CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP60-00321R000400110066-4
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 3
• Document Creation Date: December 23, 2016
• Document Release Date: May 15, 2013
• Sequence Number: 66
• Publication Date: June 10, 1958
• Content Type: OPEN SOURCE

Declassified in Part- Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2013/05/16: CIA-RDP60-00321R000400110066-4
STAT
A5310 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? APPENDIX
cerely hope you will support a program
which will achieve the goals that we have
set forth.
Respectfully yours,
Mrs. Anna Rose Hawkes, President,
American Association of University
Women, Washington, D. C.; Mr. Ed-
ward D. Hollander, National Repre-
sentative, Americans for Democratic
Action, Washington, D. C.; Mrs. Doro-
thy Johnson, Legislative Chairman,
American Home Economics Associa-
tion, Washington, D. C.; Mrs. Ada
Stough, Executive Director, American
Parents Committee, Washington, D. C.;
Mr. John Holden, Washington Repre-
sentative, Americans Veterans of World
War II and Korea, Washington, D. C.;
Mr. Jerry Voorhis, Executive Director,
Cooperative League of the U. S. A.,
Washington, D. C.; Miss Cora Mowrey,
Legislative Chairman, Delta Kappa
Gamma, Charleston, W. Va.; Mr. James
B. Carey, President, International
Union of Electrical, Radio, and Ma-
chine Workers, Washington, D. C.; Mr.
Bernard Weitzer, Jewish War Veterans
of the United States, Washington,
D. C.; Miss Lilace Reid Barnes, Presi-
dent, 'Young Women's Christian Asso-
ciation, New York, N. Y.; Mr. Robert E.
Howe, Director, Labor's Non-Partisan
League, Washington, D. C.; Mrs. Mar-
guerite Caldwell, Washington Repre-
sentative, National Association of
Colored Women's Clubs, Inc., Wash-
ington, D. C.; Mr. Eli Cohen, Executive
Director, National Child Labor Com-
mittee, New York, N. Y.; Miss Elizabeth
Magee, National Consumers League,
Cleveland, Ohio; Mrs. Moise E. Cahn,
President, National Council of Jewish
Women, Washington, D. C.; Mr. Ru-
dolph Danstedt, National Council of
Social Workers, Washington: D. C.;
Mr. James G. Patton, President, Na-
tional Farmers Union, Washington
D. C.; Mr. Phillip Schiff, National
Jewish Welfare Board, Washington,
D. C.; Mrs. Richard L. Neuberger, Leg-
islative Chairman, Unitarian Fellow-
ship for Social Justice, Washington,
rl
Jos?Pepe) Figueres of Costa Rica
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. CHARLES 0. PORTER
OF OREGON
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
' Monday, June 9, 1958
Mr. PORTER. Mr. Speaker, under
leaie to extend my remarks in the REC-
ORD, I include a brief sketch of Jos?
(Pepe) Figueres, formerly President of
Costa Rica, and the text of his statement
before the House Committee on Foreign
Affairs today:
BRIEF SKETCH OF JOSE FIGUERES
Jos?Pepe) Figueres, President of Costa
Rica from 1953 to 1958, is one of the fore-
most democratic figures in Latin America.
An engineer and farmer, he studied at Mas-
sach6setts Institute of Technology, where he
learned English and something of United
States culture.
Figueres is the first national leader in
Latin America to come to grips with com-
munism. In 1942 he attacked in a radio
address the extreme rightwing government of
Calder6n Garcia for its collaboration with
the Communists. For this he was exiled to
"Mexico. Two years later he returned to
find the Communist allies of Calderon in
control of' Congress, the police, and the rural
troops.
In 1948 the Communist-dominated Con-
gress invalidated the presidential election of
Otilio Ulate. Pepe Figueres met headon the
conspiracy against the Costa Rican people.
At the head of a small band Figueres out-
maneuvered and outfought the Communists
in 6 weeks of pitched battle.
