AL-QADHDHAFI ADDRESSES PUBLIC RALLY IN TRIPOLI

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP05-01559R000400370045-6
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 8
• Document Creation Date: December 22, 2016
• Document Release Date: February 3, 2012
• Sequence Number: 45
• Publication Date: March 14, 1976
• Content Type: OPEN SOURCE

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V. 17 Mar 76 NORTH AFRICA I1
AL-QADHDHAFI ADDRESSES PUBLIC RALLY IN TRIPOLI
%'.~,r5- ALA -`76 -5 3
Tripoli Voice of the Arab Homeland in Arabic 0000 OMT 14 Mar 76 LD
(Speech made by Col Mulammar al-Qadhdhafi, chairman of the Libyan Revolution Command
Council, in Tripoli on 12 March--recorded]
(Excerpts] The lackey and reactionary media in Tunisia and Egypt have launched a
campaign whose purpose is obvious to us all. It is aired at undermining the popularity
of the great 1 September revolution and at belittling it in the eyes of the fraternal
Tunisian and Egyptian masses. The whole aim of this campaign is to harm the ever
growing popularity of the great September revolution among the Tunisian and the
Tgyptian people. (Cheers and slogans for about 2 minutes. "Crush reaction" is heard
in the background, repeated several times. ]
The meaning of the campaign launched against us by the reactionary media is quite
clear. The people of Tunisia, Zgypt, and Libya are not so stupid not to realize what
is behind the campaign launched yesterday and the day before. Wb know the aim of the
campaign. We will expose it now. The campaign is not motivated by concern for the
conditions of the people (?they talk about), nor is it launched by governments who
care for their peoples or workers [words indistinct]. It is an attempt against
history and against the revolutionaries. It is an attempt to undermine the popularity
of the great 1 September revolution with the Egyptian and the Tunisian masses.
(applause] Why? Because the 1 September revolution is becoming increasingly popular
with the 3gyptian and Tunisian masses. To belittle this popularity, they said that
Libya is deporting Egyptian and Tunisian workers. This is the story of this campaign
and we must expose it because it should be exposed. (cheers and applause ]
To expose the campaign of doubt and the plot being hatched against the 'rgyptian and
Tunisian masses to drive a wedge between them and the revolution, we mention the
following facts so that the Tunisian and Egyptian peoples, and everyone far and near,
may know. There are 40,000 Tunisian workers working in Libya legally and by contract.
They have identification cards and are still working in Libya by contract. They have
official documents and were accepted in Libya in the legal manner.
However, hundreds of workers left Tunisia for Libya seeking work, equal opportunity,
and hope for the future which were not to be found in Tunisia. These people, these
toilers flowed across the Tunisian-Libyan borders. They infiltrated from everywhere
without permits, without work contracts, without passports, and without any identifi-
cation. The security authorities in the Libyan Arab Republic used to put the infil-
trators in prison. On every occasion I personally proposed to the Revolution Command
Council that we should release the hundreds of people from Tunisia and Egypt because
it was not their fault that they felt (?insecure), and, indeed, on every ("national
holiday) we released hundreds of people from prison because they had felt insecure and
had no hope [words indistinct] and were detained because they had no legal permit.
The fact is that the people of Tunisia and Egypt are suffering very severely. Their
economies are collapsing. Thousands of people have poured into Libya from 37gypt and
Tunisia without visas, without passports, and without permits.
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The workers and peasants who have come from Egypt and Tunisia are not to be blamed
because they are human beings who have suffered from poverty, hunger and deprivation.
Yes, they did cross the Libyan borders and came to the Libyan people looking for work
and for life as they felt threatened in Egypt and Tunisia.
Egyptian workers from Al-Minya, Damanhur, and the very heart of Cairo, hundreds of
families moved on foot from Egypt toward Libya, toward Tobruk, Derna [words indistinct],
families in search of subsistence. A number of them died of hunger, thirst, and cold.
They died on Egyptian territory and on Libyan territory. The Egyptian man is no
longer a human being. Even animals do not live like this. This is what the Egyptian
regime has done to the Egyptian people. The Egyptian people must be respected. We
do not want them to die on the road like animals. We do not want the Egyptian people
to suffer like this, dying in numbers on the coastal road between Egypt and Libya,
walking barefoot to seek means of survival and life.
