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February 25, 1964
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A906 ApprovedCF8 g?F(:RW0fi& Ll-RDXftfP ,Q,4QRR00020017010 e6ruary 25 ~Qrtodoi twelve months shall not exceed the average annual quantities of such products imported from such country during the five- year period ending on December 31, 1983: Provided, That beginning January 1. 1986. there may be an annui.l increase in the total quantities of such products which may be entered, or withdrawn from warehouse, for such purpose, corresponding to the annual rate of Increase In the total United States market for such products, as estimated by the Secretary of Agriculture. Our Inaction on Cuba EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. STEVEN B. DEROUNIAN OF ISRW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday,, February 24,1964 Mr. DEROUNIAN. Mr. Speaker, this week, the OAS report on Castro's doings in Venezuela will be presented to the United States. The report shows with- out a doubt the subversive nature of Castro's beachhead, Venezuela. Based upon past Inactions, I will pre- dict that we will do nothing. Yester- day's Wall Street Journal has an excel- lent article on they whole subject of Cuba: HEATING Ur CUBA: OAS REPORT ON CASTRO PLor AGAINST VsNEa reLA MAY FUEL A Nxw CRISIS-BATTLE PLL:Q AND ARMS CACHES RsvwaLzD-CALL Fors STERNER JOHNSON STAND Is ExPECV)eD-CUBAN ECONOMY 11ASas GAINS (By Phillip Geyelin) WASHINGTON,-A new crisis Is quietly build- ing up over Cuba. Some top officials think It could blow up Into the biggest foreign policy test and perhaps the nastiest domestic politi- caldilemma that President Johnson will en- counter between now and election day. The trouble only begins with the current ruckus over burgeoning West European trade with Fidel Castro. This to causing the Johnson administration trouble enough with friendly nations abroad and with political critics at home. But. the real catalyst to fresh crisis Is expected this week In the form of a report by a special investigating team of the 21-nation Orgr.nisation of American States (OAS). The subject Is familiar enough: Castroite subversion in Venezuela. But the contents, say oMelals In a position to know, are ex- plosive. They add up, at least in U.S. eyes, to an eye-popping a pose of an elaborate Castro-inspired plot o foment widespread revolt, timed to last _fall's Venezuelan elec- tions. Included Is evidence, already aired, of large caches of arms of Cuban origin. But also available to the OAS group is well- documented evidence, Insiders say, of a de- tailed battle plan to put these weapons to use, including such specifics as the precise positioning of bazooka teams and other in- surgent groups to tike over key Caracas strongpoints while the bulk of Venezuela's Army was scattered csound the nation on election day, seeking 0 keep order at polling booths. While the plan failed with dis- covery of the arms ca';hes and the Venezue- lan election came off succesfully, these rev- elations apparently constitute long-awaited evidence clearly and directly implicating Castro for the first time in terrorism and subversion outside Cuba. CLAMORFOR ACTION LIKELY The OAS investigators are charged only with reporting the evidence to" that body's ruling ?ouncil. But the effect of such damn- ing ev dente. officially set forth by a re- sponsilde Inter-American team of probeni, Is certaln to be loud clamor-from anti- Castroitea In Latin America and from Cuba a policy critics In the United States-fcr action. And the effect of this, in turn, ca i only b( measured by a look at this country a Cuban dilemma as it currently stands. This Is the picture that emerges from talks witi experts in all of the Government's centers of Cuban expertise: For i It the U.S. efforts to undermine Castro y eco:iomlcsanctions, diplomatic isolation, and ur.mentionable covert efforts to stir die- affectic n, his position still strikes most ex- perts a strong. "There are none of the tre- dittonel signs of a revolution going sour," conced:s one 'U.S. official, adding: "You might not be able to call it a really stable regime but It's far from falling apart." The uban economy, which most analysis considr r the key to any effort to bring abott Castro', downfall, is proving remarkably ri- sillent, even to glaring Communist mismar- agemet I. One reason Is heavy Soviet hells. Another is some fast footwork by Mr. Castro to soft-:n the Impact of US. trade sanction:: fastest of succumbing, like so many amat - countr:' revolutionaries, to the prestige lute of fore xi Industrialization, he is engaged in a great leap backward to a sugar-and-cattle econon y which is less susceptible to ecc - nomic strangulation. Worl iwide sugar shortages and resulting soarini sugar prices have also played into Castro'i hands by more than offsetting tl^.e Impact of Cuba's nearly disastrous sugar crop last ye: x. Result: From almost empty coffers a year or so ago, Cuba has piled up