CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP67B00446R000300140018-5
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 12
• Document Creation Date: December 15, 2016
• Document Release Date: October 6, 2003
• Sequence Number: 18
• Publication Date: September 13, 1965
• Content Type: OPEN

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September 13, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
The problem is not new. Over the past
decade, the United States has endowed nearly
60 nations with more than $20 billion worth
of military hardware, ranging from revolvers
to missiles. The recipient countries have
all vowed, among other conditions, to use
American weapons only for defensive pur-
poses.
Yet several foreign governments, measur-
ing their defense needs by their own yard-
sticks, have betrayed U.S. objectives. And
the United States, though disclaiming guilt,
has often borne the onus for the ill-advised
actions of its allies.
Here is a partial catalog of U.S. embar-
rassments:
American material delivered to the French
under North Atlantic Treaty agreements was
wielded against Algerian nationalists, there-
by creating the pervasive impression in Africa
that the United States supported French
policy.
American weapons given to Portugal under
NATO accords were used to repress Angola
insurgents.
In Cyprus, both Greeks and Turks rein-
forced their positions with U.S. equipment-
which they will undoubtedly also employ if
they attack each other.
American tanks rumbling through Latin
American capitals have served to overthrow
governments painfully nurtured by the
United States.
American aid weapons supplied to the
Chinese Nationalists were surreptitiously
shipped to remnant Kuomintang guerrillas
in North Burma in an apparent effort to
exacerbate a tense situation in southeast
Asia In late 1960.
American-armed South Vietnamese police
under the late president Ngo Dinh Diem's
regime transported Buddhists and students to
jail in American trucks bearing the U.S.
handclasp emblem.
In aiding India and Pakistan, the United
States tacitly acknowledged that military as-
sistance might ignite an explosion. The pro-
gram to build up Pakistan's armed force,
initiated in 1954, was accompanied by an as-
surance to India that the United States would
take appropriate action if American weapons
were used against her. American military
aid to India, started in 1962, was clearly ear-
marked for "defense against outright Chinese
aggression."
Since then, Pakistan's $1.2 billion worth of
U.S. military material has included Patton
and Sherman tanks as well as the latest F-104
jet fighters equipped with Sidewinder mis-
siles. India's far more modest allocation-
an estimated $80 mililon-has largely con-
sisted of, communications equipment, am-
munition, blankets, and weapons for moun-
tain warfare,
Now and again in the past, lone voices
pointed to the volatile nature of the Indian
subcontinent. As far back as the mid-1950's,
Ambassador to India Chester Bowles argued
that military aid to Pakistan would heighten
the danger of conflict. As recently as last
Oregon, warned that continued military as-
sistance to both India and Pakistan "in-
creases the possibility of war between them."
Now that wars has erupted, the United
States has taken some forms of appropriate
action. It has halted the ships carrying
additional American hardware to the sub-
continent. It is also using its military as-
sistance treaties with both belligerants as a
legal lever for diplomatic involvement in the
situation.
But while a crimewave provokes loud ap-
peals for law enforcement, the outbreak of
hostilities in south Asia has inspired sur-
prisingly little discussion about ways to limit
the use of American weapons abroad. In
some quarters, however,, questions have been
raised. Can the United States prevent the
violation of its military aid agreements? If
so, how? If not, why not?
No. 168-2
The range of answers varies widely-and
many answers generate fresh questions.
A critic of military. aid who unsuccess-
fully tried to shave appropriation last June,
Senator FRANx CHURCH, Democrat of Idaho,
says: "I oppose the way we've institution-
alized and globalized our military assistance
programs. We should only give aid where
the Communist threat is direct and immedi-
ate, as in Korea, Vietnam, or India when the
Chinese invaded."
Unrealistic, counters a Pentagon official.
"Military aid isn't merely providing weapons.
Troops need training, and there's no time for
that when the threat is immediate. There's
really no way to control our arms abroad.
Our hardware may be misused, but that's
a risk we must take."
That Pentago view, in turn, draws fire
from a Congressman who complains that
Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara is
now selling arms abroad "the way he used
to peddle Fords." Besides distributing mili-
tary 'aid, the Pentagon's weapons mer-
chants-grandly called the Office for Inter-
national Logistics Negotiations-have told
$9 billion worth of military hardware over
the past 4 years, thus stemming some of the
U.S. gold drain.
About 90 percent of the Pentagon sales
go to Western Europe. "If they don't buy
from us," argues a Pentagon official, "they'll
buy from somebody else."
To several officials, the proliferation of
U.S. arms around the world reflects a lack of
selectivity in American defense pacts. The
United States actuated the creation of such
groups as the Southeast Asia Treaty Orga-
nization (SEATO) and the Central Treaty
Organization (CENTO) in the Middle East,
hoping that its members would face the
threat of communism together.
"But we found," submits a State Depart-
ment specialist, "that many allies cared less
about the cold war than about their pa-
rochial interests. We're observing now that
Pakistan fears India. much more than she
ever feared China or Russia. Knowingly or
not, we armed her to fight India, not com-
munism"
For still other officials, the question goes
beyond the use of?weapons to the very is-
sue of disarmament. "Our efforts at disarm-
ament started at the wrong end of the scale,"
contends one expert. "Since World War II,
rifles and machine guns have killed more
people than our atomic bombs on Japan.
We should be discussing the limitation of
conventional weapons in disarmament talks.
"But so many countries that want the
United States and Soviet Union to disarm
refuse to disarm themselves. Maintaining
armies lends them a feeling of strength."
Perhaps the Indians and Pakistanis would
have never clashed if our military aid hadn't
given tbpm the illusion that they were strong
enough wage war."
DESCALATION IN VIETNAM
Mr. PELL. Mr. President, when it
comes to Vietnam there has been a great
deal of talk in the past of escalation.
Now I am glad to see that the word
"descalation" is coming more in vogue.
In this connection I must congratulate
President Johnson and the administra-
tion in the unswerving, determined way
in which they probe for peace.
Not only does he seek to descalate, but
just as we seek descalation in the future
in Vietnam, so that descalation can only
be achieved if the Communists also prac-
tice it.
In this connection I ask unanimous
consent to insert into the RECORD an edi-
torial from the New York Times, which
not only spells out desealation steps that
have been taken, but by the very use of
the term makes the word "descalation"
official.
There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
DESCALATION IN VIETNAM
For more than 10 years the United States
has been following a policy of escalation in
its military commitment in Vietnam. Now
it has apparently decided to explore whether
descalation might not offer a more promising
approach to a settlement of the southeast
Asian conflict. The efforts Washington is
currently making in this direction represent
an invaluable addition to the numerous other
peace feelers that have been and still are be-
ing undertaken.
The newest proposal, as Times diplomatic
correspondent Max Frankel reports, is that
Hanoi withdraw some or all of the 325th
North Vietnamese Division it has sent into
South Vietnam, in return for a reduction or
cessation of American bombing of North Viet-
nam. This report clarifies the American offer
of August 8-revealed in Britain's white paper
yesterday-to initiate another perhaps more
prolonged pause in the bombing as quid pro
quo for an appropriate and commensurate
military step by North Vietnam.
There is little reason, of course, to be over-
optimistic about the new approach at this
stage. No reply has yet come from Hanoi and
many past attempts have failed. The British
white paper details in 62 documents the
innumerable attempts that have been made
since February by London, Washington, and
other governments to bring about talks. All
have been fiercely rejected by Peiping and-
occasionally after hesitation-by Hanoi.
"Yet," as the official British commentary
points out, "there Is room for hope."
There have been a number of recent hints
that interest in negotiations may be reviving
in North Vietnam. Hanoi has admitted and
held discussions with envoys from Britain
and Ghana. Secretary General Thant, as re-
ported in press dispatches earlier this week,
has made undisclosed new peace proposals to
the governments most concerned at the re-
quest of Ambassador Arthur J. Goldberg.
The substance of a settlement-or at least
its main principles-is being commented on
by both sides in unilateral public and private
statements so explicit that they virtually
take on the form of preliminary informal ex-
changes. Thus, President Johnson on July
23 offered to discuss Premier Pham Van
Dong's four-point peace proposals of April 8.
And Ho Chi Minh replied in some detail on
August 13 to probing questions put to him by
the French scholar, Phillips Devillers, in a
cabled interview published in Le Monde of
Paris. The North Vietnamese President made
it clear that, when the time comes, Hanoi
would prefer an international Geneva-style
conference rather that bilateral negotiations
with Washington. He insisted that the
United States actually accept the four points
in principle before a conference is held.
For the most part, the four points merely
summarize the key elements in the 1954 Ge-
neva agreements, which President Johnson
has said the United States also accepts as the
basis for a settlement. There is one difficult
sticking point. The Communists have added
a demand-not in the Geneva accords-that
the Saigon Government be reconstituted be-
fore elections are held. They demand a coal-
ition regime in which the Vietcong would par-
ticipate and even, in some versions, be given
a decisive voice.
Negotations, If opened, could go on for a
long time. Militarily, both sides are digging
in for a long war. But the increasing evi-
dence that neither can win a victory by force
of arms makes a political settlement essen-
tial. Descalation would be the best way to
begin.
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE September 13, 1965
TRIBUTE TO G. WILLIAM MILLER,
PRESIDENT, TEXTRON, INC.
Mr. PELL. Mr. President,, Y wish at
this time to pay special tribute to Mr.
G. William Miller, president of Textron,
Inc., whose headquarters are in Provi-
dence in my home State of Rhode Island.
Mr. Miller has recently completed his
2-year term as Chairman of the Plans
for Progress Advisory Council, which
was developed through the President's
Committee on Equal Employment Op-
porttinity.
Mr. Miller has achieved remarkable
success during his period of service as
Chairman of the Council. He has
brought his skills and talents, as one of
our Nation's most eminent young busi-
ness leaders, to bear on the deeply mean-
ingful principles of equality in employ-
raent. He has translated these princi-
ples into reality for the betterment of
,our people and our country.
Under his leadership the number of
major participating employers in the
plans for progress program Increased
from approximately 100 companies to
more than 300-a tripled rate of growth,
now encompassing over 81/2 million em-
ployees in manufacturing concerns, in
retail firms, in banks and insurance
companies, and in universities.
In commending him for his service,
President Johnson praised Mr. Miller as
an "industrial statesman," as a "re-
sourceful motivator of men," and as a
"far-sighted leader in the search for
voluntary solutions to the unfinished
requirements of a free society based on
equal opportunity."
Vice President HrmlPHREY has similarly
praised Mr. Miller for welding into a
"vital and lively program" plans for
progress and for "extending its efforts
and interests beyond equal employment
opportunity to community relations, to
training programs, to the quality of edu-
cation available to `minority citizens, and
to relations between high schools and
colleges and the business community."
Mr. Miller has given abundant evidence
of his public-spirited qualities in Rhode
Island. He is a director of the Rhode
Island Hospital Trust Co., a commission-
er of the Providence Redevelopment
Agency, and a director of the Rhode
Island Research and Design Center,
premised on the future growth and im-
provement of our State. Indicating his
keen interest in Rhode Island cultural
affairs, Mr. Miller previously served as
a director and chairman of the fund
-drive of the Rhode Island Philharmonic
Orchestra.
In my opinion he represents a combi-
nation of vigorous and imaginative busi-
ness enterprise and dedicated public
service-a combination of particular
value to our country in these times and
one which sets an exceptional example
for others to follow,
I am delighted to bring Mr. Miller's
achievements to the attention of my col-
leagues; and extend to him my heartiest
congratulations.
I ask unanimous consent to have an
article on the subject printed at this
point in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
_ HIIMPHREY PRAISES TEXTRON PRESIDENT
WASHINGTON.-G. William Miller, president
of Textron, Inc., was. praised by Vice Presi-
dent HUBEaT H. HUMpersEY for his dedicated
leadership, as the Providence man stepped
down yesterday after 2 years as chairman
of the National Advisory Council of Plans for
Progress.
Mr. HUMPHREY said that under Mr. Miller's
leadership the program to raise the economic
status of Negroes and other minority groups
had been made vital and lively, encompass-
ing 313 companies in its equal employment
opportunity phase and extending its inter-
ests beyond jobs to community relations,
training programs, quality of education and
relations between schools and colleges and
the business community.
Mr. Miller said the program had made im-
pressive and substantial gains toward great-
er job opportunities for Negroes. He said
the number of nonwhite persons employed
by the participating companies had in
creased by more than 100,000 and he called a
71.4-percent gain in salaried or white collar
jobs the most impressive achievement.