After his victory in the field Figueres
headed an interim government to restore
democratic processes to the country. He took
a series of unprecedented and courageous
actions. The Communist Party was out-
lawed. The Army was demobilized in order
to avoid army revolts. Then he turned the
presidential office over to Otilio Ulate, the
duly elected President.
Figueres himself was overwhelmingly elect-
ed President in 1953 by a margin of nearly
twice the votes received by his opponent. His
internal program is summed up in his own
phrase: "Costa Rica should not be a social
club."
In international policy, where many Latin
American leaders find it expedient to gain
popularity by whipping up nationalism by
'attacking the United States, Figueres has
been an outspoken and unequivocal friend
of the United States. One of his first Public
declarations after taking office was: "There
is' one thing I want to make clear: this is
going to be a pro-United States government.
That is definite."
Subsequently Figueres demonstrated his
pro-United States faith. On a tour through
Latin America, where the youth and incipi-
ent labor movements look to him for leader-
ship, he boldly supported the United States.
In Uruguay before a student audience prone
to be hostile to the United States, and again
in Chile before a similar group, Pepe Fi-
gueres explained the United states and its
problems to his ? audiences. On two occa-
sions in Bolivia some 2,000 miners who had
been fed a hate-the-United States national-
ist diet for years ,ended up cheering Figueres,
who had calmly and with,great understand-
ing explained to them the United States
position. Figueres' fierce prodemocratic po-
sition has made him a target of the Com-
munists and the small group of vested inter-
ests in Latin America. On several occasions
attempts have been made by hired killers to
assassinate him.
This year, unable to succeed himself An
accordance with Costa Rican law, Pepe Fi-
gueres took every precaution to assure free
elections. In an imaginative move, he called
in a team of United Nations observers so
that there could be no question of the hon-
esty of the Costa Rican elections. On May
8 he handed the reins of government to
Mario Echandi, leader of the opposition
party.
STATEMENT OF SEROR Jost PIGUERES, OF SAN
JOSE, COSTA RICA, AT THE INVITATION OF
CONGRESSMAN ROBERT C. Bao, OF THE
HOUSE COMMITTEE OF FOftEIGN AFFAIRS,
PREPARED FOR PRESENTATION ON JUNE 9,
1958
I have been asked for an opinion. I ap-
preciate it. It may be my duty to express
my views. I know I may be wrong on some
of the things I have to say, but there are a
few specific mistakes that I would like to
avoid.
I do not wish to take part' in the internal
democratic controversies of the United
btates. I have to assume that the errors
in this country, if any, have been biparti-
san, just as the errors in the hemisphere
have been bilingual.
Further, I do not want to appear as blam-
ing any department of the American Got-
errnnent, or any part of the American Na-
tion. You live under a regime of public
opinion, and everybody is theoretically re-
sponsible for the foreign policies of this
June 10
country. Actually, responsibility is divided
among the executive branch of the Govern-
ment, Congress, business, labor, and the
press. I do not need to point out that this
Shared responsibility, added to the size and
the role of the United States, makes foreign
relations exceptionally difficult.
Finally, I would not like to feed the hun-
ger, of Yankee ,baiters throughout the world,
which any man, no matter how unimpor-
tant, can do, when he speaks before a com-
mittee of the Congress of the United States.
Considering all these risks of erring or of
being misinterpreted, or quoted out of con-
text, I believe that it would be better for
me not to appear before you, particularly
since I have nothing very helpful or spec-
tacular to report. But the mood of the
Nation at this moment seems to demand
clarification of certain things, and I cannot
withhold my modest contribution, when
asked.
I regard the incidents of Peru and Ven-
ezuela as a turning point, as a critical mo-
ment in the history of inter-American re-
lations. They can also be considered as
the explosions of time bombs, which were
planted during a long stretch of time.
Things have already improved, especially
during the last 2 years, both in ,the official
attitude of the United States and in the
American Press. But the bombs are still
there, and removing their fuses is not a
quick process.