close to $100 IT ililon In foreign exchange, making t a tempting market for British buses and French and Spanish trucks. TRADE-SANCTION FRUSTRATION The Restern sales to Cuba are not only ur, - dercut Ing the U.S. embargo effort but ma} ing the whole scheme of trade sanctions look futile :,nd the United States look embarra7:- singly impotent. Already this frustration :a fanning public demand In the United State for str''nger measures against Castro. Witt, out sp tciflcs, every Republican candidate is crying for something more. Yet J.S. strategists have been racking their brains ever since the Bay of Pigs fiasco -3 year's ago wi hout coming up with anything they eonsidr might be more effective against Cani- tro, eb 3rt of blockade. Invasion, or other was of fore 3. And so far, with memories of 1962's nerve-rearing missile confrontation still fresh, the decision has been firmly against force. Such is the U.S. sense of frustration tlu,t there has even been Increased talk armor g some cffictals of the ultimate need for a rad.- cal pcticy shift, to downgrade the Cuban menac ; and explore the possibility of eo- existerce with a Castro lured away from close ommunist-bloc connections by irl- creased trade with the West. While the Rwi- sians probably couldn't afford the loss of face at ould Castro Slip his Communist leash eompli rely, they themselves are thought '.o be solidly behind his recent efforts to drwn up me re Western trade. They might wel- come tome loosening of their hold on him in exchange for tightening -a foreign aid bw'- den ti at by some estimates has cost theirs upwar I of $750 million In 3 years, Castro himself has been hinting he might be int' rested in making restitution for seized Yanke I property in Cuba In return for To- sumpt.on of diplomatic ties. But no U.S. official can seriously advocate this softer course in an election year. Cas- tro's Involvement In the Panamanian rioting againss the United States, his arbitrary cut- off of water to the U.B. Guantanamo base, and :ifs continued troublemaking else- where in the hemisphere would make ar y suggestion of coexistence unthinkable, even before the OAS report pictures the Cuban leader caught redhanded in his most fla- grant hemispheric mischlefmaking to date. With publication of the OAS report, the administration will be in this awkward and dangerous spot: The outcry for some sort of action is sure to become Irresistible; yet the use of force will become no more appealing and the alternatives to It no less promising. Right now U.S. policymakers are refusing to tip their hand. "All I can say is that we are going into this withour eyes wide open," de- clares one. But the United States will be ready to propose further measures against Castro when the time is considered right. The question remains what? The answer depends partly on how per- suasive the Venezuela evidence may appear to nations such as Mexico, Brazil, Uruguay, Bolivia, and Chile-to name the five OAS members that have not severed diplomatic relations with Cuba Venezuelan diplomats, who have been touring the hemisphere, flashing their dossier on Castro and seeking support for their Indirect aggression charge, report a favorable response, even in such centers of apathy to Castro as Brazil. So, at the least, U.S. officials count on the OAS council to recommend a meeting at the foreign ministers' level to deal with the Vene- zuelan case. Even then, however, Latins' disinclination to mix In each other's affairs, plus widespread reluctance to stir home- front leftists by assailing Castro, will tend to limit any OAS action, U.H. officials fear. A logical first step might be a finding of ag- gression, then agreement on severing of re- maining diplomatic ties, followed by some token tightening of trade sanctions, which in Latin America are almost total already. The last remaining air and sea links between Cuba and the rest of Latin America might likewise be sliced. LITTLE IMPACT SEEN But with Cuban trade ties expanding to other Western lands, and the OAS already on record in opposition to Castro, such measures are hardly likely to have much impact. And the likelihood that the OAS might endorse more forceful measures, such as a quaran- tine to shut off arms traffic from Cuba to other Latin countries strikes most experts as somewhat remote. The result, then, may be largely to expose OAS Impotency. But this would not take the United States off the hook, either at home or in the hemisphere. So already offi- cials are citing passages from a resolution passed 2 years ago at an anti-Castro OAS rally in Punta del Este which might seem to condone action by individual OAS members, in any numbers down to, say, the United States and Venezuela alone, to "strengthen their capacity to counteract threats or acts of aggression, subversion, or other dangers to peace and security." As some experts read this, It would clear the way for any combination of OAS mem- bers to band together to blockade Cuba, tighten up