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December 22, 2016
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August 9, 2011
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September 30, 1974
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Approved For Release 2011/08/09: CIA-RDP09T00207RO01000020020-1 NEWSW 1C InQEP1974 The War Over Secret Warfare I t was one thing for Dwight Eisenhower to try to save a summit by taking responsibility for the 1960 U-2 spy-plane incident, and there wasn't any way John Kennedy could have denied America's involvement in the 1981 Bay of Pigs fiasco. But it was an altogether different matter when Gerald Ford admitted at his press conference last week- in a way no President ever. had before-that the CIA had been deeply involved over a period of years in a clandestine effort to oppose a foreign govern- ment. Ford then went on to en- dorse the CIA operation against Marxist President Salvador Al- lende as "in the best interest of the people of Chile" and dis- missed questions about the mo- rality of such activities with the explanation that "Communist na- tions spend, vastly more money than we do for the same kind of purposes." "It is the first time in my memory," said Prof. Richard N. Gardner, one of America's top experts on international law, "that a President has come out flatly and said: `The other side does it, and we do it.' " But Ford's effort to appear candid before the American people did nothing to stem the growing con- troversy in Washington over the CIA. And new revelations later in the week of the scope of CIA covert operations in Chile fueled the mounting debate. Monster: While much of the surface anger was directed against the spy agency-with lawmakers like Sen. Frank Church talking of the need to "control the monster"-there was little in the latest disclosures that truly surprised many con- gressmen. And it was clear that the CIA was in fact only a pawn in a much larger domestic political game. For Congress was clearly hoping to use this suggesting that the CIA had merely been providing financial aid to Chile's op- position newspapers and political par- ties. For according to intelligence sources, the majority of the $8 million allocated for CIA covert operations in Chile from 1970 to 1973 was actually used to subsidize strikes by truckers, lated, the CIA decided to "destabilize" the government of President Jose Velas- co Ibarra when he refused to break dip- lomatic relations with Cuba. A coup eventually followed, but to the CIA's distress, Velasco's successor, Carlos Julio Arosemena, proved equally obstinate on the Cuba question. "We again applied destabilizing tactics," Agee said. "Arosemena finally backed down and cut relations with Cuba. But it was too late, and he was over- thrown in 1963." Despite an assertion by CIA director William E. Colby that the CIA's covert operations have declined tremendously since the cold war days, there is still an impressive number of U.S. spies out in the cold. More than a third of the CIA's 16,500 full-time employees work for the clandestine branch-current- ly called the "Directorate of Op- ations"-and an estimated 1,800 of these are directly involved in so-called "dirty tricks." Re- ports on the agency's covert op- erations around the world all find their way to the "head shed"-the seventh-floor office at the CIA's Langley, Va., head- quarters of director Colby. Target: Like most of his pre- decessors, Colby came up through the clandestine side of the CIA and close associates de- scribe him as fundamentally an " " operations-oriented director. Most of the covert political op- erations he directs today are in the Middle East and Latin America. For with detente, the CIA sharply cut back the num- ber of covert operations targeted against East Europe and the So- viet Union. And the technologi- cal explosion in intelligence gath- ering of the 1960s reduced the need to use agents to collect in- formation on these countries. The CIA has also made a ma- jor effort in recent years to im- Anti-Allende rally-: What did the CIA's money buy? latest controversy to further reduce the power of the White House. As the battle unfolded, concern was expressed in sev- eral foreign capitals about the potential impact on Secretary of State Henry Kis- singer, who as head of the secret ~40 Committee authorized the CIA's Chile activities (NEWSWEEK, Sept. 23). Kissin- ger, already under fire for his handling of the Cyprus crisis, was accused of de- ceiving a Senate subcommittee panel on "the extent and object of the CIA's ac- tivities in Chile." Certainly, it appeared that neither Ford nor Kissinger was truly candid in shopkeepers and taxi drivers that crip- pled the Allende government and plunged Chile deeper into chaos. And many analysts believe those strikes made the coup that toppled Allende inevitable. Along with the new details about Chile, other reports began to appear last week of CIA involvement in unseating the gov- ernments of other countries. Former CIA agent Philip Agee, 39, now living in England,. told NEWSWEEK'S John Barnes of his involvement in bringing clown two successive governments of Ec- uador when the regimes refused to toe the.U.S. policy line. In 1961, Agee re- prove the covers used by agents abroad. Under an agreement worked out in the early 1950s, most CIA operatives posed for almost two decades as State Depart- ment officers, AID officials or employees