HAITI: THE CHURCHES, VOODOO, AND POLITICS

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP04T00907R000100460001-2
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: S
• Document Page Count: 11
• Document Creation Date: December 22, 2016
• Document Release Date: March 27, 2012
• Sequence Number: 1
• Publication Date: February 18, 1988
• Content Type: REPORT

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Central IntdlI nee Agency
C,)wuw,8n, D. C 20505
DIRECTORATE OF INTELLIGENCE
18 February 1988
HAITI: THE CHURCHES, VOODOO, AND POLITICS
Summary
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Key Haitian religious institutions continue to have the
potential to profoundly affect the course of political
events in Haiti. At present, the Roman Catholic
Church--finds itself torn between moderate church
leaders who are inclined to support President Manigat,
and who want to avoid further political polarization
and the Church's more radical leftist elements who
advocate revolutionary change in Haiti and are
vociferously opposed to the new regime. This division
will limit the Church's ability to play any central
role in assisting Manigat to implement the political
and economic reforms needed to consolidate Haiti's
transition to democracy. Moreover, a crackdown on the
Church as a whole--perhaps in response to some leftwing
Catholic subversion--or the perception that Manigat is
unwilling or unable to implement real changes might
well move the Church to assume a more active opposition
role such as it played in the final months of the
Duvalier regime.
The Protestant Churches, representing a growing
minority of the population, appear unwilling to
jeopardize their religious missions in Haiti by
directed to the Chief, Middle America-Caribbean Division, ALA. 25X1
This typescript was prepared byl (Caribbean Branch, 25X1
Middle America-Caribbean Division, Office of African and Latin
American Analysis. Comments and queries are welcome and may be
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becoming too active in politics. Although the
federation of Protestant Churches in Haiti publicly
denounced the presidential election on 17 January as
illegitimate, Protestant leaders generally counsel
national reconciliation and popular acceptance of the
new government while reiterating calls for eventual
free elections. We believe the Protestant Churches are
likely to maintain moderate political positions unless
the government grows brutally repressive or crosses the
threshold to dictatorship.
Voodoo, the spiritualist folk religion practiced
by most Haitians in conjunction with Christianity, is
generally apolitical but may be increasingly used by
both the government and opposition groups to further
their political agendas. Although the voodoo religion
is not easily adaptable to a political ideology--
because it is loosely organized and channels
disaffection into appeals to the supernatural--certain
political themes such as nationalism, xenophobia, and
acceptance of arbitrary authority can be reinforced by
voodoo beliefs and practices. Firm evidence is
lacking, but the pervasive character of voodoo in
Haitian society strongly suggests to us that it is
likely to remain a significant determinant of popular
reaction to political events.
The secretive nature of Haitian society raises the
possibility that radical Catholic and voodoo elements
might be able to clandestinely organize unrest not
easily detectable by US and other foreign observers.
Such activity could produce sudden popular outbursts
for no apparent reason and with little warning to
outsiders. In particular, radical Catholic clerics
appear to have made progress gaining followers of
their liberation theology and their parishes have the
potential to become organization cells of a grassroots
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subversive movement.
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Haiti is a deeply religious society in which the vast
majority of the populace practices a mix of Christianity and
voodoo, a tradition-oriented spiritualist faith. Academic
studies indicate that about 80 percent of the population is
Catholic, reflecting the French colonial heritage. The Catholic
clergy, once mainly foreign, became increasingly Haitian in
character under the two Duvalier regimes. The US Embassy
estimated in 1985 that roughly half of the 600 Catholic priests
in the country were Haitian; the rest were French, Belgian,
Canadian, or US missionaries. Academic studies also indicate
that Protestantism has grown in recent decades and that various
denominations now claim about 20 percent of the population as
adherents. The fastest growing Protestant Churches appear to be
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superstition.
Baptist and fundamentalist sects. Most Haitians also adhere to
voodoo. Contrary to popular Western belief, voodoo is not a
malevolent religion, although elements of witchcraft are common
and a small minority of voodoo priests practice black magic.
