show that apart from an education
level that does not accord with actual cultural level, the actual cultural
level of young workers now is higher than that of their predecessors.
Still, if the cultural level of the young workers is compared with the
objective needs of modern construction, it is still far from meeting such
needs. Therefore, it is necessary to constantly raise the cultural and
scientific level of the young workers through cultural education for
workers.
Investigations show that when young workers have a higher cultural level,
they are quick to learn new technology. Many young workers are able to
master. in 2 to 3 months and 2 to 3 years the production skills and experi-
ence that the old workers needed many years to accumulate in their practice
in production. The past few years have been characterized by the replace-
ment of many old workers by young workers and, apart from the situation in
which the young workers are yet to be trained to master certain tech-
nologies, this replacement does not, in general, affect production. And
this situation is largely related to the fact that young workers have a
higher cultural level and are good at learning technology. Many production
departments have enormously absorbed educated and physically sound young
workers to renew the production force and, consequently, have promoted
production. Last year, 140,000 young workers in Shanghai completed produc-
tion tasks 2 months ahead of schedule. As the young workers have a higher
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cultural level, consequently they have a wider scope of vision, are more
active ideologically with less conservative thinking, are able to learn
political theory with better results and to understand more complicated
social political problems quicker, and have a strong impetus in transform-
ing some irrational situations. All these are favorable to young workers
in the understanding and acceptance of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought
and the party's principles and policies.
3. The young workers experienced a complicated life during the 10 turbulent
years. The young workers under 35 should have enjoyed this precious time in
receiving socialist education in regular schools, but instead, they experi-
enced 10 turbulent years during the "Great Cultural Revolution." Therefore,
their experience during this period has been termed as "to have been born
under the red flag and have grown up in turmoil." At that time, "classes
were stopped for carrying out revolution." The majority of these young
workers joined the "Red Guards" because they trusted Comrade Mao Zedong and
the party and because of their revolutionary zeal. Because of their
ignorance and under the instigation of some ultraleftist slogans, quite a
number of these young people went too far and consequently caused, against
their own will, considerable damage. These young people were lacking in
political experience and, consequently, their souls were hurt and their
ideology was in a chaotic situation. Later, they were sent to rural areas
to settle down and then they returned to the cities, waiting for jobs. Thus
having traversed a tortuous path, these young workers have a more complicated
ideology, world outlook and outlook on life. Now, a few young workers are
fed up with politics. However, they are seeking "material benefit," they
have no revolutionary idealism and they have the serious ideology of a wage
laborer. They do not even have confidence in the prospects of socialism and
in the party's leadership. All these shortcomings cannot be separated from
the fact that during the 10 turbulent years, a large number of cadres,
intellectuals and model workers were subject to slander, that the achieve-
ments of the revolution and construction made in decades were denied and
the relations between us and the enemy were topsy-turvy. Neither can all
these be separated from the sufferings of their families during this period.
A few young people have violated labor discipline, taken away state property
or engaged in fighting, and all these are a result of the anarchism and
ultra-individualism which were rampant during the 10 turbulent years. With
regard to individual young workers who violated laws, were degenerate and
even committed crimes in robbing and raping, in the final analysis, all
these to a great extent are also the grave consequences of the 10 turbulent
years.
In short, the family background and individual experiences of these young
workers differ very much, not only from those of their predecessors who
began to work prior to liberation, but also from those middle-aged workers
who were already grown up in the 1950's and 1960's. Now some of our com-
rades have not concretely understood and analyzed the features of these
young workers, their history and their situation. Instead, they have just
seen that some aspects of these young workers are lagging behind the old
workers and that some of these young workers are passive. Consequently,
these comrades consider that this generation of the working class. has a
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much lower political standard. They even hold that this generation of work-
ers has lost the class nature of the working class and, finally, they have
lost confidence in these young workers. Through comprehensive analyses of
extensive reference materials from investigations, we hold that these views
do not correspond with reality and, therefore, they are incorrect.