The Egyptian masses who left Egypt and who have turned Egypt into a government without
a people are not to blame. The Egyptian workers and peasants are not to blame. The
open-door policy, a policy of openness to imperialism, is to blame. It is a policy
against the rights; of the masses and their socialist gains which 'Abd an-Aiasir built
brick by brick for 20 years. [applause]
Since the Egyptian people are leaving Egypt and coming to Libya by the thousand, dying
on the road, and carrying no passports and knowing nothing except that this land is
Arab land, and carrying no identification cards, and, to insure that our Egyptian
brothers will not die on the road, starve, or suffer humiliation, we say to the
brothers who come to Libya: Please carry identification cards or passports, and let
us agree to this, so that we can determine whether whoever enters Libya will be able
to find work.
There are clear agreements between us and Egypt. Why lie to the masses over the radio?
Are the Libyan people permitted to enter Tunisia or Egypt without identification cards?
To tell the truth, [words indistinct] Why should the entry of Libyans to Egypt or
Tunisia without visas be wrong and the entry of Egyptians and Tunisians to Libya without
visas be right? Do they think we are fools?
We, brothers, ask: What are the provisions of the agreements concluded between us?
An Egyptian is permitted to enter Libya with an identification card, even without a
visa, but on certain conditions. First he should have some money. The interior
ministers have agreed on 30 dinars, so that when a person comes he will not starve to
death. [word indistinct] If he cannot find work within about 3 months, he must return.
[passage indistinct]
So, whoever enters Libya should do so in the known official and agreed manner, so that
the Tunisian worker and the Egyptian worker will be respected.
Respect for the Egyptian and the Tunisian workers dictates that they should enter
(?in) the proper way and the authorities should have a record of them. The length of
their stay to look for work must be specified after which they would (?return), because
if a man fails to find work during this period, he will be forced to steal, may die or
resort to begging.
Whoever enters Libya should do so in the known and agreed manner so that the Tunisian
and Egyptian workers will be respected. He who enters by infiltration and without:
employment, may not find work in Libya, and despite himself, may be forced to steal
or commit crime, or beg.
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V. 17 Mar 76 1 3
We were the ones who sought unity with Egypt. [words indistinct] Anwar as-Sadat's
signature is still there on the documents declaring unity between the two countries. "Why
did we accept unity? For the sake of the Egyptian people; for the sake of the Arab
nation, and for the liberation of the Egyptian territory from Zionism. [applause]
We accepted unity knowing that Egypt was poor and its population many times the popula-
tion of Libya, and knowing that Egyptian territory was occupied. We insisted on unity
primarily for the sake of the Egyptian people. We agreed to sacrifice the Libyan people's
wealth and to share it with 30 million Egyptians because we believed in Arab unity,
which is the right thing. [applause]
The matter is quite clear. Some 10,000 Egyptians entered Libya without a permit. I
said, no, the :.0,000 must return to Egypt because we have neither work nor facilities for
them. What state in the world would accept 10,000 people in one go? I challenge the
Egyptian officials and the Tunisian officials to get one single person into any state
in the world without a permit. What state would agree to the entry without a permit of
one single person, let alone 10,000? Some 10,000 Egyptians entered Libya across the
borders without identification, some dying on the road. We talked and talked to Egypt
about it, but in vain.
Arab League Secretary General Mahmud Riyad came here. I told him, please, you are Egyptian
and you should (?take the facts to Egypt). Here are some photographs, take them to
Nlamduh Salim or [words indistinct]. I gave him the pictures and said, look, these are
pictures of Egyptians coming on foot from Egypt to Libya by the thousands, who died of
hunger and cold on the road. Ask Egypt to see to this matter. [words indistinct]
he took some photographs and left. It was no use. The man is an Arab League official
[word indistinct] and he probably conveyed the facts to the Egyptian authorities.
Anyway, the Egyptians came. People came to me from all over the republic saying:
please maintain security in the country. Why? Because thousands of people entered
and some were being forced to commit crime.