Rather, it is a largely unstructured animist religion whose
adherents worship a vast array of deities of African and Haitian
origin as well as the Christian God. Most Christian Churches
today coexist uneasily with the voodoo religion, with only the
Baptists and fundamentalists publicly denouncing it as evil
The Church now appears hesitant and uncertain on how to
respond to recent political developments. The Embassy indicates
that moderate Church leaders would like to avoid a confrontation
with Manigat, remain aloof from partisan politics, and prevent
further polarization in the country. Embassy reporting indicates
that a majority of Haiti's ten bishops comprising the hierarchy,
led by Bishop Francois Gayot of Cap-Haitien, in fact tacitly back
the Manigat government and are trying to curb the activities of
more radical priests who reject the legitimacy of the new
government. To this end, the bishops have strongly condemned
the ruling council's maneuvering for rigging the election in
Manigat's favor, but have stopped short of calling for
antigovernment demonstrations or directly criticizing Manigat.
unified opposition to Duvalier.
The Catholic Church
The Catholic Church, once outwardly united and in the
forefront of opposition to former President Jean-Claude Duvalier,
has become increasingly divided since his overthrow between
moderate clerics supporting democracy and militant leftist
priests calling for revolutionary change. Embassy and press
reports indicate that these divisions existed before Duvalier's
ouster from power in 1986, but remained beneath the surface of
"Ti-legliz" (Creole for "little church"). 25X1
comprise what is commonly referred to as the popular church or
In opposition to the Catholic moderates are priests more
openly and vigorously opposed to the Manigat government. Some of
these priests espouse Marxist-oriented liberation theology and
the popular church is comprised primarily of small and 25X1
disparate--but still significant--groups of followers in Port-au-
Prince and some rural areas. Popular church leaders in the
reporting.
1. The official head of the Haitian Catholic Church,
Francois-Wolff Ligonde, Archbishop of Port-au-Prince and Primate
of Haiti, largely abdicated his pastoral duties in 1986 because
his familial connection to former First Lady Michele Bennett
Duvalier undermined his authority, according to Embassy
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capital and provincial areas have incited antigovernment protests
and, in at least one case, have been responsible for violence.
Although the Embassy indicates that one member of the Church
hierarchy, Bishop Willy Romelus of Jeremie, actively supports
many popular church positions, the most prominent radical cleric
the Reverend Jean-Bertrand Aristide.
fighting with as many as 300 dead
last July near the town of Jean-Rabel, which led to bloody
Embassy reports that Aristide and other leftists priests
currently are keeping a low profile, although he circulated
cassette recordings of sermons in which he called for revolution
following the electoral collapse in November. In the most
violent incident linked to the popular church thus far, a
militant priest in northwest Haiti armed and incited peasants
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Radio Soleil, the Church-owned station that played a
significant role in undermining the Duvalier regime, has a large
audience throughout the country and prominently features the
views of the political opposition. Emmanuel Constant, the
moderate bishop of Gonaives, is the station's official
supervisor, but Embassy reporting indicates that daily
programming is directed by a Belgian priest expelled from Haiti
by Duvalier in 1985 for making antigovernment broadcasts.
Vatican officials say Radio Soleil, which is funded by a German
Catholic organization, operates virtually independently of the
Haitian bishops, who sometimes disagree with the station's
commentaries but do not attempt to censor them, according the the
Embassy in Rome. The station generally goes further than the
bishops in criticizing the government, but stops short of
endorsing popular church calls for revolution.
