(UNTITLED)

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP66B00403R000200170100-9
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 4
• Document Creation Date: December 16, 2016
• Document Release Date: January 3, 2005
• Sequence Number: 100
• Publication Date: February 25, 1964
• Content Type: OPEN

 A906
ApprovedCF8 g?F(:RW0fi& Ll-RDXftfP ,Q,4QRR00020017010 e6ruary 25
~Qrtodoi twelve months shall not exceed the
average annual quantities of such products
imported from such country during the five-
year period ending on December 31, 1983:
Provided, That beginning January 1. 1986.
there may be an annui.l increase in the total
quantities of such products which may be
entered, or withdrawn from warehouse, for
such purpose, corresponding to the annual
rate of Increase In the total United States
market for such products, as estimated by
the Secretary of Agriculture.
Our Inaction on Cuba
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
HON. STEVEN B. DEROUNIAN
OF ISRW YORK
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday,, February 24,1964
Mr. DEROUNIAN. Mr. Speaker, this
week, the OAS report on Castro's doings
in Venezuela will be presented to the
United States. The report shows with-
out a doubt the subversive nature of
Castro's beachhead, Venezuela.
Based upon past Inactions, I will pre-
dict that we will do nothing. Yester-
day's Wall Street Journal has an excel-
lent article on they whole subject of
Cuba:
HEATING Ur CUBA: OAS REPORT ON CASTRO
PLor AGAINST VsNEa reLA MAY FUEL A Nxw
CRISIS-BATTLE PLL:Q AND ARMS CACHES
RsvwaLzD-CALL Fors STERNER JOHNSON
STAND Is ExPECV)eD-CUBAN ECONOMY
11ASas GAINS
(By Phillip Geyelin)
WASHINGTON,-A new crisis Is quietly build-
ing up over Cuba. Some top officials think It
could blow up Into the biggest foreign policy
test and perhaps the nastiest domestic politi-
caldilemma that President Johnson will en-
counter between now and election day.
The trouble only begins with the current
ruckus over burgeoning West European trade
with Fidel Castro. This to causing the
Johnson administration trouble enough with
friendly nations abroad and with political
critics at home. But. the real catalyst to
fresh crisis Is expected this week In the form
of a report by a special investigating team
of the 21-nation Orgr.nisation of American
States (OAS).
The subject Is familiar enough: Castroite
subversion in Venezuela. But the contents,
say oMelals In a position to know, are ex-
plosive. They add up, at least in U.S. eyes,
to an eye-popping a pose of an elaborate
Castro-inspired plot o foment widespread
revolt, timed to last _fall's Venezuelan elec-
tions. Included Is evidence, already aired,
of large caches of arms of Cuban origin.
But also available to the OAS group is well-
documented evidence, Insiders say, of a de-
tailed battle plan to put these weapons to
use, including such specifics as the precise
positioning of bazooka teams and other in-
surgent groups to tike over key Caracas
strongpoints while the bulk of Venezuela's
Army was scattered csound the nation on
election day, seeking 0 keep order at polling
booths. While the plan failed with dis-
covery of the arms ca';hes and the Venezue-
lan election came off succesfully, these rev-
elations apparently constitute long-awaited
evidence clearly and directly implicating
Castro for the first time in terrorism and
subversion outside Cuba.
CLAMORFOR ACTION LIKELY
The OAS investigators are charged only
with reporting the evidence to" that body's
ruling ?ouncil. But the effect of such damn-
ing ev dente. officially set forth by a re-
sponsilde Inter-American team of probeni,
Is certaln to be loud clamor-from anti-
Castroitea In Latin America and from Cuba a
policy critics In the United States-fcr
action. And the effect of this, in turn, ca i
only b( measured by a look at this country a
Cuban dilemma as it currently stands. This
Is the picture that emerges from talks witi
experts in all of the Government's centers
of Cuban expertise:
For i It the U.S. efforts to undermine Castro
y eco:iomlcsanctions, diplomatic isolation,
and ur.mentionable covert efforts to stir die-
affectic n, his position still strikes most ex-
perts a strong. "There are none of the tre-
dittonel signs of a revolution going sour,"
conced:s one 'U.S. official, adding: "You
might not be able to call it a really stable
regime but It's far from falling apart."