patrols of the Caribbean coast, establish international counterguerrilla units, or even muster an expeditionary force to invade Castro's island stronghold. Prob- ably there will be demands from some quar- ters, whether militantly anti-Castro Carib- bean nations or some U.S. politicians, for any or all of these approaches. At this point It's impossible to foretell how the administration ultimately will re- act. All that's clear is that, as one top ad- ministration adviser puts it, "This thing is going to be too big to sweep under the rug." Some officials hope the OAS report may make it easier for the United States to talk its allies out of trading with Castro, or to take stiffer action against the Western trad- ers. The State Department is hastily seeking to discourage the private consumer boycotts that Secretary Rusk once seemed to be con- doning; but U.S. diplomats are trying to persuade private U.S. business to use its Approved For Release 2005/01/27 : CIA-RDP66B00403R000200170100-9 1964 Approved FGZIVLTWftg5Ai1/ii4tClDPfZWWR000200170100-9 influence liti fates, subsidiaries or licensees abroad f-01%-alt the Cuban trade. More force- fulaction, such as U.S. Government refusal to buy goods from offending foreign firms, or denial of licenses for U.S. exports to the offenders, is not ruled out. $ T TRAb1 ttAf Gii.OW .. . Even Aso, allied trade with 'Cuba may well grow rather an"shrink, in the weeks just ahead Japan, West Germany, Italy, and others are said to be poised for trade deals with Castro, especially- if Britain's Leyland Motors follows up its 400-bus, $11 million order with 1,000 additional buses now under consideration. "Everybody's watching Ley- land's lead," says one official. Experts differ on just how much material help this allied trading furnishes Castro; pre- sumably he could acquire some of these items from the Red bloc. But psychologically, U.S. officials complain, the' trading adds to (the impression of Castro's permanence- wl1ich in turn improves his oversea credit rating and encourages more trade. Perhaps' most important, the spurt of Western trade with Cuba strengthens the impression that whatever the United States is doing to get rid of Castro, it isn't working very well. Thus it will be all the harder for President Jbl nsan to maintain In the face of the Venezuelan expose that the United States is really wearing Castro down. "After this OAS report, we're going to have to do something more, and something that really convinces people that we're doing something more," says one "adviser, who is no clearer than anybody else what more can or will be done. Jellyfish Diplomacy EXTENSION OF" REMARKS HON.. EDWARD J. DERWINSKI OF ILLINOIS . IN THE HOUSE OF REPlIiSENTATIVIS _Tuesday,February 25, 1964 Mr. DERWINSYtL Mr. Speaker, as the Johnson administration continues its foreign policy retreat in all parts of the globe, the timidity which it has displayed in the circumstances surrounding abuses of our representatives and citizens in Zanzibar is especially disturbing. This morning's Chicago Tribune has a brief, timely, and practical editorial on this subje ct which I insert into the RECORD at this point: JEL]~YFISIi DXPLOMACY~ This country's sagging prestige abroad Isn't going to be helped by the cringing haste with which we` recognized the Ieftwing revolu- tionary regime in` Zanzibar,-4 days after it had thrown out our only remaining diplo- Mat, or by the flimsy excuses offered in an effort to justify that re nItion that our charge `draffaires, We are told Donald Petterson, wasn't actually expelled; that he was merely asked to leave in order to demonst delay kekime's'irrita- n at y in giving it the recogifi- tion which had been given so promptly last month, by Russia, Red China, and Cuba, We are told that recognition misfit "dis- courage" a trend toward cammumsm-al- though two members of the comic opera trio which run 5anz`ilyar learned their political lessons in"Iieking and ' Iiavana respectively, and have already 'tried to export their revo- lution to the mainland of Africa. Besides, it is to "discourage" communism that we have refused to recognize the Peking gov ernment and that we broke relations with Castro, Finally, we are told that recognition had already been discussed with Britain before Mr. Petterson's expulsion-or, pardon us, his requested departure. What may have gone on behind closed doors, we're afraid, won't make much difference to most people. All they know is that the United States and Britain have yielded reluctantly to the newest and one of the tiniest totalitarian states in the world. Leftwing troublemakers everywhere have learned that If the United States doesn't seem to like them at first, they need only give us a few kicks and we'll come crawling in search of friendship. EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. WILLIAM F. RYAN OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, February 25, 1964 Mr. RYAN of New York. Mr. Speaker, a fascinating article by Theodore