From 103 companies 2 years ago, he said
the number of participants had increased to
313 firms employing a total of 8,600,000 per-
sons. I
Charles E. Spahr, president of the Stand-
ard Oil Co., of Ohio, succeeded Mr. Miller yes-
terday as National Advisory Council Chair-
man.
NATIONAL BROADCASTING CO.'S
"WHITE PAPER"
Mr. PELL. Mr. President, a few days
ago, the National Broadcasting Co. de-
voted its entire evening of prime pro-
gram time to a sweeping and searching
analysis of U.S. foreign policy since
World War H. The marathon program,
presented under the title of an "Ameri-
can White Paper," was an extremely in-
teresting and informative presentation.
it touched all of the great moments in
world affairs for the last 20 years-the
birth of the atomic age, the Marshall
plan, the Berlin blockade, the Korean
war, the Hungarian revolution and the
genesis of the present crisis in Asia. The
visual reconstruction, of this turbulent
era evoked poignant memories and at the
same time gave new perspective to all of
us who have lived through these events.
As the press reviews indicated, there
are inevitable technical problems in-
volved in the conception and presenta-
tion of a program of such vast scope and
content, but it seems to me that these
problems are of secondary concern. The
real significance of last night's effort by
NBC was the fact that a major network
set aside the usual consideration of pub-
lic response and attempted to give a seri-
ous and responsible treatment to a whole
sector of history that needs to be con-
sidered in panoramic fashion. It was an
excellent effort and the public is the bet-
ter informed for having seen it. I hope
there will be many more, but at this
time NBC deserves the applause and
thanks of us all for having ventured into
the depths of a difficult matter. Finally,
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent
that Jack Gould's review of the program
in. New York Times and also Bernie
Harrison's review in the Washington
Evening Star, be printed in the RECORD
at this point.
There being no objection, the articles
were ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
TV: FOREIGN POLICY--NBC DESERVES CREDIT
FOR A GOOD TRY, BUT Topic NEEDS DEEPER
TREATMENT
(By Jack Gould)
A network that cancels an entire evening's
regular schedule for a 3Y2-hour considera-
tion of U.S. foreign policy since World War II
is bound to command respect for its earnest-
ness in dealing with an issue of overriding
moment. The National Broadcasting Co. did
that last night in a marathon review of the
country's international relations.
Robert E. Kintner, NBC president, gave
the assignment for an exhaustive summary,
just as 2 years ago he initiated a 3-hour eve.-
ning program on civil rights. Fred Freed,
producer, was put in charge of digesting in
visual form the staggering volume of mate-
rial on 20 years of world affairs.
Last night's evening was curiously history
a Is, television. Each transpiring event from
the explosion of the atomic bomb in 1945 to
the agony of Saigon in 1985 was dutifully
and methodically recorded, yet the tote'. ef-
fect was strangely monotonous and enervat-
ing.
The mind boggled at the onrush of fateful
happenings that tumbled out in all the
superficial brevity common to the newsreel.
The viewer was left with a gnawing hunger
for some knowing editorial hand to exer-
cise incisive selection, to give evocative
meaning and clarity to the evolution of our
overseas relations. History bereft of as-
sessment and appraisal quickly reduces itself
to a rewrite of headlines.
Not that "American White Paper: U.S.
Foreign Policy" lacked potential value for
the younger viewer, to whom events of the
last two decades are only hearsay. It will be
interesting to learn from the ratings how
the evening was received, whether the pro-
gram may have been too long for those who
might have learned the most from the
presentation, and inadequate for those who
looked for meatier content.
There was a fitfulness of approach that was
consistently disconcerting. It takes a quick
study to absorb in lickety-split fashion the
measure of the atom bomb, Churchill's Iron
Curtain speech, civil war in Greece, the
Marshall plan, the Berlin blockade, the for-
mation of the North Atlantic Treaty Organi-
zation, the Korean war, European prosperity,
Stalin's death, the Hungarian revolution,
sputnik, the U-2 incident, the Cuban missile
crisis, and De Gaulle's intransigence. And
that was merely a third of the evening.
The second installment explored the role
of the United States in confronting the
emerging world with humanitarian aid and
military might, a sequence that took in Gua-
temala, Lebanon, and Santo Domingo. It was
the best third of the evening's presentation.
The last segment, on the other hand, was
the least satisfying. To be sure, there was
a speedy review of the Japanese invasion of
Manchuria, the dashed hopes of the United
States in making China an ally, and the
Korean war.
But NBC did an inexcusably cursory and
hurried job in covering the details of the
debate over American policy in. Vietnam. Ex-
cept for an interview with Norman Thomas,
the opponents of the administration's poli-
cies were made to appear as videogenic eccen-
trics. The program's visual concern for battle
scenes took precedence over all contempla-
tion of the political, social, and economic
future of Asia.
Where the NBC program had a chilling
relevancy was in rerunning the miscalcula-
tions of high officials as to the duration of
the Vietnam war, and in showing the re-
morseless process of escalation.
A 31/2 -hour program, out of which roughly
20 minutes was set aside for commercial
messages, may require a new cinematic tech-
nique, some fusion of the raw events with a
searching analysis of their meaning.
Foreign policy simply does not lend itself
to police reporting of the what, where, and
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE September 13, 1965
nevertheless routine matters in international
publishing. To survive, and to progress,
management must look beyond the present
to a hopefully better tomorrow.
It is obvious, when we stand back, that
the penetration of English-language maga-
zines in countries speaking something else
is limited to the better educated and to
those with broad curiosity. The number of.
such readers increases with the years as
population and sophistication increase, but
this still leaves untouched the minds of the
majority. The question arises: Should we,
as publishers, remain content with reach-
ing only the leadership group, or should be
publish in local tongues?
Our experiments along this line began 25
years ago with an attempt to put Time into
Spanish. Translation was easy enough (al-
though the Spanish ran 20-percent longer
than Time's terse English) but the result was
no longer Time. A North American frame
of reference does not become a South Ameri-
can frame by being put into Spanish. It re-
mains North, and seems inappropriate in
Castilian. So the experiment was dropped.
Some years later, as we've seen, Life en
Espafiol was born-and it was produced from
the first by writers and editors born to the
Latin frame.
Three years ago last April we announced
a new approach to publishing in other lan-
guages. We formed an equal. partnership
with Italy's leading magazine publisher to
produce Panorama. To the editors of this
new monthly we offered the entire editorial
product of Time Inc. After 21/z years of pub-
lication, the Italian Panorama has evolved
as intended into a magazine for world-
oriented Italians. Its editors draw from Life,
Time, Fortune, Sports Illustrated, and the
wealth of other stories in the file of our
worldwide correspondents. They also de-
velop material about Italy itself, thus com-
bining in one magazine both the local and
the global point of view-and all within the
Italian frame of reference.
Panorama Italy fared well enough so that
we have since started a counterpart in the
Spanish language in Argentina. Though pro-
duced under the same governing idea, this
Panorama is distinctly different-reflecting a
different national point of view and the dif-
now investigating other possible Panoramas
in other languages.
Along similar lines, we are now copublish-
ers in Japan of a business-oriented magazine
called President. Based essentially on For-
tune magazine, President reports on the
stratosphere of world business as well as the
toposphere of business, Japanese style. Pres-
ident's great success in a country whose eco-
nomic philosophy so closely approximates our
own has led too investigation of other Presi-
dents elsewhere.
This, then, is the American magazine over-
seas, at least it seems to my particular expe-
rience. I have been part of this fascinating
business for 20 years and have yet to expe-
rience a single day when it did not offer chal-
lenge and opportunity. For here is not
merely a business engaged in for profit. The
vast majority of American magazines circu-
lated in other countries are sources of infor-
mation and -means of education for those
who read them. They speak facts, they en-
tertain, they broaden horizons. They seek
out, with complete disregard of national
boundaries, like-thinking men. They estab-
lish communities of the mind whose mem-
bers cover the earth. By contributing to
understanding, they ultimately serve the
cause of peace.
PARTICIPATION BY DR. MARTIN
LUTHER KING AND BAYARD RUS-
TIN IN INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS
Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I
.ask unanimous consent that a statement
I made concerning a development in in-
ternational affairs over the weekend be
printed in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the state-
ment was ordered to be printed in the
RECORD, as follows:
A whole new sphere of troublemaking for
the United States was launched yesterday
when Martin Luther King, accompanied by
Bayard Rustin, turned from his successes
at creating domestic disorders to an attempt
to play the same role with similar conse-
quences in international affairs. It is a
distinct disappointment to me and a dis-
grace to the country that Ambassador Gold-
berg would officially receive such persons as
Martin Luther King and Bayard Rustin, and
thereby lend credence to an appearance of
official respectability of these two trouble-
makers.
Neither King nor Rustin have backgrounds
or experiences which would even entitle them
to an official audience. King is a notorious
troublemaker and intermeddler, who has of
late publicly revealed his interest in inter-
national affairs. Only King, and possibly
some agencies of Government, can be sure
what qualifications he possesses, or thinks he
possesses, which would make persuasive his
proposals to the leaders of communism to
whom he proposes next to address them.
Bayard Rustin's qualifications are better
documented in the public record, in that he
was reported in the press to have been a
member of the Young Communist League,
not to mention the fact that he was con-
victed for sex perversion and dodging the
draft.
It is indeed a sad commentary that even
the existence of such persons is acknowl-
edged to the extent of an audience with a
high official of the Government. Ambassador
Goldberg is, of course, free to accept advice
from whomever he pleases privately, but I
would hope that in the public conduct of his
official position, he would be more discrim-
inating and concerned for the image of our
Nat than he demonstrated in publicly
re ving King and Rustin.
AMERICANS UNITED ON VIETNAM
Mr. SMATHERS. Jr. President, the
results of a Harris Survey published
yesterday give convincing evidence that
the American people have rallied
strongly behind their President over the
gravest issue facing this land today, the
war in Vietnam. Right now, as we meet
in this Chamber, 66 percent of the pub-
lic approves the course President John-
son is following in Vietnam. This sup-
port is an overwhelming repudiation of
the Communists' wishful contention that
deep divisions within the United States
over the administration's southeast
Asian policies will eventually lead to our
ignominious defeat. In every region of
our great Nation, the people understand
the necessity for our commitment to the
South Vietnamese. They understand
that it is a commitment rooted in the
desire for peace, and they support it.
Doubtless we will continue to have one
or two misguided civil rights leaders is-
suing statements and isolated demon-
strations against the war in Vietnam, but
these actions are becoming less popular
and, indeed, more futile every day. No
matter how vocal they have been, the
peacemongers have not been able to
shake the commonsense of most Ameri-
cans.
Those who oppose American involve-
ment in southeast Asia have repeatedly
attempted to swing public opinion
against the course being followed by
President Johnson's administration, and
have tried in vain to rally the people
around several principal arguments.
One of the chief of these arguments is
that we have failed to evolve a solid and
consistent policy; that our goals have
been hazy and ill-defined; that, in fact,
we do not know what we seek in aiding.
the people of South Vietnam.
But in reviewing official public state-
ments on Vietnam, one cannot help but
be struck by the strong continuity of our
policy as it relates to that beleaguered
nation. Since 1954, when President
Dwight Eisenhower pledged to "assist
the Government of Vietnam in develop-
ing and maintaining a strong, viable
state, capable of resisting attempted sub-
version or aggression through military
means," every administration has com-
mitted jtself to aiding the cause of free-
dom in South Vietnam.
In 1961, the late President John F.
Kennedy said:
We are prepared to help the Republic of
Vietnam to protect its people and preserve
its independence.
And President Johnson has said:
We have made a national pledge to help
South Vietnam to defend its independence.
I know it is the President's intention
to keep that promise.
Mr. President, almost every American
official involved with the conduct of our
foreign relations has taken great pains
to clarify the aims of the United States
in southeast Asia. Time after time,
members of both Democratic and Re-
publican Administrations have explained
"to the American people just what it is
we are trying to accomplish.
In a June 1, 1956, speech to the Amer-
ican Friends of Vietnam, here in Wash-
ington, former Assistant Secretary of
State for Far Eastern Affairs Walter
Robertson outlined out goals in Vietnam
as follows:
To support a friendly, non-Communist
government in Vietnam and to help it di-
minish and eventually eradicate Communist
subversion and influence.
To help the Government of Vietnam estab-
lish the forces necessary for internal
security.
To encourage support for Free Vietnam
by the non-Communist world.
To aid in the rehabilitation and recon-
struction of a country and people ravaged
by 8 ruinous years of civil and international
war.