of the U.S. Information Agency. Many still use this kind of cover, but the Soviets have long since become adept at scan- ning American Embassy staff lists and picking out the spies. So in 1968, a special CIA unit was set up to put deep- cover "assets" in place. Some agents now even pose as missionaries. As the Chilean disclosures illustrate, one of the clandestine tasks of CIA 00610 Approved For Release 2011/08/09: CIA-RDP09T00207RO01000020020-1 continued. Approved For Release 2011/08/09: CIA-RDP09T00207R001000020020-1 agents is distributing large amounts of under-the-table money. Millions of dol- lars are secretly channeled each year to a broad spectrum of influential foreigners ranging from politicians to priests. Over the years the CIA has become increas- ingly expert at getting the maximum bang for its buck. Knowledgeable observ- ers say the CIA was probably able to turn the $8 million allocated for use against Allende into $40 million worth of escudos through black-market dealings. For all the furor over the CIA's activi- ties, Ford was on solid ground in stating that the U.S. is hardly alone in the spy game. The Chilean operation pales be- side the attempt by the Soviet Commit- tee for State Security (KGB) to foment a revolt in-Mexico in the late 1960s. And the Russian spy agency is Yeliably credited with playing a major role in the coup that ousted Afghanistan's King Mo- hammed Zahir Shah in July 1973, and replaced him with Sardar Mohammed Daud, a long-time friend of Moscow. Of- ficers of the KGB and its military counter- part, the Chief Intelligence Administra- tion (GRU), fill as many as 80 per cent of the diplomatic posts in Soviet embas- sies in many African and Latin American nations. And the KGB also utilizes the intelligence services of Poland, Hungary, Czechoslovakia, East Germany and Cuba. Thugs: While Communist-bloc intelli- gence activities steadily expand, the roles of Britain's M.I.6 and France's Ser- vice de Documentation Exterieure et de Contre-Espionnage (SDECE) have been contracting. Britain's M.I.6 today concen- trates on Ireland and Ulster. And the French agency-always scorned in the elitist intelligence community as a gang of thugs-hasn't had a triumph since it engineered the expulsion of the en- tire U.S. Embassy from Malagasy three years ago. But some new intelligence services have begun to play an increas- ingly important role. Since 1972, Israel's Mossad is credited by European police with assassinating more than thirteen Arab terrorists, including several top members of Black September, and is re- ported to be aiding the Kurdish rebellion in Iraq. And the Brazilians have devel- oped an active intelligence agency which is now nervously regarded in Latin America as a potential "coup maker." Despite the competition, Congress is of a mind to impose some new checks on the CIA. Eleven senators introduced a bill last week to create a joint Committee on Intelligence Oversight, which would take over responsibility from the handful of Congressional elders now charged with the task. There is nothing novel about the elfort to establish genuine Congressional control over the CIA. liut the bills have always been defeated when CIA supporters argued that over- seers would be the source of leaks that would imperil national security. Certainly, in view of the almost daily leaks of new details of the CIA's role in Chile, that would seem a valid concern. And CIA director Colby, while on record as willing to report to such a joint com- mittee, is known to be worried that the intelligence agency's effectiveness is be- ing seriously undercut by disclosure of its secret operations. Several agents out in the field, NEwswEEx's Bruce van Voorst learned last week, have already resigned, and one foreign intelligence agency has reduced its cooperation with the CIA for fear of what will appear in U.S. newspapers. And a former top CIA agent insisted that Congressional super- vision of CIA covert activities is impos- sible: "You have to trust a small group of dedicated men," he argued, "and let them operate as they see fit." But in the post-Watergate atmosphere of Washington, trust is a commodity in short supply. Arguing that it is necessary to plan operations in secrecy hardly seemed a course likely to win much sym- pathy for the CIA. For while most law- makers are willing to concede the need to gather intelligence aboutother nations' intentions, many dearly feel the White House shouldn't be secretly trying to topple foreign governments. Sen. James Abourezk announced plans to introduce an amendment to the foreign-aid bill this week outlawing the "dirty-tricks branch" of the CIA. While the prospects of Congress as- serting increased control over the CIA appeared the strongest in years, some veteran lawmakers feel the current furor will fizzle as others have in the past. "The evidence all points to the need for a watchdog committee," Sen. Mike Mansfield declared, "but I doubt there's much chance of it." But chairman Thomas Morgan of the House Foreign Affairs Committee vowed: "This is our one chance to get oversight of the IT, and we're going to get it." And he ap- peared to have a lot of backing in the view that the time is now. "We've spent two years cleaning up our own house," said Sen. Walter Mondale. "It's time we start applying this same yard- stick to our activities abroad." 00611 Approved For Release 2011/08/09: CIA-RDP09T00207R001000020020-1