The uban economy, which most analysis
considr r the key to any effort to bring abott
Castro', downfall, is proving remarkably ri-
sillent, even to glaring Communist mismar-
agemet I. One reason Is heavy Soviet hells.
Another is some fast footwork by Mr. Castro
to soft-:n the Impact of US. trade sanction::
fastest of succumbing, like so many amat -
countr:' revolutionaries, to the prestige lute
of fore xi Industrialization, he is engaged in
a great leap backward to a sugar-and-cattle
econon y which is less susceptible to ecc -
nomic strangulation.
Worl iwide sugar shortages and resulting
soarini sugar prices have also played into
Castro'i hands by more than offsetting tl^.e
Impact of Cuba's nearly disastrous sugar crop
last ye: x. Result: From almost empty coffers
a year or so ago, Cuba has piled up close to
$100 IT ililon In foreign exchange, making t
a tempting market for British buses and
French and Spanish trucks.
TRADE-SANCTION FRUSTRATION
The Restern sales to Cuba are not only ur,
-
dercut Ing the U.S. embargo effort but ma}
ing the whole scheme of trade sanctions look
futile :,nd the United States look embarra7:-
singly impotent. Already this frustration :a
fanning public demand In the United State
for str''nger measures against Castro. Witt,
out sp tciflcs, every Republican candidate is
crying for something more.
Yet J.S. strategists have been racking their
brains ever since the Bay of Pigs fiasco -3 year's
ago wi hout coming up with anything they
eonsidr might be more effective against Cani-
tro, eb 3rt of blockade. Invasion, or other was
of fore 3. And so far, with memories of 1962's
nerve-rearing missile confrontation still
fresh, the decision has been firmly against
force.
Such is the U.S. sense of frustration tlu,t
there has even been Increased talk armor g
some cffictals of the ultimate need for a rad.-
cal pcticy shift, to downgrade the Cuban
menac ; and explore the possibility of eo-
existerce with a Castro lured away from
close ommunist-bloc connections by irl-
creased trade with the West. While the Rwi-
sians probably couldn't afford the loss of
face at ould Castro Slip his Communist leash
eompli rely, they themselves are thought '.o
be solidly behind his recent efforts to drwn
up me re Western trade. They might wel-
come tome loosening of their hold on him in
exchange for tightening -a foreign aid bw'-
den ti at by some estimates has cost theirs
upwar I of $750 million In 3 years,
Castro himself has been hinting he might
be int' rested in making restitution for seized
Yanke I property in Cuba In return for To-
sumpt.on of diplomatic ties.
But no U.S. official can seriously advocate
this softer course in an election year. Cas-
tro's Involvement In the Panamanian rioting
againss the United States, his arbitrary cut-
off of water to the U.B. Guantanamo base,
and :ifs continued troublemaking else-
where in the hemisphere would make ar y
suggestion of coexistence unthinkable, even
before the OAS report pictures the Cuban
leader caught redhanded in his most fla-
grant hemispheric mischlefmaking to date.
With publication of the OAS report, the
administration will be in this awkward and
dangerous spot: The outcry for some sort of
action is sure to become Irresistible; yet the
use of force will become no more appealing
and the alternatives to It no less promising.
Right now U.S. policymakers are refusing to
tip their hand. "All I can say is that we are
going into this withour eyes wide open," de-
clares one. But the United States will be
ready to propose further measures against
Castro when the time is considered right.
The question remains what?
The answer depends partly on how per-
suasive the Venezuela evidence may appear
to nations such as Mexico, Brazil, Uruguay,
Bolivia, and Chile-to name the five OAS
members that have not severed diplomatic
relations with Cuba Venezuelan diplomats,
who have been touring the hemisphere,
flashing their dossier on Castro and seeking
support for their Indirect aggression charge,
report a favorable response, even in such
centers of apathy to Castro as Brazil.