In order
to
correctly appraise the new generation of the Chinese working
class, it
is
imperative that the ideological situation and reality of the
ranks of
the
young workers be classified and studied and that quantitative
analysis
be
made. Analysis and study of extensive reference materials from
investigations show that young workers can be divided into the following
five categories:
1. Those who belong to this category have great aspirations and have done
a good job in their positions. They have constituted a political backbone
and they are a shock force in production. They are good at learning and
eager to make progress, conscientious in their studies and consciously
abide by labor discipline. They make up about 20 percent of the total of
young workers.
2. The young workers who belong to this category are able to give promi-
nence to their work, which they carry out in a down-to-earth way. They pay
attention to safety in production. They have a desire to become advanced
workers, are hard working and live a simple life and dislike flighty and
undisciplined behavior. They make up about 50 percent.
3. Those who belong to this category are able to fulfill their production
tasks. But they do not have aspirations and do not care about politics.
They pay particular attention to "material benefit," regard "everything
from the point of money" and think that "to become workers means making
money and earning their living." These young workers make up about 25
percent.
4. People in this category have empty minds, work halfheartedly and do not
observe discipline. They seek only temporary material comforts, and while
they do not make any big errors, they continue to make small ones. They
account for.about 5 percent of the young workers..
5. Those who belong to this category have violated laws and committed
crimes. They have been sent to receive labor education or have been legally
punished. Their number is less than 5 in every 1,000 young workers.
These proportions may be.different in different regions, trades and indus-
trial and mining enterprises because of their different situations. But
investigations made in some regions and enterprises showed that the
majority of young workers are good.
Some of the young workers are called "graduates in 3 years" and merit our
special attention. They are junior and senior secondary school graduates
from the 3 years 1966, 1967 and 1968. These young workers experienced
social chaos in the early days of the ''Great Cultural Revolution" and were
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also sent to settle in rural areas. Consequently, they have traversed a
tortuous path. But most have received education directly from workers and
peasants, have experienced production practice and have been trained to
overcome difficulties. We must also understand that prior to the turbulent
10 years, they had generally already received regular school education,
family education and social education for 7 to 12 years. They have a com-
paratively solid cultural foundation and a better world outlook and moral
training. In addition, they joined the ranks of the working class earlier
and have been trained in the environment of socialized mass production for
about a decade. Eventually, a number of these young workers have succeeded
to the fine morality and good tradition of the working class and have grad-
ually become a backbone in both political work and production and construc-
tion of enterprises. According to statistics from some enterprises, about
one-half of production team leaders are these young workers. The roles of
such young workers include advanced furnace team leaders, workshop leaders,
fine branch secretaries of the CYL and party branch secretaries. Although
they traversed a tortuous path during the 10 turbulent years, many still
maintain their confidence in the revolution and revolutionary zeal. In
addition, through repeated comparisons in practice and serious study, their
feelings for and understanding of the party and socialism have become deeper
and deeper. They have great influence and prestige with the young people
around them. Consequently, they are able through their own experiences, to
grasp the ideological features of these young people, help raise their
understanding and solve various ideological problems and, consequently,
these young worker leaders have become an important force for the party in
carrying. out political and ideological work. In strengthening work among
young workers, the party and CYL organizations at grassroot level must rely
on these young workers so that they will be able to fully display their
roles.
In order to correctly appraise the new generation of the Chinese working
class, it is necessary to grasp the Marxist scientific analytical method
and be good at grasping, from their manifestation, the nature of things.
In his book "The Condition of the Working Class in England," Engels
specifically described and analyzed the condition of the British working
class in the first half of the 19th century on the basis of his own
investigations and reliable reference materials. It was true that there
existed various negative phenomena in the ranks of the working class at
that time, but Engels did not consequently deny the historical status and
historical role of this class. On the contrary, he profoundly expounded
that it was none other than this class which had shouldered the heavy
historical task as "gravediggers for capitalism." Today, in analyzing the
young workers in our own country, we must also resort to this basic stand
and method of historical materialism. Young people, and particularly the
young workers who are related with the socialist social and socialized mass
production and who have a higher cultural level, are the most active and
vigorous force in our society. Some comrades have failed to appraise
correctly the main aspects and unessential aspects of the young workers.
