CUBA

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• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP65B00383R000200240001-5
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 14
• Document Creation Date: December 15, 2016
• Document Release Date: June 18, 2004
• Sequence Number: 1
• Content Type: OPEN

1963
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
nation statutes, it would practically mean
that the application would be to the
southern areas of our country, where
many of the States have segregation
statutes.
That, it seemed to me, was a most per-
suasive reason, in policy, why we should
have a statute of general applicability.
Under the commerce clause Congress
could write the ticket as to what rights
were being created, whereas under the
14th amendment provision of the Con-
stitution the Congress could only give
a remedy with respect to rights existing,
which is more limited-and very likely,
as it depends on some State action, would
be of more limited application.
I took a position against a "toothless"
public accommodations law, depending
solely upon conciliation for enforci-
bility. I did not think that was advis-
able. I expressed views as to the
problem of the "Mrs. Murphy's boarding-
house." No State law limits the ap-
plicability of the public accommoda-
tions statute. I also pointed out that
this was a pivotal element of the Presi-
dent's bill and that unless we passed it,
with enforcement provisions, it would
be very likely that we would satisfy the
basic demands against injustice which
have brought about the crisis in regard
to race relations.
For all of these reasons, Mr. Presi-
dent, I think the testimony may be of
interest to my colleagues; and hence I
have had it printed in the RECORD. I am
grateful to my colleague for yielding to
me.
Mr. MORSE. I am pleased to accom-
modate my colleague, the Senator from
New York.
The PRESI ING OFFICER. The
Senator fipm (egon h s the floor.
The language is crystal clear and un- -Cuba, a puppet of Khrushchev, had
deniable. It would not be altered by crossed the line of defense into the area
our recognizing a different government of aggression, we proceeded to apply the
of Cuba, even though that different gov- act of Punta del Este. The President of
ernment might ignore our violation of the United States made it perfectly clear
the treaty. The language makes clear that the ground-to-ground missiles
that we entered into the treaty for a would come out or we would go in, and
naval base and for coaling purposes and they came out. After they came out,
for no other purpose. the aggressive course of conduct on the
Our breaking diplomatic relations- part of Cuba and Russia ceased to exist.
which have now been broken-in no way A continuation of any blockade at that
erases our international law obligations time would have been illegal under inter-
to the Cuban Government of Castro, nor national law.
his obligations to the United States. I do not propose to support a policy
Recognizing an exile government of which would make my country an outlaw
Cuba would end all relationships be- nation before the other nations of the
tween the United States and the Castro world. We cannot follow a unilateral
government. Our obligation to observe course of action and keep ourselves free
the treaty would remain; but Castro's from at the application on of the rules of in-
obligation to observe it would not. So As I said in my speech the other day,
far as no treaty would ob concerned, would and repeat today, we would lose a unani-
all have
Bay. at mous decision in any international tri-
concerning dantann mo to respect
We , bunal if we sought to enforce a block-
an n the other ofher ing hand, would would not . only VJ still
be bound by it, but we would be violat- ade of Cuba against the shipping of all
ing it if we permit any activity there nations, both free and Communist. No
other than that of a naval and coaling Senator on the other side of the aisle
station. hates Castro and the Communist regime
That is why I protested the suggestion he maintains more than does the Sena-
the other day and why I repeat today tor from Oregon. But in my capacity
by reference everything I said against as chairman of the Subcommittee on
the proposal the other day. Latin America of the Senate Commit-
I wish now to say a brief word or two tee on Foreign Relations, I shall con-
on the proposal of my good friend from tinue to do everything I can to urge that
Nebraska [Mr. CURTIS], which he an- my Government stay within the frame-
nounced the other day, with respect to work of international law.
a pacific blockade of Cuba against third That is our program toward Cuba.
party ships. The Organization of American States is
"There hain't no such thing." The working cooperatively with us in en-
moment any country refuses to recognize forcing the act of Punta del Este.
its pacificity, the moment it is chal- There are those who can propose war-
lenged, it is no longer pacific. making policies if they care to do so, but
The proposal of the Senator from I am perfectly willing to draw the issue
Nebraska was, "We propose merely to and let the American people decide it.
freeze out Cuba economically so far as The senior Senator from Oregon will not
_ a ? T advocate a blockade of Cuba until Cuba
s an
k
e
CUBA asked the other uay, vvhhat ma
Mr. MGRS Mr. President, I judge body think Her Majesty's government that blockade will be legal.
from the speech made by the Senator would recognize such a blockade?"-or When the President found Cuba in
from Colorado [Mr. ALLOTT] and the the Government of France, or of Canada, that position last October, a blockade
comments of the Senator from Nebraska or of Italy, or of any other free nation, was imposed, and then, for the first time,
[Mr. CURTIS] that neither of those Sen- to say nothing of the Communist nations the free nations of the world rallied
ators found himself in agreement with Mr. President, a blockade is no better around the United States. But when
my speech the other day on Cuba, but than its enforceability. When one starts there were those last summer who pro-
I incorporate that speech by reference to enforce a blockade one is at war. posed an the illegal world ma blockade de, it many clear free to na-
at at this point, and stand on every word I pause for that ugly fact to sink in. Utions of nited States rldt tade would not he
I said the other day. Have we really reached the point where spice duck a blockade.
I respectfully point out that neither one cannot be a statesman unless he will not be drawn into an advocacy
of my good friends the Senator from advocates war? Have we reached the I
of creating b era government, putting
Colorado [Mr. ALLOTT] or the Senator point where those of us who seek truly o o stamp of "ex xil on it, and then pro-
where from Nebraska [Mr. CURTIS] came any- pacific settlements of great issues which
where near to touching upon the points threaten the peace of the world are posing that we establish it at Guan-
of international law raised in my speech. somehow letting down our Government tanamo Bay, in clear violation of the
In order to restate my position on the and only those, who would wave that flag treaty of 1903. These are only elemen-
record, the setting up of an exile gov- into tatters are the patriots of our day? tary, simple principles of international
ernment on Guantanamo Bay would not As I said to a group a few weeks ago, law that I raise in opposition to the two
wash out or erase U.S. obligations under "One does not pay respect to the Ameri- proposals my friends made in the Sen-
can flag by waving it into tatters." ate, and which I answered the other day.
so she far as treaty international Tkl law is is elementary. y. The question is raised, "What is our I close my comments by saying that I
concerned stand on every word I uttered in my
Mr. President, we cannot wash out policy on Cuba?" It is pretty clear. Our stanch the other day. Inte roomy
any obligations under international law policy on Cuba was established in the act principles of law aas sound and un-
eign severing all connections with a for- of Punta del Este, and we carried out our principles of law are they were tndn, in
eign government and setting up an exile obligations under the act of Punta del answerable y feie th from
government, and then claiming that the Este, because we and the other coun- spite of the fact that they
commented
Cand Nebraska my
exile government takes over our obliga- tries of the Western Hemisphere com- Colorado o that opench.
tions. mitted ourselves to see to it that Cuba Mr. that speePREY. Mr. President, will
If we were to set up an exile govern- did not follow a course of aggression in the Senator yield'.)
ment on Guantanamo Bay it would stand the Western Hemisphere. And when the
in clear violation of the treaty of 1903. facts became clear last October that Mr. MORSE. I yield.
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11602 CONGRESSIONAL, RECORD-SENATE July 9
4tr. HUMPHilEY. I rise to commend tiers. What we need more than anything about Castro that we lose sight of some
the Senator from Oregon for his forth- else is not merely a good political and of the more fundamental threats to the
ri ,ht_ thoughtful statement on this criti- military position, but a solid moral posi- security of our country and the heroi-
cal and vital international issue. I fully tion. When we cast aside the morality sphere.
a;,rce with the Senator's statement, not of our position, we weaken the entire Someone has said that Castro is not
only as to the undesirability, but the ille- base of our international policy. a dagger aimed at our heart, but is rather
vality, of the establishment of an exile We are indebted to the Senator from a bone in the throat. It is not very com-
overnment at Guantanamo, in light of Orer'on for his courseer. I know it would fortable to have a bone in the throat.
the terms of the treaty that gives our be easier for him to s?iy, Hurrah, this We ought to do w hat we can to remove it.
Government tie rights it now has in that is a fine proposal." I. would en^ura.'e But I would stop short of a recommen'-
area. the Jingo spirit that -rips some elements dat ion that we cut off our heads in order
I remind my colleagues that the Sena- of the country. to dispose of the irritant in our throats.
for from Oregon was one of the first 'I he Senator from Oregon is civinc the policy which the present adrninis-
i rentbers of this body to take issue with round advice on one of the most sensitive tration :.; following, which has the sup-
the Castro regime when wholesale mass international political questions of our port of the Senator from Oregon (Mr.
shootings were taking place in Havana time with reference to our relations in Mot,sr I and the Senator from Minnesota
and other parts of Cuba. I recall the the Caribbean, particularly as they affect IMr. iivnr:?nfEY], as expressed here to-
speeches of the Senator from Oregon Cuba. I thank him. Lest he feel alone day, is one which deals with that irritant
when others were toying with the possi- in his views. I would like to have the and throat and places it in proper per-
bility that perhaps Mr. Castro was doing Privilege of joining him in the statement spective. It is not a policy of putting our
this as a part of a social reform. The he has made today and to say that I heads in the sand, as was implied earlier
Senator from Oregon reminded this body welcome his leadership. today. It is a policy that has been based
that the violation of international law Mr. MORSE. I thank the Senator upon very positive and direct action on
and the violation of human decency by from Minnesota for his eracious com- the part of our Government to keep Mr.
Castro and his regime in the shooting meats. I appreciate them very much. Castro and his regime under constant
of one Cuban after another without due Mr. MCGOVERN subsequently said: surveillance. We have daily overflights
process of law, without trial, were full Mr. President. will the Senator from that are giving us an accurate picture of
and complete evidence as to the dicta- Orcec>n yield. what is going on in the hills of Cuba. We
tonal and totalitarian tendencies and The PRESIDING; OI?'PICf;R (Mr. Mc- have applied economic sanctions. We
commitments of Fidel Castro. INTYRF in the chair l. Does the Senator have attempted diplomatically to isolate
So the Senator from Oregon can come from Oregon yield to the Senator from Castro. But we have done those things
with clean hands on this issue. He is South Dakota? within the traditions of international law
chairman of the Subcommittee on Latin Mr. MORSE. I yield. and in due respect to our commitments
America of the Committee on Foreign Mr. MCGOVERN. Let inc. say that a to the other members of the Organization
Relations. He has an intimate know]- few moments ago, when I was presiding of American States.
ed_;e of the problems of our relationships over the Senate, there developed debate, Because we have followed these in-
in Latin America, particularly in Cuba. led by the senior Senator from Colorado telligent, limited objectives, we have had
While it may seem to make good head- I Mr. ALLOTT F. in which issue was taken the support of our allies, not only in
lines to make proposals of an extreme with the remarks made earlier in the Latin America but also in Western
nature relating to Castro. it is the most Senate by the senior Senator from Ore- Europe and throughout the free world.
unbelievably foolish domestic and inter- gon IMr. MoRSF. I . the very able chair-
na.tional policy, in light of the commit- man of the Latin American Affairs Sub- In conclusion, I desire to say that one
ments this country has all over the committee of the Foreign Relations Com- of the statements which was made here
world. We are holding the Soviet inittec, and remarks which the junior today that disturbs me perhaps most of
Union accountable for violations of in- Senator from South Dakota had made on aator ll was from the statement by the senior n-
ternational law. We are supporting our the floor of the Fenate at an earlier time, whe took rfColorado
exc tion to what case on Berlin on the basis that the I should like to associate my own posi- call which hi d out, wonderful oex to what he
Soviet Union has violated international tion very strongly with the e our wonderful coexistence policy.
policy set He said he was using the phrase "wonder-
law. Our position on Germany is prcdi- forth here today by the Senator from ful coexistence" in a sarcastic vein,
cated upon agreements and international Oregon IMr. MORSE; and the distin- leaving the clear implication that those
law. The day the United States of guished assistant majority leader, the of us who believe in coexistence are
America casts aside respect for interna- Senator from Min esota IMr. IIumPr- somehow betraying the best interests of
tional law and commitments under nev I. The views which they expressed the country.
treaties we shall have no case anywhere are not only realistic, but they hold fast
in the world. to the ideals that have guided our corm- It seems to me that the alternative to
I cannot conceive of the world's lead- try throughout our history and have coexistence is ction. It was
ing power, dedicated to the principles of brought us to a position in the world former President Eisenhower senhwho several
law and order, dedicated to the principles in which we hold the respect of all those years ago said that there is no longer any
of orderly change through legal proc- countries that believe in peace and free- reasonable alternative to peace. We
esses, openly violating commitments dom. can follow a policy of strength, right,
made in treaties we have signed, in order I would not want the RECORD to imply, and justice, and still follow a policy based
to accomplish the unlikely possibility of as I think it might from some of the re- upon our desire to exist even in a world
extricating the Cuban people from marks that were made earlier today by in which there are many people whose
Castro tyranny, the Senator from Colorado, that I take ideology we abhor and with which we
The Senator is correct in saying that a view on Cuba that would minimize the di~agrec.
other countries would have no reason to importance of the Castro regime and re- It seems to me that the great dagger
respect any blockade such as has been f,"rring to the attitude that some among which is aimed at our heart is the danger
proposed, and would have no reason to its take toward Cuba as an obsession. I of a nuclear exchange-a nuclear ex-
respect any kind of exile government we was not thereby implying there is noth- change which would leave no real victor,
might establish at our Guantanamo ing to worry about with reference to but would result in a devastation that
base. Cuba. But a military commander or a Is almost unspeakable.
