REMARKS BY GENERAL C. P. CABELL, USAF DEPUTY DIRECTOR OF CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE TO THE TARRANT COUNTY MEDICAL SOCIETY FORT WORTH, TEXAS 20 DECEMBER 1960 AT 8:30 P.M., CENTRAL STANDARD TIME

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP67-00318R000100550001-7
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 13
• Document Creation Date: December 23, 2016
• Document Release Date: May 7, 2013
• Sequence Number: 1
• Publication Date: December 20, 1960
• Content Type: OPEN SOURCE

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REMARKS BY
GENERAL C. P. CABELL, USAF
DEPUTY DIRECTOR OF CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE
to the
TARRANT COUNTY MEDICAL SOCIETY
FORT WORTH, TEXAS
20 December 1960 at 8:30 P.M., Central Standard Time
"A COMMON SENSE VIEW OF INTERNATIONAL COMMUNISM"
We in Texas are able to recognize both big truths and big lies. So, let's
take this opportunity to talk in common sense language about the international
affairs of our day. I wish to emphasize the common sense point of view. We in
this country have run the gamut of emotions, and opinions about Communism, the
Soviet Union, and their impact on world affairs.
Let me illustrate by telling a little story about a man and his wife who
were visiting a big city and saw their first train. They studied it as it was
standing in the station and the Mrs. turned to her husband and said, "Pa, what
do you think?" Pa said, "It'll never run, it'll never run." Well, the train
pulled out, and, as it disappeared around a bend the Mrs. turned again and said
to Pa, "Now what do you think?" Pa shook his head, and answered, "It'll never
stop, it'll never stopl"
We have gone through something of the same cycle in our attitude toward
International Communism. For years many people in this country were of the
opinion that the Soviet Union could never become a going concern. I doubt any
sensible person still holds that view today. More recently, however, there is
a growing body of opinion abroad and in this country which is willing to grant
practically unlimited capabilities and potentialities to the Soviet Union and
its Communist allies. This view is also the Communist view. Moscow tells us
in millions of words daily that Communism represents the wave of the future,
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and that it is only a matter of time until Khrushchev's prophecy that he will
"bury us" comes to pass.
There are many ways of approaching the study of the Soviet Union. I do
not want to quarrel with the value of any single approach.
We need historical research, theoretical analysis, and hard-headed diplomacy
especially in the decade ahead.
The historical view depends on drawing analogies between the present threat
of International Communism, and earlier examples of dictatorships and world
revolutionary movements. The historians have already laid the ground work for
filing International Communism in its appropriate chapter after this menace has
run its course. This is a useful exercise but does not meet the common sense
requirements of first understanding, and then combatting and defeating the forces
of Communism.
There is also a hysterical view of Communism. Too many people are only too
willing to denounce, depreciate, or deny the threat of International Communism.
These people protest loudly and long that they themselves are anti-Communist and
that they are against evil.
This view blinds us to the substantial material accomplishments by the
Communist regime, and to the material threat which it presents to us, a threat
which will not be turned away or defeated by sermons against wickedness.
Finally, there is the hypothetical view of Communism. Scholars debate
learnedly about the abstract theory of Communism as contrasted to our own respect
for the dignity and freedom of the individual man. One argument has it that Marx
and Lenin were poor scholars and worse philosophers and that any government based
on weak doctrinal foundations is bound to collapse. This argument may be theoreti-
cally defensible but it does not help with the more pressing problem exemplified
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by the fact that the regime has survived, and continues to grow in material
strength, -- including military capability, economic abundance for national
and international power goals, and internal political stability.
In the practice of intelligence, even as in the practice of medicine,
theory and history have their proper places. Ultimately, however, we come
down to the common sense-relationship of this doctor with this patient, or of
this specific Communist action and our common sense knowledge of it.
I propose to discuss a number of common sense questions about International
Communism to see if we can relate the answers to our day-to-day way of life.
First, who are the Communist leaders? They are direct descendants of the
pre-1917 revolutionaries. They flourished during the years when Stalin ruled
by open terror and secret police. They are all advocates of an atheistic world
revolution. They are historically, theoretically, and practically, conspirators,
intriguers and revolutionists. Intrigue is a central feature of their heritage,
both as Russians and as Communists.
The central idea in all their doctrine, in all their utterances, and under-
lying all their actions, is world revolution. This has been true since the
beginning of the movement and remains true today. There are not a great number
of these leaders. The rubber stamp Supreme Soviet numbers about 1300, but the
real power is centered in the fourteen-member Presidium and the 125 members of
the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. They have
neither an absolute personal dictatorship nor, by any means, representative
government. In 43 years of rule they have been completely unable to work out
any legal means for providing for a successor when a leader like Stalin dies.