They have paid more attention to the negative features of these young work-
ers and less attention to their positive factors. Consequently, their
appraisals of the new generation of our working class do not accord with
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reality. This is primarily because these comrades often simply just
appraise the young workers today with the criteria for appraising the old
workers and middle-aged workers. They neglect the changes in our social
and historical conditions, fail to understand that the young workers and
old workers have different ways of thinking, different modes of life
because of the different living conditions of their families, different
cultural levels and different social experiences. In spite of making
concrete analyses, these comrades analyze the condition of the young work-
ers of the 1980's.with the criteria used in the 1950's. They also fail to
carry out political and ideological works according to the features of the
young workers. For example, our old and middle-aged workers suffered in the
old society. Through the education of recalling the past miseries and com-
paring them with the present happiness, they will be helped to profoundly
feel that they are liberated. This method of education helps inspire their
innate class feelings for the party and socialism. But the young workers do
not have such experiences. So, generally speaking, the traditional
ideological and political work of "recalling personal. sufferings" and
"recalling family sufferings" are not of much help to them. Also, some
comrades often regard the situation as one in which the young workers are
refusing such education. Another example: Unlike their predecessors, the
young workers like playing, joking and beauty and like to raise questions
and put forth their opinions. But in spite of encouraging these features
in the young workers, the comrades link these features with some bourgeois
decadent thinking and style of work. All this has hindered us in correctly
appraising the young workers. We must understand that although these young
workers are not as good as their predecessors in overcoming difficulties,
they have a higher cultural level, are quick in mastering technology, rela-
tively sharp in ideology, do not easily believe in everything and are
quicker in understanding and correcting their shortcomings and mistakes.
Some comrades do not really understand the features of these young workers,
which are very much in the interest of our socialist modernization program,
and therefore do not work hard to develop these features. In fact, some
of our comrades were previously old workers themselves or have had experi-
ences that are similar to those of the old workers. This situation has also
become a reason why these cadres demand that the young workers have the
standards of the old workers.
It is undeniable that the young workers have various shortcomings and prob-
lems. We have to understand that the emergence of these shortcomings and
problems not only has its own reason but is also mainly because of the fact
that during the 10 turbulent years and over the past few years we slackened
the education of the young workers (some places even discarded such educa-
tion). Some young workers lack revolutionary aspirations and a sense of
responsibility as the master's of their own country and this situation has
been greatly related with the fact that in the past, these young workers
did not receive systematic education in political theory and historical
knowledge and education in the fine tradition and morality of the Chinese
working class. Because of this lack of education, the young workers are
strangers to. those things with which the old workers are familiar. They
are also very far from really understanding their motherland, the CPC,
Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought, the socialist system, the happy and
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beautiful tomorrow of socialism, the historical tasks, the glorious revolu-
tionary tradition and the fine morality and nature of the working class.
Thus, without this knowledge, how can they foster revolutionary ideals and
a sense of responsibility as the masters of their own country? This situa-
tion has also been caused by the mistakes we made in our work. It is
improper and unfair to blame this situation on the young workers. Recently,
the Tianjin Soda Factory, Yangzhou Cotton Mill and many other industrial
enterprises have strengthened this aspect of education. As a result, the
class consciousness of the broad masses of the young workers has been
greatly raised and their revolutionary initiative has risen. Facts prove
that as long as we are able to correctly appraise the young workers and
step up and improve their education, the shortcomings of these young work-
ers will no doubt be overcome.
The majority of the young workers are good, but we can in no way neglect
the problems of a few young workers who are lagging behind. These backward
young workers are only a small proportion of the whole working class, but
we must take active measures to reform them through education. We must
understand that taken as a whole, the fact that some young workers are
backward or degenerate is a phenomenon under particular historical condi-
tions. If the whole society is concerned for the growth of this part of
the young workers and the management departments concerned are able to suc-
ceed and develop the rich experience and fine tradition of the party in
educating and reforming as well as mobilizing the masses to help these young
workers patiently and meticulously, the majority of these young workers will
be turned, through education, into an active strength and will even, with
the exception of a few who are incorrigible, become advanced elements.