I do not claim to be an expert in this military strategist who keeps his eye So while keeping our defenses strong,
area, but it seems to me there are times fastened on only one flank and ignores keeping our international commitments,
when the American people, without any the dangers from the other flank, the and following, as we have in the past, the
expertise knowledge, ought to recognize center of the line or from the rear is not guidelines of international law, I would
that we do not strengthen our hand in a good one. That was the tenor of re- hope that our country would resist the
international relations by mimicking the marks which I made earlier on the floor temptation to an extreme and reckless
Communists. We do not overcome the of the Senate. I suggested that some policy.
Communists by aping them. We do not of us have become so involved and so I thank the Senator from Oregon for
overcome them by following their prac- obsessed with our fears and anxieties yielding to me.
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE 11603
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I wish
to thank the Senator from South Dakota
[Mr. MCGOVERN] for the second bril-
liant and eloquent statement that he has
made on the U.S. Cuban policy. The
speech that he made the other day
stands unanswered. The major premises
that he just laid down before the Senate
cannot be answered. I am proud to be
associated with him in support of and
in defense of President Kennedy's pro-
gram in connection with Cuba and his
great statesmanship in carrying out the
Act of Punta del Este on which much of
our Cuban policy is based.
The Senator from South Dakota re-
ferred to the economic containment of
Cuba. Many people apparently are un-
aware of the fact that. there has been a
great loss of economic strength in Cuba,
and because of the very policies of sur-
veillance that the Senator from South
Dakota has pointed out.
Mr. President, I would have the
RECORD show that the Foreign Relations
Committee of the Senate has been great-
ly strengthened because of the member-
ship of the Senator from Minnesota
[Mr. HUMPHREY] on that committee for
many years. His eloquent voice and
brilliant mind have been brought to bear
upon one foreign relations issue after an-
other for many years.
To have him on my side on this issue
is all the support I feel I need to satisfy
myself that I am right. I appreciate
his remarks very much.
FOREIGN AID-AID TO PAKISTAN
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, several
newspaper stories of recent days have
surely brought home to the American
people some of the follies to be perpetu-
ated in the foreign aid bill submitted to
Congress.
The first appeared in the Washington
Post of June 30. It is by Warren Unna
and is headlined: "Red China-Pakistan
Flight Pact Stirs United. States."
It describes a civil aviation pact agreed
to by the Governments of Pakistan and
Red China, giving Pakistani planes the
right to land at Canton and Shanghai in
China. These stops would apparently
be added to the regular schedule of
Pakistan International Airlines between
Karachi and Tokyo. Thus, Chinese citi-
zens will have full travel rights in and out
of China via Pakistan and Japan.
Moreover, the pact carries, according
to this story, the reciprocal right of the
Chinese to land their airliners in the
Pakistani cities of Karachi in west Pakis-
tan and Decca in east Pakistan.
Mr. Unna quotes one U.S. official as
saying, "This will give China a spring-
board not only to Asia, but to Africa,
where they really have set their sights."
It will probably require that spare
parts for the passenger jets flown by the
Pakistani airlines to be kept on hand in
these Chinese cities, contrary to U.S.
statutes forbidding U.S. aid to countries
which ship strategic materials to Com-
munist countries. It will also bring
about the flyover of Chinese planes over
India, as they cross from Dacca to
Karachi.
I ask unanimous consent to have the
full text of this story printed at this The civil aviation agreement follows the
point in my remarks. conclusion of a Pakistan-Communist China
There being no objection, the text of trade agreement signed in January and a
the article was ordered to be printed in settlement of the Pakistan-China border,
signed in March.
the RECORD, as follows: U.S. officials are convinced that Pakistan's
[From the Washington Post, June 30, 19631 warmup toward. Communist China is part of
RED CHINA -PAKISTAN FLIGHT PACT STIRS an attempt to thwart the increasingly closer
ki t
UNITED STATES
(By Warren Unna)
Pakistan has just initiated a civil aviation
agreement with Communist China that will
give China its first air outlet to the non-
Communist world.
"We look upon this as an unfortunate
breach of free world solidarity and take a
dim view of it," a State Department official
declared. This will-just give China a spring-
board, not only to Asia, but to Africa, where
they really have set their sights."
The Chinese-Pakistani agreement, an-
nounced in Karachi by Air Commodore M.
Nur Khan, the managing director of Pakistan
International Airlines (PIA), would permit
PIA to make stops in both Canton and
Shanghai on its regularly scheduled route
from Karachi and Dacca to Tokyo.
In addition to permitting Chinese to fly to
the non-Communist world in PIA planes, the
agreement grants the Chinese Civil Aviation
Authority the reciprocal right to fly its planes
to Dacca and Karachi.
The agreement is considered to have sever-
al serious international implications in addi-
tion to the open door outlet to the non-
Communist world which the State Depart-
ment fears. These are:
If PIA's American-built 720B passenger
jets make turn-arounds within China re-
quiring that spare parts be on hand, Ameri-
can officials foresee the possibility of a cut-
off of U.S. aid to Pakistan. The Battle Act
forbids aid to countries which ship strategic
materials to Communist countries.
Japan, which consistently has turned down
Communist China's requests for a similar
civil aviation agreement, now finds itself in
the embarrassing position of being linked to
China anyway, via PIA. Japanese Embassy
officials here pointed out that-aside from
the serious political considerations-Japan
is likely to have considerable hesitation over
permitting a rival route that would cut into
Japan Air Lines' own passenger business tak-
ing mainland China-bound passengers as far
as Hong Kong.
- India, still bristling from last fall's border
invasion by Communist China, hardly could
be expected to welcome the overflight of
Chiness planes as they cross India's midriff
from Dacca, in east Pakistan, to Karachi, in
west Pakistan.
ALREADY EXPRESSED
U.S. concern has already been ex-
pressed to the Pakistani Government in Ka-
rachi. Pakistani officials have responded that
the air agreement is a purely ecenomic prop-
osition.
Aviation Daily, in first reporting the agree-
ment, declared that the Chinese presumably
had two objectives in mind:
(1) To become independent of the Soviet
Union in both airplanes and air services (the
Chinese are expected to take delivery of some
British Viscounte this year).
(2) To provide direct outlets "to a world
from which they have been largely sepa-
rated."
Nur Khan, in returning from Peking, de-
clared: "PIA will be the first international
carrier to operate through Canton and
Shanghai and PIA is appreciative of this con-
cession. The discussions between PIA and
the Chinese civil aviation authorities were
held in a frank and cordial atmosphere."
EXPECTED TO VISIT
Now a Chinese delegation is expected to
visit Karachi to complete technical details
and currency arrangements.
ties between the United States and Pasan s
border enemy, India.
Pakistan is a longtime recipient of both
U.S. military and economic aid. During his
trip to the United States in July, 1961, Paki-
stan President Mohammed Ayub Khan told a
joint session of Congress: "If there is real
trouble in Asia, there is no other country
where you will be able to every put your foot
in. The only people who will stand by you
are the people of Pakistan."
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I take
no exception to the right of Pakistan to
enter into this agreement. But it is evi-
dence, if any more evidence is needed, of
the futility of large-scale American aid to
nations that we think are going to pro-
tect our interests vis-a-vis either Russia
or China.
There are few nations in the world
that have received more military and
economic grant aid in recent years than
has Pakistan. It has been sent on the
theory that Pakistan was a bulwark and
an ally against the expansionism of
Communist China. Exclusive of military
aid, Pakistan has received over $2 bil-
lion from us, of which more than $1.2
billion has been under the foreign aid
bill. It is not possible to say how much
military aid she has received because
that is one of the four countries in
the world for which we still keep secret
military aid in years past.
But the size of the U.S. military group
we have there administering it makes it
clear that Pakistan is the beneficiary of
one of the larger U.S. military aid pro-
grams.
This morning, in the Committee on
Foreign Relations, we were talking about
foreign aid, including military aid, to an-
other country in this section of the world
which I seriously doubt ought to be re-
ceiving any today. Be that as it may
the question arose as to how much money
we are spending, over and above the mili-
tary assistance program and aid pro-
gram, in maintaining a large number of
American troops in that country. We
were told that information was. top se-
cret, as is country-by-country aid for
the fiscal year covered by the current bill.
So long as it is top secret, my lips are
sealed. However, I say again to the ad-
ministration, as I have said to previous
administrations during my years of serv-
ice in the Senate, that I see no reason
why such information should be top se-
cret. I have seen no military justifica-
tion for making it top secret. The ad-
ministration has the power to make it
top secret; but I do not believe in keeping
from the American people a single fact
belonging to the American people in the
absence of a clear showing that a dis-
closure of such fact might be detrimental
to the security of this country.
The question of foreign aid is a ques-
tion that should go to the jury box. The
jury consists of all the taxpayers of the
United States. They cannot pass upon
the evidence unless they have the evi-
dence. The evidence is being denied
them.
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1160-1 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
The American people ought to know
what the total expenditure of the Amer-
ican taxpayers in Pakistan has been in
years past, and what is programed for
fiscal 1964. The evidence made available
to them falls millions of dollars short of
the true amount. I hope that my ad-
ministration will proceed to accept this
fact on the same basis as any other fact,
which, except from the standpoint of the
security of the Republic, ought to be
made known to the taxpayers.
As the Senate has heard me say for
many years, the substantive rights of the
American people depend upon their pro-
cedural rights. Denying the American
people the facts involves a bad precedent.
We have not reached that point. How-
ever, if we continue the policy of denying
to the American people one fact after an-
other, we will be adopting police state
tactics. It only becomes a matter of
degree: and it is difficult to draw a line
between a police state policy and a policy
of a free nation that is denying only
such facts as the security of the country
dictates should be denied.
On this point I think we ought to lift
the barrier. and the American people
ought to know the total amount of tax-
payer dollars that is going and has been
going into Pakistan. The same thing is
true of South Vietnam. which is the
other country to which I referred a mo-
ment ago.
The American people ought to be told
of every dollar of American expenditures
in South Vietnam. including the cost of
maintaining American troops in South
Vietnam. As I have said so many times.
these are American troops. We look in
vain to find any substantial number of
troops in South Vietnam from any other
free nation of the world. The American
taxpayers are paying the bill. One
might think that freedom is precious
only to the United States, not to Aus-
tralia, New Zealand, Canada, England.
France, Italy, or any other NATO ally.
For many years, Pakistan also received
supporting assistance, which is grant aid
to her budget to maintain her large mili-
tary expenditures. It totaled over $79
million. Grants for her economic de-
velopment have also been large, totaling
$211.5 million through fiscal 1962.
Every year, this large aid program for
Pakistan has been justified on the around
of her stalwart opposition to Communist
expansion.
I hope we have been disabused of that
illusion once and for all. Far from stand-
ing as a bulwark, it is Pakistan that is
now opening the door for Red Chinese
expansionism. What is more, she has
proceeded with an agreement that we
had irevailed upon the Japanese not to
make, ',lius incurring the displeasure of
Japan at seeing the business go else-
wht re.
Pakistan has already si-med a trade
a reement with Red China, ar.ain get-
ting: us into trouble with Japan for hav-
int prevailed on them not to do the same
thing.
I want to make it clear that I think
Pakistan has every right to conduct her
own affairs with Red China as she sees
fit. But she certainly does not have any
right to go on receiving bountiful Ameri-
can aid. She has shown that her actions
disqualify her for any more of what we
call strategic assistance, which is grant
military and economic aid.
I have no objection to development
loans to Pakistan. They have been use-
ful to her people, and hence useful to us,
provided they are repaid in full. But
all foundation for so-called strategic as-
sistance to Pakistan has disappeared, and
ought to be eliminated from the foreign
aid bill for fiscal 1964.
I intend to give my colleagues on the
Committee on Foreign Relations, both
at the committee level and in the Sen-
ate. an opportunity to vote for drastic
cuts in military and economic aid to
Pakistan. If Senators wish to know
what the present attitude of Pakistan is,
they should read the Washington Post
article of this morning, under the head-
line "Pakistan Warns West of Arms Aid
to India." The President of Pakistan
said yesterday, at Rawalpindi:
Smaller Asian nations will be driven to
seek the protection of Communist China if
the western arms buildup of India continues.
Not only does Pakistan expect to re-
ceive a large amount of military aid her-
self; but apparently the President of
Pakistan wants to use interesting, co-
ercive methods to tell us whom we may
aid. The article continues:
Ayub told a political meeting the West was
in fact contributing to the spread of com-
munism In Asia by forcing nations who
feared a strong India Into Chinese arms.
The Pakistani leader Included Russia with
the western nations arming India "to
achieve their own objectives."
Ile claims the United States and Britain
were "overoptimistic" In hoping smaller
Asian nations would gather round India after
its military strength was built up.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent that the entire article may be
printed at this point in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
(From the Washington Post. July 9. 19631
PAKISTAN WARNS WEST OF ARMS AID TO INDIA
RAWALPINDI. PAKISTAN, July 8.-President
Mohammed Ayub Khan said here today
:;mailer Asian nations will be driven to seek
the protection of Communist China If the
Western arms buildup of India continues.
Ayub told a political meeting the West was
in fact contributing to the spread of com-
munism in Asia by forcing nations who
feared a strong India Into Chinese arms.
The Pakistani leader Included Russia with
the Western nations arming India to
arilievc their own objectives.
Ile claimed the United States and Britain
were overoptimistic In hoping smaller
Asian nations would gather round India after
its military strength was built up.
Ayub said India had overwhelmed smaller
countries including Kashmir in the past.
He added these nations rather than being
attracted by the new Indian strength would
i,ave W seek protection-which would only
be available from China.
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, the for-
eign aid bill provides $4,500 million.
