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January 25, 1962
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Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/02/05: CIA-RDP63T00245R000300380001-9 25 JAN1962 Honorable Jack Westland House of Representatives Washington 25, D. C. Dear Mr. Westland: This is in response to your letter of 10 January 1962 concerning H. R. 1845. "A BILL To create the Freedom Commission for the development of the science of counteraction to the world Communist conspiracy and for the training and development of leaders in a total political war," which you introduced in the House of Representatives on 4 January 1961. Reports on your bill and similar bill. have been requested from this Agency. In keeping with executive practice, our request for clearance of our reports has been made to the Bureau of the Budget but has not yet been received. We are advised that the matter is still being studied. In accordance with your request, we will be pleased to forward our report to the Chairman of the House Committee on Un-American Activities as soon as clearance is received. Sincerely, SIGNEII John S. Warner Legislative Counsel House Committee on Un- American Activities OGC/LC:JGOJr:cdk (25 Jan 62) Orig & 1 - Addressee OGC/LC Subj. H.R. 1845 1 - OGC/LC Signer (JGOJr) 1 - OGC/LC Chrono. Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/02/05: CIA-RDP63T00245R000300380001-9 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/02/05: CIA-RDP63T00245R000300380001-9 ? I - CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE AGENCY OFFICIAL ROUTING SLIP TO NAME AND ADDRESS DATE INITIALS 1 Legis. Counsel 2 3 4 5 6 ACTION DIRECT REPLY PREPARE REPLY APPROVAL DISPATCH RECOMMEtIDATION COMMENT FILE RETURN CONCURRENCE INFORMATION SIGNATURE Remarks: To coordinate with the Bureau of the Budget and prepare reply for DCI signature. r?-... ?...; '? ---t.:-t FOLD HERE TO RETURN TO SENDER FROM: NAME, ADDRESS AND PHONE NO. DATE LBKirkpatr ck 12 Ja I I INCLASSIFIED I I CONFIDENTIAL I SECRET Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/02/05: CIA-RDP63T00245R000300380001-9 HG OFFICE 1961 62 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/02/05: CIA-RDP63T00245R000300380001-9 .D DIST., WASHINGTON ROOM 1419 NEW HOUSE OFFICE BUILDING 4 &num of the Einiteb &tato ottle of RepresSentatibui etobingtott, J. C. January 10, 1962 Hon. John A. McCone Director Central Intelligence Agency Washington 251 D.C. Dear Mr. McCone: MEMBER: COMMITTEE ON INTERIOR AND INSULAR AFFAIRS JOINT COMMITTEE ON ATOMIC ENERGY It is my understanding that Congressman Francis Walter, Chairman of the Committee on Un-American Activities, requested a report from the Central Intelligence Agency on a bill, H.R. 1845, which I introduced in the House on January 4, 1961. It would create the Freedom Commission for the development of the science of counteraction to the world Communist conspiracy and for the training and development of leaders in a total political war. Since I would like to request committee consideration of my bill, I would appreciate any effort your office might make to expedite the report to the Chairman. JW/et Sincerely yours, fitteV4 ck Westland mber of Congress Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/02/05: CIA-RDP63T00245R000300380001-9 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 0 50-Yr 2014/02/05: CIA-RDP63T00245R000300380001-9 ournal Office of Legislative Counsel edneeday 17 January 1962 O. (Uncles* led - TOO) Advised by 1axzea Hydc. DOB that with regard to our question concerting B013 approval of Agency reports on legislative proposals for the creation of * Freedom Commiasionaor the development of the StielaCe of counteraction to the vrorld coramuniet conspiracy and for the training and developraad of 1ea4ere in a total politica war, that final determination has not been made. For publication, Mr. Hyde stated that the executive brand% is still sisgiYing the tuner. (See Journal of 16 Ianuary 1962.) ccsIC iS Col. Orogen Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/02/05: CIA-RDP63T00245R000300380001-9 STAT Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/02/05: CIA-RDP63T00245R000300380001-9 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/02/05: CIA-RDP63T00245R000300380001-9 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/02/05: CIA-RDP63T00245R000300380001-9 STAT STAT STAT STAT STAT *weal Wise el idooday lasesty lossot 01.4) Idoliverod flos Osi Assis *tor *out* 111. iliskoalselpor (IL ?Uwe * alsrsifled letter haft M Wail NW ILOtb. dossior. beitalistrative 9. deatial - 014) ?*flt. ith tdr*. ItsOak is the oftlso se, ? nett. sossonklas this dosatotoo letter 4Ps Waif of eke 1* ialerostod la a *la the Agosty. 1.advisoi kir*. east* Met if In sboeld Mr* It *rota* bo sf sub matero tkat wit woold save is *pee surospoodosso tosurais? it sad, tkorsfarik. 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Leek first salid oho 4114 *et koliovo th* Gaiowitt** load silted fey oar rises os ibis lost- *tattoo kat later head a carboys sopy of a Utter istikisk was sorposed bar* 'boos soot os L Apr1I 1$1 rolliestlog *sr views on tkis kill 14 okocktes fettlsor oa this Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/02/05: CIA-RDP63T00245R000300380001-9 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/02/05: CIA-RDP63T00245R000300380001-9 L750 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE S.908. A bill to amend title X of the So- cial Security Act to liberalize the restric- tions with respect to possession of property or other resources imposed as a condition of eligibility for aid to the blind under State programs established pursuant to such title; to the Committee on Finance. (See the remarks of Mr. lisarns when he Introduced the a.bove bills, which appear under a separate heading.) By Mr. ERVIN: S.J. Res. 47. Joint resolution to amend the joint resolution of September 7, 1957 (71 Stat. 626), providing for the establishment of a Civil War Centennial Commission; to the Committee on the Judiciary. (See the remarks of Mr. Eavin when he Introduced the above joint resolution, which appear under a separate heading.) By Mr. CASE of South Dakota: S.J. Res. 48. Joint resolution proposing an amendment to the Constitution of the United States relating to the election of President and Vice President; to the Com- mittee on the Judiciary. (See the remarks of Mr. CASE of South Dakota when he introduced the above joint resolution, which appear under a separate heading.) By Mr. KEATTNG (for himself, Mr. BENNETT, Mr. BRIDGES, Mr. JAVITS, Mr. PROUTY, Mr. SCOTT, and Mr. WILEY) : S.J. Res. 49. Joint resolution providing for the establishment of an annual Youth Ap- preciation Week; to the Committee on the Judiciary. (See the remarks of Mr. KEATING when he Introduced the above joint resolution, which appear under a separate heading.) RESOLUTIONS ELIZABETH J. DOUGHTON Mr. HAYDEN, from the Committee on Rules and Administration, reported an original resolution (S. Res. 83) to pay a gratuity to Elizabeth J. Doughton, which was placed on the calendar. , (See the above resolution printed in full where it appears under the heading "Reports of Committees.") THELMA AUSTON BROWN Mr. HAYDEN, from the Committee on Rules and Administration, reported an original resolution (S. Res. 84) to pay a gratuity to Thelma Auston Brown, which was placed on the calendar. (See the above resolution printed in full when reported by Mr. HAYDEN, which appears under the heading "Reports of Committees.") UNIFICATION OF IRELAND Mr. DIRKSEN submitted a resolution (S. Res. 85) favoring the unification of Ireland, which was referred to the Com- mittee on Foreign Relations. (See the above resolution printed in full when submitted by Mr. DIRKSEN, which appears under a separate head- ing.) INVESTIGATION OF MATTERS PER- TAINING TO MIGRATORY LABOR Mr. WILLIAMS of New Jersey sub- mitted the following resolution (S. Res. 86) to investigate matters pertaining to migratory labor, which was referred to the Committee on Labor and Public Wel- fare, as follows: Resolved, That the Committee on Labor and Public Welfare, or any duly authorized subcommittee thereof, is authorized under section 134(a) and 136 of the Legislative Reorganization Act of 1946, as amended, and in accordance with its jurisdictions specified by rules XXV of the Standing Rules of the Senate to examine, investigate, and make a complete study of any and all matters pertaining to migratory labor in- cluding, but not limited to, such problems as (a) the wages of migratory workers, their working conditions, transportation facilities, housing, health and educational opportuni- ties for migrants and their children, (b) the nature of and the relationships between the programs of the Federal Government and the programs of State and local governments and the activities of private organizations dealing with the problems of migratory workers, and (c) the degree of additional Federal action necessary in this area. SEC. 2. For the purposes of this resolu- tion the committee, from February 1, 1961, to January 31, 1962, inclusive, is authorized (1) to make such expenditures as it deems advisable; (2) to employ upon a temporary basis, technical, clerical, and other assist- ants and consultants: Provided, That the ,minority is authorized to select one person for appointment, and the person so selected shall be appointed and his compensation shall be fixed so that his gross rate shall not be less by more than $1,200 than the highest gross rate paid to any other em- ployee; and (3) with the prior consent of the heads of the departments or agencies con- cerned, and the Committee on Rules and Administration, to utilize the reimbursable services, information, facilities, and person- nel of any of the departments or agencies of the Government. SEC. 3. The committee shall ,report its findings, together with its recommendations for legislation as it deems advisable, to the Senate at the earliest practicable date, but not later than January 31, 1962. SEC. 4. Expenses of the committee, under this resolution, which shall not exceed $50,000 shall be paid from the contingent fund of the Senate upon vouchers approved by the chairman of the commit FREEDOM COMMISSION AND FREEpOM ACADEMY Mr. MUNDT. Mr. President, I intro- duce, for reference, to the appropriate committee a bill to create a Freedom Commission and Freedom Academy to research, develop and project an inte- grated, operational science to win the nonmilitary part of the global struggle between freedom and communism and to train Government personnel, private citizens, and foreign students in this science. I am joined today in the spon- sorship of this bill by Senator DOUGLAS, Senator CASE of New Jersey, Senator DODD, and Senator SMATHERS; and I re- quest unanimous consent that the bill lie on the table for 1 week to enable other Senators who may wish to do so to join us in its sponsorship. I introduced this bill, which has be- come popularly known as the Freedom Academy bill, in the 86th Congress along with cosponsors Senators DOUGLAS and CASE of New Jersey and companion legis- lation was introduced in the House by Congressman SYD HERLONG and Con- gressman WALTER JUDD. On August 31, 1960 the Senate approved our bill to establish a Freedom Academy in this country; however, the sine die adjourn- ment of the 86th Congress prevented' February 9 the House from taking action. I am advised that Congressmen HERLONG and JUDD will re-introduce this measure in the House within the next few days. Mr. President, this bill has one pri- mary, aim?the substantial improvement of the cold war capabilities of the United States and the free world so that we can win the cold war struggle with the Com- munists. To accomplish this aim the bill proposes two coordinate courses of ac- tion. First, the creation of an agency in Government, to which is specifically delegated the responsibility for develop- ing a systematic, integrated applied sci- ence of .nonmilitary action appropriate for utilization by the United States and other free world nations in the global ? cold war struggle with the Communist world; and, second, the establishment of a training institution to be known as the Freedom Academy wherein courses in this applied science of nonmilitary warfare can be offered to a wide range of individuals, including government personnel, teachers, trade unionists, businessmen, clergymen, association and organization representatives, as well as others. Mr. President, we are already at war with the Communist world, and let no man doubt the verity of that fact. The war, of which I speak, is nonmilitary in character. Its weapons are planned riots, propaganda, diplomatic blackmail, coups d'etat, and all the other tech- niques of political warfare. The threat to the security and survival of the free world posed by this nonmilitary strug- gle is every bit as great as that posed by a thermonuclear attack. This nonmilitary war, like a military war, demands vast and intensive prep- aration; it requires trained personnel, research and development activities, and highly sophisticated weapons systems. While the Communists have systemati- cally prepared for this nonmilitary ag- gression for over 40 years and have been directing coordinated and well- planned political warfare attacks against us for more than 16 years, we have continued to avoid preparation in this area and have remained largely passive insofar as any counterattack by us in the certitude that right must win over might. Our counteraction has on oc- casion been ingenious and imaginative, but it has in the main been developed on an ad hoc basis. Such off-the-cuff plan- ning will not suffice; its glaring vulner- ability has already been amply demon- strated in China, Japan, Iraq, and the waters of the Caribbean. Mr. President, we urgently need a Manhattan project to develop the tools, the tactics, and the trained personnel to fight and win the cold war. I humbly submit that the passage of the Freedom Academy bill can provide us with that Manhattan project to bring us to combat readiness in the cold war. Mr. DODD. Mr. President, will the Senator yield? Mr. MUNDT. I yield to the Senator from Connecticut. Mr. DODD. I commend the Senator from South Dakota for what he has done. Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/02/05: CIA-RDP63T00245R000300380001-9 ? Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/02/05: CIA-RDP63T00245R000300380001-9 19 til CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE I tun honored to join my distinguished ?colleague in presenting the Freedom Academy bill for the consideration of the Senate. This bill, as the Senators will recall, was passed by the Senate in the closing days of the last session. Unfortunately, it proved impossible to bring the meas- ure to a vote in the House, in the brief time that remained. In reporting the Freedom Academy bill favorably to the Senate last August, the Judiciary Committee described it as one of the most important ever intro- duced in the Congress. For my own part, I consider this an understatement. I believe that on the enactment of this measure may depend whether or not we survive as a free nation?whether our grandchildren will know the meaning of freedom, religion, morality, justice, brotherly love, and all the other values we hold dear, or whether they will be en- slaved and molded into godless robots by a triumphant Communist regime. I do not exaggerate. Time is running out for the free world. Since the end of World War II, 700 million people, a third of the world's population, has fal- len under Communist rule. The Com- munists are on the offensive in Latin America, in Asia, in Africa. Another 15 years like the past 15 years, Mr. Presi- dent, and I am afraid there will be no free world left to defend. We have lost and lost and lost in the cold war for one primary reason: we have been amateurs fighting against professionals. So long as we remain amateurs in the critical field of political warfare, the billions of dollars we annu- ally spend on defense and foreign aid will provide us with a diminishing meas- ure of protection. Shortly after their takeover in Russia, the Bolsheviks set up a system of politi- cal warfare development and training centers. Today they have special cen- ters for Soviet students, special centers for Latin American students, for African students, and for Asian students. At lower level, these schools have pro- duced graduates who have been taught how to argue their position, make prop- aganda, and win converts; how to infil- trate trade unions and mass organiza- tions; how to organize strikes; how to set up Communist fronts; how to win popular support on limited issues; how to incite spontaneous riots; and how to go about seizing power. At top level, the graduates of these training acad- emies have made a careful study of ill the vulnerabilities of Western society, and have been taught how to exploit these vulnerabilities, how to plan a coordinated attack employing the full spectrum of political, economic, psycho- logical, and social weapons. These trained conflict managers have- also been taught the ultimate art of con- founding their enemies through the orchestration of crises on a global scale. It was estimated, at the hearings held last year by the Senate Subcommittee on Internal Security, that these train- ing establishments have graduated more than 100,000 professional revolutionaries. This is a frightening figure when one No. 24-2 considers that it takes only a handful to incite a riot or to take over in a country like Cuba. The possession by both sides of large stocks of nuclear weapons makes all-out war increasingly improbable. This may be some consolation, but it does not pro- tect us from Communist subversion. On the contrary, ever since the nuclear stalemate first developed, the Commu- nists have been placing increasing em- phasis on the political warfare sector. Here they have scored brilliant successes, because in this sector we have no serious defenses, no cadres of trained personnel, little understanding. Let us face up to the fact that the mightiest defense establishment in the world was helpless, in fact worthless, when it came to preventing a Commu- nist takeover in Cuba. It was also of no utility in preventing or countering the Communist-led riots in Bogota, Caracas, and Tokyo. In each of these instances, the Kremlin, with an outlay of some thousands of dollars, was able to inflict massive political defeats on the United States. There is a serious gap in our defenses, Mr. President. The measure we propose today is intended to close this gap. The establishment of a Freedom Academy will, for the first time, give us an agency encharged with the single task of devel- oping a science of counteraction against Communist subversion, and of training Americans, yes, and nationals of other free countries, in this science. I urge my colleagues of the Senate to give this measure their most earnest consideration. Although we have given the matter much thought, I do not pre- tend?and I am sure this attitude is shared by the distinguished Senator from South Dakota?that the measure as we have presented it is perfect in every detail. Perhaps there are certain ways in which it can be improved. The essential matter is the establishment of a Freedom Academy and of a research and personnel training program. It is to this matter that I ask the Senators to direct their attention. Mr. President, I ask unanimous con- sent to have inserted in the RECORD at this point a brilliant article by Mr. James Burnham, which appears in the ourrent issue of Ordnance magazine. Mr. Burnham is the author of several books on the cold war, and is generally recognized as one of our outstanding authorities on the subject. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: STICKS, STONES, AND ATOMS (While the United States has been stock- piling nuclear armament the Communists have been taking over country after country by the use of well-directed mobs equipped with only the most primitive weapons.) (By James Burnham) Not long after the United Nations patch- work expeditionary force was rushed?or, perhaps better, sucked?into the Congolese maelstrom, a striking news photograph was widely printed in the American press. It showed a truckload of soldiers about to start off for the Leopoldville suburbs. The men were part of a crack, British-trained unit of the Ghana Army. 1751 As displayed in the picture, they were standing at attention in the truck, in two close, smartly drawn ranks. Suspended from the left arm of each soldier was a round shield, looking as if it had been snatched from a museum's medieval armor collection or from the prop room of a grand- opera company. A friend of mine, an able and hardwork- ing officer now at the Pentagon, noticed this picture and smiled. "The Sir Galahad weap- on system. How's that for defensive arm- ament in the nuclear age?" he asked sar- castically. He was much surprised when I commented: "It's not too bad, as a matter of fact. Better than most." In these Ghanian shields, a light, strong aluminum alloy has replaced the wood, leather, brass, and iron of ancient bucklers. Their purpose is protection against the sticks, rocks, and stones thrown by rioting mobs. In the nuclear age, stones function as weapons a good deal oftener than nuclear bombs and have won many more battles. On both sides of the Iron Curtain many strategists believe that a curious law applies to the quantum jumps in firepower that have marked the weapons development of the past two decades. Beyond a certain limit?already passed by H-bombs?the more powerful the weapons become the less chance there is that they will be used. The reason for this is that fewer and fewer occasions would be taken to justify their use. This is true even if one side had a mo- nopoly. You are not going to start throwing H-bombs around to halt a border skirmish in the Cameroons or to block a change of government in Paraguay. When both sides possess the superpowerful weapons, the ap- propriate occasions are reduced to the brink of zero. Indeed, many analysts are convinced that the only event that would be taken by either side as a sufficient motive for launching the most powerful weapons would be an attack with such weapons by the other side. If this puzzling conclusion is true, then an all- out unlimited war can take place only through faulty intelligence or an accidental launching. In practice there seems to be a still more paradoxical corollary to this law of the in- verse relation between the power and use of modern weapons. The more powerful the new weapons that exist, the more primitive the weapons that are actually used. Castro conquered Cuba with small arms, mimeo- graph machine and portable radio trans- mitters. The rioting mobs of Tokyo, Seoul, and Ankara that overturned governments and forced the cancellation of the visit of the head of the most powerful nation in the world were armed with nothing more than their fists, the staves used to raise their placards, and paving bricks, plus a few knives and revolvers. In the Congo, we have gone back to clubs, rocks, blowguns, and magical spells. It is terribly hard for Americans to un- derstand something so simple. In uniform and out, we have been dutifully trying to learn about grandiose weapons systems made up of infinitely complex aircraft, bases, carriers, nuclear devices, ballistic mis- siles, nuclear submarines, electronic com- puters, inertial navigators, and what not. On a single system of this sort?for exam- ple, Polaris, Titan, Minuteman, or the B-52 complex?we are ready to spend 5, 8, or 10 billions of dollars as well as immense quan- tities of manpower, effort, technical ingenu- ity, and scientific intelligence. It is well and good and necessary that this should be. But at the same time we seem to have difficulty in focusing our atten- tion, not to speak of our brains and dollars, on the weapons systems by which the strug- gle for the world is, in fact, being fought. Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/02/05: CIA-RDP63T00245R000300380001-9 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/02/05: CIA-RDP63T00245R000300380001-9 1752 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE We should more frequently remind our- selves that only two nuclear devices?crude, relatively low power types at that?have ever been used for combat purposes. In the 15 years since that parenthetic employ- ment there have been many victories and defeats vast in scope and lasting in conse- quences. Power over many nations, whole regions of the earth, hundreds of millions of human beings, has changed hands?all without benefit of direct nuclear leverage. Those rioting mobs of Tokyo, Seoul, and Ankara needed no A- or H-bombs, or planes or tanks or even guns to topple governments. Gandhi and Nehru had no strategic air force to help them drive the British Raj out of the Indian subcontinent. Indonesia, Iraq, Cuba, Bolivia, Egypt, Guatemala, Vietnam, Cambodia, the Congo, the Rhodesias. * * ? It is mostly sticks and stones, rifles and submachine guns?and the mobs of course: the mobs are a primary element of the weapons systems that have been deciding most battles and campaigns of the struggle for the world. Words also, of course?the words of agita- tion and propaganda, zeroed in on minds? for in these battles of our age, unlike the old nursery rhyriae, words as well as sticks and stones can break our bones. From 1945 until some time after 1950 we possessed a monopoly in operative nuclear arms and thus overwhelming superiority in overall firepower. But it is in those same years that our enemy made his greatest con- quests since 1917, seizing eastern Europe, with 100 million inhabitants and mainland China, with 600 million. The weapons systems that he employed for these achievements were based,not on physi- cal firepower, but on psychological and po- litical warfare methods, both defensive and offensive. Defensively, it was necessary for him to counteract, negate, and sterilize our nuclear capability. Communist reasoning never for- gets that a weapon?any weapon?is only a powerless bundle of matter apart from human minds and wills. The biggest bomb ever built or building is less than David's slingshot without a mind and will and arm able and ready to use it. With atomic capability added to our force already in being in 1945, we were in a posi- tion, materially speaking, to enforce our views, to reduce the Soviet threat to man- ageable proportions, and thus to guarantee for a reasonable future both national se- curity and world peace. This possibility con- flicted with the Communist objective of world domination, so the Communists struck back, hard, brilliantly, and successfully. The main impetus of their strike was directed against the minds and wills of men. Their agents, dupes, and ideas were already present in many strata of American life, in- cluding scientific circles, the institutions that affect public opinion, and certain of the agencies of Government. They were thus in a position from the very beginning to counteract our nuclear projects and capability?from the inside as well as through external pressures and diplomacy. The main thrust of the first Communist reply to our nuclear weapons monopoly was thus psychopolitical, against the minds of the men who were making the weapons (technicians and scientists) and the men who controlled it (the leaders of government and public opinion). The Communist objective was to deprive the United States of the political benefit of its nuclear capability, to denature the bombs, not by the physical process described in the textbooks, but by political, psycho- logical, and moral means. In