AL-QADHDHAFI SPEECH TO JOINT COMMISSION

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP05-01559R000400430026-0
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 7
• Document Creation Date: December 22, 2016
• Document Release Date: February 2, 2012
• Sequence Number: 26
• Publication Date: April 4, 1988
• Content Type: OPEN SOURCE

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1 f,r '~LJ Ir~w~r~rr~ ( TaGCCSrc~, ?
FBIS-NES-88-066
6 April 1988 12 ARAB AFRICA
Extending the emergency law is a sign that the govern- Violence Continues in Asyut; 60 Arrested
ment will further undermine freedoms. This will JN041135 Cairo AL-WAFD in Arabic
obstruct the legitimate channels before political action. 1 Apr 88 p 1
This will make citizens feel more frustration and isola-
tion from public action. It will also open the door to
sedition, sectarianism, extremism, and the spread of
violence and counterviolence. Undoubtedly, all of this
will weaken the Egyptian people's ability to confront
outside challenges and dangers posed to our country and
.the Arab world in these crucial, historic moments.
The opposition party leaders assert that the imposition
of the emergency law during this time has turned this law
which, naturally, is an extraordinary law, from an excep-
tion to a rule. This constitutes a flagrant violation of the
Constitution and law, and also casts doubt on the
government's legitimacy. The opposition party leaders
hold President Muhammad Husni Mubarak responsible
for the grave consequencies resulting from the continued
imposition of martial law.
According to the Constitution, the president is responsi-
ble for emphasizing the people's sovereignty and respect
for the law and the Constitution. In addition, according
to the Constitution, the president assumes the executive
authority and draws the state's general policy with the
participation of the Council of Ministers.
Out of a realization of their responsibility before the
people, the opposition party leaders declare their resis-
tance, through all legitimate ways, to the continuation of
martial law. Out of their feeling of the need for positive
action, the opposition party leaders held a series of
meetings last week to define measures to expose the
governemnt's behavior before the people. In this regard,
a decision was made to suspend publication of the
opposition newspapers, a day for each newspaper in
turn. The papers abided by this decision.
A decision was also made that the opposition represen-
tatives would withdraw from the People's Assembly and
the Consultative Council during some sessions. This
decision was implemented during the Consultative
Council's meeting last Saturday.
To reveal all facts to the people, the opposition party
leaders decided to hold a popular conference to declare
the demands and the integrated steps that will increase
action against the continuation of the state of emergency.
Similar conferences will be held in all governorates, and
will be attended by the parties and some political and
popular leaders.
Out of their confidence in the masses' awareness and out
of their feeling of the popular rejection of the state of
emergency, the opposition parties declare their determi-
nation to continue mobilizing public opinion until the
people's struggle is crowned by cancelling the state of
emergency and the extraordinary conditions, and also by
conducting constitutional reforms so that a normal life
will return to the country.
[Text] Asyut-Acts of violence continued in Asyut yes-
terday for the 3d consecutive day. The security forces
held the families of the extremist groups in Dayrut and
Sallam as hostages. The State Security Intelligence also
arrested 60 students and conducted large-scale search
campaigns of houses to apprehend the leaders of the
extremist groups. The Central Security Forces also
imposed a military siege with cars around Dayrut and
nearby villages and prevented the citizens from going to
work.
The family of Muhammad Qutub `Abd al-Majid, a
student killed by the security forces, attempted to disin-
ter his body in order to hold another funeral for him after
they had buried him on their own and the security forces
had prevented the people from participating in his
funeral. Stringent security measures were imposed on
Dayrut.
The health of `Ali `Abd al-Rahim `Ali, a student who
sustained serious chest wounds during Tuesday's bloody
incidents between the security forces on the one hand,
and the extremist groups and Dayrut people on the
other, has deteriorated. He has not yet left the resuscita-
tion room at Asyut's public hospital.
In a statement released the day before yesterday, Dr
Ahmad `Abduh, leader of the religious group in Asyut,
warned of the seriousness of provocations against the
Islamic trend in Egypt. He held the Interior Ministry
responsible for the escalation of bloody incidents and
stressed that they will lead to more tension.
The situation exacerbated when the security forces used
tear gas and opened fire on the religious groups and on
Dayrut people who staged a peaceful march to condemn
the security organs' encroachments and violation of
Islamic law.