This has been proven in practice by many factories and enterprises.
Although for the time being, these few young workers are backward or even
degenerate, they have grown up in our socialist motherland. We must under-
stand that these young workers can by nature be reformed. We can in no way
put them in the same place as young people in capitalist societies who have
become the "collapsing generation" as they turn decadent and degenerate
because of the defects of the whole society and because they have no future.
Of course, we must be fully aware that it is a very difficult task to reform
these young workers. It needs time and effort before we are able to heal
the wounds suffered by them during the 10 turbulent years. Externally, we
have now implemented the correct open-door policy and internally we have
implemented an economically activating policy. The old ideology and con-
cepts of the old exploiting classes, the influence and corrosion of the
decadent bourgeois ideology inside and outside socialist society cannot but
have a negative effect on the part of the young workers. Therefore, the
education of these young workers has become even more complicated. But we,
the working class, constitute the most advanced class in the history of our
country and our party is the advanced vanguard of the working class which
has mastered the most advanced science in the world--Marxism-Leninism-Mao
Zedong Thought. History has proved that our party and working class are
able not only to educate and reform themselves but also to guide the whole.
nation and to educate and reform it. Therefore, we must be fully confident
that by resorting to powerful ideological and political work and systematic
education, we will be able to constantly overcome the influences and
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corrosion of the various forms of the ideology of the exploiting class and
educate and reform these backward young workers so that they will be turned
into qualified members of the new generation of the Chinese working class.
The history of the development of the working class both at home and abroad
shows that this class is in a position to educate, reform and digest various
idle class elements and people with various forms of nonproletarian ideology
(such as the lumpen proletariat) so as to expand its own ranks. Modern and
socialized big industry is a big furnace that is coupled with the injection
of the ideology of the advanced working class, rich experience in revolu-
tionary struggles, tradition in revolutionary struggles and education in
modern science and culture. Therefore, this furnace can melt various non-
proletarian elements into true members of the working class. Today, the
working class in our country is the leading class of the country while our
party is leading the national political power on behalf of the working class.
In addition, we have conditions for resorting to all means outside and
inside factories in our efforts to bring up the new generation of our work-
ing class. Marx said: "The most advanced workers are fully aware that the
future of their class and, consequently, the future of mankind totally
depend on the education of the growing new generation of workers."
("Collected Works of Marx and Engels," Vol 11, p 217) These words have been
proved by facts. We must put the education of the young workers into an
important position and pay much attention to it. We have restored order
today. It is imperative for our party, which is the vanguard of the working
class, to make more efforts in strengthening the work of the young workers
so as to train them into a new generation of the working class who are
imbued with communist ideology and morality, who have modern scientific
knowledge and production skills, who are united and cooperating and who
have strict discipline, and to enable them to help unite and influence
young people in society.
At the present stage in our country, workers, peasants and intellectuals are
the forces on which our party relies. Of course, we must rely on the work-
ing class, but because of the present great changes in the organizational
structure of our working class, the target of the party's key work within
the working class must also be shifted from the old workers who began to
work in factories after the founding of new China as the main target, to the
young workers as the main target (of course, we cannot neglect the backbone
role of the middle-aged workers). This work is demanded by history and by
objective reality. In order to effectively build the ranks of our working
class both ideologically and organizationally and in carrying out all work
concerning the working class, we must pay full attention to this change in
the target of education.
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A LETTER TO A READER
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 17, 1 Sep 82 inside back cover
[Article by Xiong Fu [3574 1788], editor in chief of RED FLAG]
[Text] Editor's note: Comrade Chen Baozhu, a young
cadre of Jilin Province, wrote a letter to Comrade
Xiong Fu, editor in chief of RED FLAG, saying that he
was going to write an article about the building of
the party in the new historical period. Comrade Chen
Baozhu hoped that Comrade Xiong Fu would correct his
article. The following is Comrade Xiong Fu's reply.
