U.S. MILITARY OFFICERS IN VIETNAM

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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE 18917
either High Contracting Party shall have
given to the other notice of termination.
IN WITNESS WHEREOF, the respective Pleni-
potentiaries have signed this Convention and
have hereunto affixed their seals.
DONE in duplicate, in the English and
Japanese languages, both texts being equally
authentic, at Tokyo, this twenty=second day
of March, one thousand nine hundred sixty-
three.
For the United States of America:
EDWIN O, REISCHAUER [SEAL]
For Japan:
MASAYOSHI OHIRA [SEAL]
Protocol
At the time of signing the Consular Con-
vention between the United States of America
and Japan, the undersigned Plenipoten-
tiaries, duly authorized by their respective
Governments, have further agreed on the
following provisions, which shall be con-
sidered integral parts of the aforesaid Con-
vention:
1. Notwithstanding the provisions of
Article 1, this Convention shall not apply to
any area set forth in Article 3 of the Treaty
of Peace with Japan signed at the city of
San Francisco on September 8, 1951, as long
as any such area has riot been returned to
Japanese jurisdiction.
2. The phrase "one or more persons acting
on behalf of the sending state" referred to
in Articles 7 and 12 includes, when the
United States of America is the sending state,
the Secretary of State, the Chief of the Dip-
lomatic Mission in Japan, or any other officer
of the United States of America acting on
its behalf; but does not include any private
Individual or juridical entity.
3. Notwithstanding the provision of para-
graph (5) of Article 2, the term "vessel"
shall, for the purpose of paragraph (1) of
Article 19, paragraphs (1), (2), (3) and (5)
of Article 20 and paragraphs (1) and (4) of
Article 21, be deemed to include:
(a) any vessel of the receiving state or
any third country chartered on bare boat
terms by a national or nationals of the
sending state; and
(b) any vessel of the sending state except
that chartered on bare boat terms by a na-
tional or nationals of the receiving state.
4. Without derogation of such rights and
benefits as the sending state may have under
international law with respect to diplomatic
property, the provisions of Article 12 (ex-
cept subparagraphs (b) and (c) of para-
graph (1)) shall likewise apply with respect
to Immovable property owned or otherwise
held or occupied by the sending state and
used either for embassy purposes or for
residences for one or more officers or em-
ployees of the embassy.
5. The term "members of his family form-
ing part of his household" referred to In
paragraph (6) of Article 11, paragraph (2)
of Article 14 and paragraph (1) of Article
25 shall be understood to include only those
persons residing in the receiving state who
are substantially dependent upon the con-
sular officer or employee for support.
IN WITNESS WHEREOF, the respective Pleni-
potentiaries have signed this Protocol and
have hereunto affixed their seals,
DONE in duplicate, in the English and
Japanese languages, both texts being equally
authentic, at Tokyo, this twenty-second day
of March, one thousand nine hundred sixty-
three.
For the United States of America:
EDWIN O. RxiscuAUER.
For Japan:
MASAYOSHI OHIRA.
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, on
the basis of the, information available to
me, I point out to the Senate that these
No. 166-11
protocols and conventions are noncon-
troversial. Explanations will be given on
the morrow by the distinguished Chair-
man of the Foreign Relations Commit-
tee, the Senator from Arkansas [Mr.
FULBRIGHT]. In view of the fact that
these protocols and conventions will not
be disposed of tonight, and also due to
the fact that there will be a yea-and-nay
vote on the question of agreeing to the
resolutions of ratification, and also due
to the fact that Senators will be given
due notice, I ask unanimous consent-
and the distinguished minority leader,
the Senator from Illinois [Mr. DIRISEN],
joins me in this request-that the fol-
lowing protocols and conventions be con-
sidered and voted on en bloc; Executive
Calendars No. 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, and 8-Execu-
tive D (88th Cong., 1st sess.) ; Executive E
(87th Cong., 2d sess.) ; Executive F (87th
Cong., 2d sess.) ; Executive E (88th Cong.,
1st sess.) ; Executive B (88th Cong., 1st
sess.) ; and Executive I (88th Cong., 1st
sess.).
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without
objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. MANSFIELD. In addition, Mr.
President, I ask that the yeas and nays
be ordered on the question of agreeing,
en bloc, to the resolutions of ratification
of all these protocols and conventions.
The yeas and nays were ordered.