We then said that nobody would be permitted to enter except in accordance with the
agreements. When we did this the radio campaigns began.
We have 190,000 Egyptians in Libya. Nobody is allowed to touch them except in accordance
with the law and with their contract. Why? Becasue they are self-respecting people who
entered the country in accordance with contracts, facilities, agreements and Libya's need
for them.
But, when it comes to 10,000 Egyptians without a permit, people who died on the road,
we must stop them at the borders and return them to the Egyptian authorities. If the
Egyptian authorities do not want the Egyptian people, if they want to get rid of the
Egyptian people and let them out of Egypt, then we, on the basis of our pan-Arab position
will shoulder our responsibility and will shoulder the responsibility of the Egyptian
people, and we will be responsible for them. [applause]
If, finally, the Egyptian Government is incapable of managing the affairs of the Egyptian
people, then we are prepared to sponsor the cause of the Egyptian peoi)le. from the
liberation of their territory to their subsistence.
If the Egyptian Government considers it lawful for thousands of people to cross from
Egypt to Libya, let Libyans enter Egypt without a permit. I challenge them. [applause]
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17 Mar. 76 I.4
When the unity march crossed the Egyptian borders, what happened? Despite the fact
that it was carrying pietures~ of As-Sadat and was cheering As-Sadat, it was met with
troops, with steel, with arms, mines, and (?roadblocks). Cables of protest poured forth
from the Egyptian radio carrying President as-Sadat's signature.
The aim of these cables was to condemn Libya in public and see Libya condemned by the
world, because it had sent thousands of Libyans to Egypt without a permit, so that any
action by Egypt would be considered legitimate. As-Sadat's cable threatened war. He
said that the Egyptian Government was responsible for the protection of Egyptian territory
and was responsible for the security of the Egyptians.
Does the Libyan Government have no right now, in view of the entry of 10,000 of as-Sadat's
people into Libya, to say that it is responsible for protecting the Libyan territory and
the secruity of the Libyan people? [applause and cheers]
We do not fear the Egyptian people. We advocate unity with the Egyptian people. We
challenge the Egyptian authorities and we tell the Egyptian authorities that if they
want the entry to be allowed, they must first allow the Libyans to enter Egypt as of
tomorrow. Tomorrow we can have 10,000 Libyans ready and the Egyptian government should
r,ermit them to enter without permit [words indistinct].
Brothers, what are the Egyptian authorities doing? Our soldiers in 1973 (?sacrificed)
and fought alongside the Egyptian Army and have been (?on holiday) in Egypt. The
Egyptian authorities have arrested them and are torturing them in prison.
Of what value is Revolution Command Council member al-Muhayshi? What value has any
Libyan outside Libya? What is the value of anyone who is not a revolutionary? This
is a revolution. They tell lies about it. Libyan soldiers--innocent visitors visiting
their (?relatives and brothers) in Egypt--are subjected to torture on the charge of
planning to kidnap A1-Muhayshi. Of what value is Al-Muhayshi? [words indistinct]
What value?
I did not speak about Al-Muhayshi after he fled from the country. You heard nothing from
me about him. I did not wish to speak about this man nor about [words indistinct].
But since then he has been enlisted by the Egyptian intelligence service and has become
its agent--and this service anyway is an agent of the U.S. intelligence. Everyone in the
world knows that the Egyptian intelligence is under the total control of the U.S. Central
Intelligence Agency. The Egyptian intelligence is now a branch of the U.S. intelligence
in the Middle East. Everyone, whether he is a friend or foe of Egypt, or friend of
the Arabs, whether Arab or foreign, knows that the Egyptian intelligence is now entirely
under the control and [word indistinct] of the U.S. intelligence.
[Words indistinct] Al-Muhayshi was recently enlisted in the Egyptian intelligence. We
will now (?speak) about him. We did not expect that one day one of us would say such a
thing, we did not expect that one like [words indistinct]. He should have self-respect--
if only for the sake of the past. But he said such things yesterday. [words indistinct]
the Egyptian intelligence and the agent journalists seek him. [sentence indistinct].