this case, as more generally, the Communists acted to confuse and disorient their enemy, to en- tangle him in contradictory policies, and to destroy his will to resist. Under this defensive psychic screen, which successfully counterweighed their enemy's material superiority, the Communists went ahead systematically with the phased sub- jugation of the east European nations. At the same time, in a theater still more vast, they carried through the conquest of main- land China and its absorption into an ex- panded Soviet Empire. Although there was, of course, fighting, some of it rather large-scale, the China cam- paign was essentially a political-warfare op- eration. (I am using the term "political warfare" in its most general sense, as cover- ing all types of agitation, propaganda, sub- version, economic manipulation, rioting, ter- ror, diversionary diplomacy, guerrilla and paramilitary actions, etc.: everything, in sum, short of the employment of the main formal armed forces.) The Communists' polwar campaign for the conquest of China opened in 1920. It was completed in 1949 without the mass inter- vention of the main armed forces and with a total expenditure of probably less than half a billion dollars. Although most professional military men, unlike their civilian counterparts, know that we are in a fight, I get the impression that very few of them can take a weapon system seriously unless it comprises a lot of fire- power. They can analyze learnedly the mer- its of strategic manned bombers versus sub- marine-carried Polaris versus railroad-borne Minutemen. They will thoughtfully debate the role of conventional limited-warfare forces. They can envisage, without qualms, spending $10 or $20 billion to develop weapon systems based on one or another or all of these con- cepts, together with the assignment of per- sonnel and time and resources that go with money of that order. But if you suggest?as I have often done in lectures at the various war colleges?spend- ing any such sum, or a tenth such a sum, for systems based on Blanquist cadres, crowd manipulation, guerrillas, psychological war- fare, paramilitary operations, subversion, bribery, infiltration, with specialized, mo- bile, ranger-type units in active supporting reserve?in short, if you suggest all-out po- litical warfare (polwar) ?the best response you can ordinarily hope for is a skeptical smile. Yet it is the polwar weapons systems that have been winning all the battles. What good are Atlas and Polaris in Laos, Cuba, Algeria, the Congo, or in the swarming streets of Tokyo, Ankara, Jakarta, and Buda- pest? It has been demonstrated over and over again in the past 15 years?indeed, since 1917?that modern polwar systems can smash governments and armies, and take over ter- ritory, peoples, and nations. Isn't a weapon system that can defeat the British, Dutch, and French armies, that can seize Czecho- slovakia, China, and Cuba, worth spending, a few billions on? The real worth of any weapon system, in the last analysis, should be measured by what it can accomplish, not by its size, complexity, cost, or physical fire- power. Naturally I am not suggesting that a pol- war system should operate in a military vacu- um. B-52's, Atlas and Polaris missiles are not being used, but the fact that they might be Is a solid foundation for every kind of con- flict operation. An effective limited-warfare arra, present always as a threat and ready for appropriate use, naturally strengthens any sort of political-warfare campaign. A conflict apparatus adapted to the mid- 20th-century struggle for the world consists of three primary forces, elements, or arms: - ? February 9 1. The massive retaliatory (deterrent) force, which remains as the ultimate reserve. 2. The mobile, limited-warfare (brush- fire) force. This, too, remains normally in reserve but in more active posture than the retaliatory force, ready for quick intervention In any area where security or interest re- quires the direct presence or use of military power. 3. The political-warfare force. This force?which by its nature includes a multi- tude of activities and agencies, both govern- mental and civilian?is the active vanguard. Under the shield of the retaliatory force, and backed up by the limited-warfare force, with which it collaborates, the polwar force con- tinuously engages in the day-by-day opera- tions of the protracted conflict. True political warfare, as understood and practiced by our enemy, is not mere rivalry or competition or conflict of some vague kind. Political warfare is a form of war. It is strategic in nature. Its objective, like that of every other form of war, is to impose one's own will on the opponent, to destroy the opponent's will to resist. In simplest terms, it aims to conquer the opponent. Within the frame of that general objective, the specific objective of each specific polwar campaign is always defined in terms of pow- er. The purpose in conducting polwar op- erations is always to increase one's power in some definite way or to decrease the power of the opponent. In either case, positive or negative, the aim is to alter the power equilibrium in one's favor. The power objective may be grandiose? conquest of a nation, disintegration of an empire: or the minor takeover of a trade union, scaring a parliament into defeating a bill, or the sabotage of a factory. But whether big or small, the objective is always power. These are the principles in terms of which our enemy has planned and mounted his polwar operations since the summer of 1903 when, through the founding of the Bolshevik faction, he launched his enterprise for the conquest of the world. Moreover, although he realizes that polwar in some instances may not be able by itself to reach a decision and may have to be supplemented by full- scale military measures, he is convinced that In at least some cases political warfare alone can bring the decision. By now he has ample evidence to support this belief. Czechoslovakia has been con- quered twice in this century?once by Hit- ler and once by Stalin?by a purely polwar campaign, without the commitment of major armed forces. China also, as we have noted, was won essentially by polwar methods. By these same methods American nuclear test- ing has been stopped dead for more than 2 critical years. Not a year passes but that these methods do not smash several governments. And right now they are swinging an island at our strategic doorstep into our enemy's power system. Although we are in fact spending several Milton dollars yearly on nonmilitary phases of the cold war, very few of these go for what can properly be called political warfare in the true sense?the sense accepted by our enemy. Our professional military leaders have traditionally regarded political warfare (or psychological warfare, as it is more usu- ally and inadequately termed) as being merely an auxiliary and relatively minor supplement to military operation. The cold-war activities of nonmilitary agencies?foreign aid, truth (or information) campaigns, student (or cultural) exchange, even much of the clandestine activity of CIA?are for the most part not true polwar operations. They are not political warfare because we do not really think of them as literally war. Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/02/05: CIA-RDP63T00245R000300380001-9 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/02/05: CIA-RDP63T00245R000300380001-9 1V 51 i3ONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE We are trying to get the better of a com- petitor and opponent, certainly; to block certain of his moves, divert others, influence him to make certain changes in his behavior and policies. But we are not trying to im- pose our will on him in any general way, and certainly we are not trying to defeat him. In other words, we do not conceive our cold-war operations strategically. Often they have no clearly defined objective at all. When they do have an objective, this is sel- dom understood in terms of power. In a genuine polwar system, foreign aid is only a key to open a national door for the conduct of field operations; information and propaganda are not a school lesson to teach pale truths about how nice one is, but a psy- chological weapon to undermine, divert, and injure one's enemy; student scholarships are not a charity handout to the needy, but a cover for training activist cadres. Because we decline to fight genuine, stra- tegically conceived warfare, a considerable part of our billions in foreign-aid dollars has been wasted, squandered on useless projects, filtered into the pockets of corrupt local residents, or used to build up industry for the enemy or his friends to inherit. Let me point the contrast by returning in conclusion to the specific matter of riots and mob action, bearing in mind that this is only one of a hundred polwar fields. How many men and women (women are exceed- ingly important in crowd management) do we have in training today for the mission of exploiting crowds, mobs, and street riots to our political advantage? Do we have any? How many persons in the agencies of our Government have ever made a thorough study of the historical, psychological, and technical problems of handling mobs and mass riots? Is there even a single one? The Bolshevik approach to mobs, riots, and command of the streets is very serious indeed. In his design for the revolutionary party?the conflict apparatus?Lenin, like Bakunin and Nechaev before him, incor- porated the ideas of Louis Blanqui, a French revolutionist who lived from 1805 to 1881. Blanqui first became prominent in the 1830 revolution and devoted the rest of his life, in and out of prison, to revolutionary conspiracy. He believed that the key to successful re- volt was the development of a small, secret cadre organization. Normally the cadres would remain underground, abstaining from political affairs. They were to be trained in the manipulation of crowds and the use of small arms and improvised weapons (sticks and stones) accessible to crowds. In the 1848 and 1870 revolutions in France, the practical cogency of Blanqui's ideas was proved. In 1870 it was his cadres who were primarily responsible for the overthrow of the Third Empire and the establishment of the Paris Commune?the first revolutionary, proletarian-led dictatorship. During the past 2 years there have been mass riots in the streets of many major cities of the non-Communist world: Caracas, Montevideo, Lima, Baghdad, Havana, Cape- town, Leopoldville, Algiers, Seoul, Ankara, Tokyo, Vientiane, San Salvador, and Saigon, among others. Nearly all have been directed against political friends of the United States or against policies favorable to the United States. Besides promoting fiercely anti-American attitudes, these riots played an essential part in the overthrow of no less than eight gov- ernments that were firm allies of the United States: in Venezuela, Iraq, Cuba, South Korea, Turkey, Tokyo, El Salvador, Laos. The governments were overthrown just as thoroughly as by outright military defeat. Unguided mobs may shake but they do not overthrow regimes. They do not spontane- ously produce consistent slogans and select strategic targets. The coordinated operations of these re- cent riots, and their high measure of success, are the product of trained Bolshevik neo- Blanquists. In the next year or so the communized Government of Cuba will either be over- thrown, or the enemy will move on to the staged takeover of Central and South Amer- ica. In the next year or so, non-Commu- nist regimes must retain power in the Indo- chinese successor states, or the enemy will move on to the staged takeover of the entire Southeast Asian peninsula. For both operations, H-bombs are useless. Is it not obvious that we are not likely to meet either of these challenges unless we decide to lift our Cinderella political-warfare system from the scullery floor where we have so far left her in rags and tatters? Mr. DOUGLAS. Mr. President, will the Senator yield? Mr. MUNDT. I yield to the Senator from Illinois, one of the cosponsors of the bill. Mr. DOUGLAS. I am very happy to join in sponsoring a bill to establish a Freedom Academy. I should like to em- phasize that, in addition to providing for exposing the tactics of the various Com- munist Parties, which is a necessary task, the measure also cans for stressing the positive and constructive features of democracy. I regard it as an essential part of any anti-Communist work that, while we should properly emphasize the great hypocrisies and cruelties within the Communist system, we nevertheless, should stress the healing and benevolent qualities of democracy, which permit us to make changes, without violence, inside our Nation. It is because this measure provides for constructive and positive features that I take special pleasure in serving as a cosponsor. Mr. SMATHERS. Mr. President, will the Senator yield? Mr. MUNDT. I yield to the Senator from Florida. Mr. SMATHERS. I should like to associate myself with the remarks made by the able senior Senator from Illinois [Mr. DOUGLAS]. I am proud to be a co- sponsor of this particular proposal. I cannot help believing that the necessity for our being on the affirmative in the battle against communism is long past due. I understand the proposed Acad- emy will train talented young people, and enable them to get the information and background not only with respect to the weaknesses of the Communist sys- tem, but how best to battle the dogmas and doctrines of the Communists and at the same time present to the uncom- mitted areas and peoples of the world the great virtues of our democratic sys- tem, and to make them wish they had such a system in their countries. I com- mend the Senator from South Dakota for his leadership in this field. Mr. MUNDT. I thank the Senator from Florida. Mr. President, before closing I