A PLAN FOR CUBA EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. JOHN J, RHODES OF ARIZONA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES MONDAY, OCTOBER 1, 1962

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP65B00383R000200230014-2
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 2
• Document Creation Date: December 15, 2016
• Document Release Date: June 4, 2004
• Sequence Number: 14
• Publication Date: October 1, 1962
• Content Type: OPEN

A7214
Approve` /? RD R000200230014-2
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Since 1955, the Soviet Union has shipped
$2,600 million worth of arms to three con-
tinents under easy-term sales programs. it
has sent its technicians. to train natives in
their use, and, in most cases, to remain as
military advisors. We spent twice as much
in 1 year as they have in 7. But we have not
,built any democracies, as they have built
satellites and near satellites in Cuba, Ghana,
Egypt, India, to name a few.
We have been played for suckers while
they have cold-bloodedly gone about the
business of building a new colonial empire.
It is about time we learned you can't buy
friendship. If we do not want to build an
empire of our own, or at least insist on de-
mocracies, then why are we scattering bil-
lions of our hard-earned taxes around the
world?
Either we must be realistic like the Soviets
or not kid ourselves about building prestige
that melts, as in Thailand, because we saw
fit to try to rescue from communism nearby
Cambodia with arms aid.
The House does well to cut this handout.
OF
The chances are that there are not enough
emigres available to form a military force
strong enough to do the liberating. There-
fore, America must supply enough troops
to make up the difference along with air
and naval forces. It may be necessary to
proclaim a blockade, once the invasion is
underway.
A blockade is a much more serious matter
than most Americans realize. There is no
such thing as a "peaceful blockade." A
blockade, to be respected, must be effective.
The North imposed an effective blockade on
the South; the British imposed an effective
blockade on Germany during both World
Wars.
Consequently, when the United States im-
poses a blockade on Cuba, it must enforce
it by seizing ships that attempt to break it.
The chances are the blockade would also
apply to the air, and thus the United States
would have to shoot down planes that tried
to slip through the blockade, or compel them
to land at a designated spot.
Our action in Cuba would affect seriously
our friends as well as our foes. We must be
prepared to defend it before the United Na-
tions. We might recall the U.N. conduct in
connection with both Goa and New Guinea.
What we do will be most unpopular in Eu-
rope as well as in Latin America.
Yet there is one fact that should be kept
in mind, and that is, that by militantly pro-
tecting our own self-interests, we will com-
mand the respect of many nations, who,
though they may not admit it publicly, will
express their respect by not trying to em-
barrass us.
Of course the Soviet Union will scream to
the heavens, and fulminate and threaten,
but the chances are Russia will stop short of
provoking hostilities. We Americans might
as well realize that, sooner or later, we are
going to have to defy the Soviet Union.
There never will be a better time than now.
There can be much worse times in the fu-
ture, if we pass up this opportunity.
. The idea that we must in the name of
peace accept this threat from the Soviet
Union with its extension of its system of
government to an island 92 miles off our
coast, but send our military forces across
the Pacific to Vietnam, "to stop commu-
nism," does not make sense to the American
people.
HON. JOHN J. RHODES
OF ARIZONA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, October 1, 1962
Mr. RHODES of Arizona. Mr. Speak-
er, under leave previously granted, I
would like to include in the RECORD an
article entitled "A Plan for Cuba," by
William R. Mathews, which appeared in
the September 23 issue of the Arizona
Daily Star. This comes so close to ex-
pressing my feelings on the subject of
Cuba, that I want to share it with the
other Members of the House.
The article follows:
A PLAN FOR CUBA
(By William R. Mathews)
The recent action of the Senate in passing
a resolution that gives the President power
to deal with Cuba, reflects the general anx-
iety of the people of the country over this
unhappy affair. As a subject of major inter-
est to the American people it is something
that calls for serious and calm thinking.
Specifically, we should avoid any rash action,
but we should be thinking out plans to bring
an end to this spectacle of the Soviets set-
ting up a satellite 92 miles off the coast of
Florida.
When we do act, we should act decisively.
This means that plans have to be made. As
an example, steps should be taken to set up,
and subsequently recognize, a Cuban Govern-
ment-in-exile. The Cuban emigres must
agree on a president for such a government,
and this president Auld choose his com-
mander in chief of Cuban exile troops. A
program of training should be initiated so
that, when the time comes, there will be a
Cuban government friendly to us ready to
take over, when and if the island is lib-
erated.