Every once in a while someone asks,
"Where would you cut?"
In these daily speeches-and they will
continue until the foreign aid bill Is fi-
nally disposed of, unless I happen to be
out of the city at the time, or indis-
July 9
posed, or am unable for some other rea-
son to speak-I shall continue to answer
the question: "Where would the senior
Senator from Oregon cut the foreign aid
bill?"
My answer today is that we should cut
substantially the amount of money pro-
vided in the bill for Pakistan. I am not
entirely certain what sums of aid we
should extend to India, but I am satis-
fied that our program for Pakistan can
and should be reduced to a small fraction
of what it has been averaging in the last
8 or 10 years.
RELATED SITUATION IN TAIWAN
The second newspaper story I wish to
briny, to the attention of the Senate was
published in the Washington Evening
Star of July 1. It is written by Wendell
Merick, and is headlined: "Chiang's
Army Is Seen Losing Desire To Invade."
The burden of this story is that even
the army of Chiang kai-Shek on Taiwan
has begun to accept the fact that it is
never going to invade the Chinese main-
land. Almost everyone else in the world
has known that for many years, but ap-
parently it is finally becoming clear to
the exiled Chinese, as well.
Mr. Merick tells us that almost half of
Chiang's army is now native Formosan,
and that they will comprise 60 to 65
percent of that army within a few years.
The Formosans have far less interest in
invading the mainland.
But the significant item I wish to point
out is the oversized officer crops of Chi-
nese generals we are supporting by our
heavy military aid.
We are sending military aid to support
an army, supposedly of 380,000 troops, in
Formosa. But there are only 329,650
there. For these 330,000, the Chinese
have 900 generals, which is more than
the United States has in its Army of more
than a million.
It is no wonder that it costs American
taxpayers a lot of money, when we have
that many general officers in Taiwan to
keep in the style to which they are ac-
customed.
We hear much these days about feath-
erbedding. I say that good naturedly
but pointedly. If anyone can beat the
military for featherbedding, he is going
some. This is an interesting example of
featherbedding by way of surplus gen-
erals in the Formosan army, paid for by
the American taxpayers.
What is my answer to the question,
Where would the senior Senator from
Oregon cut? I would cut drastically the
amount of military aid provided in the
bill for Taiwan.
I ask unanimous consent to have the
Evening Star article of July 1, 1963,
printed at this point in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
[From the Washington Evening Star, July 1,
19631
CUTANG'S ARMY Is SEEN LOSING DESIRE
To INVADE
(By Wendell S. Merick)
TAIPEI, July 1.-The Nationalist China
Army is running short of men who really
care about returning to the mainland.
The harsh facts about Chiang Kai-shek's
army are contained in a survey U.S. advisers
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX A4275
Following the Embassy's receipt from the
Department of State of the allocation of the
various types of grants for a given year-
i.e. foreign leader, foreign specialist-the
committee arranges a priority list of candi-
dates for the predetermined fields. A princi-
pal and alternate candidate is selected for
each grant to be awarded. The cultural af-
fairs section of the Embassy then forwards
these recommendations to Washington, D.C.,
which retains the prerogative of final selec-
tion. If the recommendations are approved,
the actual grant is then sent to the Embassy
for processing.
The broad scope of the exchange pro-
gram is evidenced by the inclusion of an
adjunct to the leader and specialist pro-
grams, known as facilitative assistance.
This programing is available to persons with
foreign leader or foreign specialist qualifica-
tions. There is no grant of funds accom-
panying facilitative assistance, rather it is
a service provided for these persons while
they are in the United States under their
own auspices. Upon request from the Em-
bassy, the Department of State will arrange
for professional contacts in the person's in-
terest area. Voluntary organizations and
interested individuals then will be asked to
assist outstanding political, cultural, infor-
mational, educational, and other leaders in
arranging itineraries and in making contacts
with individuals and organizations In the
United States in their particular fields of
interest.
In addition to inviting Filipinos to the
United States, or facilitating their private
vists, the exchange program also provdes an-
nually for a select group of American spe-
cialists to come to the 'Philippines. These
are persons who represent a wide variety of
academic, professional, and cultural fields.
Their visits can include such activities as-
1. Undertaking specific assignments at the
request of local groups and institutions to
advise or work with them on their organiza-
tion, or programs or techniques in specific
fields, such as youth leadership, government
affairs, radio, labor, higher education, com-
munity development, journalism, athletics.
2. Giving lectures or conducting work-
shops, seminars or clinics in fields such as
American literature, poetry, history, the
theater, architecture, sculpture, painting,
music, athletic activities, economics and re-
lated interest areas.
These activities are arranged in conjunc-
tion with local sponsors who have expressed
an interest in having an American specialist
in these fields. These cooperative plans re-
sult in a visit by a full-time American spe-
cialist who comes to the Philippines for a
period of approximately 2 months, or by a
regional pool specialist, who may be here for
a few days of a few weeks.
In any case, the American specialist Is se-
lected by the Department of State, either as
the result of a request from field posts or on
grants initiated by the Department and con-
curred in by the Embassy. Tho Embassy
must receive an indication from local Inter-
ests that an American specialist would be
welcome before the person is invited to come
to the Philippines.
Because of the vast import of the cultural
area of international relations, there are pri-
vately sponsored opportunities under the
exchange visitor visa program in addition to
U.S. Government supported exchange pro-
grams. In addition, private foundations also
offer opportunities in a variety of fields.
As international problems become increas-
ingly complex, it is more essential than ever
that the peoples of one nation understand
the life, attitudes, and values of the peoples
of their fellow nations. An educational and
cultural exchange program appears to be a
major means of achieving this understand-
ing.
The U.S. exchange program represents one
nation's belief in the worth of cultural diplo-
macy. The combined energies of the Amer-
ican Government, American private enter-
prise, and Individual American citizens are
striving to create through cultural diplomacy
an ever-increasing worldwide level of under-
standing and friendship.
Mutual of New York To Build 30-Story
Office Building in Syracuse
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
of
HON. R. WALTER RIEHLMAN
OF NEW YORK
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, July 9, 1963
Mr. RIEHLMAN. Mr. Speaker, it
gave me a great deal of pleasure this
week to read in the Syracuse Post-
Standard that Mutual of New York will
build a 30-story office building in our
city. Part of the building will be used
by MONY for a data processing center.
This action, by the Nation's oldest in-
surance company, will be mutually ben-
eficial, I am sure. Some 650 to 800 new
jobs will be created in downtown Syra-
cuse.
I think this building will be a tribute
to a growing, dynamic city and to the
long range careful planning of MONY.
I am pleased to share this marvelous
story of achievement with my colleagues.
Following is an editorial from the Post-
Standard:
GREAT DAY FOR SYRACUSE, MONY PLAZA
FULFILLS DREAMS
History was made for Syracuse in 1937
when it was announced that Carrier Corp.
would establish its principal manufacturing
facility and home office here.
History was made for Syracuse in 1942
when it was announced that General Elec-
tric would build its great Electronics Park
here, to become within a few years the larg-
est industrial employer in this area.
Equally important history was made for
Syracuse yesterday when it was disclosed
that Mutual of New York, the Nation's old-
est, ninth largest, and one of the best known
life insurance companies, would erect a 30-
story office building directly east of Hotel
Syracuse and would create from 650 to 800
new jobs in downtown Syracuse.
With all its important ramifications and
urban renewal commitments by the city, the
MONY Plaza development may well prove to
be the most important bonanza of the three,
as far as rejuvenation of the downtown core
area of the city is concerned.
Redevelopment of the entire 4-acre square
block bounded by South Warren, Harrison,
Montgomery, and Madison Streets, as de-
scribed in detail in our news columns today,
will be a tremendous "shot in the arm" for
all Syracuse, but particularly for the south
end of the main business area.
SIGNED AND SEALED
This is not just another announcement of
plans for a "paper building," which so many
promoters have sketched and scuttled in the
past 20 years. This is a real "signed, sealed,
and delivered" real estate deal of the first
magnitude, with the directors of MONY al-
ready having agreed to erect the 30-story
MONY Tower with company funds.
MONY will be the principal user of the
whole project, occupying at first about one-
third of the 370,000-square-foot, 30-story
tower, for its data processing center, which
will move to Syracuse from New York City.
A 10-story motor hotel will be built at once
immediately adjacent on the Madison Street
side of the block, and space will be provided
for an eventual twin tower at the Mont-
gomery-Madison corner.
CITY BUILDS ALSO
Under terms of an agreement made by
Mayor Walsh for the city 18 months ago,
the city of Syracuse will construct a 700-car
garage on the south side of the square block,
along Harrison Street.
The city will apply for Urban Renewal
Federal and State approval of redevelopment
of the entire southern half of the block,
and will receive credit for the cost of the
garage toward its one-sixth share of the
total cost of redevolpment. Thus the garage
can be acquired without adding to city in-
debtedness beyond the commitment for one-
sixth of the urban renewal expense.
With the present parking lots between
Hotel Syracuse and the War Memorial al-
ready accommodating some 600 cars, there
will be an immediate market for all the
space in the new garage, and it is expected
that the stimulated business in the area will
also fill the so-called Strand garage, owned
by the city a block west.
A 36-foot-wide covered mall, or galleria,
will connect Hotel Syracuse and the War
Memorial, heated in winter and air condi-
tioned in summer, with small shops and
other facilities, according to present plans.
This will be connected to the hotel and to
the memorial by either overhead or under-
ground passageways, enabling hotel guests to
walk directly to the convention hall without
going out of doors.
Thus will be developed one of the most
striking and beautiful downtown blocks in
the entire Nation, to be built as one unit,
with uniform design and featuring the tallest
building in the State outside of metro-
politan New York.
It will be In direct line with the new com-
munity plaza, already under construction,
the New York State Medical Center, and the
revamped Syracuse University campus area
for which $76 million is now being raised.
This exciting and imaginative scheme will
make Syracuse truly outstanding among
cities of its size and will greatly stimulate
business of all kinds in this area.
REALTOR IS MOVING FORCE
Eagan Real Estate is the moving force
behind this latest redevelopment plan, and
we agree with Mayor Walsh that Leo T. Eagan
and his associates deserve full credit for a
magnificent achievement.
This is indeed a prime example of a com-
munity pulling itself up by its own boot-
straps.
Here private initiative, private capital, pri-
vate enterprise and confident salesmanship
cooperated 100 percent with government at
all levels to achieve a superb result which
will benefit every Syracusan.
The boost in employment, the increase in
retail trade, the gain in the tax rolls, the
superior facilities, all these and many more
benefits will flow from this historic under-
taking.
Syracuse welcomes MONY as one of its
principal citizens, and we thank the Eagans
and the city ad inistration for all they have
done to hasten this day.
Resolution W Mld Freeze All Cuban Gov-
ernment Assets on Deposit in All OAS
Member Nations
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. PAUL G. ROGERS
OF FLORIDA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, June 26,1963
Mr. ROGERS of Florida. Mr. Speak-
er, the recent actions by the U.S. Gov-
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A4276 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX
ernment to freeze Cuban funds on de-
posit in U.S. financial institutions comes
as good news. It is the first new step this
Government has taken against Com-
munist Cuba for some weeks now, and
while the amount of funds affected will
not topple the Castro economy, it is an
act which places the United States in a
position of leading the rest of the free
nations of this hemisphere to follow suit.
I have proposed in House Concurrent
Resolution 146 that the United States of-
fer a five-point plan of action to the
Organization of American States for
adoption by the nations of this hemi-
sphere. The plan includes the freezing
of all Cuban Government assets now on
deposit in the financial institutions of all
OAS member nations, which of course
includes the United States.
Now that the United States has com-
plied with this portion of the recommen-
dations, I am hopeful that the U.S. Gov-
ernment will now press this new example
upon the other nations of this hemi-
sphere to follow suit for the isolation of
Communist Cuba.
Foreign Assistance for the United Arab
Republic?
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. SEYMOUR HALPERN
OF NEW YORK
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Friday, July 5, 1963
Mr. HALPERN. Mr. Speaker, there is
pending before this House a foreign as-
sistance bill containing funds for the
United Arab Republic. I wish to invite
the attention of my colleagues to the lat-
est report on the shocking use of poison
gas by the military forces of Egypt, the
nation that American taxpayers are
asked to support. In his reported brutal
use of poison gas against the civilians
of Yemen. United Arab Republic Presi-
dent Nasser has emulated the tactics of
Mussolini against the Ethiopians in the
1930's.
I do not feel that the American tax-
payer should subsidize the United Arab
Republic by a single cent, in view of its
brutal and aggressive policies. The au-
thoritative British report, conveyed by
the Associated Press, describes the poison
gas bombs used by the United Arab Re-
public against Yemeni(s) civilians and
states that-
Since the Russian bloc supplies all mill-
tary equipment for Egypt. it Is likely that
the bomb was manufactured in Russia or
Czechoslovakia.
There is pending before the Congress
an amendment to the foreign assistance
bill offered by myself, identical with one
offered by Senator KEtTINC in the Sen-
ate, and supported by many Members of
both bodies. This amendment would
sever American assistance to the United
Arab Republic if that country, or any
other, diverted its own resources to pur-
chase Communist poison gas bombs as
Nasser has already done.
I fervently appeal for the approval of
this amendment.
EGYPTIANS' Usr or GAS IN YEMEN WAR
CLAIMED
LONDON, July B.-British newspaper cor-
respondent charged today that Egyptian
forces in Yemen are using poison gas against
remote mountain villages still loyal to the
royalist cause.
Richard Beeston of the London Daily
Telegraph asserted that seven died in the
northern Yemen[ village of Al Kawma from
a gas attack and 25 others-gravely dis-
ilgured-faced a lingering death.
