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Approved ForRse 2005/02/10 : CIA-RDP66B00403ROQ400160025-4 1964 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE 19831 society, and concentrate their efforts In those points,and places which are key-not only because.. of their potentiality for influence but also because of their capacity for demo. craticleadershi Ican think of no propositions more widely accepted in Washington than these. Our As- sistant Secretary of State for Inter-Ameri- can Affairs, Thomas C. Mann, who regretted very much Indeed that he could not be here today, and whose special greetings I bring to you, had this to s4"`1e'ss than a month ago: 3 "I should like to state, in the very begin- ning-and to say it very clearly-that the Government and people of the United States do not forget that their own Nation was born In revolution. "Nor can we forget that the process of social, economic, and political change in our'countryhas been continuous since 1776. It still goes on. We still seek that kind of change which will bring about "We therefore have a natural sympathy and affinity for those government`s who seek change and progress. Those governments which institute bold, soundly conceived pro- grams of reform designed to achieve national and Individual freedom, a'high and sustained level of economic growth, a greater degree of social justice, and equal opportunity for all to rise as high in society as their talents and efforts will take them, will find warmhearted sympathy in Washington." That Secretary Mann's position Is sup- ported in depth by the highest authority, of the U.S. Government"ls equally clear. Presi- dent Johnson himself recently said. "To struggle to stand still in Latin America is just to 'throw the sand against the wind.' "We must, of course, always be on -guard 'against Communist subversion. But anti- coiininunisnt alone will never suffice to in- sure our, liberty or fulfill our dreams. That is going to take leadership, leadership that Is dedicated to economic progress without un- 066h6thic privilege,` to social change which enhances social justice, to political reform which widens human freedom." Likewise at his meeting with ambas- sadors at the White House on May 11, 1964, to review the Alliance for Progress, Presi- "We will continue to join with you to en- courage democracy until we build a hemi- sphere of free nations from the Tierra del Fuego to the Arctic Circle. "But the charter of the Alliance is not confined to political democracy. It com- nlazids a peaceful, democratic, social revolu- , tiorl across the hemisphere. It calls upon us to throw open the gates of opportunity * ' '* to the poor and to the oppressed. It asks that unjust ,privilege be ended and that un- fair power be curbed. The President said, "We say now, if a peaceful revolution is impossible, a violent THE LATIN AMERICAN FRONTLINE President Johnson was addressing himself to this hemisphere-to those "20 nations * * * who take strength from the richness of their diversity." ? And what he said has particular relevance to this hemisphere be- cause of . the changing world challenge we have been discussing this morning. For at the height of the cold war, the American Re- publics were geographically not on the front- lines. Although presumably no one wanted to be closer to the frontlines, there was a feel- ing in some quarters that less attention was being paid to our hemispheric problems be- cause of their distance from the fray. The converse is true under today's condi- tions of nuclear stalemate. Today the prob- lems confronting this hemisphere move more and more to the forefront. They become less and less distinguishable from the problems which the new forms of Communist aggres- sion present worldwide. Vast oceans protect us less against these new forms than they did against the old. Targets for Communist at- tention in the Americas are now as inviting as they are anywhere in Africa, or the Middle East, or in south and southeast Asia. Indeed, Latin America may appear to Mos- cow and Peiping to be especially valuable ex- perimentally. In a sense the Communists may :think they can risk more in Latin America. Cuba was a risk. The Communists lost gravely there in October 1962, but they by no means lost everything. Moreover, there is a special advantage which the Com- munists think they see in this hemisphere. They hope to manipulate in a direct way whatever specific anti-United States feeling they can find. They tell themselves that they can find it here in the Western Hemisphere more than elsewhere, and they would like to exploit the opportunity for as much as it is worth. This hemisphere of ours has a rich and politically honored tradition' against "inter- vention" from the outside, a feeling which we North Americans came to respect after a few unhappy and misguided attempts to infringe upon it ourselves in the Central American and Caribbean areas two generations ago. Yet as Communist-inspired threats to the peace and violations of human rights begin to occur increasingly within countries, rather than by direct aggression across borders, the ambit of our common interest grows. It does so In spite of our deep convictions for "sov- ereignty" and against "intervention." We all, in fact, have a stake in each successful popular government in the hemisphere. In this connection the international com- munity, too, will have to address itself in- creasingly to new, imaginative, and legal means for the internal safeguarding of our common interests. Recent United Nations activities in the Congo, Cyprus, and now Cambodia are hopeful examples of inter- national action legitimatizing international intervention, just as the OAS action at the time of the Cuban missile crisis provided a necessary legal basis for inspection-by-re- connaissance over Cuba against a threat which endangered the whole hemisphere. Then, too, there is another form of in- ternational involvement going on which will affect us more and more-an increasing internationalization of specialists. Military experts and advisers from various countries will be called upon, often under international auspices, for service in a variety of ways in foreign lands. Increasing attention is be- ing paid to the new role of armies in transi- tional societies: the active furtherance in an orderly manner of the processes of progres- sive change. Successful experience in Latin America could become an invaluable labo- ratory for useful transplantation elsewhere. But most of all, this new, diverse, differ- entiated world confronts us all with choices-with opportunities for deliberate preferences in the reordering of our priorities. For you as for us, there will be decisions on the proper allocation of resources to and within your military budgets. There will be decisions on how to shape and keep power appropriate to your real needs. a Ibid., June 1, 1964, p. 857. For you as for us, it will be necessary to *Ibid.,'May 11, 1964, p. 726. warn against overoptimism, false assump- Ibid? June 1, 1964, p. 854. tions, and temptations toward collective For an addresp by President Johnson on 'streaks of indecisiveness. There will be the the third anniver?ary of the Alliance for problem of acting when action is required, Prpgress, see ibid., Apr. 6,,1964, p. 536. at the same time as we resist impulses for cheap victories, short-term results, simple slogans, and easy solutions. For you as for us, there will be the neces- sity to follow several policies at once, taking initiatives all the while we hedge against their failure. There will be certain in- herited and declining situations which seem to have gone beyond the point of reversal or arrest. There will be new claims on your attention and new appeals for your support. For you as for us, answering the demand for economic and social progress will become essential, not only as an ideological prefer- ence but as a strategic necessity. In the struggle we face, economic growth and social reform are as critically important as military strength itself. We in the United States are still committed wholeheartedly to all three. As the leaders of the American Armed Forces, you have a,unique chance to influ- ence these developments in a favorable di- rection. In many cases you alone can pro- vide the crucial margin of influence which will spell success or failure. You know, bet- ter than most others, that power cannot in- definitely become a substitute for people. In the very nature of your work you have op- portunities to set the course of your coun- tries toward progress rooted in popular in- volvement, motivation, training,civic action, and citizenship-identifying yourselves with, and working among, the people whom armies and navies and air forces are supposed to serve. I know that there is a growing ap- preciation in Washington and elsewhere that many of you are already doing just that. Everywhere all of our efforts are increas- ingly mixing civilian and military ingre- dients. Combating subversion is a typical case in point. But the subversion of the Communists cannot be met by subverting the Constitution in the process. In the long sweep of history the subversion of the right may be just as dangerous In terms of prob- able results for the hemisphere as the sub- version of the left. The situation itself Is revolutionary. We have the choice of join- ing the revolution and channeling it into the most constructive possible paths, or op- posing it and delivering its leadership to forces which can destroy most that we hold dear. Much of what I have said, indeed, adds up to a requirement for a "revolution from above." PREDICAMENT AND PROPHECY So I return to my beginning. The search- ing questions remain: Can we cooperate as well without the cementing fear of immi- nent nuclear catastrophe? Can we continue to organize for the "common defense" at the time when that defense is becoming more complicated? Can we join in creating the only lasting immunity against aggression from without or within-the quick and ef- fective building of better societies? Of course there are still a good many ways in which the world can stumble into world war III. We could all be brought up short again by a sudden new crisis pitting us against the U.S.S.R. once more on familiar cold war lines. But in the absence of such a crisis, all of us who cherish freedom will have to work harder together if we are to maintain our unity and cohesion in this new world with its emerging diversities and its requirements for flexibility. We shall have to consult one another more frequently and have to search harder for new and more imaginative forms of cooperation. We can less and less rely on our enemies to do our political thinking for us. From all over the world this many-sided challenge is taking on a new urgency: Act now, white men, brown men, black men, Asians, Africans, Europeans and Americans. Act now together, creatively, ahead of chaos, so that this new opportunity is not lost, so that the tragic debacles of China and Indo- china and Cuba need not become a pattern of an even larger tragedy. Act now, for in the Approved For Release 2005/02/10 : CIA-RDP66B00403R000200160025-4 Approved For Release 2005/02/10 : CIA-RDP66B 0403R000200160025-4 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE August 19 next 10 years positive ideas, dedicated people, and peaceful action may do what no extra amount of guns, bombs, and bloodshed can ever accomplish later. As we consider the challenge to this hemi- sphere, we can remember with profit the lesson of Bolivar's life and work-that revolu- tions can stagnate It they are not followed by the release of creative social energy. In the despair of his last days on earth, the Liberator lamented: "To serve a revolution is to plow the sea." "We must fearlessly lay the foundation of South American liberty." he had warned at an earlier moment of victory. "To hesitate is destruction." His warning, unheeded, had become prophetic. And so too the time has comefor each of us, In his own way, in his own position of responsibility, in his own American Repub- lic, to heed the words of Lincoln, as poignant for our own generation as they were a hun- dred years ago: "The dogmas of the quiet past are Inade- quate to the stormy present. The occasion In piled high with difficulty, and we must rise with the occasion. As our case is new, so we must think anew and act anew. We must disenthrall ourselves, and then w all save our country." WARMABING POLICIES 0 UNITED STATES IN ASIA Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed at an appropriate place in the body of the RECORD a sampling of the correspondence I have received in the last few days in support of my position concerning the warmaking policies of the United States in Asia. There being no objection, the corre- spondence was ordered to be printed in the REcoin, as follows: Senator MoasE: I salute thee for your mili- tant stand against continuing the war in Vietnam. I salute thee for denouncing a most flag- rant of unconstitutional moves-giving the power to declare war to the Chief Executive of the United States. Your are an American. Respectfully, NINO J. MAIDA. HAYWARD, CALIr. Senator MORSE: bongratulations on the stand you took regarding the Vietnam crisis. I can't Imagine the courage it took for you to stand alone in the Senate on this issue. This is just a note to thank you for that courage. Too bad I can't vote for you next time. God bless you, CHARLES Pu'riEY. AuovsT 4, 1964. As citizens and active Democratic club members, deeply concerned for maintaining peace, wishing to express our attitudes to- ward foreign policy Democratic administra- tion, we have resolved urge you as we have urged President Johnson to continue all ef- forts toward solution of the grave situa- tion in southeast Asia, not through unilateral military action and reaction but by honor- able negotiation through United Nations. STUDIO CITY DEMOCRATIC CLUB. THousawD OAKS, August 12, 1964. Hon. WAYNE MORSE, Washington, D.C. DEAR SIR: I thank you for your courage and understanding Of the world situation. I am referring in particular to Vietnam. There are too few of you. It was like a voice in the wilderness. I have watched closely U.S. politics for over 50 years. It frightens me. I saw bodies washed ashore in the First World War. I cried then and I have cried since when I think of all the unnecessary suffering, grief, and devastation caused by avarice, greed, and lust for power. Again, in 1947, I saw the terrible havoc war causes. I saw Europe In shock. I beard then and I still hear cries of anguish of the innocent victims, children, nick, old, and helpless. Why? How long? It must not happen again. You, the Sen- ator from Alaska, and a few, too few, men in high places must arouse the inarticulate people whose very existence depends on peace. Thank you again for giving a little hope. Sincerely, Mrs. INCA LEE DEISTS. ALDERwooD MANOR. WASH., August 13, 1964. Hon. Senator WAYNE MORSE. Washington, D.C. DEAR SIR: Thank you for revealing to us the truth about the Vietnam attack. It takes courage to do that and you have it. Very truly, Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I commend your courageous and principled vote against the resolution which, as you said. was a "pre- dated declaration of war." It is deplorable that the excellent speeches against our dangerous and immoral involvement In South Vietnam, made by you and Senator GauElvxNO, have not been ade- quately covered in the press here. I am sure that it more Americans knew the facts of our actions In Vietnam there would be more support for the position you so ably advocate. Sincerely yours. LYLE and BARBARA MERCER. STUDIO CITY, CALIF., August 10, 1964. The Honorable WAYNE MORSE, Senator, State o/ Oregon, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I admire and respect the statement you made concerning our at- tack upon North Vietnam. Your high ideals and concern for ethical principles has cer- tainly gained my admiration for a long time. I thought I would drop you a note and tell you that I am behind you. I am sure that God's universal laws are fighting with you in the attempt you are making to bring our people to a realistic and spiritual under- standing of their world responsibilities. Sincerely yours. RAYMOND K. Rms. MIAMI, FLA., August 17,1964- lion. SENATOR Wav NE MORSE, Senate of the United States, Washington, D.C. DEAR SIR: It is certainly gratifying that someone Is vocal about this Vietnam hysteria. Why should we force our values at the cost of our children's lives upon people whose out- look and way of life are totally different from ours and beside, live on the other aide of the planet? Awareness to Castro and other sub- versives is evident. But risking war with 12 million Chinese glaring at us seems as futile as to help Rumania or Bulgaria escape from the Iron Curtain. Repulsive dictator De Gaulle has his big feet on the ground when be speaks of neutralization. I hope our leaders will listen to commonsense. Respectfully. THERESE DE CORIOLIS. HOLLYWOOD, CALIF., August 14, 1964. Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I think it appropriate that Americans from all parts of the country not merely your own constituents, make known to you their appreciation for the con- sistent courage, sobriety, and devotion to principle which you demonstrate in the con- duct of your office. Your willingness to be the lonely if not the lone voice for rationality and peace in the Senate, as evidenced by your recent vote against the Vietnam war resolu- tion beneats all Americans, not merely those who elect you. The courage required to re- sist the juggernaut of war hysteria is ad- mirable. This Is particularly true in an era like the.present one in which in one short generation we have seen developed in our country, a large, rich, bureaucratic Military Establishment, a strong know-nothing right- wing movement and an intimidated middle- of-the-road body politic that is becoming as fearful of being called liberal as it was a decade ago of being called radical. On behalf of numerous colleagues and friends In the Los Angeles area, I wish to ex- press our thanks to you for your courage and your wisdom and our hope that we and all Americans will continue to benefit from them for many years to come. Sincerely yours, NORMAN G. RUDMAN. BERKFL FY, CALIF., August 12, 1964. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I should like to ex- press both my admiration for your courage in your solitary fight against the U.S. policy in Vietnam. and my support for the princi- ples you have enunciated in this fight. With- out doubt, U.S. policy toward southeast Asia is not only morally wrong, but also politically foolish; morally, we now symbolize a reac- tionary power determined to prevent any national, social revolution; politically we have the effect of pushing the nonalined Asian and African countries into the Red Chinese sphere. Please keep up your dissent. SYBIL WEIR. EDMONDS, WASH., August 12, 1964. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR: Please be advised your stand on "aid" and Asia greatly appreciated. Good thing someone tries to correct things. GRANT RILEY. P.S.-I have heard many favorable com- ments on your efforts on this as well as the oil lobby. WOODINVILLE, WASH., August 9, 1964. DEAR SENATOR MoasE: Please accept my thanks for the way that you voted on the recent Vietnam legislation. I am fully aware that I am probably in the minority on this Issue, but it is extremely pleasant to know that there Is at least one U.S. Senator who is seriously concerned.with preventing the outbreak of a third world war. I hope your vote will help to influence some of your colleagues. Sincerely, FEDERAL WAY, WASH., August 11, 1964. Senator WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate. Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: This is the first time In my 63 years that I have written to a Con- gressman. I'm not proud of this and men- Approved For Release 2005/02/10 : CIA-RDP66B00403R000200160025-4 Approved For R se 2005/02/10: CIA-RDP66B00403R 00200160025-4 1964 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE tion It only to emphasize the esteem in which I hold your actions and record in Congress. I certainly do not know if you are always ght, but right or wrong,' it least you do ri not Imitate`a sheep. In fact, you remind me of those 12. "willful Senators" of the World War I era. Borah, Norris, and others. Per- haps I admire you because I suppose that I am an isolationist, I don't know whether or not you are, but'I really became enthused today in listening to an interview (over radio) in which you stated that we are some- times the aggressor and also squander our money throughout the world. I would like it if you were a Senator from my State. I hope providence will give you a long, and I am sure a useful life. Very truly yours, HAROLD C. NIMRICK. WASHINGTON COURT HOUSE, OHIO, August 13, 1964. Senator WAYNE MORSE. DEAR SENATOR: I want to thank you for your words and vote on the war in Vietnam. .Unless our country can develop an intelli- gent and strong opposition, I despair of democratic government. Thank you and may your courage increase. Sincerely yours, WILBUR W. KAMP. P.S.-Sorry my Senators couldn't vote with you. REDOING, CALIF., August 11, 1964. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR MR. MORSE: I wish to express my agreement with and appreciation of your opposition to President Johnson's recent ac- tion in bombing North Vietnam. I believe it was a grave abuse of power, and in the long run can have only tragic results. It was encouraging that you pointed out the moral significance of the action, for sure- ly war is immoral and we must be held ac- countable for the havoc and death that we have imposed upon a helpless people with our backing of South Vietnam. It is sad that there are so few in our Gov- ernment that are capable of reasoned and independent action, and I hope that you will still find the courage to speak out for peace and right. I am sure that there are many who are grateful to you as I am. Yours sincerely, 'Mrs. GRACE SMITH. LOS ANGELES, CALIF., august 14, 1964. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Washington, D.C. Senator WAYNE MORSE: Your fighting abil- ity to expose the South Vietnam brush fire war is appreciated by the people who think. One million dollars a day could buy a lot of rice and still build friendly relations with peoples of "the World. International trade with all nations is the only way to maintain the peace of the world. Any other way is death for all. ' MONTELL T. KINSTAD. SAN ANSELMO, CALIF., August 10, 1964. Hon. WAYssE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. Dear,BENATOR "MoiisE May I express to you my unbounded approval and admiration of your voting against the President's emer- gency resolution re southeast Asia and hearty agreement that the resolution is "a predated declaration of war." I believe that U.S. intervention in South Vietnam should cease, not be increased. No. 163-34 From reading the "Memo on Vietnam" by D. McReynolds and A. J. Muste, published by the War Resisters League, 6 Beekman Street, N.Y., I cannot but feel that the U.S. policy there has been one of utter folly and futility, both politically and militarily. There is good reason to suppose that the Indochinese states could, if they were left to be neutral and Independent, could do the same thing in regard to China as Yugoslavia, Albania, and Rumania have done in relation to U.S.S.R. Chinese domination over Indo- china is not inevitable but it is made more certain by the intransigence of current Amer- ican policy. China will accept neutral or independent Communist states to her south, but she will not tolerate an American base on her borders, as she demonstrated at great cost to every- one in Korea. It is my earnest hope that all peace minded and liberal people and organization will speak out now, uncompromisingly, for the immedi- ate end of the war in South Vietnam and de- mand support of plans toward the neutral- ization of the Indochinese states, ending all attempts to draw them into our pattern of military alliances. Most respectfully yours, ROSALIND WATKIN. PHILADELPHIA, PA., August 14, 1964. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: May I commend you for your dissenting vote on the fight-if-we- must resolution introduced by President Johnson. I agree with you on the Vietnam situation. I only regret that our Congress has so few clear thinking statesmen as yourself and Senator ERNEST GRUENING. Respectfully, WOODSTOCK, N.Y., August 14, 1964. HOE. WAYNE B. MORSE, U.S. Senator, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Enclosed is a copy of a letter I sent to the New York Times. I thought it might be of interest to you. If you, or perhaps Senator GRUENING, should by any chance wish to make use of it, you are free to do so. Sincerely, EDWARD SCHINDELER. "WOODSTOCK,-K Y., "August 11, 1964. "THE EDITOR, "The New York Times, "New York, N.Y. "DEAR SIR: In the wake of last week's crisis in southeast Asia, some things were done and some things were said that in their political and moral significance may well prove to be of greater and more lasting importance than the event which evoked them, serious and ugly though this was in itself. First in point of time and weightiness was the passage of the resolution giving the President practi- cally blanket power to escalate the Vietnam conflict by taking whatever military action he may personally deem warranted by events or conditions. By this action the Congress sur- rendered by an almost unanimous vote the power specifically vested in itself in article 8, to 'declare war'; and, in the parlance of the time, to 'grant letters of marque and reprisal, and make rules concerning captures on land and water'-or, in effect, to regulate whatever belligerent action the tithe and place would justify or require, in the judgment of the "Following the passage of the resolution President Johnson, in expressing his satis- 19833 faction, said: 'I am sure the American peo- ple join me in expressing the deepest ap- preciation to the leaders and members of both parties * * * for their patriotic, resolute and rapid action.' In the total absence of proof, the President at the very least was guilty of overweening conceit in presum- ing to speak for the American people on so momentous an issue. Merely on the basis of casual talk, this writer is convinced that he is not speaking for himself alone in (a) challenging Mr. Johnson's confident assump- tion of all but unanimous approval of his own actions and congressional servility, and (b) voicing a strenuous protest both on behalf of dissenting Senators MORSE and GRUENING and those citizens who are in agreement with them, against the gross and libelous implication that they are deficient in pa- triotism as well as resolution. Far from wanting to bestow praise on Congress for its hasty, if not hysterical, acquiescence on the strength of what Senator MORSE came close to describing as a deliberately U.S.- provoked crisis, we not only deplore the 'rapid' surrender of its much publicized and tirelessly taught function of providing a check and balance to executive power, but see the congressional action as a craven ab- dication of its moral as well as political re- sponsibility in direct contravention of the unspoken mandate they have from the peo- ple to uphold the Constitution and do noth- ing to weaken or undermine it. "It remained for one of the more univer- sally respected Senators to supply the clue to the congressional reasoning that led to the precipitant granting of the President's demands. Senator GEORGE D. AIKEN said: 'I am still apprehensive of the outcome of the President's decision, but * * * as a citizen I feel I must support our President whether his decision is right or wrong.' "This is a restatement in personal terms of Stephen Decatur's 'My country right or wrong.' And since the Decatur dictum is mostly oratorical balderdash because one's country, whether in the abstract sense or in the physical can never be wrong, we are obliged to Senator AIKEN for correctly inter- preting Decatur's 'country' to stand for noth- ing more than the party or President in power, and in doing so, to expose it for the unwarranted submission to temporal political figureheads it apostrophizes by indirection. "Unfortunately, the Senator did not ap- pear aware of the enormity contained in his words. We take it as axiomatic that a free citizen does not give his conscience in the keeping of another, whether he be an alder- man or a President. This would be so even if the President were as towering a figure as Washington or Jefferson or Lincoln, i.e., of a moral and 'intellectual or humanitarian caliber that has long been absent from the Washington scene. We submit that it is the citizen's civic as well as his moral duty to oppose wrongness on every level. To do otherwise is to become a party and accessory to wrongdoing and result in a culpability that, at this juncture, may range from sim- ple involvement in local or domestic villainy to the heinous crime of abetting a universal atomic holocaust with the destruction for eons to come of such measure of civilization as mankind has achieved to date. "EARL SCHINDELER." Hon. WAYNE MORSE: Please find enclosed clippings which may be of interest for your office file. The Chris- tian Science Monitor's statement that fur- ther involvement is "unavoidable" sounds like predestination. Even if our policy in Asia were entirely morally correct it would not change the fact that our course of action is Irrational. Approved For Release 2005/02/10 : CIA-RDP66B00403R000200160025-4 19834 Approved or Release 2005/02/10 : CIA-RDP66B00403R000200160025-4 R.~. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE August 19 A good military commander does not attack a position which he knows he can't take just because he knows it should be his hill. What is most disturbing is the apparent lack of any serious advance planning with a presentation of clear-cut realistic alterna- tives. As my letter indicates I commend you and Senator ERNEST ORUENING for your courage on this Issue. Sincerely, PRINCETON, N.J., August 17, 1964. HOn. WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENA'DR MORSE: Just a note to let you know that you have not been speaking to an entirely inattentive audience. For what it is worth, you have my support in your protest against the administration's policies in South Vietnam. I suppose it is too much to hope that American political parties could speak and act sensibly in for- eign affairs during an election year, but I think you are to be commended for the effort; and I hope you will keep trying. I have been out of the country a good por- tion of the past month and have not seen verbatim copies of your speeches. If you have any reprints available, I would like very much to see them. Sincerely, Los ANGELES, CALIF., August 17, 1964. Hon. ERNEST GRUENING, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR GRQENING: Thank you very much for your letter of August 13 and for the copy of the CONGRESSIONAL REcoin of August 11. 1964, pages 18426-18452. 1. was particularly interested in the list of loans appearing at pages 18428 and 18429, all of them for 40 years. It might as well have been 1,000 years, as none of them will ever be repaid. The purposes for which these so-called loans were made are simply in- credible. I note that the total of the loans made by the AID during the calendar year 1963, at three-fourths of 1 percent interest (on money borrowed by us at, I suppose, about 3 percent) Is $1,057,925,000. 1 confi- dently venture the assertion that most of this money was wasted and am amazed that even the bureaucrats who dandle these matters would not have better sense. Referring to the Vietnam venture, you were quoted recently In some publication as saying that that entire enterprise was not worth the life of one American soldier. I am in complete agreement With that senti- ment. Query: Although the President of the United States Is Commander in Chief of the Army and Navy, does he have the power to send American soldiers to risk their lives In wars between contending political factions in other countries? The Congress is the only agency which has the power to declare war, and it has not done so, Is our Inter- ference In South Vietnam anything more than a private enterprise undertaken by Kennedy and now continued, in a greatly amplified form, by Johnson? I hope there will be additional voices raised in the Con- gress against our interference in a fight between political factions in a tiny coun- try 10,000 miles away in which we have no legitimate interest. Very truly yours, WALTER L. NOSSAMAN. Hon. WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I am writing this .note to express my appreciation and support of your courageous action in speaking and voting against the resolution endorsing the President's recent military action in North Vietnam and any such military actions as he may wish to take at any time in the future. I know that many more Americans agree with you than are willing to express their agreement, and that most Americans would agree it they were not misinformed by the self-censored media of mass communication. I hope that some future President will make our actions in international affairs conform to our Image of ourselves as cham- pions of freedom and decency. Sincerely. MARVIN Mn.LER, MORRISVILLE, PA., August 17, 1964. Senator WAYNE MORSE, The Senate Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: For being so consist- ent In your fight to do what is humanly right, may I commend you. So few have spoken so forthright as you before the U.S. Senate In condemning this insidious war In Vietnam. What blinds our Congress in endorsing this needless fight that can only lead to total destruction for everyone? Your cour- age and brilliance and love of human life make you outstanding. Long life to you and may you be strong to continue to speak for the defenseless people. Sincerely, BROOKLYN, N.Y., August 17, 1964, Senator WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR: From time to time, your statements In the U.S. Senate in opposition to our Government's policy in the Far Rest- especially with respect to events in South Vietnam--have been reported in the press. I find your opposition to the administra- tion's disastrous course very enlightening. It is regrettable that few such voices are to be found in Congress. r would very much appreciate it if you could send me reprints of your many speeches dejling with this subject. Sincerely yours, LAHEwooD, CALIF., August 14, 1964. Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DAR SENATOR MossE: This note Is just to let you know how greatly r and my friends honor you and Senator GEVENING for your continuing and effective opposition to our illegal involvement in South Vietnam. It took courage of a special order to vote "No" on the resolution giving broad powers to President Johnson. I am reminded of Rep- resentative Jeannette Rankin who twice said "I cannot vote for war." She gave up her political career In thus voting her conscience. But she will be long remembered. I do what I can through Women Strike for Peace. and just yesterday we heard Gail Eaby (of Inglewood, Calif.) telling of her trip to The Hague with the NATO Women's Peace Force, to protest the spreading of nuclear weapons, through NATO, to West Germany and other nations. We deplore in particular the secrecy currently being imposed-so that details of the atomic agreements cannot be seen even by the Congress, except for mem- bers of two committees. No nuclear weapons to Germany, now or later. No need for you to reply; your valuable time can be put to better use in carrying on the struggle. Sincerely, NORTH HOLLYWOOD, CALIF., August 14, 1964. DEAR SENATOR WAYNE MORSE: I commend you on your statement on our presence in South Vietnam. Be courageous dear Sena- tor, we are with you. Thankfully yours, NORTH HOLLYWOOD, CALIF. DEAR SENATOR WAYNE MORSE: I enjoyed your speech on the Senate floor. Continue your good work. We all are rooting for you. Thankfully yours, BREMERTON, WASH., August 14, 1964. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I fully support your opposition to the escalation of the war in Vietnam. I feel strongly that U.S. support of Dicta- tor Khanh and his ambitions makes a mock- ery of America's oft stated "commitment to freedom." President Johnson may need this incident to help in his campaign and the U.S. Navy may need this incident to justify existence at its present size, but I certainly have no need for more war and I doubt if the peoples of the world need more war. Thank you, PORT JERVIS, N.Y., August 17, 1964. Hon. WAYNE MoasE, DEAR Sea: I wish to express my gratitude to you for your recent stand on the involve- ment of this country in southeast Asia. As you measured the possible loss of life and all the attendant grief and suffering against the possible gain and found that the lives of our sons was more valuable, you reached. I am sure, the only rational, and, therefore, Christian conclusion possible. I know it took great courage to do what you did. I admire you and respect you and will be eternally grateful for what you did. I also intend to write in your name for President in the next election. And I am telling all my friends what I am going to do. This brings up another point: The diffi- culty of writing in a name on the voting machine. I believe this is deliberately made difficult to discourage write-ins, thus re- taining greater control of the election by the two major parties. I believe, sir, that the truly worthwhile thing in the Constitution is we can change our form of economic or social life without resource to violence. It there- fore follows that if the individual feels that neither party is giving him a chance to vote for what he wants he can do it anyway. And it should be just as easy to vote for someone, not endorsed by a party as it is to vote for their candidates. Therefore, I believe the present situation as regards to write-ins is both illegal and unconstitutional. It does not give equal opportunity to all candidates and all voters. And every qualified person in this country is a candidate. Approved For Release 2005/02/10 : CIA-RDP66B00403R000200160025-4 Approved For Rise 2005/02/10: CIA-RDP66B00403RO Q00160025-4 96k e 0 " ESSIfO1 AL sRE Okb SE A [E trite-ins should be encouraged by making obvious, and the apparently less obvious .. it as easy' as possible to write in a name. threat to the system of checks and balances It, might even ultimately prevent a revolu- in our Government and likely atrophy of tion. Because I' do not believe that we will of democratic processes resulting from such tolerate forever governments forcibly taking an action Is foreboding for the freedom of our sons forcibly and 'unc'onstitutionally, this Nation. and sending thin to foreign lands, to sup- Perhaps through some fault of my own I port governments over which we have no was not able to find in the newspapers the control. text of your speech opposing our recent ac- I do not'fee'i that when T'predge allegiance tions in southeast Asia. Since I do not have to the flag I give my Government the right ready access to the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD, I to bargain my life and the lives of my sons am hoping you have copies of your speech for the benefit of dictators and governments available for distribution. References to who can start wars on any pretext and whose other regisrtations of protest by you and Sen- policies are not subject to me for approval. ator GRUENING, of Alaska on the present situ- . The constitutionality of our present voting ation in southeast Asia would be most wel- xnachines should be tested. I believe it come also, as the coverage of the American would be healthier and safer if we, the peo- press on legislators' views opposing a more pie, had a better chance to nominate our aggressive policy in southeast Asia seems to own candidates, by write-ins. ~ be at best muffled. Once again I wish to congratulate you Sincerely yours, I LEIF C. W. LANDBERG. ou t tit d o y u e and express my deepest gra . am sure you will be blessed for your courage and integrity. GEQRGE;F. MCCULLOUGI3. IS WARTHMORE, PA., -August 15,1964. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Washington, D.C. MY ,DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I strongly sup- port your efforts to'brirlg about a change in policy in regard to Vietnam. Sincerely yours, PALO ALTO, CALIF., August 14,1964. DEAR SENATOR-:, Heartfelt thanks to you for opposing the President s' shooting war deci- slon-which was not even properly debated in Congress. If the world Is saved this time, thanks will go to such as you and Senator GRUENING. .. ... Respectfully, LENA VARNECK. Los ANGELES, CALIF., August 12,_1964. HOn? WAYNE MORSE, U.S. "Senate Washington b.L'. DEAR? Srn While you have consistently shown yourself to be a man of great in- tegrity, it rnust?be especially difficult during this Vietnam affair, when so many, swept up in the cold war hysteria,' refuse to let .nationalism compromise with reason. Please know that there are many of u''s who greatly our courage and stand by you in admire Y the hope that your views, although now in dissent, will eventually prevail. ` l incere y , ARTHUR MARGOLIS. JAY RUSKIN. Senator WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate. Washington, D.C. DEAR SIR: In the face of overwhelming bi- partisan support of the President's recent ac- tions in southeast Asia, it is heartening that at least two Senators have the courage to question both the political and military mo- tivations for the attack on North Vietnam and the U.S. foreign policy in southeast Asia. 11 I have come to distrust official dispatches to the press about the situation in Vietnam as well as most other reportage on the ad- ministration's most' recent war -efforts in South Vietnam. I was particularly distfessed to see how summarily most newspaper dis- missed the opposition to the Point resolution granting the President advance approval in all steps deemed necesary by him to "repel any attack on U.S. forces in southeast Asia." The threat to peace hi southeast Asia, and indeed in the world, in such an action is SAN JOSE, CALIF., August 11, 1-964. Hon. WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: In the past few months I have become increasingly con- cerned over the course of American policy in southeast Asia, and ever increasingly in- terested and gratified by your continued pub- lic questioning of this policy. I have learned, but only from the most indirect sources, certainly not the press, that your speeches before the Senate are well worth the reading, and I should be very grateful if I 'could somehow lay my hands on any or all of your recent public comments op: this subject. Through the years I have come to rely on you, and recently Senator CLARK, for honest observations on American public policy. I should like to take this opportunity to encourage you to continue to call a spade a spade. Very sincerely, CHARLES L. SULLIVAN. RIDLEY PARK, PA. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: May I tender my heartfelt thanks for your lonely and coura- geous stand on the recent events in south- east Asia. It is a frightening thing that only you and Senator GRUENING should be the only Senators with the sanity to oppose these acts of war on the part of the United States of America under the cynical guise of freedom and democracy, I fear for he future of my country when I compare the deadly parallel of the lack of response of the citizens of the United States with that of Germany in the 1930's. Are we bereft of every constructive emotion _and faculty that these events go on, supported by the "liberals" as well as the lunatic fringe? What has happened to Senator CLARKS who decries the degeneration of Congress into a "dead branch"? Must we have more "Bays of Pigs" while the American public remains blissfully ignorant of the most basic facts. Or is it more Important that President Johnson indulge in the antiquated horse trading and politics of a generation ago While space age realities snuff out humani- ties? The God of power has made us not only blind but mad. How far can the end be? How soon will China have the weapons to 'retaliate in kind? In Poland in 1958 at the Poznan Trade Fair I saw, an exhibit of Chi- nese machine tools that were of very ad- vanced design; so it may be sooner than the American public dreams. All I can hope is that your tiny minority can grow strong enough, 'to change the suicidal course before we go over the brink. Most sincerely yours, W. J. BATCHELDER. 19835 Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SIR: May I take this opportunity to congratulate you on your recent speech in the Senate which related to the situation in Vietnam. I am thoroughly In accord with your ex- pressed sentiments regarding our policy to- ward that unhappy land. Though at the moment yours is, in the Senate, a minority voice, I feel that your, views expressed the deep-felt desires of millions of Americans; in fact I believe yours is the view shared by the majority; firm, honorable negotiations under international law so that there will be a peaceful settlement on a basis of satisfaction of the interests of all parties involved. Allow me to admire your courageous stand, and my hopes for your success. Very truly yours, JOHN SHIPLEY. ALTADENA, CALIF., August 12, 1964. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: We want you to know how proud we were of you and Senator GRUENING that you voted against the "pre- dated declaration of war" on North Vietnam. We particularly appreciate your statement to the press charging that South Vietnam first attacked North Vietnam islands, while our Navy stood by. We enclose copies of some other letters which we have written to Members of Congress. And here are two fliers which were given out (in approximately 5,000 copies each) at a Hiroshima-Vietnam Vigil on Hollywood Boulevard last Saturday evening, August 8. The vigil was sponsored by the Unitarian Fellowship for Social Justice, and some 22 peace organizations cooperated to man 12 blocks on both sides of Hollywood (just west of Vine) with placards andleafleteers. Yours with gratitude, Mr. and Mrs. PAUL ORR. ST. LOUIS, Mo., August 14, 1964. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: The courage you dis- played on the floor of the Senate in the dis- cussion of President Johnson's support reso- lution on Vietnam is rare indeed in present day American political life. This kind of honest, righteous, individ- uality is the highest form of patriotism, in the best traditions of Americanism. Sincerely, MIDDLETOWN, CONN., August 16, 1964. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I would like to ex- press my gratitude to you for your coura- geous and rational stand on the war in Viet- nam, and especially for your excellent speech against the August 5 resolution. It is indeed disheartening to see that you and Senator GRUENING are the only Members of the Senate to have voted against the resolution. Equally depressing is it to see the lack of public protest against so blatant an act of aggression as the U.S. bombarding of North Vietnam. We can only hope that the people of our country will rouse themselves to their nec- essary responsibilities before it is too late. .Your outspokenness on this Issue is hope- fully a step in that direction. So few people in positions of national influence have the guts to talk up. That is why I write to you, something I have never done before; to say that, in my opinion, your position on South Vietnam is the only honest, human, and sen- sible way of looking at it. With the current, willful misrepresentation of the facts by the press, administration, etc., it is difficult to see how the citizens of this country will ever Approved For Release. 2005/02/10 : CIA-RDP66B00403R000200160025-4 Approved For Release 2005/02/10: CIA-RDP66B0003R000200160025-4 e, CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE August 19 learn enough to make them realize what is going on. You have been the true representative of the American people whether they know it or not. Please continue. Sincerely yours, NEWCASTLE, CALM., August 16,1964, DEAR SIR: I do want to'thank you from the bottom of my heart for your views on the Vietnam crisis. I've declared ever since our boys were sent there, they had no business there. Neither had our ships to be where they were. It was an invitation for incidents to create war. I'm so glad you said so; I only wish you were our President for all your life. You would save our boys' lives and parents' heartbreak. I'm 81 years old and have four wonderful grandsons who deserve to keep their lives. Do help us and thank you. EDITH LIVINGSTON. SKOKIE, ILL., Senator WAYNE MossE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. as in most all of Its foreign policies all over the globe. Specifically, in this communication, I plan to give evidence on why our action in Viet- nam is objectionable, proof of this evidence in a somewhat novel fashion. and a solution to the existing problems in Vietnam, This procedure could also be applied to the rest of our existing foreign polloy but, for a more persuasive argument, I will consider only the Vietnam Issue. Thank you for taking time to read the en- closed essay. Respectfully yours, SEATTLE, WAaH. DEAR SENATOR: I approve of your stand on the Vietnam issue. Once again you have shown the courage of your convictions. Which In my opinion are in the best interest of the people of the United States and the world. I only wish we had more men like you representing us in the Government. Hoping you will continue to speak out as you have done in the past. I remain, Respectfully yours. Mr. E. L. HEALE:Y. SEAL BEACH, CALM., April 14, 19G4. There are many bullies all over the coun- try who any we are coward if we don't stick It out. But they are not in danger of getting over there. How many Negroes has Johnson been able to get over there? I have seen no pic- tures of Negroes over there. But it's the southern Senators who are the real big warmongers-their votes have been putting arms into most every small country on the face of the earth. Then we send our white American boys over to get shot. As bad as GOLDWATER may be I'll not vote for Johnson, he of course has no sons in danger. In these wars it's always the case "let George do It." And Governor Wallace seems to be a war- monger, he didn't talk against, he follows the warmongers of the South. Both Johnson and GOLDWATER are a couple of first-class slickers; there really is no good choice. Yours, Senator WAYNE MORSE, The Senate Building, Washington, D.C. PACOIMA, CALIF., August 14, 1964. DEAR SENATOR; May we express our great admiration for your thoughtful and cour- ageous speeches In the Senate concerning our policy in Vietnam. Certainly events of the past 10 days have proven the wisdom of your remarks. It is our fond,lope that not only will your efforts in behalf of peace continue, but that you will win many other Members of your body to your position. With all good wishes. Respectfully yours, Mr. and Mrs. BORIS H. BaATT. Hon. WAYNE L. MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. MY DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I wish to com- mend you (as well as Senator ERNEST GazuxnNG. to whom I am sending a similar letter) for voting against the resolution that was passed in the Senate on August 7, giv- ing the President carte blanche in southeast Asia. my opinion this resolution- . Is a dangerous precedent because it is a predated declaration of war, which is un- constitutional. The power It gives to the President will, until it is revoked, pass to all succeeding President's, including Senator GOLDWATER, in the event that he is elected to that office. 2. Is, I gravely suspect, a preelection move, to disprove Senator GoLDWATER'S criticisms of the administration's foreign policies. 8. Can be used to extend the war in Viet- nam. It appears that only those Vietnamese are supporting the war who are (a) benefiting financially from U.S. intervention; (b) are not subject to napalm bombs made in the United States and dropped by U.S. planes, piloted by U.S. Air Force personnel. Respectfully yours, JAMES D. CAIRNS. CHICAGO, ILL., U.S. Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I am in agreement with your position on the recent crisis in Vietnam. Not only do I hold the United States as the original provoker in the North Vietnam crisis but the unwanted Intruder in the South Vietnam conflict also. To me, the foreign policy of the United States is objectionable in all of southeast Asia as well Hon. W AYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR Moasx: My appreciation for your opposition to the resolution giving the President unlimited power to institute war without the approval of Congress. It is my impression that there are many more people throughout the country, than Washington and the press would have us believe, who are against the provocative part we are playing In the Vietnam affair and are appreciative of your dissent against such action. It was the great dissenters who carved their niche of fame in our country s history, and not those who merely gave routine rub- berstamp approval to acts of extremism. I am tempted to move to Oregon so that I might have the honor and privilege of vot- ing for you. Very respectfully yours, H. A. LAMONT, M.D. Drraorr, MICH.. August 15, 1964. U.S. Senator WAYNE MORSE. of Oregon. SIR: I wrote a boiling hot letter to Presi- dent Johnson. on his hot war In Asiatic jungles. He is trying to do what the British and French tried to do for 200 years-take mili- tary control over yellow and Hindu races, plus also the Arab rams, This long display of force has cost Brl.:ain her place in the world, as she is now little more than a third-class nation. And, of course. Hitler tried to copy England and he has put Germany Into military slav- ery that will be there for a long time to come. Johnson reminds me of a foreman branding cattle, he thinks he can put his brand on certain yellow men and that's It. And maybe this schoolboy Mr. Rusk thinks also, but It Is not as simple as he and his theory leads him to believe. I guess you saw that article in U.S, News & World Report by the longtime reporter, and asked positive questions-his only an- swer was we are there to win. to win what, a big bag of mosquitoes? If our country wants to go nuts why not go with GOLDWATER; he will do a finished job, why pussyfoot around with Johnson. The main trouble, he has been in Govern- ment many years to long. Three-quarters of his time has been in Government, DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Bravo. Your stand on Vietnam Is wonderful and the only an- swer to ending that horrible war. I stand firmly behind you 100 percent. Yours respectfully, MICHAEL MARGULIES. FRIENDS COMMITTEE ON NATIONAL LEGISLATION, Washington, D.C., August 17, 1964. President LYNDON B. JOHNSON, The White House, Washington, D.C. DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: The Friends Commit- tee on National Legislation warmly applaud- ed your reassurances to Congress that "the United States Intends no rashness (in south- east Asia) and seeks no wider war." The world at large is undoubtedly grateful. We wish to express deep concern, however, over our understanding that, in case of at- tack. the captains of the individual carriers in the 7th Fleet have been given authority to retaliate immediately against North Viet- namese bases, without consulting Washing- ton first. This is too heavy a responsibility to place upon men at the center of an action where confusion tends to be Inevitable and rash- ness may ensue. The week of August 2 was a pointed reminder of how difficult It is to un- derstand the motivations and actions of an- other land. Additional decisions to retaliate against land bases would seriously undermine U.S. efforts to build a world of law and order. They could bring us all a step nearer to World War III. Therefore our organization would welcome reassurances that we have been guilty of misinterpreting-both the comments on the interview with Captain Daniels, as carried In the August 11 New York Times (see en- closure, page 9), and subsequent seemingly confirming conversations with Pentagon offi- cials. Sincerely, Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR Moasx: Your courageous ef- forts to keep our country out of war, have been deeply appreciated. War should be- come obsolete nad I trust more progress will CAMDEN, N.J., August 16, 1964. Approved For Release 2005/02/10 : CIA-RDP66B00403R000200160025-4 196: Approved For Reese 2005/02/10: CIA-RDP66B00403R000160025-4 CONGRESSIONAL ' RECORD - SENATE 19837 be made" in` solving world turmoil intelli- gently-and peacefully: Thank you for all WHITE HOUSE, Washington, D.C. Los ANGELES, CALIF. YOUR HONOR SENATOR WAYNE MORSE: We congratulate you for voting "No" on South Vietnam. Thank you very much. HELEN'DEUTCH, llousewi/e. tremisni in the United States-those are to some extent pathological symptoms. When you observe the Individuals who lean toward extremism, you will come to the conclusion that under the ideology there are serious mental and psychological problems which are aggravated, activated by the "psychological war" between the United States and the forces of international Marxism and also by fanatical nationalism in underdeveloped countries. Therefore men like you are valuable be- cause they keep the stability and sanity (which was the one resource the Romans in their pre-Christian era did not lack-except of their crude ways of diversions-but then look at TV). Yours truly, Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR: I want to thank you from the bottom of my heart for your sane and valiant stand during the recent North Viet- nam bombings. Whatever the political, ideological or strategical circumstances Involved, you were the most prominent man who kept sane and did not hysterically scream for blood as so many others did. Your posture was that of a Irian bound to the concepts of civilization as opposed to the human degeneration of which most of the world's history consists. In the world it is not entirely possible to live without, violence, but we must always strive to avoid becoming hysterical just be- cause somebody broke one rule of our way to play the - game. The United States has now a history of many wars, interventions, and general' med- dling. Some justified-and most, sadly to say, not. In 1911 the !S Navy1Uoiribarded Vera Cruz, in`lViex1Co. It started because a few American sailors were roughed up in Tam- , Pico, In the past the United States managed to assume the stance of a peaceful nation be- cause it had meek neighbors I - Europe,- for e$aliipie, the case was different. "Deep, ugly nationality hatred (similar to our civil rights problem) was used by the interested rulers to conduct war after war. The United States had few neighbors and it vast wilderness separated the. bordering countries. But now the world has become small-Thailand and Honduras,' Madagascar, and Afghanistan are Ou? neighbors now. This has increased the possibility for friction a hundredfold. And friction there will be-in Indonesia, Thailand, Burma, India, Iran, Greece, Spain, MOzaiu ique, Angola, South Africa, Rhodesia, Tanganyika, Congo, Morocco, Venezuela, Chile, Brazil, Nicaragua, Dominican Republic, Haiti, Guatemala, Bolivia, and-several others. During and after our lifetime there will be violent struggles in those and possible other countries.. I am looking at it as a pathologist of history and not as an ideolo- gist. And the United States will be involved. I am looking at it with horror. One certain effect will be the complete "phychological exhaustion" of the United States as Erich Fromm puts It). American zferi es `ate frayed as ism-the struggle of sur- vival In the 11 working life is still a big item, then the` monsters of technology: motor noise, air, pollution, Insecticides, TV (the breeding ground for the wave of future neurotics), racial problems, the urban and rural slums, mass transportations. I am seriously suggesting that we should have a Federal organism that studies the psychological effects of all political, eco- nomical and technological problems affecting Americans. This organism should then also issue advice to the different parts of'the Fed- eral Government as to how to maintain psy- chological strength and health. As you know, North Vietnamese General Gulp has declared: "The United States has all resources for win- ning the Vietnam conflict except the psy- chological resources.'' You see the current signs of political ex- SANTA MONICA, CALIF., August 10, 1964. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Congratulations for your forceful, outright condemnation of our war escalating policy in North Vietnam. Do continue your courageous stand and do all in your power to expose the constant flow of lies from every source, including Washington. Even though you are a lonely voice of truth in the wilderness of lies-it is indeed a bright glow and a warm one you shed, Thanks and bless you. Mrs. PEGGY Fox. GARRISON, MONT., August 13, 1964. H011. WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SIR: I feel I must commend you for your negative vote against the resolution backing the President's actions during the recent crisis in Vietnam. Defending our ships and bases is one thing, but a "retalia- tory" strike such as the world has just wit- nessed is another, and I fail to see how the incident has enhanced our position in south- east Asia or, indeed, anyplace else in the world. Though not of your State, I would be proud to have a Senator representing me who has the moral courage to vote against something .he does not believe in, even though he may, be consequently singled out and probably condemned by many. The Senate and the American people would be In a far better position, if there were more who had felt as you, and voted against the resolution. Yours very truly, . . Mrs. DONALD HEROUX. BALTIMORE, MD., August 16, 1964. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR. MORSE: I am in complete agreement with your views concerning Viet- nam. Believe the problem of Vietnam should be resolved by the Vietnamese people with the aid of the United Nations. VIOLA M. DAMMANN. SONOMA, CALIF., August 16, 1964. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C.: I concur with your negative vote re the Vietnam resolution passed by Senate. ...., .... ELLIOTT JACOBS. MIDDLEFIELD, CONN., August 15, 1964. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C..- Bravo for your intelligent stand re recent resolution on Tonkin Gulf affair. You and Senator' Gruening bear the responsibility of sane men in an Insane world. The responsi- hility is all the greater for the odds against you. Don't falter. Best wishes. Louis ZEMEL. SANTA ANA, CALIF., August 10, 1964. Senator WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington-, D.C. DEAR SENATOR: I read with interest in our paper of yours and Senator ERNEST GRUENING of Alaska casting the only dissenting votes on the emergency resolution approving all necessary measures to repel any armed attack against. the forces of the United States and to prevent further aggression in Vietnam and I want to congratulate you men in that you not only stood for what you believed in the face ofcriticism but you believe what millions of other red-blooded Americans be- lieve that we have no real reason to be in Vietnam. We do not want any nation attacking our ships nor any part of our Armed Forces when they are attending to their own busi- ness and on our own property, but if Russia or any other country were as close to our shores like in Cuba for instance, we would be nervous but I have yet to find one who has been in Vietnam, as my son was for 6 months, who thinks South Vietnam wants our help or protection. They apparently do not know which side they are on or do they care. My son, who is a navigator in the Air Force told us of old men whom he would meet on the streets of Saigon who would turn around and spit at him after he had passed. The French gave up trying to keep them in tow long ago, why should we keep our young men there to be killed one at a time and now perhaps by the hundreds. Thank you Senator. I only wish our Cali- fornia Senators had the same foresight. From one whose grandfather died to set the slaves free and whose ancestors helped to carve out America from the beginning, Sincerely, . HARRY L. DADY. SAN FERNANDO, CALIF August 10, 1964. Senator WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C.; DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Thank you, thank you for your integrity, courage and common sense in speaking against and voting against, the war in Vietnam, It was like a cool breeze on a hot summer day-hearing you speak on TV against the bombing of the coast of North Vietnam. Sincerely, JOHN M. WEATHERWAx. WASHINGTON, D.C. August 10, 1964. Hon. WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SIR: As one of the millions of Ameri- cans who believe in peace, justice, and right, I applaud your stand on civil rights, on southeast Asia in particular and your posi- tion on economic and world affairs in gen- eral. I think you are the greatest statesman America has today. Continue to fight on and may God bless you with long life, good health, courage and vision. Respectfully yours, HOWARD S. PARKS. AKRON, OHIO, August 9, 1964. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Although I am not one of your constituents, I should like to compliment you on. your courageous vote Approved For Release 2005/02/10 : CIA-RDP66B00403R000200160025-4 19838 Approved For Release 2005/02/10 : CIA-RDP66B00403R000200160025-4 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE August 19 against the resolution concerning President Johnson's politically inspired aggression against North Vietnam. I have frequently noted that your unpop- ular positions on key issues express my own thoughts, and I am gratified that there is such a person as yourself in a high position with the courage to voice such convictions. Respectfully yours, JOHN F. SIMPSON. Arros, CALIF., August 9, 1964. Hon. WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR MR. MORSE: We wish to express our gratitude for your solitary voice of reason, and for your courage in speaking out con- sistently on the terrible injustice of our southeast Asia policy. When will statesmen learn? Surely the example of the French debacle in Indochina should teach us a lesson. We can only hope that the reason for the action Lyndon Johnson has taken is expedient to the November election and that he will follow a more reasonable ap- proach after he wins. But, because of Senator GOLDWATER and such reasonless colleagues as you have, we cannot help but fear for our country, and, indeed, for our world. Please, please continue at least one voice of reason. Very truly yours, IRENE and JOHN GARRISON. ENGLEWOOD CLEFFS, N.J., August 13,1964. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: This is to express my admiration of you and the Senator from Alaska for your opposing vote on Mr. John- son's action in Vietnam. Two honorable men out of 90 In the Senate and only two honorable men out of the whole Congress of the United States I would say that is a very good sample of the honorable humans in this so-called free world-two out of about every 526. My hopes were dashed when not one nay vote was cast by the congressional ladies. Now I know that I would not vote for a woman candidate. Why don't you run independently for Pres- ident? It would save humanity from the In- sanity of these power and trigger-happy demagogs. No one that I know has any- thing good to say about either Johnson or GOLDWATER and they claim they will not vote for either one. It has come to a sad state right. All my best wishes to you and please go on with your work. All sane people are behind you. Respectfully yours, MRS. D. JACOBSON. NASHVILLE, TENN., August 11, 1694. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: This card is an ex- pression of my support for and approval of your recent statements in criticism of the U.S. current stand in Vietnam (your article in the Progressive was most enlighten- Ing), and of your views concerning aid to certain "gunboat allies," re the Foreign As- BietanCe Act. That the act's authorization could not be held below 43 billion is regret- table. Perhaps needless to say, I oppose the currently discussed "Dlrksen rider" designed to hobble reapportionment; In Its current wording. I question whether such legislation would hold in the courts. Sincerely, ROBERT T. KNUI'P. MALIBU, CALIF. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Your 8 d on U.S. bombing of North Vietnam is aipreclated. Please keep speaking out. I only wish I could vote for you. Sincerely. MORRISTOWN, PA., August 15, 1964. DEAR SIR: May I state my complete con- currence of your views of our Government's foreign policy? You are indeed a standout among those high priced oafs in the Senate. If we don't get more likeyou then our country is headed "down the drain." Congratulations, sir. PENNSYLVANIA VOTER. MALIBU, CALIF., August 11, 1964. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I am writing to en- dorse, as a private citizen, your recent ac- tions and remarks In regard to the "situ- ation" in South Vietnam. Events seem to bear out your contention that the United States does not belong in Vietnam. MARIE FAY. SANTA MARIA. CALIF., August 11, 1964. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Thank you for your sane position on the Vietnam situation. Please don't give up your struggle to prevent our complete embroilment in war. Sincerely, of affairs when one has no choice but the VITA MONXS. lesser of two evils and It Is questionable - whether one is less than the other. MALIBU, CALIF., If you would make the sacrifice and run, August 12, 1964. you would have a chance of a landslide. Peo- I would like to express my sincere admir- pie in general are disgusted with the lies and ation and appreciation of your courageous propaganda that they are fed. I Will say this and outspoken denunciation of our (the for Mf. Khrushchev: I have yet to catch United States) position In the Vietnam crisis. him in a lie. Whenever he has described Mrs. DORIS W. STARR#IB. a situation and Washington has denied It, I - found upon checking that Khrushchev was MAI.IBU, CALIF., telling the truth. The foreign news versus August 11, 1964. the U.S. news has the same comparison; seek ' DEAR SENATOR MoasE: Please keep urging elsewhere If one wants the facts. us (the United States) to get out of Viet- I hope and pray that you will run Inde- nam. Thank you for your stand. Urge the pendently against these men, even though whole thing to be put In the U.N. We're it is asking a great sacrifice on your part. behind you. I wish you everything of the best and the WINONA SCHLIKS. guidance of providence. - Sincerely yours, MALIBU, CALIF., HELEN CRISTANELLI, August 13, 1964. DRAa Sia: We wish to express our admira- HOLLYwooD, CALIF., tion of your recent actions in opposing al- August 14, 1964. most ainglehandedly the use of military DEAR SENATOR WAYNE MORSE: Please ac- methods in the attempt to solve our prob- cept my sincere thanks for your courageous lems in Vietnam. stand against our policy in Vietnam, I hope Sincerely, you will continue to speak up for what is Mr. and Mrs. EASTMAN N. JACOns. Los ANGELES, CALIF., August 8, 1964. DEAR MR. MORSE: As a relatively new, not proud American-I praise your stand for "peace" which is unpopular In America. They are too busy here murdering young people who believe everyone has the right to vote or worried about keeping property rights up at the cost of human life if neces- sary (someone else's). Keep up your stand on the Vietnam issue. Los ANGELES, CALIF., August 9, 1964. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Thank you so much for your words for peace and in defense of a future for America in a thermonuclear world. You speak for the majority of Amer- icana and the finest of American tradition when you oppose these adventurous plans by a military minded government. Truthfully, PHILIP L. JOHNSON. MINNEAPOLIS, MINN., August 14, 1964. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Often I disagree with your Ideas, but as to foreign aid, the U.S. Gov- ernment being a hypocrite and why are we in Vietnam, I agree. I'm glad a few of you have a mind of your own and use it. LILLIAN SPIERING. TACOMA, WASH., August 11, 1964. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: This is to commend you for your courage to express yourself as opposed to further military buildup in Viet- nam. All the Americans are not for such a move even though the press and radio would have us believe It. Fighting does not pre- serve freedom as witness the condition in South Korea today. We have a U.N. where such matters as Vietnam should be settled. If Red China were given a seat there it would help. Sincerely, ST. PAUL, MINN. SIR: I hope you will continue to present the truth on U.S. foreign policy. Sincerely, NED O'NEILL. OscoDA, MICH. DEAR SrR: I have been reading with in- terest your efforts toward peace. May God bless you. Sincerely. HAYWARD, CALIF. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I would like copies of your speeches on'Vietnam which I under- stand you have given on the Senate floor since June or so. Has anyone answered your charges? Thank you. SAN RAFAEL, CALIF., August 10, 1964. DEAR SrR: Thank you for arguing against the recent bill to fall behind the President in his Vietnam policies. I believe I am for him, but this blind follow the leader Is not healthy for anyone. Yours very truly, RICHARD J. WETHUN. BERKELEY YOUNG DEMOCRATIC CLUB, Berkeley, Calif., August 13, 1964. Senator WAYNE MORSE. U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. SENATOR MORSE: I want to commend you for your valiant stand on the issues Involved around the Vietnam situation. As in the Approved For Release 2005/02/10 : CIA-RDP66B00403R000200160025-4 1964 Approved For Ree 2005/02/10 : CIA-RDP66B00403R0100160025-4 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD 51NATE 19839 past, you have `shown your forthright deter- reprisal." In the present context, the Presi- oni this issue are not only upholding the mination not to allow the United States to dent, as Commander in Chief of the Armed prestige and honor of our Nation but are cross thebrink into a final, fatal 'war. The Forces, has acquired the power of commit- also defending the qurvival of mankind. day may yet come when America's people will ting the country irrevocably to war. Events Be assured that you have our wholehearted realize the seriousness of our intervention in now move so fast that Congress can never be support in your demand that the U.S. mili- Vietnam and will demand tliat our young presented with a real choice on the matter. tary operation in Vietnam and Laos be mein leave foreign soil and come back here Congress has thus lost one of its most vital halted, and the conflict be settled peace- where'the fob' of defending- democracy is functions to the executive branch. fully in accordance with our obligations and needed in' ' Mississippi and Alabama more This development seems in some respects declared policy of peace by resort to the than in Laos or Vietnam. Inevitable, an adaptation of the national pol- United Nations, or by a conference of all Sincerely, ity to an entirely unforeseen situation. Yet nations concerned. TED COHEN, Congress must not give in too easily. Par- Cordially yours, President, ticularly, it must not further the demise of FRANK A. KONDRAY, Berkeley 'young Democrats. its constitutional powers in this sphere by First Vice President. giving the President vague advance sanc- P.S.-Enclosed is a copy of a resolution on ^-CHICAGO, ILL., tions for warlike acts in situations such as the southeast Asia crisis, adopted by our August 15, 1964. the present one in southeast Asia. membership on August 12, and forwarded to DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I wish to extend my With highest regards, I am the President. praise and admiration to you for your out- Yours very truly, Copy of the resolution was also forwarded spoken stand against U.S. aggression in PHILIP KUHN, to the Democratic National Convention. southeast Asia. Your's must be an extremely Assistant Professor of History. - frustrating job * * * to speak to 535 "edu- EAST SIDE DEMOCRATIC CLUB, cated" men in the U.S. Senate and find your HARVARD UNIVERSITY, Los Angeles, Calif. words landing on empty soil. If you could Cambridge, Mass., August 15, 1964. RESOLUTION ON THE CRISIS IN SOUTHEAST ASIA name one or two Senators you feel might be DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Your words of sense AND ITS EFFECT ON DEMOCRATIC PARTY PROS- possibly approaching an understanding of the on the U.S. posture in Vietnam are rare, re- PECTS IN THE NATIONAL ELECTIONS situation as it is, I would try to write them, freshing, and will be, I hope, heard by Demo- (Adressed to the President, the Honorable and have my friends also, to encourage them cratic voters. (I despair of Republicans giv- Lyndon B. Johnson.) to follow your example. Sometimes encour- ing an ear to them, I'm afraid.) Democratic Whereas in this nuclear age of weapons agement, even if from a nobody as myself, is voters ought, don't you think, to guard capable of total destruction, mankind and all that is needed, against supporting administration moves civilization face the greatest peril to their Sincerely, which out-Goldwater Goldwater. existence ever known. Aware of this over- MISS MARJORIE KURSELLA. Sincerely yours, hanging calamity, the most universal demand LAURENCE H. SCOTT, for peace in history insists that the use of PALO ALTO, CALIF., Teaching Fellow, Department of Slavic military force to settle international disputes August 13, 1964. Languages and Literatures and be abandoned in favor of negotiations. Ac- Senator WAYNE MoasE, Resident Tutor in Lowell House. cordingly, prime responsibility rests with the Senate Office Building, heads of states, particularly the United Washington, D.C. NORTHRIDGE, CALIF., States, to whom the world looks for initia- DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I am writing to let August 17, 1964. tives to avoid armed conflict; you know of my wholehearted support of Senator WAYNE MORSE, Whereas it is the declared official policy of your position on the Vietnam issue. Senate Office Building, the U.S. Government to strive toward easing Although your position in the Senate ap- Washington, D.C. world tensions and to promote ,world peace, cars to be a rather lonely one, I am sure p DEAR SENATOR: May I take this opportu- which policy of peace, Mr. President, you your courage has given strength to people nity to congratulate you for your courage in have publicly affirmed; all over the country, who, like myself, desire speaking out against our actions in North Whereas there is at present a war in south- peace and an end to the senseless fighting Vietnam last week? east Asia, in which the administration is in Vietnem. Your stand has made it pos- It is to be hoped that many of your col- heavily committed, and which has reached a sible for me, and I am sure, many others, to leagues will be inspired by your most com- dangerously critical stage, so much so as to feel greater resolve to try to do what we can mendable stand against our Government's endanger international peace. Recently our to bring peace to that area. dangerous and provocative bombing mis- military forces took actions to spread this war Again, let me thank you for your coura- sions. over a wider area in that region. This de- geous leadership at this time. I am also writ- Very respectfully, velopment has greatly disturbed the people ing a similar letter to Senator GRUENING. CATHERINE M. BLUMBERG. of the world and of our Nation; and Sincerely, Whereas the Democratic administration is RICHARD Fi cH, M .D. SAN DIEGO, CALIF., justifiably recognized as being dedicated to July 13, 1964. a greater degree than a Republican one, to Los ANGELES, CALIF., DEAR SENATOR:: Heard your recent speech thesocial needs and welfare of the general August 9, 1964. on TV-amen. I think you are right. electorate. And this liberal record and pro- SENATOR. MORSE : Thank you for your de- Please lend your support to keeping gram has created a favorable image of the fense for society. All our people who believe McCarran-Walter immigration law on the Democratic Party to the majority of the same in it are thanking you. books, electorate. Pursuit of the present adminis- JACQUELINE REDESOND. Keep up your good work. There are too tration policy in southeast Asia could sub- many rubberstamps in our Congress. stantially negate this favorable attitude, and THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO, Sincerely, thereby irn _ air chances of success for Demo- Chicago, Ill., August 14, 1964. L. M. HANDBY. cratic candidates in the 1964 national elec- Hon. WAYNE MORSE, tion. The reason being that there is a grow- U.S. Senate, EAST SIDE DEMOCRATIC CLUB, ing conviction that the administration is Washington, D.C. Los Angeles, Calif., August 13, 1964. yielding to pressure of Republican reaction DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Allow me to con- Senator WAYNE MORSE, for more drastic military action In that area. gratulate you for your negative vote on the Senate Office Building, The resultant uneasiness could induce voters recent congressional resolution on southeast Washington, D.C. to reason that, with both parties posing an Asia. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: We, the members of equal danger of a major war, there is no elec- Even if one leaves out of account the mer- the East Side Democratic Club, wish to ex- toral choice on the transcendent issue of its or demerits of the U.S. program in Viet- press our commendation and gratitude for peace or war. Assuredly, Mr. President, the nam, the underlying constitutional issue is, your's and your colleague, the Honorable choice of the American electorate is for a in my opinion, so serious as to require the Senator GRuENING's, principled efforts in the candidate who promotes peace over one who most determined effort to inform the pub- U.S. Senate in criticizing and calling the at- would expand war: Therefore, it is lie about it. tention of the "American people to the un- Resolved by the members of the East Side I believe that the intent of the U.S. Consti- wise and perilous course being conducted Democratic Club, Los Angeles, That we, as tution was that the ultimate power to com- by the administration and the Pentagon in Democrats, are committed to the reelection mit the Nation to war reside in the Congress. southeast Asia, of a liberal Democratic administration over Doubtless, the executive has great consti- Together with millions of other Americans Republican reaction. However, we maintain tutional powers in the direction of foreign we are deeply concerned over the threat of that this possibility must not be impaired by policy; but it was surely not intended that a major war with its implications of nuclear placing the survival of mankind on the scales the Congress be a mere rubber stamp in great devastation erupting as a consequence of the against political expediency. As an alterna- decisions of war or peace. In the technologi- administration's expansion of the Vietnam- tive to the futile military solution of this cal context of the 18th century, It was enough ese war to the entire southeast Asian region, crisis, we urge that, as members of the United to reserve to the Congress the power to "de- We feel that you and those of your col- Nations, having signed its charter, we fulfill Clare war," or to "grant letters of marque and leagues who are in accord with your position our obligations to it and to peace by bringing Approved For Release 2005/02/10 : CIA-RDP66B00403R000200160025-4 19840 tw*4 00% -114 Approved For Release 2005/02/10 : CIA-RDP66B00403R000200160025-4 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE August 19 this southeast Asian threat to international peace before that body, or, to participate with all other nations concerned In a con- ference to negotiate an honorable and peace- ful end to this tragic and potentially dan- gerous war. Approved by the East Side Democratic Club, August 12, 1984. FRANK A. KONDRAY, First Vice President. Ron. WAYNE MORSE. Senate Office Building, Washington, D,C. We wish to record our opposition to this method of dealing with any problems, and again state our belief controversies should be dealt with by the United Nations. Fur- ther, for a more lasting gain, ne$~otiations should be started toward estabiishg trade with the Socialist countries. R is would bring us rapidly closer to a true and lasting peace. Yours very truly, JOHN R. JENNINGS. FRANCIS J. WALCOTT. RIVERDALE, N.Y.. August 14, 1961. President JOHNSON, The White House, Washington, D.C. DEAR PRESIDENT JOHNSON; I am writing to tell you that I applaud the statements of Senator WAYNE Moass that we may be as much at fault in the incidents which have recently taken place in the Gulf of Tonkin, and with him, urge you to we that the war is not carried by us into territory that will cause retaliation by the Chinese and so create a situation in which war could be set off In yet another part of the Middle East. I would also urge that the United States be willing to meet again at Geneva to see that peaceful settlements In this part of the world could be found. Copies of this letter are being sent to Senator WAYNE Moasz and to my Senators, JACOB JAvrrs and KENNETH HEATING. ADELE R. MEYEa. MODESTO, CALIF., August 12, 1961. DEAR Sin: We wish to thank you for your stand on Vietnam in March, and again for your recent vote on the resolution. You are one of the few Senators with the fore- sight to see that a world war is not the answer to our problems, and the willingness to say so. You have taken an unpopular stand. How- ever, we believe most of the other Senators are failing to take a careful realistic look at the problems that face our Nation and the World today. Reports are that the Senate was all but empty during the presentation of your statement. This is very discouraging. It would seem that most of the Senators intend to follow Presidential policies rather than listen to the wishes and needs of the people. We feel that all who take the courageous stand against the threatened holocaust of a new world war need praise and support from the public. Those who, like Senators E.ocHEL and SALINGEE, voted in support of the resolution allowing the President to take warlike actions, must be told that this is not in the best interests of our country. We enclose for your Information a copy of a letter we have sent to both California Senators. The knowledge that people such as you are fighting to bring about a better world is en- couraging. We know that as time progresses we can continue to advance toward this bet- ter world, with your help. Cordially, JOHN R. JENNINGS. FRANCIS J. WALCOTT. SAN FRANCISCO, CALU,., August 12,1964. Hon. THOMAS H. E:UCHEL, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAS SIR: We wish you to know that we are not in agreement with your vote on the res- olution approving the President's power to wage undeclared war. There were two Senators opposing this resolution, which would weaken the Senate control over declaration of war in favor of action by the President alone, in starting ac- tion which could result in all-out war. As a result of such an action as in Vietnam. San Franciscocould be among the first to suffer the holocaust. It is an uneasy feeling to fear a world war coming and realize that one man in this country has the power to stimulate It into existence. The knowledge that only two men spoke out against this Is very dis- turbing. Surely, discussion of Issues in ques- tion, before the United Nations is farmore appropriate at this time. We believe that Congressmen are there to represent the will of the people. Among the many people to whom we have talked, very few are in favor of the warlike action in Vietnam, and none In favor of the possible all-out war. We also believe that as Con- gressmen are to represent the people, they should be participating In congressional duties full time, and on.the floor during im- portant debates such as this one. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR Moasz: It was with heartfelt thanks that we noted your vote on the re- cent congressional support of President Johnson's actions in southeast Asia. As Quakers we have a high regard for unanim- ity, but we are well aware that truth often stands alone. shunned by the raucous cries of the multitude. Sir, persist in the best lights God has given you. Our best religious Insights tell us that war and violence never achieve good ends, though it does, at times, seem to bring some resolu- tions in man's affairs. Truly, the ends never justify the means when viewed dispassion- ately in the wider reaches of time and space. As rationaliste and humanitarians there are reasons enough to question the attitudes and acts of our national leaders in this and other areas of world conflict. If the United States is to continue its leadership of the free world, we desperately need a sober and mature voice; for we are dealing in areas where mankind is at stake. Once again, may we thank you for your good services to our Nation as well as the world. Sincerely, RUDY PoxoCHNnc, Acting Clerk, Delta Monthly Meeting of the Religious Society of Friends. Los ANGEL-, CALQ., Hon. WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR: Once again, I wish to com- mend you on your very courageous stand on Vietnam. It is very good to hear a sane and con- sidered voice at a time when the hasty action of our country might very well lead to a world war. Please do continue your lone fight, Respectfully yours, MARGARET 0. Gursauso, UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS, CHICAGO, ILL., August 14, 1964. Hon, WAYNE L. MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. SIR: Forty-four members of the faculty of the University of Illinois, Chicago Un$er- graduate Division, have endorsed the en- closed petition which calls upon the U.S. Government: -Not to enlarge the scope of the war in Vietnam; -To begin immediate negotiations to bring about a reasonable settlement; - To seek the neutralization of the area in order to maintain peace there in the future. A copy of the petition is enclosed and the names of those endorsing it. We speak for ourselves and not for the university. Very truly yours, WILLIAM D. GRAMPP, Professor of Economics. THE PETITION We. 5.000 American college and university educators, urge a neutralized Vietnam. It would end the terror and suffering of this war-ravaged land. It would end the continuing loss of Amer- ican and Vietnamese lives. It would be preferable to deeper involve- ment or Irresponsible pullout. We. therefore, appeal to you, Mr. President, not to enlarge the scope of the war, but in- stead to work for a neutralized North and South Vietnam. as separate, federated, or re- unified states, protected by international guarantees and peacekeeping forces against all outside Interferences. In recognition of the Imminent danger of the war in Vietnam escalating Into a direct conflict between the United States and Com- munist China, we, the undersigned faculty members of the University of Illinois in Chi- cago endorse the above statement and urge immediate negotiations to bring about a set- tlement of the Vietnam war through neu- tralization of southeast Asia. THE PETITIONERS William D. Grampp. professor of economics. Oscar Miller, assistant professor of eco- nomics. John McNee. Jr., professor of art. Daniel K. Andrews, assistant professor of accounting. Willis C. Jackman. assistant professor of English. Louis Chandler. associate professor of phys- ics. Ted R. Jackson, assistant professor of speech. P. C. Smith. Instructor of history. Twiley W. Barker, associate professor of political science. Elaine Z. Herzog, instructor of chemistry. Nancy A. Tomasek, Instructor of French. Charles P. Warren, Instructor of anthro- pology. Lawrence Lipkin, assistant professor of accounting. Joan Chillag, Instructor of English. Lloyd C. Englebrecht, instructor of library administration. James B. Stronks, associate professor of English. Nan E. McGehee, assistant professor of psychology. R. R. Page, instructor of philosophy. Robert E. Gallagher, associate professor of English. Irving M. Miller, Instructor of English. Dolores L. Keranen, instructor of English. Moreen C. Jordan, associate professor of English. Robert W. Nickle, associate professor of art, Approved For Release 2005/02/10 : CIA-RDP66B00403R000200160025-4 1964 Approved For R*dse 2005/02/10 CIA-RDP66B00403R200160025-4 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE R. D, Kozlow, instructor of library admin- istration. M. T.,Riatt, assistant professor of "library administration. Donald P. Dimmitt, instructor of art. Sabine A Casten, instructor of chemistry. P. P. Wlesinger, associate professor of en- gineering. B. R. Kogan, associate professor of English. J. N. Pappademos, assistant professor of physics. R.H. Krupp, lecturer, physics. Herman. B. Weissman, associate professor of physics. Don A. Masterton, associate professor of art. - -- - Robert K. Adams, instructor of archi- tecture. Martin Hurtig, assistant professor of art. John E. Walley, professor of art. Henry M. Pitts, assistant professor of psy- chology. Donald Hanson, associate professor of architecture. Herbert J. Curtis, associate professor of mathematics. Ronald J. Matlon, instructor of speech. Theodore V. Kundrat, instructor of speech. James A. Bond, assistant professor of biology. Roger Whitmer; lecturer, architecture. Canio Radice, professor of art. Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR, This letter is, to express strong support of the position you have taken in regard to the U.S. Involvement in southeast Asia and also of the constructive criticism that you have made of the American foreign aid program. Of course, your position on these two issues finds its basic justification in the vital interests of the American people. However, I believe that this type of loyal opposition is a great contribution to the present administration, and I nominate you and Senator GRVENING as the truest Demo- crats of the year. May the party soon catch Sincerely, BALTIMORE, MD. LANCASTER, CALIF., Senator WAYNE MORSE: I wish to join the thousands of decent-minded Americans who are praising you for your outstanding integ- rity in refusing to endorse the President's resolution asking congressional approval of the present war policy in southeast Asia. How disheartening and shameful that all, with exceptEion of you and Senator GRUENING, wish to continue the brutal, useless war against innocent people who want only to establish peace in their countries and get on with the business of establishing a stable government capable of serving all the peo- ple's needs. How long will it take the policymakers of the United States to learn they cannot ever win this war or any other with the aim of destroying communism. In fact, the present policy only strengthens the Com- munist cause, everywhere on earth. Every day more Americans are being sacrificed in this war of aggression and thousands more of the resisting Vietnamese are being slaughtered. Your contribution in the August issue of the Progressive is priceless and should get into the hands of every American. Too bad that it cannot be circulated by the millions. I would like to help do it. Los ANGELES, CALIF., August 12,1964. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I know you have al- ready spoken out on the NATO-NLF proposal to Congress. This note is only to encourage you or anyone else to continue to ask for open hearings and debate against President Johnson's message of June 30. The whole idea is frightening and so few people are really aware of it. Sincerely, Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I am writing this letter to you to commend you on your clear thinking and courage in expressing it in relation to the, terrible and threatening sit- uationin southeast Asia. Every thoughtful person will agree that your recommendations must be followed if civilization and mankind is to survive this and later generations. I cannot fail to. mention to you the sig- nificance that your comments in the news- papers had on a considerable number of people. Sincerely yours, WALTER BRIEHL, Lieutenant Colonel, MC; USAAF, In- active. LOS ANGELES, CALIF., August 11, 1964, President LYNDON B. Joss ssosr, The White House, Washington, D.C. DEAR PRESIDENT JOHNSON: I would like to tender my thanks, to you, for the line job you have done for our country since the death of our beloved John F. Kennedy. Especially in the civil rights field. Although I have usually voted the Democratic ticket I have never actively worked for Democrats during campaigns, but this year I feel so strongly that you are the man we desperately need during tihe coming crucial years that I plan to call my local Democratic club and do whatever I can to help you and your party get into office. However, I would like to urge you to endorse Senator MORSE in his policy toward Vietnam..I believe that the United States has a great chance to be- come a world leader and to spread democfacy around the earth but we must be above re- proach in our dealings with all countries and eschew aggression and domination without understanding. I' hope my letter is only one among many you get asking you to listen to Senator MORSE's proposals and to act as swiftly as possible on them. Thank you for your kind attention, Yours truly, JEAN MITCHELL. No. 163-35 Senator WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: In the last few hours, I have seen you twice on my television screen emphatically opposing President Johnson's current Vietnam policy and action. I congratulate you on what must be a brave stand and send my earnest plea that you will have the strength and courage to say again and again what you know is right- a conviction which must be shared by a con- siderable number of people throughout the world. Of course it is better to try to negotiate settlements for peace at the con- ference table-preferably at the U.N.-than to initiate militarism which may lead us over 19841 the brink into nuclear war. To a reasonably sane person, the question hardly seems to warrant further discussion. Please, Senator MORSE, do your very best for my children and for children throughout this sad world. Your very sincerely, Mrs. MARGARET S. BOWEN. SAN DIEGO, CALIF., August 12, 1964. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: It is a little late to be thanking you for your stand on Vietnam, but months go by before I catch up with things. I am so very, grateful to you for expressing my ideas on the situation in that far country that even now I must tell you so. More power to you. Sincerely, LA VERNE, CALIF., August 13, 1964. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: For your stand of statesmanship against the vote to give the President unconditional power in southeast Asia, I want to commend you. May the time come when all nations, great and small, will resort to conference with the United Nations. Some of ,us (maybe more than anybody realizes) do not like the brinkmanship ap- proach by either party and certainly not with a flavor of partisanship. Yours sincerely, A. R. COFFMAN. CARRIE C. COFFMAN. ENDLESS STRUGGLE IN VIETNAM COSTS THE UNITED STATES $2 MILLION A DAY-CALLS FOR WAR AGAINST THE COMMUNISTS LOUDER EVERY DAY WASHINGTON.-The war in Vietnam costs the United States $2 million a day; there will soon be 20,000 American soldiers in this southeast Asian state risking their lives 20,000 kilometers away from their homes; up to 1963 Washington sent $21/2 billion to Vietnam; during the last 3 years 262 Ameri- cans have been killed, 17 have been lost, and 2,000 have been wounded. The American Government declares that she limits her- role in Vietnam to supporting an independent state, threatened by commu- nistic aggression and infiltration. Critics of the U.S.A. point out, that the government of Diem was forced on Vietnam by the machinations of Washington and its Secret Service, and Senator MIKE MANSFIELD has pointed-out that since 1955 nothing has been done to solve the inland problems of Viet- _ nam. And also in Laos, Washington has helped to support the corrupt regime of Gen. Phoemi Nosavan. ` . But these critics of the American policy in southeast Asia are a very small minority. The great majority does not realize that America is often supporting dubious, re- actionary, often corrupt, leaders of un- developed countries. In doing so she, viz, the United States of America, isherseif mak- ing the feeding ground for communism, and thereby the cause of a resulting lack of en- thusiasm of the people in fighting against the Red infiltrations. Most of these critics in the United States of America itself repeat what GOLDWATER has said, and advocate strict measures against the Communists, even an open war. Talks, neutralization, international treaties, and guarantees are looked upon as syn- onyms for capitulation. In spite of hard facts these parties main- tain that the Communists are the only ones Approved For Release 2005/02/10 : CIA-RDP66B00403R000200160025-4 19842 Approved For Release 2005/02/10 : CIA-RDP66B00403R000200160025-4 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE August 19 to blame, and that America is only striving to secure freedom and independence of South Vietnam and its neighbors. But the questions at stake are not at all so simple, because communism spreads in countries where the leaders' policy is not so- cially progressive, nor based on the will of the people, but on the contrary Is only sup- ported by the dollars of the American CIA. used only to enrich the leaders themselves. (Translation of an article In Haarlem's daily paper on Tuesday, Aug. 11, 1964.) (Translated by Mrs. L. E. Lindeman-Davies, Westerhoutpark 34, Haarlem, Netherlands.) Los ANGELES, CALIF., August 13, 1964. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: We are again moved to write to you congratulating you on your courageous stand on the subject of our in- volvement in South Vietnam. We cannot believe that there aren't other men who feel as you do, but are too cowardly to express themselves the way you do. That makes your stand all the more heroic and honest. How could we possibly be exporting democ- racy when we have so many fences to repair right here at home? We are proud of you and embrace you as the type of American that we admire. Would that there were more like you in the greatest deliberative body in the world today. Cordially yours, MAX POSCHIN. ELEANOR POSCHIN. NEW YORK, N.Y., August 10, 1964. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I wanted to thank you for your speech regarding Vietnam. I think that it is a shame that more Senators do not have your integrity and spirit. I hope that you will continue to exercise your independence In the defense of a realis- tic and honest foreign policy. Sincerely, THOMAS CONNOR. ANN ARBOR, MICH.. August 12, 1964. Hon. WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SIR: I would like to express my appre- ciation of and support for your determined stand against continued 'U.S. intervention in North and South Vietnam and Laos. Al- though the texts of your speeches in Congress are not usually reported in detail by the newspapers,I gather that you oppose such intervention both on legal and moral grounds. It is very difficult for the average citizen to form a clear conception of what is happening in southeast Asia. but your state- ments seem to me to echo what many Ameri- cans must suspect-certainly what I sus- pect--about the faultiness of our policies in that area. - I urge you to continue to speak out against military intervention by the United States in violation of treaties, the charter of the United Nations, and the dictates of a humane conscience. I hope you will support and help to initiate a foreign policy aimed at defeating communism by alleviating the con- ditions of poverty and hunger which nourish it, in southeast Asia and elsewhere. Yours very truly. JAMES A. CLARK. SEATTLE, WASH., August 13, 1964. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Your stand in the Vietnam affair deserves the citizens' support. It is less than 200 years since our Revolu- tion and the word "Hessian" still has a bad meaning. But that is what we act like in Vietnam. It is less than 25 years since Russia at- tacked Finland. Few Americans then or now would accept the explanation from Moscow that the Karelian isthmus was necessary for their defense. But you hear such an excuse from Washington to explain Vietnam. It is encouraging to find someone In the capital who will stand up to the Knight- Errant diplomacy of the State Department and do something about keeping peace and worldwide order. HEMET, CALIF., August 13,1964. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Please do all you can to open hearings and debate on the proposed agreement to release nuclear weapons information to NATO countries. You are very wise in your understanding of the true situation. Do continue to speak out. Also, blessings on you for your cour- age in exposing the true situation In Vietnam. Respectfully yours. Mrs. JEAN ZwiCKEL. SCARSDALE, N.Y., August 14, 1964. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Washington, D.C. DEAR SIR: I should like to express my hearty approval of your stand on the war In South Vietnam. It seems a pity that more Congressmen cannot view their actions objectively, but we have been swept out so far on a wave of hatred that it is difficult for them to face the truth. Therefore you should be the more commended for taking this unpopular stand rather than a char- acteristic one. Your restrictions on the foreign aid bill showed the same wide understanding. I regret that more of them did not pass. Though yours way seems to be a voice crying in the wilderness I hope that eventu- ally it will be beard and heeded by the whole country. Sincerely, Los ANGELES, CALIF., August 12,1694. Senator WAYNE MoasE. Senate Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MonsE: I am writing to ex- press the thanks of my family and myself to you for your brave and stalwart position on the Vietnam problem. Even though you are very much In the minority, your courageous statements give all thinking Americans some hope. Please keep up the wonderful work. Sincerely yours, HELEN RUBENSTEIN. Los ANGELES. CALIF. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I support your stand on the Vietnam situation. I have also written my Senators, Informing them of my attitude, and asking them to support you and Senator GRUENING. Sincerely. Mrs. ELAINE HYMAN. NEW YORK. N.Y., August 6, 1 1964. Hon. WAYNE MORSE. U.S. Senate, Washington. D.C. DEAR SIR: I thank you from the bottom of my heart for the sane head and sane vote you exhibited today on the Vietnam resolu- tion. You are not alone despite your courageous lone vote. Many of us agree with you that this is a United Nations matter. The new events only confirm this the more. I am writing to President Johnson and my two Senators to tell them of my agreement with you and that I have so written you. Many. many thanks again. Very sincerely, Miss GERTRUDE ETTENSON. AUGUST 13, 1964. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: We are so thankful you were courageous and spoke truth to the Government and hellbent for Vietnam Sen- ate warriors re illegality, immorality in sit- uations in East. We have written telegrams, night letters, special delivery letters to agree with you to President. Senators and State Department with scant replies. The President's secre- taries (unlike President Kennedy's) merely sending them to State Department, ignore what you write, sending a polite non- committal letter saying nothing, enclosing news from Vietnam (mimeo) they sent a year ago. What can a citizen do? Again with profound admiration. Respectfully, ARTHUR AND ETHEL COLLINS. PASADENA, CALIF., August 11, 1964. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Thank you very much for opposing the recent militant U.S. action In Tonkin Gulf. I. too, believe that the United States should leave Vietnam. I urge that we negotiate the problem of Viet- nam in a conference set up by the 'United Nations. Secretary General U Thant's pro- posal to reconvene the Geneva Conference, with the peacekeeping machinery of the U.N. would serve this purpose, I believe. I am glad that you speak out firmly even on Issues that are unpopular. May you con- tinue to press for peace Instead of war in southeast Asia. Thank you again. Sincerely yours. Mrs. NANCY E. BENSON. SEATTLE, WASH., August 12, 1964. Hon. WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I thought you might find of interest the enclosed items. One is a reply from the Defense Department to a letter which I sent Senator MAGNUSON about month ago. He forwarded It on to me. As you can see, it says absolutely nothing. In answer to this, r have sent the three-page let- ter a copy of which is enclosed. You are wel- come to insert this letter in the CONGRES- SIONAL RECORD-as I am sure that Senator MAGNUSON will not do so. In addition-although you may have seen these before-I am enclosing "Vietnam- Symptom of a World Malaise" by David Arn- old. who served as a USIA officer In the Me- kong Delta area for 14 months; until he re- signed in disgust. He holds a Ph.D. in lin- guistics from Harvard. The other article is by Bronson Clark, former director of the American Friends Service Committee relief programs in Morocco and western Algeria, His striking parallel between the French in Algeria and the Americans in South Vietnam is well made. I work In the peace education program of the American Friends Service Committee. While I have not had time to check out this idea with the people above me who will have to give the go-ahead, I have been for- mulating the idea for a workshop-sympo- sium on Vietnam which could be held In Seattle. Would there be any possibility of obtaining your services as panelist and guest speaker for such an affair in Septem- ber? If so. what would be the best dates for you? We, of course, would pay travel expenses and an honorarium. I would en- vision this as a major attempt at involv- ing mass media personnel, with the focus on stimulating responsibility In the press. Also, because of the distinguished Far East Department at the University of Washing- ton, we would be able to draw heavily upon their resources. Approved For Release 2005/02/10 : CIA-RDP66B00403R000200160025-4 .1964 Approved For Ree 2005/02/10 : CIA-RDP66B00403R60160025-4 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE I em n thgsteering committee for an ad hoc grow, formed at the time of the crisis to sponsor leafleting and demonstrations op- posing extension of the war` and calling for withdrawal of American troops. We are go- ing to attempt to move in as many ways as possible, to focus public attention on this situation; vfsfbily showing our opposition to present policy. The workship I men- tioned, which AFSC could possibly sponsor, would augment this other type of activity. Lastly, I want to commend you for the fine presentations you have been making in the Senate of the case against U.S. involvement in Vietnam. We receive the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD daily, so I have been keeping track of all the dialog. We would welcome 500 of any of your speeches on the subject which havebeen made within the last month; the more recent, the better. We will be glad to reimburse you for the printing cost. CaAtG CAMPBELL. ment controls no more than 25 percent of the land area of the country, The "Vietcong" not only control but administer (schools, hospitals, local governments) the rest of the country. The plain and simple fact-supported by almost all journalists who are covering this area-is that the United States is fighting a war against almost the entire peasant population of South Vietnam; and is, by virtue of its methods, driving most of the rest of the people into active opposition also. You do not win friends by spraying vast areas with chemicals which kill crops and cattle, defoliate trees, and in some instances, cause death to humans. You do not win over the population by razing whole villages with napalm bombs and artillery. SEATTLE TIMES, MARCH 21, 1964, AS. DISPATCH "Included in American military aid is na- palm, liquid-petroleum jelly which explodes across villages in a rush of fiery death. A newer weapon here is a phosphorus explosive fired from artillery and fighter bombers. This erupts in a white cloud, burning through everything it touches. With explo- sives such as these, civilians are bound to be hurt. Americans and Vietnamese' argue that they have no choice but to use the ex- plosives. The spectacle of children lying nearly dead with napalm burns was revolting to Vietnamese and Americans entering a vil- lage on the Cambodian border after it had been under air attack by Government planes Thursday." There have been numerous stories and pho- tographs published internationally showing American "advisers" standing by while Viet- cong prisoners are beaten and tortured. Life magazine printed several about a month ago showing bound prisoners being subjected to water poured down their nostrils. Is this what we call bringing "freedom to South Vietnam"? Do we really think we can win over the population by forcing entire villages to move into virtual concentration camps, euphemis- tically termed "strategic hamlets"? Bronson Clark, former director of the American Friends Service Committee relief program in Morocco and Western Algeria from 1961 to 1963, wrote an interesting article in the July 15, 1064 issue of Friends Journal which com- pares Vietnam with Algeria. He draws a re- markable parallel between the methods em- ployed by the trench' with their "regroup- ment camps" and the Americans with "stra- tegic hamlets." ' He also finds it "curious and perhaps' frightening to realize that in the -United States we have a lemminglike atti- tude toward the actions' of our -Government in the Per East, although the wire services report that we are engaged in 'earthscorch- ing' practices in which, after burning vil- lages, destroying livestock and rice stores, and stripping and killing all foliage, we re- group any Civilians who survive into what the Pentagon now has the audacity to call 'new life hamlets.' It seems frightening, I say, to realize that there has been almost no outcry on the part of the organized church against these acts committed in our name and in our behalf." I am' appalfed to consider the possibility that politically the administration can do nothing at present to alter the present course of events in South Vietnam. It appalls me even more to see that Johnson is seemingly pandering to the Goldwaterites by "getting tough." The vast amount of support GOLD- WATER commands is all the more reason for bringing these issues out in the open; away from the emotional cries for "unity" and the misleading black-and-white descriptions of the situation. The true nature of the conflict in Vietnam cannot be understood without reference to the history, geography, and culture of the area. It is simply fallacious and misleading 19843 to assume that the present situation is a result of infiltration from North Vietnam. The Mekong Delta area, south of Saigon and 500 miles from North Vietnam, was the cen- ter of resistance to the French more than 15 years ago and is the center of resistance to the U.S.