It is not a weak regime. The Party, which dominates the government, is
supported by a dedicated and efficient managerial class which runs the economy,
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the military machine, and the populace. We do not see any current threat which
is apt to topple the present leaders.
The second question is, what do the Communist leaders really want? The
answer is, simply, the world. Call it conquest, domination, or control, their
aim, as stated by themselves and as demonstrated in their actions, is to destroy
freedom in the world and to impose a Communist structure on the whole globe.
They are presently working on the means to achieve that end. Their statements
are aggressive and they talk more of the negative, that is, the destructive
aspects, than they do of the positive aspects of what this ideal world of theirs
would be like. As a matter of fact, I am struck by their vagueness about the
Communist Utopia. They themselves have admitted that their constant propaganda
about the glorious future has become boring to the Russian people. They are
trying to reform their internal propaganda.
Their propaganda to the world concentrates on the same central theme it
has always emphasized, that is, the destruction of capitalism, colonialism,
and imperialism.
Theirs is the language of total war. They have a consistency and a
single-mindedness about promoting a world revolution which is unique in the
history of dictatorships. We have been warned before, by Hitler, of plans for
world domination. We can not ignore the present, clear Communist warning.
So far I have talked about a band of revolutionaries with an obsessive
compulsion to rule the world. This is a threat to us because they have, as
we can demonstrate from a common sense point of view, the intention of trying.
They also have something of a capability to do what they say they are going
to do.
So the next series of questions concerns very practical matters. What
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resources do they have for extending their power throughout the world? How do
they intend to expand their influence? Where will they strike, and when will
they strike?
As far as Communist resources are concerned, we must never forget that the
Soviet Union itself occupies about a sixth of the total territory in the world.
It is richly endowed with natural resources; it has a population of over two
hundred million and a history, during its some 40 years of existence, of
tremendous industrial growth. The Soviet seat of power can count, in varying
degrees, on the cooperation and resources of some 680 million Chinese, and the
assets of various satellites attached either to Moscow or Peiping.
The Soviet economic growth rate is presently greater than that of the
United States. Their goal is first to overtake the United States in those
sectors of national production which will best promote the growth of Soviet
national power and the extension of International Communist influence. For
example, with a total gross national product about half that of our country,
the Soviets and we are spending about the same amounts annually on our respective
military programs.
First and foremost, from a common sense point of view, we face a present
and continuing military threat. The Soviet war machine is a large, modern,
establishment. They have striking forces and defensive forces geared to the
requirements of the nuclear age -- without sacrificing any ability to fight
conventional wars in areas directly contiguous to the Communist Bloc. The
Soviets have a mixture of missiles, bombers, fighters, and air defense systems.
They have the largest submarine force the world has ever known. They maintain
large ground armies equipped with a nuclear' capability.
This military machine is supported by a growing and efficient economy, and
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because of strict state control, able to switch on a moments notice to
forced-draft programs as the Soviet leaders so decide.
The Soviet economic-military potential is guided by a regime which can
count on the loyalty, however unenthusiastic, of the Russian people.
We in intelligence recognize that all is not completely rosy in the Soviet
Union. For example, like us they have-a farm problem. Their problem, however,
is the exact opposite of ours. They need to increase farm production. I shall
not attempt to develop tonight this question of their problems. With respect to
industrial goals which they have set for themselves, we believe that they will
meet them, and that the regime will not be greatly hampered by domestic pressures
for more consumer goods. In short, their economic and military power will con-
tinue to grow at a rate which presents the Free World with a serious threat and
challenge.
The Soviets have one great intangible resource which can best be described
as gall.
They are showing ever-increasing confidence and even arrogance about their
growth, both in material things and in influence. Steeped in the revolutionary
war and. dedicated to a mission of world revolution, -- their pride in their own
accomplishments makes them see the future balance of power tipped inevitably in
their favor.
We in intelligence consider that the only sensible view of Communist inten-
tions is that they seek to destroy us by any means which they can use.
The next question is, how. Will it be by direct military attack or by long
term erosion? The answer is both. If we display weakness in our military
establishment, if they believe they could strike without suffering unacceptable
damage in return, then they will strike. Similarly, if we maintain soft spots
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in our non-military posture at home and around the world they will, as they
have in the past, seek to exploit these weaknesses.
At this time, our best intelligence judgment is that the Soviet leaders
have themselves acquired enough common sense to recognize that if they were to
launch a military attack, they would suffer crippling devastation in return.