"President Nasser can now claim the dis-
tinction of being the first person to employ
chemical warfare since Mussolini used mus-
tard gas on Ethiopian tribesmen during the
1930s," said Mr. Beeston in an acocunt of a
3-day trek by donkey and on foot to Al
Kawma from Saudi Arabia.
BEARD CEASELESS COUGHING
Mr. Beeston charged that Egyptian air-
craft deployed In the Yemeni civil war
dropped it gas bomb on Al Kawnia early last
month.
"I approached the village late at night.
From more than 100 yards away. I could hear
the coughing of the gassed villagers which
went on ceaselessly.
"In the morning, villagers crowded me,
pleading with me to send medicines and
doctors to cure their coughs and blisters.
'the face of one woman had turned it vivid
yellow.
"Another woman was blinded by rubbing
her eyes with contaminated fingers. One of
the worst affected villagers I saw, Mohammed
Nasser, 12, who had a perpetual cough and
deep, open wounds on his body, the size of a
half crown (about the size of a 60-cent
piece) from gas blisters."
The British newsman said he was shown
the remains of what villagers claimed had
been the gas bomb.
"It was obviously a complicated piece of
machinery, probably beyond the engineering
capabilities of the Egyptians. Since the
Russian bloc supplies all military equipment
for Egypt, it Is likely that the bomb was
manufactured in Russia or Czechoslovakia,"
Mr. Beeston deduced.
The correspondent said medical supplies
had been sent to the villagers from the
royalist headquarters of the Iman (king)
Mohammed Al-Badr-but they consisted of
little more than iodine and aspirin.
"There Is little doubt that there have been
at least three or four other poison gas attacks
during the past month," Mr, Beeston
reported. "In my journey to Al Kawma,
Egyptian Ilyushin bombers were constantly
over, bombing and strafing the surrounding
villages."
Catholic War Veterans Commend
Peter Rodino III
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
or
HON. CLEMENT J. ZABLOCKI
or WISCONSIN
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, June 13, 1963
Mr. ZABLOCKI. Mr. Speaker, much
national attention and approval has been
directed toward the little-people-to-
little-people program initiated by Peter
W. Rodino III, son of our distinguished
colleague from New Jersey, the Honor-
able PETER W. RODINO, JR.
The most recent recognition of young
Peter's efforts at fostering international
understanding and cooperation came on
June 23 when the National Board of Of-
ficers of the Catholic War Veterans, at
its quarterly meeting held in New York
July 9
City, adopted a resolution commending
young Peter Rodino and urging all young
people to participate in the program.
The resolution was submitted by At-
torney Cresenzi W. Castaldo, national
judge advocate of the Catholic War Vet-
erans, on behalf of the New Jersey State
Department which had adopted the reso-
lution at its June 7 convention.
I commend the attention of my col-
leagues to this citation of Peter Rodino
III and his little-people-to-little-people
program :
Whereas Peter W. Rodino III, of Newark,
the son of PETER W. RODINO, JR., a Member of
Congress from the 10th Congressional Dis-
trict of New Jersey, has displayed unusual
and inspirational interest In the cause of
world peace and international goodwill; and
Whereas this distinguished young Ameri-
can has conceived and created a program
among all children of the world to promote
peace among nations; and
Whereas the formation of the nongovern-
mental l title -people-to-little-people program
is designed to promote greater understanding
and harmony among all nations through the
voices of children who speak with utmost
sincerity in this great cause: Therefore be it
Resolved, That the Catholic War Veterans,
Department of New Jersey, In convention as-
sembled this 7th day of June 1963, urge all
our citizens, especially our young people, to
participate In this program In order that
world peace and international goodwill may
be attained: and, be it further
Resolved. That a copy of this resolution
be forwarded to the National Department of
the Catholic War Veterans of the United
States of America for its consideration and
approval.
National Anthem Day in Maryland
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. CHARLES McC. MATHIAS, JR.
OF MARYLAND
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, June 18, 1963
Mr. MATHIAS. Mr. Speaker, the Hon-
orable J. Millard Tawes, Governor of the
Free State of Maryland, has proclaimed
September 14, the anniversary of "The
Star-Spangled Banner," as National
Anthem Day in Maryland. It would be
most appropriate if all Americans were
to pause in observance of a day com-
memorating the national anthem. Music
has long been a part of the American
tradition. "The Star-Spangled Ban-
ner" epitomizes in music the indomitable
will of the American people and deserves
a place of reverence in the lives of all
Americans. I call this National Anthem
Day proclamation to the attention of the
Congress so that we might consider mak-
ing the commemoration of the birth date
of "The Star-Spangled Banner" truly
national in observance:
THE STATE OF MARYLAND-EXECUTIVE
DEPARTMENT
GOVERNOR'S PROCLAMATION-NATIONAL ANTHEM
DAY. SEPTEMBER 14, 1963
Whereas, on the 14th day of September,
in the year 1814, Francis Scott Key, after a
night of vigil while detained by the British
invaders planning the capture of Baltimore,
saw "by the dawn's early light" that our flag
was still waving over the ramparts of Fort
McHenry, and was then inspired to write his
song of victory, "The Star-Spangled Banner";
and
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1963 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE 11591
vicious and blasphemous. Goodby. Lord's
Prayer. Goodby, Bible.
This is one and only one man's opinion,
but it is very unfortunate (so far as I am
concerned) that this complaint had to be
made by an atheist. Of course, I believe
if there are atheists, that they have a right
to their own opinion even if I think they
are wrong, but being of a small minority
group, and knowing that our Nation was not
founded and nourished by atheists, it is In-
deed regrettable that people who do not
even believe in a Supreme Being have been
so deeply involved in seeking to overthrow
that which Is so meaningful and helpful to
so many who do believe in a Supreme Being.
I should hate very much to exchange places
with them in the day of judgment as they
appear before the Chief Justice of the Su-
preme Court of the Universe-before a God
in whom they do not believe. This, I say,
as kindly as I know how.
It is also very strange to me that any-
thing so good and beautiful as the use of
the Lord's Prayer and the reading of the
Holy Bible, which has been practiced so long
(187 years or longer) and approved by 39
different States, should have taken so long
to be declared unconstitutional. If It is a
violation of the Constitution to do these
things, how did 39 States and so many other
people not see it long ago? We all must
know that early education in America was
almost exclusively Christian. The early
American colonists came to these shores by
the love of God and zeal for godly worship.
They built their educational structure upon
a religious basis. This was not only true of
early independent colleges but also of the
public schools. The church was the parent
and sponsor of education. Religion was the
keystone of the educational arch. The role
of religion in education of their children
mirrored the importance parents professed
to give it in their own lives. The first text-
book in the early colonial schools did more
to build character and mold religious
thought than any other, except the Bible,
and was often referred to as "The Little Bi-
ble of New England." The exact date of its
origin is unknown but It was advertised
in the Boston Almanac in 1691. It contained
the Lords' Prayer, the Ten Commandments, a
few psalms, and simple Christian Instruc-
tion. It was used for over 100 years by
parents and schoolmasters and was a part of
the foundation of our Nation. The alpha-
bet appeared near the front with an appro-
priate picture by each letter and a brief
statement. "A" stood for Adam and there
was a picture of the Garden of Eden with
the words, "In Adim's fall we all sinned."
"B" stood for the Bible Mind. "C" for the
Crucifixion and there was a picture of It with
the words, "Christ crucified for sinners died."
As beautiful as that was, alas, that meth-
od of teaching disappeared long, long ago. In
fact, this beautiful religious situation out
of which our Nation grew has almost been
reversed. Something has happened to edu-
cation. God has been banished as a con-
sciously recognized factor in much of our
educational philosophy today and religion
has become a peripheral adjunct, If that.
Dr. Edward B. Posey' has well said, "All
things must speak of Clod, refer to God, or
they are atheistic. History. without God, is
chaos without design or end or atm. Politi-
cal economy. without God, would be a selfish
teaching about the acquisition of wealth,
making the larger portion of mankind ani-
mate machines for its production; physics,
without God, would be a dull inquiry into
certain meaningless phenomena; ethics,
without God, would be a varying rule with-
out principle, or substance, or center, or ril-
ing hand; metaphysics, without God, would
make man his own temporary god, to be
resolved, after his brief hour here, Into
the nothingness out of which he proceeded.
All sciences ? ? ? will tend to exclude the
thought of God If they are not cultivated
with reference to Him. History will become
an account of man's passion and brute
strength, instead of the ordering of God's
providence for His creatures' good; physics
will materialize man, and metaphysics God."
We have gone a long ways from the Ideals
of our Founding Fathers. How Is it possible
that we have been wrong for so long? It
took hundreds of years for us to discover our
beautiful mistake.
This ruling of the Supreme Court in the
very strictest sense calls for absolute separa-
tion of church and State, and It appears In
this case that it is separation of the Lord's
Prayer and the reading of the Bible from
the States' schools. While both of these are
thought of in connection with the church,
they are often used apart from the church.
This Is literal separation without allowance
or exception for that which Is reverenced and
approved no doubt by the majority of the
people of the United States.
As we have learned from other U.S. Su-
preme Court decisions, It is clear that our
only recourse, should we desire one, is in
offering an amendment to the Constitution
which would permit the use of the Lord's
Prayer and the reading of the Bible in public
schools. This, I believe, would be ratified
by a majority of States and people. The
Constitution, like our Declaration of Inde-
pendence, is an immortal document. We
believe in constitutional government. The
Constitution, however, as fine as It is, did not
In its first amendment make provision for, or
literally spell out In detail, what at the time
it was written would no doubt have been
included had our forefathers foreseen these
problems.
While I am not an authority on govern-
ment or politics, It Is quite possible that
many of the Supreme Court decisions
through the years have been Influenced by
public opinion. Minority groups are often
more vociferous than majority groups and
thus create a climate, while majority groups
are silent and Inactive. If all Christians had
been as united and as persistent as some of
the minority groups, the entire atmosphere
might have been different. I am certainly
not saying that the Court was Influenced by
minority pressure. but am saying that I can
well Imagine that certain of these groups
worked day and night to create the climate
which helped to make this decision easier.
It is quite obvious that the climate was
probably never right for such a decision until
now. It seems that some of the great church
groups acquiesced long before the decision
was announced. What would have hap-
pened if all Christian had been as deter-
mined as the atheists and perhaps some
others? I do not know. I only raise some
questions.
The ruling does not seem to me to make
for brotherhood and unity of some of the
differing faiths.
While the decision may not necessarily in-
crease the prestige of the Supreme Court on
the part of many, I should hope that as con-
fusing and bewildering as it is to multiplied
thousands of people, that somehow we might
retain respect for law, order, and constitu-
tional government. Dean Griswold, of the
Harvard Law School, has well said, "An in-
stitution charged with the role which the
Supreme Court has successfully filled for so
many years is entitled to our respect and
understanding. If one criticizes the Court
(as people have always done In the past. and
should do In the future). It should be es-
sentially for the purpose of trying to con-
tribute to that respect and to that under-
standing. The debt which we all owe to the
The decision offers us the challenge as
Christians to reexamine ourselves, our Homes,
and our churches. Many of us will do as the
Governor of North Carolina says they will
do. He says, "We will go on having the
Bible reading and prayers in the schools.
We do not require the Bible reading and
praying, but do these things because we want
to." The Governor added, "As I read the de-
cision this kind of thing is not forbidden by
the Court, and, indeed it should not be."
This decision challenges us to be more
loyal and dedicated Christians than ever, to
support the program of worship and educa-
tion in our churches, to maintain a family
altar, pray and read the Bible daily in our
homes, and to teach our children to do so.
Our Nation has a great religious heritage
for which we must ever be grateful to Al-
mighty God, and we must fight harder than
ever to deepen and maintain it, as well as
perpetuate It.
This decision shows us plainly where the
center of responsibility la-upon us as in-
dlvduais, upon the local church and denom-
ination, upon every Individual believer in
God to pray harder, more often, more effec-
tively and earnestly than ever before, to read
our Bibles, and to do everything we know
how to measure up to our responsibility.
It reminds us again of the historic posi-
tion of Baptista regarding religious liberty
and the separation of church and state, a
position we have fought for and cherished
and must not deny.
One of the questions that arises in our
minds now is, What's next? Already a
complaint has been filed in reference to the
use of "under God" In the Oath of Allegiance
to the flag of the United States. How much
longer will it be until someone complains
about the age-old requirement of opening
both Houses of our national Congress with
prayer? How much longer will our State
legislative bodies be opened with prayer and
Bible reading? How much longer will dear
Uncle Sam be allowed to print on the coins
of our beloved Nation, "In God we trust"?
How much longer will we have chaplains In
our Federal and State institutions, build
chapels, and hold religious services? How
much longer will the U.S. Government be
permitted to maintain a great program of
chaplains and chapels in all branches of our
military service? How much longer will the
Government exempt church property
from taxation? Commencement sermons?
Christmas carols? Use Bible for swearing
public officials and jurors? Have prayer at
inauguration of Presidents?
As in the past, the answers to these ques-
tions depend largely upon the character and
faith of the American Republic, and this
means you and me.
There is one logical deduction that is ab-
solutely certain and it is this: it is high time
for the American people to get back to their
churches and give them their full, loyal,
enthusiastic support.
A dear friend of mine who has been bruised
in many a political battle, whose name is
well-known throughout the United States
and who holds a position close to the Presi-
dent of the United States, told me recently
of his plans to give more time to his church
than ever before. As we walked toward the
plane together for him to go to another city
for our Government he said, "Jim, the church
has more to say on things that are happen-
Ing today than Government does, you know.
I am going to give more time to my church."