LEGISLATIVE PROGRAM
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, it is
anticipated that tomorrow the Senate
will take up the military construction
bill. Following the disposition of that
bill and any other measures on the cal-
endar which are disposable, it is antici-
pated that the Senate will go over until
Thursday, at which time whatever bills
may be on the calendar will be consid-
ered, in addition, there will be memorial
services for our late distinguished col-
league, Senator Kefauver, of Tennessee.
It is anticipated that, if nothing un-
foreseen develops, at the conclusion of
the remarks of Senators concerning the
late Senator Kefauver, of Tennessee, the
leadership will bring up the foreign aid
bill. It is possible, time permitting, that
the distinguished chairman of the For-
eign Relations Committee, the Senator
from Arkansas [Mr. FULBRIGHT], Will
make his opening remarks on the bill
that evening. But regardless of whether
he makes his remarks then or later, it
is anticipated-again, barring unfore-
seen developments-that from that day,
Thursday, the Senate will go over until
the following Monday, at which time the
foreign aid bill will continue to be the
business of the Senate. I assume that its
consideration will require some time.
ORDER FOR ADJOURNMENT TO
NOON TOMORROW
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I
ask unanimous consent that when the
Senate concludes its session this after-
noon, it adjourn until noon tomorrow.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. With-
out objection, it is so ordered.
SENATOR PASTORE AND CIVIL
RIGHTS
Mr. BARTLETT. Mr. President, the
senior Senator from Rhode Island [Mr.
PASTORE] has once again delivered an
eloquent speech. This time, speaking
before the Rhode Island affiliate of the
American Civil Liberties Union, he has
very briefly and forcefully summed up
the urgent need for the pending civil
rights legislation. This is a statement
that should be read by all Americans-
and was spoken by a man who has been
a moving force in the Commerce Com-
mittee's consideration of the public ac-
commodations section recently ordered
reported by a vote of 14 to 3. Therefore,
I ask unanimous consent that Senator
PASTORE's remarks be printed at this
point in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the remarks
were ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
it is a privilege and a pleasure to be with
you on this occasion of your annual meet-
ing. October 20-it so happens-marks
a most important milestone in our country's
history.
At Philadelphia on this date in 1774
53 members of the First Continental Con-
gress signed the report forming "The As-
sociation of American Colonies." The his
torian tells us that this deed and this day
really signifies the birth of the American
Nation.
John Adams wrote home that this was
"a diversity of religions, educations, man-
ners, interests such as it would have seemed
impossible to unite in one line of conduct.
Two years later they showed that united
conduct in the Declaration of Independence
pledging their lives, their fortunes, and their
sacred honor to a belief that all men are
created free and equal.
A century ago the Emancipation Proclama-
tion showed that we mean that all men are
free and equal-and this year in our Senate
Commerce Committee we took further steps
to make sure that public accommodations are
equal for all men.
All through the month of July and into
August in Washington we held hearings to
the amount of two volumes and 1,500 pages
of testimony as we labored to secure eman-
cipation from humiliation.
Is it so crucial to this Nation of ours
whether a Negro can buy a cup of coffee in
a corner drugstore? Is it a matter of grave
concern whether a family, tired and worn
from a day of travel, can purchase lodging
for the night even though they be dark-
skinned? I think it is. The Issue is not
merely whether a Negro can buy a cup of
coffee, or secure lodging, but whether a
nation founded on the concept of human
rights and dignity of man can secure those
rights for all its citizens. If we fall in the
quest of human rights for all, then the very
purpose for which this Nation exists is
defeated.
If it is simply a matter of human rights-
why are the people of this Nation so slow
to deal with the problem? After all, nearly
200 years ago we declared that equality of
man was self evident. We have built our
Nation on this principle. A long and costly
Civil War was fought to prove we meant to
fulfill our promise of human rights for per-
sons of every race and creed. And we have
engaged in wars to preserve the right of
people of other nations to enjoy our formula
for dignity if they so choose. How, then, can
a people more expert In the meaning of
human rights than any people in the world
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE
fail to recognize a deprivation of those rights
in their own backyard?
Per4aps we have been so busy preserving
the right of all nations to apply and enjoy
our pr ciples that we have neglected them
ourselves. Rather like a doctor who is so
busy treating others he neglects his own
health. This would be a most sympathetic
excuse if It were true.
We have found time for gold and sports
cars, for mink stoles and surburbia, for mar-
tinis at lunch, for hula hoops and bridge
games. How, then, could we have been too
busy to insure the dignity of our fellow
citizens?
