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June 3, 1964
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1964 Approved Foe 2-6tOfttlat'QW00200150044-4 2155 s ud nt of political Scienee? wfitlin a tethele e 4-j- ts aetletoeipt eaii g n ih Of our Gov- : jeurniiLlatieVth,neWk;Pfilace-61-tafnorteiceth' ,cThamrid- public discussion. rioe:pdriods, of his- tory &eine a, As the Majority leader has said so bril- hli4anvetivy,ittrlime:teaf4,41reilttletlailonaiitt y7itthheenflmoeer, we Supremearea Court heshe _ , .,? fits. en aonA of constitutronal and civil rig vv Mr. President, as proud as I am to be a citffen of Minnesota, I am prouder to be a citizen of the United States of Amer- ica. The citizenship that really makes one a citizen, the citizenship that spells out the significance of the word "citi- zen," is to be a citizen of the Republic of the United States of America. That is exactly what the Constitution provided for. Titles I, II, III, IV, and VII of the bill provide for court orders have witnessed the executive 'branch to protect citizenship rights. If the court Title IV conceins desegrega e race, their religion, their ethnic origin, their national origin, or their color. We are going to strike that down just as we would any cancer in our midst. This is a cancer that we can cure. But we cannot deny the doctor?who is the court?the tools to do the job. The tool to do the job is the court decree. To deny the use of that tool to perform the task would make a mockery out of the court. t d . doing its duty. Now the time has arrived finds that these rights have been vio- schools. Ten years ago, the court or- 'for the legislative branch to do its duty. lated and by appropriate court order di- dered desegregation with due and delib- But the legialative branch will not do its rects that those rights be sustained, and erate speed. We have had patience. duty if it does not give to the courts the if a citizen or a public official refuses to We need more patience. I believe in power to enforce their decrees?decrees obey that order, and if the court should patience. The older I become, the more that are based upon the "application of be denied the right to enforce the order, I realize the importance of patience. the law which we intend to write into the there will be no law in the United States. But, I believe in persevering patience. Civil Rights Act. ' We will have committed a fraud on the I believe that patience should not be a I know' of nothing that' would American people and upon the whole substitute for paralysis. Patience does - tear down the structure of law and Of constitutional -structure. If the court not mean indifference. Patience does government by law more than denying should be unable to enforce its orders, not mean inaction. It means progress. the conrts of this country the right to then I predict that there will be blood It does not mean revolutionary progress, protect themielves arid' to 'enforce their in the streets and violence in the country. necessarily, but it does mean evolution- orders and deereeg., ' " ?If ever there was a time for this Na- ary progress. We seek thank basic rights in this leg- 'tion to have respect for law and order, Title IV provides help for those who islation. Among others; we seek to pro- that time is now. Too many people wish to move a little more speedily in the tect the right of a citizen to vote. The throughout America are taking things field of desegregation. We offer assist- evidence is replete that hundreds' of into their own hands. Some of them are ance to those who seek to be good Amen- thousands of our citiZens have been de- doing it in the name of civil rights. Some cans and to abide by the Constitution. nied the right tii Vote throfigh-Cap'ricious` of them are doing it to deny civil rights. Title V, of course, concerns the Civil attion, through oPeri-dis6Vediefice of the They are both wrong. When mobs roam Rights Commission. This is essentially law, through violations of statutes, Fed- the streets, when people are afraid to go a renewal of the Commission for 4 eral, local, 'and State,. and through de- to the aid of a helpless person who has additional years. fiance of the. Constitution. been attacked and beaten, there is some- Title VI relates to the use of public Any nation that parades throughout thing wrong in America. funds. We have written into it every the world Eis the leader of free nations Congress should examine what it is do- precaution and safeguard that I could ' and freeman slioneepill,, its olo-i house ing about these great problems. Wheth- think of, or that anyone else could think In order. et- it can do all that needs to be done, I of. The only ether thing left would be There is ,no doubt that the tonstitu- do not know; but I know that we can- to declare that Federal funds should be Mil. states - unequivocally in the 14th . not justify doing nothing, used in a discriminatory way. am,enclinent, that no State may deny a The truth is that there was a time in That I do not advocate. That is un- citizen of the United States life, liberty, history when people could be forgiven, constitutional. That is illegal. That is _ , . . _ _ _ .. or property 'without due' process of law, ?for they knew not what they were doing. un-American. It is unjustified. _ and that no State may deny' the equal The Scriptures state it much more sue- Thus, we say about title VI that funds rotection Of the laws Or deny to such cintly: ' shall be collected from the American , _ . citizens the privileges and imniithities-of Forgive them; for they know not what taxpayer without regard to race, and the law. they do. that those funds shall be used for the Yet the same young man 'who is in -American citizen, without regard to race. But we do know what we are doing, It is that simple. We use every possible -, Vietnam this afternoon?and there are and we do know what we are not doing. hundreds of Negro. young men there, We cannot, like Pilate, wash our hands means to seek observance of the law coming froth States all through this Re- of the problem. We have a job to do in We know what the record rather than enforcement of the law. ' public?Wli6 Wears in ' the unifor of the the Senate. That is the whole emphasis in the sub- 'U.S. Army, 'who has the insignia, of his of the court is. We know what the prec- stitute measure. I shall discuss the sub- rank on his shoulders, who sieO.Ps' in the edent of the court is. We _know what stitute measure tomorrow or Friday, be- same barracks with his white brother, the tradition of the court is. We know cause I am very proud of it. We have protected not only States who eats in the same messhall with his what it take,s to enforce a court ordex, _ , , 'white brother, o to the same , , , who can g We know what happens in every coun- recreation facilities with his White try when the courts are openly defied. -- brother, when he returns 'home and takes Then there is, nothing left but the rule off his utm, May Very well walk into of the dictator, or the rule of the mob. . a ,h9t4l,a,h be told, "This If Am , -hotel for God spare erica from either of those , *bites onlY. Vci-bal lor-you.