This government should have plans for
political, social and economic affairs that
will command the respect and adherence
of the people of Cuba. These plans should
be publicized, and backed up by guerrilla
harassments within the island. It is vital
to find out if the Cuban people want to be
liberated, and how willingly they themselves
will cooperate.
The Power Play
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. FRED SCHWENGEL
OF IOWA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, October 1, 1962
Mr. SCHWENGEL. Mr. Speaker, re-
cently a very interesting and worthwhile
editorial under the title of "The Power
Play" appeared in the Burlington, Iowa,
Hawk-Eye. Because I think there is
much food for thought for Members of
Congress and for all who read the REC-
ORD, in this article, under unanimolfs
consent I insert it in the Appendix of
the RECORD:
[From the Burlington (Iowa) Hawk-Eye]
THE POWER PLAY
Representative FRED SCNWENGEL, in a
speech observing Constitution Day, pointed
to the continuing power struggle between
the executive and legislative branches of
Government.
This struggle, he said, "is not open and
above board. It is more covert than open
and probably more unconscious than con-
scious.
"It involves the slow but irresistible ero-
sion of the power and authority of Congress
as bit by bit the executive power circum-
scribes and diminishes the range of con-
gressional action."
This struggle does indeed overshadow all
the conflicts of Washington, including that
of partisan politics. The realization is com-
ing slowly to Americans, that what is evolv-
ing is a determination of which branch can
best control the Nation's destiny in our fast-
moving era. So there is turmoil. between the
Executive, which often believes it must act
without waiting for Congress to make up its
mind, and the Congress, which traditionally
has been the top dog. And, to a lesser de-
gree, the judiciary has become involved-
not through any effort of its own but be-
cause the people have gone to the courts as
a last resort.
SCHWENGEL'S implication, however, that
the Executive circumscribes and diminishes
congressional action, needs closer examina-
tion. And it might be well if ScHWENGEL led
his Congressmen into a study of why this
situation has come about.
In the first place, most of the new power
of the Executive has been handed it by Con-
gress Itself. Even this recalcitrant Congress
has seen fit to give the President tariff au-
thority the legislators once jealously guarded.
The controls granted by Congress spread
into all fields-broadcasting, air travel,
drugs, tax authority, public health. The
power of the Executive in such familiar areas
as our military program, foreign policy, agri-
culture, labor negotiations, has come through
congressional action and sanction-not
through Executive flat.
We believe much of this quasi-legislative
power in Executive hands is desirable, and
inevitable. The world simply moves too fast
for Congress.
Which brings us to the consideration which
ScHwENGEL, and most Congressmen, blithely
ignore: the utter failure of Congress to
arouse itself to the responsibilities of its
duties today.
Congress, not the executive, has made a
pork barrel out of our military program; a
political football of agriculture; a vote-get-
ting machine out of public works. Congress
has tampered with social security funds, has
failed to initiate tax reform, has forced those
fighting for civil rights to turn to the Justice
Department and the courts.
With it all, Congress among all Govern-
ment agencies has failed to recognize itself.
It preserves an archaic and self-defeating
seniority system, which rewards political
hacks and blinks at senility among legisla-
tors. It commits appalling blunders in
planning its own plush office buildings, and,
except in rare instances when the public gets
alarmed, refuses even to audit the waste of
its own Members in travel and political ex-
penses. It stymies our democratic process by
getting into such ridiculous arguments as
that of the last session, over which house
should provide the chairman and the room
for conference committees. It works on the
Tuesday-Thursday basis, and often has A -
tough time rounding up a quorum for a vof
It tolerates nepotism, padded expense &.
counts, and votes itself personal barbershops,
free mailing privileges, and cuspidors.
SCHWENGEL calls on educators to take the
lead in bringing a better understanding of
the Constitution and its system of checks
and balances. This is well and good.
But the lessons will ring hollow, unless
Congress itself undertakes the same study,
and inquires whether its Members are per-
forming as the framers of the Constitution
envisioned.