I suppose it is to be expected that a proud
people-such as we-are slow to admit, or
even realize, we have not entirely succeeded
in securing that principle so many thousands
of our youth have died to protect.
Each day, however, more of our citizens are
realizing that the dilemma prompting pub-
lic accommodations legislation involves hu-
man rights and the dignity of man: and I
am not dismayed that those who see the
issue for what It is are none the less per-
plexed about how to correct the inequality
now existing in our society, Perplexity is
really a very valuable human trait. When
one is perplexed or confused about how to
proceed, he does not dismiss any reasonable
solution without careful scruitiny. This is
how to approach the subject of human
rights. We cannot seek a fast "cure all"
remedy for a problem so exceedingly com-
plex.
We must endeavor to secure human rights
while still preserving the ideals and prin-
ciples of that system which demands such
rights be secured.
I Was, privileged to chair the inquiry and
deliberation Involved in reaching the Com-
merce Committee decision on the public ac-
commodations measure. As you may know,
that bill is being reported out favorably for
Senate action.
During the months of hearings and com-
mittee discussion on the bill. I was com-
pelled to reexamine my thoughts on this
matter many times, in every day. Those
whose positions I disagreed with were every
bit as sincere as I in the quest to do what is
just. There are honest differences of opinion
about how to deal with this problem.
Yet I am convinced that we must have
leg'Islation of this type. I am convinced
that human rights will be advanced by such
action. All legislation Involves a, weighing
and balancing of competing interests. The
Interest this bill serves far outweighs, in my
mind, the arguments advanced against Fed-
eral public accommodations legislation.
It seems not at all unreasonable to require
one holding himself out as willing to deal
with the public for commercial gain to stick
to his bargain, unless he has some reasonable
grounds to withdraw his offer.
Sow can the color of a man's akin, or his
religion be considered a reasonable ground
for excluding a person from a benefit ad-
mittedly intended to be conferred upon the
public?
I am not speaking of excluding a person
because lie Is dirty, improperly attired, or
of an unruly or boisterous nature. I am
speaking of a respectable and well behaved
person. If he Is otherwise, then it seems
entirely reasonable that the proprietor refuse
him the services of his establishment. One
should not be required to cater to those who
conduct themselves in a manner that dls-
rupts the business of an establishment, or
offends members of the public who wish to
deal with that establishment. Refuse such
persons service regardless of the color of
their skin * ? not because of the color of
their skin.
However, those deserving of dignity should
be treated with dignity. Color, religion, or
national origin must not be the criteria by
which we measure one's right to dignity.
It must, rather, be measured by the way
that person conducts himself in relation to
other members of society. This Is the pur-
pose of public accommodations legislation.
This Is also the requirement imposed upon
us all if we intend to serve the cause of
human rights and the dignity of man.
Much of the debate and controversy In
regard to this bill has been devoted to issues
other than the reasonableness or need of
such legislation. There has been consider-
able concern over use of the commerce clause
of the Constitution as a basis for legislation
in aid of human rights. It Is argued that
use of the commerce clause for such a pur-
pose is unconstitutional, and if this bill
should-be sustained on that basis, the result
would be a complete distortion of the his-
torical purpose and meaning of that clause.
I do not share that concern.
This legislation would not, as some argue,
open the door wide to regulation of every
facet of our lives. Sustaining this legisla-
tion on the basis of the commerce clause
would be entirely consistent with the his-
tory and interpretation of that clause
through the years. In 1914 the V.S. Supreme
Court held that the Federal Government
could regulate purely Intrastate rail rates
because they affected interstate rail rates.
Innumerable subsequent decisions have
advanced the proposition that Congress may
constitutionally legislate with regard to so-
called "local matters" If they affect interstate
commerce.
Only establishments affecting Interstate
commerce are subject to the provisions of
the public accommodations bill. There Is,
then, clearly no extension or distortion of
the commerce clause. Nor does the fact
that the bill has a purpose in addition to
protecting and fostering Interstate com-
merce detract from its validity. The Su-
preme Court has said that., "The motive and
purpose of a regulation of interstate com-
merce are matters for the legislative judg-
ment upon the exercise of which the Con-
stitution places no restriction and over
which the courts are given no control"
Regulation of commerce has been the
means to serve many purposes. Congress
has used this power to discourage various
practices deemed undesirable. The com-
merce clause served as a vehicle to make the
transporting of women across State lines for
immoral purposes a Federal crime. Congress
has strictly regulated the transportation of
liquor. Illegal gambling is deterred by com-
mercial clause legislation requiring those in
the business of taking wagers pay a tax and
disclose their names and addresses. In the
area of civil rights Congress has used Its
commerce powers to combat bombing of
schools or religious structures by making
the transportation of explosives in inter-
state commerce for such purpose a Federal
crime.