Libya
Al-Qadhdhafi Speech to Joint Commission
LD051013 Tripoli Television Service in Arabic
2042 GMT 4 Apr 88
[Speech by Mu`ammar al-Qadhdhafi at the 4 April
session of the joint higher Libyan-Tunisian commission
in Tripoli-recorded]
[Text] In the name of God, we would like warmly to
welcome our brothers from sisterly Tunisia. We are
proud and happy about their presence here with us and
the honor they do us by visiting their second country.
This is the third meeting of the joint higher commission
which encompasses the Council of Ministers of Tunisia
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6 April 1988
and the General People's Committee [GPC] of Libya.
This unionist activity began in 1983. It was delayed
somewhat; now it is being resumed anew in the era of the
new Tunisia and the era of 7 November.
If we appreciate the political value of this activity we will
no doubt work to safeguard it. This is because it leads to
unity in a very normal and calm manner. Those who do
not appreciate the value of this activity are mistaken
because the nation in fact is compelled to unify its ranks
and capabilities, not for sentimental reasons-I mean
that Arab unity is not a mere sentimental action but a
necessity, particularly during this era. Hence, any means
to bring about Arab unity-and we would prefer this to
be in a calm and peaceful manner-should not be
compromised. This is because any attempt to bar the
way of unity will lead to violent reaction.
For this reason the reactionary and regionalistic regimes
in the Arab homeland, just as in other nations that have
struggled for their unity, are being subjected to violent
upheavals because their regionalism bars the way to
Arab unity. It is short-sightedness to view Arab unity as
the current regimes in some Arab countries do. Arab
unity is the future. Nobody has the right to veto the
future of the generations of the Arab nation.
At this stage the masses have become aware and they
refuse to allow themselves to be transformed into a herd
on a farm with boundaries and shepherds. Those who
want to immortalize themselves and remain rulers for
life, crowned or uncrowned as well as sultans, are the
ones who are trying to transform the people of the Arab
nations into herds of sheep on farms which they own to
the extent that they leave these farms to their sons
generation after generation. The Arab masses have now
become aware and refuse to be flocks of sheep on farms
privately owned by rulers, kings, or sultans. Those who
desired this have been swept away by the current. They
are now in museums and the garbage cans of history.
But we should not be too meticulous with regard to
unionist action or confine it to tight corners and say that
this particular format is the only one that will lead to
unity. There are many paths to unity. I believe that we
have embarked on the easiest one of them all-with this
calm, peaceful, and fraternal meeting. Let us try this
path. But at the same time we must realize that we are
not the only people who decide the fate of Arab unity. If
we fail there are others who do not want to fail. If we bar
the way of unionist action, there are people who will
storm the blocked path by every means available. We
exercise our pan-Arab and national duties only as long as
we are in these positions and use them as soldiers
fighting for this nation's unity and for gathering together
its capabilities and dispersed people.
It is wrong to imagine otherwise-it is wrong to think we
will decide the fate of the Libyan and Tunisian people as
well as Arab people everywhere. It is wrong to imagine
that if we say no, unity will not be achieved. No; we may
?
say no, but unity will be achieved through the work of
others. The sincere person among us is the person who
uses the responsible position he now occupies to bring
closer the day of Arab unity. He should realize that he is
only participating in this as a soldier and that he does not
hold in his hands the final word and judgment on the fate
of unity. Since the first day of the Al-Fatih revolution we
have been making sincere efforts to bring nearer the day
or Arab unity. Serious attempts have been made; we
have tried all means. It may be said that unity has failed.
But I believe that these experiments have taught us
useful lessons and brought nearer the day of Arab unity.
These experiments have become a legacy for the unionist
struggle which cannot be taken lightly.
One of the means of achieving unity that the experi-
ments have shown is the one we have in our hands-that
is to say, executive establishments in the Arab countries,
such as we now have between Tunisia and Libya, can
begin by holding joint meetings. When they meet they set
up a joint higher commission which looks into the affairs
of both countries as if the two were one country. This is
the executive. Therefore it is possible for us gradually to
unify everything between the two Arab countries. After
that we find that unity has been achieved in the form of
the exceutive and in a practical, peaceful, and gradual
manner.
Naturally this does not preclude other steps to achieve
unity. [words indistinct] which we are not aware of, but
we have before us some work whose political value
should be appreciated and respected. It is a civilizing
activity. It proves the ability of the Arabs, that they can
advance toward unity in a peaceful and practical man-
ner.