- "No room plagues. In this inn. Title III relates to publicfacilities.it That ?is a violation of, his, constitii- is incredible that anyone in America _Mal right. That is not a violation of would ever'assert that a person, because some, little ceurily commissiener s order. of his race, could not go into a public It 's iortiOn of the 'Su rethe -laW Of n 1z' - lc h' h 'd f b th rights in the substitute measure, but we have also enlisted States powers, States responsibilities, and States authority to take care of the constitutional rights of the citizens of the States. We have tried to recognize that civil rights must ulti- mately be protected at the community level. However, in title IV, all Senators know that when the Federal income tax form goes out from the Internal Revenue the laud' 'ehd we are going to do same- public and therefore owned by the pub- Service, the short form or the long form, thing about t lie What would Senators think if there there is nothing In it which says, This to iri do soethirig about it, in gas'a sign outside the main entrance to form is for Negroes--you pay less. This title II of thebill. We provide *n i title II the Capitol?wlaich_is a public building? form is for whites?you pay more. This - for the use of ,local and state enforcer- Which said "Whites only enter here form is for a Catholic. This form is for, ment machinery. We pro-Vide that that Negroes use the basement door." We a Protestant. This form is for a Jew. , shall be the. primary means of enforce- Would be ashamed of ourselves. Oh, no, Mr. President, the American . merit If the local and State govern- _Vet it is a fact that Many people in people are sent but one form and it di- inentsrefuge to fulfill their obligations America have been denied access to pub.- 'Tots, ``Pay, pay, -,1,4,V." Not only that, -under the Constitution Of %Elul I lie factittle-eeteel bUnt eitilgode ?sra--,er eilue service may States, the Federal FlrigNiet chC, e tasKyagVillilaiwa. -Aake sure we pay something to do about it. name of the public?because of their the correct amount. 121 Sol Approved 41103,?tans2sCIMAnaViiti9E6gRAHR000200150044-4 When a Negro is taken to court, the judge does not say, "Well, you know, we have been discriminating against you for 200 years, so we are not going to give you a really hard penalty here. You have been denied equal justice for so long that we are going to make up for It now and let you get off free." We ex- pect them to face up to their responsi- bilities. Title VII is the fair employment prac- tices title, which is drastically modified, The Senator from Pennsylvania [Mr. CLARK] will speak on that today. This title may ultimately require some court order. If it -does, court orders must be en- forceable. I must say, in all candor, that we have taken title VII and rewritten it, be- lieving that the prime responsibility for action and enforcement is at the State and local level, recognizing that this is not the fast approach, recognizing that this is a concession?and I would be the last to say that it was not?and recog- nizing that in a sense we have weakened the bill. However, if the court is to be brought into this matter, we should make sure that the court can enforce its or- ders. I wish to make sure that the judge Is not a tyrant. I wish to make sure that he uses just penalties. I also wish to make sure that he protects the dignity of his court. There are 11 titles in the bill which relate to various powers. The first seven titles are most significant. Every one of the principal titles is predicated upon the rule of law, not on the rule of bureauc- racy. Inasmuch as we speak so often in this Chamber of the rule of law. I would suggest that we also provide the courts with the power to maintain their dignity and authority. If we do otherwise, we shall not only weaken the basic structure of law in America, but we shall also destroy one branch of our Government, the judicial branch. I hope that that will not be the case. Mr. GRUENING. Mr. President, be- fore speaking on another subject. I con- gratulate the distinguished Senator from Minnesota on a magnificent speech. It goes to the heart of the problem and deserves the close attention of all those who are concerned with justice and fair treatment of all our citizens regardless of race, creed or color. He has made a great contribution to this cause. I commend i him highly and join him in the ex4 ressiOn of his sentiments. _ A UNITED NATIONS SPONSORED CEASE-FIRE IN SOUTH VIETNAM IS NEEDED NOW Mr. GRUENING. Mr. President, a United Nations sponsored cease-fire in South Vietnam is needed now. In fact It is long past due. It is becoming increasingly evident to more and more people in the United States?as well as to our allies around the globe?that the undeclared war in South Vietnam into which the United States has needlessly injected itself, can conference table. It cannot and will not be settled by military might. If that is the case?and the cold assess- ment of the facts can only lead to that conclusion?then the sooner the United States takes the initiative in the United Nations to obtain a cease-fire in South Vietnam the better our international posture will be. We should take every step possible to stop the bloody, senseless killing in Vietnam not only of U.S. fight- ing men but of Vietnamese as well. On Monday, June 1, 1964, the Wash- ington Post and Times Herald editorial- ized that the United States should take a "middle course." It stated: The notion of negotiated withdrawal ignores the vital fact that the United States and its allies would be forced to negotiate from weakness. What cannot be taken on the battlefield can hardly be claimed at the conference table. If American military en- trance into the region was a mistake a de- cade ago, it is a reality now. Commitments have been given to allies and friends on the basis of that mistake and those commitments must be upheld. ? ? ? Washingtor must show enough resolve and force to convince its friends and dependents that it will not abandon them when the going gets rough, and to convince its adversaries that per- sistence in aggression Is fruitless and possibly deadly. I ask unanimous consent that this edi- torial from the Washington Post and Times Herald of June 1, 1964, be printed In full in the RECORD at the conclusion of my remarks. The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered. (See exhibit 1.) Mr. GRUENING. Mr. President, the editorial expresses an attitude of unwill- ingness to face up to the hard facts of reality. Admitting that the issues in South Vietnam will ultimately have to be settled at the conference table, the edi- torial would, nevertheless, advocate the needless sacrifice of thousands of Ameri- can lives on the battlefield to strengthen our hand at the conference table. A river of blood from the bodies of American fighting men is not needed to convince our "adversaries that persis- tence in aggression is fruitless and possi- bly deadly." The military might of the United States does not need to prove itself by the needless loss of the lives of thousands of its fighting men nor by the incineration of villages by napalm bomb- ings and the killing of their helpless in- habitants. Our might is well known. We need not use it to prove that we have it. That is-the basic reason for building our deterrent strength. The New York Times adopts a similar position editorially, saying in its May 29 Issue: As we have stated here before, the prelude to a peaceful settlement through negotiation of the Communist aggression in southeast Asia may have to be a temporary increase instead of diminution of American military participation. The ultimate goal must be to get our troops out of the area: to achieve conditions that will make this possible, it may be necessary first to put more in. In other words, we have got to kill a lot more American boys as well as Viet- June 3 lars before we do what