The Supreme Court has already ruled that
Congress has authority to prevent racial dis-
crimination in Interstate commerce. The
Interstate Commerce Act forbids discrimina-
tion In interstate commerce common carriers,
and grants all persons, regardless of their race
or color, a right to be served in restaurants
within the carrier terminal. The Supreme
Court sustained this as a valid and proper
exercise of the commerce clause power.
It seems clear that Congress may regulate
that which affects interstate commerce for
any reason that seems just and necessary to
Congress. I feel that the public accom-
modations measure is necessary, It usurps
no freedom or liberty of the individual. It Is
intended to preserve and promote the liber-
ties of all.
But there is more to human rights than
buying a cup of coffee-or seeing a movie-or
securing a lodging. There is the right to
compete with your fellowman. Do we all
have that opportunity now? Not really. It
is hard to compete if you do not have the
education modern society requires to excel
in any field. The Negro does not have that
October 21
now. There must be a two-pronged attack
on this problem. We must encourage the
education process by ending discrimination
in public- schools-and at the same time we
must be willing to utilize the skills of the
educates Negro, Labor unions and the pro-
fessions, business and trade associations
must not deny membership on account of
race, color, religion, or national origin.
We must always preserve the concept that
ability, desire, decency, and honest persever-
ance are the necessary prerequisites of those
who would command respect and dignity.
The labor union owes nothing to a man who
Is not willing to work and apply his faculties
in a productive manner. Nor am I Interested
In permitting a man to practice law or medi-
cine when he Is not competent-whether he
be black or white. But there must be no
discrimination beyond character, compe-
tence, and conduct.
Those who practice such discrimination
must come to realize that they are harming
themselves by this action. Denying human
rights to others creates a serious weakness
In our social system. By denying to the
Negro his human rights we pave the way for
someone to deprive others of their rights.
We are involved In a struggle not merely to
secure equal rights for nonwhites. It is an
effort to secure human rights for each and
every one of us.
In that far-off year of 1774 at the start of
the First Continental Congress, it was
thought there could be no opening prayer
because of the diversity of religions. But
upon motion of the Puritan Sam Adams a
local Episcopalian minister was called and
gave the prayer.
There was the beginning of our national
unity. There was the beginning of tolerance.
As we mean to perpetuate this country of
our opportunities, let us resolve to perpet-
uate that tolerance. It is a resolution that
we make naturally In this community of
Roger Williams. It is a resolution that we
take as Americans-that, under God, ours
may forever be the land of the equal and the
U.S. MILITARY OFFICPA
VIETNAM
Mrs. SMITH. Mr. President, i>?i re-
cent weeks we have read of derogatory
remarks made about U.S. military offi-
cers in Vietnam.
To those who would impugn the mo-
tives of such officers and who seek to
deprecate them backhere in the United
States while they are risking, and giving,
their lives for the cause of freedom on
the other side of the world, I would call
attention to the case of Naval Lt. Wesley
Hoch, of Rockland, Maine-son of one of
my very best friends in Maine, Mrs.
Ruth Hoch.
What young Lieutenant Hoch is so
heroically doing in South Vietnam has
been related- by Orville Schell in the Bos-
ton Sunday Globe of October 20, 1963.
I ask unanimous consent that Mr.
Schell's piece be placed in the body of
the RECORD at this point because it Is a
thundering answer to those who seek to
discredit our military officers in South
Vietnam.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
A LEGEND IN REMOTE SEAS: MAINE NAVY
LIEUTENANT LEADS VIET Jmsxs
(By Orville Schell)
ANTOI, VIETNAM.-On a remote island off
the tip of southern Vietnam, a Navy lieu-
tenant from Rockland, Maine, lives an al-
most squalid life among Vietnamese who
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD SENATE
man junks in patrols along the swampy,
treacherous delta coastline of the Ca Mau
Peninsula.
The junks stop and search craft that
might be secretly bringing arms and sup-
plies to Communist guerrillas in the area.