Bikel appeared in the March 1964, issue of the national folk music magazine Hootenan- ny. The noted singer and actor elo- quently describes the importance of folk songs and folk singing to the civil rights movement. Theodore Bikel has dedi- cated his time and talent to the struggle for. equality, and his article provides much insight into the dynamic of the civil rights movement. I recommend it to my colleagues: FREEDOM SONGS--FROM EGYPT TO MrSSISSIPPI (By Theodore Bikel) A logical and obvious statement: "There Would have been no contemporary 'freedom' songs but for the integration movement in the South." A seemingly Illogical statement: "There would have been no movement but for the songs." Yet, for all its irrationality, the latter statement was made in complete seriousness" by one of the leaders of the movement, the closer examination more than bears out his contention. It asserts, in fact, that the mu- sic emanating from the Southern streets, churches and jails Is not merely a product but, rather, one of the prime causes of the demonstrations, the prayer vigils and the mass meetings. It emphasizes that many of the so-called direct action undertakings could not have been conceived or carried out, that the beat- ings and the jailhouses might have stopped the movement in its tracks, that faith and courage would not have prevailed had it not been-for the songs. This, of course, may be fairly true of any liberation movement in history, but it is doubly true of the Negro movement, and for sound psychological reasons, I do not refer to n}ass psychology, which no doubt can eas- ily explain crowd behavior and reaction to musical stimuli during times of stress and In a group's pursuit of a common ideal. I refer to psychology based upon the ethnic and social structure percullar to Negro society, especially in the South, a society that Is ap- plying its own temperament and time-worn mode of behavior to this 20th century polit- ical movement: One need be no ethnomusicologist or an- thropologist (indeed, this writer lays no claimto.any such scholarly distinction) to know that Negroes, by tradition and natural inclination, are incapable of conducting a A907 gathering of any kind without punctuating and underlining what is being said with music and song. Speeches and even prayer in a Negro meeting must evoke the crowning experience of song, without which no feeling of mass communication is possible. Such was the trademark of the Negro church, and such is the trademark of the mass movement aimed at integration. Although this is a black-and-white-together movement, it takes its emotional shape from the Negro characteristics of mass dedication. It should be noted that this obviously secular movement not only has insoluble ties with the various Negro churches, but also relies on religious traditions and practices in its everyday workings. The mass meeting- planning a sit-in, a freedom march, or a voter registration drive-is held in ' the church; the demonstrators, bleeding and weak from the beatings and the fasting in jail, make their way to the church; the local leader of the movement is more often than not the minister of the church; and many of the songs that are sung are the old spirit- uals and gospel tunes with new words. Where yesterday the minister from the pulpit promised the congregation a slice of the Kingdom of God, and everyone answered, "Amen, hallelujah," he admonishes them today from the same pulpit to "go down and register to vote," and the answer is still, "Amen, hallelujah." For he is asking for an act of religious dedication, and they re- ceive it as such. Indeed, what else does it represent when those who heed the call find physical vio- lence and humiliation of personal dignity In their path. How inevitable must the identi- fication seem that draws a.parallel between the early martyrs and the fate of Medgar Evers, William Moore, James Travis, and the hundreds of Freedom Fighters who were beaten, shot at, trampled on or killed, carry- ing the word "freedom" on their lips. Little wonder then that the hymn and the free- dom_sgng become as one, that there is no telling where man leaves off and God begins. "Over my head I see freedom in the air; There must be a God somewhere." To anyone who still thinks it exaggerated to say that there could be no movement without the songs, one must answer from personal observation. The sights and sounds of a little Negro church in Albany, Ga., or in Clarksdale, Miss., or of a larger church in Birmingham, Ala., are a powerful memory to have. You are a participant, true, and less than objective because of a personal Involvement with the cause. But you are also a guest from the North, with the observing eye of a visitor. And you know the tell-tale signs of weariness, of bore- dom with the repetitiveness of the speeches that lurk in the eyes of the congregation. A crisis is on. That means there has been a mass meeting every single night for the last week or more. Although the