we know we will have to do ultimately. What utter folly. I ask unanimous consent that this edi- torial from the New York Times appear- ing in its May 29, 1964, issue, entitled "Our Credibility in Laos," be printed at the conclusion of my remarks. The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered. (See exhibit 2.), Mr. GRUENING. Mr. President, a more realistic view of the situation in South Vietnam was taken last week by the noted columnist, Walter Lippmann. I ask unanimous consent that Mr. Lippmann's column in the Washington Post and Times Herald for May 28, 1964, be printed in full at the conclusion of my remarks. The PRESIDING OrtoICER. Without objection, it is so ordered. (See exhibit 3.) Mr. GRUENING. Mr. Lippmann stated: The military commitment in southeast Asia has been a mistake. On March 10, 1964, in a speech on the Senate floor, I stated: This is a fight which is not our fight into which we should not have gotten in the first place. The time to get out is now before the further loss of American lives. I went on to say in that speech: President Johnson. let me repeat, inherited this mess. It was not of his making. As he approaches the difficult task of making the necessarily hard decisions with respect to the problems in South Vietnam, problems created long before he was President, he should feel no compunction to act in such a way as to justify past actions, past decisions, and past mistakes. He should feel entirely free to act in such a manner and to make such decisions as are calculated best to serve the interests of the United States and the tree world?a world changed greatly from the time President Eisenhower and Secretary Dulles initiated our southeast Asia policies. Mr. Lippmann in his realistic column states: The ILS. Government helped to pick Diem as chief of South Vietnam and, until the coup of last autumn, Diem and his family were supported by us as the rulers of South Vietnam and they became the clients ar the United States. In my speech in the Senate on March 10, I stated: In October 1955, the Eisenhower admin- istration picked Ngo Dinh Diem to rule South Vietnam. There may be some room for disagreement as to whether Diem was a poor choice for the Job to begin with or whether, after hav- ing come to power, the thirst for more and more power on his part and on the part of his many relatives, whom he placed in high governmental posts, became insatiable. In a nationwide broadcast on March 8, 1955, Secretary Dulles said: "I was much impressed by Prime Minister Diem. He is a true patriot, dedicated to in- dependence and to the enjoyment by his people of political and religious freedoms. He now has a program for agricultural re- form. If it is effectively executed, it will both assist in the resettlement of the ref- ugees and provide his country with a sounder agricultural system. I am convinced that his and will ultimately be settled only?at the . namesealitfeml5tn:w.) Approved-I-or Neiease zu C Ni141315e6g646Wondkin%Rae 411' which the - - 1811T6, 1 9 64 ' , giving to help to create an them irrevocable, but now the discussion is efficien% t, al' military?flaree? and, sounder in terms of extreme and final clecisione, etVaitt1109114htfiniS , _ , _In, thikatinMphere of either-or, two polar p6sitions have been staked out; they glare at jpmann went 9-11: to each other across the daily clutter of corn- 1p1, rnorep?ver,that ifan International munlques and battle reports, forcing them- trii.dpre,banjogirealeroke:Whiehe,is guar- selves upon us all, One position is that eed ,hy the _ Soviet Union, the United Ar)atricari military intervention in southeast Asia -7(2.4 a ip1gtg that_shOlad . be ?recOg` that Northcyietnam win,tend to. go Moist, nized and liquidated by means of an inter- that is to say, to remain Communist but not naticalei conference, The other position is Chinese ,* to create a visible guarantee that ?the 'United States should stick to its which makes it safe M. Vuuel pp; to ke, as_ guns and carry the war to Communist lands, , it has always striven not to be, a Chinese in, risky but reasonable expectation of mc- satellite. - - 'The decisiveness ofboth'of these solutions Mr. LipPmann's point canna he too is extremely appealing but both, in our opin- 3trOngly reiterated. The fact ton often ion, are illusory and misleading. The notion OV6r100k84is that When the Vietriainese of., negotiated withdrawal ignores the vital speak of cOlonialism they mean Chinese fact that the United States andalijv its . , as ivell, ,French ,enionigh_sin? I-4yipg Would be forced to negotiate from weakness. been ruled ,oyer 2,000 years by the Chi- What cannot be taken on the battlefield can flop, the people of North and Sputh hardly be claimed at the conference table. If American military entrance into the re- Vietnam are not about to pit their necks gion was a mistake a decade ago, it is a real- -into the 4Pose of comval-IMPt ,C:11140- ity now. Commitments have been given to Neither are the Vietpaineae-7-prth. or allies and friends on the basis of that mis- B01.1t11--41.790 to agree to white .4oming- take and ?those commitments must .be --up- tion of their country. held. Since my remarks heflOor(21gie ' It is Oa) wrong,- we think, to threaten Senate on _March 1,6? 1964,-I have re- blockading or bombing of North Vietnam in StAtes order to compel Hanoi to call off its forces peatediy stated that the United , in South Vietnam and Laos. This course must stop this senseless killing in South might bring instead a longer, deeper, dirt- -Vietnam aud take the matter to the con- ler and more uncertain war. Doubtless ference table. American planes could interdict or decimate "II commend_Mr. LiPpmann for his stand North Vietnanci_betWeen _breaktastand lunch in now, supporting that ppiition.: Doubtless, too, the insurgents in South Viet- Today am proposing that the Uz:litOgl. nam would aontinue their fight with greater States take ,th,e, Jr4f0:01Le-ill, _1244ging bitterness. It could also happen that Com- 4/101.1t, through the United Nations, an munist China would enter the war broad- ening it to a scope that would make today's IffUnediate pease fire in Sonth-Viet110411. troubles look like small beer. This is the ,Only logical and realistic ac- If the United States is neither to negotiate tion for the united States to take, , an exit from southeast Asia nor to scare off The issues in South Vietnajn,will have the aggressors by raiding their homeland, ,to e iwoky_eciAt_tho, ceigerenge? Wale, what is it to do? The answer, obviougy, is Stlek.PPPAIMPe CM,beaktrallged, in between. Washington must show enough resolve and force to convince its friends and dependents that it will not abandon them when the going gets rough, and to convince its adversaries that persistence in aggression is fruitless and possibly deadly. At the same time the United States must show a willing- ness to give relief and perhaps reward to those Communists who demonstrate their interest in living at peace with their coun- trymen and neighbors. Such a policy of unconditional reliability to friends and cOnditional relief "to, e1l5nlieS does not, of course, guarantee that American interests in Asia will be satisfied. It is not even a policy in the sense that a specific path of action is thereby prescribed. Many paths will have to be tried, political and diplomatic, economic and military. All will be uphill; many will be dead end. In Thai- land, requests for aid must be answered un- make apy sen.se to continUe.to Jose Ainerican lives ip south Vietnam? On March 19, 1964, I