-supported government today. I would like to close by recording my oppo- sition to the recent strikes in North Vietnam. The nature of the targets chosen strongly suggests that an excuse was manufactured to give us the "legal" right to destroy these bases; which were obviously preselected. Senator MORSE rightly charges that our ships were probably backing up South Vietnamese boats which earlier attacked North Vietna- mese island ports. (This also mentioned by James Reston, columnist.) General Khanh's air , force general, in an interview about 3 weeks ago, revealed (to the consternation of the American "adtiser" present) that.they had been carrying out sabotage and air drops in North Vietnam for the last 3 years. There has also been evidence lately that Khanh fears a coup; that hints of such a happening have come from high up in his own regime. This would be very significant in explaining his attempt to divert atten- tion-at least world attention-from his own precarious situation, History will record this war as one fought by the United States with an overwhelming technical superiority in weapons against a peasant population Indigenous to the area. It will be recorded as the testing ground for new methods of counterinsurgency, or killing people. And it will also be recorded as a war which we lost-as did the French 10 years before us--unable to force our view of the correct society onto the population. I would welcome any evidence from re- sponsible, independent sources-not the De- fense Department or the CIA, with their vested interests-to refute any claims I have made herein. I am enclosing the article by Bronson Clark which I mentioned earlier. Also, I am en- closing an article by David Arnold, who served in South Vietnam for 14 months with the USIA office on the Mekong Delta area, and who resigned from Government service in protest. He holds a Ph. D. from Harvard and Is now executive assistant at the Wood- row Wilson National Fellowship Foundation Hon. WARREN G. MAGNUSON, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MAGNUSON: I appreciate very much your letter of August 4 with the en- closed reply from the Assistant Secretary of Defense on the, subject of U.S. policy in Viet- nam. I certainly did not expect my opinions to go quite so far. Unfortunately,'however, this reply neatly avoided answering any of my main points. This avoidance of discuss- ing openly 'the history and nature of the situation in South Vietnam is characteristic not only of the Defense' Department, but of the administration and `the mass media as well. There is such a gulf-between the "offi- cial" bureaucratic point of'view toward oper- ations such as our involvement in South Vietnam-as witnessed by the reply from the Defense Department to my letter-and the actual, personal level effect of such opera- tions on the population as a whole, so as to make discussion almost pointless. There ,are number of irrefutable facts concerning South Vietnam which are relevant to any discussion of our present policy there. One is that France colonized the area, built the cities, affected the culture-and yet was not able to retain Indochina. Another is that the United States` declined to sign the ...1954 Geneva agreements' which partitioned the country. This does not give us the right to flagrantly violate these agreements, which forbid the introduction of soldiers of any nation (except , specified numbers from France) into the area; which forbid the use of jet aircraft in the area; which called for elections in 2 years to unify North and South Vietnam. In violation of these agreements (Stevenson's U.N. speech notwithstanding) we have introduced 15,000 "advisers" (sol- diers) into the area; have constructed a huge jet base; and have supported three dictators in a row.. Diem, the first one, was schooled In America and installed largely at the insist- ence of Dulles. There is considerable evi- dence that he was removed with the active assistance of the CIA for three main reasons: He had made recent peace "feelers" to North Vietnam; he was unwilling to push the war as hard as U.S. advisers wanted him to; and his netpotism and internal repression was be- coming an embarrassment to the united States, This theory is ;widely held among correspondents and diplomats. ' Since then, we have seen two dictators *ho seem to possess even less popularity than Diem. What, then, do we mean when we speak of the "Government of South Viet- nam"? Walter Lippmann wrote in the, Wash- ington Post of April 21, 1964, that no more than 30 percent of the people support the Saigon government,. and that the govern- in Princeton, N.J. Sincerely, WASHINGTON,D.C., June 30, 1964. Hon. WARREN G. MAGNUSON, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MAGNUSON: I am replying to your June 2 referral to the Department of Defense of a letter to you from Mr. Craig Campbell. Both the President and Secretary Mc- Namara believe that the problems of south- east Asia require periodic meetings between American key officials in Washington and in the Par East having responsibility for these problems. These face-to-face ex- changes, at Saigon and at Honolulu, have provided the Secretary of Defense, General Taylor, and other officials with an oppor- funity to review the counterinsurgency op- erations of the South Vietnamese, to review our progrrAing'of assistance to Vietnam, and to consider what additional actions, if any, are required from the United States to make more effective the activities of the South Vietnamese in countering guerrilla opera- tions. Mr. Campbell raised the question of the chance of success of our policies in Vietnam. I believe that the Government of Vietnam must overcome many formidable obstacles before the Communist insurgency will be suppressed. Events leading to the over- Approved For Release 2005/02/10 : CIA-RDP66B00403R000200160025-4 19844 Approved For Release 2005/02/10 : CIA-RDP66B00403R000200160025-4 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE August 19 throw of the Diem regime and the subsequent disruption in administrative and military op- erations caused initially a setback in the war against the Vietcong terrorists. Since the advent of the Khanh government early this year, however, there has been a marked re- covery in both the military and civilian spheres. As Secretary McNamara testified recently before Congress: "It Is clear, I think, that the road alead will be long and hard there. We have said that before, I want to repeat it again today. But it is not the tradition of this country to back off when the going gets tough. I am sure all of you would agree with that. We don't propose to back off now. I am convinced and our senior military and polit- ical officials are convinced-that includes the Ambassador in Saigon and the Commander of the U.S. military assistance in Saigon-that persistent execution of the plans of the Khanh, government, plans with which we agree, will lead to success. We propose to achieve that." I appreciate Mr. Campbell's Interest in Vietnam and trust that the above will serve to answer the points raised in his letter. Sincerely, Prraa LuszRT, Deputy Assistant Secretary. [From Fellowship, May 19041 VIETNAM: SYMPTOM OF A WORLD MALAISE (By David Arnold) (In May 1963, David Arnold, who had been serving In South Vietnam for the past 14 months with the USIA office on the Mekong Delta area, resigned from government service in protest. Assigned to the branch public officer in Can Tho, he was responsible for ex- plaining U.S. policy and goals to the Viet- namese in that area. Dr. Arnold, who holds a Ph. D. from Harvard in linguistics, is now executive assistant at the Woodrow Wilson National Fellowship Foundation in Prince- ton, N.J.) It would be easy to blame the French for Vietnam. For the hundred years or so pre- ceding 1940, It was their country, part-along with Cambodia and Laos-of their colony of Indochina. The germs of the present sit- uation were loosed by them; they have thrived beautifully under our care. We became involved in Vietnam during World War II. The Japanese had occupied the country with little resistance from the French. Though they were unable to ex- ploit the vast wealth of raw materials, these resources were denied the West. In the early years of the war, we could only bars the Japanese. When our OSS infiltrated Vietnam to develop guerrilla forces capable of operat- ing behind Japanese lines, they found an al- ready well-developed resistance group calling themselves nationalists. Their Vietnamese title was Viet Minh, abbreviations for league for the Revolution and Independence of Viet- nam. Their leader was one No Chi Minh, who had been trained as a Communist in his youth. The Viet Minh Impressed us with their organization and determination to de- feat the Japanese; we supplied them and worked with them for the duration of the war. With Japanese defeat imminent, President Roosevelt made plans for the future of Indo- china. He recognized the strength of na- tionalist forces at work and proposed, at the Cairo and Teheran conferences in December 1943 and January 1944, that Indochina be placed under an international trusteeship as a final step toward complete Independence. But Roosevelt's hope for a trusteeship over Indochina died with him. Key policymak- ing personnel in the Truman administra- tion were concerned with what they saw as the more pressing problems of Europe. In 1948, France reasserted her claim over her former colonies with scarcely a protest from us. The Viet Minh, however, had other ideas. They had rallied the support of the peasants to fight the Japanese and now had their back- ing to demand Independence from the French. France appeared at first to meet the Viet Minh demands. In return for polit- ical, military, and economic concessions, she agreed to recognize the Republic of Vietnam "as a free state, having its own government, parliament, army, and treasury, belonging to the Indochinese Federation and the French Union," However, a few months later, she reneged on her promises and prepared to re- occupy the country. The Viet Minh turned to us, as their allies of the war, for support. We were unwilling and unprepared to anger France--we refused. They then turned to Russia. She, too, was more concerned with events in Europe, and also turned them down, No Chi Minh asked France for further negotiations-his pleas were Ignored. Frencij forces reentered Viet- nam, armed largely with American lend- lease weapons. The Viet Minh went under- ground, pledging guerrilla warfare until their demands were met. At the end of the war in 1948 the Viet Minh had been relatively moderate and friendly to the West. French military reoc- cupation of the country produced a Viet Minh thoroughly hostile to the West and completely Communist oriented. Although Russia continued her unwillingness to aid them, by 1949 a newly Communist China recognized a way to fulfill both her ideolog- ical convictions and her ancient imperial de- signs on southeast Asia. Vietnam had once been under Chinese rule for a period of 1,000 years. and China offered her support to the Viet Minh with a long eye to the future. The ensuing Indochinese War was a shock to the French. Chinese training_ and sup- plies for the Viet Minh were seemingly end- less. Prepared for pitched battles, the French were Ill-equipped for guerrilla war- fare. Their tanks mired In the rice fields, and their slow moving convoys were easily ambused along jungle roads. They received no support from the Vietnamese peasants, whose appetite for independence had been well developed by No Chi Minh. SUPPORT GOES TO FRANCE As an ally, we supplied the French with equipment and supplies. Our aid averaged $600 million annually through 1953. This proved of little help, for the French were fast losing. By the time the Eisenhower ad- ministration took office, a detached observer might have been able to see that we were committed to a hopleleas situation. Yet, we either had no detached observers, or they did not have the ears of our new adminis- trstors-we did not change our policy. In- stead we put more effort into making the old policy produce better results. Fiscal 1954 aid was increased to $885 million; we promised $1.133 billion for fiscal 1955. The French did not last until 1955. In the spring of 1954, the bloody battle of Dien Bien Phu intervened. A strategic French fortress in the northern plains fell to the Communists-this was the Anal crushing blow. France called for a truce. Russia, China, the United States, Britain, and France sat down at the conference table in Geneva. Vietnam was divided at the 17th parallel; Viet Minh troops were to withdraw to the north, French troops to the south. The accords prohibited the introduction of new military equipment or personnel Into either sector, except as replacements for ex- isting equipment and personnel. Neither zone was to join any military alliance or permit the establishment of foreign bases. The country was to be reunified through general elections scheduled for July 1956. The United States refused to Sign the ac- cords, but stated that we took note of the agreements and "would refrain from the threat of the. use of force to disturb them," For this interim period, No Chi Minh headed a Democratic Republic of North Viet- nam. The French supported a South Viet- namese Government headed by the former Emperor Bao Dal. Athough we and other Western powers recognized South Vietnam as an independent state, the Bao Dai govern- ment was little more than a thin facade for continued French presence. The French controlled the army, the administration, and much of,the economy. SAO DAI LASTS A YEAR This French-sponsored government lasted a little over a year. We had had our Korea, and the cornerstone of our foreign policy was now containment. We decided that continued French presence in South Viet- nam would be a difficult obstacle to our plans for checking further Communist advances In Asia. We set about taking a more active role in the future of South Vietnam. An ardent anti-Communist Vietnamese nation- alist by the name of Ngo Dinh Diem had been invited back from exile to serve as Premier of the Bao Dal government. He soon caught our eye as a possible alternative to Bao Dai himself. With a promise of massive Ameri- can aid, he successfully persuaded the Em- peror to hold a popular referendum on the future form of the government of South Vietnam. This referendum, held In October 1955, produced an announced 98 percent majority in favor of a Republic headed by Ngo Dinh Diem. Bao Dal left in exile for the French Riviera-the French had been pushed aside. We began developing South Vietnam Into what we called "a bastion of the free world." Considering the conditions that existed in South Vietnam in 1965, it Is a wonder that we even thought we could succeed. The war had left roads and railroads de- stroyed, communications disrupted. Viet- namese industry and most natural resources were located in the north. Many Viet Minh had not 'withdrawn to the north, but had gone underground In the south, retaining the loyalty of peasants. The population of North Vietnam was 18 million and that of the South only 14 million. Even had Presi- dent Diem been as genuinely popular as he claimed to be, it was clear that just by weight of numbers the Communists would win the nationwide elections scheduled for 1956 by the Geneva accords. NO ELECTIONS FOR DIEM-OR US Therefore we backed Diem's refusal to follow the accords. We agreed with him that genuinely free elections could not be held in a Communist North Vietnam, but said nothing about whether genuinely free elec- tions could be held in the south. There were no nationwide elections. Our aid poured in. Diem had quashed dissident Buddhist sects challenging his authority to speak for the country, and he now rebuilt the army. Within a few years he extended the power of his government Into rural areas which the French, even at the height of their power, had never reached. He made begin- nings in land reform and redeveloped large areas of swamp lands in which to settle the nearly 1 million refugees who had fled the north. But for a government supported by the greatest democracy in the world, the Repub- lic of South Vietnam was proving to be amazingly undemocratic. Ngo Dinh Diem called himself a President. He was an auto- crat ruling from a palace, refused to share powers of decision outside his own family. He tolerated no opposition. No one un- friendly to Diem managed to hold a seat in his Chamber of Deputies. The country's population was 70 percent Buddhist, but positions of responsibility were given only to members of the Roman Catholic Church, to which the Ngo family had belonged for over three centuries. Approved For Release 2005/02/10 : CIA-RDP66B00403R000200160025-4 Approved For R se 2005/02/10: CIA-RDP66B00403R `200160025-4 196 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD SENATE 1984 Mono of this bothered us too much. We made it dlear by word and action that as long as Diexn continued to-be anti-Communist, we Would back 4iim in whatever` he did. The tragedy, however, was that Americans in positions of responsibility never knew ex- actly what he `did. Of the more than 600 American diplomatic, military, and aid per- sonnel in South Vietnam, no more than 50 lived and worked outside the capital city. We gathered our information on the political and military situation from Saigon sources, who carefully filtered out disquieting news from the provinces. If lower-level American officials in the field submitted reports of growing unrest among the peasants of South Vietnam, the reports never managed to reach Washington, TROUBLE IN THE NEWS In 1960, the American people were'sud- denly told that there was trouble in Viet- nam again. The news may have been sud- den, the trouble was not. Guerrillas had Started reappearing in 1958, capitalizing on a feeling, of political and social impotence among the peasants. They urged the peas- ants to resist the authority of their govern- ment and deman d reunification with their brethren in the north. "They' promised the peasants a voice in a government that gave equal consideration to all its citizens and gave no preference to one group over an- other. Many of these so-called Vietcong were former Viet Minh who had 'never left the south, Others had infiltrated' along the celebrated 'Ho Chi-Minh'trall through Laos. Many were new recruits. "They` were all well received by the peasants. Diem's reaction to the increasing subver- S1on was a further tightening of the reins of government. As the guerrillas won more peasants, Diem became more authoritarian. Any Vietnamese who spoke up in public against the increasing 'repressive acts of his government was jailed. Any Americans who felt our mission in Vietnam might be jeop- ardized by a blind allegiance to a government that was violating what we considered to be the basic rights of all individuals everywhere were called defeatists-ignored, or sometimes transferred. During this period, our Embassy was ap- proached by several anti-Communist but dis- sident Vietnamese groups asking support to overthrow the Diem government. Many commanded widespread backing among the military and, the intelligentsia. We ignored their petitions. By the fall of 1960, the Communists had gained control of large sections of the Viet- namese countryside. Six days after the elec- tion of President Kennedy, one of the groups that had approached us earlier for support attempted a coup. They were crushed. We dismissed, the affair as an isolated incident, not in the least symptomatic of conditions in the country. We found out several months later that the young military officers behind the coup had thought, with the election of President Kennedy, that we would now be more sympathetic to their cause. By spring '1961, our new administration did recognize that there were problems in Vietnam. Vietnamese hopes rose as Presi- dent Kennedy assigned a new Ambassador, Frederick Molting, and sent Vice President Johnson on a factfinding tour in May. John- son's trip' was followed by a study mission headed by Gen. Maxwell Taylor. By fall we ,had prepared what we called a "new policy" for South Vietnam. It was not a new policy. We were only t,,,y,ing harder to'make the old policy work. We continued to back Ngo Dinh Diem, our new administration ;said, because there *as no other alternative. (This we said, of .1 .1 course, about Chiang Kai-shek before we lost mainland. China, about Batista before we lost Cuba, and. about Rhee before he was overthrown.) We did, however, recognize supplied us by the Vietnamese Government the need for making `the Diem government 'information service, listing 200 Vietcong more palatable to the Vietnamese people, and . killed and one Government soldier woundeL. we were planning to press for political and Yet, even with such a high mortality rate social reforms in return for massive buildup among the Communists, within 18 months in economic and military aid. 10,000 Vietcong regulars managed to swell to During the winter of 1961-62, we sent mil- 25,000. lions of dollars of equipment and supplies The Communists were exploting the situa- and 12,000 military and civilian advisers to tion beautifully. We were the successors to South Vietnam. I was one of the civilians. the French, they said, moving our men and The focus of our civilian efforts was the stra- equipment into the country to destroy tegic hamlet program. Following the British Vietnamese independence and convert the success in Malaya in the mid-fifties, we were country into a colony of Western imperial- planning to help the Vietnamese Govern- ism. They revived Ho Chi Minh's cry of ment regroup its peasant population in fort- the Indochinese war for freedom from the ified villages. These strategic hamlets, as Western colonialists. They portrayed Diem we called them in Vietnam, would theoreti- as a puppet of the West, who had no concern cally protect the peasants from Vietcong for the interest of his countrymen. They propaganda and terrorism and would cut the made no move, however, to topple the gov- -guerrillas off from food and information ernment, for they were convinced that it sources. We then planned to convince the would fall by itself. Vietnamese Government to introduce demo- The horror of the situation came not from cratic forms of self-government into the stra- what the Vietnamese were doing, but from tegic hamlets, with the hope that, given what Americans thought they were doing. an increased sense of individual responsibil- As the New York Times had consistently ity, the peasant might come to respect his pointed out, there was little relationship be government. tween what we lower echelon people were NEw POLICY ALSO FAILS 'seeing and reporting from the field, and I was in South Vietnam for 14 months. what the highest American officials in Saigon Within 6 months it was obvious to those were reporting back to Washington. The of us in the field that, for all of the talk State Department now blames the Central of "cautious optimism" and "qualified sue- Intelligence Agency for stopping the flow of cess" among Americans in Saigon and the realistic information to Washington, but State Department, our new policy was work- there was a ban on negative reporting ing no better than the old. throughout the entire American Mission in Both Americans and Vietnamese were tak- Saigon until only recently. ing the strategic hamlet program seriously DIED. LOSES WHILE HE WINS and were hailing it as the turning point in All of us, I am sure, the Ambassador in- the struggle against Vietcong, I visited stra- eluded, knew at least unconsciously that we tegic hamlets in the Mekong Delta every were winning no war, that Diem was win- day and saw differently. Fortified villages in ning no support of his people, and that Malaya probably did win the war. The Brit- there was no prospect of victory over the ish, through means never revealed to Parlia- Communists with our present policy. If it ment, managed to separate the Communist was to be "sink or swim with Ngo Dinh from the non-Communist before enclosing Diem," we all knew that we were sinking. the village with a wall. The Vietnamese-did But those who had to take responsibility not. Anyone could live in the strategic ham- for our actions no longer dared to reverse let if he said he wanted to or could be forced themselves. They had spent too many bil- to. In Malaya the walls were 12 feet high, lions, been in Vietnam too many years, and the gates were closed at sundown, and any- lost too many men to admit that it had been one found outside the walls was shot on the in vain. To protect themselves, they could spot, no questions asked. In the Delta some accept only those facts that would support walls managed to rise to 3 feet, and for the the only policy they thought possible. peasants who couldn't be bothered with Step- When I left Vietnam, most of us in the ping over them, the gates were always open. field knew what would happen next. It is In Malaya, the inhabitants were kept armed, true that we had not known that the violent to ward off guerrilla attacks. In South Viet-. protest would be led first by Buddhists. We nam; weapons were kept locked in the hamlet had guessed the young military or the Stu- chief's office and distributed in emergencies- dents. Our top officials saw nothing coming. Emergencies managed to come too fast for Over the summer, as the Buddhists revolt effective distribution. In Malaya, the Com- grew, our Americans in Saigon seemed to munists were effectively cut off from the become more blind, and more willing and peasants. In Vietnam, the flow of propa- even eager to accept official Vietnamese pro- ganda, terror, food and information contin- nouncements that the anti-Government ued unhindered. demonstrations were Communist-directed. We were Preening ourselves over the begin- When Ngo Dinh Nhu, President Diem's pings of democratic self-government we had brother, used his CIA-sponsored special introduced into the strategic hamlets: The forces to sack the