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September 25, 2003
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April 28, 1965
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Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP671300446R0,00300150018-4 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? HOUSE April 28, 1965 Prison System" as proposed by the House instead of $4,300,000 as proposed by the Senate. Department of Commerce Amendment N. 34: Deletes Senate propos- al to appropriate $293,000 for "Registration and voting statistics, Bureau of the Census." This item was disallowed witliont prejudice, the conferees feeling that the matter should be settled at a later date after action has been taken on pending voting-rights legis- lation. The amonnt proposed in the amend- Meat would have been available for only two naCoths?an insufficient period of time to accomplish worthwhile results, and a greater surri RS proposed in the budget estimate would have been subject to a point of order. Commission on International Rules of ? Judicial Procedure Amendment No. 35; Appropriates $25,000 for "salaries and expenses" instead of $50,- 938 as proposed by the Senate. The con- ferees further agreed with the statement in the Senate Report (No. 167) to wit: "the Committee directs that the Commission not Incur any obligations payable with apprp- priated funds on or after May 1, 1965". United States Information Agency Amendment 11.9. 36: Appropriates ?$8,000,- 000 for "Special International Exhibitions" Instead of $8,000,000 as proposed by the House and $11,700,000 as proposed by the ,Sienate; and deletes the Senate proposal to allow 625,000 for representation and enter- tainment expenses. TITLE II ? Appalachian regional development Department of Agriculture Amendment N. 37: Appropriates $100,000 for "Salaries and expenses, Research" as proposed by the House instead of $200,000 as proposed by the Senate. No funds are provided for planning a fruit and berry lab- oratory. Amendments Nos. 38 and 39: Appropriate $300,000 for "Payments and expenses, CoOp- erative State Research Service" instead of $100,000 as proposed by the House and $500,000 as proposed by the Senate; and per- its use for contracts and grants for basic and applied research. Amend,ments Nos. 40 and 41: Appropriate $750,000 for "Cooperative extension work, Payments and expenses" instead of $500,000 as proposed by the House and $1,500,000 as ,proposed by the Senate. Amendment No, 42: Appropriates $1,- 575,000 for "Conservation operations" in- Stead of $1,500,000 as proposed by the House and $1,650,000 as proposed by the Senate. Amendment No. 43: Appropriates $600,000 for "Watershed planning" as proposed by the Senate instead of $400,000 as proposed by the House. Amendments Nos. 44 and 45: Appropriate $10,220,000 for "Watershed protection" as proposed by the Senate instead of $8,000,000 as proposed by the House; and provide $3,- 100,000 for loans as proposed by the Senate instead of $2,500,000 as proposed by the House., . Amendment No. 46: Appropriates $300,000 for "Salaries and expenses, Economic Re- search Service" instead of $200,000 as pro- posed by the House and $100,000 as proposed by the Senate. Amendment No. 47: Appropriates $325,000 for "Salaries_and expenses, Farmers Home Admini4ration" instead of $250,000 as pro- ,posed by the House and $400,000 as proposed by the Senate. Amendment No. 48: Appropriates $7,100,- 000 for the "Direct loan account" as pro- posed by the Senate instead of $6,000,000 as proposed by the Mouse. Amendment No. 49: Appropriates $50,000 for "Salaries and expenses, Rural Community Development Service" instead of $35,000 as proposed by the House and $65,000 as pro- posed by the Senate. Amendments Nos. 50, 51 and 52: Appro- priate $2,000,000 for "Forest land manage- ment" as proposed by the Senate instead of $1,500,000 as proposed by the House; au- thorize $1,000,000 for acquisition of land as proposed by the Senate instead of $500,000 as proposed by the House; also appropriate $1,225,000 for "Forest research" instead of $1,125,000 as proposed by the House and $1,325,000 as proposed by the Senate. Department of Defense?Civil Amendinent, No. 53: Appropriates $14,153,- 000 for "Construction, general, Corps Of Engi- neers" instead of $13,778,000 as proposed by the House and $14,790,000 as proposed by the Senate. The amount allowed provides $375,000 for small flood control projects as proposed by the Senate, but disallows the amount of $547,000 for recreation facilities which was added by the Senate. Department of the Interior Amendment No. 54: Authorizes the pur- chase of not to exceed ten passenger motor vehicles, as proposed by the Senate. Amendment No. 55: Appropriates $16,000,- 000 for "Appalachian Region Mining Area Restoration" instead of $15,850,000 as pro- posed by the House and $16,250,000 as pro- posed by the Senate. The amount allowed provides $500,000 for evaluation study in- stead of $750,000 as proposed by the Senate and $350,000 as proposed by the House. Amendment No. 56: Appropriates $1,350,- 000 for Bureau of Sport Fisheries and Wild- life as proposed by the House instead of $1,750,000 as proposed by the Senate. Increased pay costs Amendments Nos, 57-67; Appropriate $3,426,445 for increased costs of various Sen- ate activities as proposed by the Senate. TITLE IV Claims and judgments Amendments Nos. 68 and 69: Appropriate $31,411,444 for claims and judgments as pro- posed by the Senate instead of $23,643,495 as proposed by the House; and include the items set forth in Senate Document No. 19. GEORGE MAHON, ALBERT THOMAS, MICHAEL J. KIRWAN, JAMIE L. WHITTEN, Joins J. ROONEY, JOHN H. FOGARTY, WINFIELD S. DENTON, FRANK T. Bow, CHARLES R. JONAS, 1VIELVIN R. LA/RD, ROBERT H. MICHEL, Managers on the Part of the House. DEPARTMENTS OF LABOR, AND HEALTH, EDUCATION, AND WEL- FARE, AND RELATED AGENCIES APPROPRIATION BILL, 1966 Mr. FOGARTY. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that the Committee on Appropriations have until midnight tomorrow night to file a report on the bill making appropriations? for the Depart- ment of Labor, and Health, Education, and Welfare, and related agencies for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1966, and for other purposes. The SPEAKER. Is there objection to the request of the gentleman from Rhode Island? There was no objection. Mr. LAIRD reserved all points of order on the bill. ist.7 INTER-AMERICAN BAR ASSOCIATION Mr. PEPPER. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent for the immediate consideration of the concurrent resolu- tion (H. Con. Res. 349) welcoming to the United States the Inter-American Bar Association during its 14th conference to be held in Puerto Rico. The Clerk read the title of the concur- rent resolution. The SPEAKER. Is there objection to the present consideration of the concur- rent resolution? There was no objection. The Clerk read the concurrent reso- lution, as follows: H. CON. RES. 349 Whereas the Inter-American Bar Associa- tion was organized at Washington. District of Columbia, May 16, 1940, and is now cele- brating the twenty-fifth anniversary of its founding; ,and Whereas the Inter-American Bar Associa- tion will hold its fourteenth conference at San Juan, Puerto Rico, during the period May 22-29, 1965; and Whereas this is the first time that the Inter-American Bar Association has planned a conference in the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico; and Whereas three previous conferences of the association have been held in the United States; and Whereas the purposes of the association, as stated in its constitution, are to establish and maintain relations ,between associations and organizations of lawyers, national and local, in the various countries of the Amer- icas, to provide a forum for exchange of views, and to encourage cordial intercourse and fellowship among the lawyers of the Western Hemisphere; and Whereas the high character of this inter- national association, its deliberations, and Its members Can do much to encourage un- derstanding, friendship, and cordial relations among the countries of the Western Hemi- sphere; and Whereas there were adopted by the Eightieth Congress, in its second session, and by the Eighty-sixth Congress, in its first ses- sion, concurrent " resolutions of welcome and good wishes to the Inter-American Bar Association on the occasion of its hold- ing conferences in the United States: Now, therefore, be it Resolved by the House of Representatives (the Senate concurring), That the Congress of the United States welcomes the Inter- American Bar Association during its four- teenth conference to be held in tile Common- wealth of Puerto Rico, and wishes the asso- ciation outstanding success in accomplish- ing its purposes; and be it further Resolved, That a copy of this resolution be transmitted to the secretary general of the Inter-American Bar Association. - Mr. POLANCO-ABREU. Mr. Speaker, the Inter-American Bar Association will hold its 14th conference in San Juan, Commonwealth of Puerto Rico, May 22 to May 29, 1965. Approximately, 1,500 lawyers, representing the Inter-Amer- ican Bar Association and coming from the United States, from Canada, and from the various Latin American coun- tries, will attend the conference We, in Puerto Rico, are highly hon- ored that this distinguished group has chosen to visit us on this occasion. House Concurrent Resolution 349 would recognize the 14th conference of ? , Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67600446R000300150018-4 - 8358 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67600446R000300150018-4 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? HOUSE April 28, 1965 the Inter-American Bar Association and the 25th anniversary of the founding of the association and would extend wel- come and good wishes for the outstand- ing success of the association in accom- plishing its purposes. Similar action was taken by the 86th Congress, 1st session, and by the 88th Congress, 2d session, by similar concur- rent resolutions. I hope that our colleagues will unani- mously support House Concurrent Reso- lution 349, which appears fitting and appropriate at this time. The concurrent resolution was agreed to. A motion to reconsider was laid on the table. INTER-AMERICAN BAR ASSOCIATION Mr. PEPPER. Mr. Speaker, I com- mend and thank my colleagues for the adoption of House Concurrent Resolu- tion 349 of which our distinguished col- league, Mr. SANTIAGO POLANCO-ABREU, the Resident Commissioner of Puerto Rico is the author, and of which I have a companion resolution, House Concur- rent Resolution 354, expressing the wel- come of the Congress of the United States to the Inter-American Bar As- sociation to its 14th conference to be held at the beautiful city of San Juan In the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico, May 22-29. The Inter-American Bar Association composed of members of the bar of the United States and all the Latin American countries except- ing Cuba, of course, while it retains its Communist character, who banded to- gether for the development of the law and legal institutions to forward the Peace and the prosperity of the Ameri- cas. I am proud to be a member of the Inter-American Bar Association and to haVe attended the Inter-American Bar Association Conference in Bogota some 4 years ago. I look forward with par- ticular pleasure to attending the im- pending conference in San Juan. Today, as we seek to establish peace through law and to build a world gov- erned by law it is essential that we em- phasize the role of the law in the build- ing of a peaceful and a better world. Lawyers have always been the architects of institutions to progress the cause of peace and a better life for mankind. To- day the troubled and still, I regret to say, lawless world challenges the genius of the lawyers of all lands who believe in the supremacy of law over the con- duct of nations as well as men. The lawyers of the Western Hemisphere have much to offer in the building of such in- stitutions. The Honorable Roy Ballant, of Washington, D.C., founder of the In- ter-American Bar Association, is to be commended for bringing the lawyers of the free nations of our Hemisphere, ex- cept Canada, into this Inter-American Bar Association. Much good has this association accomplished. Greater ac- complishments lie ahead for it. I am sure the San Juan Conference in the inspiring Commonwealth of Puerto Rico will do much to hasten the day of which Mr. Justice Jackson spoke in his opening statement at the Nuremberg trials when "every man shall live by no man's leave underneath the law." SITUATION (Mr. BO asked and was given per- mission to address the House for 1 min- ute and to revise and extend his re- .) Mr. BOGGS. Mr. Speaker, I com- mend the attention of the Members of this great body to the remarks made by the President of the United States on yesterday at his press conference rela- tive to the crisis in Vietnam. This, of course, has been a subject of continuing discussion on the part of the American People. The President on yesterday, Mr. Speaker, spelled out the policy of this Government to maintain freedom in that part of the world and elsewhere against Communist aggression. He restated the policy first laid down in his speech at Baltimore recently. To those who have been critical of our policy, I suggest that they read the press conference statement In full. I know that Members of this body, on both sides of the aisle, have gen- erally supported the position taken by the President. And I am happy to note that in public opinion polls taken in depth throughout the Nation very re- cently, the American people support the President of the United States. The foreign policy of our Government must indeed be a bipartisan foreign policy and I hope the American people generally will read this statement and understand the issue before our Nation. Mr. ALBERT. Mr. Speaker, will the gentleman yield? Mr. BOGGS. I am happy to yield to the distinguished majority leader. Mr. ALBERT. Mr. Speaker, I join the distinguished gentleman from Louisiana in the statement he is making and I associate myself with his remarks. In his statement yesterday the President once again enunciated the aims and as- pirations of the United States with re- spect to the crucial struggle in Vietnam. He stressed our determination to help a free country remain free. He stressed yet again that our fundamental purpose Is to achieve a peaceful settlement that will permit the people of this area to live their lives in freedom and security. I would like to associate myself with this objective and under leave to extend my remarks I include the statement made by the President on yesterday: STATEMENT OF THE PRESIDENT We are engaged in a crucial struggle in Vietnam. Some may consider it a small war. But to the men who give their lives, it is the last war. And the stakes are huge. Independent South Vietnam has been at- tacked by North Vietnam. The objective of that attack is conquest. Defeat in South Vietnam would be to deliver a friendly nation to terror and re- pression. It would encourage and spur on those who seek to conquer all free nations within their reach. Our own welfare and our own freedom would be in danger. This is the clearest lesson of our time. From Munich until today we have learned that to yield to aggression brings only great- er threats?and more destructive war. To stand firm is the only guarantee of lasting peace. At every step of the way we have used our great power with the utmost restraint. We have made every effort to find a peaceful solution. We have done this in the face of the most outrageous and brutal provocation against Vietnamese and Americans alike. - Through the first 7 months of 1964, both Vietnamese and Americans were the tar- gets of constant acts of terror. Bombs ex- ploded in helpless villages, in downtown movie theaters, even at a sports field. Sol- diers and civilians, men and women, were murdered and crippled. Yet we took no ac- tion against the source of this brutality? North Vietnam. When our destroyers were attacked in the Gulf of Tonkin, we replied with a single raid. The punishment was limited to the dead. For the next 6 months we took no ac- tion against North Vietnam. We warned of danger; we hoped for caution in others. The answer was attack, and explosions, and Indiscriminate murder. It soon became clear that our restraint was viewed as weakness. Our desire to limit con- flict was viewed as a prelude to surrender. We could no longer stand by while attack Mounted; and while the bases of the attack- ers were immune from reply. And so, we began to strike back. But we have not changed our essential purpose. That purpose is peaceful settlement. That purpose is to resist aggression. That pur- pose is to avoid wider war. I say again that I will talk to any govern- ment, anywhere, and without any conditions; if any doubt our sincerity, let them test it. Each time we have met with silence, slan- der, or the sound of guns. But just as we will not flag in battle, we will not weary in the search for peace. I reaffirm my offer of unconditional dis- cussions. We will discuss any subject, and any point of view, with any government con- cerned. This offer may be rejected, as it has been in the past. But it will remain open; wait- ing for the day when it becomes clear to all that armed attack will not yield domination over others. And I will continue along the course we have set; firmness with moderation; readi- ness for peace with refusal to retreat. For this is the same battle which we have fought for a generation. Wherever we have stood firm, aggression has been halted, peace restored, and liberty maintained. This was true under President Truman, President Eisenhower, and President Ken- nedy. And it will be true again in southeast Asia. Mr. GERALD R. FORD. Mr. Speaker will the gentleman yield? Mr. BOGGS. I am happy to yield to the distinguished minority leader. Mr. GERALD R. FORD. As the gen- tleman from Louisiana has noted, both privately and publicly I have supported the President's present firm policy in Vietnam. It is also fair to state that all Members of our party on this side of the aisle in the House have supported the present course of action in Vietnam. This is a critical and serious situation that demands our MaxinIUM; strength both at home and in Vietnam. In this instance particularly, I feel we should have a very high degree of bipartisanship In order to convince the opponents, the Communists, that they should not mis- calculate the intentions of America. If Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67600446R000300150018-4 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150018-4 April 28, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? HOUSE they miscalculate because of statements made by any public officials the dangers to all mankind could be significantly in- creased. Consequently I call upon? all Americans, particularly those in elected, office in the Federal Congress, to stand firm and steadfast against Communist aggression in southeast Asia or else- where. Mr. BOGGS. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman and commend him and his colleagues of his party for their statesmanship. The SPEAKER. The time of the gen- tleman has expired. BIRTHDAY GREETINGS TO AN ELDER STATESMAN (Mr. MATSUNAGA asked and was given permission to address the House for 1 minute and tO revise and extend his remarks.) Mr. MATSUNAGA. Mr. Speaker, al- though this day has not been declared a national holiday, it should not go by without our observing that it was on this day, April 28, 83 years ago, that a great Americaniand An elder statesman was born?a man younger and more agile in mind and spirit than many a man half his age?our eminent colleague, the gen- tleman from Illinois, the Honorable BARRATT O'HARA. A man of tremendous driving force and energy, he continues to serve his Na- tion and his constituents with amazing vigor. He possesses those indispensable elements of statesmanship, independ- ence, and personal courage. He never hesitates to speak out on his personal convictions, whatever the trend of cur- rent public opinion may be. We in, this Chambey have often sat spellbound by the force and eloquence of his speeches. Few men in public life possess the wealth of experience in diverse fields that BARRATT O'HARA possesses?in journal- ism, radio broadcasting, law, politics, and BARRATT O'HARA has distinguished him- self as one of the greatest criminal law- yers this country has known, a reputable magazine editor, a well-known radio commentator, the youngest Lieutenant Governor in the history of the great State of Illinois, and as the only veteran of the Spanish-American War now serving In Congress. He is also a veteran of World War I. As Lieutenant Governor of Illinois and as the presiding officer of the State sen- ate, he commenced an investigation into the wages paid to working women,. This pioneer work in the field of women's rights resulted in giving the whole mini- mum wage movement its impetus. The 'administration, in which he played a major role, established the first public utilities commission in Illinois. BARRATT O'HARA entered his career the Congress of the United States at an age when most men think only of re- tirement, at a youthful age of 66. He has singe_ then given to the Nation in- valuable service as a legislator totally committed to the public good. As a Representative from the 50th State, I feel deeply indebted to BARRATT O'HARA for his eloquent and moving pleas which he made in support of Hawaiian statehood. The Honolulu Star-Bulletin singled out his speech delivered on this floor in 1950 as the most effective made in behalf of Hawaiian statehood in the 81st Congress and printed it in three in- stallments, He eloquently stated at that time: The pattern of the Old World of the horse and buggy should be modernized even in the matter of selecting territories to be taken into the Union of the States. My faith is in my country and the purity of its purpose to ask nothing for its own people that it does not seek to make possible for all men to attain in a world of brotherhood. Mr. Speaker, BARRATT O'HARA 011 his 83d birthday abounds in spirit and imag- ination which the young in age can well emulate, as we struggle for the attain- ment of the Great Society. As one who has enjoyed a close per- sonal friendship with BARRATT O'HARA, I fervently hope that he will continue to serve his country and his constituency in Congress until he is 100?as he has vowed to do. God knows the world needs men of BARRETT O'HARA'S caliber, integrity, understanding, and foresight. Mr. ALBERT. Mr. Speaker, will the gentleman yield? Mr. MATSUNAGA. I yield to the dis- tinguished majority leader. Mr. ALBERT. I am happy that our colleague from Hawaii has taken this time to pay tribute to one of the finest, noblest men I have ever known. I as- sociate myself with the remarks of my friend from Hawaii. BARRATT O'HARA's careers have been as distinguished as they have been varied. I doubt that there is a single other person in public life in America today who has seen life from so many angles and who has appre- ciated its challenges as much as the gentleman from Illinois [Mr. O'HARA]. One of the most articulate men I have ever known, one of the most courageous men, one of the sweetest characters on earth, BARRATT O'HARA?may he live long and may his ideals continue to prosper. Mr. MATSUNAGA. I thank the majority leader. (Mr. PEPPER asked and was given permission to address the House for 1 minute.) Mr. PEPPER. Mr. Speaker, I merely wish to associate myself with the de- served tribute which has been paid to this noble colleague of ours, Mr. BARRATT O'HARA, from Illinois. His eloquence, his nobility of spirit, his lofty idealism con- stitute an example and an inspiration not only for his colleagues but also for his countrymen. May his days continue to be long and fruitful in this Chamber and upon the earth. Mr. MILLER. Mr. Speaker, will the gentleman yield? Mr. PEPPER. I yield to the gentle- man from California. Mr. MILLER. Mr. Speaker, I should like to associate myself with the remarks of the distinguished gentleman from Florida. I cannot express them as well or as eloquently as he, but I join him in paying tribute to my great leader, the great BARRATT O'HARA. Mr. EDMONDSON. Mr. Speaker, will the gentleman yield? 8359 Mr. PEPPER. I yield to the gentle- man from Oklahoma. Mr. EDMONDSON. I thank the gen- tleman. I, -too, welcome the opportunity to join in this expression of love and admiration for the great colleague from Illinois whose eloquence continually stirs this legislative body. I believe if there could appropriately be given a name to this outstanding Member of the House, it would be "the happy warrior of the Congress of the United States." Congressman O'HARA is a great legisla- tor, a great humanitarian, a great speaker, and a great individual. It is a continuing source of pleasure and in- spiration to serve with him in this body. Mr. GALLAGHER. Mr. Speaker, will the gentleman yield? Mr. PEPPER. I yield to the gentle- man from New Jersey. Mr. GALLAGHER. Mr. Speaker, I should like to associate myself with the remarks of the distinguished gentleman from Florida. As a member of the House Committee on Foreign Affairs who has served on the committee with Congress- man O'HARA, I want all Members to know and the RECORD to include that no one makes a finer contribution to the com- mittee and no one engenders a more ?humane spirit in the legislation which emanates from the House Committee on Foreign Affairs than BARRATT O'HARA. BARRATT O'HARA served in the great 80th Division during World War I. Its motto was "The 80th Only Moves Forward." One of the reasons it always did was BARRATT O'HARA. BARRATT has always moved forward for his fellow man and still does. I hope he continues to do so for many years to come. Mr. JOELSON. Mr. Speaker, will the gentleman yield? Mr. PEPPER. I yield to the gentle- man from New Jersey. Mr. JOELSON. Mr. Speaker, I want to associate myself with the remarks made. The thing which has always im- pressed me most about Mr. O'HARA is his youthful spirit and his youthful outlook. I know how many years he claims, but I also know he is not a man who looks back. He always looks forward. I think some "young fogies" could well benefit from this youthful, effervescent spirit. It has been a pleasure to work with him. (Mr. WRIGHT asked and was given permission to address the House for 1 minute.) Mr. WRIGHT. Mr. Speaker, I simply want to join our colleagues in this well deserved tribute so deeply felt by all of our Members for our colleague, BARRATT O'HARA. His alert, inquisitive mind and his high-spirited idealism mark him as a young man. BARRATT O'HARA will always be a young man. As one Member of this House, I shall treasure always the opportunities I have enjoyed to visit With BARRATT O'HARA 011 numerous occasions. I feel myself richer for having been exposed to his wealthy store of knowledge and his magnificently charitable spirit. His mind and his heart are big. His vision is broad. And his friendship is truly a thing to treasure. , Approved For Release 2003/10/14 : CIA-RDP67600446R000300150018-4 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67600446R000300150018-4 8360 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? HOUSE April 28, 1965 (Mr. CONTE asked and was given per- mission to address the House for 1 minute.) Mr. CONTE. Mr. Speaker, I would like to join with my colleagues in extending my greeting to the gentleman from Illi- nois, BARRATT O'HARA, on his birthday. I think one of the finest things that can be said about a man is that he is a good man. In my book BARRATT O'HARA is a good man. Mr. Speaker, I would like to wish him many, many decades of good health, hap- piness, and success so that in the golden years of life he may harvest the rich divi- dends and spiritual satisfaction which he has so ably earned in a lifetime of dedi- cated service to his State and his country. Mr. CLEVELAND. Mr. Speaker, will the gentleman yield? Mr. CONTE. I yield to the gentleman from New Hampshire. Mr. CLEVELAND. Mr. Speaker, I wish to associate myself with the re- marks of the gentleman froin Massa- chusetts [Mr. CONTE] and the other Members here who have paid well de- served tribute to the gentleman from Illinois, my distinguished and indomi- table calleague [Mr. O'HaRal. His ready wit and perceptive comment have added much to our deliberations and I am grateful to him for his constructive con- tributions to this body. Mr. REID of New York. Mr. Speaker, will the gentleman yield? Mr. CONTE. I yield to the gentleman from New York. Mr. REID of New York. Mr. Speaker, I would like to associate myself with the remarks of the gentleman from Massa- chusetts and the gentleman from New Hampsbtre and the gentleman from Hawaii and very simply say to My good friend and distinguished colleague BAR- RATT O'HARA that-I greatly value his friendship. He is a man of principle, conviction, and courage. He has en- nobled this House by his courage and his actions. I might say he has always been a stanch friend of Israel, the only democ- racy in the Near East. His support of that country has meant much to the course Of freedom in the Near East. I would merely add, BARRATT, I hope that you not only prosper in your im- portant work in this House for many years but in congratulating you on your birthday, may I wish that you live to be 120 years young. Mr. BROWN of Ohio. Mr. Speaker, will the gentleman yield? Mr. CONTE. I yield to the gentleman from Ohio. Mr. BROWN of Ohio. Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the gentleman from Massa- chusetts yielding to me. I wish to join in paying tribute to BARRATT O'HARA to- day. He and I belong to a rather exclu- sive club, I think, perhaps with one or two other Members, not the Spanish- American War veterans but, rather, the former lieutenant governors of our re- spective States, which we were at almost the same time. Of course, BARRATT and I are about the same age? give or take 20 or 30 years. However, for a time when he first came to Congress--and I think I should say this for the benefit of the other Members of the House in case there is any question in your mind as to his ability?I managed him. When I say I managed him I mean I was in charge of booking all of the various prizefights and fisticuffs in which he engaged. He was known in the prize ring and up and down the eastern seaboard as "Kin" O'HARA. He packed a very great wallop and we had a lot of fun out of it. "KID," I hope you continue in good shape and in good condition and that you do your roadwork regularly and keep your legs sound and hold your left out in Lout of you a little bit and watch out for those right uppercuts. I think you will finish the course all right. Congratulations. (Mr. MADDEN asked and was given permission to address the House for 1 minute.) GENERAL LEMIE TO EXTEND Mr. MADDEN. Mr. Speaker, I, too, wish to join the many Members of Con- gress who would like to pay tribute to the gentleman from Illinois, BARRATT O'HARA, on his 83d birthday. I ask unan- imous consent that all Members who wish to pay tribute to him may extend their remarks at this point in the RECORD. The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. AL- BERT) . Is there objection to the re- quest of the gentleman from Indiana? There was no objection. Mr. MADDEN. In addition to what my colleague, the gentleman from Ohio, Congressman BROWN, has stated as to being a member of the exclusive club of former Lieutenant Governors, I want to point out that BARRATT O'HARA was elected Lieutenant Governor of Illinois in 1912. A great number of Members do not know that he was the first public official in the Nation to expose the slave labor conditions in the child labor sweat- shops. Lt. Gov. BARRATT O'HARA pioneered the first public hearings that exposed to the Nation the fact that children were work- ing in those days at starvation wages in the sweatshops of the city of Chicago and also throughout the Nation. He was the pioneer public official who spon- sored legislation that did away with the sweatshops in that early day. He not only accomplished a great deal as Lieutenant Governor of Illinois, but he was also one of the great lawyers of the Middle West and was associated for a number of years with Clarence Dar- row in the practice of law. He also was nationally known as a newspaperman and his writings were published by newspapers and magazines throughout the Nation before and dur- ing World War I. Mr. Speaker, he is the only Spanish- American War veteran in the Congress of the United States. We all hope that BARRATT O'HARA will be a Member of this body for many, many years to come and we congratulate him on his 83d birthday today. Mr. HUNGATE. Mr. Speaker, will the gentleman yield? Mr. MADDEN. I yield to the gentle- man. Mr. HUNGATE. We, from Missouri, are proud to offer the gentleman from Illinois, BARRATT O'HARA, as an example of the benefits to be derived from attend- ing Missouri University. He was not only a great fighter, but he was the best football player pound for pound that at- tended that school. We commend his career to everyone. Mrs. KELLY. Mr. Speaker, the great State of Illinois is known as the Land of Lincoln and, in this day, it has given other great men to our Nation and to public service. I refer to two gentlemen whom I have the good fortune to have as my friends and' colleagues, the Honorable WILLIAM L. DAWSON and the Honorable BARRATT O'HARA. Both of these Representatives serve their country well and both of them have celebrated their birthdays this week. I join my colleagues in wishing them the best of health, happiness, and all good fortunes for many years to come. Mr. ZABLOCKI. Mr. Speaker, I want to take this opportunity to join my col- leagues in paying tribute to an outstand- ing Member of this body, the Honorable BARRATT O'HARA, on the occasion of his 83d birthday. We in the House are fortunate indeed to have among us a man whose outstand- ing career is certain to merit him a place in American history. There are few in- deed who are privileged to have had so much adventure and to have given so much service to their fellow men in one lifetime as BARRATT O'HARA. Youthful explorer, Spanish American War and World War I soldier, news- papermen, youngest attorney general in Illinois' history, motion picture execu- tive, brilliant defense lawyer, author, and Congressman?each of these careers and achievements would require a lifetime of an ordinary man. BARRATT O'HARA has accomplished them in 83 short years. It is a measure of the stature of this outstanding American that he first came to Congress at an age when most men have retired. Since his election from the Second District of Illinois to the 81st Congress, he has earned the respect of his colleagues for the depth of his wis- doM and the breadth of his vision. It has been my distinct privilege to have served with Mr. O'HARA on the House Foreign Affairs Committee. He has never ceased to amaze me with his energy and abilities. His counsel and ad- vice to me have been of inestimable value through the years. Today in congratulating BARRATT O'HARA on his birthday, I want to add my sincere best wishes to him for many more years of fruitful service to his constitu- ents and to our Nation. SUBCOMMITTEE ON COMMERCE AND FINANCE OF THE COMMIT- TEE ON INTERSTATE AND FOR- EIGN COMMERCE Mr. HARRIS. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that the Subcommit- tee on Commerce and Finance of the Interstate and Foreign Commerce Com- mittee be permitted to sit during general debate this afternoon. The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the gentleman from Arkansas? There was no objection. Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67600446R000300150018-4 Approved For Release 2003/10/14': CIA-RDP67B0044614000300150018-4 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? HOUSE 8411 Apra 28, 1965 undertaken, especially aimed at employing the unskilled and the semiskilled, , A month later, in an address to the City Council of New ork, I proposed that New York City launch a broadscale attack on hardcore poverty in our city?to be aimed at the roots...of tl problem and its contribu- tory factors. Immediately some critics asked us to de- fine precisely the poverty we were going to attack. During the ensuing discussion, I felt like saying what klumpty Dumpty said in "Alice in Wonderland": "When I use a word," Humpty Dumpty said, "it mearfs just what I choose it to mean?neither more nor less," I think most of us know, today what we mean by poverty. The figure used nation- ally?which we found to fit New York City, too?is one out of every five. In New York City about 1,800,000 individuals, belonging to 389,000 families, live in conditions approxi- mating poverty. Of course, the dictionary definition of poverty?"having little or noth- ing in the way of wealth, goods, or subsist- ence" ha z little practical application to 'America in 1965. Most of the poor today have Some goods, and almost all have or re- ceive some subsistence. , But really, when we speak of the poor, we. know whom we are talking about; But the entire range of the poor are hard to define precisely. They range from completely nor- mal and law-abiding New Yorkers to some who have what the experts call a deep social pathology?with a sense of total alienation from existing social institutions as well as from the positive elements in their own com- munities and neighborhoods. Most of this latter group have no respect for law and order. They include the drug addicts, the addict pushers, the numbers runners, the petty thieves, the muggers, and others who form a, special underworld of the poor?which preys primarily upon the poor. It is this underworld whose members con- stitute our greatest single social liability who are the greatest menace to their own corn- =Mites as well as a source of endless social cost to society as a whole. These elements were responsible for most of the evidence and perpetrated most of the looting in last sum- mer's convulsive riots. This subgroup gives a bad name to Negroes and to Puerto Ricans. It is our city's worst blight. This is not the true underworld. The underworld f itm now defining belongs to the poor. Its denizens come from the poor. They are poor. It is not generally known, but these crimi- nal poor prey most of all on other poor. The law-abiding poor are the easiest victims. They have the least security for what they own. Their property is the most accessible, and also the most disposable and the least traceable. This victimization of the poor is one of the main indignities of poverty. Most of the poor think that they get less police protec- tion than others do, In New York City, at least, this is not deliberately so, but it prob- ably works out this way because of the greater difficulty of policing_poor neighborhoods. I dwell on this subject because it often goes unnoticed by those concerned with the problem of poverty. Yet it is a major aspect of the rising crime rate in our cities. The underworld of poverty, while only a tiny part of the poverty population, plays a Major part in the world of the poor, as an ever-preSeht Menace and symbol Of the degra. dation of poverty. This underworld must be an object of our sPecial attention in the war on poverty. None of our present programs confront it, It must be confronted, ? The basic challenge is to give all the poor the opportunity and the wherewithal to bet- ;er, their ,reep,nornic condition. They must No.15-8 also be given the hope and the desire to do so, New York City and the Nation have ac- cepted the challenge. The question is: How are we meeting it? What is our plan? Our plan consists of many parts, in order to meet the many-faceted problem. We in- tend to do a great many different things, de- signed to meet the needs of different groups, as well as different factors in the causation of poverty. Unfortunately, thus far, we have been able to start only a few of the things we must do. We have begun to work on the special pro- grams authorized under the Economic Op- portunity Act, the Neighborhood Youth Corps, the Job Corps, and the activities that fall under the community action plan pro- vided under title II of the Economic Oppor- tunity Act. All these programs are now in the begin- ning stages of implementation. In New York City our expectation for 1965 is to involve approximately 25,000 people?mostly youth? as direct beneficiaries and participants in the various programs under the Economic Opportunity Act. Preschool training programs will be pro- vided for approximately 7,000 children from disadvantaged neighborhoods. Special loans and other aids are to be made to small businesses to enable qualified indi- viduals from these disadvantaged neighbor- hoods to start ,and to conduct businesses of their own. For the aged, there will be basic services including employment opportunities. Most of these sample programs I have just mentioned will be operated and conducted from the disadvantaged neighborhoods. Ex- cept for the professional experts required for training, counseling, and administration, all the personnel required for these programs will be solocitcd from the neighborhoods. I want to refer hereto the two trailblazing, neighborhood-based poverty programs in New York City which have served as prototypes for others throughout the country: Haryou- Act in Central Harlem, and mobilization-f or- youth on the Lower East Side. Although these programs were originally designed to combat juvenile delinquency, experience soon dictated that their scope should be enlarged to include a broad-scale attack upon the conditions underlying poverty. Much has been learned from these two pioneer undertakings. We, in New York City, are trying to apply what has been learned. Meanwhile, we will continue to support mo- bilization-for-youth and Haryou-Act with New York City funds. The mobilization-for- youth program is, of course, of special in- terest in Puerto _Rico because one of the major population components in the 67-block area covered by mobilization-for-youth is Puerto Rican, Now, I want to turn to the special Puerto Rican aspects of our antipoverty program. You might be interested in a few facts and figures about the Puerto Ricans in New 'York. Puerto Ricans born in New York get more education than those born in Puerto Rico who come to New York. The avera,ge is 2 years more education for Puerto Rican men and 3 years more for women. Nevertheless, compared to the rest of the population, Puerto Ricans are still at a disadvantage. According to the 1960 census, Puerto Ricans 25 years old and older averaged 3 years less education than the comparable figure for the total population of New York City. Almost 30 percent of Puerto Ricans 25 years old or older had less than 5 years of education, compared to only 9 percent for the entire population of the city: In the same age group, only 10 percent of Puerto Ricans had completed high school, and only a percent had gone on to college, compared to 24 and 18 percent for the total population. The unemployment rate for Puerto Ricans is double that of the city average. In 1960, 33 percent of all Puerto Rican families in New York City had incomes of less than $3,000, compared with 13 percent of all families in New York City. Only 3 percent of Puerto Rican families had incomes of $10,000 or more, in contrast to 22 percent for all New York City families. Even these statistics have their bright side. The fact is that more than 5,000 Puerto Ricans have jobs with the city government. More than 100 auxiliary teachers, who are completely bilingual, are working for the board of education. Almost all of them are graduates of the University of Puerto Rico. More than 6,000 Puerto Ricans own their own businesses. These are just sample figures which help in drawing a profile. All the programs to which I have already referred are aimed at expanding the horizons of opportunity and lowering the barriers of discrimination for the benefit of New York City's Puerto Ricans, as well as for Negroes and other disadvantaged groups. In the pre- school training program, special emphasis will be given to the language barrier. Bi- lingual teachers will be employed. Puerto Ricans from among the ranks of the poor will be trained in subprofessional capacities for service to the poor?as assist- ants to visiting doctors and nurses, as at- tendants in hospitals and nursing homes, as itinerant helpers in the households' of the aged, as maintenance personnel for apart- ment houses. This kind of training can and will be pro- vided in neighborhood centers for the un- skilled, untrained, and unlettered. We plan to mobilize Puerto Rican profes- sionals?or at least Spanish-speaking profes- sionals?to train these subprofessiOnals. It is our belief that one of the expanding areas of employment opportunities for the future is in providing increased services to the/sick, the disabled, the young, the aged? indeed, to all who need the kind of help which must be furnished by human hands and cannot be automated. Late last summer a group of Puerto Ricans, acting through an organization called the Puerto Rican Forum, asked me to arrange a financial grant from the city gov- ernment to enable them to plan a compre- hensive anti-poverty program based on the special needs of Puerto Ricans in New York. I approved a $70,000 allocation for this pur- pose. Additional funds have since been granted. Recently, the Puerto Rican Forum submitted a comprehensive multimillion- dollar program. The proposals of the Puerto Rican Forum, which are complex, are under active study and consideration. Other Puerto Rican groups in New York have sub- mitted alternative proposals. From all these proposals, a program will be worked out which can be fitted into the overall frame- work of the city's anti-poverty plan and provide an adequate reflection of special Puerto Rican needs. One of the ideas proposed by the Puerto Rican Forum especially intrigued me. It was proposed to subsidize the maintenance and spread of Puerto Rican culture in New York City through a network of existing Puerto Rican organizations. This is linked up with the war against poverty. Actually, it would be difficult to allocate governmental funds for this purpose. However, we are still studying this approach, and are try- ing to find a way to get fiscal support for a Part of this undertaking. In any event, fwant to tell you that I am determined, as mayor, to insure that the Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150018-4 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67600446R000300150018-4 8412 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? HOUSE April 28, 1965 Puerto Ricans of New York receive a full share of the benefits of the poverty pro- gram?the share to which they are entitled by virtue of their numbers and by virtue of their need. The full scope of the powers, authority, and resources of every department of the city government is to be focused on the achieve- ment of this objective. I would like to underline this point, be- cause I believe that the uniqueness of New York City's poverty program lies in the fact that the entire range of city government resources has been placed, by executive or- der, within the orbit of the poverty pro- gram. To head up the poverty program, I selected one of the highest ranking officials of the City of New York, the president of the city council, Mr. Paul Serevane, who is also one of the most accomplished admin- istrators to come up through the ranks of the city government in my memory. My purpose was to give the poverty pro- gram a top priority among all the programs of the city government. Li a real sense, the entire city government is engaged. in the poverty program, and deeply committed to it. I consider each Puerto Rican in New York a New Yorker like other New Yorkers?a New Yorker equal in all respects, in his rights and his claims for privilege and op- portunity. We certainly welcome the Commonwealth and its office in New York as the interpreter, advocate, friend, and defender of the Puerto Ricans in New York. There are, in fact, many individuals and organizations claim- ing to be the spokesmen of all Puerto Ricans in New York. That is natural. I honor and recognize them all for their efforts. How- ever, I want recognition, too, as one who speaks and works for the interests of the 700,000 Puerto Ricans in the 5 boroughs of New York City. In-this connection, I want to pay tribute to the activities of the Commonwealth in New York City, particularly through its migration division. I want to express my appreciation to Labor Secretary Frank Zorilla, under whom the migration division operates. Secretary Zorilla deserves praise for his supervision of this fine activity. And of course, I want to mention the director of that division, a true friend, although he frequently presses us hard, Joe Monserrat I was very happy to approve recently the appointment of one of the key employees of the migration divi- sion, brilliant young Joe Morales, to one of the top positions on the staff of the anti- poverty operations board. If I were to summarize the prescription to meet the needs of the war against poverty, it would be a prescription for most of the things that are being done today. But I would prescribe a much bigger scale, with a much broader sweep. And there are many additional programs which cry to be launched. Emergency actions are needed now to fore- stall emergency situations later. We need that public works program I pro- posed 15 months ago. We need it now more than ever. Of course, the cast would be very great, and the cost of stepping up all the other programs I have been talking about would be very great, too. Yet the money must be found, as it cer- tainly would be found if We faced a military emergency abroad. There must be substantially greater Fed- eral grants directly to the localities for edu- cation, for training, for housing, for all the programs I have been talking about and that have been discussed at this conference. But the local and State governments must be ready to strain their resources, too. This means more taxes, which is not easy to con- template and even less to institute. But it must be done. The people must be con- vinced that it must be done. Will the sum of all the programs I have discussed cure poverty? Frankly, I don't know. Neither does anybody. I know one thing: we must try everything. We cannot afford to stop. There are lions in the streets, angry lions, aggrieved lions, lions who had been caged until the cages crumbled. We had better do something about those lions, and when I speak of lions I do not mean individuals. I mean the spirit of the people, those who have been neglected and oppressed, and dis- criminated against, and misunderstood and forgotten. Some of them now have the spirits of angry lions. We must promptly set about to remedy the conditions which brought them into being. And we have no time. The time is now. It is already after midnight on the clock of history. We can only pray that the clock will stop awhile and give us the breathing space to work our Wills in accordance with our consciences, to the best of our abilities. THE PRESID POLICY IN (Mr. MOR and was given permission to extend his remarks at this point in the RECORD.) Mr. MORGAN. Mr. Speaker, I rise to commend President Johnson for his course of action in Vietnam and to ex- press my appreciation for his frank and open statement to the American people and to the peoples of the world in ex- planation of U.S. policy in that area. Public opinion polls have shown that a vast majority of the American people support the President's policy in Viet- nam. After his press conference yester- day, that support should increase, both here and abroad. The President empha- sized again that we have learned the lessons afforded by the appeasement of Munich. He could not have been more right when he said that failure to resist In Vietnam would deliver a friendly na- tion to terror and repression, encourage those who seek to conquer other nations In their reach, and endanger American welfare and freedom. I am also proud of the restraint being exercised by our President in his deter- mination to provide the maximum amount of deterrent with the minimum cost. The carefully controlled bombings which the President has authorized are coupled with his desire to stop the loss of lives and end the conflict. I was pleased to read his words: I do sometimes wonder how some people can be so concerned with our bombing a cold bridge of steel and concrete in North Vietnam but never open their mouth about a bomb being placed in our Embassy in South Vietnarn. President Johnson repeated that our bombings of their bridges, radar stations, and ammunition will cease the moment the North Vietnamese end their aggres- sion. In renewing his offer for uncondi- tional discussions and reemphasizing the firmness of our position, the President not only deserves the fullest support of every American, but that of freedom- loving people everywhere. TIME FOR A SPECIAL COMMITTEE ON THE CAPTIVE NATIONS The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under previous order of the House the gentle- man from Pennsylvania [Mr. noon] is recognized for 60 minutes. (Mr. FLOOD asked and was given per- mission to revise and extend his re- marks.) -Mr. FLOOD. Mr. Speaker, I ask unan- imous consent that various other Mem- bers be permitted to extend their re- marks in today's RECORD at the end of my remarks on this subject. The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the gentleman from Pennsylvania? There was no objection. GENERAL LEAVE TO EXTEND Mr. FLOOD. Mr. Speaker, I ask unan- imous consent that all Members have 5 legislative days in which to extend their remarks upon this same subject. The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the gentle- man from Pennsylvania? There was no objection. Mr. FLOOD. Mr. Speaker, present de- velopments in various parts of the world, particularly in Vietnam, make the es- tablishment of a Special Committee on the Captive Nations a definite necessity. Let us not forget that the captive people of North Vietnam also have a stake in the outcome of the current crisis there. Despite the eased tensions in Eastern Europe, let us not forget that the various totalitarian Red governments do not represent the underlying captive nations and in a variety of ways continue to op- press and exploit the captive peoples. Let us also not forget that Moscow's de- ceptive policy of peaceful coexistence cannot conceal the realities of Soviet Russian imperiocolonialism in the cap- tive non-Russian countries of the em- pire-state called the Soviet Union. And let us not forget that the captive nation of Cuba is still off our shores and is being systematically exploited by Moscow and Peiping alike for Red totalitarian pene- tration of Latin America. In short, Mr. Speaker, as our interest and energies are being absorbed by cer- tain particular events, let us not forget the general and basic state of the captive nations in Eastern Europe, Asia, and Latin America. And the best way in not forgetting them at this time is to create now a Special Committee on the Captive Nations. This is the time for such a committee. A BRIDGE TO TRUE UNDERSTANDING As Representatives of the American people, we have now a wonderful oppor- tunity to construct a bridge of true un- derstanding between ourselves and the neglected captive nations and peoples. Diplomatic bridges with totalitarian governments in the Red empire are not necessarily bridges with the underlying captive nations. We need more than one type of bridge for the terrain is sub- stantially different between the oppres- sor and the oppressed, the colonialist and the colonial, the exploiter and the ex- ploited. A Special Committee on the Captive Nations in this Congress would be our bridge of true understanding of, and abiding faith in, the close to 1 bil- lion captive people. It has been my privilege to introduce the original resolution proposing thit bridge of true understanding. Dozen: Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67600446R000300150018-4 Approved For Release 2003/10/14 : CIA-RDP671300446R00030150018-4 April 28, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? HOUSE Although the buildings' and health de- partments list some of the violations as haz- ardous to the lives and health Of he Men, wQmen, and children who live the build- ings concerned, the landlords do hot consider themselves -or-fin/pals. What is more important, however, is that the courts and the judges themselves do not consider them criminals, nor their acts more serious than MAZY parking violations. Despite the fact that the penalty for con- viction for a hosing misdemeanor can run as high as a $500 fine and 30 days in jail, it rarely does. In fact, many violators con- tinue to find it far less expensive to pay their fines than to fix their houses. In 1964 there were a total of 20,613 con- victions in housing court and of these, 19718 were fined a total of $332,498?an average of $16.86 per case. In January of this year, 957 cases were reported as convictions and 892 persons were fined $17,220, an average of $10.90 per case. To put the court's attitude toward hous- ing violations and the slumlords into proper perspective, one need look no further than traffic court, where the standard fine for parking a car in a restricted area is $15. Even the amount of the fines in housing court is not an accurate barometer for meas- uring the punishment of housing violators. The average fine per case does not take into consideration the total number of violations per case. In many instances, the fine averages out to no more than $4 a violation. For this reason, it is not difficult Jo see why many landlords find it far more economical to pay a small fine rather than have the violation fixed be- fere the matter falls into the jurisdiction of the housing court. In some cases, landlords even save money by paying the fine. For instance, yesterday one of the land- lords convicted for failure to provide heat for 2 days to his 60-family apartment house In Manhattan was fined $25. After paying his fine he told a reporter that the boiler was broken for the 2 days, but that during that time he saved almost 5,000 gallons of fuel, at 6 cents a gallon? $300. Despite the high percentage of convic- tions?more, than 90 percent?the criminal prosecution of housing code violators does not function, as a deterrent to continued abuse. Landlords plead guilty to violations, but then appear at another time to make the plea to other charges. The procedures of the court do not usually 'help the tenant who must endure the viola- tion While the court action is taken. At present there are often delays of as long as 3 months between the time an inspec- tor makes a recommendation for Court ac- tion and the first appearance of the violator in court. The matter does not usually end there, because in many cases there are con- tinued adjournments and it may be a year before the case is finally settled. For many landlords, housing court has taken on, the flavor of traffic' court, where, despite a person's feeling that he is not guilty, he will often plead guilty and pay a fine. If he were to plead not guilty, he would then have to appear on another day for trial, and even then he, could not be sure the city Would be ready with its case. If his time is more Valuable, he pleads guilty and is fin- ished witia, it. ' ItOWOVO the "operators"?landlords who buy and sell slum buildings for profit, and Who milk' them for every penny they can get out of them?will often "shop around" for a more lenient judge and will plead not guilty on a clay when a strict judge is on the bench. On the day for trial, before the lenient judge, they will change their plea to guilty and accept the low fine imposed. No. 75-12 The "operators" also manage to avoid hav- ing their names sullied with convictions by having the name of a corporation substituted on the court records, Another factor that works against the ad- . ministration,. of justice in housing cases is that in the cases of flagrant violators, it is often difficult to find out who is the legal owner of the building. Although "managing agents" usually col- lect the rent, when it comes time to appear in court for a series of violations they are frequently "fired" and no longer work for the owner. The department issuing the summons for the violation must then try to find the true owner of the property. This is often more difficult than it may seem. The person who is -held legally responsible for the building often maintains that he is still not the owner. In these cases, the true owner hides behind a facade of corporation names and post office box numbers, or uses a telephone answering service so that he can screen his calls. In this way he "cannot be contacted" for the service of summonses_ or for complaints to be registered with him. A typical day in housing court begins with the crowded corridor and the usual press of bodies trying to get into the courtroom. Yesterday there were 44 cases on the docket and the courtroom was half empty. The court clerk?the "Bridgeman"?called off the name of a defendant, who would approach the bench. The clerk would ask if he was acquainted with the charges, rattle off the defendant's rights and then ask for a plea. It was a bad day for the defendants. In 20 cases, they pleaded guilty and were fined an average of $32 a case. One defendant paid $110 for four cases involving a total of 16 violations?or an average of $6 per violation. Another landlord paid a $50 fine for a vio- lation consisting of a faulty elevator. Another claimed his tenant refused to al- low his apartment to be painted and that an Inspector Issued a summons anyway. He re- ceived a $10 suspended sentence. Of the rest of the cases, 20 were adjourned for trial. In the four others, warrants were issued for the defendants' arrest for failure to appear in court. When the name of the landlord for 286 Fort Washington Avenue was called, 16 peo- ple rose and approached the bench. They were the landlord, his attorney, and 14 ten- ants from the building. After pleading guilty, without an explana- tion, the landlord, W. Genuth, of 273 Have- meyer Street, Brooklyn, was fined $25 for failure to provide heat in the 60-apartment building. As the judge pronounced sen- tence, the tenants walked out quickly?ob- viously not satisfied. Outside the courtroom they got into an argument with Mr. Genuth because they claimed that he had harassed them. John Churko, a spokesman for the tenants, claimed that for the last 4 years they have had trouble with him. He said that the landlord had continually refused to make repairs or to paint the apartments. He said that for a period of 7 weeks early this year, the tenants had to walk to their apartments In the six-story building because the ele- vator was not working. Mr. Genuth denied g).e charges of harass- Merit but admitted that the elevator was not working for that length of time. "Vandals broke the control panel on the elevator," he said, "and it took 7 weeks to the day to have it repaired. It cost me more than $7,000, but they don't want to listen to me." As for the no-heat violation, Mr. Genuth agreed that the building was without heat 8443- for 2 days but said someone had broken the boiler. He showed a bill for $900 for repairs to the boiler, and for rusted bolts that allowed the water to seep out. He blamed labor troubles for the "vandals" who had destroyed his property. "It cost me more than $12,000 for all the work on the building so far this year," he said. "I try but I just can't keep up with it all. I have tenants in the building who are paying $65 a month for six rooms un- der rent control. They should have rent controls but they should make it like $25 a room instead of about $19. For me it's an investment, but I can't make money on this." A half hour later, at 12:20, another day in housing court had drawn to a close. Judge Maurice Downing, graying and re- served, refused , to talk with a reporter and left immediately. Long criticized by civic groups for many reasons, the housing court and its judge re- main unchanged. Not too long ago, a city official, who is deep_ ly concerned about the dual failure of the housing code and the housing court to bring about a solution to the problem of slum- lords, brought up the topic with a criminal court judge, who sits on housing court. According to the city official, the judge maintained that he just didn't feel that most housing violations were true crim- inal acts. According to this judge, most housing problems should be settled by the tenants and the landlords, not by the crim- inal courts. As long as judges feel this way?and more than one certainly does?the housing court will continue to offer little relief to the thousands of New Yorkers being victim- * ized daily by landlords who operate freely as slumlords within the framework of the law. NEW YORK CITY IN CRISIS?PART LIII (Mr. MULTER (at the request of Mr. SCHEITER) was granted permission to ex- tend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and to include extraneous mat- ter.) Mr. MULTER. Mr. Speaker, the fol- lowing article on New York City's slum- lords appeared in the New York Herald Tribune on March 10,1965. The article is part of the series on "New York City in Crisis" and follows: NEW YORK CITY IN CRISIS--CITY ARMED WITH POPGUNS IN ITS WAR ON SLUMLORDS (Norz.