In his sea-sprayed New England twang,
Lt. Wesley Hoch, barefoot and dressed in
a baggy black tunic that is the uniform of
junkmen, sounds peculiarly out of place
standing at the door of the structure that
is his district headquarters. Before him,
out in the harbor beyond the barbed wire, is
part of his fleet-a motley collection of
junks.
Hoch is as much at home with the Viet-
namese as if he were born in one of the small
grass roof shacks that make up the village
out of which he operates.
RARE RAPPORT
He has a rare rapport with the junkmen,
with whom he works. They, in turn, are
devoted to him.
For Dai Wei Hoch (their name for him) is
one of them-24 hours a day.
He wants no escape to separate quarters,
clean restrooms, Western food, military
clubs, and air-conditioned rooms when 5
o'clock rolls around.
Unlike so many other American advisers
in Vietnam, Hoch lives, sleeps, eats and
fights 24 hours a day, every day, with his
junkmen. He refuses to accept any privilege
for himself that he cannot give his men.
He says he hates to see stuff sit in Saigon
warehouses rotting when his men are cold
at night, wet during the day, undernour-
ished and manning junks that are short
of arms.
He has been known, when making one of
his rare trips to Saigon, to drive a borrowed
truck up to a warehouse during lunch hour
and just start loading things into it-as if
he owned the place. In this way he brings
precious things to people fighting a war
with empty stomachs and hardly a shirt on
their backs.
The first thing he did when he arrived at
Antos, a small fishing village on the island
of Pho Quoc, was to rip the sign off his door
that said Cam Vao (do not enter). He runs
an austere mobile force that fights the Viet-
cong guerrilas on their own terms. He does
not want a large-scale, super-organized force
that would sacrifice the comradeship of his
smaller group of men who can live off the
land and trust one another.
In the life of Lt. Wesley Hoch-in a war
most Americans forget-there is no time for
the beer runs and the endless movies that
keep most other American advisers enter-
tained at night. There is no hot water
heater that will be transported at the ex-
pense of something more necessary to the
people or the war.
He says that one has to give everything
or nothing at all, or one will fail. This is
the creed he lives by.
PRICE ON HEAD
The result: His men respect him. And the
enemy has placed a 500,000 piastre bounty
(about $7,000) on his head.
When not out on patrol, Hoch lives in
the sparse remains of a garrison building
the French vacated. Two rickety double-
decker bunks junkmen share with him (de-
pending on who gets tired first), a gas ice
box filled with medicine and a few squash
or melons are the only furnishings. The
kitchen consists of a tub of water.
On the wall, several .45, automatics and a
rack of MI rifles and clips complete the
scene. The "Antos Hilton," as Hoch calls
his quarters, sits close to the beach looking
to a number of tropical islands in the dist-
ance. Behind his small compound sits the
village of Antos.
And behind the village, a hill rises. Al-
most every other night the Vietcong muster
on the hill after dark and launch an at-
tack. During the day the Vietcong are too
wary to attack.
'When at the base he does anything from
writing reports to requesting more equip-
ment to distributing whatever he has man-
aged to beg, borrow or otherwise appropriate
from what he calls the "air conditioned em-
pire" of Saigon. Other days are spent trying
to get damaged junks back into working
order.
For a week, Hoch will put to sea in one
of his patrol junks to check posts up and
down the coast. He takes no special rations
for himself. Instead, he brings paper, pen-
cils, books, shoes, medical supplies, and food
to the people who live in the forgotten back-
waters of this embattled nation.
If the men catch no fish on their long
sea journeys, he goes hungry with them; if
the mosquitoes are biting, he is fair game.
If the area is dangerous, he shares in the
danger.
He is, a strange mixture of soldier, sailor,
dentist, mechanic, linguist (he speaks a
fractured Vietnamese), doctor and teacher.
He claims to have no special proficiency in
any of these things, but maintains that any-
thing that one can do as an amateur is better
than sitting around doing nothing at all.
BEYOND CALL
Most of the small coastal villages to which
he goes are dirty, poverty-stricken areas ac-
cessible only by sea. What is more, they
are infested with the enemy.
Hoch runs his junk force in a way that is
seldom found in the impersonality and cold-
ness of the war here in Vietnam. He is a
man who has been presented the job of
building an effective junk patrol force for
the Navy. He has done this, but he has
not stopped there.
Hoch has a private theory, that if one will
only sacrifice a little more, share a little
more the dirty work with the people about
whom the war is being fought-then it will
be won a lot sooner.