How are you!
I have received your letter dated the evening of 10 May. Let me first say
that we are equal members of the party's contingent, only we have different
direct responsibilities and types of work. Comparatively speaking, I am
older than you, and naturally have more experience than you. While you are
working at the basic level, you have more practical knowledge than I do. Is
this not right?
It is good that you are going to write an article about the building of the
party in the new historical period. It can doubtless be said that you
would not write such an article as a pastime or to seek the limelight, but
to share the party's and the country's cares and burdens. You fully know
the situation in basic-level organizations, and have a party member's sense
of responsibility, particularly that which a worker of .the party should
have toward the party's work. You ask me to help you write this article
well. I will naturally help you, because it is my duty, as well as my
responsibility.
I have read the enclosed contents of your letter to the party Central Com-
mittee. If you write according to those contents, the article may possibly
cover too large a subject, and it will not be easy to write. A good sub-
ject must be chosen when writing an article. If the range of the subject
is small, it is comparatively easier to begin. If the range of the subject
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is too large, the theme and elaboration will be full of empty words. Fur-
thermore, we must proceed from actual conditions, centralize the problems
that emerge in actual life, explain how we look at the problems (that is,
our viewpoints) and expound (that is, state our reasons). Theory is not at
all mysterious. Comrade Mao Zedong said that theory meant drawing some-
thing from objective reality (drawing is abstract, meaning summing up) and
.obtaining something that has been proved in objective reality. In addition,
when expounding, we must have factual arguments as well as points of view.
These two must be combined to form a certain logic. This means fully
stating reasons. Minor principles should be subordinated to major ones.
Principles and ways of saying things must be in conformity with each other.
They should not contradict each other. That is to say they should not be,.
as the saying goes, speaking incoherently. According to the general
requirements of writing articles, and according to your feeling that the
party's good policies cannot be thoroughly implemented in basic-level units,
you may narrow the range of the subject of your article to the analysis of
the ideological and political conditions of party members at the basic level
and to how to strengthen their education. In this way, you can help them
raise their level of implementing policies. I do not have a good knowledge
of the situation at the basic level. But I am afraid that the main thing is
not "effectiveness," but the varying levels of understanding policies. Many
comrades do not really understand the party's policies. My suggestion is
only for your reference.
In addition, you have mentioned that you do not agree with "relaxing" our
policies. You are worried that if our policies are changed too often, we
cannot win the confidence of the people. You regard "changing too often"
and "relaxing" as an organic whole, and you misunderstand these two con-
cepts. Have our policies changed? Compared with the "leftist" mistakes
made during and before the "Cultural Revolution," our policies have of
course changed, and they have changed in a fundamental sense. But viewed
from the angle of the consistency and continuity of policies since the 3d
Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee, and from the orbit of
the guiding thinking for formulating policies, that is, Mao Zedong Thought,
we cannot say that our policies have changed in a variety of ways, because
our party's policies are suited to the present actual conditions of our
country and have been proved correct. As to "relaxing" our policies, there
are three main aspects in the rural areas. 1) The method of "abolishing"
the individual economy too early has been changed. 2) The method of con-
trolling the collective economy too tightly has been changed. 3) The
method of "eating from the same pot," adopted in the past in allocating the
results of labor, has been changed. With regard to these three aspects, our
party's present policies are as follows: The policy of assisting the indi-
vidual economy is adopted under the condition that the socialist public
ownership system occupies the dominant position. The policy of appro-
priately enlarging the autonomy of the collective economy is adopted under
the prerequisite that the collective ownership system is consolidated. The
principle of to each according to his work and more pay for more work is
implemented in allocating the results of labor. This is bringing order out
of chaos, insofar as past "leftist".mistakes are concerned. This is what
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we mean by "relaxing" our policies. Such "relaxation" of policies is
necessary, and has absolutely nothing to do with "changing in a variety
of ways."
That's all for now.
Wishing you success in your work!
Yours,
Xiong Fu
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