--In the greatest city in the world, perhaps the basic ill is slum housing. As part of the Herald Tribune's continuing in- vestigative series, "New York City in Crisis," Reporters Martin J. Steadman and Alfonso Narvaez have spent 1 month intensively ex- amining the problems of the slumlords and the dwellers. Today, in the fourth article, the Tribune offers possible?and vitally nec- essary?solutions.) (By Martin J. Steadman, of the Herald Tribune staff) The New York City Buildings Department is fighting the growing slum problem with one hand tied behind its back. A month-long Herald Tribune investiga- tion found that loopholes in the law, lenient judges, and an outmanned buildings depart- ment let hard-core slumlords milk old-law tenements at the expense of the tenants. Here are some of the problems the build- ings department faces: No legal staff. Cases against slumlords are prepared by clerks. Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67600446R000300150018-4 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67600446R000300150018-4 8444 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? HOUSE April 28, 1965 Delays of as long as 3 months from the time court action is recommended and the scheduled court appearance of the defendant. Penalties imposed on landlords by judges in housing court are extremely lenient. ? Rarely does a slumlord go to jail. The aver- age fine last year was $16.86, far less than what it would cost a landlord to make the repairs demanded by the buildings depart- ment. Only eight process servers are available to try to track down the hard-core slumlords. The buildings department is forced to resort to service of summons by mail, a dubious legal maneuver. Result: There are now 1,600 cases pending where the landlord has not appeared in court following mailed service of the summons. The backlog of cases is growing. The department tried to hire a private process service agency last year, paying first $1.50, then $2.50, per summons. But the agency found it unprofitable and notified the city that it would not do the job any longer. The buildings department does not have statutory potver to subpena witnesses, take testimony under oath, and compel the pro- duction of books and records of slumlords. Each year since 1960, a bill has been intro- duced in the legislature to give the depart- ment these powers. Each year the bill has died in committee. The receivership program, which allows the city to seize a slum tenement, fix it up and collect rents until the job is paid for, is just limping along. To date, only 74 buildings have gone into receivership, The buildings department considers receivership a potent weapon in code enforcement. The mere threat of seizure has brought compliance by reluctant landlords in 154 buildings. But the staff for this highly touted program numbers only 17 people, with just 1 attorney, borrowed from another department. The entire receivership staff boasts three clerks, two typists, a stenographer, eight inspectors, and two process servers. Overlapping jurisdiction. Lack-of-heat violations come under the jurisdiction of the health department. Lack-of-hot-water vio- lations come under the jurisdiction of build- ings. Usually both violations are traceable to. a defective boiler. Though civic groups have clamored for consolidation of housing enforcement agencies for years, New York City still clings to the old way of doing things. The shortcomings in budget and staff of the buildings department were recently pointed up by the Community Service So- ciety, a quietly effective nonprofit civic group which keeps a close watch on housing prob- lems. The agency wrote: "No substantial improvement in code en- forcement can be expected until the Depart- ment of Buildings receives a budget com- mensurate with its responsibilities." CSS also took the occasion to criticize the courts. "Until fines are greater than the cost of repairs, it is not likely that this method of enforcement will be as effective as it should be." The buildings department has been shaken by scandals many times over the years. Inspectors have been dismissed and jailed over taking graft. After the last grand jury report, in 1959, Mayor Wagner reached out for a cop to head the department. He got Harold Birns, a former assistant district at- torney in Prank Hogan's rackets squad. Since then the buildings department has been functioning in relative quiet. Commis- sioner Elms has fired 30 inspectors sum- marily, but no major scandal, or charges of organized graft collecting have disturbed his administration. As for enforcement of the housing code by the buildings department, statistics indicate It is doing a greater amount of enforcement each year. Inspectors reported 425,526 housing viola- tions on 30,562 buildings in 1964. The pre- vious record high, in 1983, was 307,716. That figure was considerably higher than the 195,- 585 violations reported in 1962. Most of the increased inspection activity was caused by the "cycle survey," a cellar-to- roof inspection of every building in a slum neighborhood, instituted July 15, 1963. The cycle survey teams do not wait for tenant complaints. To date, cycle survey teams have visited 30,105 buildings, containing 157,209 apart- ments. When the program began, 40,208 violations were pending on those buildings. The inspectors handed out an additional 227,925 violations. All this inspection activity shows up in housing court, of course. There were 22,411 cases brought by the buildings department in 1964, up from the 16,086 in 1963. More than 90 percent of the cases end in convictions, and last year 20,613 landlords paid $332,498 In fines. The last figure is disturbing to civic groups as well as law enforcement officials. The average fine in 1960 was $26.67. Each year since, it has declined, until last year the landlords were walking out of housing court with average fines of less than $17. In 1964, only 10 landlords went to jail. In 1863, only seven jail terms were handed down. But many observers feel that even with the increased activity, the buildings depart- ment is losing the fight against spreading slums. City Councilman J. Raymond Jones, speak- ing at a budget hearing last DeceMber, re- marked: "We give the buildings department a teacup and expect it to stop the Hudson from flowing Into the bay." The buildings department budget for this fiscal year is $10.2 million. Commissioner Birns Is asking $15 million for next year. Almost the entire buildings department budget goes for the salaries of 1,642 em- ployees, including 866 building and housing inspectors. The payroll amounts to $9.9 mil- lion of the $10.2 million budget. The budget for the executive staff of the buildings department has always been rather niggardly compared to the plush budgets for other city departments. There are only 20 lines in the budget, in- cluding the commissioner and two deputies, for the administration of a central office and five borough offices. Two of the lines are unfilled, which means two of the officials are doubling in their jobs. There is no public relations officer attached to the buildings de- partment, perhaps the only major city de- partment without one. There are 43,000 old-law tenements on the city streets. Built before the turn of the century, many of these buildings would have been ordered battled up long ago if there weren't a housing shortage in the city. The vacancy ratio at present?the key figure in determining just how much leeway the city has in getting tough with land- lords who do not comply with the law?is now at a very low 1.7 percent. In effect, this means that even if the city wanted to vacate a bad building, vacancy ratio figures insist that officials must go slow?there is no place to move the ousted tenants. The vacate order is the ultimate weapon against the slumlord. His tenants are ordered out and the premises bearded up. But because there is no place to put the tenants, the buildings department Could close only 27 old-law tenements in 1962, 34 in 1963, and 51 in 1964. In the 4 years between 1934 and 1937, the city boarded up over 2,000 slum buildings, an average of over 500 a year. But it was easier for Mayor La Guardia, brandishing a hatchet or a flit gun, to order a slum building boarded up immediately. The vacancy ratio in the 1930's ran well up to between 12 and 17 percent. Adding to the enormity of the problem faced by Mayor Wagner and his building department is the simple fact that these tenements are now 30 years older than when Mr. La Guardia was crusading against them. Last,May, the city commissioned a study of the present housing code by the Columbia University Legislative Drafting Research Fund. Headed by Prof. Prank Grad, the study team is expected to take 3 years, at a -Cost of $255,000, to analyze the deficiencies in the present code, and return recommenda- tions. Professor Grad said yesterday that he filed a preliminary report on consolidation of housing enforcement agencies several months ago, but the city has not yet released his recommendations. The professor declined to discuss his find- ings, but it was learned that he urged con- solidation as a long-overdue measure. Reforms in the tenements come in fits and starts. In 1901, the legislature passed the sweeping tenement house law, outlawing any more construction of the dingy, unsafe buildings. Toilets were moved into the houses from the backyards. In 1929, the legislature mandated fire- retarding of cellars and halls, and in 1955, the multiple dwelling code was amended to require central heating in every apartment house. This could be the year for greater tene- ment-house reform?perhaps a tightened multiple dwelling law and city housing code If the people and their elected officers want it. (Mr. OTTINGER (at the request of Mr SCHEUER) was granted permission to ex-- tend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and to include extraneous mat-- ter.) [Mr. OTTINGER'S remarks will ap- pear hereafter in the Appendix.] (Mr. OTTINGER (at the request of Mr. SCHEUER) was granted permission to ex- tend his remarks at this point In the RECORD and to include extraneous mat- ter.) [Mr. OTTINGER'S remarks will ap- pear hereafter in the Appendix.] PROPOSAL FOR PEACE IN (Mr. PEPPER (at the reque SCHEUER) was granted permission to ex- tend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and to include extraneous mat- ter.) Mr. PEPPER. Mr. Speaker, the situation in Vietnam is one of such criti- cal character that I am sure we all are glad to see outstanding and dedicated Americans earnestly thinking about the problem and offering their ideas as to what would contribute toward the solu- tion of the problem in a way consistent with the interest of freedom of the peo- ple of Vietnam. I submit for the Ap- pendix for the consideration of my col- leagues and fellow countrymen sugges- tions which I believe to be worthy of note which have been made upon the subject by Mr. John Bethea, an instructor in the Department of Social Science at the University of Miami, and together with the proposal of Mr. Bethea, an article by Mr. Clarke Ash, associate editor of the Miami News, commending the plan which Mr. Bethea proposes. [The material referred to appears in the Appendix.] Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67600446R000300150018-4 ----'Approved For Release 2003/10/14 : CIA-RCIP67B00446R000300150018-4 Aprn 28, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ?11QT.ISf $445 THE ECONOMIC DEVELOPIVIENT OF ? PUERTO RICO (Mr. PEPPEA (at the request of Mr. Scilxuxit), was granted permission to ex- tend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and to include extraneous mat- ter.) Mr. PEpPER, Mr. Speaker, it is with a great deal of pleasure that I submit for the reading of tny colleagues an address by the distinguished Resident ComMIS- stouter of Puerto ,Rico, the Honorable Santiago Polanco-Abreu, and the well deserved introduction by Mr. Roy Val- iance, president of the Inter-American Bar Association, delivered before Inter- American Bar Association ad the Dis- trict of Columbia Bar Committee on Inter-American Relations, at the Na- tional Lawyer Clubs of Washington, D.C., on April 27, 1965. Mr. Speaker, the introduction and ad- dress of our colleague are as follows: HiutriiA,so Poi,swco-AaaEu Born October 30, 1920, in BayamOn, P.R. Attended elementary and high school in Isa- bela, P.R. Bachelor of arts and LL.B., Uni- versity of Puerto Rico, 1943. President of the student council. Popular Democrat. Prac- ticed law in Isabela and San Juan. Ap- pointed legal adviser to the tax court of Puerto Rico, August 1943. Married Viola Or- sini, 1944; no children. Elected to the House of Representatives, Commonwealth of Puerto Rico, 1948, 1952, 1956, 1960. Member of the constitUtiOnal convention of Puerto Rico, 1851-52. Chairman, committee on finance; vice chairman, committees on interior gov- ernment, appointments, and impeachment proceedings, and member of the committee of rules and calendar. Appointed speaker of the house, January 17, 1963. Member of the American Bar Association, Bar Association of Puerto Rico, Puerto Rican Atheneum, Asso- ciation of American Writers, Lions' Club, and Pan-American Gun Club. Advocates eco- nomic and social change in Latin America and in this respect believes Puerto Rico has a fundamental role to fulfill. Has traveled in Europe, North America, and in most Latin American Republics. Elected November 3, 1964, for a 4-year term as Resident Com- missioner. TUE ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT OF PUERTO Rico (Address by Santiago Polanco-Abreu? Resi- dent Commissioner of the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico) I am greatly honored by the invitation of the Inter-American Bar Association and the D.C. Bar Committee on Inter-American Rela- tions to join with them here today to speak on the economic development of Puerto ? Rico. It is extremely rewarding to me that this distinguished group is interested in the problems of Puerto Rico and how we are handling them. And, with your permission, would like to look at the Commonwealth against the larger backdrop of the two-thirds of the world which lives in deep poverty. Certainly all of us are perturbed by the enormous gulf which separates the "have" from the "have not" nations, and even more perturbed by the fact that this gulf seems to be growing, rather than diminishing. Happily, there have been some noteworthy exceptions to this trend of the rich getting ? richer, while the poor get poorer or barely hold their own. The rates of economic growth in Japan, Israel, and Puerto Rico, for ? example, are now much higher than the growth rates of more highly developed coun- ? tries. In contrast with most underdeveloped countries, moreover, their growth has been nothing short of spectacular. Today, Japan, Israel, and Puerto Rico are on the other side of the fence, sending their technicians and providing technical assistance to their less fortunate neighbors. Recognizing that Puerto Rico is no more a typical case than Japan or Israel, it is never- theless worthwhile, I believe, to understand something of its economic development his- tory in order to see more clearly some of the problems characteristic of underdeveloped countries and some of the solutions that have proved workable in Puerto Rico. In. 1898, when Puerto Rico was ceded by Spain to the United States, the island was indeed underdeveloped. Most people lived in poverty on small subsistence farms. Families were large and few children could be educated. Coffee was the only important export, and the total volume of oversea trade was small, indeed. The beginning of a modernized Puerto Rican economy was the development of sugar as a major export in- dustry. Growth of the sugar industry provided a necessary base for the more diversified eco- nomic development that was to come much later. The method of its development, how- ever, was most damaging to the people of Puerto Rico. The sugar industry, largely owned by U.S. interests, took out from Puerto Rico far more in profits than the amount it invested or reinvested. The depression of the 1930's hit Puerto Rico with great severity, Sugar and coffee prices tumbled to ruinous levels. Many cof- fee plantations, which had been severely damaged by hurricanes in 1928 and 1932, were not replanted. , Everywhere there was deep social and political unrest. Puerto Rico was on the brink of revolution. Federal relief programs, although substantial in size, were not sufficient to offset the collapse in the economy. When it did come in 1940, the revolution was a peaceful one. A newly formed political party, led by Luis Mufioz Marin, won a slim victory at the polls. Mufioz had cam- paigned, not on the traditional basis of Puerto Rico's political status, but on immedi- ate and pressing economic and social issues. He promised bread 'for the hungry; land for the landless peasant; and freedom from po- litical domination by the absentee sugar companies. His victory brought hope to a people that had for many years been mired in hoplessness. During the war years, Mufioz and his new Popular Party administration laid the groundwork for the economic and social de- velopment programs which were later to be put into high gear. They also had a revenue windfall of $160 million from countervailing excise taxes on rum, which sold in large quantities in the United States during the war. And although this was badly needed for public assistance and a score of urgent, immediate problems, the government made the decision to invest this revenue in a num- ber of public corporations intended to spear- head Puerto Rico's economic development. Included among these publicly owned cor- porations were utility companies in the fields of power, water supply, transportation, and communications. There were five others that had specific economic development ob- jectives?the Government Development Bank, the Industrial Development Co., the Land Authority, and the Agricultural Co. Today, there are 22 public corporations in operation. Most of the larger ones are self-financing and today their assets total well over a billion dollars. Their establishment early in the program and their continued record of sound and constructive management have been major factors in the success of the development program as a whole. To appreciate the strategy of the develop- ment program that was being planned and started in the 1940's, one needs to know some- thing about Puerto Rico and its resources. The island Is only about 100 miles long and 36 miles wide. We hays sunshine, beaches, and the sea, mountains, a tropical rain forest. Coffee and tobacco, and fruits and vege- tables are grown in the mountains; and we have a rapidly expanding livestock and poul- try industry, which produces about as much farm income as Sugarcane, our traditional crop. It began to be clear even in the 1940's that Puerto Rican economy could not depend pri- marily on agriculture. The entire surface of the island has less than an acre of land per person and only about a third of it is suit- able for crops of any kind. Even forestry is limited by the rugged terrain and by the great variety of trees and undergrowth typical of forests in the tropics. Prospecting for minerals started years ago and continues ac- tively, but none has yet proved exploitable. With limited land and no commercial re- sources of fuel or minerals, industrial devel- opment has had to be the key element in Puerto Rico's economic development program. But there were many people in the 1940's, in- cluding some of the experts, who believed that an industrial program was doomed to failure in a small agricultural country with such limited physical resources. In any case, it seemed quite clear that private investors would not initially undertake so rash a ven- ture unless the Government functioned as a very active catalyst. At first the Government constructed and operated five factories, but it soon became evident that it would be impossible for the Industrial Development Co. to create jobs for Puerto Rico's rapidly rising population by this method. Some way had to be found to enlist private capital on a large seale in the indus- trial program. A sound program of tax ex- emption, Which was legislated in 1948, has proved to be the key incentive necessary for the development of private industrial enter- prise in Puerto Rico. Puerto Rico's program of tax incentives and assistance to private industry rests on two basic elements in Puerto Rican-United States relations. In accordance with its as- sociation with the United States, Federal taxes (with minor exceptions) do not apply in Puerto Rico and there are no tariffs or other restrictions on the flow of trade and money between the two areas. since most Federal taxes, including the Federal corpo- rate income tax, do not apply in Puerto Rico, the Puerto Rican Government, by exempting corporation from its own taxes, is able to grant complete tax freedom. Under present legislation, it does so for manufacturing and hotel enterprises for a period which ranges from 10 years of tax exemption in the San Juan metropolitan area to 17 years in less- developed parts of the island. Free trade with the United States, the other key element in United States-Puerto Rican relations, meant that a manufacturing operation in postwar Puerto Rico was not limited to what was then a very small local market. A plant, efficient enough to com- pete with U.S. producers and also able to pay ocean frieght costs, was in a position to sell without any other restrictions in what was, and is, the world's largest common market. Our promotion efforts were at first slow in yielding results. By 1950 only about 80 new, privately operated plants had been promoted, and most of them were relatively small. By 1955, 300 new privately owned factories had been established. Today, 10 years later, there are more than a thousand new,\ pri- vately owned factories operating in Puerto Rico. Most of them are affiliates of U.S. manufacturing concerns. These factories produce over 300 different products. Apparel, textiles, electronics, ma- chinery and petrochemicals are among the largest and fastest growing of the new Puerto Rican industries. About three-quarters of their output is exported, mostly to the United States. Last year (1963-64), exports Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67600446R000300150018-4 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP671300446R000300150018-4- 8446 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? HOUSE April 28,1965 of the new industries totaled 6556 million, more than three times the value of our ship- ments of sugar and other agricultural prod- ucts. Manufacturing industries now employ 105,000 workers at an average wage of $1.16 an hour. Puerto Rico is no longer a one-crop agri- cultural economy, moreover. Agricultural production has continued to expand and di- versify. The value of livestock and poultry products, for example, is now about equal to sugar. But even with a growing total of agricultural production, manufacturing is today more than twice as important as agri- culture as a source of income and as a stim- ulus to the general economy. To develop manufacturing to the point it has already reached has taken considerably more than tax exemption, free trade, and promotion. The Puerto Rico Economic De- velopment Administration and our voca- eational education system have had to train thousands of workers and supervisors. Many manufacturers have needed and have received marketing, engineering and other forms of technical assistance, as well as lab- oratory and testing services. For nearly a decade, the Industrial Development Co. has maintained a stock of about 50 new factory buildings throughout the island ready for immediate occupancy. The company and the Government Development Bank stand ready to participate in almost any kind of financing arrangement that seems mutually beneficial to the prospective manufacturer and to the people of Puerto Rico. Tourism development VMS another logical target for Puerto Rico. The island's kind climate, its golden beaches, and its beauti- ful scenery provided the natural resources on which a major tourist industry could be built. Nevertheless, tourism, was a relatively slow starter. But in the past 7 years the growth of Puerto Rican tourism has been spectacular. We have about 7,000 hotel rooms, two-thirds of which have been built within this 7-year period. Primarily because of the swift expansion of manufacturing and tourism, the growth of the Puerto Rican economy as a whole has been among the most rapid anywhere in the world. Discounting price increases, the in- crease in real commonwealth gross product during the past 5 years was 68 percent, an average of 9.5 percent, compounded annually. The largest gains in real gross product or real national income recorded elsewhere by the United Nations were 9.13 percent for Is- rael between 1952 and 1960, and 9.6 percent for Japan between 1954 and 1960. It is, of course, a great flow of capital in- vestment that accounts for Puerto Rico's record, or near-record rate of economic ex- pansion. For 7 years, gross investment in fixed capital has been 20 percent or more of Commonwealth Gross Product. Last year it was 24.6 percent. Such a high rate of in- vestment is characteristic of highly-devel- oped countries like Holland, Sweden, Canada, and the United States but not of underde- veloped countries where capital is ordinarily very scarce. Recognizing the high productivity of new investment in our economy, Puerto Rico has not only welcomed but actively promoted the investment of outside capital. As a re- sult, about half of the funds invested in Puerto Rico have come from external sources, mainly the United States. There are three principal channels through which these funds flow in: First, direct investment, mainly in factories, hotels, and commercial establishments; second, the sale of bonds and other obligations of the Commonwealth and municipal governments and of the public corporations; and third, the purchase of Federal Housing Administration guaranteed mortgages by the Federal National Mortgage Association (called Fanny May) and other investors outside Puerto Rico. Direct investment of externally-owned funds in Puerto Rican factories already ex- ceeds half a billion dollars. Outstanding ob- ligations of the Commonwealth and munici- pal governments and of Puerto Rico's public corporations total nearly a billion. Nearly two-thirds of this is accounted for by the public Corporations, of which the Water Re- sources Authority is the largest. I have been speaking in economic abstrac- tions. Now let me translate this into human terms. In 1940, Puerto Rico's per capita in- come was $121. By 1960 it had inched up to $279. In 1964 it reached $832, almost triple the figure of 14 years earlier. Even allow- ing for price increases, this meant that real per capita income had more than doubled in the past 11 years. In 1950, per capita income in Puerto Rico Was barely 18 percent of the U.S. average, but by 1960, it had risen to 30 percent. So even in comparison with the United States, the gap has been closing rapidly. These per capita figures have, of course, deep human meaning. They mean that a man who was worried about being able to afford a pair of shoes 25 years ago, now worries about finding parking space for his Chevrolet; and that the woman who then wondered if she could feed her children, now is concerned with providing them with high school or college education. Let me cite some revealing indexes of this new, relative prosperity. In only six years, the people of Puerto Rico raised their per capita consumption of animal proteins from 54 percent of the United States average to 82 percent. In these same six years, the registration of motor vehicles increased two- fold, while the number of telephones has doubled in only 3 years. University enroll- ment is twice that of 9 years ago, and per capita expenditures for public health are now about the same in Puerto Rico as in the United States. One of the most drama- tic results is that a Puerto Rican baby at birth can now expect to live to 70 years. All these are impressive gains, but it is certainly logical to ask how much of Puerto Rico's experience has any relevance to the needs of other developing areas, and how much is peculiar to its own special condi- tions. Primary among these, of course, is the special economic-political relation with the United States. Let it