should like to commend to the attention of my colleagues an article entitled "What We Must Do To Win the Cold War," which appears in the February 1961 issue of the Reader's Digest. This article states a most persuasive case for the Freedom 1753 Academy and urges its establishment. I sincerely extend my appreciation and applause to Charles Stevenson for writing this timely article and to the editors of the Reader's Digest for pub- lishing it. I ask unanimous consent that the full text of this article be printed at this point in the RECORD immediately follow- ing my remarks. The PRESIDENT pro tempore. With- out objection, the bill will be received; and, without objection, it will lie on the desk as requested, and the article re- ferred to will be printed in the RECORD. The bill (S. 822) to create the Free- dom Commission and the Freedom Acad- emy to research and develop an inte- grated, operational science to win the nonmilitary part of the global struggle between freedom and communism and to train Government personnel, private citizens, and foreign students in this sci- ence, introduced by Mr. MUNDT (for him- self and other Senators) , was received, and read twice by its title. The. article presented by Mr. MUNDT is as follows: WHAT WE MUST Do To WIN THE COLD WAR (By Charles Stevenson) President Kennedy vowed before the elec- tion that under his leadership the United States would at last seize the initiative in the cold war. Nothing is more imperative. But before he can even make a start, our new Commander in Chief must face up to a shocking and bitter reality. He must cap- ture control of the defiant, faceless bureauc- racy firmly entrenched in Washington. Its weak-kneed efforts to merely hold off com- munism instead of fighting back are leading us to defeat even as it tries to keep the White House from interfering. The situation is not new. In 1955, Nelson Rockefeller was secretly assigned by Presi- dent Eisenhower to try to make our ar- thritic cold-war machinery work. He recalls his mission "was bitterly resented by the State Department," which regarded this White House interest as an invasion of their authority and responsibility. After 8 months he quit in frustration. "You could just go against a wall of opposition so far, and then It was useless," he says. Since the days when we were told that the Chinese Communists were mere agrarian re- formers, too many men in the State Depart- ment have persisted in the dangerously wist- ful belief that if we don't annoy the Reds they are bound to see how well-meaning we are and will stop harassing us. Incredibly, this philosophy has infected the highest quarters of our Government. And all the while the Kremlin, teasing our naive desire to reach an understanding, through the out- worn tradition of polite negotiation, toys with us by hot and cold maneuvering as it inches forward toward total victory. Compare our cold war operations with the deadly, single-minded efficiency of Soviet maneuvering. Typical was the way the Communists brought about the Japanese riots that forced cancellation of President Eisenhower's trip to Japan last summer and caused the United States to lose face all over the world. Under Khrushchev's direction Japan had already been infiltrated. Trained native Japanese cadres were sent to gain control of the Japanese Teachers' Union with its 500,000 members. Soon Japanese children were being taught that the U.S.S.R. is their real motherland, the United States their bloodthirsty imperialistic foe. Other trained agitators were sent into the Japanese col- Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/02/05: CIA-RDP63T00245R000300380001-9 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/02/05: CIA-RDP63T00245R000300380001-9 I Grit %,ONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE leges to take over the Zengakuren, a stu- dents' organization with shock troops that beat up uncooperative students and profes- sors. Communists also eased their way into Sohyo, the country's labor federation of 3,500,000 members, and into Japan's power- ful Socialist Party. Six months before the riots, 88 key Japanese Communists were smuggled into the country from Russia and China, where they had spent 8 years in Communist academies learning to manipu- late men's minds. As the time for Eisenhower's visit neared, millions of dollars were smuggled into Japan from Russia and China, and poured into more than a hundred front groups to build war fears to the point of hysteria. The value of the yen was unsettled by Communist currency manipulations in Hong Kong. Red radio stations blanketed Japan with hate-America propaganda. The Russian foreign office sent out thinly veiled threats of atomic annihilation. The first demonstrations by students, along with workers paid a half-day's wages by agitators, started peacefully enough. By nightfall, however, the leaders had them lined up 20 abreast in a phalanx of locked arms. Whistles blowing a rhythmic beat brought chants of "down with the treaty" and the earth literally shook under their dogtrot. Day after day the performance was repeated. None of it was spontaneous. It was a massive action planned and carried out by professionals, and amateurs were no match for them. This is cold war, Russian style. They have a name for it?agitprop?planned conflict in which agitation, propaganda, trade, diplo- macy, threats of war and promises of peace are coordinated in an ever changing, world- wide offensive. It is all masterminded in the Kremlin from a cold war operations center?a vast chamber with floor-to-ceiling maps on which are displayed, country by country, the latest summations of mounting tensions. Here, just down the hall from his own office, Premier Khrushchev confers daily with Deputy Premier Anastas I. Mikoyan, with Party Secretary Mikhail Suslov who runs Moscow's international network of profes- sional agitators, and with his other cold-war commanders. One word sends a vast array of flexible cold war weapons into an inte- grated action to brainwash entire nations. How do our own cold war planners re- spond? In the case of the Japanese riots, the Communist machinations were well known in Washington, via intelligence re- ports. But the information never received proper consideration at the White House. As far back as 1948, before he became Sec- retary of State, John Foster Dulles called for establishment of a new executive-department dedicated to the task of nonmilitary defense, just as the Secretary of Defense heads mili- tary defense. Its goal: to contest the Com- munist Party at the level where it is winning its victories. It was to be a flexible organ- ization that would conceive winning strategy and make the swift day-to-day, hour-to- hour decisions, for in this era of sudden crises, the difference between victory and de- feat depends as much on split-second ma- neuvering as in a shooting war. Instead, we are doing the same old things in the same old way. We have today at least eight different foreign-aid funds, sepa- rately administered by six different agencies, through which we have handed out 50 bil- lion dollars just since the Korean War. (Our every setback abroad is habitually blamed on the insufficiency of these funds, totally ignoring the fact that the Reds for their success have similarly paid out only a bil- lion and a half.) There is a U.S. Informa- tion Agency, whose officials have been so eager not to cause offense that a radio com- mentary critical of Communist philosophy was canceled even as it got started. There are four separate intelligence services: Army, Navy, Air Force and Central Intel- ligence Agency. And there is our sprawling State Department with 14,000 employees, which insists on being the top layer in this bureaucratic cake. In theory this complex is guided by the National Security Council. Cold-war prob- lems are tackled by ?the NSC's Planning Board. But the board's members are the assistant secretaries of the several depart- ments of government, each committed to its own vested interests. Faced with the de- sirability that their recommendations be unanimously agreed upon, basic decisions are anonymously watered down and anony- mously rewritten time and again to avoid conflict. Only after endless haggling are these documents, passing as America's new proposed grand strategy, offered to the NSC. "Thus a passive resistance develops to di- lute recommendations up to the President and downward to the agencies charged with carrying out policy,," says Col. William R. Kintner, the Army's psychological-warfare expert, who has worked with the NSC struc- ture and studied our cold-war machinery. "There is a natural tendency to sidestep and hedge, to evade problems and react to situ- ations with half measures haltingly applied. And progress reports to the President (on which he must rely for information about the world situation) often tend to conceal lack of progress." Gordon Gray, former Secretary of the Army, has testified that policy papers, after weeks of writing and rewriting, had to be discussed by the Council for 5 more weeks before receiving final approval. The result of this cumbersome procedure, explains W. W. Rostow, professor of economic history at Massachusetts Institute of Technology, is that "American policymaking consists of a series of reactions to major crises. Hav- ing failed to define, to anticipate, and to deal with forces loose in the world, we sud- denly find ourselves face to face with the problems never recognized or swept under the rug." . What happens when our policy is finally determined? Once a week the Vice Presi- dent, Secretaries of State, Defense, and Treasury, the Budget Director and the Di- rector of Civil Defense and Mobilization constitute themselves as the NSC ,itself, and for a couple of hours advise their chairman, the President, about the cold war. Once he makes a final judgment they leave it up to another subordinate bureaucratic group, the Operations Coordinating Board?which has no enforcement authority?to try to persuade departments to carry out the de- cision. Even the personal assistant to the President, appointed to coordinate the en- tire setup in his name, had to cajole de- partment heads even to attend a confer- ence. Nobody has concise directive author- ity. It is bad enough that the National Secu- rity Council system is inoperable. But the shocking fact is that it is sometimes used by the State Department bureaucracy as in in- strument for actually defying the White House. In 1956, for example, State so balked at producing the facts required to bring a desperately needed reappraisal of our Middle East policies before the Presi- dent that another of Ike's top cold war lieu- tenants quit in disgust. Shortly afterward we were caught in stunned surprise when our British, French and Israeli allies at- tacked Nasser's Egypt. More recently, when Cuban dictator Fidel Castro visited the United States in 1959, the FBI rushed to the State Department a de- vastating report on the growing seriousness of Communist influences around him. Other similar FBI reports followed. But State de- liberately suppressed this information. At one point State even refused to allow Cuba to be brought up for discussion before the President in NSC meeting. The subject February,. 9 finally got to NSC attention only because a Presidential assistant personally prevailed upon CIA Director Allen Dulles to provide a special NSC briefing as to what was hap- pening in Cuba. State then had to reply. In one country a few hundred thousand dollars would have helped a genuine but im- poverished democratic party to provide transportation so the people could get to the polls to vote down Communist influences taking them over. We were too shy to supply the money for this purpose. Yet today that country's Communist-infiltrated government is given millions in a single year as foreign aid. Even stranger has been the refusal of the bureaucracy to permit the distribution abroad of pamphlets designed to show how government based on personal liberties is su- perior to communism. The pamphlets were developed at the order of Adm. Arthur Rad- ford as a study course called Militant Liberty for American servicemen. However, when it was proposed that these ideas be made avail- able to other countries opposing commu- nism, NSC's anonymous bureaucratic planners even refused to let the subject come up for NSC discussion. Then in 1957 Ecuador appealed directly for Spanish trans- lations of Militant Liberty to be used in a citizenship program for the Ecuadoran po- lice and armed forces and possibly in the schools. "Along with technological aid we also need ideologic aid," begged El Commercio, one of the country's leading newspapers. Ecuador's President was enthusiastic. Our Ambassador in Ecuador traveled to Wash- ington to push the plan. Secretary of De- fense Charles E. Wilson and Undersecretary of State Robert Murphy had already given approval. But the necessary final State Department clearances never came. A year and a half later Ecuador's Minis- ter of National Defense sought action through a formal note. "Efforts are being made with systematic persistence by a con- siderable number of Communist agents to distort the thinking of members of the armed forces in Ecuador," he warned. He pleaded that the study course was needed to oppose vigorously the dialectics and sophistries of Communist propaganda which were creating uneasiness and confusion. Still nothing happened. "The program was just killed by in- action," says. Admiral Radford. "Some bureaucrats just have a horror of initiating things." And thus by timidity and bureau- cratic buckpassing, our State Department killed an opportunity to come to the aid of a friendly country that wanted our help in combating communism. Partly for lack of this help, Ecuador today has a tough problem of communism on its hands. There is one obvious