What about you? What are you going to
do?
Some years ago a little church on the coast
of England was destroyed by a hurricane.
The British Admiralty inquired if they were
going to reconstruct It, and when told that
the members were not able financially to do
so, said: "If you do not rebuild the church,
we will. That spire Is on all our charts and
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11592 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE July 9
maps. It is the landmark by which the
ships C-V seven seas steer their course."
Let u get% k to church.
1Jv CUBAN LIBERATION
M r. ALLOTT. Mr. President
for Cuban liberation. My motives were,
in the deepest sense, nonpolitical and
nonpartisan. I spoke then, and again
today, as one profoundly disturbed
American-but with the special obliga-
tion of representing in this highest court
of public deliberation what I judge to be
the firm will of the American people.
My proposal was offered explicitly-
and I reiterate the point today-as one
possible course of action, designed to
fulfill our Government's own repeated
pledge to restore to the Cuban people
their shattered liberties. It was de-
signed not to assert this Nation's au-
thority over Cuba's destiny-we have no
such authority-but to extend to the
Cuban people an opportunity to resume
their own sovereign course within the
free world community. It was offered as
one way to fulfill President Kennedy's
own pledge that Cuba must once more
be free.
One possible course of action-I re-
peat and underscore these words. Not
the only or even necessarily the best
course of action, but one that would
capitalize on our unique strengths and
would thus move us out of the shoals of
endless procrastination and toward our
avowed goals. My proposal was offered
in direct response to the administra-
tion's repeated challenge to all the critics
of its Cuba policy, ever since the moral
and military disaster of the Bay of Pigs:
What alternative do you offer? What
would you have us do?
Here, in the form of a proposal for Cu-
ban liberation, was one alternative-so-
ber, serious, and with full awareness of
this Nation's complex obligations-legal,
diplomatic, and moral. In proposing
that we both challenge and stimulate the
fragmented forces of free Cuba to com-
pose their differences and then to spear-
head their ultimate self-liberation, I was
responding to the administration's ap-
peal. In proposing that we offer both
sanctuary and a territorial base at Guan-
tanamo Bay to a broadly representative
free ' Cuban provisional government, in
proposing that we then recognize this
strictly interim government as the sole
legitimate agent of Cuban sovereignty,
I was. attempting to offer one responsible
alternative to the administration's policy
of futile and timid indecision.
My proposal of June 17, for Cuban lib-
eration, was offered as a stimulus to rea-
soned debate and deliberation-and, ulti-
mately, to decisive and effective action.
But what has been the response?
First, silence. To this day, indeed, no
official administration spokesman has
come forward with either an effective
critique or a better alternative. Then
some nameless and faceless "Mr. Anony-,
mous" in the State Department did deign
to respond: He called my proposal "in-
sane." I must admit, to be sure, that
the chairman of the Latin American
Subcommittee of this body's Committee
on Foreign Relations did not discuss my
proposal simply as "insane." By now,
the response had escalated to "foolish,
dangerous, imprudent, and ill consid-
ered," with the charge of "illegal" tossed
in for good measure.
But let me not be misunderstood: It
is not offended personal pride that moves
me to reply. Such a consideration is less
than minor. What is important-su-
premely important, is this Nation's se-
curity. What matters is this Nation's
honor in the free world community-and
its credibility within the walls of the
Kremlin. What matters is the value of
this Nation's pledged word in the coun-
cils of world opinion. And what matters
is the dignity of the U.S. Senate as a re-
sponsible assembly of deliberation, de-
bate, and decision.
All these considerations are of over-
riding importance, now that the senior
Senator from Oregon [Mr. MORSE] has
chosen to spread upon the record -what
we can only assume is the administra-
tion's considered response to a proposal
for Cuban liberation. This tangle of un-
rational conclusions cannot go unan-
swered. And I repeat that what is at
stake is, equally, this Nation's security
and the honor of its solemn word. If
the world's greatest deliberative as-
sembly is to fulfill its high mission, we
must first pause to consider the admin-
istration's case-and then get on with
the great tasks before us. If the admin-
istration will not make good its own
pledges, it is up to the U.S. Senate to
assume the burden of responsible deci-
sion.
The subcommittee chairman begins
by asking "Who is to decide upon the
composition" of what he chooses to call
a government-in-exile, and "where is
such a government to derive any right to
claim to be the government of the
Cuban people?" Let me suggest that
the Senate study the record: The pro-
posal for Cuban liberation could not be
more explicit.
First, it challenges the leaders of the
Cuban expatriates themselves to recon-
cile their differences; to unite behind
the one goal of national liberation; and
to demonstrate that they are, indeed,
broadly and truly representative of all
democratic groups and parties in pre-
Castro Cuba.
Second, the proposal contemplates no
government-in-exile at all, in the tradi-
tional sense, but rather a provisional
government with but two mandates: To
spearhead the ultimate liberation of their
homeland, and to prepare the way for
free elections by the whole Cuban peo-
ple-after which their work would be
done.
And third, if such an interim govern-
ment could not legitimately discharge
this limited mandate, so clearly in the
interest of all freedom-loving Cubans,
how then can the Castro-Communists
be said to legitimately represent anyone
at all-except their own masters in the
Kremlin?
There have been no elections in Cuba
since January 1959, contrary to Castro's
solemn pledge. The Castro gang-and
it is just that, nothing better-can claim
no popular mandate, except under the
threat of its guns and its Soviet-backed
regime of terror. By the terms of the
Declaration on the Offensive of Commu-
nism in America, proclaimed at Punta
del Este in January 1962, and subscribed
to by every free republic of the Amer-
icas, the Castro regime has usurped the
sovereignty of the Cuban people. It is
in blatant contempt of every require-
ment for legitimate democratic rule, as
specified in sections 3 and 4 of that
declaration of hemispheric policy.
I must also ask this defender of the
administration-and I must presume
that is what he is-to consider a further
fact: if he is now so outraged by the
possibility of the United States-as he
puts it-"picking" and "choosing" a free
Cuban government, what does he con-
ceive to have been the purpose of our
disastrous operation at the Bay of Pigs?
We have the word of one of the highest
administration officials, of the Attorney
General himself, that its precise purpose
was to secure a beachhead for a provi-
sional government-one that most cer-
tainly would have been, to use the Sena-
tor's word again, an American "puppet."
And this, expressly, is what my proposal
seeks to avoid.
The Senator from Oregon [Mr. MORSE]
in his reply next points out that, in every
past case of U.S. recognition of exile
governments, there were in existence
duly constituted regimes that had been
forcibly ejected from their own territory.
Were the free French such a duly consti-
tuted government? Was De Gaulle forci-
bly ejected? But these are relatively
minor points. What is important is that
no one then seriously questioned the
legitimate right of these free govern-
ments-the French, the Poles, the
Czechs, the Hungarians-to represent
the aspirations of their people for ulti-
mate liberation, for the restoration of
their freedom, and for the chance to re-
assert the privileges of national sover-
eignty. And today, no one could seri-
ously doubt the parallel claim of a free
Cuban provisional government. The
Senator's suggestion that the utterly
discredited Batista regime is "the only
group we could possibly recognize as a
Cuban government in exile" is frivolous
-and it flies in the face of the historical
record. It reduces the niceties of law to
a shameful absurdity.
The Senator tacitly concedes the
frivolity of this argument by turning next
to a most curious, tortured, and-inad-
vertently or not-a most revealing line
of reasoning. He says:
I do not think many people realize that as
a matter of international law, the United
States still recognizes the Castro govern-
ment of Cuba.
I agree with him. Most Americans
do not realize this fact, and a shocking
realization it must be. We continue to
play this immoral game-and for what
reason? I quote again from the dis-
tinguished subcommittee chairman:
It is the Government which we hold re-
sponsible for living up to Cuba's interna-
tional obligations.
What obligations? What responsi-
bility?,
The record is clear-every broken
scrap of it. This is a bandit regime,
maintained in power by Soviet arms,
manipulated in world councils as a
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE 11593
bought-and-paid-for puppet of world
communism's aggressive designs. Cas-
tro has held his international obliga-
tions, his responsibility to respect for-
eign properties, in the same utter con-
tempt with which he has treated the
rights of the Cuban people. He has
trampled on them at will. If Castro's
respect for international law and for
human dignity is the hinge on which
our Cuban policy turns, then the situa-
tion is grave indeed-and the need for a
bold new initiative could not be more
urgent.
The next point in what we can only
assume to be the administration case
simply indicates that the subcommittee
chairman has not bothered to study the
proposal he is criticizing. He says:
We cannot recognize two governments at
the same time.
Of course, we cannot-nor does the
proposal contemplate doing any such
thing. At exactly the same moment that
a provisional government has established
itself, and has satisfied our Government
of its broadly representative character,
we would extend it recognition as the
sole legitimate agent of Cuban sover-
eignty. The shameful fiction that the
Castro-Communists represent anything
except their Soviet masters would be at
an end at that time. By our new act
of recognition, consistent with every
usage of international law, the Castro
regime would be branded as a regime of
usurpers-politicaly, legally, and morally
illegitimate. And, this new govern-
ment-established, by our invitation, on
its own soil at Guantanamo-could be
the rallying point for a new, free, demo-
cratic government. This government, we
are now told, would be totally incapable
of fulfilling Cuba's treaty obligations.
Why? This we are not told. Not only
could it do so, but also this Nation should
be prepared to enter into negotiations
with it to clarify all the technicalities,
all the legal details governing our per-
petual lease at Guantanamo-which
would be of greatest immediate inter-
est-as well as the ultimate restoration
of Cuban freedom through democratic
elections. And, we could at least have
hope that this provisional government
would meet its treaty obligations-some-
thing the Castro-Communists have not
done and vow never to do.
The Senator speaks of "some form of
election" to be conducted in the im-
mediate future-but any such election
would be a fraud, under present condi-
tions. He warns that the United States
would have "the responsibility for set-
ting up the ground rules"-but that is
precisely what the liberation proposal
seeks to avoid. Our responsibility would
be simply to extend an opportunity to
the forces of free Cuba--to unite behind
the goal of liberation and then, when
the whole Cuban people can deliberate
freely, to pick and choose and elect for
themselves. The burdens of sovereign
power would be on the Cuban patriots-
not as U.S. puppets, as the Senator calls
them, but as our equal. partners in the
free world community.
As if all these difficulties were not
enough, we are next informed that the
liberation proposal would be illegal, that
it would violate the treaty and agree-
ments governing our perpetual lease at
Guantanamo. Let us leave aside the
Senator's implication that he has some
manner of "hot line" to the World Court
and "knows" what its finding would be.
The basic answer-again, the, proposal
could not be more explicit-is this:
There will surely be legal technicalities
to be adjudicated, once the provisional
government is established at Guanta-
namo. But all subsequent negotiations
would be conducted between the United
States and what would, at that time, be
the only legitimate Cuban regime-the
provisional government of free Cuba.
The claim of illegality goes further,
however, and proceeds to misconstrue
the language of the treaty governing the
Guantanamo lease. First, pertaining to
the strictest legal interpretation of the
treaty, the Cuban people are granted,
under terms of the treaty, "ultimate
sovereignty" over the Guantanamo base,
and their own legitimate Government's
use of the land, or a small part of it, can-
not be construed as a violation of Cuban
rights. For the recognized Government
of Cuba to make its home on its own soil
is not a usage of the base or its land by
the United States at all-it is rather
an exercise of Cuba's sovereign author-
ity.
However, the claim of illegality made
by the chairman of the subcommittee
goes further, and in my opinion, as well
as the opinion of many lawyers pre-
eminent-and I repeat the word "pre-
eminent"-in the field of international
law, misinterprets the provisions of the
executive agreements and the treaty
with the Republic of Cuba in four re-
spects:
First. With respect to the words "for
use as coaling or naval stations only, and
for no other purposes," these words are
contained in the agreement of February
23, 1903. The subsequent actual lease
agreement of the same year, on August
17, contains no such words as "and for
no other purpose," although the latter
instrument spells out in detail the rela-
tionship between the parties-that is,
the United States and Cuba.
The limitation contained in the first
agreement is in article II of that instru-
ment. Article I of the same agreement
makes the general grant of the land and
adjoining waters for "the purposes of
coaling and naval stations." Article II,
however, is limited to "the waters
adjacent to said areas of land and water,
and to improve and deepen the entrances
thereto and the anchorages therein." it
is plain that article II pertains to waters
and anchorages, and the limitation im-
plicit in article II "and for no other pur-
pose" pertains only to the waters and
anchorages. If it was intended to be
a limitation to the entire agreement, it
would be placed in a separate paragraph.
No such limitation was placed in the
subsequent lease agreement applying to
the base as a whole, nor in the subse-
quent treaty of 1934. The best possible
construction that the administration
could take therefore, is that it does
create an obscurity. It is the best the
administration could contend in attack-
ing the plan I offer.
Second. With respect to recognition
of the "ultimate sovereignty of the Re-
public of Cuba" over the area of our
base, the liberation proposal simply con-
firms this fact. And the U.S. Govern-
ment, in all future dealings with the
provisional free Cuban government,
ought to do the same. This, of course,
gets us to the crucial point. Far from
fulfilling all its legal obligations, the
Castro regime has put us on notice-
clear and repeated-that it has no in-
tention of respecting our rights at
Guantanamo-that we remain there on
Castro's suffrance and at his whim. He
has not so much as cashed a single one
of our rent checks. As early as August
1961, his Foreign Minister denounced
the Guantanamo accords before the U.N.
General Assembly. This denunciation
was repeated by Castro's puppet Presi-
dent, Dorticos, in October 1962, and by
Castro himself later in the same month.
Where does this leave our treaty rights?