As a citizen of our hemisphere, as a man
who has devoted his public life to promoting
inter-American understanding, as a student
who know's and loves the United States, and
has said so everywhere, no matter how hos-
tile the environment, I lament that the
people of Latin America, through a few
Venezuelan zealots, have spit on a worthy
person, who represents the greatest Nation
of our time. But I must be frank, and even
brutal, because I believe that the situation
demands it: people cannot spit on a foreign
policy, which is what they meant to do.
And, after exhausting all other possible
means of conviction, spitting was the only
thing left for them to do.1
With all my respect for Vice President
NIXON, with all my admiration for his be-
havior which was, first, heroic, and then
enlightened, I must say that spitting ii a
vulgar action which has no substitute in
our language for expressing certain emo-
tions.
*say these things hurts me more than
it may hurt any American citizen. But
words are inadequate, and only spitting is
adequate, to convey the feelings of the
Venezuelan people when, recently, while men
and women and children were bleeding to
death on the streets of Caracas to free their
loved ones from the torture chambers of
the tyrants and robbers and murderers who
easily grant oil concessions, United States
newspapers were reassuring Americans that
there was no reason for anxiety because
United States investments in Venezuela were
safe.Nnifiterference, Latin American revo-
lutions, internal affairs, neither suffering
nor reason can break through this barrier
of expedient cliches. So people, try spit-
ting.
You, the civilized ones of the north, have
been engaged in devastating war in foreign
lands, three times in this century. Latin
America has been on your side. We took
your word that you were fighting for the
freedoms of all men. When American boys
have been dying, your mourning has been
our mourning. When our people die, you
1 The llama, the beast of burden of Peru,
frequently considered as the Andean symbol
of Latin America, is reported to spit when
it has been loaded beyond endurance. It
cannot bite; It cannot kick, it spits.
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1958 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? APPENDIX
speak of investments. Then you wonder why
we spit.
Right now, you are engaged in what is
called a cold war. It would destroy our
faith in mankind to even doubt your in-
tentions. We believe you. You , are not
aggressors. You are trying to prevent an
attack on yourselves, and- on the Western
World. You may be right or wrong. But we
are with you. Is itrtoo much to ask that,
if you stood for liberty, in mind and in ac-
tion, in Berlin, which is not Washington, you
should also stand for liberty, in your moral
Judgments, in Caracas, which is right over
the border?
If you talk human dignity to Russia, why
do you hesitate so much to talk human dig-
nity to the Dominican Republic? You have
some investments there. You get your baux-
ite practically free. Your generals and your
admirals and your high civilian officials and
your businessmen are royally entertained
there. Furs and autbmobiles, used to break
the fragile virtue of Hollywood heroines, are
paid for by the American taxpayers, as de-
ductible expenses of United States firms who
must bribe the royal family to operate in
their preserves. But our women are raped,
our men are castrated and our professors are
kidnaped from the classrooms of Columbia
University. This is what some of your law-
makers call cooperation to fight communism.
Spitting is a despicable practice, when it
Is physically performed. But what about
moral spitting? 'When your Government in-
vited Pedro Estrada, the Himmler of the
Western Hemisphere, to be honored in Wash-
ington, did you not spit on) the faces of all
Latin American democrats?
He deserved to be honored, we were told,
because, as chief of police of a police state,
he managed to maintain peace in Caracas,
while a conference on human rights was held
there over the screams of the tortured. You
could easily keep peace in the whole world,
if you turned it all into a huge cemetery.
My government refused to participate in
such a gruesome event. We provoked the ire
of some United States Government officials
and the criticism of some well-meaning
North American newspapers. This was 1954,
4 years ago. The families of these dead are
still spitting.
Let me now turn to the field of economic
relations with Latin America, or with the en-
tire underdeveloped world for that matter.
God and a few illustrious Americans know
well that I admire the United States eco-
nomic institutions, and that I make an effort
to keep pace with the progress of top-level
economic thinking in this country, which few
people heed. -
But when it comes to international eco-
nomic policies, the United States gives the
impression of being bent on repeating all the
errors that have done internal harm in the
past, not excluding, of course, those that
brought about the great depression of 1929.
Repeatedly, we, the Latin American stu-
dents, and others, have pointed at the mis-
takes, and have even ventured suggestions.
