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December 22, 2016
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August 5, 2011
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March 1, 1978
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1 !I Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/08/05: CIA-RDP09T00207R001000030065-1 For two years the former U.S. ambassador to Chile has tried to tell the American public the true story of our shameful interference in the affairs of that country. In this exclusive article, Korry presents the facts that five American presidents, a Senate committee, and the press have concealed. or two years I have devoted my life to the lonely anii futile struggle of trying to tell the American people what Jimmy Carter, like Richard Nixon before him, insists must remain Top Set' My name has been on extreme-left assassina- tion my life has been threatened by the extreme right, my reputation has been shredded by ITT and CIA agents, and my bank account has been depleted because I believe that the elec- torate should hear the facts of a story that has dominated the media for the past four years- what the United States did in, and to, Chile. carte- told a press conference last November that the story still can't be told, because he has to safeguard "national security" secrets. I say that the cover-up is motivated only by the desire to protect domr,,tic political interests, that the tale of the United States in Chile would reveal how our poi ical system has been converted into an in- siders' monopoly for the accumulation of power, wt.allh, and status. That's why Carter himself has had to lie to the public about this case. That's why he has heeded Nelson Rockefeller, Henry Kis- singer, Teddy Kennedy, and scores of others who have privately pleaded that he let sleeping princip;es lie. After all, the essential "national so- crcts" regarding Chile are already on public rec- ord. The Senate investigation of the CIA estab- lished in 1975 exactly what was done to prevent Chile's President-elect Salvador Allende from taking office in 1970 and what was subsequently done to undermine his government. The most recent chapter in this tale unfolded, appropriately enough, last October 31, Hallow- een. Our most notorious spy master, former CIA Director Richard Helms, was secretly whisked by 70 PENTHOUSE Carter's men at the Justice Department to a led. oral court to plead "no contest" to thv mis- demeanor of "having failad to answer [Senate Committee) questions fully, completely, and ac- curately, as required by law." Later that day At- torney Genaral Griffin Bell told the press that the government had arranged in secret a s!rrnge plea barnain with Helms-the gov' ; nment ? ? ?uld drop its charge of perjury (which is a felony) in return for Helms's in effect pleading guilty to a lesser of tense. Helms receiv;'d only a suspended sentence, and th-a government was spared hav- ing to put him on the stand to testify about all he know. The details of how the "open" Carter adminis- tration had worked out this trick-or-treat surprise for the public are fascinating. Bell had met pri- vately with Edward Benn3tt Williams, Helms's a!- torney (who had previously worked for such clients as jimmy f !offa, Robert Vasco, John Con- nally, Teddy Kennedy, and the WashingtunPost). Despite Bell's ple, ge, on taking office, that h3 would keep an open record of such meetings, at least two sessions with Williams were concealed. Second, Bell disclosed that despite Carter's as- sertion (at a September 29 press conference) of total ignorance of the Helms deal, the president had personally discussed the case months ear- lier at an Oval Office session attended by Vice- President Mondale and Bell. Third, by stressing how good a case of perjury the government had constructed and by stating that the government had yielded only because of Helms's threat to renounce his oath of secrecy and to tell whatever he chose from his enormous reservoir of secrets, Be]; was introducing a novel principle in Ameri- can law: that blackmail, the sleaziest of crimes, 137 IMM"ILD 0.'217' Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/08/05: CIA-RDP09T00207R001000030065-1 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/08/05: CIA-RDP09T00207R001000030065-1 super. odes justice. M01111)6 to make sure not only that *. is would escape unpunished, but also, and more important, that he would not be forced to take any witness stand. Their plan was to inv"ke "national security" to block a trial. The ,l: 'slice Department sal on a fed- eral grand jury recommendation for Holins's indictment until public interest in the c, :e receded. The delay gave Helms's mn??: friends in the Senate, the govern- m, the banks, the multinationals, and c'. 9r'? rift d ;J - cve- n ie` in David :rnd Nl..'c,on Roci;efeiler, to Henry Kissinger, Cyrus Vance, and Aver :l! Harriman, to newsmen such as Eric Sevareid--oppor- tunity to lobby for him. Bell was also able to separate Helms from some of the more serious charges made against him-that he had conspired with ITT to commit per- jury, which possibly enabled that company to defraud the government of $92.5 million. If the former CIA director had to answer these charges, the public might have learned the whole story of Chile-including the names of some very high officials who told Helms to lie to the Senate. ' I had been collecting evidence of these and other posstle crimes for two years when, at the end of March 1976, I alerted the Justice Department. I saw myself as a victim of possible CIA and ITT perjuries and conspiracies. I intended not only to clear my name but also to show how our political system