The roots of the conflict in southeast
Asia extend back to the close of World
War II and the emergence of a strong
sense of nationalism and anti-colonial-
ism in nearly every underdeveloped
region of the earth. This surge of
nationalism eventually swept France
from her historic control of Indo-China
and led to the Geneva Conference of
1954, which divided Vietnam into two
distinct nations. Article 21 of the
Agreement on Vietnam states that each
party, North and South Vietnam, shall
respect the territory of the other and
shall commit no act and undertake no
operation against the other party.
This provision has been violated by
the Communists in Hanoi.
Since 1959 North Vietnam has been on
the march. Unable to undermine and
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What American magazines are now most
popular overseas? They divide generally into
three major categories: general magazines,
news magazines, and business-professional-
industrial magazines.
The most popular general magazine over-
seas is, of course,, the Reader's Digest, which
sells about 101/2 million copies per month
through 29 basic international editions in 14
languages. The Digest varies in content from
country to country, but nothing is published
overseas which has not already appeared In
the U.S. edition, Since the Digest derives
much of its content from other American
magazines, scores of additional titles are thus
given representation abroad which they
would not have otherwise.
Reader's Digest is followed overseas (ad-
mittedly at some distance) by two inter-
national editions of Life whose combined
circulation approximates 900,000 every other
week. English-language Life International,
printed in Paris, has the distinction of be-
ing the only general magazine specifically
edited for a world audience. To the average
50 percent of content derived from material
appearing in the U.S. edition, Life Inter-
national adds articles and picture essays of
cosmopolitan interest. It tends to be more
literary than the Life we know here, and is
generally more cerebral. The fact that it has
found a distinguished audience wherever men
are free to choose their reading matter at-
tests to both the universality of English and
to the existence of what I like to call "a
world community of curious minds."
Life en Espafiol, first published in 1953,
has long since won a succes d'estime as Latin
America's most prestigious popular maga-
zine. It too derives perhaps 50 percent of its
editorial content from the U.S. Life and cre-
ates additional material of particular interest
to the Spanish-speaking world.
Popular Mechanics, appearing in seven
languages, is bought each month by about
530,000 foreign readers who share the Ameri-
can penchant for learning how it's done.
Two service-club magazines of general in-
terest have substantial circulation abroad.
The Rotarian in English is read by some 80,-
006 families, and by more than 40,000 in
Spanish. The Lion Magazine reaches close
to 70,000 in English and more than 40,000
in Spanish.
Taken together, U.S. general magazines
with international editions reach more than
12 million foreign families with a single is-
sue. To these must be added the more than
11/2 million foreign circulation of the regular
domestic editions of scores of other general
interest magazines. In addition to National
Geographic, which leads the group, practi-
cally every favorite magazine here has fans
abroad as well; Saturday Evening Post, Ladies
Home Journal, Look, McCall's, Esquire,
Seventeen, the New Yorker, Popular Photog-
raphy, Fortune, Scientific American, and
many others. A recent dispatch from Thai-
land reports that Playboy is selling like hot
egg rolls in Bangkok as it does in most areas
of the world.
The second major category of international
U.S. magazines--and the category which
probably exerts most influence on the atti-
tudes of readers--is that of the news maga-
zines: Time, Newsweek, U.S. News & World
Report, Vision (in Spanish) and Visao (in
Portuguese).
Time is the leader in the newsmagazine
category, with a weekly circulation of over
800,000 concentrated among the most in-
fluential people of the free world. Time
could be called an export magazine in the
sense that its editorial content (except for
the Canada edition, which has added local
news) is identical around the world-and
in Time English, too. It is printed in five
foreign cities to speed distribution, but
nothing is changed, added or deleted for for-
eign consumption. Thus Time readers over-
seas are almost literally looking over the
shoulders of American readers to find out
what American editors think of the world
that week-and, surprisingly often, to find
out what's really going on in their own
countries.
Right after Time come the international
editions of Newsweek. Europe, Africa, and
the Middle East are served by an edition
printed near London. The Far East and
southeast Asia are served by a Pacific edition
printed in Tokyo, Canada and Latin Amer-
ica are served with the U.S. edition.
Like Time, Newsweek's editorial content is
substantially the same the world over. Total
circulation outside the United States exceeds
240,000 per week.
U.S. News & World Report does not publish
international editions as such, but finds an
audience of some 34,000 per issue overseas.
Some copies are delivered by airmail.
Visi6n is a fortnightly news magazine in
the Spanish language with particular orien-
tation toward Latin American businessmen.
It is printed both in Mexico and Chile and en-
joys a circulation of some 155,000. A weekly
edition in Portuguese, printed in Brazil and
including special local content, has a circu-
lation of some 65,000.
The last major category of U.S. magazines
circulating abroad is by no means the least.
So-called export business magazines (many
in Spanish and most distributed free of
charge) have a per-issue circulation in excess
of 800,000. Other business, technical, and
trade publications published primarily for
U.S. audiences but "overflowing" abroad
number more than 600 (from Adhesives Age
to the Writer) and reach more than 700,000
readers abroad with one issue. And finally,
well over 100 scholarly periodicals, led by
those in the social sciences and the humani-
ties, find an overseas audience of more than
70,000 per issue.
What accounts for this prodigious popu-
larity of all sorts of American magazines in
other countries? Many reasons, I think, and
reasons varying by country.
In smaller nations where a local press has
not been established, or whose orientation is
perhaps a bit parochial, American magazines
find readers because American publishers
have been aggressive enough to make them
available to help fill the homegrown vacuum.
In countries with a flourishing local press,
American magazines seem to be bought for
news and views of America, for general for-
eign news not available through local media,
for the smart way in which American mag-
azines are edited, and for the generally
superior style in which they are produced.
(Robert Benchley could hardly say today of
any edition of Time, as he did of the first
issues in 1923, that the magazine appeared
to be printed on slices of stale bread.) J. S.
Chaloner, manager of Britain's largest
magazine distribution firm and a participant
in the founding of Germany's famed Der
Spiegel, passes along the view of a pro-
fessional: "If the price of imported magazines
is higher than the domestic equivalent, it
must be said bluntly that far too often so is
the editorial quality, the production, and
number of pages."
The exigencies of distributing almost 3 mil-
lion magazines a fortnight number scarcely
less than 3 million themselves. The docu-
ments (invoices, bills of lading, customs
declarations, etc.) necessary to cover dis-
tribution of single issues of Time and Life
weigh about 100 pounds.
Time originates in six locations for foreign
distribution: in Montreal for all of Canada;
in Atlanta, Ga. (since Castro closed down
our Cuban plant) for Latin America; in Paris
for Europe, the Middle East and Africa; in
Tokyo for the Far East; in Melbourne for
Australia and, just recently, in Auckland for
New Zealand. Time is printed in these cities
by offset plates made directly from special
film flown from Chicago. Distributed by air
(we are one of the five largest users of inter-
22707
national air freight) Time is in the hands of
readers in all the principal cities of the world
no later than the date on. Its cover and gen-
erally several days before.
Life International and Life en Espafiol,
printed on heavy stock, are delivered mostly
by surface transport. Life en Espafiol,
printed in Chicago on the same presses that
produce Life United States, travels by train
to Mexico and thence by ship and truck to
readers throughout Latin America. Life In-
ternational travels from its printing point in
Paris by air and rail throughout Europe, by
ship elsewhere.
About half the circulation of Time and Life
overseas is by subscription, paid for in some
30 currencies. There are banking and re-
mitting facilities in every major country
which enable the reader to order a sub-
scription by writing a personal check on his
local account.
In years past, getting pesetas out of Spain,
pounds of England, zlotys out of Poland or
most anything from almost anywhere was
one of our most frustrating problems. At
one time, I remember, we thought of buying
Duch guilders with exchangeable other
moneys, using the guilders to buy Dutch
cheese, then importing the cheese to the
United States and selling it by the chunk to
gourmets. Today our exchange problems
are relatively few, probably the greatest of
them being galloping inflation in much of
Latin America.
Censorship and discriminatory practices
have plagued us since Time first flew to
Latin America in 1941. Mr. Peron, of Argen-
tina forbade us entry for some 6 years-
thus creating a flourishing black market in
copies sneaked in from Uruguay. Mr.
Trujillo of the Dominion Republic liked us
even less than we did him. The late ex-King
Farouk of Egypt banned us for lese majeste
shortly before he was banished for much the
same thing. Spain maintains two sets of
censors: one operated by the church, the
other by the state. Both frown on opulent
ladies whether painted by Rubens or pho-
tographed by Eisenstaedt. Most of the Arab
countries, refusing to recognize the existence
of Israel, either ban issues with editorial or
advertising content mentioning that country
or set their censors to work with shears
removing the offending pages. Ireland smiles
on most that we offer, but grimaces at ad-
vertisements for ladies' undergarments.
None of our magazines, of course, is al-
lowed to circulate in Russia, although a few
dozen subscription copies go in to top of-
ficials. Periodically we are allowed to open,
a news bureau in Moscow, but it is ordered
closed and our correspondents banished.
when they work too embarrassingly at their
trade. Some of Russia's satellites allow us
in for a time and then as mysteriously allow
us out. In Red China Time has a circula-
tion of one, Life of none? although the Gov-
ernment keeps the Winter Palace supplied
by pouch from Tokyo. Mr. Sukarno of Indo-
nesia has banned us since 1961. He disliked
many things in Time's reporting, including
the fact that he liked girls. He still dis-
likes Time, and there is still no evidence
that he dislikes girls.
During the Algerian crisis, Time had a
highly unfavorable cover story on General
Salan, one of the dissenting French com-
manders who wanted to keep the French
grip on Algeria. Salan was pictured in front
of a desert, and in the sand was written.
his slogan: "Algerie frangaise." When the
cover Caine off press in Paris, the French
Minister of Information, perhaps fearful that
our cover would be misinterpreted as favor-
ing Salan's cause-"Apres tout, c'est lui sur
la couverture, West- ce-pas?"-caused us to
block out the illustration with green ink be-
fore allowing copies to go on sale. Result, of
course: a sellout but no insurrection.
Matters of censorship, distribution and ad-
vertising, complicated as they may be, are
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September 13, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL
topple the Government of South Viet-
nam by subversion, the Communists
have embarked on a course of open ag-
gression. They have infiltrated tens of
thousands of guerrillas and vast stores
of weapons into South Vietnam. They
have sent several identified regiments of
the regular army of North Vietnam ? into
the South. They have stepped up their
campaigns of terror and subversion.
The people of South Vietnam have
resisted every attack bravely and with
all the resources at their command.
They have made great sacrifices in the
defense of their liberty.
But, Mr. President, these people in a
land 10,000 miles from our shores can-
not stand alone. They face a strong
and determined enemy who Is supported
by Communist China and other Commu-
nist nations. They were forced to seek
help from the free world, and that help
was extended by President Eisenhower
and has been continued by each of his
successors.
This aid has become the cornerstone
of free world support for Vietnam. As
the major free world power, this is a re-
sponsibility our Nation must not and
cannot shirk. The history of America
itself is the fullfillment of a dream
against odds which at times seemed
overwhelming. in the face of that his-
tory, we cannot abandon any free nation
which seeks similar goals. Following
our lead, 36 other free world nations are
already contributing military or eco-
nomic assistance to South Vietnam, or
are pledged to do so in the near future.
Even while the forces of freedom have
been increasing military efforts to
counter the growing Communist aggres-
sion, we have continued our work in the
economic and social fields. And, most
important of all, we have again and
again stated our willingness to enter in-
to discussions or negotiations leading to
peace and stability in Vietnam.
In his famous Johns Hopkins speech
on April 7, of this year, President John-
son stated our readiness to engage in
unconditional discussions with the gov-
ernments of North Vietnam and other
countries in an effort to arrive at an
honorable settlement. He reaffirmed,
however, that until such an agreement
Is reached, "We will use our power with
restraint and with all the wisdom that
we can command. But we will use it. "
Mr. President, Secretary of State Dean
Rusk stated the essence of the Vietna-
mese issue as clearly as I have heard It in
his press conference of November 17,
1961. At that time, he said:
The determined and ruthless campaign of
propaganda, infiltration, and subversion by
the Communist regime in North Vietnam to
destroy the Republic of Vietnam and sub-
jugate its people is a threat to the peace.
The independence and territorial integrity
of that free country is of major and serious
concern not only to the people of Vietnam
and their immediate neighbors, but also to
all other free nations.
The Communists in Hanoi would have
us believe Secretary Rusk's words are
untrue, and that the conflict in South
Vietnam is nothing more than a civil war
between factions of South Vietnamese.