So, at the least, U.S. officials count on the
OAS council to recommend a meeting at the
foreign ministers' level to deal with the Vene-
zuelan case. Even then, however, Latins'
disinclination to mix In each other's affairs,
plus widespread reluctance to stir home-
front leftists by assailing Castro, will tend to
limit any OAS action, U.H. officials fear. A
logical first step might be a finding of ag-
gression, then agreement on severing of re-
maining diplomatic ties, followed by some
token tightening of trade sanctions, which
in Latin America are almost total already.
The last remaining air and sea links between
Cuba and the rest of Latin America might
likewise be sliced.
LITTLE IMPACT SEEN
But with Cuban trade ties expanding to
other Western lands, and the OAS already on
record in opposition to Castro, such measures
are hardly likely to have much impact. And
the likelihood that the OAS might endorse
more forceful measures, such as a quaran-
tine to shut off arms traffic from Cuba to
other Latin countries strikes most experts as
somewhat remote.
The result, then, may be largely to expose
OAS Impotency. But this would not take
the United States off the hook, either at
home or in the hemisphere. So already offi-
cials are citing passages from a resolution
passed 2 years ago at an anti-Castro OAS
rally in Punta del Este which might seem to
condone action by individual OAS members,
in any numbers down to, say, the United
States and Venezuela alone, to "strengthen
their capacity to counteract threats or acts
of aggression, subversion, or other dangers to
peace and security."
As some experts read this, It would clear
the way for any combination of OAS mem-
bers to band together to blockade Cuba,
tighten up patrols of the Caribbean coast,
establish international counterguerrilla
units, or even muster an expeditionary force
to invade Castro's island stronghold. Prob-
ably there will be demands from some quar-
ters, whether militantly anti-Castro Carib-
bean nations or some U.S. politicians, for
any or all of these approaches.
At this point It's impossible to foretell
how the administration ultimately will re-
act. All that's clear is that, as one top ad-
ministration adviser puts it, "This thing is
going to be too big to sweep under the rug."
Some officials hope the OAS report may
make it easier for the United States to talk
its allies out of trading with Castro, or to
take stiffer action against the Western trad-
ers. The State Department is hastily seeking
to discourage the private consumer boycotts
that Secretary Rusk once seemed to be con-
doning; but U.S. diplomats are trying to
persuade private U.S. business to use its
Approved For Release 2005/01/27 : CIA-RDP66B00403R000200170100-9
 1964
Approved FGZIVLTWftg5Ai1/ii4tClDPfZWWR000200170100-9
influence liti fates, subsidiaries or licensees
abroad f-01%-alt the Cuban trade. More force-
fulaction, such as U.S. Government refusal
to buy goods from offending foreign firms,
or denial of licenses for U.S. exports to the
offenders, is not ruled out.
$ T TRAb1 ttAf Gii.OW .. .
Even Aso, allied trade with 'Cuba may well
grow rather an"shrink, in the weeks just
ahead Japan, West Germany, Italy, and
others are said to be poised for trade deals
with Castro, especially- if Britain's Leyland
Motors follows up its 400-bus, $11 million
order with 1,000 additional buses now under
consideration. "Everybody's watching Ley-
land's lead," says one official.
Experts differ on just how much material
help this allied trading furnishes Castro; pre-
sumably he could acquire some of these items
from the Red bloc. But psychologically,
U.S. officials complain, the' trading adds to
(the impression of Castro's permanence-
wl1ich in turn improves his oversea credit
rating and encourages more trade.
Perhaps' most important, the spurt of
Western trade with Cuba strengthens the
impression that whatever the United States
is doing to get rid of Castro, it isn't working
very well. Thus it will be all the harder for
President Jbl nsan to maintain In the face
of the Venezuelan expose that the United
States is really wearing Castro down.
"After this OAS report, we're going to have
to do something more, and something that
really convinces people that we're doing
something more," says one "adviser, who is
no clearer than anybody else what more can
or will be done.