urged: The President should tau steps to disen- gage the United states immediately from ' this engagement. All ourngitary should immediately be re- iIeved of cow?4,ap,signments. All military dependents should he ,returneg home at once. A retiu ,the troops to our own shores ehoUl iipcal toda y that suggestion, -Since rily_reipark_a011._Marob.10, 1964, MY mail ha? heell 10.0.te Linfavornf the "ODa.P.cl Ulan Iaisell,A.Centinile.S to flow in support thereof, agic...11110.111Mous efonsent tha3 _a few Of the.5.0 letterS, rep- resentative _pf American public opinion, be printed at the conclusion of MY re- 12157 .Assistant Secretary of State William Bundy ha$ Said Without exaggeration that there is a "real danger" of a Communist takeover in the area. At the same time it was announced in Washington yesterday that Secretary Rusk and other top officials are to meet in Hawaii next week to discuss the possibilities. It seems clear that to do no more now than is being done means, at the least, the loss of Laos to the Communist Pathet Lao. The credibility of the United States determination to act tough as well as talk tough is being eroded. None of the inde- pendent nations of southeast Asia will stay With what they believe to be a losing side. They are not going to choose between West and East, democracy and communism; they are going to join whichever side they are con- vinced is winning. While nobody is going to win, Washing- ton's problem at the moment is to demon- strate that we are, at least, not going to lose, or leave our allies in the lurch. This does not mean that the talking and exchange of notes should stop. A 14-nation meeting, preferably in Geneva, possibly in Vientiane but certainly not in Cambodia as the Chinese propose, is still the best method for negotia- tion. The Johnson administration has wisely re- jected an open-ended, all-out military in- volvement in Laos that could suck the United States into another always-increasing burden like that in Vietnam. There are other less drastic but still effective ways by which the United States can show its determination forcibly to prevent the Pathet Lao from get- ting control of the rest of Laos. The im- portant thing is to make this determina- tion clear. Ac we have stated here before, the prel- ude to a peaceful settlement through negotiation of the Communist aggression in southeast Asia may have to be a temporary increase instead of diminution of American military participation. The ultimate goal must be to get our troops out of the area; to achieve conditions that will make this possible, it may be necessary first to put more in. -- EXIUBIT 3 [From the Washington (D.C.) Post, May 28, 1964] OUR COMMITMENT IN VIETNAM (By Walter Lippmann) It is fair enough to say, as Senator DIRKSEN did this week, that our policy in southeast Asia has been indecisive. Indeed it has been. The reason for this indecision, which has existed under three Presidents, Eisen- hower, Kennedy, and Johnson, is not that all three Presidents have been weak and waver- ing men. It is that since we allowed our- selves to become entangled in southeast Asia, there has been no good solution available which any of the three Presidents felt he equivocally. In Laos, Cambodia, efforts could be decisive about. Marks. ? must be made to apply poultices of interna- After the French were defeated in 1954, " The PRE&IPINO OFFICER, Without South Vietnam, the critical arena, the over- the decision of Secretary Dulles to treat tional guarantees, however poorly stuck. In our cardinal mistake in southeast Asia a objection, it is so ordered. _ , whelming emphasis must be on measures South Vietnam, which is an artificial creation (See exhibit 4.) that will give the people confidence in non- and not really a national state at all, as " EXI-ttBrr 1 , - Communist yule. - ? -44...American protectorate and as an outpost [From the Washing= (D.C.) Post, June 1 There is nothing to cheer about in this of the West. The Eisenhower aciministra- , nurse of limited means and pragmatic ma- tion, directed in this matter by Secretary Dulles, did not oppose, but it refused to sup- port, the settlement of Vietnam which was worked out at the first Geneva Conference in 1954. The U.S. Government helped to pick Diem as chief of South Vietnam and, until the coup of last autumn, Diem and his family were supported by us as the rulers of South Vietnam and they became the clients of the United States. This put us in an inherently untenable position. It committed the United States le one,slyill and in the jungles ftQa$-M1440e41.1argest nation in ?ileuver. But it is more consonant with Amer- MID= cot7.1tsz loan responsibilities and interests in south- The.situation in Sinitheast. Asia _appears east Asia than the extremes of expanding BO dismal wig unpromising that the tempta- or negotiating an end to the war. tion is strong to seek A Anal solution to it. Indeed, there is widely evident,a feeling that EXHIBIT 2 we are approaching a watershed, perhaps a [Prow the New York Times, May 29, 1,964] Waterloo, and that the Vnitecl States will no longer be permitted by events or enemies OUR CREDIBILITY IN LAOS to KLIICICUP _AS it has in. the past. Previously The deteriorating situation in southeast the ,discussion of_ American policy in that Asia in general and in Laos in particular 19 fragile Asia.11 _corner has been Conducted in forcing a stronger response from the United to a stru terms of ha,rci but s WPM- ReJttatIt 2005/01/05 : CIA-RDP66B004031R 12158 004, Ap p roved_ FeblftEmiejR/Enik.66fiii1DP Wtnt3,2 R0002001 500-44-4 Asia. In spite of the endless official assur- ances of how the struggle was being won. there has never been a time when a military victory, or anything like a military victory. has been possible. Even if one of the Presi- dents had been willing to intervene with an American army on the scale of Korea, even if he had unleashed the Air Force, no acceptable or tolerable mitcome was visible. For, once the American troops were engaged, there would be no way of withdrawing. The territory they had occupied would be re- occupied by the Asian multitude who would be more fiercely determined than ever to do away with the presence of the Western white man. There has never been any other way out of the dead-end street in southeast Asia except to make a political agreement to construct International machinery, and to exert what influence we can by underwriting them. President Kennedy made a fragmentary at- tempt to do this. He tried it in Laos, but he allowed himself to remain entangled in South Vietnam, and he was drawn into an ever enlarging, continually unsuccessful, mil- itary struggle which has no visible end. To those who think, as I do, that the mili- tary commitment in southeast Asia has been a mistake, the question now is how to dis- charge the commitment honorably and to disengage stiffly. The basic principle is, I think, quite clear. We must look for a solu- tion, not by expanding the war but, by tak- ing it to the conference table, whether to a reconvened Geneva conference or to the United Nations or both. The proposal to ex- pand the war by bombing North Vietnam and China requires, if we stop pretending that the South Vietnamese pilots are capable of carrying out such an attack, a declaration of war against North Vietnam and China by the Congress of the United States. We cannot make war on North Vietnam by Executive order. No man living can possibly know what such a war Would precipitate, or what the Soviet Union would do since it is still the ally of