The Vatican, through its ambassador Archbishop Paolo Romeo, 25X1
has played only a minor role in Haiti's recent turmoil. The
Embassy in Rome reported last Fall that the Vatican was
increasingly concerned about the political situation in Haiti,
but Church policy was to refrain from direct involvement in
politics. Although the Vatican newspaper in Rome has reprinted
pastoral letters from the Haitian bishops counseling moderation
and criticizing the popular church, we doubt that this has much
impact in Haiti. Moreover, Haitian bishops are somewhat
estranged from the ambassador, according to a US Embassy source,
because they believe he interferes too much in the internal
affairs of the Haitian church. 25X1
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with a grassroots following--are active members of the political
opposition, but we lack evidence that any significant Protestant
The Protestant Churches
Most of the minority Christian denominations--including the
Episcopal Church, Methodists, Seventh Day Adventists, Baptists,
and Mennonites--continue to favor a cautious or accommodating
political stance and have displayed little inclination to risk
being thrown out of Haiti because of political activism. The
Episcopal Church, for example, recently issued a statement
calling for popular acceptance of the new government as the only
way to avoid further upheaval. The Embassy says the federation
of Protestant Churches also is trying to reach a consensus with
the Catholic hierarchy on a strategy to encourage new democratic
elections. On balance, however, Protestant leaders, like the
Catholic bishops, appear to be uncertain of how to deal with the
new government. Some individual protestants, such as former
presidential candidate Reverend Sylvio Claude--a Baptist minister
counterpart to the Catholic popular church has emerged. 125X1
Voodoo
Voodoo historically has functioned as a social glue in a
society largely bereft of strong institutions. Academic studies
indicate that most adherents see no contradiction between the
simultaneous practice of voodoo and Christianity. As a belief
system, voodoo acknowledges the Christian God as a supreme being
who presides over a vast array of capricious lesser gods or
spirits--many of whom are identical to Christian saints--who
require constant veneration and appeasement. Academic studies
indicate that although the Catholic Church periodically has
mounted unsuccessful antivoodoo campaigns over the years, it--and
most Protestant Churches--now maintain an uneasy symbiosis with
voodoo.
events that is not readily apparent to foreign observers.
themes are reinforced by voodoo, such as Haitian nationalism,
xenophobia, and acceptance of arbitrary authority. Although
conclusive evidence is lacking, we believe voodoo has a
significant influence on popular reaction to domestic political
Voodoo is outwardly apolitical, but we believe the
pervasiveness of its practice gives it an ill-defined--but
important--influence on political life. Various academic studies
suggest that voodoo as a religion does not easily lend itself to
any particular political ideology partly because it channels
frustration and social conflict away from political expression
into appeals to the supernatural, and militates against rational
change. Moreover, voodoo lacks institutional unity; to the
extent that it has any organization, it tends toward
congregationalism in the form of autonomous temples. For the
most part, however, it is practiced primarily on an individual
basis without reference to voodoo clergy or institutions.
Nevertheless, these same studies indicate that certain political
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Clearly, Haitians of various political. stripes are trying to
use voodoo to further their agendas.
At the same time, an association of voodoo priests
Haiti's largest leftwing confederation.
called the Children of Haitian Tradition--known by its Creole
acronym, ZANTRAY--belongs to the National Concertation Front,
leftists were interested in using
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to the left.
that radical voodoo priests in the group could be used to
encourage revolution. We lack evidence, however, that ZANTRAY
has played any direct role in fomenting unrest. Moreover,
Manigat recently appointed Franck Etienne, a ZANTRAY leader, as
Minister of Culture who may function as the government's bridge
this group and one Marxist leader reportedly argued
Outlook
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As potentially important molders of public opinion, the
Catholic and Protestant Churches as well as the voodoo priesthood
can significantly bolster or seriously undermine the Manigat
government, in our view. If they continue to support the
government or at least not actively oppose it, Manigat's
legitimacy could be enhanced gradually. The Haitian government,
in turn, is likely to use whatever Church support it receives to
strengthen its arguments for renewed US aid. 25X1
opposition.