actually works and to illus- trate what Ken Kesey, author of One Flew over the Cuckoo's Nest, meant when he said that the fall of Richard Nixon was only a "ritualistic sacrifice." I knew that the power elite would try to silence me. Ambassador Ralph Dungan, one of Kennedy's top White House aides and now a high Carter administration offi- cial, warned me in 1975: "Don't try to put that stuff on record. Don't try to take on these guys. They can murder you." My conversion from friend and employee to enemy of the establishment began early in 1975. A brief, not unfriendly invitation from Sen. Frank Church started the pro- cess. As chairman of the newly formed Senate Selec.: Committee to investigate the CIA arid the FBI, the Idaho liberal ex- pressed the hope that I would testify. Whenever and however he wished. I re- plied. The invitation was no surprise. The Sen- ate had been pushed into action by the revelations of CIA actions in Chile. I was ambassador to that country for four years, from October 1967 to October 1971. I had the legal responsibility for CIA actions in Chile in 1970, the year Salvador Allende was elected to lead a "popular unity" gov- ernment. I had met with Nixon in the Oval Office, conferred with Henry Kissinger, Nixon's national-security adviser, and at- tended a session of the then supersecret. "Forty Committee" in the While House only ten days before the grotesque murder of Gen. Rene Schneider, the Chilean com- 72 PENTHOUSE aJ ~y 111541 II VIIII VIU4f. jJUI OW throughout Allende's first year in of fit Obviously, I had something to contribute to the public's demand to know the facts about the American intervention in Chile. In June 1975. Gregory Treverton, a young Select Committee representative, telephoned me, on Senator Church's be- half, and asked for an informal interview prior to my Senate appearance. I told him that of course he could have it. A few days later the State Department rang. Would I mind if ono of it:: Irr'rJ atic:nr'c:d t!1:;? into r- view as a silent ufJ..c: v t? I had no objec- tion, I answered. So on July 19 one J.J. Hitchco: !', arrived with Treverton at my house in Briarcliff Manor, N.Y. (I later learned that Hitchcock had just joined tho State Department after years of service for the CIA.) To prepare for their questions, I traveled to Washington, to Chicago, and even to Paris to cross-examine former colleagues 6 After I learned what happened in Chile, I wrote Kissinger: "You and the president ... deliberately chose to permit me and my family to run the risk of murder... J in government. I interviewed my successor as ambassador, my deputy in the em- bassy, the F-)reign Service Officers in the political aifairs section, the two Latin Amar- ican experts on Henry Kissinger's National Security Council, the Chile specialists in the Intelligence and Research Bureau of the State Department, and my former de- tense attache in Chile. The new director of the CIA, William Colby, finally agreed to see me, too. And after an exasperating wait of many weeks, I gained entry to State's archives so that I could reread all the offi- cial cable traffic to and from my embassy in Santiago. I embarked on this search because I did not want to rely on memory. Journalism had taught me that "reality," like "respectabil- ity," is often like a stage set for a Jean Genet play-a perverse maze of mirrors in which servants are transformed into mas- ters, dwarfs into giants, and villains into heroes. A summary of what I knew of America's relationship with Chile illustrates that point. It shows why Watergate was not an aberra- tion but an inevitability. It traces the straight lines from the romanticism of the Kennedy years to the sordidness of Nixon's--why, in i~ 1 ,UOlUti111 ~~Vnl lc:uy 11 tJ'.Jl rf{1; Chile and its Christian Democa,:1 Eduardo to be the progressive, d ocratic m(?~ leis for the entire Third V'urr(!, !, be Camelot's alternative to Cuba. Tlrrc,u.-. Attorney General Robert Kennedy. wl:o a,. saw the "Special Group" in the House that decided all CIA program,,. earlier version of the "Forty Comnr:dt^e the United States began working in 1i!i for Frei's election. (2) The Kennedys utilized ew,r?, nw-:'ns -ir!ng.i foul ncnnsta -. .? weii as defeat Frei's Maw,! opponent, Salvador Allende. Through CIA and other federal agencies, tens rr millions of public dollars were spent en Frei's election. So overcome were the Kerr. nedys by their fear of Castro that they e'c?r. responded with public money to appei,l_. from foreign Jesuits for federal help t;; combat not only "Marxism" but also "tar- cism" (a theological term for the wide. spread Free Masonry movement in Chile) and "Protestantism" (a reference to the American Pentecostal missionaries their swarming across South America). (3) When President Kennedy and Daviu Rockefeller both attended a Harvard Uni- versity Board of Overseers meeting in 1963. Kennedy persuaded him to organize American big business for the anti-Castro crusade. The banker recruited thirty-seven leading multinationals, such as ITT, to form the Business Group for Latin America. Then Attorney General Bobby Kennedy, 11-ti supposed guardian of our laws, systemati- cally integrated members of the samTrr' Business Group into CIA programs. As a!i inducement to Rockefeller. JFK pledged that he would satisfy his request for no-toss guarantees on any future investments in Latin America. The United States would sign insurance contracts against any ex- propriation by foreign governments of the corpora ons' properties. (By the time I h -,.,l arrived in Chile, the taxpayer had been plrt on this insurance limb for $600 million in ultrarisky Chile alone, mostly to ITT and th;; copper giant, Anaconda. This sure wa?