Regrettably, many of the domestic op-
ponents of President Johnson's Asian
policies have echoed this contention and
have accused us of meddling in the in-
ternal affairs of another country.
The charge that what is taking place
in South Vietnam is a civil war, however,
is not substantiated by the available in-
formation. The Government in Saigon
and our Government are in possession of
a large mass of evidence from many
sources which plainly indicates that
North Vietnam is directing the war from
Hanoi. Its commands are channeled
through its military and political cadres
in South Vietnam. Most of the weapons
used by the Vietcong have been supplied
by the North.
The so-called national liberation front
is a child of Hanoi. Its member orga-
nizations are mostly shadows without
substance. Its leaders are without poilit-
ical stature, and most of them are un-
known In the South. Dr. Robert
Scalapino of the University of Cali-
fornia, who has long studied the prob-
lems of southeast Asia, said in May of
this year that-
The real leaders of the Vietcong are, and
always have been * * * members of the
Communist Party-and that party has Hanoi
as its headquarters now as in the past.
The South Vietnamese people, who
have had long and bitter experience with
the Communists, know these facts. But
few foreigners do, and this is an ad-
vantage Hanoi and Peiping have been
exploiting to the utmost in their political
and propaganda activities.
Mr. President, the critics of our actions
in Vietnam have raised one point that
is the legitimate concern of every respon-
sible American. It is the question of
whether a war being waged in a tiny,
far-off country will expand into a con-
flagration that will sweep the earth. For
while the course of our involvement in
southeast Asia has remained constant,
its scale has become greatly enlarged
as we have moved to meet the increase
of Communist activity. Early this year,
for instance, the administration began
a carefully controlled series of bombing
raids on targets of military value in
North Vietnam.
The United States has repeatedly de-
clared that we do not seek to destroy
cities or the civilian population of the
North.
What we do expect to accomplish
through these air attacks was set forth
by Ambassador Maxwell Taylor, our
former Ambassador in Saigon, in an
August 16 television interview. He made
three major points:
First. To give the South Vietnamese
people the sense of being able to strike
back for the first time against the source
of all their evils, North Vietnam.
Second. To reduce infiltration.
Third. To remind the Communists in
Hanoi that unless they cease their ag-
gression they will have to pay an ever-
higher price for their actions.
No one can accurately predict when
our soundly balanced strategy of air and
ground military activity, logistical sup-
port and political flexibility will yield
22709
concrete results, but yield them it will.
While no one can contend that the
road ahead in Vietnam is short or easy,
or that great dangers do not exist, the
possibility of an eventual settlement
seems nearer.
The propaganda of Hanoi and the Na-
tional Liberation Front has moved away
from the flat demand that U.S. Armed
Forces get out of South Vietnam, and
now we are hearing carefully worded
suggestions that a token force of Ameri-
can troops might remain in South Viet-
nam while discussions were undertaken.
The Communists still insist on the fic-
tion, however, that the National Libera-
tion Front must represent South Viet-
nam in any peace talks, which is com-
parable to insisting that the American
Communist Party represent the United
States in some hypothetical negotiation
with Communist nations.
Meanwhile, the monsoon season in
Southeast Asia is drawing to a close, and
the Vietcong and their North Vietnamese
masters are no nearer to victory than
when their latest offensive began in late
May. This is not to say that the teeth
of the Communists have been pulled, but
American-led forces have dealt them
some serious blows in recent weeks. We
have bombed within 17 miles of the Red
Chinese border. In addition we have
demonstrated very forcibly to Hanoi that
we can wipe out their rail and supply
lines with ease.
The latest news reports filed from
Saigon indicate that, as their frustra-
tions on the battlefield mount, the Viet-
cong are turning more and more to meth-
ods of brutal terrorism in their drive for
conquest.
Mr. President, the possibility of direct
Chinese intervention in the struggle In
Vietnam is another question which has
been raised as a result of our stepped-up
military support for Saigon.
Both former Ambassador Taylor and
Gen. Earle G. Wheeler, Chairman of the
Joint Chiefs of Staff, believe that such
action by Communist China Is unlikely
as long as that nation is not attacked.
Many others agree.
For, no matter how belligerent the tone
of the Chinese, they are fully aware of
the fact that they would not enter a con-
test with the United States in southeast
Asia on terms to their advantage. The
Red Chinese know we are fully prepared
militarily; that they would have to fight
in an area exposed to effective U.S. air-
power; and that there is a very real pos-
sibility that Soviet Russia would remain
neutral in such a struggle.
Perhaps most significantly, neither the
Chinese nor the North Vietnamese want
to completely puncture the myth-al-
ready full of obvious holes-that the war
in Vietnam is a civil war, a war, to use
the Communist term, of national libera-
tion.
Mr. President, there can be no easy
way out of the situation in Vietnam.
There are no cheap or quick solutions to
a problem that has been with us for 11
years and that has occupied the energies
of 3 Presidents.
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE September 13, 1965
But, I am confident that our policies
which have been so carefully worked out
and tested in the crucible of war have
stood the test of time and, in the long
run, will prove successful.
The American people, all people, want
peace but not at the price of surrender to
aggression. We have learned from hard
and costly experience that peace with-
out honor, peace without proper safe-
guards, peace "at any price," is merely
the prelude to mounting aggression and
bloody, costly war.
In his July 28 press conference, Presi-
dent Johnson said:
We are in Vietnam to fulfill one of the
most solemn pledges of the American Nation.
Three Presidents-President Eisenhower,
President Kennedy, and your present Presi-
dent-over 11 years have committed them-
selves and have promised to help defend this
small and valiant Nation.
Strengthened by that purpose, the people
of South Vietnam have fought for many long
years. Thousands gf them have died. Thou-
sands more have been crippled and scarred
by war. We just cannot now dishonor our
word, or abandon our commitment, or leave
those who believed us and who trusted us
to the terror and repression and murder that
would follow.
This, then, my fellow Americans, is why we
are in Vietnam.
I am convinced that we can do no less
than the President has pledged we
will do.
WHEAT SHIPMENTS TO RUSSIA IN
U.S. SHIPS
Mr. YOUNG of North Dakota. Mr.
President, the Executive order providing
'that 50 percent of all wheat shipped to
Russia and Russian-bloc countries must
be carried in U.S. bottoms represents a
serious problem to the wheat industry
of this Nation. No such provision ap-
plies to any other farm commodity or
even industrial goods except for those
that are declared strategic war mate-
rials.
From the days of the Pilgrims the U.S.
wheat producers have had to depend on
foreign markets for a large part of its
production and currently far more than
50 percent. Even with greatly curtailed
acreage through Government programs
we still have a sizable surplus of wheat.
This means that there is no other way
for wheat farmers to survive without a
]farm price support program.
There would be little need of any price
support program for wheat if we were
not blocked out of the big dollar mar-
kets of the world as is now the case. The
Fargo Forum of Fargo, N. Dak., under
date of September 10, 1965, has a very
appropriate editorial dealing with this
subject which I ask unanimous consent
to have inserted as a part of my remarks,
and also a column by Richard Wilson
appearing in the Wednesday, September
8, 1965, issue of the Evening Star en-
tiitled "Union Snaffles Wheat-Sale
Hopes." Both of these in a very factual
way set forth the problem all this pre-
sents, not only to the wheat industry,
but to the entire Nation.
There being no objection, the editorial
and article were ordered to be printed in
the RscoRD, as follows:
[From the Fargo (N. Dak) Forum, Sept. 10,
1965)
MARITIME UNIONS PREVENT U.S. WHEAT
FARMERS FROM SELLING ON WORLD MARKET
Once again the American maritime unions,
notably leftwing in their thinking, and the
ultraconservative-wing of American political
thought are working together to deprive the
U.S. wheat farmer of a chance to sell his
product on the world market.
They are adamant against letting Ameri-
can grain interests sell wheat to the East
European nations, including Russia, unless
50 percent of the exports are shipped in
American-flag vessels.
Cargo rates in American-flag vessels are
higher than rates offered by foreign vessels,
and this requirement has the effect of rais-
ing the cost of American wheat by at least
10 to 15 cents a bushel. So Russia and its
allies buy wheat from Canada for gold.
Canadian farmers are being urged to raise
all the wheat they can, while the U.S. Con-
gress debates a farm bill that is intended to
continue controls over American wheat pro-
duction in an effort to keep our surplus pro-
duction from overflowing our storage bins.
Even if President Johnson or the Congress
lifted the requirement for shipping half- the
wheat sold to Eastern Europe in American-
flag vessels, there is considerable doubt- that
U.S. maritime workers would load the wheat.
Victor Riese], a labor news reporter-col-
umnist, recently interviewed Teddy Gleason,
leader of 60,000 longshoremen. Gleason said
it would take the U.S. Marines to get grain
loaded onto any ship, American or foreign, in
any U.S. port if U.S. shippers did not get
half the business.
Risesel added: "And unless Gleason's fol-
lowers load that grain, it won't get into the
cargo holds. If the marines handle it, the
American ships won't sail because their
crews belong to Paul Hall's militant Sea-
farers, or the National Maritime Union. If
the Government mans the ships, the marine
engineers will strike again."
So labor won't let the American farmer
enter the world wheat market without put-
ting out its fist first and demanding a cut.
And the same labor organizations-through
their Congressman-are the first to complain
about the high cost of farm subsidies which
are intended only to give the farmer a fair
return for his product.
The maritime blockade against the farmer
makes a mockery of the GreatLakes seaway
which gave the Great Plains farmer an outlet
to the world markets.
[From the Washington, D.C., Evening Star,
Sept. 8, 1965j
UNION SNAFFLES WHEAT-SALE HOPES
(By Richard Wilson)
A labor union is successfully thwarting
a major foreign policy thrust of the U.S.
Government. This ludicrous situation il-
lustrates to what lengths labor union tyran-
ny can be carried.
But the fault lies not alone with the
union; it also rests on an administration In
Washington that will permit itself to be
so intimidated.
The union involved is the militant left-
wing Maritime Union, backed up by George
Meany, president of AFT,-CIO. The issue is
sales of American surplus wheat to the So-
viet Union. But far more is involved than
merely unloading American farm surpluses.
Communism's great failure is its inability
everywhere, in China and Cuba as well as the
Soviet Union, to organize agricultural pro-
duction to feed properly an industrialized
society. It is a glaring failure of State so-
cialism known to all the important people
of the world and thus is a continuous ques-
tion mark behind the effectiveness of the
Communist system. Moreover the problem
of agricultural production is the chief prob-
lem of every emerging nation of the world,
from Vietnam to Tanzania.
The Soviet Union is undergoing the hu-
miliating experience of scrambling in the
world market for wheat to feed the industrial
sector of her society because her farm tech-
nology is hopelessly fouled up under Socialist
direction and cannot stand the slightest ad-
versity in crop-growing weather.
Imagine the great planners of the abund-
ant society in Moscow, that society that
would leave the United States far behind in
material progress, having to go hat-in-hand
to Ottawa and Canberra seeking enough
wheat to avoid bread riots In Sverdlovsk.
But the Moscow bargainers will accept only
so much humilation, and they balk at buying
American wheat that they can't bring into
their own ports in shipping of their own
choosing. This is the point at which the
Maritime Union has thwarted a V.S. policy
of getting rid of American surplus wheat
while at the same time focusing a glaring
light on the failure of Socialist planning.
The union forced President Kennedy to
impose the requirement that 50 percent of
any wheat sold to the Russians must be
transported in American vessels so as to pro-
vide employment for American seamen, the
highest paid in the world.
Since American shipping costs are about
40-percent higher than those of other coun-
tries, the requirement has a very discourag-
ing effect on Russian purchases. Russians
get their wheat elsewhere when they can,
from Canada, Argentina, Australia, and
France.
In practice, all that the 50-percent re-
quirement has done is discourage any ship-
ments of American wheat; to the Soviet
Union, and that reduces maritime employ-
ment rather than increases it. The oppor-
tunity to get rid of many millions of bushels
of American wheat is lost, but the Soviet
Union is little the worse for it.
Behind the scenes, Vice President HUBERT
H. HUspuREY has been urging President
Johnson to lift the 50-percent requirement.
HUMPHREY is reflecting the desires of the
grain trade and grain farmers in his home
State of Minnesota. It is ironic that con-
gressional and public support has swung in
favor of the practicalities of trading with
the Russians, but that the rlghtwing po-
litical organizations and the leftwing Mar]-
time Union join in blocking it.