To him, this does not mean going on a
dangerous mission and then returning with
relief to the comfort of Saigon, leaving the
men who were being advised behind in the
mud.
The war, for him, is not like holding your
nose for a brief moment through a bad smell.
He is in it the whole time and asks no
exceptions because he is an American.
This rare dedication has one visible side
effect among the sincere and grateful Viet-
namese: To them, Dai Wei Hoch already is
a living legend. \
LIEUTENANT HOCH, MARITIME GRADUATE
Lt. Wesley A. Hoch, 31, is the son of Mrs.
Ruth Hoch of Glen Cove, Rockland, Maine,
and the late Raymond Hoch. He is single.
He was graduated from Rockland High
School in 1950 and the Maritime Academy
with honors in 1953, with a B.S. in marine
science. He went, to sea for a year in the
maritime service before joining the Navy.
He served with the Navy in the installation
of the DEW (distant early warning) line
before his assignment to the Republic of
Vietnam as an adviser to its junk fleet in
December 1962.
He has two brothers, David, superintendent
of the Rockland-Rockport Lime Co., and
William, a student at the University of i
M ine. J
ART BUCHWALD
Mrs. SMITH. Mr. President, the art
of satire is truly rare. Many aspire to
be satirists but few make the grade. I
speak specifically of satire that is gen-
uinely delightful in its good-natured
humor and not of that all too prevalent
type of satire that is sadistic and petty
and seeks to make someone or something
the target of negative and cruel ridicule.
Satire is doubly delightful when it
combines defense of the underdog with
good-natured humor-when it praises
with wit that which has been heretofore
riddled with ridicule.
Art Buchwald is such a satirist. He is
in a class by himself and other would-be
satirists would do well to emulate him.
His most recent piece is easily one of the
best things of its kind ever. I like it be-
cause he defends that underdog that
practically all of us at one time or an-
other have maligned and picked to
pieces-the TV commercial.
Because I feel that his article of Octo-
ber 20, 1963, is delightful reading and
will bring smiles, laughs, and a refreshing
contrast to the less pleasant side of life,
I ask unanimous consent that it be placed
in the body of the RECORD at this point
and I invite the attention of all Members
to it.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
COMMERCIAL ADDICT: MORE TIME To DRINK
BEER THAN ANYBODY
(By Art Buchwald)
There has been a great deal of talk lately
about the number of commercials on tele-
vision. The Federal Communications Com-
mission Chairman, William Henry, has com-
plained, as have the viewers, who, for some
reason, think they have rights.
We happen to be one of those who think
there aren't enough commercials on TV.
After watching what the new television sea-
son has to offer we have decided we'd rather
watch commercials. But every time we tune
in one we discover it's interrupted by a pro-
gram. Some of the commercials would make
wonderful shows if there weren't so many
programs scheduled on the air.
For example, we always get terribly frus-
trated when we see a young woman and a
young man lolling on the grass with the
breeze blowing in their hair. Suddenly the
man lights up a cigarette and then places it
in the girl's mouth. She puffs deeply as he
looks into her eyes. You get the feeling
they understand each other, but before any-
thing happens, we're switched back to Chet
Huntley complaining about something hap-
pening in the United Nations.
A few weeks ago we were watching a
wonderful scene of a plane following a beau-
tiful girl in her car down the highway. The
plane landed and the pilot got out and went
up to the girl and asked her the name of her
car. "It's a Dodge, of course," she said. But
before she could ask the pilot what kind of
plane he was flying, the commercial was in-
terrupted by a stupid world series game and
they never did get gack to the couple.
It's the same with the toothpaste com-
mercials. We happen to enjoy toothpaste
commercials, particularly the ones that tell
you how half the school used a certain kind
of toothpaste and half the school didn't. Its
revealed that the half that used the special
toothpaste had far less cavities than the
half that didn't.
But they never show you the half that
didn't get to use the special toothpaste. We'd
be interested to know how they felt about
being given the wrong toothpaste. Surely
the parents must have been furious to have
to pay for all those cavities. Perhaps the
kids with fewer cavities had their teeth
knocked out by the kids who were forced
to go to the dentist.
But nobody knows, because just when the
commercial gets interesting somebody like
Ben Casey or Perry Mason comes on the
screen and spoils the show.
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE October 21
It's the same with headache commercials.
Some kid is screaming and the teacher shouts
at him.
?Control yourself," her subconscious tells
her, so she takes a couple of pills and pretty
soon she's smiling again. So far, so good.