The Arabs have only one way of achieving unity and
agreeing among themselves, and that is to reject violent
action, noisy action, disarray, the closing of borders, and
so on. I believe that the means we have in our hands now
deserves respect, and it will gain the respect of others
because it proves that we can achieve unity in a reason-
able and peaceful manner.
It is said that Europe, with its basic differences and its
various nationalities, languages, and nations-nations
that fought each other for scores of years-in spite of all
this, established the EEC, which will be turned into a
politically unified Europe. This action is described as a
civilizing action becaused these nations are civilized. I
see the Arab nation is not lacking anything. It can do
even better than this.
If Europe with all its resources-each state has an
income greater than the entire Arab nation-has been
compelled to establish economic and political unity, the
Arabs have all the more reason to work night and day to
establish unity. In our eyes, unity is not an emotional
action or a slogan. Unity is a necessity for the gathering
of economic resources in this day and age. Economic
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6 April 1988
resources need protection, and protection leads to mili-
tary unity. If someone creates economic unity and pro-
tects it with military unity it takes political action, and
this leads to political unity.
This is the essence of unity. Naturally, the regionalists,
the reactionaries and those who want to control one of
the groups of Arab people as a herd of sheep, and have
their children inherit their rule after them, are the ones
who are putting a broomstick in the wheels. It is they
who cast doubt on Arab unity not because Arab unity is
open to doubt but, for reasons of family, individual, or
self-interest, they feel Arab unity must not come about.
Consequently every regionalist and isolationist ruler
continually spreads doubts about establishing Arab uni-
ty.
We do not expect him to be an?optimist in this respect;
because it is not in the interest of his family, or against
him personally. The one who is optimistic about the
future of the Arab nation and who affirms that its unity
is possible, and that it will emerge, is the Arab citizen
who knows that this is possible and necessary.
Thus when he hear the voice of the masses anywhere we
should realize that this is the correct thing-the correct
thing is what the masses say; they are the ones who are
entitled to the future and who have the right. When the
flock rebels there will no longer be a ruler or a shepherd.
There is nobody who is supposed to own a flock without
actually having a flock; a shepherd of what? If the flock
rebels then that is it, there will be no shepherd. The final
word will always be that of the ordinary citizen. In actual
fact the governments and the official organs which
belong to these governments are the ones which establish
the border posts, the borders, the passports.
As for the citizen, he is always rebelling against that. We
call him an infiltrator or someone who has fled and we
arrest him. This is proof that citizens do not recognize
borders and that it is in his own interest to have Arab
unity, and that he is motivated to move freely inside the
one Arab homeland, but the rulers themselves are in a
struggle against this citizen, the citizen is rebelling
against borders; he does not recognize them.
Evidence of this can be found in the fact that this
infiltration phenomenon, or what is called infiltration
from one country to another, is in actual fact an expres-
sion of these ideas. [Al-Qadhdhafi turns to some of the
delegates who wish to smoke]: Anybody who wishes to
smoke can do so; there is no objection; smoking is not
prohibitted; it is allowed. At the first and second meet-
ings between the Tunisian Council of Ministers and the
GPC in Libya I told them, as I remembered some things
from history, that some time ago delegations from Bar-
qah and Tripoli used to sit down together. When each
delegation spoke, they referred to Barqah as sister Bar-
qah and to sister Tripoli. Then the independence of
Barqah was declared.
When independence was declared, they said: God will-
ing, sister Tripoli will join us too. That was a joke in
Libya; we laughed at it then, and we laugh at it today.
This has become a myth. When you tell it to the Libyans
today, they do not believe that at one time there was a
delegation who used to say sister Tripoli or sister Barqah.
Libyans may be astonished to hear it and they do not
believe it. They say: Could there be such a thing? Now
that has become a joke for us. I told them that in time
people would laugh at the fact that we used to meet, one
representing Tunisia and one representing Libya, and we
would both say sister Tunisia and sister Libya; I mean it
is possible that a future generation living on this united
land may laugh at this which will become a myth.