Moderates in the Catholic Church, in our view, will avoid
strident criticism of the new government but will also continue
refusing to openly support it over the near term at least. Press
reports indicate that no Haitian Catholic representatives
attended Manigat's inauguration, and we believe Church moderates
will continue to withhold their support at least until the
President shows clear evidence that he is making good on his
promise to institute democracy and social justice. Should
Manigat be unable or unwilling to institute meaningful political
and economic reforms over the longer term, we believe Church
moderates would intensify their criticism of the government and
once again could place the Church in the forefront of the
We judge that most Protestant churches will continue to try
to avoid becoming embroiled in politics. Unless Manigat proves
to be an intolerably authoritarian or brutal president, the
majority of Protestant leaders probably will not go beyond
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occasional reaffirmations of their support for free elections at
some unspecified time in the future. The possible exception is
opposition leader Sylvio Claude, whose deep distrust of the
military leadership and its ties to the Duvalier regime may
preclude his acceptance of the Army-backed government.
Nevertheless, the Embassy says Claude is politically erratic and,
Manigat.
sort of political deal.
has alrea
aude may b
y sent emissaries to
trying to cut some
We believe voodoo priests generally will remain outwardly
apolitical, although at least tacitly progovernment, particularly
if Manigat continues to enhance the stature of the religion. In
his inauguration speech, Manigat placed voodoo on an equal
footing with the Catholic and Protestant churches. Such symbolic
signs of respect toward voodoo, historically disparaged by the
elites and intellectuals in Port-au-Prince, may well help Manigat
expand his popular support.
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Moreover, parishes and Church groups have adapted as t
11G9 YGC4? Y .-v j _ j ___ - - -
have provided a religious justification for revolutionary action.
he
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ado ted a cohesive political strategy, some antigovernment
p
militants are likely to believe the popular church can become an
important institution in coordinating subversive activity over
the longer term. Such activity almost certainly would invite a
government crackdown on leftist clergy, which, in turn, could
encourage moderate Church leaders to adopt more actively
antigovernment positions.
Prospects for Sudden Change
The gaps in our knowledge about leftist Church activity, due
largely to the impenetrable and isolated nature of rural Haitian
society, leaves open the possibility that widespread radical
organizing might go largely undetected by us. We suspect that
such organizing might never outwardly display the characteristics
of a standard political movement but might be able, nonetheless,
h IA th H itian
e a
some p
government a 7
lashing out at more moderate Church elements, it would risk a
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to incite unrest throughout the country. S ou
oint mishandle popular church subversion by
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In those countries--like Haiti--where the C urc
riests often
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tide of popular opposition similar to that which toppled
Duvalier, bringing Haiti once again to the brink of anarchy.
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Room 3826,Commerce
Col.. John Cash, DIO/DIA, Room 2A520, Pentagon
SUBJECT: Haiti: The Churches, Voodoo, and Politics
18 February 1988
Distribution:
Kim Flower, Latin American Affairs, NSC
The Honorable Richard N. Holwill, Deputy Assistant Secretary for
the Caribbean, Room 6263, State
David Zweifel, Director, Office of Caribbean Affairs (ARA/CAR),
Room 3248, State
The Honorable Paul D. Taylor, Deputy Assistant Secretary for
Economics, Room 6263, State
The Honorable Richard McCormack, US Ambassador to the OAS
Luigi Einaudi, Director, Office of Policy Planning and
Coordination, Room 6913A, State
David Smith, Chief, Middle-America-Caribbean Division, Office of
Analysis for Inter-American Republics, Intelligence and
Research, Room 7637, State
Robert Fouche, Director, Office of Analysis for Inter-American
Republics/INR, Room 7358, State
Morton Abramowitz, Assistant Secretary, Intelligence and Research
Bureau, State
Robert Pastorino, Deputy Assistant Secretary for Inter-American
Affairs, DOD, Room 4C800, Pentagon
Rick Tropp, Special Assistant to the Administrator for AID, Room
5879, State
Ann Hughes, Deputy Assistant Secretary for Western Hemisphere,
CPAS/ISS/DI - 7G50
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PDB Staff
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DDI
O/DDI
Room 7B02, HQ
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D/DCI/DDCI Executive Staff
SSCI
HPSCI
CTi!C'1 wlr
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