speakers may be most re- vered as leaders and bear illustrious names such as King, Shuttlesworth, Abernathy, or Walker, the heart is heavy from the bomb- ings, the bloodshed, the look of children fresh out of jail. Also, nonviolence does not come easy, How do you teach yourself not to lash out in fury when the white man raises a fist, a club, or a gun? How do you master your Impulses when your own child is carried into your house, beaten senseless and bloody for having committed the crime of sitting at a soda fountain or going to a movie? The words, inspiring as they are, do not quite penetrate the curtain of dull pain and anxiety. But then someone begins to sing: "We have walked through the shadow of death We've had to walk all by ourselves But we'll never turn back, No, we'll never turn back." Approved-For Release 2005/01/27 : CIA-RDP66B00403R000200170100-9 A908 Approved FL.c6 ftl g?& 1/ig~ RDP PM3R000200170100?ebruary 25 Until we've all been freed and we have equality. All of a sudden it begins to make sense, not in a rational way, but in an emo- tional acknowledgement; although the mind had failed to understand, the soul had nodded assent. And the singing continues: "We shall not, we s:uall not be moved, We shall not, we shall not be moved, Just like a tree that's standing by the water, We shall not be moved," "That's right, brother," come the exclama- tions. "You tell 'em." And a new verse, with acid humor this time: "Tell Governor Walls ce he shall be removed, Tell Governor Wallece he shall be removed, Just like a pail of garbage in the alley, He shall be removed." The eyes are brighter now; there is a dawn- ing of fresh energy and renewed courage. And the songs do nut let up. They attack apathy and resigned complacency In various ways: with earthy se.rcasm, and a new verb: "Down here in Mississippi No neutrals have we met Tell me, will yo-a fight for freedom Or -Ibm' for Ross Barnett? Which side are you on? Which side are you on?" And with words of Inspiration that in any other context might have sounded forced or even corny: "I don't mind the jailhouse 'Cause I want my freedom I want my freedom now." Many words of this are often substituted- such as: I don't mind "walking" or "march- ing" or "dogs" or "Bull Connor." As you watch a boy, no older than 9, sing In all seriousness and fervor, "I dont mind dying 'cause I want my freedom," and you realize that he is not just; mouthing words, but knows what he is saying; you look about and see all the wearine::s and listlessness gone from the eyes of the assembled. They are ready to meet the haters again. Tonight, If need be; because freedom is already 100 years too late in coming. A large number of these songs have existed for a long time; they were sung by Negro congregants at every service. Why then assume that the texts of such songs should have suddenly triggered or even inspired ac- tion in the 1960's w:aen they failed to do so 15, 25, or 40 years ago? I suppose the answer lies in a shit, of interpretation. The term "freedom" was, until recently, used as a word of solace. It referred to a freedom that was promised in the afterlife; in the Kingdom of Heaven, in the arms of Jesus: And before I'd be a slave, I'd be buried In ary grave, And go home to my Lord and be free. Or: I have trials here below But I keep singing 'cause I know Yes I know-(C h my Lord)- My change will come. It was not until the boycott of Mont- gomery, Ala., in 1955, the freedom rides and sit-ins in North Carolina and Tennessee, the Albany movement In 1960, the voter regis- tration drive in Greenwood, Miss.; not until Birmingham, Cambridge, Md., and Danville, Va., that the words "change" and "freedom" were read with an appended "now." Even the unofficial anthem of the movement, every verse of which used to include the words "some day," has undergone changes: Black and white together now It says, and We are not afraid today. The movement of the 1960's Is, in fact, pledging Its efforts, Its energy, its dedica- tion to the brotherhood of white and black, its determination to remain nonviolent in the a truggle, its willingness to risk jail- and even death-for the cause. Anythng but its patience. For that has run out, "A- adim Hayinu Ve'ata B'ney Chorin'- goes an old Hebrew song. "Once we were slave:. but now we are freemen." It is quite Obvious why the freedom movement of to lay draws upon the Biblical source so Mud?, and finds itself particularly mo"ed by tie analogy of Egypt and Mississl; pi, Phar:.oh and Barnett. Nebuchadnezzar, K ng of BE bylon, and George Wallace, overseer of Alab. ma. There seems to be an heirloom of suffering that slaves and former slaves sm- derst ind profoundly. So it appears that ';he song of the Israelites, building Pharach's pyrai ilds in Egypt, was but a forefather of the tune sung by the Negroes picking East- land'.. cotton In Leflore County. By a curious set of circumstances, the analogy goes rren farther: Go down Moses Way down in Egypt Land Tell old Pharaoh To