All we get in reply is slogans, cliches, novel-
ties like "the law of supply and demand,"
originalities like "the free enterprise system,"
or insults like "aren't we given you- enough
money?"
Now, we do not want gifts, except in catas-
trophe areas. We are not spitting on peo-
ple for money. We have inherited all the de-
fects of the Spanish soul, but also some of its
virtues. We are proud, however poor. We
have dignity, in the Spanish sense of the
word, which means self-respect.
What we want is fair payment for the
sweat of our people, and for the juices of
our soil, when they supply a need of an-
other country. :With that we would live,
and build up our, own capital, and develop.
But as long as the weight of the advanced
economies is allowed to tip the scale, per-
mitting the rich countries to buy cheap and
sell dear, we shall continue to be poor, and
you will not have a growing market for your
exports.
This injustice against us and this suicidal
practice against the United States economy
are being practiced in the name of the tired
slogan "Free trade," which, however, does not
apply when our goods have to go through the
American customhouses.
When we try to stabilize the prices of our
products at a fair level, that will permit us
to live and to grow, and to buy your elec-
tronic gadgets, we are labeled "pink," or "so-
cialistic," or whatever may be in vogue.
"Free enterprise" has to mean feast or fam-
ine for our people, and more famine than
feast.
However, when my tiny country, Costa
Rica, buys in the United States, as it does
every year, $5 million worth of wheat,- be-
cause we are not in the wheat latitude, we
pay a price that has been ,stabilized for
years, by means of an International Wheat
Agreement, because it would not be fair for
our people to eat cheap bread at the ex-
pense of the American farmer.
He, the United States farmer, producing
the wheat we eat, might have to send his
daughter to the university to study advanced
sociology, in a Chevrolet, some years, in-
stead of a Cadillac, if the blind forces of
supply and demand were allowed to flow,
like uncontrolled floods. We wish he could
send her in a Rolls Royce, to study psycho-
kinetics, or cosmic rays. If this can be ac-
complished by raising the price of wheat
half a cent, we will lila have to pay it.
But it would be a real fairyland if all our
farmers, who produce your coffee, and your
cocoa, and your baler twine, and who are
also in th?e bad habit of having children,
could send those tots to grammar school
with shoes on their feet, and maybe even
with a littrle breakfast in their stomachs.
' This, however, the workings of a free
economy do not permit. Children. may be
all right, but cliches are holy. If Latin
Americans are no longer -satisfied to work
for 50 cents a day; and if the firms down
there want to'build up national capital, and
eventually to diversify their economies; and
if governments want to increase their reve-
nues, and ? install sewage systems, Africa
presents no such problems of sophistication.
The new Republic of Ghana can compete
with stubborn Brazil in cocoa prices. There
is nothing as sacred as competition, when it
favors your interests at the expense of
others.
I am preparing a book on inter-American
economic relations, which will be part of
a study that a group of friends are making,
on the causes and possible cures of under-
development,z
Last week I finished a short survey of ,the
economy of Yucatan, a Mexican state. It is
a unique case study. Probably the best ex-
ample you could find of a country dealing
almost exclusively with the United States,
and mainly in one product: sisal fibers and
twines for United States agriculture.
I found that businesses there are well run,
and the quality of the finished products is
excellent. However, I know of no other ex-
In September 1954 at the request of the
School of International Affairs, Columbia
University, I wrote a short essay, Problems
of Democracy in Latin America. It con-
tains, in condensed form, some_of the sub-
jects that I intend to elaborate in my book.
This article appeared in the Journal of In-
ternational Affairs, early in 1955. By an
irony of fate, the paper immediately follow-
ing mine was "Anti-Americanism in Latin
America," by Professqr Jesus Galindez, who
was later kidnaped and murdered by the
Government of the Dominican -Republic.
Several similar attempts on my life have been
less successful.
A5311
port product that is so unprotected against
the blind forces of supply and demand: It
fits the laziness of the cliche lovers perfectly.