We believe that the Soviets foresee a period of so-called "mutual deterrence",
when neither side has a distinct military superiority -- a period called by the
Soviets "peaceful co-existence".
This is a reasonable sounding proposition. But, "peaceful co-existence"
really is the name for the Communist effort to destroy us by non-military means.
On the 6th of December this year, following a three-week long meeting of the
World Communist parties in Moscow, the Communists issued a twenty thousand word
manifesto. Let me quote from this document. Quote: "The line of peaceful co-
existence is a line of mobilization of the masses for development of intensified
actions against the enemies of peace. Peaceful co-existence ... does not mean
.., a rejection of the class war. ... Peaceful co-existence ... does not mean
reconciliation between the socialists (Communists) and bourgeoise ideologies.
On the contrary, it implies an intensification of the struggle of the working
class and of all Communist parties for the triumph of Communist ideas."
In their non-military arsenal they have at their disposal all the open
techniques of diplomacy, trade, foreign aid and cultural missions which, when
used by almost any other country, would be legitimate arms of official govern-
ment business. The Communists have in addition local parties in nearly every
country in,the world, -- parties trained and directed by Moscow, as at the
recent meeting, and dedicated to the overthrow of representative governments.
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This is no secret. The Soviet news agency Tass, only a few days ago,
publicly boasted of the International Communist network by declaring that 81
Communist parties were represented at the recent Moscow meetings. The Soviets
also boasted that there are active Communist parties in 87 countries in the
world.
The Soviet Union, founded in police terror, spying and intrigue, maintains
a worldwide intelligence system which can concentrate on targets of highest
priority. The Soviets have the greatest and most expensive propaganda machine
the world has ever known.
We are at war, termed a Cold War, against all of this right now. However,
a cold war is difficult to dramatize. There is no image of a uniformed soldier
presenting a direct physical threat to you or your family. Of all the postures
which Khrushchev has adopted (with or without his shoes on) he-does not come
through clearly as a dashing military figure. However, he is all the more
dangerous because of the complexity, the subtlety, the patience, and the drive
which he brings to his personification of International Communism.
He is the earthy Russian peasant, the skillful, devious bureaucrat, and
the undisputed head of a revolutionary conspiracy. Since 1956 he and his cronies
have, on more than 140 separate occasions, threatened 15 countries with destruc-
tion by rockets with nuclear warheads. He claims absolute and complete credit
for the ideas of total disarmament and peaceful co-existence and, indeed, for
all the present accomplishments and future aspirations not only of the Communist
world but for much of the Free World, too.
Can you think of a greater display of arrogance than the recent declarations
by the International Communist movement outlining the future history of the world
and detailing the methods by which the Communists intend to impose their rule?
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As to where the Communists may seek to promote their victory by military
or non-military means, the answer is simply anywhere and everywhere.
The question has been asked, but are Communist subversive attacks in
remote areas of the world. really attacks on this country? For example, why
should we be concerned about Laos?
Several years ago we were inclined to say that what goes on far across
the Atlantic: or the Pacific does not really affect us. Then we began to recognize
the real intentions of the Communists. Several months ago we could still have
said: "Todaay Laos is in danger; tomorrow it may be somewhere else, perhaps
closer to home." Now we are forced to say: ItToday Laos and today Cuba, 90
miles from our shores."
Does Soviet trade represent a threat to this country? It does if the
Soviets decide to use their capability to manipulate and disrupt traditional
markets. For example, petroleum from the Soviet Bloc is being peddled without
regard for standard business practices in western Europe.
Does foreign aid extended by the Soviets represent a threat to our country?
It does when it is used to subvert leaders and people otherwise loyal to the
principles of the Free World; it does when it provides a new base in that
country for Communist expansion; it does when it encourages demands for us to
give up our overseas defensive bases; and it does when it creates the impression
that the material rewards gained. through foreign aid can be accepted with equal
risk or cost whether it comes from the Communists or from Free World countries.
In addition to exploiting widespread fears of what a nuclear war would
bring, and so cause a reduction of U. S. strength, the Soviets are trying to
create the impression that countries in the underdeveloped areas of the world
have a simple choice between Communism and capitalism. Newly independent
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countries are under strong pressures to make rapid economic growth. They
listen to constant Communist propaganda extolling the accomplishments of 40
years. They conclude that they have a simple choice to accept aid, from rich
Communists or rich capitalists.