I mean, how were we brothers? We are one people. In
actual fact, what is a laughing matter today was a myth
even when it happened. I mean it was not permissible for
Libya to have been what it was-divided; with calling
Barqah as a sister and Tripoli, as a sister. When Idris
al-Sanussi said that in Banghazi-when he declared the
independence of Barqah and said that, God willing,
sister Tripoli will join us too-the people, who were
applauding him threw their shoes and footwear at him;
they hit him with their shoes. He fled the celebrations
and entered the building which used to belong to the
British authorities-the building where he stood outside
and made that speech-the premises of the Chamber of
Deputies in Banghazi. The people hit him with their
shoes. They asked: What is meant by sister Tripoli? He
as a ruler said sister Tripoli. Those who made this sister
and that sister and this country and that state or that
kingdom were the rulers themselves. But the people wish
to hit with their shoes those who give such names-like
they did with Idris al-Sanussi. They actually hit him.
The 1st of September could have been influenced by that
incident-I mean at the end he was hit. This action was
a cultural action and should be a political legacy to the
respected and honored. This makes us confident that this
nation is one and that this people is one. There is no
parallel in the world to what is taking place; a whole state
government going to another state in order to meet
within a joint commission. When the GPC in Libya go to
Tunisia and meet with the Council of Ministers, and
today the Tunisian Council of Ministers have come to
Tripoli-I mean there is a spirit behind all this which
makes it acceptable.
The GPC in Libya is not permitted to go to France and
meet. Equally, the Tunisian Council of Ministers is not
permitted to go to Italy or France to hold meetings, to
carry out joint action. This is not permitted. Psycholog-
ically it is not acceptable. You will. reject it even if
politicians say that you should go; .you will reject that.
Why? It is because we are Arabs; one people, one
homeland. We meet here. Why? Because we see nothing
odd in that we are one people from one homeland. In fact
we see this as a necessity. I want to say in actual fact: In
this hall the GPC of Libya met with the Algerian Council
of Ministers and set up a joint commission. They also
met in Algeria after that.
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The YAR Council of Ministers came here to this hall and
met with the GPC and established a higher joint com-
mission. The GPC will go to Sanaa at a specified date.
We, in Tunisia and Libya, are holding the third meeting.
My presence here today with you-I mean in actual fact
that I have no political or administrative authority, but
my presence is due to the fact that your action is a
unionist, pan-Arab and revolutionary action-this
action falls within the revolutionary tasks which concern
me. Thus, I am attending this meeting and this opening
because this is a unionist action.
What I would like to say is that when you meet, whether
in Tunisia or Libya, we should forget that we come from
Tunisia or from Libya; we are a unified higher commis-
sion which looks into the issues of the two countries. It is
within the right of the Tunisian Council of Ministers to
discuss and give the benefit of their advice on issues
concerning the Libyan compatriot in any municipality in
Libya. Likewise, the GPC in Libya can look into the
affairs of our brothers in Tunisia in any province-
Tunisia has a provincial administrative system-I mean
to look into the affairs of compatriots in any province in
Tunisia and in a joint manner. By this I mean that both
of you look into what the Banghazi municipality needs
and what the Kairaouane municipality needs, for exam-
ple. This is what we wish.
This is what we want. This is the philosophy and the
spirit of this meeting. We do not like it to be two
delegations, one representing the Tunisian side and the
other the Libyan side. No, we want it to be in a joint
form which does not say Tunisia and Libya. We should
be together. We want to tackle things municipality by
municipality, governorate by governorate. We should
have confidence in ourselves and in our joint action and
joint possibilities. It should be clear to you that this has
been our intention since the outbreak of the revolution.
Consequently, all attempts to oppose and confuse our
actions or to evade or annul them them have failed. It is,
however, the unionist action and unionist platform
which has endured and has remained. It will triumph
even after we have gone. This action will triumph. It is
because this correct direction is the one that will tri-
umph.
Do not attempt to run away from facts. Arab unity is a
fact. Attempts will fail. They are futile attempts. The
truth is Arab unity. Arab unity is a fact and it is a
necessity. For example, that the two countries of Tunisia
and Libya'should pool their resources in the interests of
the citizens is a fact and a necessity. To hamper or water
it down or to run away from it is a conspiracy and, really,
a futile action really. Its authors will fail.
Its authors have fallen, in actual fact. The regionalist
course, the conspiratorial course, and the course of
hypocricy have all fallen. They will always fall and will
fail. Only the sincere and united supporters, those who
work for others and forget themselves, are the ones who
will triumph, not those who think about becoming a
president or who think about becoming a king or sultan.
They do not think about how to bring about unity,
liberation, or dignity. They contradict one another.
I consider 7 November to be a victory for the revolu-
tionary course, the unionist course, the civilized course.