There seems to be tacit agreement between
the Yucatan exporters and the United States
importers, to cut each other's throats to
the last 10th of a cent, and to establish
who will contribute most to the ruin of the
Yucatan people.
On a well-run farm that I took as my case
study, the work is done by 45 men and 30
mules. Since even misery has its own system
of priorities, the mules are less underfed.
than the men. All men and all mules, to-
gether in their brotherhood of stabilized
famine, cost the employer $40 a day. Never-
theless the owner is decapitalizing, in my
opinion. (He just calls it "losing money.")
When his decorticator breaks down, and he
orders spare parts from the United States,
2 American mechanics at $2.50 an hour here
will earn as much money as the entire '7$
living beings on his farm.
This is a free economy. Freedern to starve
is important. We have to compete with
the half slaves in Tanganika, and with forced
labor in the Dominican Republic. Both,
are part of the free world.
As a result, the Wisconsin farmer buys
baler twine at 11 cents a pound c. i. f.
New Orleans, and probably saves about one
thousandth of a cent on every 10 pounds of
butter. And then his son cannot get a
job in an automobile factory, because people
in Yucatan cannot afford even shoes, let
alone automobiles. And then you have a
surplus of 750,000 cars in the United States,
because the internal market is already sup-
plied. And you forget that 170 million Latin
Americans south of the border, if prices
of their exports were adequate, could make
Detroit run 36 hours a day.
The city of Merida, Yucatan, could use a
sewage system, if it could collect taxes.
Businessmen who should be able to pay those
taxes forget their own faults in not present-
ing a united front. Some of them assume a
simplified view of the United States which
is their sole buyer. The United States sends
its traders down to squeeze the last quarter
of a cent out of the Yucatan economy. They
get fibre and twine at "the world market
price," another cliche which indicates starvg.
tion level. When the people of Yucatan
complain of their plight, the United States
recommends a diversification of the economy.
This is an original idea. But the people of
Yucatan have never been able to build, up
the capital it takes to diversify, because they
work for the United States farmer (who does
not know it) at slave labor wages. So, what
will they do? Would that inexhaustible
source of all benedictions, the Export and
Import Bank, grant a loan? Well, that is a
technical question. It would depend on the
collateral, the security, and a great many
impressive things that fibre producers know
nothing about. It would 'have to be self -
liquidating, it should not create inflation,
and so on and on. Private investments
abroad are better. "Why don't you people let
us do the job?let our corporations go down
and do your business for you?"
A Yucatan said to me: "You go to the
doctor because you want to have children,
and you cannot make your wife conceive.
The doctor thinks it over, and finally, suggests
a simple solution: Why don't you let me try?"
Gentlemen, you may find that I am crit-
icizing, dwelling on generalities, and offering
no solutions. This is not the occasion for
me to offer solutions. Partly, because I have
already planted my cornfield. In my speeches
and writings I have tried to suggest specific
plans?I shall continue to give my modest
contributions to a study of these problems.
Partly because I know that you have right
here in the United States my own teachers,
economists, and other thinkers who know far
more than I shall ever learn, about Latin
America, about the feelings of other peoples,
?
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STAT
A5312.
about economic institutions, and about the
great destiny of the United States, as a
rejuvenator of western civilization.
No less capable and honest are most of the
men and women with whom I have had to
deal in Foreign Service of the United States.
What puzzles me, and other Democrats in
Latin America, is something abstract?poli-
cies. Those policies may be all right, and I
may be all wrong. But I am sure that it was
at those policies that the Venezuelan people
meant to spit.
repeat that no branch of the United
States Government and no sector of the
country is solely responsible for these poli-
cies or national attitudes. But policies have
to be followed, like a party line, by all mem-
bers of the foreign services. The slogans and
cliches must be repeated. And many of those
Individuals are superior to the lines they
faithfully follow.
Maybe I could illustrate this with a parable
written by our Peruvian poet, Santos Cho-
cano. Jesus had a day of preaching at several
little villages around the Sea of Galilee. At
the end of the day He noticed the face of a
man who had been present at most of His
sermons. "Why dost thou look at me in that
manner?" He asked. And the man answered:
"Because I understand not." Jesus walked
over to him, put His holy hand over the man's
head, and commanded: "Understand." And
the man understood.