Al-Muhayshi says that we spent 5 million pounds on the coup in Sudan; he says that
Mulammar is (?disputing) with 'Abd as-Salam. Does anyone believe such lies? This is
laughable indeed. [sentence indistinct] He has been enlisted by the.-Egyptian intelli-
gence. They brought him one of their yellow newspapers--the agent and mercenary news-
papers [words indistinct] AL-AHRAM, AL-JUMHURIYAH, AL-AKHBAR and others. This AL-AHRAM
is [words indistinct].
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V. 17 Dar 76 W 1 5 WRTH AFRICA
The Egyptian intelligence yesterday brought him and told him that the Egyptian author-
ities are now waging a campaign against the Libyan revolution [words indistinct] and
exploited him. They exploited him [words indistinct] should not get involved in a
campaign against his country while abroad. This is shameful. As Libya is engaged in
a battle with Egypt he joined hands with the Egyptian authorities. This is shameful
because the Egyptian intelligence, which is an agent of the U, S. Intelligence, is
leading the campaign against the Libyan revolution. The Egyptian intelligence is
charged with this task of attacking the revolution. He joined the enemies of [word
indistinct] revolution. They told him the development plans were a failure. In other
words, the Libyan people are [word indistinct] and are quickly [word indistinct],
Al-Muhayshi said that by a decision of the Revolution Command Council we spent 5 million
pounds on the coup in Sudan. No one with an iota of patriotism would make such an
allegation. Even supposing that this was true; supposing that we have spent 5 mil-
lion [words indistinct]. Would anyone with dignity say such hostile things against the
revolution (words indistinct] by a U. S. agent. Supposing we spent 5 million on
the coup in Sudan. Who says such a thing? It Is being said by an intelligence agent
and not the agent of (words indistinct]. The intelligence which enlisted him gave him
this detailed information. It is a shame on (word indistinct) to say such a thing.
Egypt is challenging us with a campaign of words which only make people laugh, with
the yellow press, and with cheap radio campaigns which are financed by the United States.
The Egyptian press is worth nothing [words indistinct) the Libyan radio and press.
But we challenge these (?campaigns) with such celebrations as we are holding today to
mark the demolition of the last hut in Tripoli municipal area and with these buildings
that we are erecting everywhere.
You say to me: You did not know how to choose. Why did you put Al-Muhayshi in the
Revolution Command Council? This is true. I am to be blamed and I take the responsi-
bility. [Words indistinct] in any case. But I am now ready to reveal the truth [words
indistinct], as the saying goes. When I spoke to Mustafa (no further identification]
about him, he said (words indistinct] you, Mu'ammar, enlisted him in the secret movement
when he was a student; You also enrolled him in the military college and you put him in
the Revolution Command Council and, therefore, you are entirely responsible for him.
[words indistinct] he would not have entered the military college nor the Revolution
Command Council.
He said: You were the one who included him in the secret movement, who enrolled him in
the military college, and who put him in the Revolution Command council. Indeed I trusted
him. [words indistinct] responsible for his inclusion in the movement, enrollment in
the military college, and inclusion in the Revolution Command Council despite the pro-
tests by the free unionist officers. Many of the free unionist officers wanted to
resign in protest. These officers are here and they know that 'umar al-Muhayshi [words
indistinct] the Revolution Command Council. They told me they would resign from the army
if I included %Umar al-Muhayshi in the Revolution Command Council. I had imposed him
upon them. He was (?criticized) by the officers and members. [passage indistinct] a
group of officers came to me, including this officer who is now sitting with you, and said
we would resign if this person becomes a member of the council. But I imposed him on
them and see now what happened. In any case, I am responsible for him. Soldiers of
the Libyan Army say we don't know 'Umar al-Muhayshi; you were the one who brought him
[words indistinct] and you are responsible for him.
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The Egyptian regime is now a suspect regime; it has become allied with imperialism and
Zionism. We cannot be sure that anyone who comes from Egypt is not being sent by the
Egyptian authorities, nor that he is just an Egyptian going abroad. We cannot allow
10,000 Egyptians to enter Libya at once (words indistinct]. We have 190,000 Egyptians
in Libya. But had 10,000 entered the country without a visa, without money, and, with
no jobs in Libya, they would have died.