It is a defeat for regionalism and for withdrawing to
oneself, conspiring, subservience. In fact, 7 November
was an inevitable result of the Arab unity crisis, the crisis
of relations between the Arab people in Tunisia and the
Arab people in Libya. It was inevitable; 7 November was
the inevitable result, because falsification cannot remain
law.
The natural truth is law. This is a lesson; 7 November
gives a lesson to others. Falsification, no matter how long
it lasts, will fail. It leaves nothing behind except disgrace
and dishonor. Regionalism! What can it leave behind?
What can falsification leave behind? Subservience! What
can it leave behind? What can negligence leave behind
and what would treason leave behind? They leave behind
disgrace and dishonor, and their authors will end up in
the garbage can of history. But civilizing action and
unionist action, a struggle for higher ideals and for others
will bear the fruits and prosperity.
I ,would like that this work should compensate for what
has gone astray. The two sides should respect it; its
continuation lies in its success. If it produces results for
the citizens of the two countries and we feel that there is
some benefit from it, then it should impose itself on us.
We will not be late for the next appointments. This is
what must be. The citizens of our two countries and the
governments and institutions of our two countries
should feel that this work is for their benefit. Conse-
quently, it should not be late in forthcoming. The atmo-
sphere calls for its continuation. We must gradually get
rid of regionalism. We might sit together once, twice, or
three times in a spirit of regionalism which is inherited,
to some extent. But these sittings are training courses for
unionist action. How can the Libyan be a Tunisian and
Libyan at the same time, and how can the Tunisian be a
Libyan .and Tunisian. In the end, how can we be Arabs.
It is because we must be Arabs first.
A day will come when the executive bodies will all meet
together in Tunisia, Algeria, Sanaa, Syria, or Libya, and
we will automatically find that we have been deceived by
the borders. We were deceived by the superstitions
which we have lived with: that we are a nation which
cannot be easily united. The executive bodies would
meet (?in the form) of a Council of Ministers comprising
several Arab countries-in the long run, this is unity.
That is when we plan together and implement together.
Unity is not something which is difficult.
There is a move in the world today toward local rule. It
is not necessary for Tunisia and Libya to have just one
province, governorate, or municipality. On the contrary,
all over the whole world now large units are divided into
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6 April 1988
small ones within the federal framework. Each of the
U.S. states is a state-with its own government, parlia-
ment, police, and institution. However, in the end there
is a single political, economic, and defense structure of a
U.S. state. We have to perceive unity in this way,
especially because the Arab homeland is spread over a
large area. I do not believe there could be a central unity
or a unity that is integrated to the extent that is imag-
ined. Not at all; it is assumed that there would be
autonomy, provinces and municipalities, with a frame-
work that will bring together economic resources and
political activities to the benefit of this unity which,
internally, would have multi-administration.
In this context, regarding the situation between Tunisia
and Libya, I would like to say something else. This is the
first meeting under the new Tunisian era, under the
glorious 7 November. The credit goes to brother Zine El
Abidine Ben Ali, the hero of 7 November, and his
supporters such as brother Hedi Baccouche and other
supporters who made 7 November, which removed a
great obstruction to the path of unity, release, and
liberty.
For our part, we have been considering borders as
nonexistent; not only between Libya and Tunisia, but
with all Arab countries. Any citizen, from any Arab
country, can enter Libya directly, without permission.
We have no right to object to an Arab citizen traveling in
his Arab homeland. What used to be called infiltration
has been abolished, and I explained to you a few
moments ago that the phenomenon of infiltration is a
reality that differs from this infamous term. Any citizen
from Libya, Algeria, or Tunisia may enter from any
point, and this undermines Tunisian measures inside. If
the citizen wants to leave his country, we will accept him
at any point; but if you do not want him to leave, that's
your right. If you agree, it is alright by us for him to enter
at Ra's Jadir, (Dhihibah), or any other place. We regard
him as free to live anywhere, and we will ask him
whether he has found work or not. We do not fear,
because we do not differentiate between a Libyan and
Tunisian.