solution to the mess the bureaucracy has made. As early as 1953 studies of the National Security Coun- cil complex called for a person to sit at the President's right hand along with a staff of specialists in diplomatic warfare, propa- ganda, intelligence, trade warfare, foreign aid support, and military liaison to counter Communist intrusions. These classified studies are still locked up, but their substance was openly voiced by courageous citizens. On April 5, 1955, Brig. Gen. David Sarnoff appealed for a Cold War Strategy Board with a Chief of Cabinet rank. "In gearing to fight a hot war," he said, "we call in military strategists and tacticians. Likewise, we must have special- ists to fight a cold war ? ? * a mobilization of hard, knowledgable anti-Communists who understand the issues and for whom it Is not merely a job but a dedication." At one time President Eisenhower, realiz- ing the desperate need for a sort of super Cabinet chief to ride herd on foot-dragging departments, wanted to put whip-cracking Gen. W. Bedell Smith to the job, even with- Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/02/05: CIA-RDP63T00245R000300380001-9 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/02/05: CIA-RDP63T00245R000300380001-9 /9-51 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE out portfolio. But Smith was then in poor r health, and Ike hesitated to impose on him. Another time Vice President Nixon was sug- gested for the task, but the State Depart- ment prevented any appointment. Throughout 1955, Nelson Rockefeller served at the White House with his main as- signment to trY to develop a more imagina- tive, creative approach to carrying out Na- tional Securty Council policy. Rockefeller --las shocked by the slow, even sluggish op- eration of the whole setup. He was dis- tressed by the vast number of State Depart- ment personnel who, by dominating the NSC machinery, were able to avoid un- biased evaluation of their actions. When he sought to obtain independent reports for the President as to the true state of the De- partment's progress, its officials complained to the President that he was "causing trou- ble" and "raising havoc with an orderly and effective procedure." Moreover, Rockefeller was dismayed by the lack of centralized, up-to-the-minute information as to what was going on in the cold war around the world. When he sought to remedy this by having a room set aside where maps, visual aids and copies of the latest cables and analyses would be quickly available to the President and his aides, State blocked him. At wit's end he offered to finance the entire operation himself. At that, he was informed that it would be il- legal to spend private money in a public building. After thus failing to get through the bureaucracy's quagmire of negativism, Rockefeller could only resign. The bitter opposition to Rockefeller is easy to understand, because his approach does not harbor incompetence. He says: "We have to get fast honest appraisals and have the courage to admit something is not work- ing, the policy is not right, the program is not right, and revise it." Yet the stupidity that results when indi- viduals become cogs in a vast bureaucratic machine bent on self-protection and main- taining the status quo is compounded by an even more fundamental weakness: the ap- palling lack of understanding of commu- nism's complex tactics by key people han- dling our foreign policy, propaganda, eco- nomic aid and oversea relations. "If there's a single denominator," testified C. D. Jack- son, one of those who put in time as a Presi- dential assistant trying to straighten out the cold war mess, "it is the difficulty of finding Americans who have the elementary knowl- edge of the conflict and how to go about our end of this very real and continuing The obvious remedy proposed by such stu- dents of communism both in and out of government is a Freedom Academy that will be democracy's answer to the Communist training schools for the tactics of world revolution, a West Point to teach our own cold war managers, diplomats, ICA, and USIA people the full scope of the Commu- nist strategy and to equip them with the ways to carry the war back to the Commu- nists and win. It would also offer post- graduate courses to high school and univer- sity teachers, and would be open to any of the 50,000 foreign students in American colleges. The idea was brushed off by the Washing- ton bureaucracy, but important Congress- men, both Republicans and Democrats, came to its aid and introduced Freedom Academy bills in House and Senate. The Senate Judiciary Committee, unanimously reporting out the measure, described it as one of the most important ever introduced in Congress, a practical, fundamental approach to our national survival. r "We have failed to recognize sufficiently that it takes more than dollars to win the cold war," added Senator KARL E. MUNDT, of South Dakota. "It takes individuals who have been trained." "The amateurs will always lose against the professionals," said Representative WALTER H. JUDD, of Minnesota. "I want some profes- sionals on our side." Nevertheless, because of departmental op- position, it was not possible to slip the meas- ure through the Senate until the closing hours of the last session; then it died because the House failed to act. "The horrible thing is that there is a complete failure to compre- hend the menace of communism even among many Members of Congress," Senator THozass J. DODD, of Connecticut, Democratic vice chairman of the Senate's Internal Security Subcommittee, told me. And his record shows that he is no Red witch hunter. So for failure to fight back, the net is pulled in on us. The Communists set up more revolutionary training schools not only in Latin America and in Asia but in the United States itself. Riots and revolutions sweep Latin America. Our southeast Asian allies slip toward neutralism, and with Communists in their governments teeter toward complete Red takeover despite vast amounts of foreign aid. Even our attempts to bring peace to the Congo through the United Nations are impeded by Communist influences in that organization, and this despite the fact that we are producing the millions of extra dollars needed to keep the show going and finance the U.N. effort. Meantime, we bobble every chance to score against our opponents. Last fall our Gov- ernment knew that Cuba's Castro had paid in advance for Harlem lodgings. Yet when he stalked out of a midtown New York hotel crying he wasn't wanted, our information services remained politely aloof instead of exposing his lie to the world while Havana, Moscow and Peiping had a propaganda field day all over Latin America. The way to stop this sort of defeat by default is already on the record. We must set up a cold war commander, as proposed back in 1953 and 1955, working in close con- sultation with the President and heading a small professional staff of men skilled in total political warfare. They must have whatever authority is needed over the cur- rent operating departments to see that their orders are carried out instantaneously. Ex- ecutive efficiency is necessary if we are to win the very real war in which we are engaged. We must also have a Freedom Academy. Its first task will be to acquaint our diplo- mats and department officials with the facts of life about Communist aims, strategy and tactics for as the congressional report on the Academy stated: "The various agencies and bureaus can be shuffled and reshuffled ? * ? but until they are staffed by highly motivated personnel who have been syste- matically and intensively trained in the vast and complex field of total political warfare, we can expect little improvement in our situ- ation." The Academy will graduate highly motivated elite cadres for freedom. Then with such personnel, we Can develop a sci- ence of counteraction against Communist subversion. We can, for example, begin to counter such Communist-front techniques as anti-colonial and anti-imperialist cam- paigns with more valid anti-violence, anti- censorship, anti-suppression-of-speech cam- paigns. Thus organized, with bold imaginative leadership and with more freedom fighters ever strengthening our framework, we can at last begin to win some battles of our own and not just in the free world, but among the captive peoples behind the Iron Curtain. Mr. FULBRIGHT subsequently said: Mr. President, I call the attention of the distinguished minority leader to a bill which has been introduced today by 1755 the distinguished Senator from South Dakota [Mr. Muivrerl entitled "A bill to create a Freedom Commission and the Freedom Academy." I have not read any of the bill. It has just been introduced. However, I believe it is the same bill, or certainly is very similar to the bill, introduced in the last session, S. 1689, which was referred to the Committee on the Judiciary. When the bill was introduced last summer, I said then that I wished to serve notice that if a similar bill were introduced in the next Congress I ex- pected to raise the question of jurisdic- tion and to insist that a bill of a similar nature be referred for consideration to the Committee on Foreign Relations. The object of the bill is clearly within the jurisdiction of the Committee on Foreign Relations. It is concerned with developing ways and means to combat the spread of communism. That is the principal object of many such bills, including the foreign-aid bill. I ask unanimous consent, if the minor- ity leader agrees with my statement, that the bill be referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations. Mr. DIRKSEN. Mr. President, reserv- ing the right to object, first let me ad- dress a parliamentary inquiry to the Chair. So far as the Chair or the Parliamen- tarian may know, was there a specific request made today that the bill be referred to the Committee on the Judi- ciary, rather than to the Committee on Foreign Relations? Mr. FULBRIGHT. I do not know. The PRESIDING OFFICER. The bill which was introduced last year was referred to the Committee on the Judi- ciary. Mr. FULBRIGHT. It was referred to that committee last year. It went to the Committee on the Judiciary without my having had notice to that effect. I had never heard of the bill until it appeared on the floor. Mr. DIRKSEN. The introducer of the bill is the senior Senator from South Dakota [Mr. MUNDT]. Mr. FULBRIGHT. That is correct. Mr. DIRKSEN. And certain cospon- sors. Mr. FULBRIGHT. That is correct. Mr. DIRKSEN. Speaking only for myself, as a member of the Committee on the Judiciary, I would have no objec- tion to a rereference of the bill. How- ever, I think I am duty bound to ascer- tain from the Senator from South Da- kota [Mr. MUNDT] whether he has any objection to having the bill referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations, of which the distinguished Senator from Arkansas is the chairman. Mr. FULBRIGHT. I gave notice last summer, in the course of the debate on the floor, that I would expect to take this action if the bill were reintroduced this year. I give notice now that I think the bill should be referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations. It has not been re- ferred to committee yet. I ask that it be referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations because I am confident that Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/02/05: CIA-RDP63T00245R000300380001-9 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/02/05: CIA-RDP63T00245R000300380001-9 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE the subject matter of the bill clearly brings it within the jurisdiction of that committee. Mr. DIRKSEN. I shall try to get an expression on this question without de- lay, probably before the afternoon is over, or within the next 30 minutes. Perhaps we can get an answer to the question. Then the bill may be referred to the Senator's committee, if that is the wish. The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does the Senator from Arkansas withhold his request? Mr. FULBRIGHT. In case the matter cannot be concluded, what will be the action of the Chair in referring the bill? The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Chair understands that the bill would be referred to the Committee on the Ju- diciary, unless it was, by unanimous con- sent, referred elsewhere. Mr. DIRKSEN. I had reserved the right to object. Without being offensive to the Senator, I think I should object until I can check further into the mat- ter. Mr. FULBRIGHT. I will withdraw my request. I want to know what the status is without my request. I will re- serve my request until the Senator from Illinois has had an opportunity to con- fer with the Senator from South Da- kota. Mr. DIRKSEN. I think the distin- guished Senator from Missouri [Mr. SYMINGTON] may be a cosponsor of the bill. Mr. SYMINGTON. Mr. President, the bill in question was passed by the Senate last year. I happened to be walking through the Chamber at the time. Only two or three Senators were on the floor. It was passed by the Senate at that time. I could not agree more with the distin- guished Senator from Arkansas, the chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations. The bill very properly should be referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations. I myself have in a bill which, in certain aspects, reads on the details of the bill in question. I hope the bill will be referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations. That is where it belongs. Mr. FULBRIGHT. Mr. President, I have since conferred with the minority leader. He informs me that the Senator from-South Dakota [Mr. MUNDT] has no objection. Therefore, I renew my re- quest that the bill be referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations. The PRESIDING OrvICER. With- out objection, the bill will be referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations. UTILIZATION RESEARCH PROGRAM FOR THE DEPRESSED LEAD-ZINC INDUSTRY Mr. BENNETT. Mr. President, I in- troduce, for appropriate reference, a bill which calls for a major acceleration in research by the Bureau of Mines to de- velop new uses for lead and zinc. It is my hope and expectation that this new research program will result in increas- ing the market for lead and zinc prod- ucts, which would do much to assist the depressed lead-zinc industry. Last year, I sponsored a bill prepared by the Emergency Lead-Zinc Committee, which would have imposed flexible tariffs on imports of lead and zinc at a sufficient level so that miners could have jobs and so mining operations could make a modest profit. Unfortunately, Congress refused to take favorable action on this meritorious bill. However, another bill of a similar nature .is being developed, which I intend to join in sponsoring when it is introduced in the Senate, and I hope Congress and the President will give it their approval. The bill which I have introduced today Is designed to supplement the tariff ap- proach. In our preoccupation with the problem of imports, we tend to overlook the fact that lead and zinc have been losing some of their markets to competi- tive materials. The lead-zinc industries in 1958 sharply accelerated their research pro- grams, recognizing somewhat belatedly that producers of competitive materials were doing extensive research designed to develop new uses of their materials. Lead and zinc producers in the United States, Canada, Mexico, Great Britain, South America, and Australia are all cooperating in these programs. Lead projects begun include research on the use of lead in ceramics, lead cable sheathing, heat emissive properties of the metal, lead alloys, the semiconductor properties of lead compounds, and also lead as a shielding material for nuclear reactors. Research projects on zinc Include new finishes for zinc die castings, development of improved zinc die cast- ing alloys, corrosion of galvanized hot water tanks, wet storage stain of galva- nized sheet, cathode protection of ma- rine tankers, improvements in zinc lithographic plates, zinc battery cans, and exposure tests of exterior house paints containing zinc oxide. The Department of the Interior, un- der the Eisenhower administration, has engaged in research directed toward re- ducing costs of mining and milling. These studies have covered basic and applied aspects of rock drilling and ground support, improvements in recov- ery procedures, and studies in extractive metallurgy. Projects planned but not yet initiated include fundamental re- search in the field of zinc base die cast- ing alloys, and expansion of the use of electrolysis. My bill is designed, among other things, to?increase research along these lines, which might very well open up new markets for lead and zinc. In addition to acceleration of the re- search program by the Bureau of Mines, my bill would give authority to the De- partment of the Interior to contract for research?authority which the Depart- ment does not now have. In the case of coal, the coal industry felt that such a program was needed and supported legis- lation for the establishment of an Office of Coal Research. It may be that when hearings are held on my bill, the lead and zinc industries may wish to support an amendment to create an Office of Lead and Zinc Research. I am certainly open to such a suggestion. February 9 The bill provides for the creation of an advisory committee from the lead and zinc industries, so that there will be no duplication of research effort. I am in- debted to Robert Bernick, the astute Salt Lake Tribune business editor and mining expert, for alerting me to the great possibilities of an expanded lead- zinc research program, contained in an article which he wrote late last year. Similarly, Royce A. Hardy, a former As- sistant Secretary of the Interior, gave me his full cooperation and assistance in development of the bill and the approach which it embodies. I ask unanimous consent to include at the close of my remarks a list of research projects now being conducted by the Lead Industries Association and the American Zinc Institute, together with a list of seven projects which have been considered by the Bureau of Mines but deferred because other work was given higher priority, and the text of my bill. The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The bill will be received and appropriately referred; and, without objection, the bill and lists will be printed in the RECORD. The bill (S. 828) to encourage and stimulate the production and conserva- tion of lead and zinc in the United States through research and development by authorizing the Secretary of the Interior to contract for lead and zinc research, and for other purposes, introduced by Mr. BENNETT, was received, read, twice by its title, referred to the Committee on Interior and Insular Affairs, and or- dered to be printed in the RECORD, as fol- lows: Be it enacted by the Senate and the House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the Secretary of the Interior may? (1) develop through research, new and more efficient methods of preparing and utilizing lead and zinc; (2) contract for, sponsor, cosponsor, and promote the coordination of, research with recognized interested groups; (3) establish technical advisory commit- tees composed of recognized experts in vari- ous fields of lead and zinc research to assist in the examination and evaluation of re- search progress and of all research proposals and contracts and to insure the avoidance of duplication of research; and (4) cooperate to the fullest extent possible with other departments, agencies, and inde- pendent establishments of the Federal Gov- ernment and with State governments, and with all other interested agencies, govern- mental and nongovernmental. SEC. 2. (a) Any advisory committee ap- pointed under the provisions of this Act shall keep minutes of each meeting, which shall contain as a minimum (1) the name of each person attending such meeting, (2) a copy of the agenda, and (3) a record of all votes or polls taken during the meeting. (b) A copy of any such minutes or of any report made by any such committee after final action has been taken thereon by the Secretary shall be available to the public upon request and payment of the cost of furnishing such copy. (c) Members of any advisory committee appointed from private life under authority of this section shall each receive $50 per diem when engaged in the actual performance of their duties as a member of such advisory committee. Such members shall also be en- titled to travel expehses and per diem in lieu of subsistence at the rates authorized by sec- tion 5 of the Administrative Expenses Act of Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/02/05: CIA-RDP63T00245R000300380001-9 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/02/05: CIA-RDP63T00245R000300380001-9 wiNGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE ahem*, and do such other things as may . be necessary to .carry out the provisions of this joint resolution; and (d) avail itself of the assistance and ad- vice of the Commission of Fine Arts, the National Capital Planning Commission, and the National Capital Regional Planning Council, and such Commissions and Council shall, upon request, render such assistance and advice. SEC. 3. There is authorized to be appropri- ated not more than $10,000 to carry out the provisions of this joint resolution, Mr. WILLIAMS of New Jersey. Mr. President, this joint resolution is iden- tical with Senate Joint Resolution 152, introduced last year, passed by the Sen- ate, and considered by House Committee on Administration. The interest shown by the cosponsors today is heartening; I believe that we should work as early as possible in 1961 to make this project come into being. The purpose of the resolution can be expressed in a very few words: it would establish a commission, including former- Presidents of the United States if they wish to participate, to consider the many suggestions for a memorial to Woodrow Wilson in Washington, D.C. Two general alternatives would be con- sidered: the so-called nonfunctional monument and the functional, "Wood- row Wilson House" type of memorial building or structure. One strong declaration for a non- functional monument was expressed forcefully by the Woodrow Wilson Cen- tennial Commission in its final report of 1957. After noting that a Woodrow Wilson Memorial Bridge across the Potomac was to be constructed, the re- port added: But the Commission, feeling that one important thing still remains to be done to make the tribute to Wilson complete, recommends that Congress take such action as may be necessary to assure the erection in Washington of a permanent memorial structure to Woodrow Wilson comparable in beauty, sweep, and grandeur to those already dedicated to Washington, Jefferson, and Lincoln. This recommendation is a prod- uct of careful consideration on the part of the Commission. It stems from an abiding conviction that Wilson's eminence as a scholar, educator, statesman, and world leader, and especially his contribution to the Presidency itself as an institution, place him high on the list of great American Presidents. I have also received many other sug- gestions for a completely different kind of monument, one which would serve a special purpose the year round. Mr. President, at the time of introduction last year, I introduced lengthy quota- tions from letters and statements giving ideas for such a functional memorial and for other types as well. I ask unan- imous consent to have a resume of those remarks printed at the end of my re- marks here today. One of the most interesting sugges- tions calls for a Wilson International Center in Washington, one which might well be coordinated with the activities of the Washington International Center of the American Council on Education. Visitors from abroad are introduced to American life at the Center; they par- ticipate in lectures, group discussion, and other activities. Dr. Francis Sayre, son-in-law of President Wilson, is par- ticularly interested in this approach. Mr. President, the Commission will have the difficult but very challenging task of deciding the form that the me- morial could take, and Congress will then act on its recommendations. The point of today's discussion is not the form of the memorial, but the need for it. In our Capital City today, the visitor may see the Star-Spangled Banner in a huge glass case at the Smith- sonian Institution or the Declaration of Independence at the Archives Building. Within a 10-minute automobile ride he can see the memorials to Washington, Jefferson, and Lincoln. Soon, other memorials will honor more recent Pres- idents. But, with the exception of his quiet resting place at the Washington Na- tional Cathedral, we have no similarly accessible monument to the greatness of Woodrow Wilson. He is remembered in our hearts and minds, and in the hearts and minds of millions through- out the world. But we need more than memory; we need a symbol, too. To satisfy this need, we should have a memorial to Wilson, and we should have it in the very near future, because Wilson's words and wisdom are particu- larly important to us and to the world during this troubled decade. Woodrow Wilson was more than an inspiring college president, a reform governor of New Jersey, and a coura- geous President. He was an authentic 20th century voice for this Nation; we have yet to match our deeds to his vision. Today, we wish to let the world know that we seek peace; that we understand the "revolution of rising expectations" in underdeveloped nations; and that we have, in Wilson's words, "a great com- mitment of America to the service of humanity." Unless we can persuade great numbers of persons throughout the world that such goals are our goals, we shall fail in one of our most important duties; we , will fail to inspire; we will fail to express our faith in the basic strength of the democratic idea. It seems obvious that a memorial to Wilson would help dramatize our dedica- tion to Wilson's principles. It seems equally obvious that the time for that project is now. In fact, it seems little short of incredible that we do not al- ready have a memorial to the great man who served as our 28th President. Difficult as it is to describe the full range of Wilson's contribution to our thinking and our ultimate goals I would like to close this brief discussion with two quotations which give several clues to his greatness. The first statement is from his message to Congress asking for a declaration of war in 1917. Even in such a declaration, Wilson saw that lasting peace could fol- low conflict. We know the famous first sentence of the following excerpt, but perhaps in 1961 we should give renewed 2057 thought to the other concepts expressed in the following passage: The world must be made safe for democ- racy, Its peace must be planted upon the tested foundations of political liberty. We have no selfish ends to serve. We desire no conquest, no dominion. We seek no indem- nities for ourselves, no material compensa- tion for the sacrifices we shall freely make. We are but one of the champions of the rights of mankind. We shall be satisfied when those rights have been made as secure as the faith and the freedom of nations can make them. * * * It is a diStressing and oppressive duty, gentlemen of the Congress, which r have performed and in thus addressing you. There are, it may be, many months of fiery trial and sacrific ahead of us. It is a fearful thing to lead this great peaceful people into war, into the most terrible and disastrous of all wars, civilization itself seeming to be in the balance. But the right is more precious