China. Burkhat we can be sure of Is that to go to war with China about South Vietnam would be so reckless an act as to damage deeply our influence throughout the world. It would be no less unpopular in the United States. It is not easy for any country to repair Its mistakes, especially those in which It has invested lives, money, and moral judg- ments. But the original mistake in south- east Asia has to be repaired. The *ay to do this is to go to a conference. The chances of its being successful are not brilliant. But at least we shall not be alone and, even if the prospects of a confirence are not brilliant, the military outlook in South Vietnam is dismal beyond words. I have been asked whether a negotiated settlement for southeast Asia means that as soon as our troops are withdrawn from Saigon, the North Vietnamese and the Chi- nese will move in. The honest answer to this question is, I believe, that if this can be prevented for a few years, then there will be a chance that It will not happen at all. Although I realize that in the long run southeast Asia is bound to lie within the Chinese sphere of influence?as Chiang Kai- shek has always insisted?I think it may be possible to prevent any sudden and overt occupation of southeast Asia. It may be feasible to make It too dangerous, and not worthwhile in comparison with the prospects of access to the economic resources of south- east Asia and beyond. I think, moreover, that if an international structure can be created, one which is guar- anteed by the Soviet Union, the United States, France, Great Britain, and China, that North Vietnam will tend to go Titoist; bomb Hanoi but to create a visible guaran- tee which makes it safe for Hanoi not to be, as It has always striven not to be, a Chinese satellite.' EXHIBIT 4 A PEW Or THE LETTERS RECEIVED SY SE ',MVOS CISTIZNING ON HIS STAND ON VIETNAM From Dr. Carmine Chamberlin, MD., in Gresham, Oreg.: "I greatly appreciate and agree with your policy that our troops should be withdrawn from Vietnam. As with in- dividuals it is a great nation that will ad- mit a mistake, which this cruel and long war in this tiny nation certainly is." From Mr. Bob Factor. of Madison, Wis.: "The admission of Alaska as a sister State into the Union will prove beneficial t( only for the infusion of courage and clear- sightedness that has been added, in the'per- son of yourself, to our Senate. Your posi- tion on the war in Vietnam has turned a dull and dreary monolog?on how many of our citizens are to be casualties and how many of our dollars are to be wasted?into a gen- uine dialog on the issue of U.S. participation at any level, economic or military, in a war that appears to be an effort on the part of the Vietnamese people to rid themselves of oppression. Whether that oppression be in the person of French generals, a tyrannical family, or native generals let us hope that It will never be in the person of Americans." From Mr. Stanley E. Weisberger, of Oneon- ta. N.Y.: "I salute you on your statement concern- ing our policy in South Vietnam. Quite apart from any consideration as to the potential benefit to U.S. short- or long-run interests that might result from a withdrawal of our military support and direction of General Khanh's war against the Vietcong, is the categorical imperative of insisting on moral- ity and reason in Government conduct. Of course, the greater the immorality. and un- reason, the more urgent the imperative. "To put it another way, Senator, I believe our country is characterized by two attitudes: One is a callous unconcern for Virtually any- thing that doesn't touch Immediate inter- ests; the other is a "we're doing God's work here" kind of sanctimonious arrogance. One runs up against both in trying to appeal, as you have, to the very opposite of these pos- tures. So it's hardly surprising when your remarks and those of Senator Moaxe. on a subject of the first importance, get the silent treatment from most of the news media. "All the same, there seems to be a growing uneasiness over the running of foreign pol- icy. It may just be (one may as well be optimistic) that we're on the edge of an awa- kening. However, it is, you spoke well and courageously, Mr. Gatrzrenve. I fully share your view that we should never have inter- vened as we did in South Vietnam, and we should pull out forthwith. There can be no "strategic" justification for using napalm bombs on Vietnamese villages and propping up "governments" that practice murder and torture as a matter of course. -It's a grand feeling to be proud of one's councry and one's government. I'm proud that voices counseling decency are still heard in the Senate, even if by only a few. Please persist in this worthwhile cause, Senator. There Is no alternative." From Mr. and Mrs. Joseph N. Kabklen, of Tonalea, Ariz.: "We wholeheartedly support you and we know many of our fellow Americans share your convictions, that the fight in South Vietnam can be won only by Vietnamese themselves. They need to make greater sac- rifices and assume broader responsibility in a struggle that is legitimately theirs. We further agree that this is a fight that is not June 3 "We do hope that President Johnson will give the crucial situation in South Vietnam his immediate attention. Many parents are looking to him to take the necessary action that will bring our boys back to tilt; country. "We share with other parents much anx- iety and concern over the safety of their sons who are assigned to military duty in South Vietnam. Our youngest son Archie Is serving in a helicopter unit. He was hit by a shrap- nel in the face last December and, thank God, it was not too serious. He did not want us to know that he came close to getting killed; we learned about it from a letter he wrote recently to his brother. We worry about him constantly." From Mrs. Eleanor Belser, of Los Angeles, Calif.: "Although I do not reside in your State, I would like to express my support for your position on South Vietnam. It is essen- tial that we stop this shameful, wasteful war and negotiate for peace there." From Mr. Homer D. Smith, of Homer. Alaska: "In your newsletter (1964 No. 10) I read Mr. Sturdborg's report of your and Senator Mosinee remarks on our fiasco in South Viet- nam. That takes moral courage--in the face of certain castigation by the radicals? but I, and most of the people I know, are with you; although without your leadership our timidity thus far has restrained us from saying so. "The treasure we are pouring into South Vietnam could be used for the development of our last frontier?our State of Alaska? and to wage the war on poverty. Nothing is so hard fer those who abound in wealth as to conceive how others can be in want. There can be no democratic rationalization of the conditions that produce a family in- come in one State equal to three times that of another. Poverty is not so much the lack of ability as it is the bounty of opportunity, e.g., when one happens to live in an area favored by a disproportional share of de- fense spending; or to be a member of a restrictive union which is several rungs higher on an inflation ladder than other workers. "When I contemplate our people in Alaskan agriculture, many waging an un- equal battle, lacking in research, devoid of rural access roads, competing for survival with wasteful and prodigal public spending,' It seems to me that it is no wonder that only the most dedicated continue the effort. "And last but not least, I want to assure you that most of us support the adminis- tration's moves