be said from the outset that Puerto Rico's spectacular growth could never have been achieved without its special relation- ship to the United States. But it is equally true that this relationship did not automa- tically give Puerto Rico a passport to pros- perity. The fiscal and trade relations with the United States which exist today are almost precisely the same as those which existed from 1898 to 1940. Yet prior to 1910, the economic situation of Puerto Rico was desperate. The great change in productivity and per capita income has taken place only in recent years, and despite the fact that the economic intrinsics have not changed. "Why?" you may ask. And here let me say frankly that I will give you a personal opinion, rather than a scientific evaluation. I believe that the heart of Puerto Rico's spectacular growth lies in the very high quality and notable stability of its government; in its true, genuine concern for social as well as eco- nomic development, and in its constant con- sideration of the human element. Puerto Rico has been fortunate in having a stable, dedicated, democratic local govern- ment, whose chief executive and leading fig- ure was Governor Luis Munoz Marin until his retirement this year. It has been a gov- ernment characterized by unfaltering devo- tion to the public welfare, by noteworthy sentiment of honesty, and by the tireless participation of a number of men of unusual competence and imagination. Secondly, the Puerto Rican Government never lost sight of the fact that its economic development programs were for people, and that they had to be translated into social and economic benefits for people as rapidly as possible. The people, in turn, having confidence that the government was deeply responsive to their needs and hopes, were willing to make necessary sacrifices over many years while the development programs were getting slowly underway. It was es- sentially a political challenge and, in all de- veloping areas, one of the most critical and most difficult?to provide inspiration and hope of the type which unleashes a sustained, creative outpouring of energy, even when early, visible returns are meager. Providing this kind of inspiration was one of the out- standing accomplishments of Governor Mufioz and his government. Finally, both in government and in other fields, there has been an extraordinarily rapid accumulation of education, of expertise, and of skills. Barely 16 years ago, there were virtually no industrial skills or tradition in Puerto Rico, for example. Today, most of the highly sophisticated industrial plants have Puerto Rican managers, to say nothing of Puerto Rican engineers and technicians. A whole new generation of industrial and commercial entrepreneurs has sprung up with astonishing speed. This is only one facet of Puerto Rico's vast effort in education. In sum, the basic reason for Puerto Rico's rapid growth has been good government, a, genuine concern for people, and a passion for education. Stirred together, these have accounted for the explosion of energy which has allowed Puerto Rico to tackle successfully a job which many regarded as impossible. Indeed, It is fair to say that the economic benefits of Puerto Rico's special relation- ship with the United States have barely compensated for its dearth of raw materials. lack of local market, and its former lack of industrial tradition or capital. These special benefits merely gave Puerto Rico a fighting chance. Many other developing countries have, on balance, a fax more promising pattern of intrinsic circurdstances than Puerto Rico has, even today. In final analysis, which countries succeed and which ones flounder, usually reduces it- self to the human element. The great nat- ural riches of any country, in the absence of good government, are only a mockery. Yet basically poor countries can, with good gov- ernment, achieve remarkable feats, seemingly in defiance of the laws of economic gravity. Although perhaps the case of Puerto Rico is unusual, this, in my opinion, is the really important lesson of Puerto Rico's develop- ment. There are, of course, a number of specific Puerto Rican techniques and ex- periences which could be studied--and are studied?by other developing countries. I refer, for example, to Puerto Rico's highly effective promotional techniques for attract- ing maximum amounts of investments and tourists, and the mechanisms of the Eco- nomic Development Administration for translating these into income and jobs at an accelerated rate. But in essence, these techniques are meaningless unless there is honesty, dedication, and competence in gov- ernment, to provide overall planning and leadership. Alongside such prime require- ment, all else pales into insignificance. While the Puerto Rico experience merits the study of underdeveloped countries, in my belief, it also illustrates a very valuable les- son for developed countries. It is these countries which are asked, through various channels, to help finance the development of the poorer countries. For them to do so will- ingly and enthusiastically it is useful to be able to appeal to their self-interest, as well as to their conscience. For years the theory of development has been that, once an area was well on the way to higher income, it would become a suffi- ciently attractive market that the countries contributing to its development would profit Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67600446R000300150018-4 --Approved For Release 2003/10/14 : CIA-RDP67600446R000300150018-4 April 'f8, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -- HOUSE economically, as well as morally and polit- ically. Here Puerto Rico has become a telling example. In 1940, when its per capita income was only $121, Puerto Rico's outside purchases were negligible; it bought an insignificant $107 million a year from the United States. But in 1864, as a direct result of its growing prosperity, Puerto Rico purchased nearly one and a quarter billion dollars from the continental United States?an increase of more than 10 times. This level of purchases makes puerto Rico one of the most important U.S. markets in the world, moreover. Though it is difficult to believe, little Puerto Rico?with only 2,500,000 people?now is a more important market for U.S. products than 17 European nations combined. it buys more from the United States than all 44 countries of the African continent. It purchases more than all the east coast countries of South Amer- ica, including Brazil and Argentina, plus all the Caribbean Islands combined?a total of 14 countries, In the entire world, only Canada and Japah buy substantially more from the United States than Puerto Rico; Great Britain, and West Germany purchase slightly more. But on a per capita basis, Puerto Rico is far ahead of all these important markets, buying 8490 per capita per year of U.S. products. This has become an important factor in the economy of 47 States and there are now 150,000 jobs in the continental United States which are dependent on Puerto Rico's high level of purchases. In sum, a formerly poor area was an insignificant market. As a direct result of its rapid economic development, however, it has become one of the really imoprtant World markets, despite its small size and popultaion. This suggests that, if other underdeveloped conutries could also increase their per capita income, even at a much more modest rate, the growth in new and profita- ble markets for the developed nations could 'become almost staggering in scale. I would like to end on a frankly political note. In the Caribbean, historically, Cuba has been a rich island, happily endowed with great expanses of fertile fields, raw materials, and other natural blessings. Puerto Rico has been the poor cousin, whose heavy popu- lation pressure against scarce natural re- sourCes is one of the most unfavorable in the world. Yet in the 5 years since Castro has ruled rich Cuba, its per capita income has declined by 15 percent. During these same 5 years, Puerto Rico's per capita in- come has risen by more than 50 percent. can think of few statistics which are more sobering. And, for developing areas, I can think of none that are more meaningful. (Mr. PEPPER (at the request of Mr. ScnEuEs) was granted permission to ex- tend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and to include extraneous mat- ter.) [Mr. PEPPER'S remarks will appear hereafter in the Appendix.] (Mr. PEPPER. (at the request of Mr. SCHEUER) was granted permission to ex- tend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and to include extraneous mat- ter.) [Mr. PEPPER'S remarks will appear hereafter in the Appendix.] (Mr. HELSTOSKI (at the request of Mr. SCHEUER) was granted permission to extend his remarks at this point in the REcoai? and to include extraneous mat- ter.) [Mr. HELSTOSKI'S remarks will pear hereafter in the Appendix.] 8447 ap- preme court and county court judges. He sponsored legislation making possible Cross Bay Boulevard, beach protection, and the 7-mile long Rockaway boardwalk. He was elected to Congress in 1928. While a Congressman for four terms, he was a member of the Post Office Committee. He was responsible for legislation benefiting postal employees and was made an honorary member of the National Post Office Clerks Association. In 1933 he helped to obtain funds for many new buildings and improvements in Queens, including the Far Rockaway and Flushing Post Office. He was cosponsor of the Home Owners Loan Act which enabled more than 1,500 Queen.s homeowners, faced with foreclosure, to keep their homes. Mr. Brunner resigned from Congress in 1935 and was elected Queens Sheriff in 1936. Later that year he resigned to be elected president of the Board of Aldermen. The last president of New York City's His- toric Board of Aldermen, served until 1938 when the board was abolished and the pres- ent city council created. In 1941 he was named by the late Borough President George U. Harvey to serve as com- missioner of borough works. A real estate appraiser, realtor, and insur- ance broker with offices at 215 Beach 116th Street, Rockaway Park, Brunner kept busy with community affairs. He was instrumental in advancing the protection of the beach front through the erection of jetties, the building of the 7-mile boardwalk, and the extension of the city's transit system to the Rockaways. Mr. Brunner served as president of Rocka- way Beach Hospital for 14 years and as presi- dent of the institution for the past 5 years under its new name of Peninsula General Hospital. During his administration he spearheaded the campaign to build the new 200-bed, $5 million building which opened in June 1960, and the $500,000 nurses and interns residence and auditorium opened this year. He was presidential chairman of the board of the Rockaway Chamber of Commerce serving as president in 1940, 1941, 1962, and 1963, and as board chairman in 1964 and 1965. He was a past president of the Rockaway Rotary Club and the Rockaway Park Busi- nessmen's Association, and was a director of the Neponsit Property Owners Association. Mr. Brunner was past president of the Long Island Real Estate Appraisers; a mem- ber of the Long Island Real Estate Board, the New York State Real Estate Board, the National Real Estate Board, and the New York State Real Estate Appraisers, and was a director of the Lawrence-Cedarhurst Fed- eral Savings & Loan Association. He was also a director of the Queens Amer- ican Red Cross chapter, the Queens Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children, and the Queens Division of the United Hos- pital Fund. Mr. Brunner served as Queens chairman for the World War II bond drive, the Greater New York fund and the United Hospital fund. He was a life member of the Queensboro Elks Lodge and the Daniel M. O'Connell American Legion Post. He was also a mem- ber of the Rockaway Council of the Knights of Columbus, the Holy Name Society of St. Francis de Sales Catholic Church, the Hemp- stead Golf Club, and the Old Timers Basket- ball Association. The funeral is under the direction of the Dennis S. O'Connor Funeral Home, 9105 Beach Channel Drive, Rockaway Beach. THE LATE WILLIAM BRUNNER (Mr. ADDABBO (at the request of Mr. SCHEUER) was granted permission to ex- tend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and to include extraneous mat- ter.) Mr. ADDABBO. Mr. Speaker, Queens County, N.Y., has lost a distinguished citizen, a former Member of this body, the Honorable William F. Brunner. Mr. Brunner gave a lifetime of service to his community, State, and Nation. This man will be sorely missed, and I ex- tend my heartfelt sympathies to his loved ones. Following is the article outlining the life and service to, his fellow man of Mr. Brunner as it appeared in the Long Is- land Daily Press: WILL/AM BRUNNER FUNERAL TUESDAY Former Representative William F. Brunner, of Neponsit, is dead at 77. He died yesterday in Peninsula General Hospital, Edgemere. Mass will be offered Tuesday at 10 a.m. in St. Francis de Sales Catholic Church, Belle Harbor. Burial will follow in St. John's Cemetery, Middle Village. Mr. Brunner died yesterday at 1:45 p.m. in the hospital which he served as president of the board of trustees for the last 19 years. He relinquished the presidency earlier this month. Already a patient in the hospital, Mr. Brunner left his hospital bed to attend a dinner in his honor on April 12 when he announced his retirement as president. Ile was named president emeritus and was presented with a plaque. The plaque has been set up in the hos- pital's lobby. The next day, Mr. Brunner was back in his hospital bed. Mr. Brunner was born in Woodhaven, September 15, 1887, and moved with his par- ents to Rockaway Beach in 1908. Throughout his lifetime, his major inter- est was the Rockaways. He married the former Theresa Poggi in 1919, and they have a son, William Brunner, Jr., and four grandchildren. Mr. Brunner lived at 145 Bch. 145th Street. Mr. Brunner graduated from Public School 44, Rockaway Beach in 1902, and attended Far Rockaway High School until 1906. He then attended St. Leonard's Academy and graduated from Packard Commercial School. At the age of 13 he delivered bread and rolls at 4 a.m, before school, and then again after school for his parent's bakery. He managed and played with the New York Nationals, one of the outstanding profes- sional teams of the era. In 1912 the team, traveling between New York and ,Minneapolis, won 42 of 45 games. Three years later the team compiled a 45-to-1 record and played at the San Prancisc0 World's Fair. Before World War I, he engaged in gen- eral contracting, trucking, and the ice busi- ness under the name of Consolidated Ice & Trucking Corp. He served for 18 months in the Navy during World War I and saw duty abroad the flagship, U.S.S. Seattle. After his discharge he started a sightseeing bus route between Rockaway Park and Rock- away Point. While driving a bus, his friendS talked him Into, entering politics. Brunner was elected to the assembly as a Democrat for seven terms beginning in 1922. As an assemblyman he had legislation passed creating a new municipal court dis- trict for the Rockaways and Broad Channel. He cosponsored a bill creating a new city court judge for Queens and additional su- END OF THE ROAD WITH SOCIALIZED MEDICINE (Mr. HERLONG (at the request of Mr. SCHEUER) was granted permission to extend his remarks at this point in the Approved For Release 2003/10/14 : CIA-RDP67600446R000300150018-4 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP671300446R000300150018.4 8448 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? HOUSE April 2S, 1965 RECORD and to include extraneous matter.) Mr. HERLONG. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I offer here a letter received recently by a doctor in this country from Americans now living in Germany. I think this is another example of the end of the road with socialized medicine: MUNICH, GERMANY. DEAR DR. : I am sitting around the house recuperating from an appendec- tomy and naturally our conversation has been related to things medical and eventu- ally we got around to discussing you and medical practices in the States. Therefore, I thought I would take this opportunity, since I have the time, to bring you up to date on the adventures of clan in Germany. As you probably remember, almost 3 years ago, my wife transferred over here in a preg- nant condition. How, I understand, but why, I will never know. To say that she was emotionally distraught by the situation would be an understatement. She had vi- sions of torture chambers and SS doctors experimenting on her. She refused to even see a doctor for the first 7 months. I think we both sort of hoped that if 'we ignored her condition long enough it might possibly go away. We finally faced the facts and she collected names of several doctors from our English-speaking friends. The first one we tried had an office in an old building straight out of a Charles Adams cartoon. The doctor himself fit the part. He was shorter than my wife but when he met her he clicked his heels, bowed low, and kissed her hand. There was no physical examination. Just information as to what hospital and the revelation that she would probably not see him again until after the baby was born since a midwife at the hos- pital took care of all this nasty stuff. As you may well imagine, this just about did it. I was now searching for a competent psychiatrist as well as an 0.B. The Second doctor we tried was reCom- mended by a German friend. She was a "Frauen Arzt" who spoke limited English. She Was highly recommended as a surgeon and an O.B. Her office downtown was very modern even by stateside standards. She turned out to be quite a character. Her practice was most "privet" which means she had to be good since the Deutschers would never spend their own money for something they could get free from the so- cialized doctors. She made frequent trips to the States for research and is supposed to be quite famous for a plastic surgery operation on the uterus. She gave my wife an exami- nation and put her on calciurn pills. She also gave her the address of a gymnasium where She was supposed to take exercises to prepare her for a "natural childbirth." She promised that she Would be at the hospital even though the hospital had an around-the- clock midwife for such things. Claire decided to string along with her since the was the best we had found. That is, everything ex- cept the gymnasium. As it turned out, Claire never really con- vinced herself that she was going to have this baby in Deutschland. She was 3 weekS late when Dr. put her in the hospital to induce labor. It didn't work and several days later it started itself. / took her to the hospital and into the labor room. They are quite democrtic about things like that in a "privet" hospital. In fact I could have spent the afternoon watching the whole show if I so desired. Her labor was in bed with a pillow. When Claire asked Dr. when they were going to the delivery room she tinEwered that the baby would be delivered right where she was. "What, in a bed?" "Of course," Dr. answered, "where else would you expect a baby to be delivered?" When Claire told her that all previous babies had been de- livered on an operating table she answered, "How horrible." Of course this was no ordi- nary bed since the foot eventually broke away and there were fittings for stirrups. All did not go well, however, since Alex- ander "Der Gross" not only had knotted his cord but also had it wrapped around his neck. It was impossible to knock Claire out com- pletely since every bit of oxygen they could get was needed. He was quite blue when he was finally delivered but fortunately he sur- vived with no ill effects. Dr. explained that Claire had an emotional block that pre- vented her from delivering the baby on schedule. She said the sac was loaded with excess calcium. The hospital for a "privet" patient is run quite similar to a hotel. The door is kept closed and nurses come in only for the bare essentials. Visiting is unlimited day or night. No water is ever provided the patients since they are very down on drinking water over here. Claire could have all the beer and champagne she wanted, but no water. "Sekt macht Mulch." You ought to try that on your patients if you could run it by the AA. The price of this "privet" room was about $9 (United States) a day. In winter they have a Heizung charge of about 75 cents they add on to this. The use of the nursery and the delivery room was about the same or a little cheaper than the States. My Travelers insurance paid for everything except about $17 of the total bill. Dr. charged $200 for her fee. This you must realize is about top price here since most people use the government facilities. We have lived over here almost 3 years and I think I have seen enough to say a few competent words regarding socialized 'medi- cine. I feel that Germany is not only 50 years behind but I can't see how they can ever catch up under the present system. The first thing that strikes you is the great num- ber of amputees you see. At first I thought this was due to the war but it suddenly dawned on me one day that most of these people were young and born after the war. The cause of this, and German doctors I have spoken to about it have admitted the same, is that doctors do not have the time, for reasons I'll explain later. They can only go so far and then they amputate. They get so much money for each patient and they can- not let a single patient monopolite their time, They must see an average of 60 patients a day to make a living. About 95 percent of these amputations would be un- necessary by stateside standards. I know of a German family of eight who periodically go to the doctor with imaginary aches and pains because he will prescribe tea for them. They then get their tea free from the gov- ernment. If you multiply the million of tea drinkers by the number of people who clutter the doctor's office for aspirin, band-aids, eye- wash, cotton, etc., it is easy to see why a patient who really needs medical aid cannot get it. The doctor is the middleman in this governmental dispensary but he does not discourage it. He needs the 60 signed yellow slips each day to make a living. A patient entering a hospital has no doctor responsible for him but is subject to every doctor working in the hospital. A doctor treating a patient in the hospital may find that when he returns the next day, another doctor may have amputated on the patient he was treating. I heard one young doctor complaining that on a "privet" patient no one could do anything unless he had the permission of the doctor in charge of the patient. He said it prevented him from doing a lot of things he wanted to do. All I could do was to whisper, "Thank God." The Deutscher of today is still not a free- thinking individual. The stigma of the "police state" is still stamped somewhere In the back of his brain. He would rather be legal than right. He derives maximum security from the multitude of laws and stamped legal documents he must carry for ordinary living. The "Stempel" is his God. Because of this ingrained characteristic he feels that this grist mill they call medicine emanating from the "Bund" is the best they can expect. They accept it without com- plaint because they have been conditioned for it and chalk up the loss of an arm or a leg as "ungluck." My appendicitis began about 5 weeks ago In Berlin. After about 24 hours of a pain in my side I came back to Munich. Claire drove me to the emergency ward of the public hospital to get a blood count. I was taken to a small room by the intern and given two flat thermometers. I was in- structed to crawl up on a narrow table and take my temperatures. The intern then left the room. How these Deutschers can bal- ance on that narrow table and rectally take their own temperature while holding another thermometer in their armpit is an arcrobatic feat I will never master. I think I estab- lished medical history by having the same temperature at both ends. I now know that if you hold a thermometer under each armpit they will both read 37.5? C. and sur- prise the doctor. I finally got the blood count and it reg- istered 11,000. I didn't know if that was high or not hut they did want to operate right away. I stalled them and got in touch with Dr. ---- who recommended a surgeon. I entered the hospital on a Sunday evening. I met the doctor and talked to him for about 2 minutes. I was later given a stomach shave and an enema. The next morning I was given a sedative and wheeled to the operat- ing room. There was no physical examina- tion or past history interrogation. I could have been a born bleeder or subject to coronary attacks but the doctor would have never known it. The only information they had on me was my address and that I was a "privet" patient. I was told later that since they don't have the time to do these things with the government patients that most doc- tors have also eliminated it from their pri- vate patients. It will be 5 weeks tomorrow since the op- eration and I am still not back to work. I had actually gone to Berlin last Monday to resume flying but I was seized with pains every time I breathed, running from the scar up to the base of my right rib cage. I had to come back to Munich. I saw the doctor yesterday and he explained "auf Deutsch" that my "Blinddarm" was on the wrong side of my liver and they had quite a bit of trou- ble getting it out. He prescribed "spaziern and frische Luft." Well, enough of this ranting. I just thought that maybe you would be interested in our experience on this medical frontier. Claire said that she may possibly add some- thing so I will close. If you ever possibly tear yourself away and decide to aggravate the outflow of gold by taking a European vacation, we would love to have you stay with us. Give our best to everyone. Best regards, (Mr. FA,scrrx, (at the request of Mr. SCHEITER) was granted permission to ex- tend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and to include extraneous mat- ter.) [Mr. PASCELL'S remarks will appear hereafter in the Appendix.] (Mr. GONZALEZ (at the request of Mr. SCHEVER) was granted permission to extend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and to include extraneous mat- ter.) Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67600446R000300150018-4 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67600446R000300150018-4 April 28, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE means that the local contractor who had local people working for him would not be subject to the hazard that some contractor from another part of the country might un- derbid him on the basis that he could import cheap labor into that area and could under- bid the local contractor, and depress the local economy. In the 87th Congress I coauthored an ? amendment to the administration's Ur- ban Mass Transportation Act which ap- plied the Davis-Bacon principle to that program. The Senate Committee on Banking and Currency agreed to the amendment which then became Part of the Mass Transportation Act enacted in mid-1964. In 1964, the 88th Congress also accepted revision of the Davis-Bacon Act, which I also coauthored, to include the fringe benefits previously mentioned. The fact that the Congress has stead- ily extended and improved the original Davis-Bacon concept is gratifying. However, additional revision is needed. The legislation which I have offered would fill an acute gap in the present law. The Davis-Bacon concept should be extended to the maintenance contracts? such as those dealing with the replace- ment, modification, reconstruction, and demolition of a structure or project? which are made after the original con- struction has been completed. At this time, on military and other Federal in- stallations in my own State and through- Out America, we have the strange zigzag pattern where prevailing wages?and thus protection for local contractors and local workers?are honored during the construction phase but ignored when maintenance work?including replace - Ment, modification, reconstruction, or demolition?occurs. Whole crews of out- of-State workers are brought in to per- form such work below prevailing local wages while our local contractors and workers are literally standing outside the fence looking in. This condition is nei- ther logical nor consistent. It certainly is not fair. The Federal Government should riot condone unfair practices after construction while preventing them dur- ing construction. It should not, through Inaction, encourage substandard work- ing conditions. Interestingly enough, on State public works projects in California, alteration, demolition, or repair work, as well as construction, have been covered since the "little" Davis-Bacon Act, adopted by the California Legislature in 1937. The State act has worked success- fully and has, the support of contractors and workers in the areas involved. - Mr. President, revision of the Federal law is long overdue. I hope that the Congress rill choose to amend the Davis- Bacon Act along the lines suggested in S. 1797. Mr. President, I ask unanimous con- sent that the text of S. 1797 be printed at this point in the RECORD. There being no objection, the bill was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: s. 1797 A bill to amend the Davis Bacon Act to ex- tend its application to contracts for the maintenance of Federal installations Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That section 7 of the Act entitled "An Act relating to the rate of wages for laborers and mechanics em- ployed on public buildings of the trnited States and the District of Columlaia by con- tractors and subcontractors, and for other purposes", approved March 8, 1961, as amended (40 U.S.C. 2'76a-6), is amended to read as follows: "Szc. 7. A contract for maintenance work on a public building or public work, includ- ing the , replacement, modification, recon- struction, and demolition thereof, shall, for the purposes of this Act, be deemed to be a contract for the construction, alteration, and/or repair thereof." ADDITIONAL COSPONSORS OF BILLS AND RESOLUTION Mr. MILLER. Mr. President, the dis- tinguished junior Senator from Okla- homa [Mr. HARRIS] has asked to be listed as a cosponsor of S. 1675, creating a commission to be known as the Presiden- tial Commission on Simplification of the Income Tax Laws, a bill introduced by me. I ask unanimous consent that he may be included as a cosponsor and that his name be added at the next printing of the bill. The PRESIDING OrriCER. Without objection, it is so ordered. Mr. HARRIS subsequently said: Mr. President, in my opinion, nothing has greater influence and impact on our business lives and actions than the in- come tax laws. Therefore, those laws Should be so simple that all of us can know in advance the consequences of our acts and business dealings. It is impera- tive that the income tax laws and returns be simplified. Mr. HART. Mr. President, I ask un- animous consent that at the next print- ing of S. 1670, a bill to provide pollution control tax incentives, the name of the Senator from Indiana [Mr. HARTKE] be added as a cosponsor. The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered. Mr. HART. Mr. President, I ask un- animous consent that at the next print- ing of Senate Resolution 102, the name of