Meany's opposition is notable only for its
adamancy. He seems wholly under the in-
fluence of his adviser, Jay Lovestone, a re-
canted U.S. Communist Party official, who
has reacted so strongly against his former
associations that he wants no truck with
the Communist world at all.
Johnson has hung back, apparently fear-
ing that if he lifts the 50-percent require-
ment dock workers will refuse to load the
ships, as they did in 1964, To enforce his
policy he might have to call out Federal
troops. That would be a politically exploit-
able contradiction: Paratroopers loading
wheat for the Russians while the Air Force
bombs Russian-manned missile sites in Viet-
nam.
Informed officials here are forecasting that
in 6 months or so the conditions may have
been created for breaking the Maritime
Union tyranny. Why not now?
DEATH OF DR. MORTIMER TAUBE
Mr. TYDINGS. Mr. President, one of
the most beloved citizens of Montgom-
ery County, Md., passed away last week.
Dr. Mortimer Taube was an outstand-
ing civic leader, a remarkable business-
man and an extraordinarily learned and
sensitive human being.
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September 13, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECOR
Long active in civic affairs, Dr. Taube
served during the past 2 years as chair-
man of the United Givers Fund for
Montgomery County.
A specialist in the field of informa-
tion theory, Dr. Taube had organized
Documentation, Inc., in 1951 with three
employees. The firm now employs more
than 700 persons and is the world's larg-
est aerospace information center, run-
ning the scientific and technical in-'
formation service for the National
Aeronautics and Space Administration.
Although his firm worked chiefly with
computer-stored information, Dr. Taube
vigorously opposed the overcomputori-
zation of modern life. His book, "Com-
puters and Commonsense," published in
1961, emphasized his admonition that
computers cannot think.
A philosopher by training, Dr. Taube
studied at Harvard during the 1930's
under Alfred North Whitehead. He
received a doctorate in philosophy in
1935 from the University of California.
Last year, he served as an adjunct
professor at the Columbia University
School of Library Science, flying to New
York once a week to teach a course on
modern methods of information gather-
ing.
. At the time of his death, he was work-
ing on a book to be called "Philosophy
for Philistines."
Dr. Taube's death, at age 55, came as
a deep shock to me and to all who knew
and loved him.
I ask unanimous consent that an edi-
torial from the Montgomery County
Sentinel of September 9 be inserted in
the RECORD.
There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
[From the Montgomery County Sentinel,
Sept. 9, 1965]
DR. MORTIMER TAUDE
Dr. Mortimer Taube is dead and his pass-
ing is a grievous loss to the Montgomery
County community.
A man of many interests-he was a philos-
opher, astute businessman, sportsman, scien-
tist, author, teacher, music lover, art col-
lector-he had a fine mind and boundless
energy and enthusiasm. ' Like many men of
notable achievement, he needed-or
wanted-little sleep. Like Robert Frost he
felt he had many miles to travel before he
slept. And promises to keep. His prema-
ture death at the age of only 55 is tragic
indeed.
Typical of men of his caliber he was genu-
inely concerned about his community. And
typical of the man he didn't scatter his shots.
The single institution that performs best for
the' community's less fortunate is United
Givers Fund, raising huge sums of money
for social welfare agencies that relieve enor-
mous distress and soften tragedy. Dr. Taube
served as chairman of la, -t year's UGF drive
in the county and when he died he had ac-
cepted the chairmanship of this year's drive
and, was, despite the heavy demands on his
time, already throwing himself into this
most worthwhile community endeavor.
Four days. before his death he sent a letter
to all leading business firms in Montgomery
County announcing a meeting in his office at
which he wanted to discuss "how best we
can jointly assume the responsibility which
faces us."
We can think of no more fitting tribute
to his memory than for the community to
give to this year's UGF fund drive in his
name. He would be pleased.
There are too few Dr. Mortimer Taubes in
the world and their departure creates a great
void. The sympathies of the entire Mon -
gomery County community go out t
family. It is our loss, too. .
JOHNSON ADMINISTRATION SUP-
PORTED SUBSTANTIALLY ON
VIETNAM POLICIES AND TACTICS
Mr. RANDOLPH. Mr. President, it is
gratifying to read newspaper accounts
of Louis Harris polls, as published Sun-
day and today in the Washington Post,
under the encouraging headlines, "Sup-
port Solidifying for Johnson Course in
Vietnam Crisis," and "Administration
Backed on Tactics in Vietnam."
I commend the President of the United
States and continue to support his Viet-
nam policies As I stated in a speech at
Ramage, W. Va., at a large family re-
union event on August 22, 1965, an action
such as that in which America is in-
volved in Vietnam is not acclaimed in
the ordinary sense of popularity. Who
would expect such circumstances to be
popular? But the consensus of support
for efforts there is overwhelming. Wide-
spread knowledge exists in our country
that it is necessary for the United States
and other anti-Communist nations to
draw the line there against Communistic
aggression, expansion, and infiltration.
We must blunt the Communist drive in
Vietnam and convince the Reds that they
should negotiate a peaceful settlement.
In comments on our involvement in
Vietnam, I also declared, and I reem-
phasize today, tl"at we are not going it
alone in Vietnam, as some citizens would
have Other citizens believe. And we are
not prosecuting an aggrandizing offen-
sive against a small country. We are in
a complex effort-even more so than in
Korea. But that root fact is that we are
assisting South Vietnam, with more than
three dozen other allied countries, in an
effort to contain communism in south-
east Asia and thereby stabilize the tenu-
ous peace.
Although we are in a form of war on
a small front in a faraway land on a
limited basis, we continue as a Nation to
experience a relatively peaceful life in-
stead of the disaster of a major holocaust
and instead of rapid Communistic ex-
pansion.
The satisfaction which comes from
peace, even in the relative sense, and
from prosperity at home in the factual
sense, will not be ours for long, however,
unless we continue with vigor to prose-
cute our efforts in Vietnam.
I repeat: we do have allies there-
more than 36 of them-in addition to the
Republic of South Vietnam. Their num-
bers and contributions to the fight
against the Vietcong and the North Viet-
namese Communists will grow until the
Reds are convinced they cannot conquer
or take over in that distant but vital area.
They must be convinced that peace is
the only real solution.
For us to abandon the effort and pull
out, as some citizens counsel, would be an
invitation to the communistic hordes to
swarm over all of southeast Asia-and
then over all of Asia-and to break loose
aggressively and insidiously in many
other parts of the world. Where can we
22711
draw the line against the Communists
better than in Vietnam?
We must and we will hold on the Viet-
namese line. Otherwise, we will be fac-
ing peril and possibly will be forced to
fight a larger war on a much closer front.
In strength we will find peace. If we
weaken, the future of our country will be
insecure.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent to have printed in the RECORD ar-
ticles from the Washington Post of Sun-
day, September 12, 1965, "The Harris
Survey-Support Solidifying for John-
son Course in Vietnam Crisis," and Mon-
day, September 13, 1965, "The Harris
Survey- Administration Backed on Tac-
tics in Vietnam," and I ask unanimous
consent, also, to have printed in the REC-
ORD the text of an address I delivered in
Parkersburg, W. Va., August 7, 1965, on
the subject.
There being no objection, the material
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
[From the Washington Post, Sept. 12, 1965]
THE HARRIS SURVEY-SUPPORT SOLIDIFYING
FOR JOHNSON COURSE IN VIETNAM CRISIS
(By Louis Harris)
President Johnson today has more solid
support for his policies in Vietnam-66 per-
cent of the public-than at any other time
since the fighting began to escalate in Feb-
ruary. Opposition to U.S. involvement in
the war appears to be fading, while public
opinion behind a firm military posture is
very substantial.
The American people apparently have
passed an important threshold in their
thinking about Vietnam. Only. a relatively
small minority any longer expect a quick set-
tlement of the war. More than twice as
many, in fact a majority of the public, believe
that the Vietnam fighting will go on for sev-
eral years.
It is now clear that as concern over the
war in Asia has mounted-73 percent say
they think about it often and 61 percent feel
personally affected by it-most Americans
have concluded that the failure of the United
States to stand firm in Vietnam would lead
to even deeper trouble for the free world
later on.
On five occasions this year, the Harris Sur-
vey has asked cross sections of the public:
"How would you rate the job President
Johnson has been doing in handling the war
in Vietnam-excellent, pretty good, only
fair, or poor?"
L.B.J. handling of war
[In percent]
Excellent-
pretty
good
Only fair-
poor
September----------------
34
July ----------------
35
May--------------------------
43
March------------------------
40
January-----------------------
59
From the essentially negative feelings of
last January, public opinion has shifted
sharply. Furthermore, there is a growing
firmness about the course the American peo-
ple want to see followed in Vietnam. The
public was asked in May, July, and again in
this latest survey:
"What course do you feel the United States
should follow in the Vietnam fighting-carry
the ground fighting to North Vietnam, at the
risk of bringing Red China into the war, ne-
gotiate a settlement, or hold the line to keep
the Communists from taking over South
Vietnam?"
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE September 13, 1965
[From the Washington Post, Sept. 13, 1965]
THE HARRIS SURVEY-ADMINISTRATION BACKED
ON TACTICS IN VIETNAM
(By Louis Harris)
As reported yesterday, the American pub-
lic is now solidly behind the present U.S.
policy to do everything possible to prevent a
Communist takeover in South Vietnam. On
most questions of specific military and poll-
tical tactics in the war there, people in this
country also tend to back the decisions made
in Washington.
There are, however, two important excep-
tions. By a 3-to-2 margin, the public would
like to see the United Nations take over the
defense of South Vietnam as it did in Korea
in the early 1950's. And by a 5-to-4 margin,
the public favors imposing a naval and air
blockade on the ports of North Vietnam.
The Johnson administration has not used
a blockade, and the United Nations is not
involved in the defense of South Vietnam.
On other important tactical points, how-
ever, key decisions made by Washington re-
ceive strong support. For example 2 out of
every 3 Americans who have an opinion on
the issue oppose bombing Hanoi, the capital
of North Vietnam, despite some demands in
this country that such attacks be carried
out. By 5 to 1, the public also supports the
refusal of the administration to use tactical
atomic ground weapons or to bomb the main-
land of China. Aid the $1 billion economic
assistance program Mr. Johnson pledged for
all of southeast Asia if the war in Vietnam
were to end meets with better than 2-to-1
public acceptance among a cross section of
the adult public.
KEY VIETNAM POLICIES
"I want to read off to you a number of
positions the Johnson administration has
taken on Vietnam. For each, I wish you
would tell me if you think the administra-
tion is more right or more wrong."
[In percent]
Hold the line-----------------
Negotiate--------------------
Carry the war north-_ -------
In order to test just how solidly people are
willing to hold to their positions about the
Vietnam war, a series of statements was pre-
sented to people who professed to hold each
point of view. After each statement was
read, each person was then asked if he would
still agree with his stated position. The re-
sults are particularly revealing.
All of the 25 percent of the public who
want to carry the war to North Vietnam are
willing to see this done even if it means the
Government would have to reimpose the
taxes'that were reduced last year. Ninety-
five percent of this group feel the war should
be carried to the North even if it means that
the United States would become involved in
an Asian land war-with casualties as great
as in Korea or if it means that Russia and
China join forces with North Vietnam,
Ninety-two percent of this group favor
carrying the war to the North even if it
means we would ultimately have to use atom
bombs on the Chinese mainland.
The bulk of Americans-the 49 percent
who want to hold the line in South Viet-
nam-feel almost as strongly about that
view. Ninety-five percent of them say they
are willing to give up last year's tax cut to
maintain that position. Seventy-three per-
cent say they are for holding the line even if
it means a land war as in Korea. Sixty-nine
percent say they are for holding the line even
if it means Russia and China join with
North Vietnam. And 58 percent are for
staying in South Vietnam even if it means
the eventual use of atom bombs against
China.
In sharp contrast, the 25 percent of the
public who want to end the fighting in Viet-
nam with the best settlement we can get is
far less solid in its views. Seventy percent
of these people say they would change their
minds about our course in Vietnam if it
means that Communists would use similar
tactics on other continents. Almost two-
thirds say they would change their minds if
negotiating our way out of Vietnam means
that the Communists would take over all of
southeast Asia or that Americans would be
fighting against Communist wars of libera-
tion in other places in the next 15 years.
Thus, it is clear that some of the possible
consequences of pulling out of Vietnam now
are unacceptable even to those who believe
President Johnson is pursuing the wrong
policy there.
In fact, when public opinion about Viet-
nam is assessed in the light of these probes,
it is perfectly apparent that the American
people are nearly 70-30 behind the proposi-
tion that Vietnam should be the ground on
which the United States should take its
stand against communism in Asia.