That night, pondering on the doings of the
day, Jesus marveled at having performed one
miracle that would never be repeated through
the centuries: making those who understand
not, understand.
It may be that we have here the key to
many discrepancies, between the caliber of
certain individuals and the inadequacy of
certain policies. The situation may be that
those who should understand, cannot; and
those who do understand, must not.
Now, let not the enemies of the United
States be too happy about anything I have
said to this congressional committee. My
judgments may be blurred, my expressions
may be foggy, but my intentions are clear.
This is strictly a discussion within the fam-
ily. I mean the family of American Repub-
lics.
I suppose that loyal citizens in classical
times may have said: "My city-state, right or
wrong." For centuries afterward, loyal cit
izens have been saying: "My country, right
or wrong." The era has now come when we
must start thinking: "My civilization, right
or wrong."
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? APPENDIX
Foreign Trade
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. CHESTER ,E. MERROW
OF NEW HAMPSHIRE
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, June 10, 1958
Mr. MERROW. Mr. Speaker, under
leave granted to extend my remarks in
the RECORD, I include therein an edi-
torial from the Carroll County Inde-
pendent, Center Ossipee, N. H., on Fri-
day, June 6, 1958, entitled "Foreign
Trade":
When we read the daily press we note let-
ters to the editors and articles complaining
about the competition given some sections
of American industry by foreign competi-
tion, or imports from overseas.
Now it would be an ideal condition if we
could sell overseas everything we could pos-
sibly manufacture and in turn import noth-
ing, giving a permanent level of high em-
ployment and wages to labor and a high
return of profits to the investor.
But unfortunately things just do not work
out that way in real life.
If we do not buy, we cannot sell, for the
seller will have no funds to pay for the
purcnase.
It would indeed be splendid if we could
sell Cuba automobiles, cash registers, re-
frigerators, radios, televisions, motor scoot-
ers, bicycles, and tools and in return buy
neither sugar nor rum. But the Cubans
just have to have American dollars if they
are to pay us for our automobiles and other
durable goods and have money to fly over
to Miami to shop for wearing apparel.
Of course, before the tension mounted
over the Castro revolutionary activity, Cuba
had a steady source of American dollar in-
come from the tourist business, but this
was not enough to pay for all the imports
from the States.
And so it goes.
World trade and commerce is a most Com-
plex affair. Since World War II, it has be-
come more than a matter of trade and ex-
change, it has become an integral part of
the cold war with Russia.
To live, a nation must manufacture, sell
and buy. If they cannot do business with
us, they will do it somewhere else, and they
are all too likely to end up in the Russian
sphere of influence.
As manufacturing techniques and proc-
esses change, as living standards rise, so do
the problems of international trade and ex-
change, all mixed with world politics.
There is no quick or easy solution to the
problem. At best it is a series of confer-
ences, hearings, import allotments, treaties
and agreements and compromises.
Probably there never will be a permanent
solution. But international trade, properly
handled, is one of the most important weap-
ons that we'have in our fight against com-
munism. Properly handled we will win the
fight. Improperly handled, we are reason-
ably sure to lose the world.
Author of Book on President Wilson
Continues in Footsteps of ,Father
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. ELMER J. HOLLAND ,
OF PENNSYLVANIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, April 29, 1958
Mr. HOLLAND. Mr. Speaker, I be-
lieve that the Members of Congress
should be acquainted with the publica-
tion of the book "The *United States and
East Central Europe, A Study in Wil-
sonian Diplomacy and Propaganda"
written by Prof. Victor S. Mamatey.
Professor Mamatey's father, the late
Albert Mamatey, was a personal friend
of that great Slovak patriot, Dr. Thomas
G. Masaryk, first President of Czecho-
slovakia. I believe this book to be most
interesting and informative, and por-
trays the great fight the people of
Czechoslovakia have made for freedom.