to halt this disgraceful inflation?which if not brought under con- trol will lead to ultimate disaster." From Miss Virginia Colter, of Dunbarton, N.H.: "I have just maw learned of your mag- nificent speech of March 10 on the Viet- namese situation and I agree with you heartily. I have been writing and discussing this issue for over a year and it's tough to fight ignorance. I Just wrote a scorching letter to the State Department suggesting they ought to consult with you and inform themselves and the President better. I had received some material from them that I con- sidered completely inane. "We need men of courage and decent con- viction if we are ever to get out of our present mess. I am convinced the people will follow decent leadership, but the news must reach them." From Mr. George Pappas, of Sea Cliff, N.Y.: "Your efforts on behalf of a sane foreign policy in southeast Asia are greatly appre- ciated. What a great misfortune would be- fall the American people in the event of an escalation of the war in Vietnam. We do not realize the risks involved in our policies. Do we really have the support of the South that lath say, to re Communist but our fight and we need to get our young men Vietnamese people? not Chinese. What peove?1t For Re leasei2005001%405Prn 0192FaRDPODB0040WMOOPPO4Verville, of Hunter real interests in southeast Asia is not to American lives are lost.. taken the liberty _ i?f ;bringing to the personal attention of ' Honker A.. jack, exeCtitiVe director, National Cenimittee ft.-P."4,-86:11e Nuclear Policy, the ,Urgeney of giVing-the widest distribution to yoUr -exeellent sPeeth of March 10. I have , read the text in full, and congratulate you axle* upon your- forthrightliess, courage, and high statesmanship: I feel especially encouraged by your expression of determina- tion to keep up the fight to get us out of this untenable position.' Your stand should be known to all Americans; it will put heart in them. I have cbrainini-cated the same strong recorrimendation - to ' Officials of ? the Women's League for Peace, whom I know - , ;personally." ? Frprei a_.?privatef first class, in the Army: "I em, glad to sed that at least one Sen- ?? Sior is aware of the wasteful situation in 'BOutti Vit?m. hope that you and your ? Colleagues Will'alscitake note of other areas ' in the world that are in the very same situa-. ' tion. "You have pointed out the case in South ',Vietnam and Cambodia, among other Asiatic countries; now what is to be done about it? Will it take many more wasteful years be- fore our aid is reduced or better adminis- tered? Hi4'1C.-iiirkieS it takethese obvious facts to sink info the"heads' a our leaders? We seem- tO? he afraid of *hat these tiny countries will think or say about us, not the Immediate damage being done, such as the ? 1(1)0 plus dead American met in South Viet- .' Prompt and firrn'action is needed. Please do your best." ' Froin Mr. and 'Nis. Victor Povirk, of ? Mattapari, Maas:: "Wc are taking this occasion to congrat- , .ulate,you for the valiant fight you are wag- ing to have our troops Withdrawn from $Outh_ Vietnam, ?. "The' inilhons of dollars leOffahly' 'wasted In bolatering a decadent riding class in that ? bleeding country-- &Add- be" put to mud' better use In 'rehy.ifiding ,your own State. _ "The disturbing 'thing of oure-Edilfriued ? involvement in South Vietnerri is the danger of extending the conflict to the north and - eVentually China. 'PM' Armed Forces must be withdrawn to insure peace. We have also Written our ? Senators about our attitude. We Support you and Senator ydilf-fight In the U.S. Senate on this issue." From Mr. F. W. Stover, president arid editor U.S. Farm News, 'Of bes Moines, Iowa. . . , "It. s ?mos heartening - " to find a U.S. ,Senator, frOm a State supported by many war Contracts, putting up your -kind of battle for getting_ out of Vietnam. "This is roost .aSenreellY the time -in his- ? tory, when, if the Majority do-irOt' have the will to avert war then the intelligent minor- -ity must tale the 'bull by the horns." It has now reached a point in the U.S.A. where the people cannot get the war theY want, if indeed the popularity hounds are willing to ettle for such an expediency. "The ,she4r_Madkess:?:6f Men Id places inuSt. try the couragecif Men-like yourself. -But your cause is so righteous and so im- portant that somehow I think yolf will get thrprigh to the people Of the United States. Surely the people do not want their Children's lives given up on the ruins Of an atomic war. The flirtation with niiele,ar war-by_ adven- turous riiilifonairePlafi'eli' adMeNainata-innst be stopped: i'Vfore than- arintleiltOie?a id-at gltake." - ,Prem 4Vfagdalena, "r. Gale, legislative chairman f the? If would seem 'impossible for us "td win such a war. Every thinking person should realize it is a civil war and none of our busi- ness." From Mrs. Mildred Miller, of the Bronx, N.Y.: - "At this time, when the war L South Viet- nam is being escalated by U.S. uilitary and financial aid, youi :tand favoring withdrawal of troops and milt" ---'advisers, reevaluation of Asian policy and infe.'-ning the public on policy, clarifies the situat. 'n and points up what needs to be done. "Our' continued participation, which has never been admitted as actual military aid, is making us accessory to unspeakable bru- tality toward the civilian population. It cannot make friends for us in southeast Asia, and can only result in dragging us into fur- ther military adventures. The French had to inflict 'and suffer catastrophic losses be- fore they pulled out, and we should learn from their experience." From Mrs. Ida G. Klingsberg, of Phila- delphia, Pa.: "Following is a copy of a letter sent to President Johnson: "'There have been reports recently in the news of plans to carry the war into North Vietnam. These reports are most disturbing to people who are seriously concerned for the survival of our civilization, and possibly of our entire planet. "'At best such a move can result only in a war of attrition like the one experienced by France at an immeasurable cost in lives and money. At worst it can escalate into a full-scale nuclear conflagration?and the end of everything. "'I urge upon you, Mr. President, to take the necessary steps leading to international agreement on the neutralization of southeast " 00150044-4' 12159 , 'for -ilisaster-connected urban renewal projects where necessary. This author- ity would substantially implement the State's recovery program where as the attorney general pointed out "State and local contributive funds simply cannot be raised on a 75-25 basis." The second amendment would reduce the rate of interest on any loans made by the U.S. Government to Alaska to a rate lower than 3% percent. This amend- ment would enable Alaska to -meet and best a decline in gross tax collections caused by the earthquake damage. As Attorney General Hayes illustrated, dif- ferences in interest rates mean millions of dollars. Alaska, for example, if charged 3.625 per annum for $25 million for 40 years to meet disaster losses only would pay $18,578.095 plus principal. An interest rate of 2 percent on the same amount under the same terms with no deferment of principal payment would cost the State $10,250,000 plus principal. The differ- ence, better than $8 million, is con- siderable. A rate such as the United Sates gave Chile after its earthquake would be even better and wholly logical. In that case, after a grant of $20 million, the United States made a loan of $100 million with merely a