Jellyfish Diplomacy
EXTENSION OF" REMARKS
HON.. EDWARD J. DERWINSKI
OF ILLINOIS .
IN THE HOUSE OF REPlIiSENTATIVIS
_Tuesday,February 25, 1964
Mr. DERWINSYtL Mr. Speaker, as
the Johnson administration continues its
foreign policy retreat in all parts of the
globe, the timidity which it has displayed
in the circumstances surrounding abuses
of our representatives and citizens in
Zanzibar is especially disturbing.
This morning's Chicago Tribune has
a brief, timely, and practical editorial
on this subje ct which I insert into the
RECORD at this point:
JEL]~YFISIi DXPLOMACY~
This country's sagging prestige abroad Isn't
going to be helped by the cringing haste with
which we` recognized the Ieftwing revolu-
tionary regime in` Zanzibar,-4 days after it
had thrown out our only remaining diplo-
Mat, or by the flimsy excuses offered in an
effort to justify that re nItion
that our charge `draffaires,
We are told
Donald Petterson, wasn't actually expelled;
that he was merely asked to leave in order
to demonst delay kekime's'irrita-
n at y in giving it the recogifi-
tion which had been given so promptly last
month, by Russia, Red China, and Cuba,
We are told that recognition misfit "dis-
courage" a trend toward cammumsm-al-
though two members of the comic opera trio
which run 5anz`ilyar learned their political
lessons in"Iieking and ' Iiavana respectively,
and have already 'tried to export their revo-
lution to the mainland of Africa. Besides,
it is to "discourage" communism that we
have refused to recognize the Peking gov
ernment and that we broke relations with
Castro,
Finally, we are told that recognition had
already been discussed with Britain before
Mr. Petterson's expulsion-or, pardon us, his
requested departure. What may have gone
on behind closed doors, we're afraid, won't
make much difference to most people.
All they know is that the United States
and Britain have yielded reluctantly to the
newest and one of the tiniest totalitarian
states in the world. Leftwing troublemakers
everywhere have learned that If the United
States doesn't seem to like them at first,
they need only give us a few kicks and we'll
come crawling in search of friendship.
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
HON. WILLIAM F. RYAN
OF NEW YORK
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, February 25, 1964
Mr. RYAN of New York. Mr. Speaker,
a fascinating article by Theodore Bikel
appeared in the March 1964, issue of the
national folk music magazine Hootenan-
ny. The noted singer and actor elo-
quently describes the importance of folk
songs and folk singing to the civil rights
movement. Theodore Bikel has dedi-
cated his time and talent to the struggle
for. equality, and his article provides
much insight into the dynamic of the
civil rights movement. I recommend it
to my colleagues:
FREEDOM SONGS--FROM EGYPT TO MrSSISSIPPI
(By Theodore Bikel)
A logical and obvious statement: "There
Would have been no contemporary 'freedom'
songs but for the integration movement in
the South."
A seemingly Illogical statement: "There
would have been no movement but for the
songs."
Yet, for all its irrationality, the latter
statement was made in complete seriousness"
by one of the leaders of the movement, the
closer examination more than bears out his
contention. It asserts, in fact, that the mu-
sic emanating from the Southern streets,
churches and jails Is not merely a product
but, rather, one of the prime causes of the
demonstrations, the prayer vigils and the
mass meetings.
It emphasizes that many of the so-called
direct action undertakings could not have
been conceived or carried out, that the beat-
ings and the jailhouses might have stopped
the movement in its tracks, that faith and
courage would not have prevailed had it not
been-for the songs.