the senior Senator from Alaska [Mr. 13ARTLETT] be added as a cosponsor. The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered. NOTICE OF HEARINGS ON REAP- PORTIONMENT OF STATE LEGIS- LATURES Mr. BAYH. Mr. President, as chair- man of the Senate Judiciary Subcommit- tee on Constitutional Amendments, I wish to announce further hearings on the matter of reapportionment of State legislatures. These hearings will be held on May 5, 6, and 7, 1965, in room 1318 of the New Senate Office Building begin- ning at 10 a.m. RESUMPTION OF PUBLIC HEARINGS ON S. 1599, AND RELATED BILLS, TO ESTABLISH_ A DEPARTMENT OF HOUSING AND URBAN DEVEL- OPMENT Mr. RIBICOFF. Mr. President, I wish to announce that the Subcommittee on Executive Reorganization of the Senate Committee on Government Operations will resume public hearings on S. 1599, and related bills, to establish a Depart- ment of Housing and Urban Develop- ment, on May 19 and 20, 1965, at 10 a.m. In room 3302, New Senate Office Build- ing. Individuals and groups interested in testifying should contact Mr. Jerome Sonosky in room 162, Old Senate Office Building, extension 2308. NOTICE OF RECEIPT OF NOMINA- TIONS BY COMMITTEE ON FOR- EIGN RELATIONS Mr. FULBRIGHT. Mr. President, as chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations, I desire to announce that today the Senate received the nomina- tions of Charles W. Adair, of Virginia, to be Ambassador to Panama; William R. Tyler, of the District of Columbia, to be Ambassador to the Kingdom of the Netherlands; Nathaniel Davis, of New Jersey, to be Minister to Bulgaria; Henry J. Tasca, of the District of Columbia, to be Ambassador to Morocco; and Henry A. Hoyt, of Pennsylvania, to be Ambas- sador to Uruguay. In accordance with the committee rule, these pending nominations may not be considered prior to the expiration of 6 days of their receipt in the Senate. NOTICE OF HEARING ON NOMINA- TION OF FRED MOORE VINSON, JR., TO BE AN ASSISTANT ATTOR- NEY GENERAL Mr. EASTLAND. Mr. President, on behalf of the Committee on the Judici- ary, I desire to give notice that a public hearing has been scheduled for Wednes- day, May 5, 1965, at 10:30 a.m., in room 2228, New Senate Office Building, on the following nomination: Fred Moore Vin- son, Jr., of Maryland, to be an Assistant Attorney General. At the indicated time and place per- sons interested in the hearing may make such representations as may be pertinent. The subcommittee consists of the Sen- ator from Mississippi [Mr. EASTLAND], chairman; the Senator from Maryland [Mr. TYDINGS], and the Senator from Nebraska [Mr. HausicAl. - NOTICE OF HEARING ON NOMINA- TION OF EDWIN L. WEISL, JR., TO BE AN ASSISTANT ATTORNEY GENERAL Mr. EASTLAND. Mr. President, on behalf of the Committee on the Judici- ary, I desire to give notice that a public hearing has been scheduled for Wednes- day, May 5, 1965, at 10:30 a.m., in room 2228, New Senate Office Building, on the following nomination: Edwin L. Weisl, Jr., of New York, to be an Assistant At- torney General. At the indicated time and place per- sons interested in the hearing may make such representations as may be pertinent. The subcommittee consists of the Sen- ator from Mississippi [Mr. EASTLAND], chairman; the Senator from Arkansas Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP671300446R000300150018-4 .7,1k 846 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67600446R000300150018-4 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE April 28 [Mr. MCCLELLAN], and the Senator from New York [Mr. JAvrrs]. NOTICE OF HEARING ON NOMINA- TION OP DON J. YOUNG, TO BE U.S. DISTRICT JUDGE FOR THE NORTHERN DISTRICT OF OHIO Mr. EASTLAND. Mr. President, on behalf of the Committee on the Judici- ary, I desire to give notice that a public hearing has been scheduled for Wednes- day, May 5, 1965, at 10:30 am., in room 2228, New Senate Office Building, on the following nomination: Don J. Young, of Ohio, to be U.S. district judge for the northern district of Ohio, vice Frank L. Kloeb, retired. At the indicated time and place per- sons interested in the hearing may make such representations as may be perti- nent. The subcommittee consists of the Sen- ator from Mississippi [Mr. EASTLAND], chairman; the Senator from Arkansas [Mr. MaCteLeAre], and the Senator from Nebraska [Mr. HausxA]. NOTICE CONCERNING NOMINA- TIONS BEFORE THE COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY Mr. EASTLAND. Mr. President, the following nominations have been referred to and are now pending before the Com- mittee on the Judiciary: Ernest W. Rivers, of Kentucky, to be U.S. attorney for the western district of Kentucky for the term of 4 years, vice William E. Scent, resigned. Joseph P. Hoey, of New York, to be U.S. attorney for the eastern district of New York for the term of 4 years. He is now serving in this office under an ap- pointment which expired April 13, 1965. Raymond J. Pettine, of Rhode Island, to be U.S. attorney for the District of Rhode Island for the term of 4 years. He is now serving in this office under an ap- pointment which expired April 13, 1965. Olin N. Bell, of Missouri, to be U.S. marshal for the eastern district of Mis- souri for the term of 4 years. He is now serving in this office under an appoint- ment which expired-April 13, 1965. George A. Bayer, of Alaska, to be U.S. marshal for the district of Alaska for the term of 4 years. He is now serving in this office under an appointment which ex- pired April 13, 1965. Francis M. Wilson, of Missouri, to be U.S. marshal for the western district of Missouri for the term of 4 years. He is now serving in this office under an ap- pointment which expired April 13, 1965. E. Herman Burrows, of North Carolina, to be U.S. marshal for the middle district of North Carolina for the term of 4 years. He is new serving in this office under an appointment which expired April 17, 1965. Paul D. Sossamon, of North Carolina, to be U.S. marshal for the western dis- trict of North Carolina for the term of 4 years. He is now serving in this office under an appointment which expired April 17, 1965. John Terrill, of Wyoming to be U.S. marshal for the district of Wyoming for the term of 4 years. He is now serving in this office under an appointment which expired April 13, 1965. F. Russell Militia, of Missouri, to be U.S. attorney for the western district of Missouri for the term of 4 years. He is now serving in this office under an ap- pointment which expired March 28, 1965. On behalf of the Committee on the Judiciary, notice is hereby given to all persons interested in these nominations to file with the committee, in writing, on or before Wednesday, May 5, 1965, any representations or objections they may wish to present concerning the above nominations, with a further statement whether it is their intention to appear at any hearings wIdch may be scheduled. MESSAGE FROM THE HOUSE A message from the House of Repre- sentatives, by Mr. Hackney, one of its reading clerks, announced that the House had disagreed to the amendments of the Senate to the bill (H.R. 7091) making supplemental appropriations for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1965, and for other purposes; agreed to the conference asked by the Senate on the disagreeing votes of the two Houses thereon, and that Mr. MAHON, Mr. THOMAS, Mr. KIRWAN, Mr. WHITTEN, Mr. ROONEY of New York, Mr. FOGARTY, Mr. DENTON, Mr. Bow, Mr. JONAS, Mr. LAIRD, and Mr. MICHEL were appointed managers on the part of the House at the conference. The message also announced that the House insisted upon its amendment to the joint resolution (S.J. Res. 1) pro- posing an amendment to the Constitu- tion of the United States relating to suc- cession to the Presidency and Vice Presi- dency and to cases where the President is unable to discharge the powers and duties of his office, disagreed to by the Senate; agreed to the conference asked by the Senate on the disagreeing votes of the two Houses thereon, and that Mr. CELLER, Mr. ROGERS of Colorado, Mr. COWMAN, Mr. Meet].',wee, and Mr. POET were appointed managers on the part of the House at the conference. ADDRESSES, EDITORIALS, ARTI- CLES, ETC., PRINTED IN THE APPENDIX On request, and by unanimous consent, addresses, editorials, articles, etc., were ordered to be printed in the Appendix, as follows: By Mr. SCOTT: Address on the future of Pennsylvania's urban communities, delivered by. Gov. Wil- liam W. Scranton before the general assembly, at Harrisburg, Pa., on April 20, 1965. By Mr. FULBRIGHT: Article on urban renewal success of Ray- mond Rebsamen, of Little Rock, Ark., pub- lished in the Arkansas Gazette, of April 25, 1965. By Mr. CHURCH: Prize-winning essay entitled "How the Handicapped Are Overcoming Barriers to Em- ployment in My Community," written by Miss Marybeth Meffert, of Boise, Idaho. Editorial tribute to State Representative T. P. Terrell, of Pocatello, Idaho, published in the Idaho State Journal of April 11, 1965. JOE THORNE AND THE WAR Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. President? The PRESIDING GierICER. The Senator from South Dakota is recog- nized. Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that I may be permitted to proceed for 5 minutes be- yond the regular 3-minute limitation. The PRESIDING OFFICER. With- out objection, the Senator from South Dakota is recognized for 8 minutes. Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. President, on Easter Sunday, one of South Dakota's most outstanding young men, 1st Lt. Josef L. Thorne, of Brookings, was killed when the helicopter he was piloting was shot down in Vietnam. Joe Thorne, one of the alltime great football stars in South Dakota's history, was known and respected across our State. He was a hero to thousands of South Dakota schoolboys. His death brings the war in Vietnam closer to the heart of every South Dakota citizen. The son of Mr. and Mrs. M. L. Thorne, of Brookings, Joe was married to the former Diane Hover, daughter of Dr. and Mrs. Glen Hover, of Clear Lake, S. Dak. His wife and his 3-year-old son, Travis, have been residing in Clear Lake during his absence. Three brothers, Roy, of Sioux Falls, Tim and Tracy, both at home, and two sisters, Mrs. Dennis Weiland, of New Orleans, and Julie, at home, also survive him. Mr. President, Joe Thorne was an un- usual man. He was described by his coach at South Dakota State University, Ralph Ginn, as "one of the greatest young men I have ever worked with. His football record speaks for itself, but as a man, he was first team all the way." Coach Ginn continued: He made a terrific impact on our football. I have never known of a player in our con- ference that opponents respected More than they did Joe ThOrne. We never had a foot- ball player at South Dakota State that com- manded as great respect of his teammates and coaches as Joe To illustrate Theme's humility, Coach Ginn told how he would frequently pass up sitting with stars on the football team bus to join some third or fourth stringer who barely got to make the trip. Mr. President, one of the saddest aspects of Joe Theme's death is that those closest to him feel that it was a needless sacrifice. His father and mother told me in broken tones over the telephone that they hoped I would do everything in my power as a Member of the Senate to end this "foolish war in Vietnam." These grieving parents ex- pressed the hope that their son's death would dramatize the futility of trying to Impose a solution by arms in an area of political chaos and economic misery. Said Mr. Thorne: It is too late to save Joe, but do everything you can to get those other boys out of there before it is too late. Let's work out a settle- ment of this war, save our own boys, and stop shooting up that little country. In a letter which Mr. Thorne sent me following his son's death he referred to photos and movies which his son sent Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67600446R000300150018-4 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67600446R000300150018-4 April 2$, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE home that "depict much of the life of the Vietnamese and the need they have for almost anything other than arms and military." Then he wrote: SWOT, GEORGE, I will do everything within my power to assist you, in bringing to the minds of our people the real need in Viet- nam. Joe's lovely widow, Diane, also told me in a, telephone conversation that the only consolation she could draw from his death is the hope that it might somehow hasten a settlement of the war. Lieutenant Thorne's father sent me a copy of a letter from his son dated Feb- ruary 19, with permission to quote Por- tions of it into the CONGRESSIONAL REC- ORD. The letter reads as follows: Today the Vietnamese are having another coup (anyway a shakeup in the govern- ment). The Army and Air Force (Vietna- mese) are fighting among themselves. I still don't know what's going on. I'm doing fine and don't worry about a big war breaking out over this thing here in Vietnam. To be honest the cause is lost. We can't possibly win (at least as long as the Vietnamese do things the way they do). Don't get me wrong, when I say we can't win, doesn't mean?the United States is getting beat. Lately we have lost some people In hotel bombings, etc., but if the Vietnamese people could be depended on, it wouldn't happen. I don't think the Vietnamese peo- ple care one way or another. They are the ones who are getting beat, not us. You can't win when you can't drive over any road in the whole country. The people can but the soldiers can't. We could come over here and clean this up, but it wouldn't do any good, cause the sante thing would happen when we pulled out. Mr. President I believe that there is no American vital interest in the outcome of the Vietnamese turmoil which justifies the death of men like Joe Thorne. There are predictions in the Washington press, more specifically in a recent column by the noted Columnists Rowland Evans and Robert Novak, that our Government is preparing to send upwards of 100,000 American 'boys to Vietnam. Does this mean that we are prepared to sacrifice a hundred thousand Joe Thornes in this highly questionable ventaire in the south- east Asia jungle? If we take that course we will have ignored the warnings of such respected generals as Dwight Eisenhower and Douglas MacArthur, who have both said that it would be disastrous for America to get sucked into another major land war on the Asian mainland. I believe that President Johnson is try- ing to avoid that course. I applaud his repeated offers to enter into negotiations. I only hope that he will marshal all of his great skill and wisdom to seek out every possible way of reaching a peaceful settlement of this war before it claims many more Joe Thornes. It is, encouraging that the President has named Averell Harriman to repre- sent our country in the proposed con- ference to Insure the neutrality of Cam- bodia. That conference could open a window to discussions of' the Vietnamese war. Mr. Harriman was a key figure in No. negotiating a settlement-in Laos in 1962. He has the experience and the wisdom needed to undertake additional steps to- ward peace in southeast Asia. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that news accounts of Lieutenant Thorne's death, published in the Brook- ings Register of April 21; a feature ar- ticle published in the Sioux Falls Argus- Leader of April 23; and a stirring report on April 20 by KELO?TV sportscaster, Jim Burt, be printed at this point in the RECORD. Mr. President, I also ask unanimous consent that two thoughtful editorials, one entitled "Time To Review Our Viet- nam Policy," signed by Mr. Fred C. Christopherson and published in the Sioux Falls Argus-Leader of April 25, and the other, entitled "Sincere Dis- senter," published in the Watertown Public Opinion of April 19, be printed at this point in the RECORD. There being no objection, the articles, report, and editorials were ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: [From the Brookings (S. Dak.) Register, Apr. 21, 1965] HELICOPTER SHOT DOWN: LT. JOE THORNE VIETNAM CASUALTY First Lt. Josef L. "Joe" Thorne, 24, son of Mr. and Mrs, M. L. Thorne, of 2028 Elmwood Drive, Brookings, and one of the alltime great football stars at South Dakota State University, was killed Easter Sunday when his helicopter was shot down in Vietnam, his parents were notified by the Department of the Army. Lieutenant Thorne, a 1963 graduate of State, was assigned to the 145th Aviation Airlift Platoon with the American advisory forces in South Vietnain. According to the initial telegram received Monday morning by the Thornes, he was air- craft commander of a UH-1B helicopter which was on a combat assault mission Sun- day night when his aircraft was hit by hostile small arms ground fire. The craft crashed and exploded on impact. A second telegram, received Tuesday, veri- fied that Lieutenant Thorne had been Identi- fied as one of the casualties. Mr. Thorne said the body of his son will be brought to Brookings for burial. How- ever, no arrangements had been made at press time today, awaiting further informa- tion from the Department of the Army. A native of International Falls, Minn., where he was born November 17, 1940, Lieu- tanent Thorne had spent most of his boyhood days at Gettysburg, S. Dak. The family moved to Beresford when he was a junior in high school and he graduated from that school in 1958. He enrolled in the fall of 1958 at South Dakota State University in Brookings, where he starred on the Jack- rabbit football teams of 1959, 1960, and 1961, and spent another year at State, "receiving a degree in civil engineering in August of 1963. It was also in August 1963 that he was commissioned a second lieutenant in the Army Reserve Officers Training Corps at State. Assigned to active duty status on Eeptember 18, 1963, he attended school at Fort Sill, Okla., then took flight training at Fort Wolters, Tex. and later at Fort Rucker, Ala. He was assigned to Vietnam the first part of November last year for a 12-month tour of duty, and was nearing the halfway mark in his oversea tour at the time of his death. Lieutenant Thorne was married to the former Diane Hover, daughter of Hr. and Mrs. Glen Hover, of Clear Lake, and was the father 8467 'of a 3-year-old son, Travis. Mrs. Thorne and their young son had been making their home in Clear Lake while he was in Vietnam, and she was enrolled as a student at State. In addition to his wife and son, Lieutenant Thorne is survived by his parents; three brothers, Roy, of Sioux Falls, Tim and Tracy. both at home; and two sisters, Mrs. Dennis Weiland, of New Orleans, La.., and Julie, at home. [From the Brookings (S. Dak.) Register, ' Apr. 21, 19651 THORNE ONE OF ALLTIME GRID GREATS Al' STATE A name that will not soon be forgotten in the annals of South Dakota State grid greats, Joe Thorne appears destined to go down in history as one of the finest athletes to ever wear the blue and gold of the football jack- rabbits. A two-time all-North Central Conference selection, Thorne was killed Sunday night when his assault helicopter was shot down by hostile gunfire over Vietnam. Thorne, named by the Associated Press as a second team Little All-American selection in 1961, holds three school records. It was in that same year that he scored 50 points in NCC play and tied with Dan Boals, of State College of Iowa, for "most valuable back" honors in the conference. Said Ralph Ginn, head football coach at State upon learning of the death of Thorne, "This certainly brings the war close to home when we lose a young man such as Joe. His loss is a terrific loss to our society." Ginn often referred to his 191-pound back as "the best fullback I've ever had." His blocking ability and his prowess on defense earned him the respect of his coach as much as his running talents did. Thorne's 3 school records, all set in 1961, include most times carried in 1 game, 30 against SOI; most carries in 1 season, 171, and most net yards in 1 game, 200 against Morningside. But it wasn't on the grid turf alone that Thorne stood out. Said Ginn, "As far as the boy is concerned, he was one of the greatest young men I've ever worked with. His foot- ball record speaks for itself, but as a man he was first team all the way." Ginn continued, "In your years of coaching you work with a lot of boys. It seems like some become a part of you. That's the way It was with Joe." "He made a terrific impact on our football. I've never known of a player in our confer- ence that opponents respected more than tphlaecye. did Joe Thorne. It was the same every Ginn commented that it was too bad op- ponents didn't have the opportunity to know him other than in football. "We've never had a football player at South Dakota State that commanded as great respect of his teammates and coaches as Joe did." Coach Ginn labeled Thorne "a great captain." He was cocaptain with Mike Sterner of the 1961 team when the Jackrabbits shared the league title with State College of Iowa. Thorne was named "most valuable" mem- ber of the Jackrabbit football team, both in 1960 and 1961, by the Brookings Rotary Club and the Collegian, campus newspaper at State. In 8 years (1959-61) as a member of Jackrabbit football teams, he gained a total of 2,156 net yards rushing in 426 carries, for a healthy ,5-yard-per-carry average. He scored 140 points during his 3-year career, including 12 touchdowns and 2 points after touchdown-74 points?in 1961; 7 touch- downs and 3 points after touchdown for 48 points in 1960; and 3 touchdowns for 18 points in 1959. Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP671300446R000300150018-4 Approved For Release 2003/10/14 : CIA-RDP67600446R000300150018-4 8468 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE April 28, 1965 'From the Sioux Fans (S. Dak.) Argus- Leader, Apr. 25, 1965] LETTERS AND GIFTS ARRIVE AFTER WORD OF THORNE'S Dzerx (By Bob Renshaw) CLEAR LAKE, S. DAK.?TOO young to Com- prehend that his daddy will not be coming home, 3-year-old Travis Thorne played with candy eggs the Easter bunny brought to the home of his grandparents, Dr. and Mrs. G. P. Hover. He has been living here with his mother while his father, Lt. Joe-Thorne has been oversee. In the last letter to his wife Thorne, who was one of the allthne great football stars at South Dakota State Uni- versity, told of plans to attend an Easter service -on the beach in Vietnam where he WEIS serving as a helicopter pilot. That letter, along with two others, arrived after she had been notified that her husband had been killed when his helicopter was shot down Easter Sunday night. Easter gifts? a Vietnamese robe for his wife and suit for his son?as well as gifts for his younger brother in Brookings and for a neighbor girl with whom Travis plays have also come since his death. REQUESTS DUTY When he first arrived in Vietnam, accord- ing to Mrs. Thorne, he flew VIP's and mail for a couple of weeks and then started flying troops into battle. He requested duty as pilot of an armed ship. His wife said he ex- plained that he would be flying in the same combat areas and it would be no more dan- gerous flying an armed helicopter than an unarmed troop carrier. Mrs. Thorne said he had told her father that he wasn't afraid of dying, but that he hated to leave Diane and Travis for so long. Some of his loneliness for his family was ex- pressed in his last letter when he said, "* ? * You know, Diane, all the things I've done over here. Well, all I have to do now is re- peat everything and it will be time to come back. Hope God stays with us and sees fit for me to return. No sense worrying about It.,, SENSES TENSION His last letter was written at the forward base of Nah Trang on the back of his orders because he had left his stationery at the home base in Phan Thiet. Mrs. Thorne said that in his letters starting with March 30 she seemed to detect a feeling of growing tension. April 6 for the first time he told of enemy fire coming close, with tracer bullets striking within a half mile of the hotel where he was staying. Lack of good housing had never been a problem because troops are billeted in old resort hotels built by the French dur- ing the time they were in Vietnam. Mrs. Thorne said his letters told how sorry he felt POT the children in Vietnam, how they would gather around in swarms when the helicopter landed and how they loved to have their pictures taken. Funeral services for Lieutenant Thorne will be held at South Dakota State University, Brookings, when the body has been returned. Mrs. Thorne requested that all memorials be sent to the Joe Thorne Memorial Fund, South Dakota State University. It will be used to establish an athletic scholarship at the university. She said her husband didn't care for a lot of publicity. "Joe really didn't like big splashes. He would be saying 'no' to all this," she continued. "He was very sincere about everything and hated a big show. He wanted people to like him for what he was." ECHOES SENTIMENTS Ralph Ginn, who coached Thorne at South Dakota State University, echoed Mrs. Thorne's sentiments. "Joe wanted to be good and was willing to pay for it. But he got a real thrill from achieving and not from the glory that went with it," said Ginn. To illustrate Thorne's humility, Ginn told how he would pass up sitting with stars on the bus to join some third or fourth stringer who barely got to make the trip. "He was very appreciative of what coaches and oth- ers did for him," said Ginn. "I never heard him criticize a teammate and he never ali- bied to me. I never had a player who held so much respect of teammates, coaches and opponents." Jim BURT'S SPORTS SCOREBOARD, APRIL 20, 1965 BURT. The war in Vietnam came closer to home today. Especially to those who knew Joe Thorne. The former South Dakota State football star's body was recovered today after the helicopter he was piloting was shot down yesterday. When such a tragedy occurs, it gives cause for reviving exploits of an in- dividual?and with Joe Thorne, this is not difficult. (Pix.) Prx No. 1. We can easily recall watching and describing Thorne's explosive running? his devastating blocking. He was one of the most brilliant grid performers we have seen. Thorne's name still is attached to three South Dakota State school football records. Most times carried in one gaine-30?most times carried in one season-174 and most net yards gained in one game, 200. Bram He was cocaptain of the Jackrabbit football team in 1961. All North Central Conference fullback in 1960 and 1961. He tied with Dan Boa's of SCI in 1961 for Most Valuable Back Award. He won the Collegian's Most Valuable Player Award both in 1980 and 1961. In 1961 he was second in the North Central Conference scoring with 50 points. In his 3-year varsity career he carried 426 times?gained 2,178 yards, lost only 22, for a net of 2,156. In his senior year his average per carry was 5.5 yards. He scored 22 touch- downs, ran for 4 extra points, for a scoring total of 140 points. He was named second team fullback on the 1961 AP Little All- American team. Thorne was dratted by the Green Bay Packers but never played pro ball. His football record is there to be admired? and challenged. But, Joe Thorne as an in- dividual went deeper than that. As Head Football Coach Ralph Ginn said "As a man he was first team all the way." (Pix.) Pim No. 2 (super name). Bum Those comments are typical of those who were closely associated with the former star athlete. Joe's wife Diane lives at Clear Lake with her parents and 3-year-old son Travis. She said, "Joe loved what he was doing. He was fighting for a cause and never once did he complain or regret what he was doing. I'm sure Joe had no regrets, he could never sit on the sidelines." Coach Ginn said he has never known a player in the North Central Conference which commanded more respect from opponents. Joe probably flew his copter like he played football. An in- tense, determined, bulldozing runner who saw no barriers. Joe Thorne joins a list of valiant Americans who have fought?and died?heroically for their country. Joe Thorne?the athlete?and the man?will long be remembered. [From the Sioux Falls (S. Dak.) Argus- Leader, Apr. 26,1965] CHRISTOPHERSON'S NOTEBOOK: TIME TO RE- lam OUR VIETNAM POLICY The expanding military activity in Viet- nam is disconcerting, and more and more people are beginning to wonder just how and where it will end. About the developments in Vietnam today is a scene of frustration and Uncertainty comparable to that which prevailed while the Korean struggle was underway several years ago. In respect to Korea, there was confusion about our objectives and our methods. The same attitude exists now. The conflict in Korea was terminated, hap- pily, before it broadened into a major war. Many like to believe that the Vietnam epi- sode will end similarly. But there's doubt, plus bewilderment, accentuated by the reali- zation the problem seems to become more perplexing week after week. KEEN PUBLIC INTEREST This deep concern about Vietnam was very likely the reason why an overflow crowd assembled at luncheon in Nettleton Manor Thursday to hear Senator GEORGE McGovssue, of South Dakota, discuss the matter. The luncheon was first scheduled to be a small one with members of the Public Affairs Com- mittee and the directors of the Chamber of Commerce. But so many were eager to be present that the public generally was in- vited. Perhaps the interest was intensified by the fact that McGovenie previously had inch- " cated a difference with the administration on Vietnam policy, suggesting that we should explore the possibilities of negotiat- ing a settlement. In his Thursday speech here, he explained why he considered negotiation both desir- able and feasible. And, judging from the reception he received and the close attention paid to his remarks, there were many in the audience who shared his opinion. THE ALTERNATIVES The question about alternatives naturally arises. If we don't negotiate, what do we do? One answer is to say we should either go into Vietnam with great enough strength to smash the opposition. Another is that we should withdraw. Flaws can be found, however, with both of these suggestions. If we go into the conflict with a full de- termination to smash the opposition, we in- vite sharp retaliation from both Red China and Russia. And that means moving right to the brink of major war and perhaps over It. We faced the same problem in Korea and our leaders wisely refrained from taking that gamble. The other prospect?that of withdrawal? is also inadequate. If we do so, it may be maintained through the Asiatic southeast that we are, as the Red Chinese insist, just "a paper tiger." Withdrawal would be her- alded widely as an American defeat and a Red Chinese triumph and it could be charged that we had deserted those who had de- pended on us. WE DO HAVE STRENGTH Between the two alternatives?an all-out smash or withdrawal?is the possibility of negotiation. There are those who say that this isn't the time for a discussion of that and we should wait until we are ready to negotiate from strength. This means, of course, after we have beaten North Vietnam into a state of at least partial submission. One may be sure, though, that the Red Chinese also may be reluctant to allow us to acquire this so-called position of strength. There will be growing resistance. But what seems to be overlooked by many is that we are right now, as Senator McGov- ERN pointed out Thursday, in a position to negotiate from strength. We have the power in the Pacific and Asiatic waters to smash Red China to bits. The Red Chinese know this. And when you have that kind of strength behind you, you aren't negotiating from a position of weakness. We could approach the confer- ence table with some mighty powerful cards on our side and those negotiating with us would be well aware of this. Approved For Release 2003/10/14 : CIA-RDP67600446R000300150018-4 . Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67600446R000300150018-4 April 28, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE WEIAT WE DID IN KOREA Every major step taken in this extraor- dinary day and age involves, of course, calculated risk. That Was the case when President Eisen- hower aided in the negotiation of the set- tlement In Korea, But the fighting was stopped and our prestige was unharmed. It is entirely possible that the same step can be taken in respect to Vietnam. With proper negotiation, very likely something can be clone, to maintain a degree of prestige on both Just what can, be done in respect to the self-government of, Vietnam is, I grant, a disturbing problem. The government has changed freely there even under our super- vision and may shift just as readily in the future. orEN rErNDs NEEDED What may be said in general is that the whole situation is so confusing that it is well that our minds be kept open. Negotia- tion-rnay or may not be the answer but Bluely we should explore its possibilities in complete detail. We are heading directly, as someone said ..the other_day, along a collision course with Red China. bet's utilize the power of our strength to try to make a change before it is too late. F. C. CEIRISTOPHEASON. [From the Watertown (S. Dak.) Public Opinion, Apr. 19, 1965j ? , ,ST-IcQPREDXSRVPITEal , There are many degrees of political cour- age but South Dakota Senator _OsoSeE MC- 'GOVERN is exhibiting one of the greatest? espousal of the unpopular side of a great netional issue, even as his political peers try to shut him up. The issue: Should the United States be- econe increasingly involved in South Viet- nam as the dangers of an escalated war loom greater? McGovEaN's stand: No. , lie stands fast on this line and hasn't been ehary about saying so, even when such per- sonal friends and influential big names as Hussar FlurEENREY and McGeorge Bundy have urged him to keep silent on behalf of na- tional unity. McGovEaN keeps right on op- posing the U.S. role in Vietnam and doing so out where JCItS of people see and hear him. Chicken"? Appeaser malcontent? By no means. ,McGovEEN points out that he is neither a. pacifist nor an isolationist but simply, ,"I don't belieVe military aid can be used effectively in southeast Asia. The prob- lems there are ones of internal,political revo- lution." In other words, in the McGovern book, America is charging along a jungle path in Vietnam that 18 pot only militarily futile but very costly and extremely dangerous. He recently told Bucknell University Students, "It seems clear that we are now on a spiral of bloWS and counterblows Which could lead to a major war under the worst possible con- ditions for the United. States." He, has recalled his food-for-peace days and reflected: "The extensive traveling I did in Asia and Latin America convinced, me that the basic problems in these areas are ones of huhger, illiteracy, and bad government. These are the problems we should attack. In South Vietnam, we inherited the hostility and Mess pat came from 59 years of French Misrule and. exploitation." MoGovEEN obviously is under no illusions as to the political hazard of his own position. For the junior Senator from a prairie State to so aiplaillantiy oppose a major policy and com- mitment pf his own party and administra- tion, and to do it repeatedly while spurning big brother atteMpts_ to shush him, takes a ? brand of 'nerve One doesn't yery often' these days, particularly not in politics. And to compound it, McGovEEN displayed some- thing of the same independent attitude when he openly expressed his disappointment over some facets of the admiuistration's Pew farm program * * "-* and vowed to -work to cor- rect them. MCGOVERN'S views have not prevailed and it is unlikely that they will. But whether they do or not, the man who endorses them, and does so most effectively, has increased his stature among many people for his sin- cerity, his steadfastness, and his willingness to "go for broke" in behalf of an ideal he honestly believes is right. VOTING RIGHTS ACT OF 1965 Mr. STENNIS, Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that I may yield to the distinguished Senator from Oregon for 2 minutes. Mr. MORSE. I shall defer to the Sen- ator from Mississippi. Mr. STENNIS. Mr. President, as the debate on the yoting yightsjoill has con- tinued, I have become more and more amazed that the Senate would even seri- ously consider passing the section of the bill that would abolish poll taxes in State and local elections. I shall not speak on this subject now, except to sound a grave warning that to pass a bill to abolish the poll tax by statute would actually leave our Constitution in shambles and would make a mockery of the Senate's respon- sibility. The real question before the Senate is not the approval or disapproval of the payment of a poll tax as a prereq- uisite for voting. The real and only question is the con- stitutional question as to whether the Senate has the power and authority to pass such a measure by means of a statute. No less a person than the Presi- dent of the 'United States, yesterday in a press conference, said that to abolish the poll tax requirement by statute would raise a constitutional problem. He said he believed that if the poll tax were to be abolished, it must be abolished by an amendment to the Constitution of the United States. That statement comes from the highest source of responsibility under our Federal Government. Cer- tainly those are not idle words and this statement by the President is consistent with what he said as a Senator on March 9, 1949?00NGRESSI0NAL RECORD, page 2047. The President?then a Senator from Texas?said: The framers of the Constitution of the United States were plain, specific, and unam- biguous in providing that each State should have the right to prescribe the qualifications of its electorate and that the qualifications of electors voting for IVIembers of Congress should be the same as the qualifications of electors voting for members of the most nu- merous branch of the State legislatures. For that reason, and that reason alone, I believe that the proposed anti-poll-tax measures in- troduced in previous sessions of this body and advocated in the President's civil-rights program is wholly unconstitutional and vio- lates the rights of the States guaranteed by section 2 of article I of the Constitution. Not only has the President recently spoken on this subject, but also the At- torney General of the United States, Mr. Katzenbach, has stated most recently that the provision of the bill that would abolish the poll tax in the election of 8469 State officers is invalid. The Attorney General made that statement in his testi- mony before our subcommittee. He also made the statement to a national tale- vision audience recently on "Meet the Press." Not only have those two high officials spoken out on this issue, but also the dis- tinguished majority leader, the Senator from Montana [Mr. MANSFIELD] and the distinguished minority leader, the Sena- tor from Illinois [Mr. DnucsEw] are op- posed to that part of the bill which at- tempts to abolish the poll tax by statute. They know that it would be unconstitu- tional to do so. That the poll tax cannot be repealed without constitutional amendment is so well settled and firmly established that further discussion of the question would seem unnecessary. In 1960, by a vote of 50 to 37, the Senate clearly established the precedent that a constitutional amendment was necessary to abolish the poll tax in Federal elections. In 1962, the Senate reaffirmed that position when it adopted a resolution proposing a con- stitutional amendment applicable to Fed- eral elections. That amendment is now part of the Constitution. In the course of debate on that resolution the Senate rejected by a vote of 59 to 34 the conten- tion that the poll tax could be abolished by mere statute. The Attorney General of the United States has said that the provision with regard to abolishing the poll tax in the election of State officers is invalid. He made that statement in his own testi- mony before our subcommittee, and he also made it to a national television au- dience on "Meet the Press." The distinguished majority leader is opposed to that part of the bill which attempts to abolish poll taxes by statute because it would be unconstitutional to do so. The distinguished minority leader has stated his opposition to this section of the bill on the grounds that it is un- constitutional. The law on this is as clear as a bell. In 1951 the Supreme Court affirmed Butler v. Thompson, 97 F. Supp. 17, (D.C.E.D. Va., 1951), wherein the district court cited the case of Breedlove v. Sat- ties, 302 U.S. 277 (1937), and held: To make payment of poll taxes a prerequis- ite of voting is not to deny any privilege or immunity protected by the 14th amendment. Privilege of voting is not derived from the United States, but is conferred by the State and, save as restrained by the 15th and 19th amendments and other provisions of th Fed- eral Constitution, the State may condition suffrage as it deems appropriate. That decision of the U.S. Supreme Court now stands as the law of the land. It is there for all to see. It is absolutely clear. The PRESIDING OFFICER. The time of the Senator has expired. Mr. STENNIS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that I may be per- mitted to continue for an additional 2 minutes. The PRESIDING OrTICER. Without objection, it is so ordered. Mr. STENNIS, Mr. President, every Member a Congress is under duty to Approved For Releae 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67BQ0446R000300150018-4 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67600446R000300150018-4 8470 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE April 28, 1965 support the Constitution of the United States. This is a constitutional matter that must be acknowledged. Every Sen- ator must be governed by it, whether or not he agrees with its holding. I do not impugn the integrity or sincer- ity of anyone. I point out that the de- cision should be made by each individual Senator. It cannot be avoided or dele- gated to another party by merely shrug- ging the shoulders and saying, "We elect to let the courts pass on it." That pro- cedure would not follow the letter or spirit of the Constitution of the United States. Every Senator must be governed by the constitutional conclusion that he may have on this question, regardless of how he may feel with reference to the poll tax itself. The proposed bill was drafted in the atmosphere of massive public demon- strations, introduced in the Senate, and referred to the Committee on the Judici- ary; under such limitations it was neces- sary that the committee hold only a few days of hearings and then frantically meet in executive session to report a bill. On several occasions, reports reached the public that a revised or substitute version had been agreed upon by a ma- jority of the committee; then, before that substitute could hardly be printed, numerous amendments would be offered thereto. Finally, upon the last day in which the committee had to consider this measure, what may well be called a con- glomerate bill was put together and re- ported to the Senate. I commend the majority and minority leaders, the Attorney General of the United States, and the President for coining out positively and definitely With a flew and correct statement on this matter. It seems to me, with all due def- erence to every Member of this great body, that merely to let the court decide such a measure would be a dereliction of our duty. How derelict of our strict duty can we become? How mueh can we abdicate our responbilities as members of the leg- islative branch of the Government just because the marchers march in Wash- ington and at the White House? I can- not believe that a majority will succumb to this emotional appeal to set aside the Constitution. I know that we should promptly vote this provision down. I hope that we may have an early vote upon this far-reaching act. Mr. HILL, Mr. President, will the Senator yield? Mr. STENNIS. I yield. Mr. HILL. I commend the Senator from Mississippi for his very fine state- ment. I wish to a associate myself with his statement. Mr. STENNIS. Mr. President, I thank the Senator. Mr. TOWER. Mr. President, I asso- ciate myself with the remarks of the junior Senator from Mississippi. THE PRESIDENT'S NEWS CON- FERENCE OF YESTERDAY ON VIETNAM mr. MORSE. Mr. President the President's news conference of yesterday marked another effort on the part of his administration to cloak a policy of war In the mantle of peace. But all the while the President speaks of our desire for peace, he ignores all the efforts the United States has led in the last 20 years to devise means of keeping peace. I refer to our participation in and support of the United Nations and of the Southeast Asia Treaty Organiza- tion. The President speaks eloquently about the lessons of history. But he has missed the greatest lesson of all, which is that no one nation can determine where and how the peace shall be kept without fighting eternal wars. The specter of Munich, which was raised yesterday by the President, is the favorite image of the advocates of the war in Vietnam. But which of them is willing to argue that in 1938 the United States should have sent troops to Czech- oslovakia to fight Germany alone? Which of them is willing to say that the intervention by Italy, Germany, and the Soviet Union into the Spanish Civil War was a good thing because each of them thought they were stopping the other's aggression before it could get started? The real lesson of Munich and the Spanish Civil War is that nations acting unilaterally to protect their self-interest as they see it are going to get into wars. It is especially tragic to see two great ideological contestants again fighting over the prostrated body of a third coun- try, very much as the fascists and Com- munists fought over the corpse of Spain, all in the name of preventing someone else's alleged aggression. It was because of the events that led up to World War II and because of the war itself that the United Nations was set up, and no nation desired more earnestly than the United States that it be used to save mankind from another scourge of war. Yet when the President of the United States talks about the international his- tory of the last 27 years and its lessons, he makes no mention at all of the United Nations and its peace-keeping function. Apparently we are well on the way to emulating the French Bourbons who for- got nothing and learned nothing. The President is quite wrong in be- lieving that we who oppose our policy in Vietnam have ignored the terror and the bombings committed by the Communists. No doubt his attention is drawn to our criticisms and not to our condemnations of the Communists. But one can hardly say that Americans have the right to fight a civil war in another land and still remain immune from retaliation or at- tack. I have roundly criticized time and time again the tactics and terrorism a the Vietcong. I have critized the bomb- ing of the American Embassy in Saigon, and the killing and maiming of innocent civilians, both American and South Viet- namese. Likewise I have critized the atrocities of the South Vietnamese prac- ticed upon the Vietcong with U.S. mili- tary standing by doing nothing to en- force the Geneva Treaty covering the treatment of war prisoners. I have criticized terrorism and atrocities com- mitted by Vietcong. Of course the sad part is that the United States cannot expunge the rec- ord as to our own involvement in this dirty war. We have escalated it. We have participated in it. We have walked out on our peace keeping obligations under international law. What in the world would lead the President to think that North Vietnam would not attack, starting with our escalation at Tonkin Bay? We can start with the American course of action in Tonkin Bay. From that time on, North Vietnam has proceeded at an ever- escalating rate to make war. We asked for it. We should have taken North Vietnams violations of international law at Tonkin Bay to the United Nations in- stead of going beyond the point of self- defense by committing acts of aggression of our own. We have made the Vietnam civil war our war, and no one has done more to make it our war than President Johnson. In my opinion, we have been fortunate so far that our casualties have been so light and the attacks upon American civilians as few as they have been. I invite the President's attention to the fact that despite the barrage of statistics from the Pentagon ,eeking to demon- strate that the Vietcong are being killed in large numbers, and that they are kill- ing large nuMbers of civilians in South Vietnam by terrorist methods, the Penta- gon informs me that it has no figure of any kind on the number of Vietnamese civilians killen by the military activities of the United States and the South Viet- nam Army. Yet people who have been to that sad country tell of hospitals being filled with victims of our air raids and our fire bombings, and the ground activities of the South Vietnamese Army. Also no statistics are being given the American people of the civilians the bombings in North Vietnam are killing. It takes at least two to make a war. We are one of the parties making it in Vietnam today. The President's press conference yes- terday was a graphic demonstration of how impossible it is for contesting par- ties to prevent war, or to stop a war before it can get started. All the admin- istration is able to do under its present policy is to do what nations have been doing for hundreds of years before us, and that is to try to justify its own war. With the hope that it may in some form reach the President's eyes, I ask unanimous consent to have printed at the conclusion of my remarks a speech pre- pared by Benjamin V. Cohen entitled "The United Nations in Its Twentieth Year," and delivered at the Hebrew Uni- versity of Jerusalem on April 27, 1965. The PRESIDING arleiCER. With- out objection, it is so ordered. (See exhibit 1.) Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, Mr. Cohen outlines the obligations of the great powers to observe the United Na- tions Charter. I am satisfied that neither the United States nor the rest of the world will escape the scourge of war until we do, in fact, observe that charter. Do not forget that Mr. Cohen is not only one of our greatest international Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67600446R000300150_018-4 April 2 8 , Mproved For RtgAs9,a9,3/10/14 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150018-4 v)Nt..7 sSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE 8471 lawyers but also do not forget that dur- ing his period of service to the U.S. Gov- ernment, he has represented it in several international conferences. Mr. President, I close by inviting the attention of the Senate to an announce- ment just received on the ticker, as fol- lows: SAmorr.?Air strikes against North Viet- namese roads, bridges, and railroads are not choking off aid to the Vietcong, and a land invasion of the north should begin immedi- ately, the commander of South Vietnam's Air Force says. "If we are just going to bomb communica- tion lines, the Vietcong will be able to stand up for a long time, I'm afraid. So the next step must be big?either a big escalation of the war or negotiations," Brig. Gen. Nguyen Cao Ky told the Associated Press in an ex- clusive interview today. While the bulk of the raids against North Vietnam have been flown by U.S. Air Force and Navy planes, Ky's propeller-driven Sky- raider bombers also have been over North Vietnam nearly every day. The 34-year-old general has flown three Of the missions himself and was grazed by enemy flak on one of them. Three of his pilots have been shot down. "The raids against communications are not really effective," he said. "The Commu- nists can always find ways of moving through the jungle. "But if we were to set up a kind of 'na- tional liberation pont' in the north, we could do the same things to the Communists that they've been doing to us here. We have superiority in the air over North Vietnam's central area from the 17th to the 20th paral- lels, and we could easily supply guerrillas of Our own there. "The people in that area are basically anti- Communist and I'm sure they would help us. Then we could really start cutting their sup- ply lines and giving them something to worry about." Let there be no doubt in the minds of the American people that our South Vietnamese allies are going to continue to put on the pressure that the United States escalate the war into a big front in Asia. I repeat?what the administration does not like to hear me say?namely, a deep conviction of mine based upon my conclusions from the briefings I have received as a member of the Committee on Foreign Relations. I believe that. if we follow the Johnson course of action in Asia, in not too many months from now we shall be involved in a massive war in Asia which will take hundreds of thou- 'sands of American boys to Asia. What is the alternative that we should try? It is an alternative that the Presi- dent has not attempted to try. In my judgment, the only way the President can prove his intentions for a Peaceful settlement of the war in Asia is to proceed to use the procedures of international law as they now exist. That means that the President should lay the problem before the United Na- tions, pledging his cooperation to the United Nations to help enforce the peace in Asia. We slionld ask our alleged allies, who are also signers of the United Nations Charter, to assume their obliga- tion to ,take United Nations action in southeast Asia, Until the president does that, he will continue to be. justifiably criticized, as I have been critipizing him. If we wish peace, we must resort to peaceful procedures to accomplish that end, instead of making statements which seek to shroud the war in Asia with peace talk. Once more I repeat that the United States is no longer in a position that per- mits it to conduct bilateral negotiations with North Vietnam, the Vietcong and Red China. Negotiations for peace must now be conducted by nonparticipants sitting at the head of the table under the auspices and procedure of the United Nations. Mr. President, the administration is going to great lengths through its own officials and through newsmen it can in- fluence to depict the protests on Ameri- can campuses' against our Vietnam war as irresponsible, "off-beat," and disrepu- table. Last week, on April 22 and 23, a "teach-in" on the Vietnam war was held at Rutgers University in New Brunswick, N.J. I ask unanimous consent to have three articles from the campus paper, the Rut- gers Daily Targum of April 26, printed at the close of these remarks. One is an editorial headed: "The Dawn of a New Era." The second is a letter to the edi- tor from Hank Wallace, and the third is a report entitled: "Teach-in Triumph," written by Steve Herman. This report on the value, the impact, and the conclusions of a teach-in on the Rutgers campus cannot be brushed off by an administration and a Secretary of State anxious to silence questions and criticisms of an anxious intellectual com- munity. If they continue trying to do so, they are going to find themselves deserted and frankly opposed by an in- creasingly large body of American public opinion. There being no objection, the articles were ordered to be printed in the REcORD, as follows: [From the Rutgers Daily Targum, Apr. 26, 1965] THE DAWN OF A NEW ERA The dawn surely rose over Warren Bus- man Friday morning. As daylight broke through the foggy horizon surrounding Scott Hall at 5:30 a.m., so did the dawn of a new era in the history of the university break through as Busman began to talk. It was brillant climax to what will go down as the greatest event at Rutgers in the last 25 years?it is not likely to be duplicated for another 25. FEVER PITCH The teach-in Thursday night-Friday morning to protest the war in Vietnam was, indeed, the faculty and student body's finest hour. The electric intensity which accom- panied the magniflcient and impassioned faculty oratory spread infectiously through- out the 1,000-man audience until it reached a fever pitch during the now historic Sus- man-Fitzpatrick exchange. Never again will this university, in all likelihood, see a sim- ilar expression of political-emotional senti- ments expressed by such a percentage of the student body. Although we have complained in the past about student nondirection and nonactivity, We were stunned by the turnout and the gen- eral seriousness of purpose which character- ized Friday's rally. Although the atmosphere was one of gaiety?helped along, no doubt, by relaxation of Douglass curfew laws?there was an overriding importance to the students involved which extended far beyond the scope of socialisation. For once, the university was truly a forum of ideas. A certain portion of the faculty proved incontravertibly that they were re- sponsible to both their profession and to the student body. Contrary to James Reston in Wednesday's New York Times, this was not "propaganda of the most vicious nature." This was a logical, clear forward interchange of ideas?it is un- fortunate, perhaps, that the "stay-in-the- war" partisans could not have found a more effective spokesman for themselves than Wil- liam Fitzpatrick. He was hopelessly out- classed. HIGH POINT IN DRAMA The teach-in team was superb. Susmon was at his bombastic, dazzling, persuasive and didactic best. His interlude with Fitz- patrick hit a high point in sheer drama never again to be equaled. The three standing ovations he received during his peroration were indicative of the heights of esteem in which the student body holds him. The cold assertive logic of Lloyd Gardner's assess- ment of American-Asian relations, and the southern tones of Carter Jefferson's surveyal of the French role in southeast Asia best complemented Susman's oration. There was one extremely sour note sounded, however. Notwithstanding the ap- parent spuriousness of the alleged "Colonel" of the "Christian Unity Party"?a purported neo-Fascist front?we have nothing but utter contempt for the university students who went along with the hoax. We do not partic- ularly consider the Nazi Party to be an amusing divertissement. We are also in no way amused by either the sickeningly infan- tile and puerile actions of the students who "sieg heiled" along with Stetler or by the students who disgraced themselves and the university with their vile banners in Scott Hall. Such apparently psychopathic minds have no place in any institution of higher learning. Disregarding this one blemish, the teach- in was a brilliant success. The faculty has proven themselves to be responsible to the student body and the student body has proven themselves worthy of a topflight faculty. We may never see its like again. LETTERS: FINEST 8 HOURS DEAR SIR: Years from now Rutgersmen will say this was their finest 8 hours. The potential of our university was real- ized at the teach-in Friday morning. Pulled together in a few days by a small group of professors, everything clicked: Proponents on all sides of the Vietnam problem were spontaneous and outspoken, yet the exciting lecture series and the effec- tively distributed breaks were kept tightly on schedule but not stifled by coordinator Dr. Seymour Zenchelsky, Happily, Rutgers College's finest hours were shared by hundreds of Douglass girls, for whom curfew was waived to further the coed-izing of the new Rutgers University. Student response was overwhelming: Scott Hall walls were lined with standees through half the morning, and an astonishing num- ber of students saw the adjournment at 8. Luckily WRSU recorded the entire program on a dozen tapes. Jan Ploshnick recom- mended at 7:30 a.m, that an audio transcript be sent to the White House. Perhaps a written transcript also could be produced in booklet form, available to stu- dents, faculty, and the public. Since the time of the flood 200 years ago, Rutgers has never more nearly approached its destiny as a great university. HANK WALLACE. TEACH-IN TRIUMPH (By Steve Herman) The clock radios went off, alarm clock bells rang, people groggily got out of bed, washed up, and then hurried to their first period _ Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150018-4 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP671300446R000300150015-4 * 8472 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE April 28, 1965 class. It was the beginning of another day. For others, however, Friday morning was the end of what must be described as one Of the most exciting and wonderful evenings in their lives. For at 8 a.m. "the teach-in" to expose students to the various Issues in problems in connection with the Vietnam problem came to an end, The lecture discussion marathon began at 12 midnight in Scott Hall 123 before approxi- mately 1,000 students?most of whom were either concerned and worried ebout U.S. policy in Vietnam or were just curious to see what the whole thing was about The audience was not made up of "kooks," but consisted of a cross section of the Rutgers community. And, as a matter Of fact, the only "kooks" who were present were some very unsophisticated and crude representa- tives of the campus radical rightvring fringe. They carried signs with such slogans as "Better Dead than Red," "Blast the Chinks," and "? communism." These "kooks" also tried to rattle and heckle some of the professors, but they were all skillfully "put down.?' (After observing the performance of some of these characters, one student com- mented "the lack of political acumen of the rightwingers is exceeded only by their stu- pidity.") At 12 when Professor Zenchelsky started the program, Soott 123 had a standing-room- only crowd, with people sitting on the stage, in the aisles, and in the lobby outside the room. The crowd surpassed any expectations that anyone may have had and it was a credit to most of the people there that they remained courteous and attentive few 8 hours. Even more credit, however, has to gei to the dozen professors who participated in this demonstration. They were all mag- nificent (Warren Busman was "super") ? they had to be to keep the attention of such a large crowd. There was no repeti- tion from one professor to another, each was an expert on his subject, and each one added something which was very construc- tive. They all spoke from the heart as well as the Mind and their sentiments were felt by the entire audience. Sitting in Scott Hall?a little dizzy at times because of the smoke and lack of sleep?one got the impression that "this is college." There was a free and unobstructed exchange of some very controversial ideas on a most important and meaningful topic. And the message that the scholars were so eloquently sending was being received by a large and very enthusiastic audience. It seemed that in the middle of the night on legit Friday?an apathetic, disinterested, and bored student body had come to life? ' it was serving a reirpose?it was accomplish- ing something. After leaving the teach-in-- whether one agreed with the views or not-- you had the feeling that something extraor- dinary had taken place. Something con- structive was done?time was spent with professors who spoke on a topic on which there would be no test, no grade, no quiz. Once again thank you profs?you were all great?it was an evening which will never be forgotten and an experience that un- fortunately will probably not be repeated. ? 