This is a myth created by colonialism; it was fed by
colonialism. It was cared for by the regionally orientated
rulers who wanted to transform the homeland of this
Arab people into flocks of sheep. They made us fear each
other. They used to tell us that infiltration is dangerous
and that danger comes from across the border. All this is
in actual fact lies and myth, and I will prove that it is a
myth. Tunisians or Algerians, or Arabs from anywhere,
will enter Libya in the thousands and nothing harmful
will take place. Fear of what may come from over the
border will be removed. There is no border post between
Libya and Sudan; Sudanese enter Libya in the thou-
sands; they work here. Those who do not find employ-
ment may return to Sudan. I believe that there is no
border post between Libya and Algeria-border post
along the land border I mean. Between Tunisia and
Libya there is a border post at Ra's Jadir. On our behalf
and on this occasion, we abolish this border post because
it is not necessary. I mean its function is abolished. A
Libyan citizen can leave via the Tunisian border post;
the latter will receive him. If the authorities at the
Tunisian border post allow him to enter Tunisia, then he
will do so. If the authorities do not want him to enter
Tunisia, then he will return to Libya. This is because the
Libyan border post will not function at all. There will be
no stamping of passports at the Libyan border post; the
citizen will just pass through. The Libyan border post
shall not prevent a Tunisian from entering Libya; it will
not stamp his passport; equally it will turn him back.
Anyone wishing to enter Libya may do so. This Libyan
border post is abolished and we declare its abolishment
on this occasion. This naturally will not affect the
measures taken by the Tunisian authorities, which may
prevent any Libyan from entering Tunisia-it does not
matter whether or not a Libyan is denied entry. Those
who are denied entry will return. If he is told: please go
back, then he will return.
If there is a Tunisian who is told that he is not permitted
to leave Tunisia because he is wanted for one thing or
another, for example internal matters, then he will return
to Tunisia. But if you allow him to leave, then the Libyan
side will allow him to enter-this permission is granted
in advance. At the same time, there was in actual fact a
military division regrettably deployed along the Tuni-
sian border. This was because we feared that Tunisian
territories might be used against Libya. Now we have
become sure that the United States made attempts to use
Tunisian territories against Libyan territories; that
means that our assessments were correct, our fears were
true.
The heroes of 7 November were among those who
prevented the United States from using Tunisian terri-
tories against Libya. Therefore, we now also declare the
withdrawal of this entire division from the western
border. We will save this military effort for another
location. As long as there are Arab territories beyond our
western border and these Arab territories will not be
used against us, then this border is safeguarded. We
place our forces in the areas which are not Arab territo-
ries and which the enemy can directly enter. If there is an
Arab territory beyond our border and that Arab territory
will not allow the use of foreign forces against you, then
there is no reason for deploying the armed forces along
Arab borders.
We consider Tunisia a defensive and secure area inso-
faras our western borders are concerned. The same
applies to Algeria. Consequently, there is no need to
place military forces along Arab borders as long as those
borders are not used by foreign forces. As for the
question of fear at the use of an Arab force against an
Arab force, this is not actually feasible. We do not expect
it at all, not in our time. In any other situation, we do not
expect brothers to fight one another, a Tunisian fighting
a Libyan, or a Libyan fighting a Tunisian. This is a
possibility not only now, but also in the foreseeable
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FBIS-NES-88-066
6 April 1988
future. (?Why should they). It is illogical that such a thing
should happen between Algeria, Sudan, and Egypt. The
fear was of foreign forces using Arab territory against
Libya.
You know that the Egyptians officially said that the
United States has asked them several times in previous
years-at the time of Al-Sadat and at the time of those
who came after him-that the United States asked Egypt
to carry out a military action from Egyptian territory
against Libyan territory. They said: We rejected this.
After 7 November we learned that the same request, the
same attempt, was made with regard to Tunisia. For this
reason, there were Libyan military forces and military
areas along the Egyptian borders and along the border
with Tunisia. We announced their withdrawal from
Egypt, and now we announce their withdrawal from
Tunisia. It is a secret that is being revealed for the first
time. Its revelation is proof that our hearts have become
clear, that today we are not like we were yesterday, and
that we have become brothers in order to strengthen
confidence, brotherhood, security, and tranquility
between us and along our borders.
The truth is that there was a military formation called
the Badr Formation. Its task was to operate inside
Tunisian territory if the United States used Tunisia
against Libya. Today we declare the dissolution of the
Badr Formation, and present its weapons as a gift to the
Tunisian Army and Tunisian police. [applause]
As for Egypt, we would like to inform the brothers
present, and particularly the brothers in Tunisia, that we
have announced the same measures. We regret very
much that they have been met with rejection, contrary to
what the Arabs were expecting. Also the efforts made by
the brother Arabs in Tunisia, Saudi Arabia, and Sudan
have failed. They all made efforts with regard to with-
drawing the military forces by the two sides from the
borders.