than peace, and we shall fight for the things which we have always carried nearest our hearts?for democracy, for the right of those who submit to au- thority to have a voice in their own gov- ernments, for the rights and liberties of small nations, for a universal dominion of right by such a concert of free peoples as shall bring peace and safety to all nations and make the world itself at last free. Mr. President, the second quotation comes from "Woodrow Wilson, World Prophet," a book by Mr. Arthur Wal- worth. Mr. Walworth, in his closing lines, gives a summary which, though brief, manages to sum up much of Wil- son's contribution to the world: Great universities are acting on Woodrow Wilson's concept of preceptorial teaching and democratic living in residential colleges; citizens intent on good government pursue his ideals, timbers of law with which he bulwarked American society against eroding currents are still sound after dire stresses, and the nations of the world have come closer to his envisioned parliament of man. Jan Christian Smuts thought that at Paris the people had failed their prophets. But Woodrow Wilson took a more com- passionate view. "The people were not ready," he said, "and perhaps they were right in thinking that the hour had not come." ? Yet, he never doubted that it would come. On a fragment of paper, unsigned and un- dated, the biographer finds written in the firm, familiar hand this favorite verse from the Habakkuk: "The vision is yet for an appointed time, but at the end it shall speak, and not lie: though it tarry, wait for it; because it will surely come, it will not tarry." It is upon the validity of this faith that the measure of Woodrow Wilson's greatness depends. DESIGNATION OF EASTERN ORTHO- DOX CHURCH AS A MAJOR FAITH IN THE UNITED STATES Mr. CASE of New Jersey. Mr. Presi- dent, on behalf of myself, and Senators KEATING of New York and PELL of Rhode Island, I submit, for appropriate reference, a resolution to designate the Eastern Orthodox churches as a major faith in the United States. Modern communications brought the inauguration of President Kennedy to the homes of millions of Americans, but comparatively few among our people ap- preciated the fact that even as Arch- bishop Iakovos prayed for the President, Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/02/05: CIA-RDP63T00245R000300380001-9 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/02/05: CIA-RDP63T00245R000300380001-9 2058 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE the church which His Eminence repre- sents had no official standing before the Government of the United States. The designation of Archbishop Iako- vos, the Eastern Orthodox primate of North and South America, as a partici- pant in the inauguration proceedings was a partial recognition of his church as a major American faith. Our bill would make this recognition complete. The Eastern Orthodox churches, by universal agreement, constitute one of the major divisions of worldwide Chris- tianity. The Eastern Orthodox family is surpassed in membership by only four great non-Christian religions of the world?Moslem, Hindu, Confucian, and Buddhist. Among the world's Christian faiths, it is third in membership. In the United States, Eastern Ortho- doxy ranks fourth in membership among religious groups, surpassed only by the Protestant, Roman Catholic, and Jewish faiths. ? Last year, membership in the various Eastern Orthodox churches in this coun- try was conservatively estimated by the National Council of Churches at 2,545,- 318. The latest figures available to me indi- cate that membership has now increased to at least 2,807,000. ? To those who may fear that the prece- dent here set may open the door to simi- lar claims by numerous other faiths, it may be pointed out that none of the faiths not now designated by our Gov- ernment has a comparable membership in the United States. There are other reasons why the Eastern Orthodox Church ought to be designated a major faith in the United States. Several Federal agencies have omitted Eastern Orthodoxy in projects in which Protestant, Catholic, and Jewish faiths have been invited to participate. The legislatures of more than half the States in the Union have passed resolu- tions recognizing Eastern Orthodoxy as a major religious faith. The proposed resolution does not en- visage any expenditure of money, or any action in support or preference of the Eastern Orthodox faith. It is intended as public recognition of the fact that the American citizens of Eastern Orthodox faith constitute a substantial segment of our community, separate from the three major faiths already designated, and justly entitled to consideration in any Federal action or statement re- lated to religious matters. The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The resolution will be received and appro- priately referred. The resolution (S. Res. 88) was re- ferred to the Committee on the Judi- ciary, as follows: Whereas the Eastern (Greek) Orthodox Church is a major faith in the United States and throughout the world; and Whereas Senate bill 106, Eighty-fourth Congress, led to the designation of the Eastern Orthodox faith as a separate reli- gious faith in the Armed Forces of the United States; and Whereas several Federal agencies have omitted FAAtern Orthodoxy in projects which Protestant, Catholic, and Jewish faiths have been invited to participate; and Whereas more than half of the States in the United States through their legislators have passed resolutions recognizing Eastern Orthodoxy as a major religious faith; and Whereas the Eastern Orthodox faith has millions of communicants throughout the world including several million in the United States; and Whereas where anything is said concern- ing the major faiths, usually the Protestant, Catholic, and Jewish faiths are referred to; and Whereas it therefore follows that a reli- gious distinction is being made in omitting the Eastern Orthodox Church, which is con- trary to the prevailing principle of democ- racy and freedom of religion in this country: Now, therefore,"be it Resolved, That the Eastern Orthodox Church is a major faith in this country; and that all references by Federal agencies to major faiths now limited to Protestants, Catholics, and Jews include the Eastern Orthodox Church. Mr. KEATING. Mr. President, I am delighted today to join with Senator CASE in sponsoring the resolution which he has championed for several years to give official recognition to the Eastern Orthodox Churches as a major religion. I have talked with a number of leading clerics of the Eastern Orthodoxy and I am quite familiar with the deep inter est they have in this measure and also with the major reasons which they give In support of this legislation. I am fully satisfied that the position of mem- bers of the Eastern Orthodox Church in the United States and the situations which have given rise to this proposal justify its passage. It is, in my mind, entirely fitting that the Government should accord, under the law, the same treatment' to this important group of Americans that it does to the major recognized religions in the United States today. I commend my colleague and thank him for giving me the opportunity to join with him in this important endeavor. Mr. CASE of New Jersey. Mr. Presi- dent, I thank my colleague from New York. EXTENSION OF NATIONAL WOOL ACT?ADDITIONAL COSPONSORS OF BILL Mr. HICKEY. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent at the next print- ing of the bill (S. 454) to extend the National Wool Act, that the names of the Senator from New Hampshire [Mr. BRIDGES], the Senator from Massachu- setts [Mr. SALTONSTALL], and the Sena- tor from South Carolina [Mr. JOHN- STON], be added as cosponsors. The PRESIDENT pro tempore. With- out objection, it is so ordered. AMENDMENT OF CODE RELATING TO DETERMINATIONS AND DECI- SIONS?.ADDITIONAL COSPONSOR OF BILL Mr. SPARKMAN. Mr. President, on February 2, 1961, on behalf of myself and other Senators, I introduced the bill (S. 769) to amend section 2310 of title 10 of the United States Code, re- lating to determinations and decisions. February 16. The Senator from FlOrida [Mr, HOL- LAND] desires that his name also be added as a cosponsor. Therefore, I ask unanimous consent that at the next printing of Senate bill 769, the name of the Senator from Florida [Mr. HOLLAND] be added as a cosponsor. The PRESIDENT pro tempore. With- out objection, it is so ordered. ASSISTANCE TO STATES IN HEALTH . CARE FOR THE AGED?ADDI- TIONAL COSPONSOR OF BILL Mr. DIR,KSEN. Mr. President, at the request of the distinguished Senator from California [Mr. KITCHEL], I ask unanimous consent that his name be in- cluded as one of the cosponsors of Sen- ate bill 937, to provide for a program of Federal matching grants to the States to enable the States to provide health insurance for individuals aged 65 or over at subscription charges such individuals can pay, introduced by the Senator from New York [Mr. JAvirs] (for himself and other Senators) on February 13, 1961. The PRESIDENT pro tempore. With- out objection, it is so ordered. 1FRE DOM COMMISSION AND FREE- DOM ACADEMY?ADDITIONAL CO- SPONSORS OF BILL Under authority of the order of the Senate of February 9, 1961, the names of Senators FONG, BUTLER, HICKENLOOPER, MILLER, and KEATING were added as ad- ditional cosponsors of the bill (S. 822) to create the Freedom Commission and the Freedom Academy to research and de- velop an integrated, operational science to win the nonmilitary part of the global struggle between freedom and commu- nism and to train Government person- nel, private citizens, and foreign stu- dents in this science, introduced by Mr. MUNDT (for himself and other Senators) on February 9, 1961. AMENDMENT OF WATER POLLU- TION CONTROL ACT?ADDITIONAL COSPONSORS OF BILL Under authority of the order of the Senate of February 9, 1961, the names of Senators Moss, NEUBERGER, CLARK, LONG of Missouri, and MORSE were added as additional cosponsors of the bill (S. 861) to amend the Federal Water Pollu- tion Control Act to provide for a more effective program of water pollution con- trol, introduced by Mr. HUMPHREY (for himself and Mr. MCCARTHY) on Febru- ary 9, 1961. ADMENDMEN1' OF SMALL BUSINESS ACT?ADDITIONAL COSPONSOR OF BILLS Under authority of the order of the Senate of February 9, 1961, the name of Mr. SMATHERS was added as an addi- tional cosponsor of the following bills, Introduced by Mr. SPARKMAN (for himself and other Senators) on February 9, 1961: S.902. A bill to amend the Small Business Investment Act of 1958, and for other pur- poses; and Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/02/05: CIA-RDP63T00245R000300380001-9 k -1- -r ? /' Declassified in Part -Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/02/05: CIA-RDP63T00245R000300380001-9 Lr-4..7 ------- FREEDOM ACADEMY) ------- % - / WAS NGTON? -THE "FREEDOM ACADEMY" BILL DESIGNED TO TEACH AMERICANS HOW TO IGHT THE COLD WAR, WAS SCHEDULED TO, BE., INTRODUCED TODAY BY SEN. KARL E TH EASURE WOULD SET UP AN AGENCY TO DEVELOP NON*MILITARY ? TACTI TO BE USED BY THE FREE WORLD IN THE POLITICAL STRUGGLE WITH c:;MU ST POWERS. TP ACADEMY THEN WOULD OFFER COURSES TO GOVERNMENT WORKERS, ? TEACH Si TRADE UNIONISTS, BUSINESSMEN, CLERGYMEN, AND PRIVATE. CITI S TRAVELING ABROAD, M iT TOLD :THE SENATE IN A PREPARED SPEECH THAT THE COMMUNISTS SYST TICALLY HAVE PREPARED FOR POLITICAL AGGRESSION FOR 'tonTHAN iQ YRS, M DT SAID THE U.S. HAD RELIED ON SHORT-eTERM PLANNING TO MEET THES MOVES. HE SAID THIS WAS NOT ENOUGH. 2 -.GE101/A 1 Part - RAnitiZed CODV Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/02/05 : CIA-RDP63T00245R000300380001-9 ? ..( 1 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/02/05: CIA-RDP63T00245R000300380001-9 , FREEDOM ACADEMY BILL1 Fight or Communism Again; Proposed to Congress WASHINGTON Jan 16(AP), -A prop)cal to.?reat, a-Free-i don. A 'ariorr,y ? t? t,?;iri, silentltie W.0-, oninumism .-olvaived day lw Representative Robert- Griffin. 'rhe i?1 '11J;tri Ror,11-,iomn. I bill, similar to one hi- make law last year. ahouht form .a "Freedom Cornui ,n' charged \ ith devel opt m"'? ence of anti-communife. He said the Freedom Acad- emy would be "the pla.!e where that science would be taught." Mr. Griffin said the Sovietl Linton and Communist China were far ahead of the 12nited States in teaching "ccuri war techniques and activities. "The SOviets have plaoed gt:et eylphasis.upon 'cold . war' ; tritritnrand-haVe done much in that direction. They have extensive system of t tauin ' sehonis at Moscow, I...Mogi-id. ' Tashkent, Prague and elsen. hot e? on both sides of the iron Cur- tam," he said. / ' Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/02/05: CIA-RDP63T00245R000300380001-9 44 CONG/LtbblUNAL .KMAIK1.1 --ArrtruRA. ei Oki( 41,4.44 - Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 50-Yr 2014/02/05: ? ISLIU &bp MI Mau ?viwaixa? %ea. 'mamma wtaaj ow- ? - wake gallant hated witti lackadaisical Wittering.