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 For " q6%J3~ * 5,5 1 0200230014-2 7. .
tarn categories in the public treasuries fed
largely by taxes collected from highway users
pr from tolls paid directly by users. Well-
mansged authorities have contributed
enormously to every type of neglected
arterial' construction. I admit that unfore-
)seeable inventions and devices and` im-
ponderable factors of administration,
politics, opposition and chance also have
their Influence on this accounting but there
Is no way of measuring them. So they must
be left out; And there's another $64
question-Since government Is the first busi-
ness of the District, how much will it ex-
pand? Nevertheless, In spite of the chancy
factors, you come up with a fairly reliable
formula which can be translated Into specific
projects, costs and time schedules.
Let us turn now to a few highway defini-
tions. A parkway Is a vehicular ribbon park.
restricted to passenger vehicles, protected by
zoning and otherwise against access, signs
nd encroachments, landscaped, with orna-
mental bridges and lighting, at least
4OO feet wide, usually accommodating
six but rarely more than eight lanes. with
generous cloverleaves and long radii, with
occasional turnoffs, parking spaces, over-
looks and small parks. An expressway is a
mixed traffic automotive restricted artery
with many of the aspects and amenities
of aparkwaq, but a superior boulevard rather
than a ribbon park. After the exppressways
come ordinary roads and streets which need
no definition and are not part of the basic
framework of the region.
The outer loop of a logical, sane, 'compre-
hensive program of arterial Improvements.
adopted some time ago, will be finished in
1864., This program widely -and justifiably
acclaimed includes an inner loop and radials
leading to the major interstate routes of the
'Federal Highway System In Virginia and
Maryland. Forty million dollars of unspent
Federal highway aid Is available and an
equal amount of new money is being appor-
tioned. Congress, however, has withheld ap-
propriation of matching funds. Detailed
plans, right-of-way acquisition, tenant re-
location and further construction have
therefore 'been arrested for reasons difficult
to understand.
It Is not in the public interest to delay
this program on the theory that an as yet
undisclosed and undetermined rapid transit
system will make such highway arterials un-
necessary or materially alter the projected
netwofl[. No doubt rapid transit rail sye-
tems will be proposed from time to time
in the future. but their acceptance and
-financing are highly problematical because
in a city of the size of Washington the initial
cost is too great, subsidies are hard to come
by and no fare structure can be visualized
Which support the system. Meanwhile
Washington is a car and bus town and every
effort should be directed to ttie improvement
of these oonvel-tionai, esta iltshed_and popu-
lar modes of transit. One of the strongest
arguments for the new expressway system
sAbat it will ereatly facilitate the movement
omuiuter .transportation; that is rails
rubber, accompanied by garbled his-
teriorate, that they have walled when they
should have been. working., that there is no
conflict which sensible ,people cannot re-
solve and no head-on collision which is un-
avoidable. 'Tess are locations where rapid
transit can be' combined with vehicular
lanes with the same right-of-way, but not
many. No doubt commuter subsidies of some
kind are Inevitable, but "they should depend Capital are to be approached with modesty,
oaperlor rail service after the relative roles detachment, and perspective. It Is unlikely
of hs train: bus, ear, and aircraft Levi been that any wholly new concept can be un-
determined~I~Pe rued only with veiled before an audience which has been
the truth. surfeited with statistics and programs and
'tVo highway _projects you impressed if not overwhelmed by the array
propose in terms of widening, new routes, of distinguished names prominently asso-
layout, bridges and tunnels, the more de- elated with them.
bate will be encouraged and prolonged, the I make no claim to close acquaintance
more e numerous the obstacles and the higher with the District of Columbia and Its en-
the ultimate cost. On the other hand: those virons. A national capitals different from
who insist on Immediate practical remedies, an ordinary urban complex. This much I
Will' be charged with arrogance, I dogmatism, ani sure of-that your regional problems will
a closed mind, indifference to human-hard- yield only to a rather modest program of
ships and inconvenience", and putting ef- limited objectives based not upon statistics,
ficiency above sociology and speed over de- graphs. and logarithms but upon sound
liberation. judgment of anticipated growth and change,
haps you be able to find or develop a program pursued relentlessly and fearlessly
some engineering Chesterfields and Machi- by tough-minded, well-muscled, alligator-
aveills. smooth in approach and tough Tin the skinned builders who have marshaled enough
clinches, who will steer a placid middle official and public support to weather tem-
course between the builder and the- anti- porary opposition. who have a long life ex-
quarian. These Chesterfields and Machi- pectancy and a hell of a lot of luck.
avellis must be endowed with just the right
mixture of toughness and sentiment, sugar
and vinegar, protocol and tnformality. man-
ners and vitality, charm and force to con-
quer all enemies without blood. sweat, toil,
and tears. Such paragons have never 'In my
experience been around when the going was
rough.