There is little doubt now that most Ameri-
cans appear ready for a long haul in Vietnam,
as distasteful as the sacrifice and suffering
might be. This was evident in the replies
to another question,
"Do you feel the war in Vietnam will now
last several years, or do you feel it is likely
to be settled soon?"
Percent
Several years------,--------------------- 54
Settled soon---------------------------- 24
Not sure-------------------------------- 22
.Not using tactical atomic ground
weapons----------
N of bombing the China mainland--
Pledging $1,000,000,000 to southeast
Asia if war ends ----- ------ ---
1V01; bombing Ilanoi_____Vietnam-
ports 'Not blockading North - - --------------------- -
Not asking United Nations to take
over defense of South Vietnam__
Morel More
right wrong
Not
sure
It is significant that even people who say
they want to.-escalate the ground war by
carrying it to North Vietnam oppose the use
of tactical atomic weapons and the exten-
sion of air strikes to China. This group
would likewise favor the United Nations'
taking over the military direction of the war
in Vietnam.
On the question of bombing Hanoi or im-
posing a blockade on North Vietnamese ports,
there are sharp divisions according to peo-
ple's general views on overall strategy.
Bombing Hanoi
[In percent]
Favor
bomb-
ing
Oppose
bomb-
ing
Not
sure
Nationwide -------------_-------
By attitude toward war:
Carry to North Vietnam on
ground-----------------------
Hold line-----------------------
Negotiate best we can----------
Blockading North Vietnam ports
[In percent]
Favor
bomb-
ing
Oppose
bomb-
ing
Not
sure
Nationwide______________________
38
By attitude toward war:
Carry to NorthVietnam -----
64
hold line ------------------------
39
Negotiate best we can ----------
25
By 1964 vote:
Goldwater voters -----------------
45
Johnson voters________________
36
fly sex:
Men-------------------------
46
Women ----------------..------
30
In the case of both issues, the balance of
power is clearly held by the group who would
like to hold the line in South Vietnam.
The hold-the-liners are overwhelmingly op-
posed to bombing Hanoi but tend by a nar-
row margin to favor a blockade.
It is interesting to note that the peo-
ple who voted for Barry Goldwater in 1964
are heavily in favor of the blockade, while
Johnson voters are split down the middle.
This, of course, bears out a division that
emerged in the 1964 election itself.
When asked ' if they feel Mr. Johnson's
position on Vietnam now is more like Gold-
water's than it was a year ago, or is it still
very different, Goldwater backers by nearly
2 to 1 think. the President has come over to
the former Republican Senator's views. But
those who voted for President Johnson last
year feel just as decisively that this is not
the case.
CURBING COMMUNISTIC EXPANSION AND AG-
GRESSION
(Speech by Senator JENNINGS RANDOLPH, Of
West Virginia,. at Parkersburg, W. Va.,
August 7, 1965 )
Today, as never before, the American prop-
osition of the dignity of freemen is threat-
ened by an implacable, ruthless and re-
sourceful enemy. In 48 years, international
communism has grown from a handful of
theorists and revolutionaries to a power
which now rigidly controls one-third of
mankind and has penetrated in varying de-
grees the remaining two-thirds.
In southeast Asia, in the Middle East, in
Africa, and in Latin America, communism
has made significant inroads in the past 20
years-and not by military means alone, but
by exploiting the tensions of the newly inde-
pendent societies and by holding forth a
false but appealing vision of a new life.
This is a time for our rededication to the
ideals for which the American struggle for
independence was fought, and for dedication
to the right of all men and women to share
in those ideals.
Though we are locked in a struggle for
which we can see no early end, we must
not allow ourselves to be stampeded by
alarmist cries of impending doom. Rather,
let us continue in patience and intelligent
determination to seek the grounds for a
just and enduring peace and the mainte-
nance of individual liberty.
I believe it is time to ask a truly pertinent
question, and it is this-What kind of a
world would we-now have if, in the last 20
years, the several Communist aggressions,
wars of liberation, and involvement in the
affairs of others had not been met?
This a fair inquiry at a time when the
Communists are berating this country as
imperialistic and when a number of our
fellow countrymen-not excepting segments
of the press-seem to feel uneasy because
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September 13, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD SENATE
the United States has acted forthrightly in
a time of international crisis.
In answering the question each individual
must consider the Soviet record particularly
and the Communist record in general.
In the years since the end of World War II
it has been necessary for the United States
and the free world to meet and counter sub-
versions and aggressions in Iran, Greece,
Turkey, Berlin, the Philippines, Korea,
Lebanon, Cuba, the Dominican Republic,
and now in southeast Asia.
It will be recalled that scarcely had Japan
surrendered before the Soviets, by infiltra-
tion and assistance to a local Communist
group, had set up an independent govern-
ment in a province of Iran. The United
States strongly protested and placed the
issue before the newly created United Na-
tions. Our country's position was clear. If
the United Nations had been defied there
likely would have been direct United States
action, I believe. All signs pointed in that
direction, but the Russians deliberated and
then reluctantly withdrew from that Com-
munist excursion into the Iranian province.
Had the Red aggression not been met, the
Soviets soon would have taken over all of
Iran, and it seems to be a proper assumption
that within a year thereafter all of the
rich Middle East would have been occupied
or controlled by the Communists.
It is pertinent to cite that Winston
Churchill, in 1947, said that only U.S. posses-
sion of the atomic bomb had stood between
the Soviets and a takeover of Europe.
Collaterally, there were developed the
Truman doctrine and the Marshall plan.
The Truman Doctrine was enforced to save
Greece and Turkey, even though in Greece
the Communists' forces reached the suburbs
of Athens. Turkey, in political chaos and
near bankruptcy, was on the,verge of cap-
ture by the Communists when the United
States intervened. United States and free
world actions in Greece and Turkey imme-
diately following World War II were direct
and decisive.
Application of the Marshall plan in an-
other action of the post-World War II pe-
riod saved Italy and France from chaos and
communism.
Later came the Berlin blockade by the
Soviets. This was an attempt to drive the
United States and our allies out of Berlin.
But the successfully accomplished airlift
by the United States thwarted that Com-
munist scheme.
We recall that for a number of months
that city of several million persons was sup-
plied with food, coal, and clothing only be-
cause of the airlifting of those necessities on
an around-the-clock basis. It was a de-
termined, but hazardous mission on the part
of our country; it succeeded without pro-
voking hostilities and was a stabilizer of the
tenuous peace experienced in the midst of
the cold war.
Then, too, at the close of World War II
there was a large Communist force (the
Huks) in the Philippines receiving Soviet
assistance. The Huks attempted to over-
throw the established government through
guerrilla action. The same pattern was at-
tempted by the Communists in Malaya.
And, of course, we are aware that a Soviet
and Red Chinese supported North Korean
army, violating agreements, made a surprise
strike into South Korea in the spring of 1950.
In the early weeks of that Communist ag-
gression, the invaders from Red-held terri-
tory nearly succeeded in their takeover mis-
sion. We recall that this communistic ef-
fort brought the United Nations into action
on land, sea, and in the air-with the United
States supplying the major forces, but with
allies assisting. Total casualties on the U.N,
side of that major and catastrophic armed
confrontation with the Communists reached
160,000 before the Red excursion was halted.
It was in the first administration of Pres-
ident Eisenhower that the Korean affair was
arrested, but it was also during the Eisen-
hower years that this country became in-
volved in southeast Asia, Including Laos and
Vietnam. After 1954 the Russians and Red
Chinese assisted in equipping and training
the Vietcong Communist forces in Vietnam.
Now, 12 years later, they continue to do so,
and a treaty agreement was violated by
North Vietnam and Russia ii supporting
this guerrilla force of the Vietcong.
To point out the wide dispersion of the
Communist expansion activity, we recall also
that in the Eisenhower years it was neces-
sary to land troops from our U.S. forces in
Lebanon to prevent a Communist coup in
that country against a legitimately estab-
lished government.
It is fresh in our memories, of course, that
the late President Kennedy's firm policies
prevented the Soviets from arming Cuba to
the hilt with missiles within close range of
our country.
Quick action by President Johnson earlier
this year significantly prevented what could
have been further take-over efforts in this
hemisphere by the Communists in the Do-
minican Republic.
Had not the cited aggressions been met res-
olutely by all four of our Presidents since
World War II, the position of the United
States and the whole Western World long
ago would have become so unstable as to
have brought freedom to the brink of doom
and communism to the fore as the dominant
world force.
From the initial event in Iran to the pres-
ent in southeast Asia, the Soviet record in
the past score of years is one of gross inter-
ference in the affairs of other countries. The
bellicose Red Chinese have been participat-
ing similarly and even more insidiously in -re-
cent years.
Notwithstanding these citations from mod-
ern, history, we hear the United States arro-
gantly accused from Moscow, Peiping, Ha-
vana and Hanoi of having imperialistic de-
signs and of interference .in the affairs of
other peoples.
It is an even more saddening experience
to read in segments of the press and to hear
some of our own citizens-seemingly with-
out any reference whatever to the Commu-
nists' record of the past 2 decades-in ex-
pressions of contempt and in utterances of
confusion concerning the policies of this
country and its leaders in time of crisis.
I believe it remains clear that the aim of
this Government continues to be the protect-
ing of freedom and independence frorh Com-
munist aggression without resort to general
war.
Following President Johnson's press'con-
ference and address to the Nation on the
Vietnam crisis recently, the Washington Post
commented editorially:
"We do not see how President Johnson
could have explained the necessity of the
United States course in Vietnam more ef-
fectively than he did when he said:
"If we are driven from the fields in Viet-
nam, then no nation can ever again have.the
same confidence in our promise of protec-
tion. In each land the forces of independ-
ence would be weakened. An Asia so threat-
ened by Communist domination would im-
peril the security of the United States it-
self * * *
"'We just cannot now dishonor our word
or abandon our commitment or leave those
who believed us and who trusted us to the
terror and repression and murder that would
follow. This, then, my fellow Americans,
is why we are in the Vietnam.'
"The President's reference to 'Asian com-
munism' doubtless holds special significance.
His exclusion of the Russians from his com-
ments was an indirect appeal for Moscow's
understanding of why we must do what we
22713
are doing. The Soviet Union shares at least
some of the alarm in the West over the
openly belligerent and recklessly aggressive
course of Communist China and the North
Vietnam Hanoi Government. President
Johnson seemed to be saying to Moscow
that the United States is doing everything
possible to avoid a general war and that the
two major nuclear powers have a common
interest in not allowing this Asian Commu-
nist brushfire to get out of hand for want
of a rational confrontation at a conference
table.
"Within the United States, we surmise
that the response to the President's speech
will be overwhelmingly favorable. Despite
the innate hatred of war, most of the people
are aware of the kind of world we live in.
They appear to be reconciled to a hard
struggle in a far away land because of the
close relation it has to the preservation of
our own freedom * * * "
I agree completely with Max Freedman,
whose views I summarize from a recent dis-
cussion of "America's Stake in Vietnam":
"What is at stake iii Vietnam is not alone
the noble but elusive concept of national
honor but the stark imperatives of self-
interest of the United States to have its
word respected by every friend and feared
by every foe. Without this respect the United
States would be a hollow giant. With it, and
without self-righteousness, it can be a
guardian of peace. For its pledges can never
be recklessly given, but once given, they
must be resolutely redeemed. Otherwise
national honor would indeed be seriously
compromised-and national safety too."
There are those in this country who argue
that what is happening in Vietnam is a civil
war in which the United States has neither
the right nor the interest to intervene.
Whatever else may be said of this argument,
it surely cannot be denied that it has not
prevailed with three Presidents or with suc-
cessive sessions of Congress.
The national commitment has rested on
the principle that Communist aggression and
Communist subversion are in fact taking
place in Vietnam. It rests on that principle
today.
What would happen if the United States
abandoned that principle and retreated from
its obligations? The results would not be
limited to the loss of South Vietnam's free-
dom and the cruel punishments exacted by
Communist tyranny. The calamitous re-
sults would be seen in a diminished respect
for the stability of America's commitments
and therefore in an increased threat to peace.
For the lesson of Vietnam, in these tragic
circumstances of evasion and betrayal and
retreat, would not be that aggression and
subversion never succeed. The grim and dan-
gerous lesson would be that the United States
always runs away when the going gets rough
and abandons its friends in the time of chal-
lenge. How could that lesson help the hopes
of peace?
Does it not appeal to commonsense to sug-
gest that weakness and retreat by the
United States in Vietnam would bring new
threats to peace in other vulnerable areas?