When we announced the withdrawal of military forces
the Egyptian president regrettably (?seems to) reject this
and said that there are no military forces. Yet the whole
world knows that all the Egyptian Army is deployed
along the Libyan borders, and this because they have no
other borders. I mean, is it deployed along Sinai? What is
the job of the Egyptian Army today? They have have no
border except the Libyan border.
We have withdrawn our forces, and the Egyptian presi-
dent appears to be in a quandary. What will the Egyptian
Army do now that the Libyan Army has withdrawn from
the borders? What will the Egyptian forces do in the
western desert? Actually, he is personally removing the
Egyptian Army and he does not know where to put it. He
previously had justification. Libya announced that it
would not fight Egypt, that it will not go to war with
Egypt, and that it will withdraw its military forces and
abolish the eastern military area.
?
Yesterday the Sudanese president's relative [reference to
Mubarak] was talking to me, and he said to me: We want
to withdraw military forces from the two countries, from
the Egyptian-Libyan border, and the brothers in Egypt
would welcome this and agree to it. After we agreed, he
said that this is World War I talk, and that there were no
Libyan or Egyptian forces on the border. This is incom-
prehensible, because he was talking to the Sudanese
president every day telling him: Please let us withdraw
forces. Unless, perhaps the meeting between Al-Mirg-
hani, head of the Sudanese state, and Husni Mubarak
had taken place during World War I-perhaps. I do not
know. How did this mess occur?
I also proposed another plan which is remote from all
current problems-the linking of the Nile Valley to the
great man-made river. Regrettably, he refused. He
refused with complete irresponsibility. Although pro-
ceeding from the Great Man-Made River idea...[Al-
Qadhdhafi pauses] this idea inspired Turkey-I believe
that you may have heard of the Turkish project-to
build a man-made river passing through Syria and Pal-
estine, and then to the Negev or Sinai desert, and
another branch passing through Iraq to Saudi Arabia,
Kuwait, and the United Arab Emirates. Of course, this
project will take 30 years according to preliminary
studies. And this great river will cost billions. However,
serious work is now being put into studies and tenders. It
is, of course, hindered due to the existence of an occu-
pied Palestine and it may create an artery to feed the
Zionist entity on Palestinian land-if the river reaches it.
Otherwise, the Turkish project would be a great feat,
because there is an abundance of water in Turkey and it
needs to move the water elsewhere.
This will also benefit Turkey; it will bring returns for
Turkey and the returns will continue. Turkey is contem-
plating this work to bring water to the Arabian Peninsu-
la; while our plan to link Lake Nasir with Kufrah, and
Nubariyah with Tobruk was rejected by Mubarak. He
says no. This is unreasonable. Arabs as a whole and at all
levels were saddened by this. They were saddened by this
Egyptian position of rejection; no, no, no. I wish no
would be extended to the Israelis-no to the Israelis; no
to the United States; no to U.S. maneuvers; no to
recognizing the enemy. Then we will accept no to the
Great Man-Made River; no to the withdrawal of forces;
no to the opening of borders; no to meeting with the
Israelis; no to meeting with the United States.
We accept these noes if Egyptian logic adopts all these
no's with regard to all these issues. But Egypt said yes
with regard to the normalization of relations with Israel;
yes to the staging of U.S. military exercises; yes to the
U.S. occupation; yes to submission; but no to Arab unity;
no to the opening of Arab borders.
Alright, we say that we have opened the border-an
Egyptian can freely enter Libya and a Libyan should
freely go to Egypt. He said: No. I did this in actual fact
according to repeated and urgent requests from the
Declassified and Approved For Release 2012/02/02 : CIA-RDP05-01559R000400430026-0
 Declassified and Approved For Release 2012/02/02 : CIA-RDP05-01559R000400430026-0
FBIS-NES-88-066
6 April 1988
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Egyptian people, the Egyptian opposition, and Egyptian
parties. I will send official messages to the Egyptian
parties which request this from me-and to all the
Egyptian circles which requested this from me-and say:
You have insistently asked me to declare the opening of
the border. Alright, I have abolished the border. The
Egyptian Government has said no. The Egyptian parties
which used to insist on this should confront the Egyptian
Government.