Is this what the Senator means by "ful-
filling obligations"? Precisely the
strength of the liberation proposal is
that it would affirm the ultimate sover-
eignty of a free Cuba over all its terri-
tory-and, at the same time, our own
perpetual rights over the Guantanamo
base. Let us face facts: what today
deters Castro from marching on Guan-
tanamo is hardly his profound respect
for legal obligation. It is plainly and
bluntly, the presence of U.S. armed
might-that, and that alone.
Third. On another point with respect
to the treaty and to the question of
legality, the Sentor tends to trip over his
own tangled logic. First he points out
that, under the terms of the treaty, we
would be bound to deliver up to Castro's
perverted justice those members of the
Guantanamo provisional government
whom Castro would brand as traitors
and fugitives from justice. He seems to
forget that, earlier, he had complained of
the lack of such people-expelled from
their own land by force-as a bar to the
establishment of an exile government.
More important, he seems to forget that
once such a government was established
at Guantanamo, our relations with
Castro would be finished. All our future
dealings would. be with this new provi-
sional government. And the memers of
this government, far- from being traitors,
could only be described as patriots-the
legitimate interim representatives of the
ultimate sovereignty of the Cuban
people.
Fourth. The rather spurious argument
has been raised that this would violate
article III of the second or August 17,
1903, agreement which forbids the estab-
lishment of a commercial, industrial, or
other enterprise. I am sure that the
eminent critic had his tongue in cheek
when he advanced this argument.
These arguments by the Senator from
Oregon with respect to legality cannot
be taken seriously. They are smoke-
screens. They are not arguments at all,
but rather evasions of the major issues
involved. They are debaters' tricks, not
serious responses to a responsible pro-
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11594 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
posal. And they are implicit concessions
that the administration's defense is on
a par with its Cuba policy: weak, timid,
indecisive. It is built of empty rhetoric,
not substantial action.
Now, what was said about the proposal
for a pacific blockade made by the Sen-
ator from Nebraska? Having disposed
of the liberation proposal, he turned next
to the bold proposal of the distinguished
Senator from Nebraska for a full-scale
blockade of Castro's Communist base-
two proposals, let me say, that are mu-
tually consistent and fully complemen-
tary-that is, the liberation proposal and
the blockade proposal. On this, he at-
tempted to write off such a pacific block-
ade as an act of war. Now, even assum-
ing that we dare not so much as contem-
plate such an act-which. in the context
of the Communist strategy of relentless
aggressive pressure, is an assumption
both dangerous and unwarranted-the
conclusion that it constitutes an act of
war is untrue. It is doubly untrue.
In the first place, international legal
authorities consider a pacific blockade
to be fully justified, in the face of grave
threats to the security of the blockading
power; both the U.N. and the OAS char-
ters recognize such an extreme contin-
gency.
Secondly, no act of war is involved
unless and until the target of the block-
ade chooses to consider it so; and even
then, the response may run a broad spec-
trum, from the use of counterforce to
mere diplomatic protests.
One is compelled to ask: Has the
administration, has the subcommittee
chairman, learned nothing from the con-
frontation of October 1962? At that
'time, the United States mounted what
was, in every essential, a pacific block-
ade. To be sure, we invented a new
term to cover the situation-we called it
a quarantine. And we have it on the
highest authority-from the State De-
partment's own legal adviser-that a
legal justification for this act had pretty
much to be devised on the fly, step by
unprecedented step. But the fact re-
mains that, in its essence and in its effect,
this was a pacific blockade, the same kind
of blockade proposedby the distinguished
Senator from Nebraska.
What happened? The blockade
worked. It earned the prompt and near-
unanimous support of the free world and,
more to the point, of the OAS commu-
nity. In the face of this bold Initiative,
the Soviet Union backed down. Our fail-
ure to capitalize on this opportunity and
to press our advantage to its logical con-
clusion-the Soviet presence remains in
Cuba, if indeed it does not grow-should
not be permitted to obscure the major
point. When we acted with forthright
and unequivocal purpose, It was the Com-
munists who blinked, not the United
States.
But now, we are told, the threat is
past. The provocation is at an end. We
have it on the authority of both the
Senator from Oregon and his junior col-
league from South Dakota that Cuba
is no longer a "clear and acute" menace
to U.S. and free world security. It is,
rather, an "obsession" or a "fixation."
Action appropriate in October is, by now,
warmongering. What worked in Oc-
tober will fail now. In the approved
jargon, both the liberation proposal and
a pacific blockade will be "counterpro-
ductive," whatever that means.
The administration, and all Its spokes-
men and apologists, are either misin-
formed or blind. They are living in a
dreamworld, wedded to the illusion that
the urgent problems of this hemisphere
can be effectively solved-some fine day,
later rather than sooner-by socioeco-
nomic uplift and by massive infusions of
U.S. aid.
But the facts remain. And the facts-
more chillingly documented with each
passing day-point to a mounting Com-
munist offensive against every free gov-
ernment of Latin America. Their tech-
niques are infiltration and penetration
by trained revolutionary cadres, psycho-
logical and political warfare, systematic
subversion, and planned murder and vio-
lence.
Our response must be projected on the
same scale. Anything less Is doomed to
deluge us and ultimately fall. Brave
words are not enough. It is time, and
more than time, for bold acts-for de-
cisive acts designed to cope with this
cancerous menace deep within the heart-
land of the free world, but 90 miles from
our own shores. The Cuban base of
world Communist imperialism must be
removed. And toward this irreducible
goal, the Castro bandit regime must be
replaced by a free government, repre-
sentative of the sovereign Cuban people.
There can be no "ifs" or "buts" or "event-
uallys" about it. This, and this only,
must be the undeviating focus on which
our policy is fixed.
I said it on June 17. I repeated it to-
day at the outset of my remarks. And
now-for a third time-I say It again:
if my proposal for Cuban liberation is
somehow flawed, if It is inappropriate to
the urgent need, if It is Insufficient to
meet our avowed purposes, then let us put
it aside. But first-and this question I
direct to the highest officials of the exec-
utive branch, for spokesmen will no long-
er do-what is your alternative? What
do you propose instead? What, in short,
is our policy with respect to Cuban lib-
eration, and when can we expect to reach
this overriding goal?
I appeal to every Member of this body:
let us not be still, let us not relax our
pressure, until these questions are an-
swered. And more than answered: let
us demand decisive acts-assurances
that, at long last, the march toward
Cuban liberation has begun.
Mr. CURTIS. Mr. President, will the
Senator yield?
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. TAL-
MADGE in the chair). Does the Senator
from Colorado yield to the Senator from
Nebraska?
Mr. ALLOTT. I am happy to yield to
my distinguished friend from Nebraska.
Mr. CURTIS. I congratulate the senior
Senator from Colorado on his very clear
statement. It behooves Senators to turn
their attention to a discussion of the
steps which can be taken to end the
Communist threat in the Western Hemi-
sphere, particularly while there is still
time to do so short of war.
July 9
The senior Senator from Colorado made
a suggestion which is worthy of consid-
eration. He suggested a plan of action
for the location of a government that
represented Cuba. That suggestion de-
serves consideration, not only by the
Senate, but also by the executive de-
partment. It is regrettable that it should
be denounced as ill advised or as war-
mongering.
An attitude that causes our Nation to
put its head in the sand in reference to
what is going on in Cuba and in the sur-
rounding areas will lead to a situation in
which armed combat is Inevitable.
it has been said that the suggestion for
a provisional government, and the sug-
gestion which the junior Senator from
Nebraska has repeatedly made, for a pa-
cific blockade, do not apply now, as they
did last October, because there does not
exist a clear and present danger.
That statement is not supported by the
findings of the Preparedness Subcom-
mittee of the Committee on Armed For-
ces. The whole tenor of its findings is
that there is a clear and present danger
to this country.
Sneaking of Cuba, the subcommittee
said:
it provides a base for training of agents
from other Latin American countries in sub-
versive, revolutionary, agitational, and sabo-
tage techniques.
If sabotage does not create danger, if
revolution does not create danger, if sup-
port of communism does not create dan-
ger, how does danger exist?
The report of the Subcommittee of the
Committee on Armed Services went on
to say that unless this problem is met
and dealt with, it will not end with Cuba;
but that, one by one, these nations will
fall into the hands of Communists-
Russian Communists, if you please-and
the United States will be isolated from
friendly powers. The danger does exist.
Suggestions have been made for meeting
I again congratulate the distinguished
Senator from Colorado.
I call attention to the fact that on
page 10935 of the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD
for June 25, 1963, there is a discussion of
the legal authorities with respect to a
pacific blockade. It was none other than
Franklin D. Roosevelt who, early in 1939,
said:
The mere fact that we rightly decline to
Intervene with arms to prevent acts of ag-
gression does not mean that we must act as
If there were no aggression at all. Words
may be futile, but war is not the only means
of commanding a decent respect for the opin-
ions of mankind. There are many methods
short of war, but stronger and more effective
than mere words, of bringing home to ag-
gressor governments the aggregate senti-
ments of our own people (84 CONGRESSIONAL
RECORD, 74).
Hyde, in his "International Law
chiefly as Interpreted and Applied by
the United States," volume II, page 1654,
states:
International law recognizes the use of
nonamicable measures short of war to check
the commission of such acts of aggression.
The American Journal of Interna-
tional Law for April 1953, referring to
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
the suggestion of a blockade of the
Chinese Communists, said:
In short, the idea of using the weapon of
blockade against Communist China, without
war, is not excluded by international law.
A pacific blockade is one in which the
blockading nation intends to compel the
blockaded nation to take certain action
or to cease from taking action, and is
-
d
is blue aa u. .. .-_...._.- -- -'
ones eyes an
nation is s also involved. That t risk was that the greater menace is not the cur- where in our Government may indi-
taken last October. Whatever one rent presence of any weapons. The pres- cate that action of some kind is pending.
wishes to call it, whether it be a quaran- ent menace is the continuing presence of I hope it does not indicate that nothing
tine or what not, it was a blockade type any army whose government is dedicated will be done until another time of crisis-
of remedy, and it worked. to the destruction of the free world. one similar to that of October 1960, or
In a pacific blockade, the ships and That army is closer, more dangerously perhaps a practice run or trial run in
cargoes of the countries whose vessels situated, and more evilly disposed than October 1963, to see how it goes. So I
are the victimes of the blockade cannot any army has ever been in the history of hope we shall not have to wait until
be seized; they must return to their own the American Republic. another October crisis arises. I hope
ports. But as a matter of self-defense, To say that a blockade is an act of war that, instead, this continuing, daily
just as we had the right of blockade last is not to state the factual situation, be- menace is recognized by our Govern-
October, we have it now, because the cause when the administration imposed ment, is met by our Government, and is
overall situation in Cuba is not improved. a blockade on October 22, last, it did not, treated by our Government as the
I thank the Senator from Colorado. under international law, change the fact dangerous, continuing crisis which it is,
Mr. ALLOTT. I thank the Senator that it was a blockade merely by calling and not a matter to be deferred until a
from Nebraska. it a quarantine. convenient time when it may have the
Mr. SCOTT. Mr. President, will the Interestingly enough, the word "guar- desired impact upon American public
Senator from Colorado yield? antine" is one which had been used by opinion. When an enemy menaces us,
Mr. ALLOTT. I am happy to yield to the former Vice President, Mr. Nixon, in the time to act is at once. Now the
the Senator from Pennsylvania. an earlier speech. It was apparently enemy menaces us; and this is the time
Mr. SCOTT. I believe that this series seized upon by the present administra- for us to act, rather than wait for a
of carefully considered and logically tion to indicate that there was some kind further series of October crises and
presented remarks with regard to the of difference between a quarantine and October brainwashings of the American
great problem of Cuba deserves not only a blockade. people.
the passionate consideration of the Sen- But when the President announced on I thank the Senator from Colorado for
ate but of the American people, as well. October 22, 1962, that our military forces his observations.
The Senator from Colorado is entitled to were so disposed as to prevent the pas- Mr. ALLOTT. Mr. President, I thank
high praise and favorable comment for sage of vessels of other countries en route the Senator from Pennsylvania for his
the time and effort he has devoted to to Cuba, that statement meant exactly valuable contributions.,
this important subject. what it said, namely, that for the time Mr. DOMINICK. Mr. President, will
The issue of Cuba simply will not the danger lasted, which was very brief, my colleague yield to me?