[From the Easton, (Pa.) Herald, of Friday,
April 18, 18581
AUTHOR OF BOOK ON PRESIDENT W/LSON
CONTINUES IN FOOTSTEPS OF FATHER
(By John C. Sciranka)
Prof. Victor S. Mamatey, son of the
late Albert Mamatey, well known American
Slovak leader wrote a very interesting book,
The United States and East Central Europe,
A Study in Wilsonian Diplomacy and Propa-
ganda, published by the Princeton Univer-
June 10
sity Press, Princeton, N. J., 1957. The book
contains 431 pages of very interesting his-
torical material.
Professor Mamatey has all the qualifica-
tions to write such a book. He was brought
up as a boy in the Wilsonian atmosphere.
His late father, Albert Mamatey, was presi-
dent of the National Slovak Society and the
Slovak League of America, also the first
American to hold a position of an honorary
consul of the Republic of Czechoslovakia
in Pittsburgh, where the writer was born
and raised and where he had an opportunity
to come in contact almost daily with the late
Albert Mamatey, who lived in Braddock, Pa.,
and commuted daily to Pittsburgh to the
office of the National Slovak Society and
later to the Consulate of the Republic of
Czechoslovakia. . Albert Mamatey was an
Inspiring leader of American Slovaks for over
a quarter century. He was a noted lecturer
and a great orator, who often spoke before
large American and Slovak audiences, as well
as before the American educators. The writer
has a collection of some of Mr. Mamatey's
addresses before these important American
bodies, including the university professors,
especially during World War I, when he was
a leading factor for the liberation of Czechs
and Slovaks and the formation of the first
Czechoslovak Republic. Mamatey was a
personal friend of Dr. Thomas G. Masaryk,
first president of Czechoslovakia. He wel-
comed and escorted Masaryk to Pittsburgh,
where on May 30, 1918, the Pittsburgh Pact
was signed by Masaryk. Mametey is one of
the signers of this pact.
The writer, as a young fellow, carried an
American flag in the parade on that famous
May 30, 1918, in Pittsburgh, when Masaryk
signed the pact. Knowing all these facts, I
appreciate even more the book written by
young Mamatey. Late Mamatey also wel-
comed in America and escorted to Washing-
ton, D. C., Gen. Milan R. Stefanik, cofounder
of Czechoslovakia and a well known scientist.
The author of the book, young Dr.
Mamatey, is professor of history at the Uni-
versity of Florida, Tallahassee, Fla.
Professor Mamatey studied in Bratislavia
and also at the famous Sorbonne University
in Paris, where he received his doctorate. He
took postgraduate courses at the University
of Chicago and Harvard University. He vis-
ited various Slavonic countries and as a lin-
guist, he was able to obtain information on
various subjects directly from the people in
their native tongues.
Professor Mamatey's book is a rich source
of information about various -European coun-
tries as compared to our American democracy
in a true Wilsonian spirit and tradition.
Prof. S. Harrison Thompson, editor of the
Journal of Central European Affairs, compli-
ments Professor Mamatey on his literary
achievements. And Professor Thompson is a
very good judge and a critic for he, too, is
n author of several books on Czechoslovakia.
In the opinion of various reviewers and
critics, Professor Mamatey's book will be
very valuable for the students of central and
eastfern European countries, who do not get
an opportunity to hear about the history
and the conditions of these countries for
the reason - that only a few American uni-
versities and colleges giva lectures on this
important subject. This book will help to
fill the gap. The book will also be a great
help in combating Communist propaganda,
often camouflaged in the so-called pan-
Slavistic or Russophilistic cloak. Having
qualifications as a historian and a linguist,
Professor Mamatey performed a great service
for democracies as expounded by the famous
President Woodrow Wilson, whom the late
Mamatey met on several occasions in the
White House and with whom he had corre-
spondence in several years.' The father of
Prof. Victor S. Mamatey, author of the book
herein described, was also a prolific writer.
He wrote both in Slovakian and English,
Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2013/05/16 : CIA-RDP60-00321R000400110066-4