service charge of three-fourths of 1 percent and deferment of payment of the principal for 10 years. Why not rovide the same treatment for our fellow citizens? Attorney General Hayes has provided the committee with tables illustrating the startling differences in costs on loans where interest rates differ. The amendments proposed by the at- torney general are constructive. They will strengthen the bill as will others which will be offered in committee. Because his statement is important as the Senate and the other body consider legislation to enable Alaska to rebuild and because such rebuilding is, we be- lieve, "a wise and prudent investment on the part of the United States," I ask unanimous consent that the full text of the , attorney general's statement be printed in the RECORD. There being no objection, the state- ment was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: STATEMENT OF GEORGE N. HAYES, ATTORNEY GENERAL OF ALASKA, BEFORE THE SENATE INTERIOR AND INSULAR AFFAIRS COMMITTEE My name is George Hayes. I am attorney general for the State of Alaska. I am ap- pearing here in behalf of Gov. William A. Egan, of Alaska, and also in behalf of Senator GRUENING, Senator BARTLETT, and Represent- ative RIVERS of Alaska. Mr. Chairman, Governor Egan desires that I present to you his gratitude and apprecia- tion for the efforts of the Congress and the President in behalf of the State of Alaska and its citizens. The financial, physical, and moral assistance already given our State is considerable. The assistance that is being proposed in this bill you are considering will enable us to recover from the effects of the earthquake sooner than most of us believed possible just 2 months ago. ?This omnibus bill represents only a part of the time-consuming and productive ef- forts of Senator ANDERSON and the Federal Commission for the Reconstruction and De- elo ment of Alaska. For this the State 02004500444 and our congress- THE ACTION PROPOSED AND NEEDED FOR ALASKA'S EARTH- QUAKE VICTIMS Mr. GRUENING. Mr. President, Alas- ka's able attorney general, Mr. George Hayes, appeared before the Senate In- terior and ImUlar Affairs Committee this morning to present testimony on S. 2881 which amends the Alaska Omnibus Act to provide assistance to help the State recover from the effects of the March 27 earthquake and subsequent seismic waves. Attorney General Hayes appeared on bhalf of Gov. William A. Egan and the Alaska congressional delegation. t6 com- ment on the 1964 amendments to the Alaska Omnibus Act. He correctly called the bill a "good bill" and he cor- rectly pointed out ways in which it could be made better. The attorney general called to the committee's attention the important fact that "due to sound financial manage- ment, we?Alaska--have always ended each fiscal year with a surplus." Alaska has done this and has provided the es- sential services needed to sustain a popu- lation of 250,000 people spread over a land area one-fifth the size of the con- tiguous 48 States. As George Hayes said: We proved we could afford statehood?but 'WO cannot afford an earthquake of the magnitude of the one that occurred on March League for Peace and Preedom in es ai 27. 1964. t_ 13 each, Fla.: "I Din writing to commend The amendments proposed by the a yOu on yotir stand in favor of negotiation torney general are simple and sound. and reevaNatiori?of ITS. olicy in Vietnam. J3- I am thoreughfi- of the opinion we should _ The first amendment would permit the never have,, sent our t e --fid-uow. Hous should withdraW. tht '''' 93's ?..:-. egfttlioiVig ? rietaldRAtigaoAnis_o3 $014 12160 Approved F o rbsz4GREggt5tuviaceAsta9 enaigheffl000 20 0159 044-4 June 8 atonal delegation 'are grateful. We are grate- ful, too, for the immediate attention given to MIT problems by the President .of the Dated States. We also recognize and are Indebted to the array of capable talent in the person of Mr. Dwight Ink, Executive Di- rector of the Coniraleelori, and his line stall. I've personally observed their hard work, their extra long hours and their devotion to the task assigned to them by Senator Axe- Inersorr. .The cooperation extended to us by all of the Federal departments and agencies could not have been better. If the aid already given together with that proposed here were to be the sum total, we could have no complaint. The omnibus bill as drafted and presented is a good bill. It goes a long way. The fact that we have suggestions to offer by way of amendments does not alter our respect for the great measure of aid incor- porated in the present form of the bill. We all hope that the two changes I am sug- gesting to you will not be mistaken by you as a sign of insufficient recognition of the good already accomplished. We would not make these requests of you If we did not firmly believe them to be essen- tial to the rate of our recovery. If the Con- gress were to agree with us in these two areas, it would cost the Federal Government somewhat more than would be the case if the bill passes in Its present form. While the State of Alaska is participating in the coat Of reconstruction, the unhappy fact is that the State government and its citizens are riot presently in a position financially to as- sist in our own recovery to the extent we Would like. It we were in a better position, we would not make this request. Prior to outlining our suggestions may I give you a brief history of the State's finan- cial position? When we became a State in 1.959 our State enjoyed a gross State product in the neigh- borhood of some $800 million a year. Our first State appropriation bill, excluding Fed- eral matching funds for items such as Fed- eral aid to highways, was In the amount of approximately $41,600,000. In 1960 the leg- islature appropriated approximately $47,200,- 000. In 1061, 00,300,000. In 1962, $87,600,- 000. In 1963, 485,300,000. In 1964, 481,- 200,000. Due to sound financial management, we have always ended each fiscal year with a surplus. The State of Alaska has, in its brief history, operated in the black. In ad- dition to these expenditures, ow State leg- islature and our citizens have authorized a capital improvement program coating 450,- 825,000?all in general obligation bonds. We've already issued $39,201,000 of these bonds for schools, roads, ferry system.. Uni- versity of Alaska, and airfields. We must yet Issue $11,824,000 to complete these programs. Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, While we take great pride in these services, these programs have never been luxury items. They provide bare essential services needed to sustain a population of 250,000 people spread over an area of nearly 600,000 square miles. We b.dve drawn upon and continue to draw upon the resources of approximately 50,000 State taxpayers. We proved we could afford statehood?but we cannot afford an earthquake of the magnitude of the one that occurred on March 27, 1964. We have no alternative but to commit our financial resources to the continuation of these minimum services if we are to main- tain our population?let alone grow. It is for this reason alone that I ask you to con- sider amendments to two areas of this bill. Section 53 of S. 2881 authorizes the HECPA Administrator to enter into contracts with our political subdivisions and the Alaska State Housing Authority for urban renewal projects. The U.S share of the net costs malty contribute the other 25 percent. Some weeks ago it had been proposed to the Com- mission by HECPA that the ratio for disaster connected urban renewal projects be changed to 90/10 percent. The various members of the Commission recognized that the cost of the urban renewal projects was an entirely new expenditure thrust upon our taxpayers as a result of the earthquake. They recog- nized. also, that we could not afford such a program if the cost to us amounted to 25 percent of the net coats. The present form of the bill reduces the total amcunt of moneys authorized for the URA programs over what had been originally proposed. Moreover, it does not authorize a 90/10 per- cent contributive ratio as had been proposed earlier. It Is estimated by the Alaska State Housing Authority that disaster-connected URA programs could have a net project cost of approximately $40 million. If the present 76-25 ratio is not changed, the State of Alaska and its cities would have to contribute $10 million of that cost. The U.S. portion would be $30 million. At a 90-10 ririci, our cost would be $4 million and the Federal cost would be $38 million. The present form of the omnibus bill authorizes a Federal contributive share not to exceed $25 million. Under this limitation, of course, the actual dollar cost to both the United States and the State and local governments is less. We believe, as does the Commission, that URA projects are an important part of our re- covery. We earnestly request that for dis- aster-connected Urban Renewal Administra- tion projects the Federal administrator be permitted to contribute up to 90 perrent of the net project costs, if. in his discretion. such a share is necessary to carry out a par- ticular program at all. We don't request that a 90-10 ratio be made mandatory, but permissive only so as to enable the urban renewal authority to implement the recovery program where State and local contributive funds simply cannot be raised on a 75-25 basis. Under present urban renewal authority. payment for property taken for urban re- newal projects is made on the basis of the value at the time of the taking. In =thy cases a disaster-connected urban renewal project will be based upon greatly depressed prices due to subsidence of the land taken for the project, or the ruination of the home on the land, or both. We would like to point out to the committee that if the URA- administrator had the legal authority to pay prices for land conaenthed or purchased at a price related to the value prior to the dis- aster, such a measure would assist consider- ably in the restoration work envisioned in the urban renewal projects. The other request we would urge the com- mittee to consider Is an amendment to sec- tion 58 of the proposed omnibus bill. Ac- cording to this section, as presently written, the State of Alaska may borrow from the U.S. Government an amount not to exceed $25 million at a present rate of interest of 3% percent. Our legislature has recently authorized issuance of bonds or borrowing authority in the amount of $12.300.000 to be used for disaster recovery purposes. This authorization by the legislature canasta of three separate programs. One Is to provide the State's share of matching funds for the reconstruction of our highways. A second Is to provide for a State's share not to ex- ceed 10 percent of the net project costs of disaster-connected urban renewal projects in the State. The third authorizes tae ex- penditure of up to $2 million for rebuilding of public buildings that OEP and other funds may not be available to us for one reason or another, Our State commissioner of revenue has compiled a table showing the amount of in- terest the State would be required to pay of such projects, unapr_present, pver 40 4 75 percent of such cosaisPpraveuer elexcekearte stoner has also compiled a table assuming a loan at 3% percent of only 312,300,000. The table shows a total amount of interest Alaska would have to pay over 40 years on a $25 million loan. That amount is over 318% million. On a $12,300,000 loan from the Federal Govern- ment the amount of interest over 40 years is over $9,140,000. The Commissioner of Rev- enue has also compiled tables showing what our interest rates would be at 3% percent (which is the rate which will be in force on July 1 according to our understanding). For the purposes of comparison, he has drafted tables of the total cost in dollars to the State if the State were to borrow moneys from the United States in the amount of $25 million at 3 percent and 2 percent. He has also drafted similar tables for a loan of $12,- 300.000. Although the total price in dollars over 40 years would not be high to a State more fully developed financially than we, it is high to Us. We have obligated, ourselves already as a State for more than $39 million in general obligation bonds. We shall soon be paying an average of $2% million a year principal and interest on these general obli- gation bonds. We do not know to what ex- tent our growth rate has been slowed by the earthquake. We do know, for instance, that our gross tax collections for the month of May were $1,344,000 less than May of 1963. We ordinarily would have expected an in- crease of gross tax collections over May of 1963 of some $350.000. This would have been our normal growth rate. Thus, when the grows tax collection shortfall is coupled with the gross tax collection we did not get due to our failure to grow it amounts to $1,694.- 244. This does not include State tax refunds which will be made due to losses caused by the earthquake. Thus our ability to pay for our ow-n recovery is not as strong as we wish It were. We would urge the committee to amend the omnibus bill and reduce the rate of interest on any loans made by the U.S. Government to Alaska to a rate lower than 3% percent. As can be seen from the tables compiled by our Commissioner of Revenue, a difference of 1 percent over 40 years on a loan of $12,300.000 amounts to 32% million. This Is a considerable amount of money. As to our regular general obligation bonds, our financial advisers tell us that we can expect to pay a high interest rate on the open market. Their view Is that we may have to pay as high as 4% or 4% percent. Members of the U.S. Treasury agree that our current credit standing has been im- paired and that a sale of the remainder of our general obligation bonds now or in the near future would require us to pay an ab- normally high interest rate. Our present program calls for a sale of general obligation bonds in the amount of $7,200,000 during the next fiscal year, probably next spring. We are hoping that our credit position will im- prove considerably by next spring. We be- lieve it will. Federal aid surely will not be lost on bond buyers. Your assistance al- ready provided and to be provided will prob- ably bring the interest rate, we will be re- quired to pay, down to levels we can live with. But no one can be sure. In order to make certain we can carry out our necessary, normal capital improvement program, we would like to have the assistance applied to our regular bond issue that is being pres- ently proposed in this omnibus bill for dis- aster loans. This assistance may not be necessary. Hopefully we can obtain a favor- able rate_of interest by next spring. But, if we cannot?and if the Federal Government will submit a bid for our bonds at a rate of Interest of 3% or 3% percent, or whatever rate money costs the United States?we can be assured that our regular capital improve- ment program will continue. Such assistance should not cost the Federal Government any riptffleitaglYedthseta ferse v a iAl inndg tOtatigiNletriMSP4M0 I .41 I