- Though he is .ralective and gentler in. speech and manner, this is deceptive. la :mown' lesso.i.o?w- many ways he is a animater. and use Most he Deter. accepted 'the ,snaverir.ka. he Sights IV" jensardeblvirest- Upoii them byCcelnumist . ed the Ehtemeatie nomination COntinued ,to fight -for iron the Siete Democratic machine and con- LWthe gad that in founded the pundits by winning Use election. was overrun by the Com- ireeps of bloom ? ? I this moment, when thifOammunist - headed by Commuisist aliablla. is rshallnir forces agallist the free world. as announced In the Communist manifesto in Moscow on December 6, 1980, we here In the United States. en-, 30911Ift the blessings of liberty and free- dom, express our ,sympathy to and un- derstanding of the Ukrainian people eri- alaved,bebind the DUI Curtain - It is' earnestly to be hoped Quit there may be restored to the Ukrainian people and to all enslaved nations, the blessings of treedonf and liberty. ? ? ? WO MD in Paying Id 111kritinian 'people In defense et . petitItnee ? yoke Runde. their 1920 ? , 4 Senator' Dodd Looks Ahead ^ EXTENSION OP REMARKS ' Or HON. JOHN S. hiONACAN . or conortortoirr - ., A:04 :rim irsousa OF REPRESENTATIVEd Wednesday. jollie 18, 011 . - tactics?ter example. Ool. William Wainer, ...Z. ,4 _ . _. - . -- .. ? ,r" - ? whose "The Front Is Everywhere." rinks t .my, moNAGAN. her, Speaker. In can- among the most perceptive and' insides nection with the current discussion of technical hcialie "er 'written on ontnu ittaftEtiefibri lectorale011elle.reppend munigiceloAnlanculaud'uPemnuUL MI" iErU - bertiOttle tin - ele enUtled . "Senator men will maks up the faculty' 113. Itudeni. ..Don Loots, cad...which 6peared in sue will boo young Patotai trOM Ma United States ? Ai Tuledanali COIUMD in.Waah- firnow`tha 'enemy' and to whO will bk tight. to Z'LL- r ? - . ? 4) D JanvAry.s, leaL , . , strategy hr the political and psphologral ? . 4.73/11 is a mod, senetrating analysis of mei of the (=Ow war. . . ? . . , .. ,taga disco's and , arming Irrankan and Negotiation with the COmmunists? will 4.a. canaotiativ4 mow tar remedying neva bring pence to' the worn. lienstor Maw sees. Only tow victory everloon- Ibb dereet In our 'eleet?11/2 Preteen "di' isitulistointhveneon In? Latin Anstriett. Asia. am happy to aPPfrid this article ee that and Africa can save the West. The point is the TIMM 01 the Connecticut Saluda% lieu taken. Re 10US de0MS04 UM a0,100. DISX haveflridespreadaant=oiki .? have been astable :bright young men Dons 1. ' * tii 'Iv . ..these tinderbox areas in the agitation= Of, .; (liy Ralik- ih..Toledano) . catastrophe, , Medusas of the in Moscow crap up wherever therelctroulele. SIMATO1 5000 ZioolitS /MUD' In Chaska they are .0hanisort. In Subs they When the Senate begin. That will be, a A are Cubani-and it. is child's play for them Ilona( P ind tilre4 debate 'On tartan of the to pose's nationalliter and to dominate the eta-tidal ooliege, one ,ot ,those most active untrained and disorganised, demooretic will be Senator ?rotas:. Doce,,of Connectl- ienclea. A? relatively man =abet of Free- ) ? ? cat., ' Thar .1Doces has already intridtiad an dam Academy alumni could-with afital =- amendment to the ConsUtutiontrobich Would eels apply the concept of the easiegie mid require Menne electoral with of each State .noeity in opposition to the Communists. . be divided aciaording to the perosidaga of the 'banning the Misdate, with me yesterday. popular vote each *candidate raetvetez . Ile Senator Dom. made it Clear that this Was 'believes that! the. _Moult system As unfair only! a 'first step. He beitaves education is and abnormal had Out ?Itie amendment ? a vital factor. but education that is purpose- , would elidallide 'aII:the edit arising from ful and gaited tp the realities of the situa- 'the artUtclid UntalittAtied the ,tuirt rulegikes tion. What he would like to see ls a new . . to a far trge States, Re Andes Minetbtug . univereity rising in Washingtqn. supported .esioIyongin an eilietoieT Pfeideee?thsX t if necessary by public funds, ertt like to niakes decisive not the vote7-ed 40ati1likin, . bring thousands of young peophl to this but 'the wile or ieverat thousand la a' few country." begaid."olsore they could see why ? keyarees. , At the 1000 Dtisocreths. Coirrenthin. be Was the only delegate to snake hit opposition to Senator Kennedy's nomination WNW but he swallowed his defeat and campaigned ac- %hely for the ticket. Tom Dom is deeply concerned over Amer- ica's role ar a bastion in the woild% fight for freedom. Re has just returned /TOM a tour of Europe where. be spoke to the lead- ers, Glacial and otherwise. In this fight. Re . has observed at first hand the fumbling .ef- forts of many D.& officials to meet the chal- lenge posed by the protracted conflict of MIT times, as wall as their widespread Auk of understanding of the forces working against us He doss not =Ube sinister motives to those who make fooUsh policy. Rut yeas are. just as dead if the man who held Ins gun didn't know it was loaded. . High on Senator Dam's agenda ler this session of Congress is the enactment of Zs Preedmn,A0UWaty bill 0hUb paned the. Senate last year but was crowded out of the. Rouse Calendar. The ides of creating ? Freedom Academy has had widespread atpport on both sides of the ocagresskotal awes. It has been endorsed by liberals and conservatives, by cold war experts, and by scholars. When It is set up. the Academy will bring together the most knowledgeable men in the field of Communist strategy and CIA-RDP63T00245R000300380001-9 se thattthei can hove ameetting to offer their atruillEUng countries? beyond an ideo- logical understanding ar a lien scilety?to that they can elm aliveltheoci. The mein- played intellectual. usually ends up as the embittered ally of. the, woridt predatory inevanente. ? .? ? This is a big order?and on lbs teat of it an expensive doe. thst its oast would hardly make &dent In the?contined defense tendert iusd pay ter pester dividend/I than most of our foreign aid. Funds wallet be *Peet in this country, moreover. reducing the drain on the golly. Tor /Senator Dom.. tins truly American university would be both desirable and highly practice). . ? end how our fans td gournmene Irate With Senator Don wotitthit for this 'But Man.*/ the inculcation cgt detacienatic ehletehheet, Iwo no expiry on the nee. ideals u-ama not erutateli. Senator Dote is aid's natio( room 000r Toss Dow one , +antis Wei this can battlitire--es it did for of the relatively few In !Inane. Ure who cam- ihe *UM see the Plena wini created a bine a sense of deithettan, thd tnieljeetdaJ eisia Cf ilitelisetnais in nate and MOM then capector to impleinent this Sense, Mad tfie let them return home unprepared for &V- drive to push toward his gall no tattler log a gignmcelit role In OW: countries, what the obstalea. As acting Chaisson of His dawn Is to Or* the Punt people who the Senate internal Security Stthcainmittee, attended this university practral soboiallnr be bat binight Wane& end diratt1.60..th the In enilitieetink and the sciences. In medicine ? a USDA Researeliblade Important , Advances During 1960 EXTENSION OP- ItEMAPICS Or ,... ? ? r HON. :CU FFORD MegffiRE, TUE Boma OP REPREtENTATIVES . Wednesday. Januar)/ 1,14'001. Mr. MaNTIRE. Mr. Speaker.' re'- search undeniably plays a vital-pert In the remarkable advances that are being made brAmerican agrictilture.4 So that my colleaguss,cart*abl'an fib- med4ate perspective on the went: of altrICUIttirel research: I inbuilt to the Ilscoite an article from the Janu- ary 14 Issue of the Paiikerrn trade publication,, presenting, k Week- down of research? applied:ION, ypiious agricultural arena during 1960r? 1381:14,Rsusacat Win Irstaissrii lkitosacns /Juana 1900 , WsilmegrOlf, D.C.. Jantairyuler-Surn- -rearlictreg roman =mar *tab* 1000,, the 11.8.4 Deportment et Agricuitteratpotrits tq new findings made desing the peortlet may kat to inciii,Mettilint .1"prorttilb1e aW8147'' 'Latinism:to* production. ..Coucentrating on biiiiceresearch. =DA edentate revered nips-. testes of hezure?tri.corne up with littudiples ihdthat may' provide tOrproved tooter= tenant= of rietare. ? Of" maim importance' among 106011, taint tesearch andIngs by written in USDA% pio- neering isbcratartes it reformatted on how nutrients move"Oven the-soil to the lqierior or plants. andOkow plaits gain resistanoe or ateoeptibility to disease. ? ? ' , Apioultund Itereatbh Servite lintonsolo- bist Inject pests - 41urtint the" ? esti made an Important seiftlthicl when teht age they synthesized an. insect atireetalit that oectire naturally in the fermate, syper Moth_ 'This discovery made' possible ter the drat time the SynTheSIS or tiaMeited-clusirities of ^ related attractant thal can hit Maistitac- Cured at lovr, coat. The synthetic MID lid lit detecting Infeitatiotth and ? itio nossibie use in gypsy raoth etovia program is being exPlared. artalUee YU= ? Self-ennthilsUon of hansom*s and tam- ales as s result of chemical elerilinstion was tritatS ilynhytUrDtrat..A enittomotogReee expedments We soya:. mark the Arai lithorethry trials of a chemical that sternum both male and female ties. ztr mixing small quantities of this material. in the Alm' food, ? plueisnent sterility ? is achieved and the Wee cannot reproduce. A nelay disoovervi special of fungus COM- nwa to Loultanx rugoreane soil and bettered ? ? Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/02/05: CIA-RDP63T00245R000300380001-9 'PlIENWrim tienn.i Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/02/05: CIA-RDP63T00245R000300380001-9 _ 147,762 \15 from Et Other iPeg, Pert Page i Date: ATI; 2 Pro-posed .'Freedom By MILT6N. BRITTEN a. The Prosa-ikimitor Dismal WASHINGTON.?A federal academy to train U. S. officials and prepare the nation's citizens to understand and Counter Corattnntlam's Cold War strategies seems ilk* to becOMe a reality during the new Congress. ? ? Backers of this so-called "Free- dom Commingle:eV Bill see the acad- emy as democracy's answer to various centers ht Moscow, Prague, Red China, and elsewhere, which draw Communists from thruout.the Red world for intensive total war- fare training. The Communists, these legisla- tors argue, use their centers to teach all forms or social conflict? political, ideological, psychological, economic, parliamentary, etc., th their massive effort to win end remake the world Into a Marxist society. ? In contrast, the bill's supporters say, U. S. efforts are diffuse, piecemeal, and inadequate. Says one of the bIll'a champions, Sen. Thomas Dodd (Dem., Conn.), vice 'Chairman of the Sen- ate Internal Security Subcommitteth-- "The free world does not have to ape Com- munist methods. This is neither desirable nor necessary. It is a question of thinking thru all of the methtais and means free men can prop- erly use when faced with a Soviet type chal- lenge, then integrating these intei a total counter- strategy of our own, which -will meet the entire Soviet attack, not just parts of it, and work to- wards our national objectives in a systematic manner. Further, our own strategy must not be mere- ly defensive. Thane who plan only a holding Britten 4 Academy,' and Arguments1 ...Jr- 'Pt.-- operation are inviting eventual defeat. must be a strategy with the worldwide viet0IF Pro an To do this the "Froedorn Commission" Billt %A. ? would create an independent commission of seven' ? members, appointed by the president 'and serving: staggered six-year terms. 'They would lesta an advanced training and, developfnenecen the FreedOin Academy. . of freedom as its ultimate objective." ? The commission would bring together within the academy a full-tinte . faculty of experts to develop and teach ways and means of thwarting the Soviet total warfare approach and effecting our. .own "strategy 'for vic,tory." As envisaged, the academy would not only provide intensive training. for professionals in the upper levels of government, but also leas exten- sive troining for lower eshelon officials' and pet- vete citizens. such as newspaper editor', civic and labor leaders and foreign students. Alexi the House has never held hearings on this measure, it passed the Senate quietly, on voice vote, in the closing days of the ligth Con- gress. As-evidence of the broad support it en- joyed, the till's Senate champipna pointed to Its unlikely combination of ma.jor sponsors, Illinois liberal ?Dertiocrat Paul Douglas and South Dakota's right-wing Reptiblican Karl Mundt. Actually the bill was first introduced in the House some two years ago by Rep. Waiter Judd (Rep., Mlnn.),' former medical missionary and longtime student of Communism's total warfare technique, and Rep. Sydney Herlong (Dent., Fia.l. In the House, it was referred to the House ? Un-American Activities Committee, headed by Rep. Francis E. Walter (Dem., Pa.), who is said to lean toward objections offered by the State and Justice Departmenti daring Senate hearings on the bill. These two executive departments said they thought the development and training functions of the Freedom Academy?an estimated $35,000.- 000-a-year operation?could be handled'with less overlapping 'and conkision by-existing agencies. The Foreign Service Institute, the National War College, the Army and Naval War College?, the Air University, the Central Intelligence Agency, the Federal Bureau of bwestigatlea. private foundations, the This-shin Research Cen- ter at Harvard and similar centers elsewhere all deal With various aspects of the problem In varying degrees. Sen. Dodd argues, however, 'it would take a major overhaul, a drastic reorientation, a great- ly expanded staff and facilities before any one of the government agencies) or all of them together, could approach the work of the Free- dom Academy.. ? as a practical matter, nothing will be done until one agency is divorced from other responsibilities and given clear direction and authority to do the job." ? The Senate sponsors plan to re-introduce their bill. Rep. Judd says he will seek an early con- ference with House Speaker Sam Rayburn to expedite the bill's passage by the House. They ' are opthniatia of success. ? . ? ' ? lifairthermiire, 'under the Kennedy administ, titthey hope that objections of State and J Departments will be withdrawn. Both C. and' Douglas, who helped wheel their sta. .behind the Democratic national ticket, will pp, an influence within tiv. Executive Departm that they haven't enjoyed under the ?Eisenht,,, administration. Another factor In the bill's favor?-unmention ; by ha backers? is clever wording. What p.-:. clan would really enjoy going on record in opr I :kin to a "Freedom" Commission:. t ? 1 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release @ 50-Yr 2014/02/05: CIA-RDP63T00245R000300380001-9