This, of course, may be fairly true of any
liberation movement in history, but it is
doubly true of the Negro movement, and for
sound psychological reasons, I do not refer
to n}ass psychology, which no doubt can eas-
ily explain crowd behavior and reaction to
musical stimuli during times of stress and In
a group's pursuit of a common ideal. I refer
to psychology based upon the ethnic and
social structure percullar to Negro society,
especially in the South, a society that Is ap-
plying its own temperament and time-worn
mode of behavior to this 20th century polit-
ical movement:
One need be no ethnomusicologist or an-
thropologist (indeed, this writer lays no
claimto.any such scholarly distinction) to
know that Negroes, by tradition and natural
inclination, are incapable of conducting a
A907
gathering of any kind without punctuating
and underlining what is being said with
music and song. Speeches and even prayer
in a Negro meeting must evoke the crowning
experience of song, without which no feeling
of mass communication is possible. Such
was the trademark of the Negro church, and
such is the trademark of the mass movement
aimed at integration. Although this is a
black-and-white-together movement, it
takes its emotional shape from the Negro
characteristics of mass dedication.
It should be noted that this obviously
secular movement not only has insoluble ties
with the various Negro churches, but also
relies on religious traditions and practices in
its everyday workings. The mass meeting-
planning a sit-in, a freedom march, or a
voter registration drive-is held in ' the
church; the demonstrators, bleeding and
weak from the beatings and the fasting in
jail, make their way to the church; the local
leader of the movement is more often than
not the minister of the church; and many
of the songs that are sung are the old spirit-
uals and gospel tunes with new words.
Where yesterday the minister from the
pulpit promised the congregation a slice of
the Kingdom of God, and everyone answered,
"Amen, hallelujah," he admonishes them
today from the same pulpit to "go down and
register to vote," and the answer is still,
"Amen, hallelujah." For he is asking for
an act of religious dedication, and they re-
ceive it as such.
Indeed, what else does it represent when
those who heed the call find physical vio-
lence and humiliation of personal dignity In
their path. How inevitable must the identi-
fication seem that draws a.parallel between
the early martyrs and the fate of Medgar
Evers, William Moore, James Travis, and the
hundreds of Freedom Fighters who were
beaten, shot at, trampled on or killed, carry-
ing the word "freedom" on their lips. Little
wonder then that the hymn and the free-
dom_sgng become as one, that there is no
telling where man leaves off and God begins.
"Over my head I see freedom in the air;
There must be a God somewhere."
To anyone who still thinks it exaggerated
to say that there could be no movement
without the songs, one must answer from
personal observation. The sights and
sounds of a little Negro church in Albany,
Ga., or in Clarksdale, Miss., or of a larger
church in Birmingham, Ala., are a powerful
memory to have. You are a participant,
true, and less than objective because of a
personal Involvement with the cause. But
you are also a guest from the North, with
the observing eye of a visitor. And you
know the tell-tale signs of weariness, of bore-
dom with the repetitiveness of the speeches
that lurk in the eyes of the congregation.
A crisis is on. That means there has been
a mass meeting every single night for the
last week or more.
Although the speakers may be most re-
vered as leaders and bear illustrious names
such as King, Shuttlesworth, Abernathy, or
Walker, the heart is heavy from the bomb-
ings, the bloodshed, the look of children
fresh out of jail. Also, nonviolence does not
come easy, How do you teach yourself not
to lash out in fury when the white man
raises a fist, a club, or a gun? How do you
master your Impulses when your own child
is carried into your house, beaten senseless
and bloody for having committed the crime
of sitting at a soda fountain or going to a
movie? The words, inspiring as they are,
do not quite penetrate the curtain of dull
pain and anxiety. But then someone begins
to sing:
"We have walked through the shadow of
death
We've had to walk all by ourselves
But we'll never turn back,
No, we'll never turn back."
Approved-For Release 2005/01/27 : CIA-RDP66B00403R000200170100-9
 A908
Approved FL.c6 ftl g?& 1/ig~ RDP PM3R000200170100?ebruary 25
Until we've all been freed and we have
equality. All of a sudden it begins to make
sense, not in a rational way, but in an emo-
tional acknowledgement; although the mind
had failed to understand, the soul had
nodded assent. And the singing continues:
"We shall not, we s:uall not be moved,
We shall not, we shall not be moved,
Just like a tree that's standing by the
water,
We shall not be moved,"
"That's right, brother," come the exclama-
tions. "You tell 'em." And a new verse, with
acid humor this time:
"Tell Governor Walls ce he shall be removed,
Tell Governor Wallece he shall be removed,
Just like a pail of garbage in the alley,
He shall be removed."