Rightly or wrongly, the United States for
many years has made a test case out of
Vietnam and now it must be tested by it.
National self-interest gives no other choice
except at the cost of intolerable risks.
This does not mean that the United States
is committed to an endless land war in Asia.
It does not mean that the United States
wants to enlarge the war, to provoke China,
or to widen the breach with Russia.
The President's desire to seek peace even
while refusing to yield to Communist pres-
sure must be manifest now to everyone who
has any respect for facts. He has rejected
the extreme policies of some of his advisers
in the hope that the Communists would
come to the conference table before the field
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE September 13, 1965
of battle takes its frightful toll. But he
will do whatever is necessary to redeem
America's pledge if Communist pressure con-
tinues its ugly grip on South Vietnam.
The argument there has been in the cold
and inevitable terms of self-interest, not in
the emotional terms of- freedom.
A ROUSING ROUNDUP
Mr. CHURCH. Mr. President, one of
the most dramatic beatings of an old
sword into a new plowshare has recently
been completed in my State and the ex-
perience has enriched everyone con-
nected with the event. I refer to the
1965 Senior Girl Scout Roundup held on
the site of a one-time Navy training base
at Farragut, Idaho.
When it was learned that Idaho would
play host to this outstanding gathering,
huge bulldozers rolled into the former
military installation which had been in
long disuse on the shore of one of Amer-
ica's most beautiful mountain lakes.
The machines smashed flat the last
vestiges of the barracks and other ma-
chines, graded, and landscaped the area.
Then there rose phoenix-like out of the
debris of the old Navy base, a new tent
city which eventually housed 10,000 girls
and their counselors. Here the Girl
Scouts came with their, "On the Trail
to Tomorrow."
It was the free world's largest assem-
bly of teenage girls: 9,000 Senior Girl
Scouts, 2,000 leaders and administrative
personnel, from all 50 States and though
all-American in its spirit, universal
enough to attract delegations of Girl
Scouts from 40 fol*eign countries.
On the Trail to Tomorrow these girls
were welcomed by Idaho's four ages; the
age of thousands, even millions,. of years
ago, in natural wonders which remain
just as our ancestors saw them for the
first time; the age of yesterday's Wild
West, for Idaho :is still only a little more
than a human lifespan away from the
Oregon Trail, the colorful gold rushes,
and the thundering herds; the age of
today where the best of modern prog-
ress and comfort lives in strange close-
ness with the past; and the age of to-
morrow, for Idaho with its atomic in-
stallations is already a vital part of nu-
clear advancement and space explora-
tion.
We feel that Idaho provided a perfect
setting for the Girl Scout Roundup.
And there was a wonderful spirit of get-
together about the entire event. Our
Idaho Basque dancers performed. As
the warmth of Idaho hospitality spread,
the outreach of Girl Scout ideals was
felt throughout Idaho, too.
I am sure that our Girl Scout visitors
are taking home a new and more active
interest in everything American. As
these girls depart upon the Trial to To-
morrow, they have left us a memorable
gift. Idaho isnow not only more on the
map than ever. Idaho now has a warmer
place in the heart of every State in our
Union.
To the largest group of visitors we ever
entertained at one time we say, "Come
back again, soon."
NIKOLA PETKOV, BULGARIAN NA-
TIONAL HERO AND GREATEST
MARTYR IN THE STRUGGLE FOR
FREEDOM AND INDEPENDENCE
Mr. LAUSCHE. Mr. President, Nikola
Dimitrov Petkov was born in Sofia in
1894. He was the son of Dimiter Petkav,
a self-educated peasant from Dobrudja,
who became Prime Minister of Bulgaria.
Dimiter Petkov was assassinated in 1907
for opposing foreign intervention in the
internal affairs of Bulgaria, especially
on the part of tsarist Russia.
Petko Petkov, Nikola's brother, was
In October 1946, Petkov headed the
opposition in its election campaign
against the Communist-Soviet attempts
to seize full control of the country. The
enthusiastic people from the country-
side and towns voted en masse for Pet-
kov's list, but the election results were
falsified and violence and bloodshed were
commonplace. Nevertheless, 101 people's
representatives headed by Petkov, were
acknowledged to have been elected and
triumphantly entered the Grand Na-
tional Assembly. It was there that Pet-
kov's most courageous and heroic strug-
gle culminated. Availing himself of his
one of the greatest Bulgarian peasant nstitutional immunity, he unmasked
leaders. He fought Alexander Tzankov's;Parliament the treacherous intentions
fascist dictatorship of 1923 and as a re-
sult was shot down on a Sofia street on
June 14, 1924-exactly 1 year after the
merciless assassination of Alexander
StamboIiiski.
Nikola Petkov received a law degree
in Paris, where he spent most of his
youth. During the Nazi occupation of
Bulgaria he was an underground leader
and was imprisoned several times.
When the Nazis were driven out of
Bulgaria, Nikola Petkov and three other
representatives of the Bulgarian Na-
tional Agrarian Union-the largest po-
litical organization in Bulgaria-took
part in the first coalition government,
together with Communists, Socialists,
representatives of the political group
"Zveno,"and the independent intellec-
tuals. Together with Dr. G. M. Di-
mitrov, Secretary General of the Bul-
garian National Agrarian Union, Nikola
Petkov fought stubbornly against Com-
munist outrages, terror, and violence,
and thus incurred the hatred of both the
Communist Party and the Soviet occu-
pation authorities. Despite these diffi-
culties, he continued to defend the free-
dom and independence of his country.
When the Soviet occupation authori-
ties demanded the removal of the "cap-
italist agent" Dr. G. M. Dimitrov from
his post as Secretary General, Nikola
Petkov took his place.
In July 1945, Nikola Petkov sent a
memorandum to the Inter-Allied Con-
trol Commission demanding the post-
ponement of the elections which the
Communists had scheduled for the end
of August 1945. These elections were to
involve only one list of candidates,
headed by the Communist Party. As a
result of the memorandum, the Prime
Minister declared that Petkov had re-
signed, although formally he never did
so. In protest, Nikola Petkov and other
cabinet ministers broke up the coalition
government, and thenceforth openly op-
posed the Communist dictatorship. Up-
on intervention of the Control Commis-
sion, the elections were postponed until
November 18th, 1945.
During the winter of 1946, Stalin sent
Vishinsky to Sofia for the purpose of
getting Petkov to come back into the
government. At their dramatic meeting,
Petkov declared that it was not his cus-
tom to obey the orders of any foreigner,
but to listen only to the will of the
Bulgarian people.
That meeting decided Petkov's fate.
of the Communist and their leader,
Georgi Dimitrov, former Secretary-Gen-
eral of the Comintern. He accused them
of being Stalinist agents, and said that
their hands were stained with the blood
of innocent Bulgarians and that they
wanted to make Bulgaria a Soviet
province.
As a result of his activity, Petkov was
charged with conspiracy against the state
and the Soviet Union. Like his predeces-
sor, he was called an agent of Anglo-
American capitalism.
After dramatic and stormy debates in
Parliament, Petkov was arrested inside
the Parliament building in complete de-
fiance of the Constitution and the law.
Petkov declared dauntlessly that he
would share with pride the fate of his
father and his brother.
On August 16 Petkov
to die on the gallows.
Early in the morning of September 23,
only 15 minutes after midnight, he was
executed in secret because the Commu-
nists feared the people's mass indigna-
tion. At that time all executions took
place about 5 o'clock in the morning.
Prior to the execution a representative
of the Bulgarian Communist government
appeared in Nikola Petkov's prison cell
and offered him a pardon if he signed a
petition in which he declared his repent-
ance.
Petkov replied.
You are even trying to desecrate my sacred
memory, my sentence was passed by your
Moscow masters and no one can revoke it.
I do notseek any mercy from you. I want
to die so that my people may be freed
sooner.
The heroic example set by Nikola Pet-
kov shook the free world and opened its
eyes to the treacherous intentions and
methods of the Bolshevist international
conspiracy and the tragic fate which
Soviet imperialism is preparing for all
of humanity.
Petkov's career was a brilliant model
of self-sacrifices for his people, princi-
ples, ideas, freedom and democracy.
Thousands and thousands. of Bulgarian
patriots followed his great example.
That is the reason why the American
Congressmen who, upon the occasion of
a visit to Bulgaria, laid a wreath on his
freshly dug grave, called him one of
the greatest democrats of all time.
This is why government officials and
statesmen from all over the world sent
protest notes to his Sofia and Moscow
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September 13, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX' A5137
CALIFORNIA TENNESSEE Mr. M'NSFIELD compared the objectives
Oppose the request of the city of Oakland oppose locating Interstate 40 through 35 outlined by President Johnson in various
to the U.S. Corps of Engineers to fill in 130 acres of Overton Park, Memphis. speeches and the objectives set out by Hanoi
acres of San Francisco Bay. Oppose the building of the Tellico Dam. on April 12. He found that on three out of
Endorse Assemblyman Z'berg's bills to cur- VIRGINIA four stated objectives both sides were in sub-
tail near absolute authority of State depart- stantial agreement:
ment of highways. Oppose building of Salem Dam, Fauquier On the right of the people of South Viet-
Oppose freeway construction in National County, which would flood 36 miles of the nam to have a government of their own
Tribute Redwood Grove near Crescent City. Rappahannock River, eliminating a wildlife choosing without violence or coercion from
The Garden Club of America provided funds sanctuary. any quarter.
for establishment of this grove. Fauquier County-Beverly Mill, historic On the right of the people of North and
landmark threatened by proposed highway South Vietnam, on the basis of a peaceful,
nd
id
es ame
-
Oppose H.R. 8443, which prov
merit to the Atomic Energy Act of 1954 construction; saved by Secretary Udall's free, and verified plebiscite, to decide whether
intervention. to unite or not to unite the two halves of
which would permit erection of head wires
and high tower near Woodside.
Oppose building of Topatopa Dam and
public highway in the Sespe Creek project,
thereby destroying the last nesting grounds
of the condor.
CONNECTICUT
Oppose highway in East Rock Park,
Haven,
Oppose contamination of the Connecticut
River by the Connecticut Yankee Atomic
Powerplant near Haddam.
ILLINOIS
Oppose invasion of Morton Arboretum by
four-lane highway-protest successful.
Oppose intrusion of Wheeler National
Wildlife Refuge by Interstate 65.
MAINE
Oppose State highway department plan to
out through the Scarborough Marshes, re-
cently acquired by the State game and fish
commission.
MASSACHUSETTS
Oppose development of Mount Graylock by
tramway authority group.
Oppose opening national wildlife refuge to
public hunting.
MINNESOTA
Oppose the Northern States powerplant in
order to keep the St. Croix River for recrea-
tion. .
Oppose logging and vehicular intrusion by
the Bureau of Forests in the Boundary Wa-
ters Canoe area. Protest successful.
MISSISSIPPI
Oppose housing development on Eye Horn
Island.
MONTANA
Oppose Bureau of Reclamation's plan to
build two water storage dams in the Bob
Marshall Wilderness area.
NEW YORK
Oppose building of Con Edison pump stor-
age hydroelectric plant, and resulting dam-
age to Harvard Black Rock Park, Storm King
Mountain, Hudson River. Approved by the
FPC.
Oppose location for proposed Oyster Bay-
Rye Bridge over Long Island Sound.
. Oppose irreparable damage in two natural
area sanctuaries (given by two Garden Cub
of America members) and loss of 2,000 acres
of potential park land if Interstate 87 is lo-
cated in the Chestnut Ridge area, West-
chester County.
Fire Island, Long Island. Threat of a four-
lane highway resulted in such protest that
the Fire Island National Sea Shore was es-
tablished.
Oppose destruction of Great South Bay,
Long Islands, marshlands, by filling in, pol-
lution, and dredging practices.
Oppose reconstruction plans for Route No.
17, which would result in the ruination of would not be committeed in any way to the
the Beaverkili and. Willowmere River. conditions we would want. Namely, uncon-
OHIO ditional discussions.
Worked for Swamp Creek Park proposal, 3. We are also willing to go to the confer-
Toledo, which resulted in saving 410 acres for ence table after a careful review of positions
Toledo Metropolitan Park Board. on both sides to see whether a basis for agree-
Oppose invasion of Emerald Belt, Cleve- ment is conceivable before formal discussions
land, by highway. begin. Namely, conditional discussions, if
Hanoi prefers it that way.
SOUTH CAROLINA No door is closed. All avenues are open.
Oppose the' dammlIig of the Santee River It was at this third door on which the
Basin. Democratic Senate leader rapped the hardest.