Some 1,500 Tunisians have crossed Libya's borders without the knowledge of the Libyan
authorities, with no job, and with no (words indistinct]. If one Libyan enters Tunisia
[words indistinct] he would be put in jail. [sentence indistinct]
We must teach the weakling reaction a lesson [words indistinct]. The United States
established the Lon Nol regime; the United States was defeated by the Vietnamese people.
The United States sent its giant planes over Vietnamese territory and (?Sent) its soldiers
[words indistinct] the Vietnamese people. We are no less than the Vietnamese people;
the Libyan people are no less courageous than the Vietnamese people. If they have to
(?fight) the United States, then they will do so [applause]. We fight on our own terri-
tory [applause]. If we had to fight we would fight for what we have built since the
revolution; we would fight to defend the thousands of farms we have built since the
revolution; we would fight for the thousands of roads we have built since the revolution;
and we would fight for the scores of factories we have built since the revolution.
If we fight against the United States, then we would be fighting for the new popular
democracy which is represented in the popular committees and the popular conferences.
If we fight against the united States, then we would be fighting for our real, moral
and material achievements on Libyan territory. We would stand on solid ground and
would fight in defense of our rights in life.
When these people fight, they fight ferociously and tenaciously. These people are pre-
pared to destroy the U. S. colonialist empire just as they destroyed the (?Italian)
colonialist empire in the past. [applause] Our people were never frightened by the
fleets of fascist Italy; these people (?fought against) fascist Italy. Our people's
resolve was never weakened by the mass detention camps in [words indistinct]
We are prepared to smash all aggressors; we are prepared to die for our rights.
Challenge the Egyptian and Tunisian regimes to declare unity with Libya tomorrow and to
do away with borders. If they do not want unity then I challenge them [words indistinct]
to allow 1,500 Libyans to enter Tunisia without a permit; I challenge the Egyptian regime
to allow 10,000 Libyans to enter Egypt tomorrow [word indistinct].
I challenge the Tunisian and the Egyptian regimes to give their people the kind of achieve-
ments that we have in our country. We challenge them to match our achievements; we
challenge them to prepare for unity; [words indistinct].
But tomorrow Egypt and Tunisia will answer us with the only thing available to them.
Do you know what that is? They will answer us with abuse through the press and the
radio claiming that they want [word indistinct] unity. They will not show any achieve-
ments nor will they allow Libyans to enter their countries. Tomorrow they will beat
their empty drums. Tomorrow their agents will renew their (?attempts) and so will their
radios.
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V. 17 Mar 76. I 7 NORTH AFRICA
This plot is the work of imperialism which controls the regimes in Egypt and Tunisia.
These regimes are completely dominated by [word indistinct] in accordance and instructions
of U.S. imperialism. U.S. imperialism nowadays is waging a (?savage) battle against the
Arab nation and against its freedom, unity and progress. Nowadays U.S. imperialism is
waging a battle on the Arab land [words indistinct]. It is plotting against the Pales-
tinian revolution, against the Lebanese people; it is obviously plotting against the
great 1. September revolution; it is obviously plotting against the great Algerian revolu-
tion; it is obviously plotting against the Libyan, Algerian, Lebanese and South Arabian
peoples; it is obviously plotting against the Syrian people; it is obviously plotting to
do away with the gains of the masses; from the Atlantic to the Gulf, it is obviously
plotting against revolution, unity, and progress. Who is leading this campaign? It is
being led by America. America is now manipulating its puppets in Tunisia and Egypt in
a dirty plot against the [word indistinct] and their peoples.
So far I have not attacked President As-Sadat personally; nor will I now. I am speaking
about entire [word indistinct] regimes. The political actions of these regimes are dir-
ected by U.S. imperialism. The aim is to eliminate the Palestinian revolution and Arab
unity and to steal the gains of the masses.
We would like to affirm to the Tunisian and the Egyptian people that they can rely fully
on the 1 September revolution; I call on them not to fear their regimes, which have be-
come weak. (sentence indistinct).