This is not the issue -- the choice is between the dictatorship of the
Soviet Communist party and freedom to grow and develop according to one's own
ideals and needs. This is the choice for political leaders throughout Asia,
the Middle East, Africa and even in Latin America. It is our choice and our
challenge, too.
One of the most striking illustrations of the total opposition between
the Communist closed society, and our own open society, is the Communist attack
on the entire American effort to acquire the knowledge necessary to protect our
national security. The Soviet effort to discredit and destroy the intelligence
arm of our government goes on remorselessly with vindictive personal assaults
on my Boss, Mr. Allen W. Dulles, the Director of Central Intelligence. They
put out a steady stream of lies, distortions and invective aimed at thwarting
our efforts to gain more knowledge about the world. outside the United States.
In fact they do everything possible to discredit our Intelligence service and
clip our wings.. They act like a fearful government with something to hide.
In the cold war, our Intelligence Officers stand in the front lines of the
Free World defenses.
It is a testimony to the effectiveness of our intelligence effort that the
Communist governments have seen fit to launch a major campaign to halt our
activities. Their attitude toward intelligence is entirely consistent with their
attitude toward the Free World in general. In their actions they themselves
expose the fraud of co-existence. For example, they have steadfastly refused
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to accept an adequate system of controls and inspection to accompany any
agreement on disarmament. They cannot bring themselves to admit Free World
inspectors to Soviet territory. Another example is in the much-heralded
East-West exchange program. Visits to the Soviet Union are still tightly
controlled; vast areas are still off limits and they do not allow nearly as
many of their tourists to visit the United States as go to the Soviet Union.
Behind their curtain of.secrecy, they believe that they can make prepara-
tions for a surprise military attack.
They are also shielding their own people from contacts with Westerners
and from the Western way of life. One grim example of their speaking with a
forked tongue is their appeal to young people in the underdeveloped areas to
study in the recently opened Peoples University in Moscow. As a matter of fact,
when these students get to the Soviet Union they dontt find such Utopian condi-
tions. Soviet security regulations interfere with the carrying out of approved
research. They also run into discrimination. As a result, many of them have
become disillusioned and have said so in no uncertain terms. One Middle Eastern
government, which has accepted large amounts of aid from the Soviet Union, has
recalled its students from the Soviet Union because of Communist efforts to
subvert them.
To increase our knowledge of the Communist world is the major task of
American intelligence.
Unlike the Soviets who can concentrate their agents on targets of momentary
priority, we must go to extraordinary lengths to gain basic information, about
the U.S.S.R. The Communists get this. kind of information free from our daily
newspapers and other publications. Whatever the obstacles, collecting intelligence
about Communist capabilities and intentions is vital. So long as they continue
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to build their military strength and to boast openly of a complete victory
over us, common sense demands that we continue to collect intelligence to pro-
tect our national security.
If I may use an analogy with the practice of medicine, we in Intelligence
are trying to bring to bear all the resources that our ingenuity can muster to
offer a diagnosis of the ailment. Unlike medicine, we stop short of prescribing
or recommending. Having collected all the data which human observers and
technological devices can collect, we then turn to what is the most important
step in the Intelligence process -- a common sense evaluation of what it all
means. It is this ingredient of common sense which links Intelligence with a
capital eye and intelligence in the general or common sense meaning of the word.
Only a small fraction of the entire Intelligence process is glamorous or dramatic.
The bulk of the work is laborious and painstaking, sorting out, trial and error,
and basically application of common sense.
This done -- and I wish it were as simple as it sounds -- finished Intelli-
gence, that is, evaluated information, is made available to the policy makers
in our government. They prescribe the dose.
In answer to the question: "When will the Communists strike?" -- the answer
is they have attacked, they are attacking, and they will continue to attack.
You can be of great service, because willingly or not, you are involved
in a total cold war. You can enlist directly in the Intelligence service if you
so choose. You can do this by informing yourselves and your neighbors of the
nature of the Communist threat. You can prepare yourselves and your children
also to deal with it. As a matter of fact, it is vitally important that we bring
to the young people in this country a keen awareness of the menace which they
face. We can all prepare ourselves to discriminate between the constructive
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and destructive actions presented to us, and to support the constructive ones,
It is certainly clear to all of you by this time, that I'm not offering
you much cheer on the international scene.
I would be untrue to nay responsibilities as an Intelligence Officer if I
tried falsely to pretty-up the picture. I would be extending the fraud already
perpetrated by the Communists, if I led you to believe that stopping them
could come easily or soon.
Just as in the past, Doctors have stopped great epidemics, so too can the
people of the United States, in support of their leaders, play the great role
in stopping the spreading Communist epidemic.
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