Let us now consider some of the details of
arterial improvements In the congested city
center. Public opinion and light- and air
suits and damages won't allow you to go up
except on an Independent ilght-of-way ac-
quired by condemning a minimum of a hun-
dred feet next to the present street or within
blocks. This is practical in a good many
cases and has the added advantage of pro-
viding continuous offstreet parking. In
some Instances at strategic central areas, you
are driven underground, which means heavy
expense. ventilation of some kind, ease-
ments, and additional acquisitions at some
crossings. That's the task we faced at the
V.N. headquarters in New York where all the
solutions bad to be used. We used them.
The scheme works.
Another problem which must be taken in
stride Involves the relocation of tenants be-
fore clearing rights-of-way and proceeding
with actual construction. This puzzle is old.
In New York and some other cities we suc-
cessfully relocated many tenants after World
War IT. We adopted a program providing for
the rehabilitation of substitute apartments,
moving of houses and apartments, moving of
eligible families into public and quasi-public
housing, and cash payments to reimburse
families and small businesses able to find
substitute accommodations. Practically
every device designed to provide decent, sani-
tary new quarters for families In the path
of public improvements was used. More re-
cently relocation has been slowed down by
politics and the timidity of elected omdais.
Today in many communities the tenant re-
location issue has become a prime device to
hold up public works programs. We badly
need 'officials prepared to meet this problem
honestly and courageously and to spend rea-
sDiiabie amounts to bring about orderly re-
location of families and businesses. They
must brave criticism and threats of reprisals
In the process, but they will be respected in
the end.
'There are unusual difficulties In the way of
carrying out a public works program in
Washington. The municipal government is
not elected but appointed. The budget is
dependent upon Congress. and numerous
agencies have what amounts to not only a
voice, but a veto. The city of Washington
deserves home rule. Nevertheless I have at-
walrs believed that with first-rate men any
organization can be made to function, re-
gardless of law and organization charts.
That's about ally W11ime`Ior. 'rhere'Is
nothing new or on palm tlie6e observations.
The planning problems 'of a proud National
Foreign Aid Slash
HON. EDWARD J. DERWINSKI
OF ILLINOIS
THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, October 1, 1962
Mr. DERWINSKI. Mr. Speaker, as
the other body works on its version of
the foreign aid appropriation bill and
in anticipation of the conference that
will follow, I think it essential that Mem-
bers take into account the grassroots
public view on the size of our foreign
aid appropriation.
Editorial comment across the country
has obviously been mixed, but few
people question the need for some
economy in our foreign aid spending.
An exceptionally vigorous editorial on
the subject of the House action in re-
ducing the foreign aid appropriation
appeared in the Tuesday, September 25,
issue of the Chicago Daily Calumet,
which I insert into the RECORD at this
The House Appropriations Committee's
slash of $1,124 million In the authorized
$4,752 million foreign aid bill brought Presi-
dent Kennedy, from his family vacation in
Rhode Island to take personal charge of the
administration's counteroffensive to try to
restore the cut and get the full amount
out of Congress.
With all due respect, the House Appropria-
tions Committee disagrees with the President
and his demands, and so do millions of
Americans who are tired of pouring billions
down the drain, only to get Ingratitude and
even slaps In the face for their trouble.
Take India, one of the biggest beneficiaries
of American aid, which votes consistently
with the Communist bloc In the United
Nations; Poland, which is part of the Com-
munist bloc, and shows no signs of lifting
its shackles on Its own people; Yugoslavia,
whose independent communism Is meaning-
less so long as she votes with the rest of
the bloc; China, where the U.S. efforts to
build a dam that will industrialize the coun-
try has not stopped its drift to a dictator-
ship of the left; even Thailand, to which
we rushed troops recently when It-was men-
aced from Leos, Is complaining because we
are also helping neighboring Cambodia.
The list is almost endless.
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