I am referring to political regimes which are almost entirely dominated by U.S. imperial-
ism which is leading a plot against the Arab nation, against [words indistinct], and
against the Libyan people themselves. [applause]
Now, brothers, let us move ahead in order to demolish the last 1,000 huts in Tripoli.
[cheers and applause]
Tripoli ARNA in Arabic 1030 GMT 16 Mar 76 LD
[Text] Tripoli, 16 March--In its issue today, AL-FAJR AL-JADID publishes another document
exposing the terrorist campaigns to which Libyan Arab students in Egypt are being subject-
ed. The paper publishes a picture of a letter written by one of the students to the
Libyan Relations Office in Cairo, in which he said that an Egyptian officer, accompanied
by a number of officers and soldiers, had broken into his house at 0430 on 8 March. They
searched the whole house and went through his belongings, in particular his papers and
books. In his letter, the Libyan Arab student called for an end to these farces to which
the Libyan students are being subjected at the hands of the Egyptian authorities, who are
treating the Libyan Arab citizens in an unethical way.
EGYPTIAN MIGRANTS GIVEN AID BEFORE EXPULSION
Tripoli Domestic Service in Arabic 1730 GMT 16 Mar 76 JN
[Text] Libya is looking after the welfare of infiltrators from Egypt who have entered
Libya illegally. A camp has been erected in the border area to shelter Egyptian citizens
who have infiltrated and to give them health care and other necessary services to maintain
their dignity and humanity. They are then returned to Egypt because they have not entered
Libya in accordance with the legal procedures stipulated in the agreements and decisions
signed between Libya and Egypt.
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17 Mar 76 1 8
MOROCCO
ALGERIAN PARTY SAYS BOUMEDIENE PROVOKED CRISIS
Casablanca LE MATIN in French 10 Mar 76 pp 1,4 LD
[Apparent text of statement by the Algerian Party of the Socialist Revolution: "Boumediene
Has Raised the Sahara Problem to Divert Attention From a Domestic Situation Which Has
Become Critical"]
[Text] The attitude of the Party of the
who in his statement of 31 December 1975
anti-Moroccan provocations--insults, the
and "support" for the POLISARIO Front. H
war and called on the Moroccans and the A
ocialist Revolution [Pr ] toward the Algerian-
Mohamed Boudiaf, a founding member of the party,
orcefully denounced /trhe Algerian Government's
xpulsion of 35,000 ,Moroccans living in Algeria
riana to refusg to get involved in oomph-
phic for the future of the Maghreb. He
cations whose consequences would be catast
asserted that the problem should be solved
cooperation at a North African level where
Moroccan brothers would be free and able to
underdevelopment."
This statement led to biased comments in the
within a "br/ ader framework of friendly
all the Saherans and their Algerian and
resolutel4 begin an inspiring struggle against
The assertion that the Moroccan authorities h
masses (including extreme left movements) witho
long claimed Sahara, that the Moroccan
t exception have supported this claim
Sahara would give a concrete expression to
and that the creation of an independent stpte in
hegemonic schemes without satisfying the esires
f the Saharan people and the emphasis
laid on the fact that the POLISARIO's concepts are
truths which do not correspond with dopnas establi
confused--in short, the assertion of
ed in Algiers merely in support of
sing one's opinion on the Moroccan
regime and its policy for this would/ in any case, d
people's domestic affairs.
After discussing these matters wit, in their organizations, both in the country and abroad,
the PRS militants declare that th y completely agree w\th these views, which have been
considered and fully explained i a special edition of their newspaper, EL JARIDA.
However, the following points a worth emphasizing:.
Boumediene has used the proble of Sahara as a pretext to\ increase tension on the
country's borders, mainly to avert attention from a domestic situation which has become
critical. The best proof of his is that his war. propaganda has mainly been aimed at
creating an atmosphere of fe r and disquiet among the Algerian masses, thus making them
adopt a passive attitude ijthe face of a conflict the yeas ns for which baffle them.
The aims of the Algerian Government in this sphere are:
First, to provide an explanation of the blatant failure of its economic policy which has
led, inter alia, to a catastrophic financial situation, fall in production and a greater
dependence on the world market, especially with regard to food\products.
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