"down" with the American people. The namely, if Russian ships or Russian-con- Mr. ALLOTT. I am glad to yield to
Senator from Colorado is bringing out trolled ships entered the zone of our my colleague.
what every American knows; namely, frontiers and pierced those zones to com- Mr. DOMINICK. I thank my col-
that the presence of a Russian army in municate with Cuba for the unloading league for yielding to me.
a Russian-dominated country, in viola- of military and other supplies, the I wish to add my congratulations on
tion of the Monroe Doctrine; the arro- United States would be prepared to stop the very fine service he is rendering in
gance of Communist forces; the failure them and use such force as was neces- leading this effort to attempt to formu-
of this administration to take any ac- sary. That, in internationar law, is a late a policy with respect to Cuba which
tion; the unwillingness of this admin- blockade. We had imposed a blockade, we can discuss in constructive terms
istration to face facts-brutal facts; and and it was not an act of war. That is throughout the country.
an aggressive horde of evilly disposed what impresses me. Why the adminis- I was very much interested in the re-
persons in a position to render us con- tration must say that a blockade is an marks, the other day, of the senior Sena-
tinuously insecure, constitute a menace act of war, after it had imposed a block- tor from Oregon [Mr. MORSE], in which
to the safety of every American. So ade which was not an act of war, I cannot he indicated that the menace of Cuba has
long as it is ignored, so long as it is understand. Passed, and that the provocation is at
treated as if it would go away, I am cer- So I should not only like to stress my an end-a subject which my colleague
tain that the American people will never agreement with the point which the Sen- has discussed today in his remarks on the
feel secure in their own homes, their ator has been making here, but I should floor.
own localities, or their own country, un- like it to continue to have it made as I hold in my hand a copy of a report
til something is done to correct the sit- clear as it can be made that a block- from Cuba which states specifically that
uation. ade by the Organization of American work there is going on feverishly in the
I am glad that the Senator from Ne- States-an economic blockade or perhaps caves, in the mine zones, and in the coast-
braska has brought out in his colloquy a military blockade-does not need to be al regions, and that they have been re-
the fact that there are two kinds of an act of war. ceiving large shipments of reinforced
blockades.. We have all heard much talk I thank the Senator for yielding to concrete, steel girders, and all types of
and many smug statements to the effect me. heavy building materials which have
that a blockade is an act of war. Wher- Mr. ALLOTT. I appreciate the Sena- been arriving at, the indicated places late
ever I have discussed Cuba, I have met tor's remarks. In the absence of definite at night, in trucks driven by Cuban mili-
with the reaction, "Oh, you must not action or a definite policy by the admin- tiamen, who then have turned them over
talk about a blockade, because a blockade istration, I believe it is up to Senators to Russian drivers, after their arrival at
is an act of war." We are often met by to discuss these questions, and perhaps the specific areas; and the report goes
categorical, imperative statements, state- out of the discussion to develop some into considerable detail in regard to the
ments which sound good but are totally policy for the Federal Government. actions occurring there. As to the ac-
untrue. Such statements are often made Whether it be this particular plan or curacy of this report, I have no way of
to avoid logic, to discourage thinking, to whether out of it other plans develop is knowing; but the information which
end a discussion which is unpleasant for insignificant. The point is that we constantly is coming in on the activities
some persons to hear. must move. of the Russians in Cuba and on the acti-
Mr. ALLOTT. Mr. President, will the
Senator yield?
Mr. SCOTT. I yield.
Mr. ALLOTT. Would not the Senator
say that the statement that Cuba is no
longer a menace because the missiles
have been removed is in the same cate-
gory?
Mr. SCOTT. Of course. To say that
Cuba is no longer a menace because some
Mr. SCOTT. Mr. President, will the
Senator from Colorado yield again,
briefly, so that I may make one further
observation?
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. MC-
GOVERN in the chair). Does the Sen-
ator from Colorado yield further to the
Senator from Pennsylvania?
Mr. ALLOTT. I yield.
Mr. SCOTT. The fact that there has
been nothing but an ominous quiet from
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 _~-. a.....~vav1,t 11. l~. L'LIJL\IJ - Jit'.i\I.t1.C cl ulf7t 9
vities of the Castro government itself Mr. President, it seems to me that this Mr. HICKENLOOPER. I hope there
indicates clearly that this is a menace report is so serious and is backed by so are ways and means by which we can ob-
which still exists, and that-as the Sen- much evidence along these lines that we tain some categorical answers as to
ate committee report Itself states-we should have a clear, unequivocal answer whether the policy to which the Senator
have no way of knowing whether all the as to whether this is the purpose and has referred is being seriously considered
missiles have been taken out of Cuba. whether these are the steps which will be by our Government. The junior Senator
We think they have been, but we do not taken by the administration, or whether from Colorado has raised some extremely
know for certain. we shall have a positive formula of for- serious questions, in my opinion.
So I do not believe we can possibly say eign policy devised to try to regain the Mr. ALLOTT. Mr. President, I yield
that this menace is at an end, or that it rights of free people in Cuba to govern the floor.
will be at an end before the Russians themselves. I wish to add this to the Mr. DOMINICK. Mr. President, I
leave there. statements my colleague has been mak- ask unanimous consent that the article
Furthermore, Mr. President, it will be ing, which I think have been extremely from which I quoted be printed in the
recalled that sometime ago I said here valuable throughout. RECORD following my remarks.
on the floor that it seemed to me that Mr. ALLOTT. Mr. President, I appre- There being no objection, the article
our foreign policy had been based on ciate very much the remarks of my dis- was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
two fundamental principles: one, that tinguished colleague. He raises so many as follows:
if we do not irritate the Communists, questions that I hope he will take the op- [From the Colorado Springs Gazette Tele-
they will soon change their spots, and portunity to discuss this matter on the graph, July 1, 1963]
will be something we can live with; floor, because if the President's plan is SHIFT IN U.S. POLICY ON CASTRO should Khond, that in any waybecause if ass followed through, will there be any as- WASHINGTON -President Kennedy is de-
, that there will be a liberation of liberating a gradual shift In U.S. policy to-
embarrassing him led to his downfall the people of Cuba? Will there be any ward Dictator Fidel Castro's Communist
we might find it more difficult to deal assurance that there will be free elec- regime In Cuba,
with someone who would replace him. lions there? And, most Important of For more than a month, the President and
All through this we can see a policy all, will there be any assurance that his top foreign policy advisers have been
of accommodate and withdraw, accom- Communist subversion and activities of discussing a plan under which the United
modate and withdraw. violence and murder in the Western o orates would resume "ndntact" with Castro informal
formal I have noted an article which bears Hemisphere will come to an end, if we Under this backstage scheme, New York
particularly on our Cuban policy. enter Into such an accommodation with Attorney James Donovan, who negotiated the
The article is an Allen-Scott report Cuba? $53 million ransom of the ill-fated Bay of
entitled "Shift in U.S. Policy on Castro," The fact is that the Russians, the Pigs invasion prisoners, would fly to Havana
and it was published on July 1 In the Communists, have been stopped only and Moscow to seek the withdrawal of all
Colorado Springs Gazette-Telegraph. I when they have been met with extreme Soviet combat forces from cubs.
wish to read a portion of the article, be- firmness. However, under the wonder- In exchange for their removal, the United
nor-
cause I think it bears particularly on ful policy-and I use the term with con- malizat on of d plmaticaandptrades relations ons
the point my colleague [Mr. ALLOTTI and siderable sarcasm, of course-which we with the Red-ruled Castro dictatorship over
the Senator from Nebraska [Mr. CURTIS] in this country seem so Intent on fol- a 2-year period.
have been discussing, which also has lowing-that of coexistence--they seem As a first step, the United States would
been discussed by so many of the rest of to be making additional strides. reopen Its Embassy In Havana by sending a
us who have been trying to force the On reading the press in Latin America, Charge d'Affaires there. At present the Swiss
adoption of a positive course of action. It is difficult to point to one bright s poi Ambassador is handling U.S. affairs.
I now read from the article: or one place in Latin America or In the trade eembargo gn Ambassadors and would ffing mol l-
WASHINGTON.-President Kennedy Is delib- South America where conditions have low after of i let time had Castro woe
crating a gradual shift in U.S. policy toward improved in recent years or In recent such a drastic "read ustment"pad to make
Dictator Fidel Castro's Communist regime a palatable to
in Cuba. months. the people and Congress.
For more than a month, the President and Under these circumstances I believe This far-reaching shift in Cuban relations
his top foreign policy advisers have been we have a right to know what the policy is part of President Kennedy's policy of seek-
discussing a plan under which the United Is. If It is not to be announced at the ing accommodations with Russia and its
States would resume "contact" with Castro top levels, we shall try to hammer out a clueing satellite the bloc risk for of the nuclear purpose a re-
on both "an informal and formal basis." policy on the floor of the Senate. ear war by moderating
Under this backstage scheme, New York tensions.
_ _ Mr. DOMINICK. Mr. President, if White insiders say the proposed
A
ttorney mJl oesransno of the ollnegot Bag the Senator will yield once more, I wish switch In Cuba policy fits squarely with
t
of Pigs invasion prisoners, would fly to a_ to say, in answer to the first questions strategy enunciated recently by the Presi-
vans and Moscow to seek the withdrawal of Propounded, although I know they are dent in a speech that "any plan of action
all Soviet combat forces from Cuba. rhetorical, that the fact Is that if the in the Caribbean has to take into account
In exchange for their removal, the United President goes through with the type of conditions and potential developments be-
States would agree to a step-by-step nor- proposal that I said had been reported tween the United States and the U.S.S.R."
malizatlon of diplomatic and trade relations on-and I do not know whether it is THE NEGOTIATOR
with the Red-ruled Castro dictatorship over what he is considering, though I hope The President favors 47-year-old Donovan
a 2-year period. it Is not-he will be in fact putting into for twos highly explosive loma " mission
As a first step, the United States would for and reasons: his -acceptability" s cos to with
reopen Its Embassy In Havana by sending a a position of uncontrolled authority the fro and Khrushchev, and his close ties with
charge d'affaires there. At present the Swiss very people that we are trying to get out key administration officials, notably Attorney
Ambassador 1s handling U.S. affairs. of Cuba-namely, the Communists-and General Robert Kennedy.
An exchange of Ambassadors and lifting the free people of Cuba-they will be the After Donovan arranged the swap of So-
of the trade embargo against Castro would ones who will suffer less than those in viet spy Abel for U-2 Pilot Francis Gary
follow after sufficient time had elapsed to Latin America and Central America. Powers, the President wrote him, "The type
make such a drastic "readjustment" palat- Mr. ALLOTT. My colleague is en- of negotiations you undertook, where diplo-
able to the people and Congress. tirely correct. matic channels had been unavailing, is
This far-reaching shift in Cuban relations MI'. HICKENLOOPER. Mr. Presi- unique, and you conducted it with the great-
is part of President Kennedy's policy of est skill and eoura e.'
seeking accommodations with Russia and its dent, if the senior Senator from Colorado
Castro's enthusiasm tthat for Donovan is about
satellite bloc for the avowed purpose of re- will yield, I should like to ask the junior on a par r with ttist of the President. In
ducing the risk of nuclear war by moderating Senator from Colorado a question. feelers through diplomatic channels to the
tensions. Mr. ALLOTT. I yield. State Department, the Cuban dictator has
White House insiders say the proposed Mr. HICKENLOOPER. Has the jun- indicated he would accept Donovan as ne-
s',vltch in Cuba policy fits squarely with for Senator from Colorado asked consent gotiaor. Words to that effect have been
strategy enunciated recently by the Presi- to have printed in the RECORD the article conveyed on three separate occasions-March
dent in a speech that "any plan of action 8, May 12, and May 19.
in the Caribbean has to take Into account to which he referred? A decision on this momentous scheme will
conditions and potential developments be- Mr. DOMINICK. Not yet. I have it not be made until after the President returns
tween the United States and U.S.S.R." available, and I shall be glad to do so. from his European trip.
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1963 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENt~TE 11597
By that time the White House staff hopes There being no objection, the study on June 21, the Congress sent the follow-
to know whether the House Foreign Affairs was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, ing resolution to the President and Supreme
Executive Council
Committee will undertake an inquiry into of Pennsylvania:
as follows: "Resolved, That the president and supreme
Donovan's previous Cuban negotiations. Re- HISTORICAL BACKGROUND ON THE ESTABLISH- executive council of Pennsylvania be in-
publican committeemen are vigorously press-
ing AS OF
for such an investigation. They have MENT OF formed, that the authority of the United
strongly urged it in a joint letter to Repre- GOVERNMENT States, having been this day grossly in-
sentative THOMAS MORGAN, Democrat, of In Philadelphia, June 21, 1783, during the sulted by the disorderly and menacing ap-
Pennsylvania, chairman. Continental Congress, there occurred an pearance of a body of armed soldiers, about
CUBAN FLASHES event, the memory of which would later pro- the place within which Congress were as-
foundly influence the founding of our Na- sembled, and the peace of this city being en-
Richard Goodwin, freewheeling Executive tion's Capital as a Federal city. An eye- dangered by the mutinous disposition of the
Secretary of the international Peace Corps, witness account reported in the Freedman's said troops, now in the barracks, it is, in the
is still on the State Department's payroll. Journal, stated: 1 opinion of Congress, necessary that effectual
The House Appropriations Committee has "About 2 weeks ago, advice was received measures be immediately taken for support-
ascertained that Goodwin is drawing $19,- from col. Butler commanding officer at Lan- ing the public authority.