1 Eau's= Tam UNITED NATIONS IN ITS 20TH YEAR: THE DAVID NILES MEMORIAL LECTURE AT THE HEBREW UNIVERSITY OF JERUSALEM, APRIL 27, 1965 (By Benjamin V. Cohen) It is a high honor to be asked to inaugu- rate the David Niles Memorial Lectures at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. I was privileged to know David Niles. He was a retiring, self-effacing man of quiet powers. Even with his close friends he sub- ordinated his person to his work and to their work and even more frequently to other peo- ple's welfare. He was by profession a social worker and both in public office and in non- governmental work his principal concern was to help disadvantaged persons and groups to participate on a basis of *quality in the life and work of the community in which they chose to live. Quite early in his career he became inter- ested in politics and government in order to secure the social and economic legislation necessary to protect disadvantaged persons and groups in our modern industrial society. He became active in the progressive move- ment in the 1020's. Be took a prominent part in the LaFollette-Wheeler, third party cam- paign in 1924 and became a close friend of the LaFollettes, father and sons, of Senator Wheeler and Senator Norris. And in nearly every presidential campaign thereafter he was active in organizing an independent committee of liberals to support the more liberal candidates of the two parties. I think it was Justice, then professor, Felix Frankfurter who first suggested to Harry Hopkins that David Niles belonged in the New Deal in Vrashington. David first worked as a personal assistant to Harry Ffopkins, then to President Roosevelt and then to President Truman?concerning himself prin- cipally with the problems of the disadvan- taged and minority groups. In these positions David worked quietly for years in Washington. Ile had a real passion for axtonimity, not being concerned with re- ceiving public credit for what he did do and not troubling to deny blame attributed to him for what others did. His years with President Truman were par- ticularly productive. He gave significant as- sistance to President Truman in organizing and establishing in December 1946 the Presi- dent's Committee on Civil Rights. It was the report of this Committee which gave great Impetus to the movement for effective Fed- eral civil rights legislation in the United States in the last decade. But nothing gave David Niles quite so much satisfaction, I am sure, as his work with President Truman on the Palestine problem. President Truman was deeply affected by the plight of the Jew- ish refugees in Europe at the close of the war and he turned to David for advice and assistance. President Truman discovered that the majority of the refugees wanted to go to Palestine and he was determined to help them get there. I cannot tell you all the things David Niles did or did. not do during the critical period of the Angelo-American Inquiry, the parti- tion plan in the United. Nations, and the subsequent struggle of the Jews in Palestine to gain their independence and to establish the State of Israel?because I do not know. But I do know that there were great and honest differences of opinion within the American Government and feelings ran high among those opposed to the establishment of the State and those in favor of it. There were those who suggested David was bring- ing political pressure on the State Depart- ment as if control of foreign policy in a democracy through the President and the Congress was unwarranted political pressure. But I feel confident when all the records are disclosed and all passion is spent it will be revealed that the greatest service David Niles rendered was to keep the President fully in- formed as to how his policies and directives were being carried out in the Various depart- ments of government so that the President could. knowingly exercise his constitutional responsibilities. David performed this deli- cate and difficult task with great ability and skill. For this task conscientiously and faithfully performed we should gratefully honor his memory. When I informed M. Truman I was to give the first David Niles Memorial Lecture here, he wrote me as follows: "I was very fond of Dave Niles and I trusted. him as I did. few men, "If there ever lived a man dedicated to the cause and plight of the abused, persecuted, and 'Oppressed, it was Dave Niles. His con- cern for these people was mirrored in his face?a face I will always remember for its solemn sadness and compassion. "Yours sincerely, "Matey S. TRUMAN." In view of David Niles' great interest in the United Nations as he watched the de- velopment of the United Nations Palestine partition plan, I thought it would be ap- propriate for me to take as the subject of the first David Niles memorial lecture?"The United Nations in Its 20th Year." As I shall be particularly concerned with some develop- ments and trends which in my view threaten to undermine the first and primary purpose of the United Nations?that is to maintain international peace and security?I do not want you to think that I am unaware of the great difficulties with which the United Na- tions has had to contend and the consider- able progress it has made in many spheres of its activities. When the charter was drafted it was con- templated that the Great Powers would work out an acceptable peace which the United Nations could maintain. But a stable and acceptable peace?a consensus or modicum of common understanding on the basic prin- ciples of coexistence?was never established after the last world war. The Great Powers were in no position to cooperate to maintain a peace the terms of which they were unable to agree upon. Rivalry and conflict among the. Great Powers led to a cold war in which the adversaries lost sight of their common interest in peace and were prone to exploit their differences rather than to attempt to find means of composing them. Even apart from the cold war the whole world was strug- gling to adjust itself to revolutionary politi- cal, economic and social changes, and the adjustment in many areas was difficult, pain- ful, and not altogether rational. There was widespread need of adjustment to the radi- cally Changed conditions of life which mo- dern science and technology made possible. In many areas the striving for economic im- provement was accompanied by movements to break the bonds of colonial rule and fuedal and tribal relationships. The very survival of the United Nations under these circumstances attests to humanity's essential need of the United Nations as an instru- ment of international cooperation in a world which has become increasingly intedepend- ent despite ideological national and cul- tural differences and outlooks. It is amazing the number of international institutions which have been created in the last two decades within the framework of the United Nations and its specialized agencies to meet the varied needs of states and their people. There is not only the United Na- tions but UNESCO, UNICEF, the World Health Organization, the Food and Agricul- tural Organization, the Monetary Fund, and the World Bank, GATT, the several regional U.N. economic commissions, the expanded program of technical assistance, the Special Fund, the Trade and Development Confer- ence, and many more. In the modern world all states have felt the need in various ways of participating in cooperative international activities, and international cooperation is becoming the norm in many spheres of ac- tivities. Technology has broken down the barrier: of time and distance. New vistas bring new opportunities but new dangers. For good or ill, states cannot avoid multiple contacta with the outside world and increasing orga- nization on an international basis is neces sary to avoid conflict and promote common welfare. This is particularly true in the case of states emerging from colonial status. There can be no revolution of rising expecta- tions in these underdeveloped lands without access to the tools and know-how of modern science and technology. To have such accesa, colonialism must not give way to a narrow Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67600446R000300150018-4 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP671300446R000300150018-4 April 28, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -- SENATE isolationism with its turbulent nationalism or resurgent tribalism, but must be succeeded by enlightened international cooperation. Continued progress in the substitution of international cooperation for the old colo- nial relationship will be necessary in the years ahead for the common welfare of the people of the old as well as new states. International cooperation within the gen- eral frame*ork of the United Nations during the past 20 years has been much more wide- spread than it was within the framework of the League of Nations between the First and Second World Wars. This is an impor- tant jneaaure due te the participation of the United States in these activities in con- trast with its nonparticipation in most of the League's activities. The United Nations has aspired te a universality which was denied to the League because of America's absence. But it is important to remember that the universality to which the United Nations as- pires is seriously threatened by the absence of representation of the mainland of China in United Nations' activities. . Without going into detail I think I have said enough to indicate that I am not un- mindful of the growth and progress of many international activities within the frame- work of the United Nations during the last 20 years. But the many useful activities of the United Nations should not blind us to its faltering and disappointing progress in the fulfillment of its primary objective. While there may have been doubts and misgivings as to how the primary objective of the charter was to be achieved there was and can be no doubt what the primary ob- jective of the charter was and is. It is not necessary to recite at length the purposes and principles of the charter as enumerated in articles 1 and 2 and as embellished in the preamble. Paragraph 1 of article 1 states the first and primary objective of the char- ter?"to maintain international peace and security." All of the other stated purposes and principles of the charter are designed to strengthen and safeguard the primary pur- pose of maintaining peace among nations. One.should, of course, avoid making dog- matic judgments about bypassing the United _Nations. The United Nations is not a totali- tarian institution. The charter does not re- quire that all international acts and trans- actions be done in or throug the United Nations. The charter expressly contemplates that parties to a dispute which may endanger the peace should, first of all, seek a solution by peaceful Means of their own choosing. But the charter provides no excuse for mem- ber states, large or small, keeping disputes for which no peaceful solution has been found away from the United Nations until they have actually erupted into war. The basic law on which the charter was construeted in simple. It imposes no strait- jacket, no impossible burden or restriction on any state. It is based on principles by which all nations, large as well as small, must live if mankind is long to survive on this planet in this nuclear age. The law of the charter which all members are pledged to observe is twofold. First it requires all states, large as well as small, to refrain in their international relations from the threat or use of force except in individual or col- lective self-defense against armed attack, and all measures taken in the exercise of self-defense must be immediately reported to the Security Council. Second, the charter ,required all statee, large and small, to set- tle their disputes by peaceful means in such a manner that peace, security, and justice are not endangered. These two obligations of the charter are correlative. The surrender of the right of states to use force was not intended to leave states without any effective means of securing a redress of their , grievances. A state which resorts to force to redress its grievances without first invoking the pro- cesses of the United Nations violates the charter. But a state which refuses to con- sider the serious grievance of a sister state and refuses to agree to any procedure for peaceful settlement also violates the law of the charter. Force is proscribed as a means of settlement but members must be willing to negotiate and submit their disputes for settlement under some reasonable procedure. While the primary purpose of the United Nations must be to maintain peace, peace cannot be maintained without some mini- mum redress of genuine grievances. This twofold law of the charter constitutes the heart of the charter. The law of the charter provides the minimum requirements neces- sary to enable members to work together to outlaw the use of force as a means of settling International disputes and to provide pro- cedures for the peaceful settlement of dis- putes which threaten the peace. There have always been questions and doubts how the United Nations could enforce the obligations of the charter against re- calcitrant states, particularly the great powers. But there can be no question that the great powers as well as the small powers obligated themselves to observe the law of the charter. The veto may have given the great powers the right to forestall Security Council action, it did not give them the right to deny their obligation under the charter to respect the law of the charter. The "Uniting for Peace Resolution" of 1950 formally recognized- the right of the As- sembly to recommend action based on the obligations of the great powers as well as the small powers to observe the law of the charter. In the early days of the charter the Soviet Union withdrew its troops from Iran, and France withdrew its troops from Syria to avoid charges of charter violation. In the early days of the charter it was assumed that if there was a threat to or breach of inter- national peace, the United Nations would in one way or other be activated in an effort to stop the fighting and to restore peace. The U.N. may have been an imprefect instrument but it did help to restore peace in Greece, Kashmir and Korea. It also helped to re- store peace in Israel when the State of Israel was first established and again at the time of the Suez difficulties even though the one- sided character of some of the Assembly's resolutions in the latter case may have been unfortunate and unwarranted. Professions of faith in the United Nations and the law of the charter continue to be made in their formal addresses by heads of states and governments. But there has been a perceptible decline in the recognition and observance of the law of the charter, in the obligation to seek peaceful settlement or con- tainment of disputes through the United Na- tions before using or threatening to use force to resolve them. There are, to be sure, ex- planations for these adverse developments? ideological differences between the east and the west and marked contrast in social and economic conditions between the north and the south. These would be sufficient expla- nations for nations trying to settle their dis- putes peacefully when they could without burdening the United Nations with their troubles. But these are scarcely justification for nations taking the law into their own hands and threatening to use and actually using force without first submitting the case to and seeking the good offices of the United Nations to obtain a redress of their griev- ances. It is said, however, that the United Nations cannot take care of its present bur- dens and is in no position to assume more. Feigned concern for the United Nations is no excuse for any member violating the law of the charter without even attempting to fulfill its obligations Under the charter. If 8473 a member in good faith seeks the assistance of the United Nations to obtain a redress of its grievances against another state and the United Nations is, in fact, unable to act, it may then possibly be urged that there is a hits,us in the charter that would relieve the aggrieved state of its obligation not to take the law into its own hands. But charter obligations become illusory and the charter, as the last best hope of peace on earth, be- comes a dying hope if member states resort to war for the settlement of their differences 'without first at least invoking the good offices of the United Nations. Bypassing the United Nations under such circumstances, I fear, evinces more contempt than concern for the future of the United Nations. During the last decade or so, states have with disturbing frequency resorted to force or the threat of force without feeling even a sense of obligation of reporting their action in advance or even subsequently to the United Nations. One need only mention Rus- sia in the case of Hungary. India in the case of Goa, and the United States in significant aspects of the Cuban and South Vietnam situations. I mention these instances not to single out a few states but to indicate the generality of the nonobservance. Some authorities have tried to justify the evisceration of the law of the charter by a latitudinarian construction of the right of self-defense under article Si and of the au- thority of regional agencies under articles 52 and 53. I fear many of these interpreta- tions are based on opinions that the legal advisers are requested to render after, rather than before, the political decision to resort to force has been made by the responsible po- litical officers. Some of the more latitudina- rian constructions of the right of individual 'and collective self-defense seems to me to militate against the spirit of the charter which is to bring disputes to the United Na- tions before they erupt into war. Perhaps more important than the exact scope of the right of self-defense is the recognition that the right of self-defense, whatever it limits, affords no excuse for not bringing a dispute which threatens the peace of the United Na- tions for settlement before the right of self- defense is exercised if time permits and im- mediately thereafter if prior submission is not possible. The rightful exercise of the right of self- defense, in my view, is no excuse for continu- ing to wage war without resort to the United Nations for peaceful settlement. Neither should the wrongful exercise of the right of self-defense, if discontinued at the request of the United Nations, deprive a member state of its right to secure a redress of its grievances as part of the United Nations proc- esses of peaceful settlement. In recent years there has also been an at- tempt to justify the evisceration of the law of the charter on the ground that the char- ter does not forbid the use of force by one state at the request of the recognized gov- ernment of another state to assist the latter state to quell a rebellion. Such a libertarian construction of the charter does violence to the letter and spirit of the charter. The armed intervention of one state in the civil war of another state whether at the request of the established government or its rival government is in fact the use of force by the intervening states in its international rela- tions, whether the civil war be called a war of liberation or a war in defense of freedom. True the charter does not forbid civil war or deny the right to revolt. But it does not sanction the right of an outside state to participate in another's state civil war. If a civil war in one state threatens interna- tional peace the United Nations may inter- vene to deal with that threat, but no mem- ber state on its own responsibility has the right to participate in the fighting in an- other state's civil war, If differea states . - Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67600446R000300150018-4 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67600446R000300150018-4 8474 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE recognize opposing factions in a civil war and participate in the fighting with oppos- ing factions, they create and do not prevent a threat to international peace. Events in Europe in connection with the Spanish Civil , War made this obvious. This does not mean that arms may not be shipped to a friendly state threatened with rebellion; or that troops may not be sent to a friendly state to participate in a collective self-defense ac- tion to repel an armed attack from another state; or that troops may not be dispatched to a friendly state to participate in a mission of mercy to prevent the massacre of inno- cent civilians. But taking sides and fight- ing in another state's civil war is quite a dif- ferent matter. See, Cohen, "The United Na- tions, Constitutional Developments, Growth, and Possibilities," Harvard University Press, 1961, pages 53-54, It serves little purpose to debate the legal soundness of some of the interpretations given the charter under the impact of politi- cal forces. A recent study of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace ("The OAS, the U.N. and the United States," by Inis L. Claude, Jr., International Conciliation No. 547, March 1964) demonstrates how under the impact of the cold war the U.S. Govern- ment has come close to shifting its legal po- sition completely on the relations between the United Nations and regional agencies. There is a sort of Gresham's law operating in the field of charter interpretation. No state can or will long operate under a rule of law that is not respected by its fellow states. A restatement of the rule may fare no better unless there is a change in the political environment and the forces which shape the decisions of the responsible po- litical officers of the state. I do not agree with many international lawyers and teach- ers with would like to have the Legal Com- mittee have a monopoly on the legal ques- tions arising under the charter in the Gen- eral Assembly. I think it important that the highest political officers have a realtistic un- derstanding of the meaning and effect of charter interpretations and not merely ac- cept the advice of their legal experts pro forma when it does not matter, only to re- ject and ignore it when it really touches a vital political nerve. , But whatever the causes or explanations, the law Of the charter which was to outlaw the use of force as a means of settling dis- putes between states has fallen into desue- tude. If we continue to accept this aban- donment of the basic law of the charter re- quiring all nations, large and small, to seek in good faith peaceful settlement through the processes of the United Nations before resorting to war, we shall have allowed the very heart to be torn from the charter. Im- portant as are the technical and social serv- Mee the United Nations may render the underdeveloped countries, these are but fringe benefits which will wither away once the heart of the United Nations ceases to beat. ? ? What has gone wrong? Is it the fault of the charter? Is it due to the veto? Is it due to the excessive voting power of the small new states in the Assembly? Have we really exhausted the untried resources and poten- tialities of the charter? The *barter May not be perfect. But it is not the charter that obstructs the way to petite. The charter sets forth a few basic principles but leaves to successive genera- tions Who will live under it the responsibility of huffing suitable means of carrying out thote principles. The charter is not a self- operating mechanism. Its operation de- pends not so much on the words of the char- ter as on the way member states exercise their rights and meet their responsibilities. Some means are specified in the charter but these are not necessarily exclusive. Within widest limits other means are not prohibited. The charter is not a code of civil procedure to be strictly construed. I know no better canon of construction to be used in deter- mining charter power than that laid down by Chief Justice Marshall in McCulloch V. Mary- land, 4 Wheaton 316, 421, for determining constitutional power: "Let the end be legiti- mate, let it be within the scope of the Con- stitution, and all means which are appro- priate which are plainly adapted to that end, Which are not prohibited, but consist with the letter and spirit of the Constitution, are constitutional." It is the right and responsibility of mem- ber states to and means which are appro- priate, which are not prohibited, but con- sist with the letter and spirit of the charter, to carry out purposes of the charter. There has been a tendency, I fear, for members to seek excuses and alibis for not working under the charter rather than to make any sus- tained efforts to find means of carrying out the purposes of the charter. It is quite pos- sible that the means which may prove most helpful now are not necessarily the means which would have been most helpful in years past or the means which may be most help- ful in the more distant future. It seems to me that we have tried to build the United Nations too much in the image of the nation state?to muster power to light wars rather than to develop the tolerance and understanding to prevent war. We have tried to exorcise differences by a majority vote rather than to seek means of composing and reconciling differences and containing, within reasonable, tolerable, and livable limits, those which cannot presently be com- posed or reconciled. Of course until there is much greater progress toward general and effectively safe- guarded disarmament it is necessary and in the interest of the United Nations and world peace that the member states maintain a reasonable balance of armed strength so that the most aggressive states will not be tempted to secure their interests by war rather than peaceful means. Of course it is in the interest of the United Nations and world peace that member states cooperate not only in the United Nations but in regional and functional organizations so that they will be better able to support the efforts of the United Nations to maintain peace in the world. We live in a pluralistic world and diverse and varied efforts--political, eco- nomic and social within and without the United Nations?are needed to strengthen the forces of peace, freedom anal well-being throughout the world, provided however that such efforts do not countenance the waging of war in disregard of the United Nations Charter. In this divided world in this nuclear age there is no substitute for an organization like the United Nations which teanscends the interests of states and groups of states and seta above their divergent interests the common interest and the transcending vital Interest of all states in the maintenance of peace. Military alliances may deter war for a period by maintaining an uneasy balance of power, but military alliances are not likely to develop means or procedures for peaceful settlement or containment of vital differ- ences among states or groups of states par- ties to different alliances. NATO, SEATO, and CENTO were to function in support of the United Nations and its charter princi- ples, but in fact there has been little or no effort to relate their work to the United Nations, Many supporters of NATO, the greatest of the postwar military alliances, would give it priority over the United Na- tions. Yet NATO has not been able to se- cure peaceful settlement in its own area; it reluctantly acquiesced in the United Nations intervention in Cyprus when all else failed. NATO has in no way responded to the de- April 28, 1965 tente with the Soviet Union with any arms control proposals. Indeed it has tended to regard with suspicion any arms control pro- posals which would affect it. At the time of the 1961 Berlin crisis, NATO was used not in support of the U.N. and peaceful settlement but as an alternative to resort to the United Nations. When crises developed in Laos and South Vietnam, SEATO was invoked not in support of the U.N. and peaceful settlement but in lieu of the United Nations. If one believes in the therapeutic effects of shock treatment in international affairs, in the therapeutic value of periodic armed confrontations such as occurred in Berlin, Cuba, and Vietnam, one need not be con- cerned by the fading out of the United Na- tions and what was once called man's last best hope of peace on earth. But such con- frontations in this nuclear age involve risks which responsible statesmen conscious of their responsibilities to future generations cannot continue to ignore. The United Nations was established to en- able responsible statesmen to work together to avoid these risks. It was intended to pro- vide an instrumentality through which mem- bers could unite their power and resources, spiritual and material, to protect their one and all-important common interest in the maintenance of peace in this nuclear age. Of course the charter will fail of its purposes if states insist on using force or the threat of force when it suits their interests without giving the United Nations the chance to use its good offices to compose differences which threaten the peace. It is not the lack of power which might be called to the support of the United Na- tions which stands in the way of the realiza- tion of the promise of the United Nations. It is the lack of genuine effort on the part of the member states particularly the great powers, to use the as yet untapped resources of the United Nations to develop processes and procedures for the peaceful settlement of disputes among states. It is putting the cart before the horse, to put it mildly, to worry about how the United Nations is going to muster power to enforce peaceful settlement before it has developed processes and pro- cedures for reaching peaceful settlement's which can command the respect of states whose vital interests and possibly very ex- istence are at stake. Intemperate invective and unrestrained cold war debate hastily followed by the counting of votes, in many instances uninformed and unaffected by the facts or merits of the controversy, consti- tute a rank betrayal of the purposes and principles of the charter. It is extraordinary that so little sustained thought and consideration has been given to the development of the processes of concilia- tion and mediation as part of the pacific settlement functions of the United Nations. The sidetracking and soft-pedaling of the pacific settlement functions of the United Nations may be ascribed in large part, as I have