But we'd like to see how she made It up to
the kid. Maybe she gave gave him an A.
Maybe she let him go home from school.
Maybe she slipped him a couple of pills.
But you never find out.
Then there are the deodorant advertise-
ments. A girl complains to her girl friend
that no one ever takes her out on dates.
The friend whispers the name of a deodorant
in the girl's ear. Sure enough, in the next
scene she's dancing at the prom. Will the
guy ask her to marry him? Will he ask her
the name of the deodorant? Will he ask her
the name of her girl friend? Nobody knows.
We guess the most maddening commer-
cials are the ones for soap. We see a beauti-
ful girl getting into a shower. She starts
audsing herself up real good and tells you
how wonderful the soap feels on her skin.
You wait patiently for her to rinse herself
of and step out of the shower. Wouldn't
anybody? But just at the moment when the
shower door opens, you find yourself staring
at "Wagon Train" and some dirty old ranch
hand eating beans with his fingers.
These are-only a few examples of how tele-
vision is cheating the audiences out of good
commercials. If we were the Chairman of
the FCC, we'd do away with television pro-
grams and just let them broadcast commer-
cials. There Is more plot, more substance,
and better writing In one detergent ad than
in most of the stuff they show on the air.
HERBERT H. LEHMAN VILLAGE
Mr. HUMPHREY,. Mr. President, I
was pleased to hear recently of the ded-
ication of an important New York City
public housing project in honor of one
of America's great public servants, my
friend, the distinguished former mem-
ber of this body, Senator Herbert H.
Lehman,
On the occasion of the dedication
of the Herbert H. Lehman Village, the
Honorable Robert F. Wagner, mayor of
the city of New York, made an address
in which he not only dedicated the vil-
lage in Senator Lehman's honor, but also
presented to Senator Lehman the Gold
Medal of Honor of New York.
Joining with Mayor Wagner in the
ceremony was Manhattan Borough Pres-
ident Edward R. Dudley.
I know that my colleagues share with
me deep pride in this latest honor to a
former colleague who continues to hold
our admiration and affection,
I ask unanimous consent, Mr. Presi-
dent, to have printed in the RECORD at
this point the remarks of Mayor Robert
F. Wagner and of Edward R. Dudley on
Wednesday, September 11, 1963, in New
York City.
There being no objection, the remarks
were ordered to be printed in the REC-
ORD, as follows:
REMARKS OF MAYOR ROBERT F. WAGNER
Today, In the name and praise of a be-
loved New Yorker, we dedicated the increase
of our city's supply of decent, modern home
facilities by 622 new units.
We call them units, but each unit is for
a family and is a family, it is a man and
his wife, In the case of elderly couples-and
in this village there are 83 specially designed
apartments for elderly couples. The rest of
the units are for regular families: for small
families, middle-size families, and big fami-
Iies, for Negro families, Puerto Rican fami-
lies, Italian, Greek, Jewish-in short, for
American families, for New York families,
The families that will live In this village
will be distinguished by one common char-
acteristic: they will be families whose overall
incomes are low. They will be families need-
ing the help which government can and must
provide, to make homes available, at rents
they can afford.
The Herbert H. Lehman Village is called a
"village" because it is a village, a community,
with a school on the site and others nearby,
with its own community facilities and serv-
ices, a community that will become part of
a neighborhood that is part of our city.
New York City is proud of what we have
been able to do here with the indispensable
help of the Federal Government and its
Housing Administration, the head of which
is here today. a man President Hennedy
picked right out of my administration, a very
distinguished American, Bob Weaver, of New
York City.
The 622 units in Herbert H. Lehman Vil-
lage are part of the 120,600 units of low-
income families which we in New York City
have already completed, to date, in the 26
years the low-Income housing program has
been in operation. Last year alone we com-
pleted 3,226 apartments in this category,
housing 13,455 individuals. In the past 9
years, we have built 53,000 public housing
apartments for low-income families.
Today the New York City Housing Author-
ity is the benificent landlord for half a mil-
lion New Yorkers.
In the past 5 years, we have been moving
ahead to eliminate slum conditions. We
have also built many new schools, new
streets, new hospitals and many other pub-
lic improvements requiring the relocation of
low-income families. Many of these low-
income families can find adequate shelter
only in public housing. Today our need for
low-income housing is greater than ever be-
fore. Today, public housing for low-income
families holds the main key to our urban
renewal programs. But at this very moment,
we are at the end of our Federal allocations.