656 as Assistant Secretary of State for In- caster, that the troops there discovered a "Resolved, That the committee on a letter
ter-American Affairs, although he left that very discontented temper which he appre- from colonel Butler, be directed to confer,
post more than 4 months ago. Meanwhile, hended would soon break out into some open without loss of time with the supreme exec-
Sterling Cotrell, who replaced Goodwin, is acts of mutiny. A 'few days after * * * a utive council of Pennsylvania, on the prac-
being paid by the Bu-eau of Far Eastern Af- party had actually thrown off all obedience ticality of carrying the preceeding resolu-
fairs. The House committee began checking to their officers, and marched to Philadel- tion into effect: and that in case it shall
Goodwin's pay as Congress voted down his phia, notwithstanding the utmost exertions appear to the committee, that there is not
request for $80,000 to set up the new Peace of their officers to prevent it. Accordingly a satisfactory ground for expecting adequate
Corps organization. At a meeting with on Thursday the 17th 2 about 80 soldiers and prompt exertions of this state, for sup-
British officials, Arthur Schlesinger Jr., spe- without officers, but completely armed * * * porting the dignity of the federal govern-
marched Assistant to the President, described marched down Market Street and proceeded ment, the president, on the advice of the
U.S. policy on Cuba along these lines: The to the barracks, where there were quartered committee, be authorized and directed to
first objective is to clean up our own back- * * * different corps to the amount of 400 summon the members of the Congress to
yard in Central and South America by vig- in the whole. No measures were taken, ex-
meet on Thursday next, at Trenton or Prince-
orous implementation of the Alliance for cept conferences between the president and ton, in New Jersey, in order that further and
Progress. The second objective is to bring council and congress, till the Saturday fol- more effectual steps may be taken for sup-
isolated Cuba back into the Organization of lowing when to the astonishment of the city, pressing the present revolt and maintaining
American States as a chastened, cooperating and the public dishonor, these troops, with the dignity and authority of the United
member. (Nice tricks, if they can be pulled fixed bayonets and drums beating, marched States.
off.) into the state house; the seat of Congress,
Intelligence reports that around 100,000 and the supreme executive council. Having "Resolved, That the secretary at war be di-
Cubans are in Castro's jails for refusing to placed guards at the different doors, and rected to communicate to the commander of
said troops, in order that he may take im-
accept communism. Also that some 250,000 sent off detachments to those places where mediate measures to dispatch to this city
Cubans have fled, and another 180,000 are they supposed arms and ammunition were such forces as he may judge expedient, for
awaiting approval and transportation to deposited, they sent up a written paper to ppressing any disturbances that may
leave. Senator JOHN STENNIS' Armed Serv- the president and council desiring that they susnpur
ices Preparedness Subcommittee is preparing might be authorized to choose their own
a new report on Castro-Communist subver- officers, and demanding an answer in 20 In a conference between the committee
sion, sabotage, and guerrilla warfare against minutes, or an enraged soldiery would be let and the council, the Congress again re-
Latin American countries. The report, slated in upon them. No address was made to quested the protection of the State as they
for release next month, will warn that Castro Congress, which was assembled upon special had done when they first heard of the im-
has ordered an increase in these operations. business; but not chusing to deliberate under pending march on Philadelphia. The com-
Although Castro has loudly proclaimed the bayonets of an armed mob, they retired mittee indicated that they found the situa-
fealty and devotion to Russia, a so-called without any other insult offered to them, tion:
Cuban "scientific delegation," headed by a collectively or individually. In the mean "Of so serious a nature as render palliatives
Capt. Antonio Nunez Jiminez, is en route to time, the soldiery grew very clamorous, com- improper and to require that vigorous meas-
+ +, f +r ate ?ate * * * ?res should be taken to put a stop to the
vation" purposes. Beer bottles have become
so scarce in communist Cuba that the out-
put of beer has been seriously affected. Ap-
parently there is no lack of beer, but there
aren't enough bottles to hold it. In an effort
to overcome this shortage, the "Revolution-
ary Taxicab Drivers Association" of Santiago
has pledged to collect beer bottles free of
charge. Presumably the cab drivers will
devote their spare time to rounding up empty
bottles. Russia, whose agriculture is notori-
ously in difficulty, is sending around 100 so-
called farm "specialists" to help Cuba with
its mounting agricultural headaches-a
clear-cut instance of the incompetent aiding
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND ON THE
ESTABLISHMENT OF A FEDERAL
CITY AS A SEAT OF GOVERNMENT
Mr. HICKENLOOPER. Mr. Presi-
dent, I ask unanimous consent to have
printed at this point in the RECORD a
study which I have had made on the
historical background of the establish-
ment of a Federal city as the seat of gov-
ernment in this country. It is a study
which should be of great interest to Sen-
ators and to the public as to why Wash-
ington was set up as a Federal city under
the complete and exclusive jurisdiction
of the Federal Government.
of the nonsettlement of their accounts, and
attempts to disband them without settle-
ment, intermixed with general reproaches on
public authority of every kind * * * and
threats of violence if their complaints were
not instantly attended to." 9
The letter which informed the Continental
Congress of the impending mutiny was re-
ferred to a committee which met with the
Supreme Executive Council of the State of
Pennsylvania. The Executive Council did
not follow the suggestion of the committee
that the State of Pennsylvania send the
militia to halt the mutiny, so the committee
of the Congress felt there was "no alterna-
tive but to endeavour to dissuade the muti-
neers from coming to town." 4
As is evident from the newspaper story
quoted above, the attempts at dissuasion
were fruitless, and the mutinous troops ar-
rived at Philadelphia on Thursday, June 17,
1783.
I The Freedman's Journal or the North
American Intelligencer, July 2, 1783, p. 2.
2 Although the writer of this story says the
reader may be "assured of its authenticity,"
all other records available indicate that the
march took place on Thursday, June 19, 1783.
2 This information comes from a report
entered into the Congressional Journal, re-
printed in the Freedman's Journal or the
North American Intelligencer, July 16, 1783,
P. 1.
I Ibid.
submission of the part of the offenders.
* * * That though they had declined a
specification of the measures which they
would deem effectual, it was their sense that
a number of the militia should be immedi-
ately called out sufficient to suppress the re-
volt." 2
The executive council again made it clear
that the militia of Pennsylvania did not in-
tend to come to the aid of the Congress.
The council answered the request of the
committee of the Congress by saying:
"That the council had a high respect for
the representative sovereignty of the United
States, and were disposed to do everything
in their power to support its dignity. That
they regretted the insult which had hap-
pened. * * * That they had consulted a
number of well informed officers of the
militia, and found that nothing in the pres-
ent state of things was to be expected from
that quarter. That the militia of the city
in general were not only ill provided for
service, but disinclined to act upon the pres-
ent occasion. That the council did not be-
lieve any exertions were to be looked for
from them except in a case of further out-
rage and actual violence to person or prop-
erty." 4
* Ibid.
* Ibid.
R Ibid.
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11598 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
The committee made several points in re-
sponse to the council's decision. They said:
"That Impunity for what had happened
might encourage more flagrant proceedings.
invite others to follow the example and ex-
tend the mischief ? ? ? That Congress
would probably continue to pursue this ob-
ject unless it should be superceded by un-
equivocal demonstrations of submission on
the part of the mutineers. ? ? ? The Com-
mittee finding that there was not satisfac-
tory ground to expect prompt and adequate
exertions on the part of the executive of
the state for supporting the public author-
ity, were bound by the resolution under
which they had acted to advise the presi-
dent to summon Congress to assemble at
Princeton or Trenton on Thursday the 26th
instant.""
The committee expressed its willingness to
delay the departure of the Congress, "hoping
that further information would produce
more decisive measures on the part of the
council" but, receiving no such Indications
from the council-
"The committee could no longer think
themselves at liberty to delay their advice
for an adjournment, which this day accord-
ingly gave, persuaded at the same time it
was necessary to Impress the mutineers with
a conviction that extremities would be used
against them before they would be Induced
to resolve on a final unreserved submis-
sion." ?
Some of the reasoning behind the decision
of Congress to leave Philadelphia was ex-
pressed In the local newspapers at the time.
A few excerpts should serve to make the
issue clear. A reporter for the Pennsylvania
Packet said In a story dated June 28:
"Congress conceived the dignity of the un-
Ion somewhat touched on by the appear-
ance of an armed body not under command.
and as measures were not so immediately
entered on by the state for preventing It.
as Congress conceived the dignity (not the
danger) of the case required they adjourned
their meeting to Princeton." 10
In the July 5 issue of the Pennsylvania
Packet, a reporter wrote on the implications
of the mutiny:
"Suppose on the contrary, that mischief
had happened, and that a scene of tumult
had ensued, which It was In the power of
the city to have prevented, had measures
been concerted in time. ? ? ? There Is no
provision made in the confederation for the
residence and convenience of Congress. To
whom, as a body, are delegated, and to whom
are entrusted the greatest and most Im-
portant concerns, which America, now sover-
eign and Independent, has on her hands.
? ? * The states individually appoint their
delegates and send them to seek residence
per leave, and to depend for the safety of
their persons, and what is more, the safety
of their national concerns on the will and
pleasure of some Individual state. A situa-
tion which will ever be attended with in-
convenlencies, ? ? ? Is this consistent with
the honor or character of the states, either
Individually or collectively. Congress to
whom so much 1s entrusted, ought not to
depend upon so precarious a tenure ? ? ?
ought not ? ? ? the representatives of that
union be securely and commodiously placed,
that the business of the continent may not,
by any local or accidental circumstance be
Interrupted." --
Official notification of the adjournment of
the Congress from Philadelphia to Princeton
and the reasons for the change were given in
a proclamation Issued June 24, 1783, by Elias
Boudlnot, president of the Continental
Congress.
"Whereas a body of armed soldiers In the
service of the United States, and quartered
In the barracks of this city, having mu-
tinously renounced their obedience to their
officers, did, on Saturday the twenty-first
day of this Instant, proceed, under the direc-
tion of their serjeants, in a hostile and
threatning manner to the place In which
Congress were assembled, and did surround
the same with guards: and whereas Con-
gress in consequence thereof, did on the
same day resolve, 'That the president and
supreme executive council of this state
should be informed, that the authority of
the United States, having been, that day.
grossly insulted by the disorderly and men-
acing appearance of a body of armed soldiers,
about the place within which Congress were
assembled, and that the peace of this city
being endangered by the mutinous disposi-
tion of the said troops then in the barracks;
It was, In the opinion of Congress, neces-
sary, that effectual measures should be im-
mediately taken for supporting the public
authority:' and also whereas Congress did
at the same time appoint a committee to
confer with the said president and supreme
executive council on the practicality of car-
rying the said resolution into due effect;
and also whereas the said committee have
reported to me, that they have not received
satisfactory reassurances for expecting ade-
quate and prompt exertions of this state for
supporting the dignity of the federal gov-
ernment : and also whereas the said soldiers
still continue In a state of open mutiny and
revolt so that the dignity and authority of
the United States would be constantly ex-
posed to a repetition of Insult, while Con-
gress shall continue to sit In this city. I do
therefore, by and with the advice of said
committee, according to the powers and au-
thorities In me vested for this purpose,
hereby summon the honorable delegates
composing the Congress of the United States.
and every of them, to meet in Congress
on Thursday the twenty-sixth day of June,
instant, at Princeton In the state of New
Jersey, in order that further and more ef-
fectual measures may be taken for suppress-
ing the present revolt, and maintaining the
dignity and authority of the United States,
of which all officers of the United States,
civil and military, and all others whom It
may concern, are desired to take notice and
govern themselves accordingly." u
Subsequently, a Constitutional Conven-
tion was called for the purpose of framing a
Constitution for the United States. Article
I. section 8, of the Constitution of the United
States of America states that:
"The Congress shall have power. ? ' ? To
exercise exclusive Legislation in all cases
whatsoever, over such District (not exceeding
ten miles square) as may, by Cession of par-
ticular States, and the Acceptance of Con-
gress, become the Seat of the Government
of the United States, and to exercise like
Authority over all Places purchased by the
Consent of the Legislature of the state In
which the Some sball be, for the Erection of
Forts, Magazines, Arsenals, dock-Yards, and
other needful Buildings."
? Ibid., pp. 1-2. 11 The Pennsylvania Packet or the General
? Ibid., p. 2. Advertiser, July 5, 1783, p. 3.
The Pennsylvania Packet or the General u The Penns ivanla P k t h
ac a
t
G
July 9
When searching for an explanation for the
basic reasoning behind any particular sec-
tion of the Constitution, historians in-
variably turn to the Federalist Papers. This
work is, as its subtitle Indicates:
"A Commentary on the Constitution of the
United States, Being a Collection of Essays
Written in Support of the Constitution
agreed upon September 17, 1787 by the Fed-
eral Convention."
James Madison, in paper No. 43, explains
article I, section 8 of the Constitution as
follows:
"The Indispensable necessity of complete
authority at the seat of government, carries
its own evidence with it. It is a power exer-
cised by every legislature of the union, I
might say of the world, by virtue of its gen-
eral supremacy, Without It, not only the
public authority might be insulted and its
proceedings interrupted with Impunity; but
a dependence of the members of the general
government on the State comprehending the
seat of the government, for protection in the
exercise of their duty, might bring on the
national councils an imputation of awe or
Influence, equally dishonorable to the gov-
ernment and dissatisfactory to the other
members of the Confederacy. This consid-
eration has the more weight, as the gradual
accumulation of public improvements at the
stationary residence of the government would
be both too great a public pledge to be left
in the hands of a single State, and would
create so many obstacles to a removal of the
government, as still further to abridge its
necessary Independence. The extent of this
federal district is sufficiently circumscribed
to satisfy every jealousy of an opposite
nature. And it is to be appropriated to this
use with the consent of the State ceding it;
as the state will no doubt provide in the
compact for the rights of the citizens in-
habiting It; as the inhabitants will find suf-
flclent Inducements of interest to become
willing parties to the cession; as they will
have had their voice in the election of the
government which Is to exercise authority
over them; as a municipal legislature for
local purposes, derived from their own suffer-
ages, will of course be allowed them; and as
the authority of the legislature of the State,
and of the Inhabitants of the ceded part of
It, to concur in the cession, will be derived
from the whole people of the State, in their
adoption of the Constitution, every Imagina-
ble objection seems to be obviated.
ble objection seems to be obviated."
Thus, it is clear beyond any doubt, that
when making provisions for a Federal city
as the seat of National Government, those
who created our Constitution remembered
the experience of the Continental Congress
In Philadelphia and sought to prevent a re-
currence of such a situation. As Madison
said :
"Without 'complete authority at the seat
of government ? * ? the public authority
might be insulted and Its proceedings in-
terrupted with impunity.' " 11
ORDER FOR ADJOURNMENT
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I
ask unanimous consent that when the
Senate concludes its business today, it
adjourn to meet at 12 o'clock noon to-
morrow.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. With-
out objection, it is so ordered.
or
e
eneral
J
Advertiser, June 28, 1783, p. 3. Advertiser, June 26, 1783, p. 2. 11 The Federalist Papers, No. 43.
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