The eyes are brighter now; there is a dawn-
ing of fresh energy and renewed courage.
And the songs do nut let up. They attack
apathy and resigned complacency In various
ways: with earthy se.rcasm, and a new verb:
"Down here in Mississippi
No neutrals have we met
Tell me, will yo-a fight for freedom
Or -Ibm' for Ross Barnett?
Which side are you on?
Which side are you on?"
And with words of Inspiration that in any
other context might have sounded forced or
even corny:
"I don't mind the jailhouse
'Cause I want my freedom
I want my freedom now."
Many words of this are often substituted-
such as: I don't mind "walking" or "march-
ing" or "dogs" or "Bull Connor." As you
watch a boy, no older than 9, sing In all
seriousness and fervor, "I dont mind dying
'cause I want my freedom," and you realize
that he is not just; mouthing words, but
knows what he is saying; you look about and
see all the wearine::s and listlessness gone
from the eyes of the assembled. They are
ready to meet the haters again. Tonight, If
need be; because freedom is already 100 years
too late in coming.
A large number of these songs have existed
for a long time; they were sung by Negro
congregants at every service. Why then
assume that the texts of such songs should
have suddenly triggered or even inspired ac-
tion in the 1960's w:aen they failed to do so
15, 25, or 40 years ago? I suppose the
answer lies in a shit, of interpretation. The
term "freedom" was, until recently, used as
a word of solace. It referred to a freedom
that was promised in the afterlife; in the
Kingdom of Heaven, in the arms of Jesus:
And before I'd be a slave,
I'd be buried In ary grave,
And go home to my Lord and be free.
Or:
I have trials here below
But I keep singing 'cause I know
Yes I know-(C h my Lord)-
My change will come.
It was not until the boycott of Mont-
gomery, Ala., in 1955, the freedom rides and
sit-ins in North Carolina and Tennessee, the
Albany movement In 1960, the voter regis-
tration drive in Greenwood, Miss.; not until
Birmingham, Cambridge, Md., and Danville,
Va., that the words "change" and "freedom"
were read with an appended "now." Even
the unofficial anthem of the movement,
every verse of which used to include the
words "some day," has undergone changes:
Black and white together now It says, and
We are not afraid today.
The movement of the 1960's Is, in fact,
pledging Its efforts, Its energy, its dedica-
tion to the brotherhood of white and black,
its determination to remain nonviolent in
the a truggle, its willingness to risk jail-
and even death-for the cause. Anythng
but its patience. For that has run out,
"A- adim Hayinu Ve'ata B'ney Chorin'-
goes an old Hebrew song. "Once we were
slave:. but now we are freemen." It is
quite Obvious why the freedom movement
of to lay draws upon the Biblical source so
Mud?, and finds itself particularly mo"ed
by tie analogy of Egypt and Mississl; pi,
Phar:.oh and Barnett. Nebuchadnezzar, K ng
of BE bylon, and George Wallace, overseer of
Alab. ma. There seems to be an heirloom of
suffering that slaves and former slaves sm-
derst ind profoundly. So it appears that ';he
song of the Israelites, building Pharach's
pyrai ilds in Egypt, was but a forefather of
the tune sung by the Negroes picking East-
land'.. cotton In Leflore County. By a
curious set of circumstances, the analogy
goes rren farther:
Go down Moses
Way down in Egypt Land
Tell old Pharaoh
To let my people go.
Ne,; o ministers and church choirs h the
been singing this for generations. But in
today's crisis in the Mississippi Delta, one
wonders if those who sing these words are
not quite reverently referring to Rotert
Moee-S of the Student Nonviolent Coordinat-
ing t:ommittee. who has come to lead his
people to freedom as did his namesake in
Egyp;. History's pun, perhaps: but 'vas
not the original Moses an "outside agitator"
too?