let my people go. Ne,; o ministers and church choirs h the been singing this for generations. But in today's crisis in the Mississippi Delta, one wonders if those who sing these words are not quite reverently referring to Rotert Moee-S of the Student Nonviolent Coordinat- ing t:ommittee. who has come to lead his people to freedom as did his namesake in Egyp;. History's pun, perhaps: but 'vas not the original Moses an "outside agitator" too? There In an old Talmudic saying: "in every generation, man must look upon himself as If be had personally come out of the bond- age t f Egypt" So It is with the Idea-lad the tong-of freedom. If It Is a fire of the same torch, and a torch of the same making, then the fire is being rekindled and the song beint sung anew each time man's yoke be- comt a unbearable. Po; freedom Is not something that can be won and stashed away-it has to be fou;ht for ever and over again in each generation. wher ever men seek to enslave others. Taus I aft a chain throughout history that ]like the Fang of the slaves in Egypt with the tat- tlecr ? of the Maccabees. the song of the Fren:h Revolution, the Greek revolt against the Turks, the Industrial Revolution in Euroxe, the Irish Rebellion against the Eag- Ileb., and today's song of freedom In America. A iew day is coming upon us at last. It does not come unaided. If weare priviie;ed to we Its dawn at all, then surely we Lowe recol, nition to those who hastened the hour- to Martin Luther Sing. James Farmer, Med- gar 1. rers, Bob Moses, Jim Forman, Chases Sher.-od. Bob Zeilner, Jim Peck, Sam B1xk and he host of leaders, students and minis- ters who gave a new meaning to hackneyed words such as "justice" and "brotherhood." Ht story, however, will owe the Brea- est debt to those who sang In the jails and on the courthouse steps, for their song will stand as tie one tangible reminder of this era, its shame and Its nobility, long after the hl.te- mon:ers-and their victims--are forgotten. SPEECH or HUN. AUGUST E. JOHANSEN or 21=131OAp IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, February 20,1964 Mr. JOHANSEN. Mr. Speaker, I am hap-)y to join In this merited tribute- to our colleague and friend, the gentleman from New York, Congressman HoRToir. I am equally pleased that The Depart- ment of the Army has corrected tfie pre- vious oversight and awarded Colonel HORTON the Bronze Star Medal for World War II heroism. It is interesting to note that the gen- tleman from New York, Congressman HORTON, with characteristic modesty, limited the reference to his World War II career to the simple line "service in North Africa and Italy from November 1942 to August 1945" in the Congres- sional Directory. It will be 20 years next year since the end of World Wal` II and It is good to have a reminder of this kind of the valiant and heroic service of many of our colleagues and of countless fellow Americans in that titanic struggle. Hearings Set on Congressional Districts EXTENSION OF REMARKS Or HON. EMANUEL CELLER Or NEW YORH IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, February 25, 1964 Mr. CELLER. Mr. Speaker, I have announced today hearings on March 18 on legislative proposals including my own bill. H.R. 2838, to solve the problem of the formation of congressional districts. The heags will also present the opportunity to all interested Members of the Congress to present their views on the problem with which they have been confronted since the recent decision of the Supreme Court involving congres- sional districts. The decision in the case of Wesberry against Sanders has justified the position which I have taken on the problem of Federal standards for congressional dis- tricts and the enforcement of these standards since I first introduced legisla- tion in the 82d Congress. During my long tenure in Congress, I have analyzed and studied that problem and have long believed that it was not an acute but a chronic one and now the recent decision has convinced not only the Members of the House of Representatives but the public at large that this is such a prob- lem for all. We can no longer post- pone a solution. Immediate action is necessary. My bill, H.R. 2836, provides that every State with more than one Representative must divide its territory into districts. Each State legislature, under my pro- posal, would draw the lines for each con- gressional district along Federal stand- ards which would be required to be com- posed of contiguous territory, reasonably compact as to form and contain a popula- tion not more than nor less than 15 per- cent of the population for the average congressional district In the State. Un- der my proposal, a Federal district court would be given the jurisdiction to review the action of each State legislature to re- view a State's redistricting act and also to expedite such litigation. As introduced by me, the bill would not become effective until after the Nine- Approved For Release 2005/01/27 : CIA-RDP66B00403R000200170100-9