The state government has actually been
holding back on us. I am determined to
fight as hard as I know how-for all the au-
thority and money that is needed-Federal
and State-for more public housing for low-
income families, and, in general, for more
housing opportunities for low-income fami-
lies, housing that will be Integrated, housing
that will provide sound home conditions for
the raising of families and the building of
that healthy family life that is the basis of
a sound city.
of course, today it gives me special pleas-
ure-indeed, it is a great privilege-for me,
for the housing authority, and for the city
of New York to give this village the name
of Herbert Lehman.
Herbert Lehman has become not only a
legend In his own time but to represent a
noble tradition-a tradition of public In-
tegrity, of pure and unsullied purpose, of
zealous dedication to high principle, and
finally of a generous and modest humani-
tarianism.
Herbert Lehman represents all these val-
ues and more. He represents them because
he practices them, because be embodies
them.
The tradition of Herbert Lehman in pub-
lic and political life Is one of the chief
treasures of our city, State and country-
as precious as any I can think of-because
that tradition is a standard by which other
public men and women are and will be
measured In the future. Herbert Lehman's
life is an invitation to greatness on the part
of others still to come, in generations yet
to come.
This is why I am so greatly pleased with
the naming of this development after Gov-
ernor Lehman. To the extent that his
valiant spirit may affect and inspire the
people living here, this neighborhood as well
as the city will benefit.
The life of Herbert Lehman has been one
of devotion to the welfare of people, espe-
cially underprivileged people.
He has been not only a friend of the un-
derprivileged but their fighting champion.
I know how proud he must feel to have
this development in this neighborhood bear
his name.
In the name of the people of the city of
New York and of the government of the city
of New York, I now declare the Herbert
H. Lehman Village to be formally and offi-
cially dedicated and named.
Now I have an additional privilege. It
is a surprise-a secret that I have been keep-
ing for almost 6 months now-since March
28, which was Governor Lehman's birthday.
That day, March 28, I proclaimed as Herbert
Lehman Day-one of the few occasions in
which a day has been proclaimed In honor
of a living, a very much living, New Yorker.
In honor of that day, I gave an order which
Is finally going to be carried out today. I
ordered that New York City's Gold Medal
of Honor, usually reserved for visiting sov-
ereigns, kings, and presidents, be awarded
to Governor Lehman. Today I present to
you, Herbert Lehman, the Gold Medal of
Honor of the city of New York for all the
many great works and generous acts you
have performed during all the fruitful years
of your life, for the people of this city of
ours.
It is my proud privilege now to introduce
to this audience for a brief response the
patron of this development, former Governor,
former Senator, the Honorable Herbert H.
Lehman.
REMARKS BY EDWARD R. DUDLEY, PRESIDENT,
BOROUGH OF MANIIATTAN
This is an appropriate occasion to ac-
knowledge a debt and express a feeling of
gratitude to Herbert Lehman.
Our form of government Is not a static
concept, like a rock that has been carefully
hewn and placed in a perfect vacuum.
It is organic, It changes and expands In
scope to meet changing conditions and to
serve better the needs of those governed.
This elasticity of our Constitution is a major
hallmark of the genius of the Founding
Fathers who wrote It.
But the Constitution Itself is not a self-
changing document. It must be imple-
mented by men. And, in a manner remi-
niscent of Lincoln and Franklin D. Roosevelt,
Herbert Lehman dedicated much of his life to
fighting social inertia and making our form
of government reflect the aspirations and
meet the needs of our people.
I do not pretend to know why this man,
born into a family of substantial means,
devoted the last ounce of his enormous en-
ergy to an all-out crusade for the common
man.
Perhaps the reason is that the small man's
greatest need is to have a big man speak and
fight in his behalf ' * * and God provides.
Perhaps the light that illuminates men
with greatness shines into all homes, irre-
spective of race, creed, national origin, or
economic status and only too infrequently
finds a man who can reflect the warmth of
its rays.
This much I do know. Herbert Lehman
reached for the stars in his unending cam-
paign to Improve the lot of the common man
whether he was acting as philanthropist, ad-
ministrator of great humane enterprises, or
as the holder of office of great public trust.
He demonstrated a soaring, almost poetic,
view-in all his activities of the role America
should play in promoting domestic tran-
quillity and in exercising international
leadership for peace and freedom. And he
Implemented that vision with remarkable
industry, courage, and adherence to prin-
ciple.
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