Oppose section in the Assateaque Island the country.
bill, which would permit the building of a' On the desirability of having all foreign
highway 1 the national seashore, causing bases and troops removed from both South
damage o the Chincoteague National and North Vietnam after peace is restored.
Wildlife efuge. Either side might phrase these conditions
of peace In different terms, but basically
each is saying the same thing. This is why
Senator MANSFIELD says he sees a "narrowing
Doors Are Open to a Settlement in of the issues" and hopes that his effort to
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. ABRAHAM J. MULTER
OFNEW YORK
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, September 2, 1965
Mr. MULTER. Mr. Speaker, Daniel
Webster once said, "God grants liberty
only to those who love it, who are always
ready to guard and defend it." This is
what we are doing in Vietnam; we are
guarding and defending liberty.
. President Johnson has opened all
doors leading to a negotiated peace in
Vietnam and only Hanoi is holding it
up. All of us hope that the day will soon
come when Ho Chi Minh will agree to
meet at the conference table.
The following column by the distin-
guished journalist, Roscoe Drummond,
describes how willing and able we are to
meet at the conference table in an effort
to resolve the issues in Vietnam.
The article follows:
THE DOORS ARE OPEN
(By Roscoe Drummond)
WASHINGTON.-With the help of Senator
MIKE MANSFIELD-an Asian expert in his own
right-President Johnson has now opened
all doors to a negotiated settlement of the
war in Vietnam.
Speaking for the White House as well as
for himself, Senator MANSFIELD made it clear
that all roads lead to the conference table
and that by taking any one of them Hanoi
can have peace instead of war.
There are three such roads to negotiation
and all are acceptable to the United States:
1. We will go to the conference with or
without a cease-fire, with or without a truce.
We'll negotiate under either circumstance.
Hanoi can choose. We prefer a cease-fire,
but don't insist upon it.
2. We will go to the conference table with-
out any advance commitment as to what
either side would accept as a settlement.
We would not be committed to the condi-
narrow the dispute will show Hanoi that
there is a basis for early negotiation.
A wide difference does exist on one objec-
tive. Hanoi wants the Communist Vietcong
to have a decisive or major role in any gov-
ernment in South Vietnam and the Govern-
ment of South Vietnam doesn't want any part
of the Vietcong. That's what the war is all
about. We're prepared to leave this issue
to the verified decision of the people of South
Vietnam-if Hanoi is.
The Mansfield speech did two other things:
For the United States it closed off the most
serious chink in the unity of the Democratic
Party in support of the President's military
actions in Vietnam. Mr. MANSFIELD has been
a partial critic and, more recently, a reluc-
tant advocate of the President's course. His
latest speech shows that Hanoi might as
well give up its hope that disunity within
the United States will force the Government
to stop defending South Vietnam.
For Hanoi, the Mansfield speech might add
credibility to Mr. Johnson's repeated willing-
ness to negotiate. The Communists have
been saying that the President's talk of peace
was only a coverup for his desire for war.
Not true. And MANSFIELD, speaking as one
who opposed the air raids to the north,
makes the peace overtures even more mean-
ingful.
Monroe County Memorial to Mrs. George
R. Navarre
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. WESTON E. VIVIAN
OF MICHIGAN
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, September 9, 1965
Mr. VIVIAN. Mr. Speaker, the citizens
of" Monroe, located in the Second Con-
gressional District of Michigan, which
I am privileged to represent in the House
of Representatives, recently held ground-
breaking ceremonies for the Lillian
Stewart Navarre Library in Monroe. The
ceremonies, attended by Mayor William
J. Agusta, City Director Leonard E. Leis,
Monroe County NAACP Chapter Presi-
dent Charles Campbell, Jr., and County
Librarian Mrs. Karl Daume, and others,
celebrated the beginning of the construc-
tion of a fitting memorial to one of the
most outstanding citizens ever to live in
Monroe County.
If true citizenship is involvement for
the betterment of one's community, Mr.
Speaker, Mrs. Navarre was an extraordi-
nary citizen. She served Monroe as a
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A5138 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -APPENDIX September 1?35
teacher, member of tle l;oard of educa-
tion, librarian, and member of the Mon-
roe County Historical Society. She
served the State of Michigan as State
librarian and member of the State hous-
ing study commission. Mrs. Navarre's
life stands as an example of what private
citizens dedicated to civic betterman and
progress can accomplish. I commend to
my colleagues the following excerpts
from an article in the Monroe Evening
News, and a thoughtful editorial pub-
lished in the same newspaper:
CIVIC LEADER DIES IN HOME
Mrs. Navarre's failing health curtailed her
services on the Monroe Board of Education
to which she was elected in 1960 in an un-
precedented field of 12 candidates. A strong
advocate of improved library facilities in
the schools, Mrs. Navarre worked diligently
and effectively in improving the school cur-
riculum. She was not a candidate for re-
election at the conclusion of her 4 years of
service.
She was State librarian from 1933 to 1935,
returning to Monroe :December 2, 1935, and
devoting the better part of the next 13 years
to the development of the Monroe County
Library. The dedication of the Edward D.
Ellis headquarters building on South Custer
Road in 1955 manifested the thoroughness
of that development under Mrs. Navarre's
guidance.
She resigned as county librarian in June
1947, with August 1 as the effective date,
but continued to serve on the Michigan State
V[brary Board, being named chairman in De-
cember 1955.
Mrs. Navarre was born , in #renchtoyvn
Township April 5, 1889, the daughter of Mr.
and Mrs. Alexander Stewart. She attended
a rural school in Frenchtown and graduated
from Monroe High School in 1908, retaining
an active interest in the school and Its ac-
tivities throughout her life..
She attended Michigan Agricultural Col-
lege at East Lansing, now Michigan State
tinivers'lty, and graduated from Michigan
State Normal College at Ypsilanti, now East-
ern Michigan University, with a We certifi-
cate in teaching and a bachelor of pedagogy
degree.
She taught for 5 years in one- and two-
room schools in Monroe County and was
principal for a year of the Macomb County
Normal School, a training school for rural
teachers.
Returning to Monroe, she taught 7 years in
the Monroe public schools and was princi-
pal for a year of the Lincoln Elementary
School, giving her a background which proved
of benefit in her years of service on the
Monroe Board of Education. Both of her
parents were rural school teachers as well as
successful farmers.
Her active teaching career concluded in
1926 when a ruling by the board of education
here prevented married women from holding
teaching jobs. She had married George N.
Navarre June 26, 1918, in Monroe.
Mrs. Navarre continued active In the field
of education, doing a great amount of sub-
stitute teaching and also serving as county
School examiner.
She became interested in politics in the
early 1930's and became one of the State's
best known Democratic women. She served
a:s cochairman of the Monroe County Demo-
caratie Committee and her services to the
party were responsible for her appointment
by Gov. William Comstock as State librarian
In August, 1933.
She had helped organize the Jane Jefferson
Club of Monroe County and was largely
instrumental in bringing Ruth Bryan Owen
(:later U.S: Ambassador to Denmark) to Mon-
roe during the 1932 political campaign.
Mrs. Navarre's ability as an organizer and
as a coordinator of the activities: of others,
in addition to - her background in teaching
and education, made her exceptionally well
fitted for the State work. She was often
called as a eahsultant on library matters.
Mrs. Navarre was an advocate of enlarged
library services throughout her career and
the merger of the Monroe County Library
and the Dorsch Memorial Library of Monroe
was largely the result of her consistent ef-
forts. She was instrumental in obtaining
changes in State law necessary to implement
broadened library services.
She was always in the forefront of activi-
ties publicizing Monroe County, believing
throughout her life in the destiny and de-
velopment of the county.
One of her projects was the work of the
Monroe County Historical Society in en-
hancing the historical heritage of the region.
She took the lead in marking the site of
old St. Antoine's Catholic Church on North
Custer Road, the first church in the region.
The site already had been marked but Mrs.
Navarre wanted a more complete marking
and a better setting to serve as a symbol of
the religious life of the pioneers.
In 1949, Mrs. Navarre was appointed to
the State's housing study commission by
Gov. G. Mennen Williams. She was named
to represent the farm housewife in the
work of the commission.
A member of the Monroe County His-
torical Society since its reactivation in the
1930's. Mrs. Navarre was elected president in
January 1962.
A LIFETIME OF DEDICATION
The passing of Mrs. George R. (Lillian
Stewart) Navarre will be noted with sorrow
by many citizens of the county In which she
spent her lifetime.
Few residents, men or women, have main-
tained over such a long span of years a ded-
ication to citizenship and to the brotherhood
of :man as did Mrs. Navarre.
As teacher, librarian, club member, his-
torian, and mentor, her life touched count-
less numbers of county residents through
the years. Her interest In the well-being of
the county, in the progress of its communi-
ties and in its people was unflagging. Her
official connections with the schools--as first
a teacher and then a school board member-
and as a librarian-both at county and State
levels-were well known. Her interests in
civic projects of all kinds, from community
center to community planning, are perhaps
lesser known.
She lived her life with constant thought
and dedication to the responsibilities of cit-
izenship. She kept herself informed on a
wide range of topics-religion, politics, in-
ternational affairs, civil rights, education
and many others. She gave freely of her
time for countless causes she regarded as
worthwhile to her county or to her commu-
nity or to her township, serving on many di-
verse advisory committees during more than
half a century of active adult life.
Not only was she a dedicated wife and
mother, she was a self-appointed conscience
to many of her friends and acquaintances.
She took her responsibilities as a citizen
seriously, frequently arranging meetings of
people she knew whom she felt should be
exchanging views on this or that subject of
current interest.
'rears after most of her contemporaries had
retired and left the battle of life to others,
Mrs. Navarre continued as fresh and active
a role in community affairs as others many
years her junior.
An outstanding and permanent memorial
to her civic effort Is Monroe County's li-
brary system. She pioneered the way for its
development with relief funds in the early
days, later with penal, lines money. More
recently, her; devoted wok has been a major
factor in planning the East Side library
project,
Her sincerity, her purpose, her dedication
to the responsibilities of citizenship will long
inspire her many friends and acquaintances,
young and old.
Peace Corps Volunteer Tom Hale Serving
in Niger
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. F. BRADFORD MORSE
OF MASSACHUSETTS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, September 9, 1965
Mr. MORSE. Mr. Speaker, the qual-
ity of Massachusetts Peace Corps vol-
unteers has been high in the 4 years dur-
ing which they have served in all con-
tinents of the earth. The latest Issue
of the Volunteer magazine contains an
article by Tom Hale of Lexington, Mass.
who is serving under difficult conditions
in the recently independent country of
Niger.
Tom and his fellow volunteers have
done outstanding work In developing
improved rural attitudes toward the need
for literacy and the use of more modern
agricultural techniques. I ask unani-
mous consent to include the article in
the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD.
C'EST DU PROGREs AV NIGER
(By Tom Hale)
TII.LABiaT, NiocR.-The 43 volunteers who
arrived in Niamey last September in the
thirdPeace Corps group to Niger had been
told they would be undertaking a difficult
assignment. Niger, a landlocked semi-
Saharan country, is one of the least devel-
oped of West Africa's newly independent
nations. The rugged climate and the isola-
tion would combine to undermine theamorale
of the new volunteers, warned the Peace
Corps staff.
After nearly a year the Peace Corps project
in Niger is still in good spirits, a little worse
for wear but determined to assist in the
effort to change the traditions which tie most
of Niger's people and her economy to the
past.
All illusions volunteers may have had
about building tangible symbols of progress
have by now been trodden under by the daily
routine of teaching nutrition and child care,
demonstrating animal-drawn agricultural
equipment, or delivering another bundle of
booklets to a rural-village adult-literacy
class. Most volunteers have managed to
adjust to the desert heat, the living condi-
tions in locations sometimes hundreds of
kilometers from the nearest town, and the
limited variety of local food and high cost
of imports, clothing, and hardware in the
small but growing capital of Niamey.
In spite of these handicaps volunteers con-
tinue their work at upcountry outposts in
Niger. And there are some diversions.
For example, hardly a volunteer working
with agricultural cooperatives has escaped
the shattering arrival of Peace Corps Director
C. Payne Lucas at some distant village mar-
ket. Lucas, a fervent advocate of learning
the local language, at first invariably greeted
the village chief with a hearty "goodbye"
usually in the wrong dialect.
Most volunteers have made a special effort
to learn either Hausa or Djerrna, and many
can handle themselves in any situation with
a dialect, while a few speak the local lan-
guage fluently.
Another problem is the inferiority complex
bred by the proximity to Nigeria, a Corn-
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