pagodas on the night of Vietnamese were sharing our public enthusi- August 21, I thought the end of any Amer- asm by announcing that a long-soughtsocial ican influence in South Vietnam was in sight. revolution had taken hold of their country. The Vietnamese people had called upon us Hamlet residents were now given an'oppor- to help them, and we were silent. Ameri- tunity to elect their own leaders and to vote can-made rifles clubbed the Buddhist nuns themselves on possible self-help programs and priests into submission, and American- founded by the United States. I asked a made trucks hauled them to prison and tor- close Vietnamese friend of mine in the gov- ture. Our money was supporting a govern- ernment whether the peasants were in fact ment hated by the whole country. How being given this opportunity. "Of 'course could we not expect that this hate would not," he answered. "The day before the elec- turn toward us? tion, the district chief instructs the peasants In September, 1 month after the arrival of in what choices they are to make. Then, the Ambassador Lodge, Washington recalled our following day, when you Americans are there, head CIA representative in South Vietnam, the peasants know exactly how to vote." a man personally committed to Ngo Dinh "Have the peasants ever made up their own Nhu. It was only a matter of weeks after minds?" I asked. Ike was surprised that I he left that the first successful coup against would ask such a .ridiculous question. Ngo Dinh Diem came. I do not know if we Militarily, we claimed to have turned the took the initiative with the Vietnamese gen- tide against the Communists. We were erals, or whether they came to us first for proudly reporting "mopping up" operations support. This perhaps does not matter. Approved For Release 2005/02/10 : CIA-RDP66B00403R000200'160025-4 19846 - Approved For Release 2005/02/10 : CIA-RDP66B'00403R000200160025-4 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE August 19 our supplies had been used by Diem to main- tain power, so they were used to overthrow him. The Diem government was American- sponsored. Its successors have been Ameri- can-sponsored. Whether the Vietnamese people want an American-sponsored govern- ment has apparently not yet occurred to our pollcymakers. The two post-Diem military governments have proved to be no solution, Vietcong terrorism increases, their hold on the coun- tryside tightens, and even Saigon now begins to show signs of panic. At this point there appear to be Ave possi- ble directions the Vietnam situation could take. PROPOSAL NO. 1: ante UP SHANH The first, which we have proposed. In- volves building up the present military strong man, General Khanh, as the popular leader we once thought Diem to be. For this, even if ghanh had the potential, it is too late. The Vietnamese people will not give us another opportunity to show them what "democracy" can do for their country. The second, another of our proposals, would be to complete American military withdrawal from the country by the end of 1965, allowing the South Vietnamese to take sole responsibility for the war. This would be the cruelest of all possible solutions. The current war is almost completely the product of our own policies. We must stay at least long enough to help the Vietnamese people fashion a more constructive policy. The third possibility is also our proposal- to carry the war to North Vietnam, giving the North Vietnamese, we have said, "some of their own medicine." But as Secretary of State Rusk has pointed out, the trouble is in South Vietnam. Extending hostilities will not eliminate them. A fourth recommendation has come from the North Vietnamese and the Communist Chinese, with a call for a Geneva Coryfer- ence to negotiate a ceasefire and 's neutrali- zation of South Vietnam. We answer that this would lead to an eventual takeover by North Vietnam. The final proposal has been offered by Gen- eral de Gaulle. After establishing a cease- fire, the Geneva Conference would negotiate reunification of the south with the north and neutralization of the entire country. We answer that North Vietnam is already too dominated by Communist China to be effec- tively neutral In the cold war. Any decision as to the direction of Viet- nam must obviously take Into account the feelings of the Vietnamese people. As all peoples, they want peace. As the people of a divided country, they want reunification. As the pawns once of colonialism and now of communism, they want an opportunity to work out their own destiny. The nation, the group of nations, the in- ternational organization that could guaran- tee a reunified and peaceful Vietnam, freed from the pressures of the cold war, would have the support of all Vietnamese-in the north, in the south, or in exile. )From Fellowship, May 1964) THE BACKGROUND (By David Arnold) (Mr. Arnold's paper and contributions by three other specialists on Vietnam: Jerrold Schecter, Helen Lamb, and Helen Mears, were considered on February 28, 29, 1964, at Shadowcliff, national headquarters of the Fellowship of Reconciliation at Nyack, N.Y. Executives from the following peace organi- zations were also present: National Commit- tee for a Sane Nuclear Policy, Turn Toward Peace, Women's International League for Peace and Freedom, the American Friends Service Committee, the War Resisters League, the Methodist Board of Social Concerns, Friends Committee for National Legislation, Friends Peace Committee, Committee for Nonviolent Action, National Service Board for Religious Objectors, Promoting Enduring Peace, Mennonite Central Committee, and Committee for World Development and World Disarmament.) Leaders of 14 organisations devoted to peaceful solutions to world conflict spent a weekend recently focusing on the festered awe in southeast Asia known as Vietnam. Pour specialists provided background details and overall summaries of the Vietnam situa- tion, among them David Arnold, who sup- plied this key article. Vietnam, partitioned as cruelly and illogi- cally as Clermany and Korea-Le a stage for big-power plays locked In dubious battle. It soon became apparent to the conferees that no lasting solution to Vietnam exists apart from a radical examination of the whole world situation. Within the large frame of, a triple revolu- tion of human rights, technology. and wea- pons, the drama of southeast Asia is being played out by three great powers-the United States. China, and the V.S.S.R.-and a boat of figures representing nationalist and in- dependent movements. That the nostrums and long-range prescriptions are having lit- tle effect in the cure of the running sore of Vietnam Is in itself evidence of the general malaise of world society. As affairs stand in mid-1964, only five prin- cipal courses are possible In South Vietnam for the United States (elaborated somewhat by David Arnold in his article): (1) Shoring up the present regime; (2) withdrawal: (3) carrying the war to North Vietnam; (4) ne- gotiation; and (5) neutralization. All but the latter two carry with them the ever-present possibility of escalation into major war. Yet beginnings can and must be made In Vietnam lest its local troubles spread to epidemic proportions. Among the irreducible conditions for enough stability for a new start are these: A Geneva Conference similar to the one on Cambodia In 1954 with China as partici- pant, directed first of all to negotiate a ceasefire agreement in Vietnam. Resumption of trade between South and North Vietnam. A strict embargo on all arms to Veet nom Internationally supervised elections In both countries. The neutralization of the whole Indochina peninsula. Immediate questions of UN. auspices, of who should participate In the conference, of the responsibility of powers not native to the region, of the Introduction of basic land reform, of the form of a reunited ret- nam, and other economic or political reali- ties of the area are too complex to be dealt with here. All must, in any case, await the stop of a fratricidal, enormously costly war that daily becomes more purposeless, more inconclusive. Vietnam Is not just a trouble spot. It Is the most visible and virulent local eruption of deep world sickness. Weaponry, atomic and otherwise, in its advanced state of revo- lution, is delicate enough to be touched off by such a trigger. Technology, in its rapid spread of cybernetic controls and exploding unemployment, threatens all the old con- cepts of land,' livelihood, markets, and re- sources. And the revolution in human rights is heavily felt in every corner of southeast Asia today. The Fellowship of Reconciliation (and to some extent the groups listed who partici- pated in the conference on Vietnam) is deeply committed to the whole concept of a world at peace. But it realizes that short- term and piecemeal approaches are often Irrelevant and sometimes even backward steps, when not seen in the genuinely revo- lutionary and apocalyptic vision of the ac- tual shape of a world at peace. Studies and papers dealing with such a world are now In prooees of preparation and production. For more information on the program and the philosophy of the Fellowship of Recon- ciliation, write Box 271, Nyack, N.Y. )Prom Friends Journal, July 15, 19641 ALGERIA AND Vxzmsae: TELLTALE OF DISASTER (By Bronson P. Clark) Quaker workers in Algeria regard as com- monplace the numerous stories of atrocities which grew out of the 8-year Algerian strug- gle for independence. A tree was pointed out to me where women were hung by their arms until they would tell where their sons were hidden. I, was shown the cistern in which 20 or 25 men were jammed for special punishment, as well as the single water tap for an entire regroupment camp, where the water was shut off for 18 days during one period of repression. These and similar stories grew out of the efforts by the French to pacify the civilian population. Despite the creation of thou- sands of regroupment camps In which mil- lions of Algerians were imprisoned, and in spite of massive military superiority, the French could not succeed. It was on a day when I stood in a small western Algerian town on the edge of the Sahara, talking with the mayor, that the similarity between the efforts of the French in Algeria and of the American Government in South Vietnam struck me as a parallel. I had just read in the New York Times of the machinegunning of water buffalo in South Vietnam when the Algerian mayor pointed out that during the war the camels had been machin gunned by the French in an effort to deprive the guerrillas operating in the desert area of their usefulness. As the months have gone by, the parallel has become more and more striking. During the Diem era, the U.S. Government an- nounced that 8,000 strategic hamlets. financed by the United States, would be built in south Vietnam. The reason given for regrouping civilian populations into camps (for the most part forcibly) is that it pre- vents the guerrilla, operating In the country- side, from terrorizing the peasants into pro- viding support. The same argument had been used in Algeria, but the fact of the mat- ter was that the French soldiers could not determine whether an Algerian peasant was simply an innocent farmer or was in fact a peasant fighter or sympathizer. Since they were not able to trust anyone, their idea was to move everyone behind barbed wire and then to declare that anyone found outside was obviously hostile. In the kind of bush and guerrilla warfare going on in South Vietnam, where Ameri- cans finance and direct the overall operation, our military face a similar problem. But foreign correspondents have made it clear to us that the governments which we have financed and supported do not have the sup- port of local peasants, and that repressive tactics similar to those In Algeria have (as in the Algerian case) sealed the hostility of the peasants against the Saigon Government and the U.8.-financed army. The bontinued regrouping of large numbers of Vietnamese into camps, with the frequent burning of their former homes, will serve only to create additional support for the Vietcong. The torture of dragging prisoners through muddy paddy fields behind vehicles (as depicted in the New York Times of May 23) Is only one' example of the atrocities which will alienate what peasant support Is left. At the time of some of the Algerian atroci- ties there were protests by the Catholic Church in France against the harsh prac- tices of the French Army. There were also demonstrations of Civil disobedience by French draftees, particularly with respect to the Algerian war. It is curious and perhaps frightening to realize that in the United States we have a leming-like attitude to- Approved For Release 2005/02/10 : CIA-RDP66B00403R000200160025-4 196.4 Approved For Remise 2005/02/10: CIA-RDP66B00403R100160025-4 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE 19847 ward the, actions of our Government in the Far East, although the wire services report that We are engaged in "earthscorching" practices in which, after burning villages, de- stroying livestock and rice stores, and strip- ping and killing all foliage, we regroup any civilians who survive into what the Penta- gon now has the audacity to call "new life hamlets. It seem frightening, I say, to realize that there has been almost no outcry on the part of the organized church against these acts committed in our 'name and in our behalf. One might wonder why the American Gov- ernment persists so vigorously in prosecut- ing a war which most thoughtful observers agree carhot be resolved militarily, but (as Walter Lippmann often has pointed out) must ultimately be negotiated into a political settlement in which the Vietcong or Commu- nists are given a recognized status. At the least, the issue should be brought before the United Nations. American reluctance to do this can be understood only if one glances back in the broadest possible sweep of understanding at the American position in the Far East during the last 2b years. ' Those of us who were in Quaker service in China in the middle forties recall how amazed the American public was when the American Government intervened so aggres- sively in the Chinese Civil War. The U.S. Air Force flew Chiang Kai-shek's troops from west China, where they had been pushed by the Japanese, to the eastern cities of Chtna, to forestall those cities' being oc- cupied by nearby Chinese Communist troops. After the surrender of the Japanese at the end of the Second World War, United States Marines were used to hold Chinese railway lines for the Nationalists in an effort to keep the-lines from falling into-the hands of the Chinese Communists. We set up a military advisory group in China to equip and train Chiang Kai-shek's troops in a new war to kill Chinese Com- munists, Everyone knows we were ulti- mately defeated when Chiang was forced to retreat to Formosa. For some people it has been an iugxplicable situation that in the Far East we have tenaciously tied ourselves to a sterile and bankrupt policy which has blocked China's admission to the world com- munity, prevented our citizens from travel- ing to China, and prohibited cultural and scientific interchange and world trade with a fifth of the human race. Our .Government will punish any American journalist who at tempts to report to us directly from China. ,Those Americ,.ns who did not realize the enormous extent of our involvement in the Chinese Civil War cannot, understand, ourcontinuing involvement in the growing war- in southeast Asia, The fact is that the Pentagon has not forgotten its defeat at the hands of the Chinese Communists and_ re- gards its maneuvers in South ' Vietnam and its increasing military adventures in Laos as prejockeying and eventually coming to grips with what the Pentagon regards as the principal target or enemy: Communist China. It is difficult for the. American eople or the Congress to play a very significant role, as little. is known about the Far East. Most of our high schools have no courses whatever on Far Eastern history, and 11 only a hand- ful of colleges give a major in Far Eastern affairs. Only occasionally is there a student of Far Eastern languages. Our general ignorance of Asian language, race, religion, history, and ' geography pre- vents us from making an impact upon our Congressmen, whose main concerns continue to be, on the one hand, a wide-eyed, childlike version of, bogeyman communism, and, on the other, nxiety that the military contracts dealt out by the Pentagon go to their con- stituents. The pressure on Congress is enor- mous to continue military programs and to maintain supply depots, navy yards, obsolete tank manufacturing plants, etc. A recent 2-day visit to Washington, during which I had a series of interviews on South Vietnam with Pentagon and State Department per- sonnel, convinced me that the Congress had declared its last war. From now on, our military adventures will begin as the White House (using a combination of Pentagon- CIA-State Department advice) sees fit to begin them. While similarities with Algeria have been pointed out, they can be carried only so far. One of the differences is that France was strained to the limit economically by tier military adventures abroad. Also, the liberal tradition within the French political stream created a tension within her community which predisposed the French people to with- drawing from the Algerian venture. These two factors do not exist for us in southeast Asia. We are wealthy, strong, and arrogant. We are not predisposed to withdraw, having not yet reached the political maturity, to realize that ' there are many kinds of com- munism, some of which provide quite an adequate way of life for some peoples; nor have we the sophistication to realize that it is not given to the United States-particu- larly majority white Americans-to dictate to small brown people of another religion and another language how they shall think and feel and to what loyalties they shall respond. Rather than present our military face to these people in Asia, we should-as Supreme Court Justice Douglas long ago pointed out- endorse with enthusiasm their attempts to break with their fuedal past and to shake off their enormous poverty, and should join side by side with them in building a new society in which they might share in some measure such standards of food, health, and education as we have in America. If thoughtful and religious people in Amer- ica do not soon impinge upon our Govern- ment's fatal and immoral policy, we shall be led further into a series of events beyond our control which we shall not be able to stop. China cannot long permit our con- tinued intervention without weighing direct intervention herself. Who dares forecast after that? I await with anxiety the awaken- ing of America's conscience. DAYTON, OHIO, August 13, 1964. Senator MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. MY DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I want to express my appreciation for your stand on the Viet- nam crisis. I am horrified at the extent this "war" has gone and how little the American (U.S.) people know about it. I had written to the President about my concern before-several times before his talk of August 6. I was hopeful he would ap- proach the Vietnam issue from a conciliatory angle-directly opposite to what I under- stand Mr. GOLDWATER takes. But this hope was shattered August 6. I note in a report in our newspaper that you still stand firm in the belief which I hold also (if I interpret. this correctly). Where do we (U.S.) go from here? Sincerely yours, JOE M. DEXTER. ANCHORAGE, ALASKA, August 8, 1964. Senator ERNEST GRUENING, U.S. Senate, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR GRINNING: I wish to extend to you and to Senator MORSE a vote of con- fidence and appreciation for your long and continued stand on the southeast Asia situ- ation. The conventional press has not re- corded your remarks on the floor of the Senate; however, through subscribing to sev- eral liberal publications, I had been aware of your sane and sensible stand. I have long felt that we had no business whatsoever, in southeast Asia; that the countries in that area are capable of self-determination and self-government; and that we have problems within the borders of our own country which should be resolved before sticking our nose into other people's business. Please keep up the good fight. The in- telligent people of this country will applaud and the vacuum heads will jeer. Sincerely yours, PETER W. LANNEN. MELBOURNE, AUSTRALIA, August 8, 1964. DEAR SENATOR: From faraway Australia, I would like to congratulate you on your lone stand against the recent military action in the Gulf of Tonkin and the coast of North Vietnam. When a war hysteria grips a people it is very hard to hear the quieter voice of sanity. Amid all the dark news of last week your vote and protest were a most encouraging and hopeful light. Will the U.S. administration realize in time that you cannot capture men's hearts and minds by shooting their brothers? Haven't the peoples of Asia the right to expect something better from the world's richest Nation than bombs and bloodshed? Your courageous protest served the cause of America and world peace well. Yours sincerely, VINCENT MATTHEW. HARPURSVILLE, N.Y. August 13, 1964. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I wish to commend you in your attempts to get our troops with- drawn from Vietnam. So many of us, especially the young peo- ple, feel so helpless to do anything to stop the futile loss of men, the outpouring of our money and our disgraceful actions there, both political and military. I hope that these silent despairing citi- zens may voice their ideas and help you to save our men. Yours truly, GENEVIEVE KARR HAMLIN. NEW YORK, N.Y., August 11, 1964. Hon. WAYNE L. MORSE, Senate of the United States, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I am writing to ex- press my extreme concern over the situa- tion in Vietnam and the position which our Government has taken and continues to take with regard to it. In addition, I want to say that I appreciate your position particu- larly on the vote taken in the Senate Friday in which you did not support the President's military action. I urge you to continue to press for our withdrawal from Vietnam. Time has be- come of the essence. Sincerely yours, DEBORAH A. JACKSON. SAN FRANCISCO, CALIF., ,August 11, 1964. Hon. WAYNE MORSE, Senate of the United States, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: As a longtime ad- mirer of your great State of Oregon, I was pleased to discover that Oregon has a Sen- ator whose integrity matches her beauty. I thank you for the courageous stand on the war in Vietnam, and for your efforts to end hyprocisy in our foreign aid program. I also urge you to work for full implemen- tation of the new civil rights law, and for protection of civil rights workers and Negroes in.the South. Approved For Release 2005/02/10 : CIA-RDP66B00403R000200160025-4 19848 Approved For Release 2005/02/10 : CIA-RDP66B00403R000200160025-4 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE August 19 I sincerely hope that you and Senator GRUENING will keep up the struggle. Thank you. Yours sincerely, DONALD JOHNS. POINT ARENA, CALIF., August 10, 1964. DEAR SIR: I wish to thank you for your op- position to President Johnson's action in Vietnam, and to say I firmly support the rea- sons for your stand. and your whole position in regard to the war to Vietnam. I am a schoolteacher in rural northern California. Yours sincerely, MRS. ROSALIE BORTNWICK. AUGUST 6, 1964. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Washington, D.C. DEAR SIR: I am a student at the University of Washington and a registered voter of King County, Wash. I have followed your calm dissent with the majority views regarding Vietnam for the past year with amazement. Last fall I prepared a research speech for a class on the conditions in South Vietnam, I used such sources as the New Republic and the Nation-even Dean Rusk's speeches. Sir, you are absolutely correct regarding our deplorable role In that country, Why are our violations of the Geneva Agreements of 1954 and international custom regarding the use of chemical warfare completely ignored in this country? You have been dispassionate, reasoned, and courageous in expressing your views. We are in a minority regarding this matter; I hope that somehow you can continue to ex- press what you know and feel to be true. I also hope the people of Oregon recognize your worth. Sincerely, BEVERLY HILLS, CALIF., August 13, 1964. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: The coverage and wisdom you displayed during the recent clash with North Vietnam is deeply admired and appreciated, by me, my family, and all of our friends. We are in complete accord with your views, and fully realize the strength of character and depth of conviction that you so ably expressed during this crisis. Our humble thanks to you for bolstering our belief that truth will always prevail in the person of men like yourself. Respectfully, Mrs. JAMES J. BROWN. AUGUST 10, 1964. Senator WAYNE WORSE. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: By reputation, you should be able to cancel out Senator GOLD- WATER all by yourself. MILTON R. SCHErERN. LIVINGSTON. N.J., August 15, 1964. DEAR SENATOR MoasE: I have just taken the time to read both sides of the issue of the attack in the Gulf of Tonkin. I have now made up my mind. I wish to congratulate you and Senator GRUENING (Alaska) for your courage and vision In voting against the President's ac- tion. What makes me feel Bad about our country Is that you and ORUENING are the only two in the Senate and the House who saw the issue so clearly. What is wrong with our country? Is Presi- dent Johnson so sensitive of GOLDWATER? We now know unfortunately that the despotic South Vietnam regime (democratic?) could fabricate a war similar to the battleship Maine incident. It is odd but most history does repeat itself. Keep up the good work. Don't loose heart. Sven though we are a very small minority, "we shall overcome " RespecUu ly. VENICE, CALIF. October 12,1961. Senator WAYNE MORSE. Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. HONORASLE Six: Your stand against our undeclared war in southeast Asia is well taken because: (1) We cannot win the way we are going. (2) We are being drawn into a war with China, on their terms. in their front yard, 6,000 miles from home. Their plan is to eat Into southeast Asia slowly, so we will not go all out while they do not have the atomic bomb. That way they win. What should we do? (1) Pull out slowly (4 months) and suck them in. (2) Tell them to get out of Vietnam and all other territory not Chinese, Including India. They would declare war then. (8) Warn them to get out in 3 months. (4) Declare war and after warning them to evacuate noncombatants we bomb their cities and communications. (5) No American soldiers used ever. What do we accomplish by this pro- vided we can convince our people and the world that It is our duty to stop them? (1) We set them back 10 years and make it probable that their people will revolt. (2) If they get the atomic bomb in that time prepare to suffer defeat In Asia. tempo- rarily; draw back to the Philippines from where we would continue the bombing until they are destroyed as a power. If the yellow peril is real the above will be necessary for our survival. What are the chances of our getting allies, or at least approval from NATO and Russia? Slim, I'd say. until we turn the tide. How would our people react? Support-if we make clear our plan to keep our soldiers out. Cancel the draft and reduce all Armed Forces except air. The alternative to some successful plan to stop the Chinese Is to train our grandsons to pull a rickshaw. A. E. BURTON. SAN BERNARDINO, CALIF., August 13, 1964. Han. WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR: The enclosed editorial spurred me to write you In comendation for your stand on Vietnam. I go much further in my support for you than the editorial, and I should have written you much sooner. You and the Senator from Alaska and Walter Lippmann are the only ones making sense regarding the situation. It would indeed be folly-disastrous folly- to become Involved In war on the Chinese mainland. We have gone far In that direc- tion. In the morning's paper Mr. Lippmann writes, just as you have said: "We must make our readiness to negotiate an accommodation as credible as we make our readiness to retaliate against aggression." Very sincerely and cordially, Mrs. OBED E. SMELSER, Independent voter-as yet favoring President Johnson. From the San Bernardino (Calif.) Daily Sun, Aug. 13, 2964 1 DEFENDING A NAY-SAYE! A reader inquires: "Why does not someone shove a gag down Senator WAYNE MORSE's throat?" Obviously our subscriber is vexed over the Oregon Senator's persistent dissent to the joint resolution on southeast Asia. Or. may- be this reader is aggravated with WAYNE LYMAN MoasE's selection of foreign aid legis- lation as his prime target for criticism. The reader's question is not difficult to answer. Senator Moasx,because of the freedom our constitutional government provides, has . a right to speak his mind. And he does. Nonetheless, Oregon voters must be happily satisfied with their Senator's performance. Otherwise they would never return him to the Senate. Objectively, WAYNE Mozsz possesses a razor-keen intellect. His whiplash of scorn is respected., Few colleagues can equal his oratory. He usually speaks with consider- able substance. What Senator can compete as a debater with MORSE's shrewdness, agility, overpowering logic, and seemingly inexhaus- tiblity? He is categorized as the Senate's ablest expert on labor law. He ranks among the best as a constitutionalist. We concur that Senator Moser, at times is almost intolerable to the self-righteous conviction with which he pursues his goals. We dislike the manner in which he often seems to impute sinister motives to those colleagues who disagree with him. Yet, we do not minimize his capacities as a legal and legislative scholar. To be respected is MORSE'S standing as a leading Democratic liberal. True, the Democrats certainly have found MORSE no more tractable than the Repub. licans did. His conversion to the Democrats actually seems to have sharpened his combativeness. Although we often disagree with Senator MORBE's verbal utterances on the critical issues of our time, like Voltaire we will defend to the death his right to speak his mind. We admire his forthrightness in this age of conformity. Asxov, MINN., August 14, 1964. Senator WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate Building, Washington. D.C. DEAR S>a: I admire your courage tremen- dously on your stand on Vietnam. I wrote the President, MCCARTHY, HUMPHREY, and BLATNIK a letter of protest on their stand the following "I protest vigorously your stand on Vietnam. We have no legal or moral business there. We're deliberately lied to that they attacked us. later it comes out we attacked them. Same as U-2 Incident. We're becoming known as the country with the gun and napalm bombs all over the world. We're playing with dynamite. Some- times those things backfire." More power to you. Sincerely, Mrs. JORGON JORGEASIA. CALHAN, COLO., _ August 12, 1964. Senator WAYNE MoasE. DEAR SIR: I would like to express my view on the stand you have taken on the resolu- tion that was voted upon by the U.S. Senate a few days ago. My hat is off to a man like you, Senator. Not a "yes" man, but a man that will stand before 190 million Americans and tell them what he thinks of the whole dirty mess In Vietnam. Also, my hat is off to Senator QaUENINO when he argued before the Sen- ate that Vietnam Is not worth the life of a single American boy. The more I look at things In our country, the more I think that the men of both Sen- ate, and House of Representatives want to keep their hands clean. Yes, Mr. President, you are the boas. Have it your way. Elec- Approved For Release 2005/02/10 : CIA-RDP66B00403R000200160025-4 1964 Approved For Rise 2005/02/10 : CIA-RDP66B00403R200160025-4 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE 19849 tion is coming soon, if anything goes wrong, our hands are clean. Here is hoping we'had more men like Sen- ator ERNEST GRUENING, and you, Senator MORSE. Very truly yours, DEWEY, OKLA., August 11, 1964. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: .I wish to thank you for your continuing opposition to the ad- ministration's Vietnam policy, and in par- ticular your recent vote against putting the leashes of the dogs of war in President Johnson's hands. It's all too easy to get disgusted with every facet of American politics-but when ,I hear of you and Senator GRUENING, I believe there are at least two honest men in Washing- ton. Don't lose heart-Wilson once said something to the effect that it often got very lonely in Washington, far from the voice of the Nation. I hope that someday that voice is heard-and when it is perhaps you and Senator GRUENiNG will not be voting in the minority. Carry on, there are quite a few of us counting on you. Sincerely, JOHN KELLY KARASEK. AUGUST 11, 1964. senator WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SIR: With regard to the situation in southeast Asia, our foreign policy and your recent statements: you are obviously "one of the very few people in public office who is not driven by greed, vanity, and self-interest. You should know that other people do recog- nize your consistent pursuit of the truth- the simple facts-in a situation which may be purposefully confused. To me your honesty and fearlessness are supremely admirable. It is truly heartening to see that you have not been seduced or deluded by nationalism or any devisive dogma and that you do not cling to archaic myths for emotional support. I may be attributing too much virtue to you but you do appear to be a man of principle, truly concerned with' human welfare and justice. Keep it up for the sake of all of us. IRA L.S. CHILLER. DIMONDALE, MICH. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I applaud your re- cent performance in regard to our country's behavior in Vietnam. It occurs to me that anticommunism often becomes so intense that all sense of objectivity is lost and the result is undemocratic and totalitarian, com- pletely disregarding the needs or desires of people. If this is extremism in the defense of liberty, its bad. Very truly yours, DANIEL R. BROWN. P.S.-I urge you to oppose any effort by Congress to deny the Federal courts juris- diction" in State apportionment (legislative) CROSSVILLE, TENN." August 14, 1964. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: When the drums of war beat, few refuse to march to that beat. You are `one of the few men in our Gov- ernment, to speak against our military in- volvement in Asia. In my opinion your stand is a rational one, among irrational. I hope you will continue to speak out. -Sincerely, VAUGHN H. KERLEY. No. 163-36 PASADENA, CALIF., August 12, 1964. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate. Office Building, Washington, D.C. MY DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I admire your stalwart adherence to your principles. It is probably the hardest thing in the world to stand up and be counted when 98 of your colleagues are against you, as you did on the occasion of the Vietnam resolution. I believe that the Vietnamese and all other southeast Asian problems should be settled through negotiation. Respectfully yours, Mrs. BETTY BAITAL. SAN FRANCISCO, CALIF., August 9, 1964. LETTERS TO THE EDITOR, THE REGISTER-GUARD, Eugene, Oreg. DEAR EDITOR: I congratulate the city of Eugene and the State of Oregon for sending Senator WAYNE MORSE to Washington. I sometimes think there are three grades of Senators: (1) Those who represent their home States, (2) those who represent our whole country, and (3) a top few who repre- sent the people of the world. In Senator MORSE'S strong, steady stand and voting for Vietnam I am sure he represents the ma- jority of the people of the world. He puts life before politics. He leads on the road to MADISON, WISC., August 12, 1964. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I wish to write only a short letter, to commend you for voting against the resolution backing the Presi- dent's actions in the Gulf of Tonkin and to tell you of my admiration for your state- ments on the entire southeast Asian situa- tion. You and a handful of other Senators (GRUENSNG, MANSFIELD, etc.) seem to be voices crying in the wilderness, but I urge you to cry louder. We need more men who will attempt to assess situations with some sort of objectivity rather than with emo- tionalism. It seems most necessary that the American people be made aware of the dou- ble standard under which our foreign policy seems to operate: if we do something (use napalm bombs, do aerial reconnaissance, op- erate fleets off foreign shores) it's to "de- fend democracy" and if anyone else does it, they're up to no good. The illogic of it all Is never even hinted at in the mass news media. Please keep making' speeches. But what can I do to see that these speeches, ignored by most of the press, are given wider cov- erage? Sincerely, LINCOLN PARK, MICH., August 10, 1964. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR: I must express my grati- tude, as an American, for your courageous stand on the Vietnam question. No one else dared express their misgivings, or ask the natural question: Were our vessels aiding the South Vietnamese forces in their raids on the northern portion of that country? Although you may not be correct (I think you are), you deserve a united tribute from the citizens of this country. I hope that you continue to serve America in the way you have in the past. My only regret is that'there is no one in my State of Michigan to aid you in your struggle to sustain freedom of expression. Respectfully yours, ANTHONY J. PAPALAS. LA PUENTE, CALIF., August 10, 1964. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Thank you and may. you be richly blessed for your determined position regarding our country's presence, and actions in and about Vietnam. I could not agree more, but opinions like these are not very popular-it would seem that peacemaking and the seeking of moral justice are unfashionable if not downright questionable these days. Ignorance, stupidity, and the quest for the almighty dollar bill have allowed fear, hate, and distrust to permeate America like dry- rot-and I, in turn, am frightened by what I see. But then a moment such as last week comes along and I see a man like you have the courage to speak for what he be- lieves and for what I believe-never minding the consequences-and I was so grateful I cried. Since 1952 I have been an admirer and champion of yours. You always have a friend in California. Most sincere thanks and best wishes for a long and rewarding career. MRS. PATRICIA PHILLIPS. Senator WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. SENATOR MORSE: I want to praise you for giving full coverage to Senator WAYNE MORSE on Vietnam: this is all the more praise- worthy as I am sure that his remarks were not in full accord with your editorial policy. This is in the best tradition of journalism; the people should be given both sides on im- portant matters. It is high time that we got rid of John Foster Dulles' ukase, "Foreign policy is not debatable." Why not? It makes no sense if we can discuss the shortcomings of the post office but not matters involving life and death. ROBERT SHILLAKER. Los ANGELES, CALIF., August 12, 1964. Re Vietnam resolution. Hon. WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I congratulate you for your position, the only valid one in my opinion, on the "blank check" Vietnam res- olution recently passed by Congress. In time the correctness of your opposition will be demonstrated. Your almost solo stand showed courage and individuality in the highest quality of statesmanship. Keep up the fight because its right. Sincerely, SEYMOUR MANDEL. The Senate proceedings of today will be continued in the next issue of the RECORD. CONFIRMATIONS Executive nominations confirmed by the Senate August 19, 1964: COMMODITY CREDIT CORPORATION John A. Schnittker, of Kansas, to be a member of the Board of Directors of the Commodity Credit Corporation. ' ( POSTMASTERS ALABAMA Leonard W. Moyers, Athens. Reginald Richardson, Greensboro. Evelyn B. Andrews, Louisville. Ora C. Cark, Munford. Robert A. Bryant, Remlap. Gail P. Mosley, Stapleton. Approved For Release 2005/02/10 : CIA-RDP666B00403R000200160025-4 Approved For Release 2005/02/10 : CIA-RDP66B00403R000200160025-4 19850 CONGRESSIONAL ALASKA Elizabeth A. Stanton. Fitchburg. Carl B. Grimes, Elmer. George S. Schwamm, Anchorage. Armand A. Desjardins. Gilbertville. William M. Lindsey, Elmore City. James E. Webb, Copper Center. Bernard E. Hickey, Grlswoldvllie. Edna L. McNatt. Foss. Maxine M. Millard, Glennallen, James F. Higgins, Hingham, Lloyd J. Carey, Grove. Edith M. Arnold, Nome, Paul H. Benoit, Southbridge. Robert L. Stangl, Sparks. Durwood F. Hula, Valdez. Lillian M. Dziembowaki, South Grafton , OREGON CALIFORNIA MICHIGAN Marjorie E. Leach, Bonneville. Patrick H. McMahon, Cathedral City. James B. Koyne, Bellaire. John H. Kirk, Coalinga. Reo A. Goff, Dimondale. PENNSYLVANIA Guy J. Collette, El Segundo. Lena L. Bryan, Douglas. Charles H. Heffner, Arendtsville. Michael T. Lane, Lawndale. Earl A Rosier, Eagle. George M. Guswiler, Mechanicsburg. Rex Huddleston, Live Oak. Frederick W. Ahols, Houghton. Robert P. DeLotto, New Kensington. R. Ollie Mapes, McClellan Air Force Base. Richard K. Boomer, Lakeview. Ned M. Hartsell, Oil City. Gene W. Wooten, Olivehurst. Berniece C. Hill, Lansing. SOUTH CAROLINA F. Culver Parker, Palm Springs. John O. Boynton, St. Ignace. Edwin C. McCants, Anderson. William J. Wilson, Poway. MINNESOTA DeWitt T. Branham, Jr. Lugoff Charles M. Long, Reedley. Fred J Kronebusch Altura , . Edwin L. Platte, Ridge Spring. William F. Coward, San Leandro. . , . Lawrence J Mahan Brandon Otis P. Smith, St. Stephen. Raymond W. Wood, Sequoia National Park. . . . Violet L Howard Lyle Warren L. Walkup, Tialmonsville. Lloyd C. Perkins, Soda Springs. . . . Matt J Pecarina Parkvllle Frank W. Nabors, Union. Lawrence R. Unser, Springville. . , . Lee W Davis Verges William R. Busbee, Wegener. Barbara L. Tudor, Tecopa. . . . MISSISSIPPI SOUTH DAKOTA DELAWARE John E Mlllender Okolona Theron C. Halsted, Centerville. George E. West, Selbyville. . , . Percy P. Pounders Jr., Olive Branch Clair C. Simmons. Elk Point. FLORIDA , . Edna I. Bingham, Hot Springs. E MISSOURI John C Travis Mound Cit dward A. Williams, Jr., Bonlfay. James G Curry Jr Bucklin . , y. Robert A. Ballard, Goulds. . , .. . Erwin M Otte Chesterfield TENNESSEE Evangel B. Cooksey, Lamont. . , . Hubert J Ortwertb Florissant Robert if. Easterly, Cleveland. Richard T. Maltinos, Oldsmar. . , . William B. Milstead Hornsb Irene C. Collins, Satsuma. Harold F. Taylor. Jonesburg. William E Jones Neosho , y. Edward P. Peeler, Jr., Stanton. Alton V. Cain, Shalimar. . . . W Pleas Wilson Paris James if. Miller, Surgoineville. Leonard F. Stansel, Wellborn. . , . Thomas B. Ferguson Western St t H GEORGIA John Hoehor, Savannah, , a e os- pital. RECORD - SENATE August 19, 1964 It. Guy Thomas Milan. MONTANA TEXAS , Oulda J. Clements Morgan Teddy It. Andrew, Columbia Falls. T. A. Warner, Bellevue , . Charles L. Ricks, Soperton. Eugene Kennedy, Manhattan. . Ernest H. Davis, Deweyville IDAHO Sarah M. Riley, West Yellowstone. . William L. Warren, Paint Rock, NEBRASKA Arthur C. Wendel Richmond Eugene L. Nelson, Council. Howard W. Knutzen, Cedar Bluffs. , . John M. Tidwell, Roanoke. ILLINOIS Clifford L. Fauquier Central City. Virgie M. Holmes, Toler. Stanley J. Jalovec, Argo. Leo D. Coslett, Mead. UTAH Wilma K. Voll, Groveland. Lowell D. Hanson, Osceola. Wesley M. Ferrer, Beaver INDIANA Harland W. Burger, Plymouth. . Joseph L. Larsen, Huntington James E. Ross, Crawfordsville. Arthur W. Hovey, Trenton. . VERMONT Catherine L. Bradfield, Donaldson. Edwin S. Pavilk. Verdigre. Mary J. Reagan Moretown Robert C. Crouse, Monticello, NEVADA , . Richard H. Pittaley South Barre Omer C. Bixel, Plymouth. Carroll W. Baber, East Ely. , . Dorothy D. Beauchamp South Woodbur George W. Brook. Remington. $lfrieda C. Franck, Stewart. , y. William E. Flower Woodstock Ralph It. Beavers, Upland. Charles D. Prickett, Wolfiake. NSW HAMPSHIRE , . VIRGINIA Glenn Walters. Wyatt. Alton G. Desnoyer, Claremont. Ralph S. Coffman, Mount Sidney. IOWA Lucille L. LARose, New Castle. James B. Suit. Mount Vernon. NEW JERSEY J. White Marcum Rose Hill William H. Krueger, Arnoids Park. S lvio E Berta ni Allentown . . Emmett F. Good, Stanley. Laura L. Knapp, Dolliver. David M. Anderson, Forest City. y . g . . Claude It. Poyer. Belvidere. WASHINGTON Robert J. Neal, Marble Rock Norman H. Levbarg, Lakewood. Melvin F. Thompson, Brinnon . Harvey C. Young, New Market. Robert N. Bailey, Mays Lending. . Carroll C. Emry, Buckley. William A. Fisher, Swisher. William E. Nagle, Vernon. Homer V. Gage, Hoquiam. Eugene J. Doyle, Williams. Harold F. Burd. Jr.. Washington. Fae B. Trentham, Humptulips. KENTUCKY WORTH CAROLINA William H. Stiles, Jr., Longview. Stanley W. Gosney. De Mossville. Thelma B. Yelverton, Fountain. Howard E. Burnett, Okanogan. Helen D. Wolford. Phelps, Willard W. Reavis. Hamptonvilie. Richard B. Green, South Bend. David E. Yeomans, Harkers Island. Elver R. Buckley, Wilbur. LOUISIANA Charles R. Cowan Mount Mourne. Cleo H. Gaines, Olla. . Charles E. Morrison, Raeford. WEST VIRGINIA Homer E. Adams, Rodessa. Sidney Homer, Washington. Maurice B. Morrison, Charlton Heights. Q. Darrell Thompson Coal City MAINE NORTH DAKOTA , . Robert M. Campbell Grantsville Russell J. Bryant, Belfast. Florian P. Weinman, Harvey. , . Harper H Galford Green Bank Albert L. Marcoux, Burnham. Eldred F. Huntley, East Machias. OHIO . . . Lee B. Coleman, Lost Creek. William L. Kinch, Livermore Fails E. Wayne Blake. Belmont. Dual L. Hill, Princeton. . Francis J. Brougham, North Jay. Donald J. Nagy. Brilliant. WISCONSIN F. Dale Speed Princeton Gayle A. Bowman, Bryan. , . Ralph A. Dunton New Sharon Michael J. Lotko. Jr., Elyria. lone It. Marshall, Argonne. , . John J. McAuliffe Rockland Donald R. Pettey. Freeport. Allan It. Peterson, Elk Mound. , . Roger R. Miller, Fresno. Clarence E. Meinhardt, Greenwood. MARYLAND Emmett J. Hagan, Gambier. Donald S. Weindenfeller Hollandale. James J. O'Rourke, Barton. Irven E. Barcus, Sr., Johnstown. , Roy H. Kreger, Lomira. Genevieve M. Coale, Churchville. James E. Stewart, Ieetonta. John E Jacob Lone Rock William B. Orndorff, Cumberland. Edward H. Shrodes, Martins Ferry. . , . Tilghman H. Williams, Goldsboro. Russell H. White, St. Claireville, Thomas N. Hayden, Marshfield. Clyde J. Embert, Jr., Greensboro, Vernon A. Bonar, Shadyaide. Richard W. Beranek, New Berlin. Margaret C. Wallace, Sherwood. Don F. Shuler. Troy. James E. Wyse. Princeton. Anna E. Brooks, Woolford. Mary E. Darrow. Unionville. Blaine E. Ouellette. Townsend. MASSACHUsEr're OKLAHOMA Oscar L. Dingman, Troy Center. Owen J. Justin. Amesbury. William H. Hodsdon, East Dennis. Cora H. Gossmann. Arapaho. Margaret C. Hill, Coalgate. WYOMING Approved For Release 2005/02/10 : CIA-RDP66B00403R000200160025-4