There In an old Talmudic saying: "in every
generation, man must look upon himself as
If be had personally come out of the bond-
age t f Egypt" So It is with the Idea-lad
the tong-of freedom. If It Is a fire of the
same torch, and a torch of the same making,
then the fire is being rekindled and the song
beint sung anew each time man's yoke be-
comt a unbearable.
Po; freedom Is not something that can be
won and stashed away-it has to be fou;ht
for ever and over again in each generation.
wher ever men seek to enslave others. Taus
I aft a chain throughout history that ]like
the Fang of the slaves in Egypt with the tat-
tlecr ? of the Maccabees. the song of the
Fren:h Revolution, the Greek revolt against
the Turks, the Industrial Revolution in
Euroxe, the Irish Rebellion against the Eag-
Ileb., and today's song of freedom In America.
A iew day is coming upon us at last. It
does not come unaided. If weare priviie;ed
to we Its dawn at all, then surely we Lowe
recol, nition to those who hastened the hour-
to Martin Luther Sing. James Farmer, Med-
gar 1. rers, Bob Moses, Jim Forman, Chases
Sher.-od. Bob Zeilner, Jim Peck, Sam B1xk
and he host of leaders, students and minis-
ters who gave a new meaning to hackneyed
words such as "justice" and "brotherhood."
Ht story, however, will owe the Brea- est
debt to those who sang In the jails and on
the courthouse steps, for their song will stand
as tie one tangible reminder of this era, its
shame and Its nobility, long after the hl.te-
mon:ers-and their victims--are forgotten.
SPEECH
or
HUN. AUGUST E. JOHANSEN
or 21=131OAp
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, February 20,1964
Mr. JOHANSEN. Mr. Speaker, I am
hap-)y to join In this merited tribute- to
our colleague and friend, the gentleman
from New York, Congressman HoRToir.
I am equally pleased that The Depart-
ment of the Army has corrected tfie pre-
vious oversight and awarded Colonel
HORTON the Bronze Star Medal for
World War II heroism.
It is interesting to note that the gen-
tleman from New York, Congressman
HORTON, with characteristic modesty,
limited the reference to his World War
II career to the simple line "service in
North Africa and Italy from November
1942 to August 1945" in the Congres-
sional Directory.
It will be 20 years next year since the
end of World Wal` II and It is good to
have a reminder of this kind of the
valiant and heroic service of many of
our colleagues and of countless fellow
Americans in that titanic struggle.
Hearings Set on Congressional Districts
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
Or
HON. EMANUEL CELLER
Or NEW YORH
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, February 25, 1964
Mr. CELLER. Mr. Speaker, I have
announced today hearings on March 18
on legislative proposals including my
own bill. H.R. 2838, to solve the problem
of the formation of congressional
districts.
The heags will also present the
opportunity to all interested Members of
the Congress to present their views on
the problem with which they have been
confronted since the recent decision of
the Supreme Court involving congres-
sional districts.
The decision in the case of Wesberry
against Sanders has justified the position
which I have taken on the problem of
Federal standards for congressional dis-
tricts and the enforcement of these
standards since I first introduced legisla-
tion in the 82d Congress. During my
long tenure in Congress, I have analyzed
and studied that problem and have long
believed that it was not an acute but a
chronic one and now the recent decision
has convinced not only the Members of
the House of Representatives but the
public at large that this is such a prob-
lem for all. We can no longer post-
pone a solution. Immediate action is
necessary.
My bill, H.R. 2836, provides that every
State with more than one Representative
must divide its territory into districts.
Each State legislature, under my pro-
posal, would draw the lines for each con-
gressional district along Federal stand-
ards which would be required to be com-
posed of contiguous territory, reasonably
compact as to form and contain a popula-
tion not more than nor less than 15 per-
cent of the population for the average
congressional district In the State. Un-
der my proposal, a Federal district court
would be given the jurisdiction to review
the action of each State legislature to re-
view a State's redistricting act and also
to expedite such litigation.
As introduced by me, the bill would not
become effective until after the Nine-
Approved For Release 2005/01/27 : CIA-RDP66B00403R000200170100-9