= then one-fourth of the worldwide total of such insurance issued by the United States.) (4) In early 1964 President Johnson as- sured David Rockefeller's group that he would abide by Kennedy's commitments. Not only did he send all available CIA and State hands to Santiago in a frantic last- minute outpouring of cash to defeat Al- lende, but also he retained Ralph Dungan, Kennedy's architect of our grand design for Chile, to oversee this enormous effort. When Frei won by a landslide, Dungan's immediate reward was to be named am- bassador to Chile. Frorn there he pried from LBJ more U.S. aid per capita than any other country at peace received. (5) Frei's Christian Democratic govern- ment achieved more social and economic progress-in education, land reform, tax collection, income redistribution-than had any previous administration. By any Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/08/05: CIA-RDP09T00207R001000030065-1 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/08/05: CIA-RDP09T00207R001000030065-1 lair standard,- it was humanistic, d - lot a job, I was rehired at Slate's sugg(,g.> n was described in Washington ci a!ic, proyres:>ive. lion. Frei had written Nixon to seek a new Santiago as "a member of [tic Frei cubit,. ?1 (C) The Johnson administration sent me copper deal, starting with a dernand for He had sought to have the CIA fin Kennedy, to Chile wilh specific instructions to keep majority ownership of the Anaconda prop- Christian Democrats into a Kenndy- ancr A!lenco out of power. The president himself erties. State preferred me to handle this hot machne. He arranged with the CIA t;, said so, and in 1967 and 1968 Vice Presi- potato.) dent Humphrey wrote me to emphasize the (8) In 1970 the Foreign Service officers Fa rei ministers ) onn the CIA's payroll, he ccr.1 importance of barring the Communists in Chile concluded that an Allende victory suited often with the key Jesuits; Iii, 1;;,..,. from power. In just four years the Demo- would signify " Fidelisrno without Fidel." Al- sured Anaconda to fire all non-Ci ;r;s; cratic Congress approved almost $2 billion lende's Socialist party program had prom- Democrats. The United States had in aid and loans for Chile. ~^ ised a fierce class war. The party's leader- the responsibility for every facet of Ci?.....:. (7) Nixon f.reri rrr? tuirtfty in early 1.?n9 ship h + r.?"c'Ju,ted for c!PC lh:" u. fir c! ,,Tv,,,,,,, o! Frei. Suori after ta!:ny ,.c:me to r J Allende ho:n ils Central Cons- nance,Jproduction, Savings and I~,, ,., offi( e, he had settled scores with the Ken- mittee or any policymaking post. It wanted police, and military. nedys by secretly crossing Frei's name a truly revolutionary president. 11 had sub- I told the Johnson and Frei governmr. r . from the list of heads of state to be invited to mitted reluctantly to Communist insistence that I could not and should not play vicerc,., Washington. Then Nixon decided to give that the popular Allende be its 1970 candi- I told them that the incestuous re!ations;!,i. no further aid to Chile. These decisions date; in return, it won a pledge to have veto was hurting us both. I urged that we were, in part, Nixon's response to vigorous power over every Allende government pol- gage quietly and prudently, that we ir: ;?? . anti-Frei lobbying in Washington by Chi- icy. duce slow-prolira policy lhroughocr, L;;l:? lean fat cats, by their multinational allies, CIA penetration of the Communists and America, that we eliminate our military rn,-. and by the CIA. Helms's agency had is- of the far more violent Socialists confirmed sions in Latin American countries, am i ;i sued a National Intelligence Estimate of the fact that an Allende government in- we urgethe multinationals to take conslrur Chile immediately after Nixon's election. It tended to combine the tremendous powers live initiatives in order to avoid confru~it was so unfairly critical of Frei's of the presidency and the Chilean prefer- Lions over the inevitable nationalizatio;is performance-and of progressive, socio- ence for government-run enterprise in copper and other holdings. economic policies in general---that I had order to gut the two fundamental freedoms So, before Nixon's election, the otfic? exploded in a series of cabled protests. of the press and of association. As an ex- presence of the United States in Chil;r N: When ; said ttlat these anti-Frei actions newsman, I recrarded as any silent slashed, every CIA program was were foolishly designed to put the Right observation of such a process. to the bone, our military contingent W:!.- back into power and would result only in (9) I had been appalled by what I found reduced to a small fraction of what it w"' strengthening the Leninists and in weaken- in Chile in 1967. The United States had further "guarantees" of U.S. inve tm -; ing the strongest single bulwark of democ- bound itself publicly to the Frei govern- were stopped, and the Jesuits :r.+re racy, I promptly received a pink slip. ment. Ii had become enmeshed in the lil h ' po s unned. After Nixon s election, on my o,'. (When I flew to the United States to hunt ical affairs of Chile-shockingly so. Dun- authority and despite CIA protests, I c!u: the weekly newspaper. (10) The CIA convinced me in 1970 my policies would boomerang into Ire!iir Allende. Democracy itself was in trout;-' Chile. The Socialists had joiner! th; rightists in plotting . with Chilean r Jcc.nipr.,.;5- . overthrow Frei. The Communists using large subsidies from abroad to r., and sell senators and deputies, blackmail key fir. ures, and to plant i ac, , ,:.. in all other parties. Fascists were iecs:vr?:. cash and other help from z ;r p drat.. to d?;.