What kind of an Arab is the one who you ask to open the
border and he says no? He is not the master of his own
will, or he fears for the Israelis and the United States who
are many in the streets of Egypt. But in return we are
continuing; we are committed to the opening of the
border with Egypt, to the withdrawal of armed forces,
and to the proposal of linking the Nile Valley with the
great man made river. If the present Egyptian rulers are
incapable of realizing these things, then others will
realize them. These ideas will triumph. Those who
oppose these ideas will be placed into the garbage can of
history and will fall; they will ultimately be hounded by
curses, and not by glorifications. Glory and action will be
for this cultural and historic proposal which changes the
terrain of Arab land and Arab reality.
These are the projects-the regionally oriented and
doubted policies-which are failing. Evidence of this lies
in the fact that we are now in Tunisia in the era of 7
November and are once again brothers, meeting without
any obstacles. At every meeting and with every passing
day, another of the obstacles which used to exist falls-
the forces which used to be deployed along the border
with Tunisia used to disturb us; in actual fact it was, as
far as we were concerned, a source of shame that our
forces, the revolutionary forces, were deployed along an
Arab border. But in actual fact that border was not Arab.
We were afraid that the United States would enter across
that border. Now we are confident that the United States
will not enter across the Tunisian border, and therefore
the Libyan Forces should be withdrawn from the border
with Tunisia. The formation which was prepared to
operate inside Tunisian territory no longer has a task
now and is abolished.
I am in actual fact very grateful, not only from this
position but also as a unionist Arab citizen. I am very
grateful to see the brothers from Tunisia and Libya
meeting on the premises housing the GPC and around
the table used by the GPC. They now sit around the same
table as the GPC for the two countries, or as a Council of
Ministers for the two countries, as an executive authority
for both countries.
Brothers, it is not in our interest at all to doubt each
other or be stingy toward each other, because this will be
of the utmost triviality. This is because one day there will
be no differences between a Tunisian and a Libyan.
Supposing that there is a case of fraud inside Libya-
against a Libyan municipality. This would be an act of
treachery, and would be illogical; it would be as if the act
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had been committed against Tunisia. You should look at
matters and bear in mind that there should be no
differences between the two countries.
Will you please take back with you my greetings to my
brother Zine El Abidine, hero of 7 November. We and
his brothers here are awaiting his visit at any time to
welcome him. We congratulate you on 7 November once
again at this occasion which has brought you all together,
led by your brother Hedi Baccouche, a hero of 7 Novem-
ber, who is a master, an intellectual, a politician, and a
struggler. There is no need for us to explain to him the
value of Arab unity and the bitterness of colonialism,
regionalism, and struggle if the latter is waged indepen-
dently against the forces of colonialism, and how differ-
ent that can be when he receives assistance from his
brother! He knows the tragedies of the presence of
borders and the tragedies of colonialism.
As long as Hedi Baccouche is in charge of the executive
authority in Tunisia as a prime minister, I can rest
assured that there is a struggling and experienced man
who knows the value of this struggle and the value of life.
The other brothers-you too have had much experience;
there are strugglers among you, too. The important thing
is that you should be confident about your brothers in
Libya. Their hearts are opened and their country is open.
At this stage, I would like to advise the GPC in Libya to
do whatever is necessary in the interest of the new era in
Tunisia and to overlook Libya's interests at the present
time. Our interest now lies in the fact that the new era in
Tunisia should become firm. This is the service that can
provided by us-to protect this new era. This is because
if this era becomes firm, the common interests of the two
countries will be realized. We do not want at this stage to
say: What will Libya get? We should say: What does
Tunisia want at this stage which will firm its new
position and new regime, even at the expense of Libya?
This is because the return is greater than the benefits
which Libya may ask for at the present time. I wish you
success. Peace be upon you. [applause]
Baccouche Speech at Commission Meeting
LD051310 Tripoli Television Service in Arabic
2133 GMT 4 Apr 88
[Speech by Tunisian Prime Minister Hedi Baccouche on
4 April in Tripoli at the opening session of the Libyan-
Tunisian Joint Higher Commission meeting-recorded]
[Text] On behalf of all the Tunisian brothers present, we
express our happiness at our presence in the Jamahiri-
yah, our country, with our brothers. We are in need of
mixing with one another, to know one another, and to
engage in dialogue with one another.
This is an excellent occasion on which we deliver to you
personally, to all the brother officials, and all the broth-
ers in Libya, the greetings, the appreciation, and the
optimism of His Excellency President Zine El Abidine
Declassified and Approved For Release 2012/02/02 : CIA-RDP05-01559R000400430026-0