indicated, to the cold war. Issues formally brought to the United Nations for peaceful settlement have been exploited for propaganda purposes and serious efforts to harmonize differences have been notice- able by their absence. The mediation and conciliation functions of the United Na- tions have been neglected and allowed to to atrophy. Obviously in dealing with differ- ences among sovereign states, particularly at this stage of international organization when states are excessively jealous of their sovereignty, an agreed solution is to be pre- ferred to an imposed solution. Even states eager for a solution are loath to agree i1. advance to accept arbitration or an imposed[ solution for fear, sometimes for groundles; fear, it may involve unexpected terms dif. Rauh or impossible to explain to their people. The imposition of a solution may produce serious divisions and strains within the United Nations, while an agreed solution, if Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67600446R000300150018-4 ? Approved For Release 2003/10/14 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150018-4 oril 2, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -- SENATE 8475 can be brought about, is an undisputed iievernent and builds international con- ence in the United Nations, "'he process of conciliation and mediation courages good faith negotiations and col- ;tive bargaining among states. It tends to rb the instinctive habits of states when tional passions are aroused to try to get eir way by threats and counterthreats of rce instead of seeking a fair accommoda- pn by a little give-and-take on both sides. There is Indeed at this stage of interne,- onal organization perhaps more to learn 'oni the traditions and practices which overn the peaceful settlement of labor dis- mtes in modern industrial states than there s from the study of the making and en- orcernent of law Within a state. In the arly days of labor unions there seemed to be irreconcilable differences in the ideology of labor and capital, and the law in many states did not even recognize the right of labor to organize. Labor did not trust the courts, which labor felt shared the ideas of management. To paraphrase the remarksof Mr. Litvinoy regarding the relations of capi- talism and communism, labor thought no one could be neutral between management and labor. In the early days of union activities violence on one side or the other or both? allegedly in self-defense, of course?was not uncommon. Gradually the right of unions to organize and bargain collectively was rec- ognized by law, but both sides shied away from compulsory arbitration unless it was agreed to in ad.vance by both sides. But custom., if not law, imposed upon both sides the duty to bargain in good faith and make every effort to reach a peaceful agreement. If prolonged work stoppage threatens the Welfare of the community it has become customary for the state or conrimunity to in- tervene, not by imposing a settlement but by creating an environment which should fa- cilitate an agreed settlement. Sometimes the state or community will provide a cool- ing-off period comparable to a waiting period of 3 months following the? report of the Council, which, under the convenant of the League, states agreed to observel3efore resort- ing to war. Sometimes the state or com- munity will provide a cease-strike period comparable to a cease-fire during which ne- gotiations can proceed in a relaxed atmos- phere. "Frequently the state or community will provide a mediator or conciliator, or a group of mediators or conciliators. These skilled professionals will bring the parties to- gether, find the essential facts at thT?oot of the controversy, define and narrow issues, iso- late and defer issues on which agreeinent is clearly impossible, .suggest afternatiVe Solu- tions, and at times make definite recommen- dations for settlement that they think both sides can accept and live with. It might be said that in the labor relations field an wiwritten common law has been developed and accepted that all disputes af- fecting the public welfare must be settled peacefully; that is, without violence and without protracted disruption of the public service. No particular means of reaching a settlement is prescribed, but all means can- not be rejected. idediation and conciliation processes will be available to assist the par- ties reach an agreement by means of their own choice, and compulsory arbitration will be avoided as long as possible. But an agreed settlement or modus vivendi must be reach_ed or the parties will be obliged to accept an Imposed settlement. Much of what has been learned in the last century in the handling of labor-manage- ment disputes can be applied in the han- dling of disputes among states. We should worry lest about he power of the United - Nations to,,, cOMpel or coerce settlement and ? concern 011reelves more with the conciliation and mediation procedures and processes the United Nations can provide to assist states - No. 75 16 compose their differences and settle their dis- putes. The United Nations environment should be most favorable to the development of unparalleled facilities for conciliation and mediation. Most member states, with little or no direct interest in a direct dispute un- less prematurely forced to take sides, will naturally want to be helpful in facilitating an agreed settlement by peaceful means. Most disputes between states like most dis- putes between labor and management in- volve other legal issues and cannot be settled by the application of any preexisting or mutually acceptable rule of law. Conse- quently they lend themselves more readily to negotiated settlements than to inflexible judicial settlements of ,political legislative solutions. The disputant states, like labor- management disputants, are less likely to fear outside intervention to facilitate a negoti- ated settlement than they are to fear out- side intervention to impose or coerce a settle- ment. Indeed despite the neglect of the pacific settlement functions of the United Nations and the lack of preparations to enable the United Nations to function effectively in this area, there is enough in the past activities of the United Nations to justify faith in the great potentialities of the United Nations in this area. There are the outstanding accom- plishments of Count Bernadotte and Dr. Ralph Bunche as mediators in the Israeli- Arab conflict in 1948; the quick and ex- traordinary resourcefulness and imaginative statesmanship of Mr. Lester Pearson of Can- ada which led to the creation over a week- end in 1956 of a peacekeeping force not to fight but to keep the peace in the most sen- sitive areas in the Near East; the patience of Mr. Frank Graham in containig the Kash- mir conflict; the deft and dedicated efforts of Dag Hammarskjold in handling the opera- tions of the United Nations peacekeeping forces in the Near East and later in the Congo; and similar efforts of U Thant in the tense Cyprus situation. Indeed it is interesting to contrast the failure of member states to earmark troops, by special agreements with the Security Council under article 43 of the charter or in response to the Collective Measures Commit- tee of the General Assembly, for enforcement or sanction' actions with the increasing will- ingness of member states to earmark troops for peacekeeping operations as an adjunct to pacific settlement. Canada, Denmark, Finland, Iran, Italy, the Netherlands, Nor- way, and Sweden and most recently the United Kingdom have already volunteered to hold troops on a permanent basis in readi- ness for United Nations peacekeeping opera- tions. (Issues before the 19th General As- sembly, International Conciliation, No. 550 November 1964, pp. 19-24.) These are significant stirrings of hope. Yet one must regretfully observe that most national statesmen?while paying lipservice to the United Nations and tearfully lament- ing its ineffectiveness and professing to wish to see it strengthened?have done precious little to develop and dramatize the great po- tentialities of the United Nations under the present charter in the field of peacekeeping and pacific settlement. If, as they tell us, there is no alternative to peace in this nu- clear age, they should give at least a fraction of the time they give to building up military power to building up an effective adminis- trative corps within the United Nations to assist and promote the peaceful settlement of international disputes. Certainly na- tional statesmen might be expected to give us much time to this task as they give to the recently revived study of geopolitics which seems to be based on the supposedly obso- lete theory that there is no alternative to war. I will make only a few of many suggestions which should be worthy of study in this con- nection. One, there should be get up a re- porting or rapporteur system to assist the Security Council and the General Assembly in handling disputes between states which threaten the peace. Every precaution should be taken to relieve the Security Council and the Assembly from having to act on the un- corroborated statements of the disputants and their partisans. There should be avail- able to these organs reports?prepared by a professional rapporteur or group of rappor- teus?as objective as possible of the essen- tial facts at issue and the positions taken by the disputants. Second, as part of or in addition to such a corps of rapport,eurs, there should be small corps of professional diplomats whose ex- perience or training qualify them to act as mediators or conciliators. Among other things, it should be their duty to investigate on their own initiative or on the request of a specified number of member states the use of force or the threat to use force by any state or states which has not been brought to the attention of the United Nations and to report the essential facts to the Secre- tary General. The Secretary General should be authorized on the basis of such report to offer the services of the mediating and con- ciliating corps to the disputants to assist them in negotiating a settlement of their differences. It is gravely disturbing that many de- voted friends of the United Nations have failed to grasp that the failure of the United Nations is threatened as much or more by the neglect of the great powers than by the irresponsibility of the small states. Even the revered Dag Hammarskjold who gave his life for the United Nations, in appealing for the support of the small states against Mr. Khrushev's proposal to force his resignation and to trifurcate the office of the Secretary General, stated in the General Assembly in September 1961: "It is not the Soviet Union or indeed, any other big powers, who need the U.N. for their protection; it is all the others. In this sense, the Organization is first of all their organization, and I deeply believe in the wisdom with which they will be able to use it and guide it." It is quite understandable at that critical time Hammarskjold should have reminded the small states of their great stake in the United Nations and their duty to act responsibly. It was unfortunate, however, that the words may suggest that the great powers have a lesser stake in and a lesser need of the U.N. If great powers do not sense their imperative need of the United Nations to preserve the peace, they will not give the United Nations the support necessary for its growth and survival. If the great powers do not have confidence in the United Nations, they can- not expect the smaller powers to have con- fidence in it. Recurrently and persistently a school of realists tell us that the United States can- not deal with conflicts between the great powers because of the veto and the lack of countervailing power. One would have thought that the uniting for peace resolu- tion in 1950 would have put that argument to rest. Moreover, whatever criticism may be made of the one-sidedness of some of the resolutions in the Suez case, it certainly es- tablished the continued vitality of the uniting for peace resolution and rejected the proposition that the great powers have a right to ignore their charter obligations. Strong arguments may be advanced that the United Nations cannot muster the power, and would be unwise to attempt, to impose its will by force on the great powers or for that matter on some of the lesser powers. The primary purpose of the United Nations after all is to keep the Peace and prevent war, not to fight wars, to stop aggression not to pun- Approved For Release 2003/10/14 : CIA-IRDP671300446R000300150018-4 Approved For Release 2003/10/14 : CIA-RDP67600446R000300150018-4 8476 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE April 28, ..lbt ish the aggressor. But there is nothing in the charter or outside the charter that would justify the great powers any more than the small powers to reject and ignore the con- ciliation, mediation, and other peace-keeping processes and procedures that the United Nations might provide for the peaceful settle- ment of disputes which threaten the peace. If the United Nations withers away, it will not be because it lacks the power to impose its will by force but because the forces for peace represented in the United Nations do not unite their strength as the charter bids them to do to bring the powers, great or small, which are involved in the conflict, to the conference table for good faith negoti- ation. I have scant sympathy with those Who are so devoted to the United Nations that they would not saddle it with the bur- densome task of bringing clashing powers to the conference table for fear the conference will be abortive. To what a pass the United Nations has come when it scarcely takes no- tice of a war in Vietnam which threatens to escalate into a major world conflict. It is not suggested that disputes affecting the vital interests and very existence of states may peacefully be settled by cold war debate and the counting of partisan votes. On this greatly diversified and deeply divided world, a consensus Is not easily found. But even amid diversity and division the common in- terest in peace?in the continuation of life itself on this planet?should be strong and effective enough to provide the procedures and processes to bring states in conflict to the conference table and to assist them to reach agreed settlements with which they can live. This does not mean that all debate in the General Assembly and Security Council can or should be suppressed. As in all political bodies the delegates often speak as much to their own constituents as to their fellow delegates. To some extent this is unavoid- able and with limits desirable. It does en- able the delegates to inform and advise one another of the grievances, problems, and pre- dilections of their various constituencies. But the cold war has unfortunately invaded the United Nations and taken over to the point that in some instances it has strength- ened and accentuated divisions and actually militated against the development of a feel- ing of community, of shared Interests in meeting the problems and adjusting the dif- ferences which threaten not only peace but life on this planet. If the political organs of the United Na- tions are to play their part in building peace which will save the world from a nuclear holocaust, there must be when there is no clear consensus, a downgrading of voting and an upgrading of efforts to create and employ the processes of mediation and con- ciliation to obtain the accommodations, com- promises, and provisional arrangements which are necessary if we are to live at peace. But there are those who say let justice and right prevail though the heavens fall. But who is to determine what is just and what Is right. Does justice lie with the strongest battalions or the deadliest missiles? And what justice can there be if the heavens fall. / should think it might better be said: Let justice be done so that the heavens will not fall. Antagonistic ideologies not reconcilable by logic have in the past been reconciled by the felt necessities of the times, even when they contended not only for the things of this earth but for man's immortal soul. The test of life, the test of peaceful coexistence?like the test of law as Justice Holmes has re- minded us?is not logic but experience. Slowly and surely the most hardheaded statesman barring lapses in periods of ten- sion and passion are coming to realize that war no longer is a practical way of adjusting international disputes. What are some of the working rules which should be observed in the United Nations in order to make the most effective use of the processes of conciliation in the settlement of international disputes which threaten the peace? They conform very closely with those which have proved effective in the con- ciliation and mediation of labor disputes. Impartial rapporteurs and skilled mediators should objectively try to ascertain the essen- tial facts and to determine the extent to which they may be in dispute; to ascertain and define the essential issues which divide the disputants so as to reduce, narrow and contain them to the greatest possible extent. They should also suggest alternative solu- tions to compose those differences which seem reconcilable with a little give and take, and should suggest provisional and ad hoc arrangements to circumvent or contain with- in tolerable and livable limits vital issues on which the parties are presently irreconcilably divided. This generation must be wise enough to find ways of leaving to the solvent of time and the wisdom of succeeding gen- erations problems which this generation is unable to solve. If this generation does not find and accept such ways there may be no tomorrow. Let us not forget that the most aggressive ideologies undergo changes over the years. Even the most fanatical faiths balk at self-destruction and mellow with time. When men realize as Justice Holmes so eloquently stated that "time has upset many fighting faiths" (Abrams v. U.S., 250 U.S. 616, 630) and when men realize that time has brought many unexpected changes even in our lifetime, we should have faith that the next generation may be able to solve - the problems we are unable to solve. At least we should do our best to give the next generation a chance. ? Let us now take a look at the none too successful efforts at mediation and concilia- tion in the recent ill-fated 19th General As- sembly centering about the application of article 19 of the charter to the Soviet Union. Article 19 provides that a member 2 years in arrears shall have no vote in the General Assembly, although the General Assembly may permit it to vote if it Is satisfied that failure to pay is due to conditions beyond its control. It was contended by the United States, the United Kingdom and Canada that the Soviet Union was more than 2 years in arrears because of its failure to meet the General Assembly's assessments against it for the UNEF (United Nations Emergency Force) peacekeeping in the Middle resit and for ONUC (United Nation's Operations in the Congo) peacekeeping. The International Court of Justice in an advisory opinion on which its members were sharply divided, nine to five, had found the assessments for UNEF and ONUC valid and binding under the charter. The General Assembly after acrimonious debate in its 18th session had voted to accept the opinion. The Soviet Union and Prance have taken the position that only the Security Council under the charter can impose binding obligations, al- though France supported the uniting for peace resolution an 1950 and met her contri- butions to UNEF voluntarily. The Soviet Union had initially supported the peace- keeping operation for the Congo in the Se- curity Council, although it withdrew its sup- port after Lumumba's ouster. It is the contention of the Soviet Union that it is not in arrears, and that neither the Court's advisory opinion or the resolution of the General Assembly can impose an obliga- tion to pay for peacekeeping not authorized by the Security Council. France which dur- ing 1965 will similarly become in arrears be- cause of her nonpayment of the Congo as- sessments supports the Soviet contention. It should be observed that both UNEF and ONUC were financed partly by a modified scale of assessments and partly by volunta contributions. All subsequent peace-kee ing operations have been financed by voila tary contribution. The United States, the United Kingdo: and Canada have taken the position that t General Assembly has accepted the Cour opinion, that the President of the Assemb must automatically apply article 19 and del the Soviet Union the right to vote. Th, further contend that on a point of order h ruling should and would be sustained by simple majority vote. Other members tal the position that article 19 must be read 1. connection with article 18 which providc that the suspension of rights and privilege should be considered important question requiring a two-thirds vote. The President of the Assembly and tla Secretary General tried from November tc February to mediate the dispute. They suc- ceeded in quieting. considerably the usual cold war debate and in avoiding a tabulated vote save on the final motion to adjourn in order to prevent a direct confrontation not of arms but of wills between the Soviet Union and the United States which might lead to the breakup of the United Nations. Conciliation efforts have not succeeded but they have not finally failed. It seems a pity that in a period of detente between the United States and the Soviet Union, it was not possible to find practical means and measures of meeting the United Nation's deficit so that the Assembly could get on With its work without being bogged down in legalisms. With a little give and take a prac- tical settlement might have been reached without resolving the controversial legal is- sues which have been unduly and unneces- sarily exploited. Neither the Court's ad- visory opinion nor article 19 need stand in the way of a practical settlement. To reach a practical settlement it is not necessary to accept or reject the Court's opinion. It is important to recall just what the Court did and did not advise: Not that the General Assembly may not finance peace- keeping by voluntary contributions, indeed both UNEF and ONITC are partially financed by voluntary contributions; Not that the General Assembly may not authorize States particularly interested to assume the pre- ponderant burden as was the case in Korea and later in Cyprus and Yeman. The Court merely advised that the General Assembly had the charter power, and had exercised it In the case of UNEF and ONUQ, to impose obligatory assessments to defray the costs of peacekeeping. But the Court did not decide that at this stage of international organization in the world where states are still inordinately jealous of their sovereignty that it was- wise statesmanship to finance peacekeeping on the basis of obligatory assessments. politi- cal body whose powers are essentially recom- nriendatory should hesitate, particularly in the absence of Great Power unity and an overwhelming consensus, to require sovereign states to finance actions which they oppose and which they cannot be required to par- ticipate in or assist directly. It is frequently asserted that the peacekeeping functions of the United Nations will not be undertaken if there is no power of obligatory assessment. I doubt this. Peacekeeping will not and should not be authorized unless the States supporting such action are-willing to support or to find support for it. Obviously much of the social and economic work of United Nations and its specialized agencies could not and would not be carried out on other than an essentially voluntary basis. It is no accident that both the United States and United Kingdom last summei (1964) proposed to the Working Group ol the Assembly, which was studying meth- ods for financing peacekeeping operations involving heavy expenditures, a special pro- Approved For Release 2003/10/14 : CIA-RDP67600446R000300150018-4 Approved For,Release 2003/.10/14 ? CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150018-4 April $, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -- SENATE 8477 _ maybe expected to give good faith considera- tion to the Assembly's recommendation, but they are not bound to act against their own better judgment nor to ignore the fact that a numerical majority may in some instances not 'he trillY representative of informed world opinion. When the cold war was at its height there was excessive en-if:thesis on voting and a mis- guided attempt to exaggerate the significance of a mere numerical Majority. At this stage of international organization a vote whieh requires action can become effective only if it moves to action states which have the will and power to act. A vote will command respect not by the mere number of states back of it but by the worldwide feelings or sentiments it reflects, by the worldwide response or reaction to events it evokes, and by the influence it brings to bear on the ac- tions of the states to which it is addressed. Many closely divided votes may only serve to strengthen divisions rather than to develop a consensus. ? Small states cannot expect to dictate to the more powerful states what they must do. On the other hand small states also have their rights, and large states cannot claim the right to act in areas in which small states are concerned without explaining and justifying their action. As President Roose- velt stated in his last state of the Union message on January 6, 1945, when the charter of the United Nations was being drafted: "We cannot deny that power is a factor in world politics any more than .we can deny that power is a factor in national politics. But in a democratic world, as in a democratic nation, power must be linked with respon- sibility and obliged to defend and justify itself within the framework of the general good." And the power of which President Roosevelt was speaking was power which was something more than transient military force. For the United Nations to function effec- tively with its present membership at this stage of international organization, greater reliance must be placed on procedures for peaceful settlement through conciliatory processes. Less reliance should be placed on voting on volatile political issues which in the absence of a clear consensus cannot be resolved by a vote. In emphasizing the flexibility of the charter and its adaptability to "exigencies"?to paraphrase the remarks of Justice Holmes in reference to the American Constitution, "which could not have been completely fore- seen by the most gifted of its begetters"?I do not wish to rule out all charter amend- ments. I only warn that we must exploit the potentialities of the present charter in order to develop a broader and deeper feeling of worldwide community which must precede any meaningful charter change. As we broaden the areas of concensus, we increase the possibility of strengthening the charter by amendment. Amendments to the charter enlarging the Security Council and the Economic and So- cial Council have been proposed by the 18th General Assembly. (Resolutions 1991 A and B (xviii) Dec. 17, 1963.) The Security Council amendment would enlarge the Security Coun- cil to 15 members. Of the 10 nonpermanent members, 5 would come from Africa and Asia, 1 from Eastern Europe, 2 from Latin America, and 2 from Western Europe and elsewhere. The Economic and Social Council amendment would enlarge ECOSOC to 27 members, of which 9 would be elected each year for 3-year terms. Seven of nine elected each year would come from Africa and Asia, one from Latin America, and one from Western Europe. A larger' Security 'Council and ECOSOC would appear desirable in order to reflect a broader spectrum of world opinion. But it would seem to the that if the Security Council is to be enlarged there Should be provision to edure for :handling such financing in the leneral AsOembly. They "joined in Propos- ag that' in the future in apportioning ex- enses for peacekeeping operations the Gen- ral Assert)]* acts only on 'the recommen.- .ation of a special finance committee which hould include the permanent members of he Security Council and a relatively high ,ercentage of member states' in each geo- raphical area that are large financial con- rlbutors to the 'United Nations. They fur- her proposed that: Such recommendation be nade only on a two-thirds vote of the cam- nittee membership. (U.N. Doc. A/AC 1137 50, Sept. 14, 1964.) :These proposals, I am sure, ere designed not simply to offer some protection in the future to the Soviet Un- ion but to other lane contributors includ- ing the United States and the United Xing- done against being assessed for operations which they oppose and in which they can- not be forced to participate directly. At this stage of international organization, it Is neither wise statesmanship nor practical politics to expeet states' to be able to get substantial appropriations from their na- tional legislatures to finance* international operations to 'which they are opposed. At this stage of international organization states must learn to cooperate voluntarily before they seek to enforce cooperation from recal- citrant states. The long period of watchful waiting .dur- ing which the 19th Assembly did' nothing, Clearly indicates that 'the member states do not Want the future of the organization to depend' upon whether the application of article 19 to the SOViet 'Union Under the present state of accounts is or is not auto- matic, They' 49 not want to Offend the United, States Which has been the financial mainstay of the United Nations and the po- litical champion of its expanding, role in world affairs, Qta, the other hand they rec- ognize that the United Nations cannot be a worldwid,e organization for peace if the Soviet Union is to be deprived of its vote. The inenibers do not want the United Na- tions to be stalled in its tracks.,They want to find a way to get on wit its work. Had a way not been found to adjourn the Assembly until next September (1965), the President of the Assembly would un- doubtedly have refrained from ruling on his own responsibility on the automatic ap- plication of article 19. He would undoubt- edly have asked the advice of the member states. They also would have sought a way to avoid Making a decision on application of article 19. If need be a majority might have voted to make this an important ques- tion requiring a two-thirds vote under arti- cle 18(3). In that case it would have been unlikely that any decision could command a two-thirds vote and efforts to find an 0A- commodatien or compromise would have had to be resumed. A new Committee of 3$ has: been estab- lished by the Assembly and is Instructed in consultation with the President and Sec- , , retary General to review the whole question ,of peacekeeping operations, including ways of overcoming the present financial difflcul- ties of .the organization and report by June 15. (1985). It is to be hoped that during the adjournmentthe Conimittee of sa will find a way out of the morass. It really should not be difficult if the Com- mittee recOgnizes its job is to ?break the deadlock and not to vindicate a, theory. The legal questions need not stand in the way of an acceptable and workable accom- modation, The Gonunittee need , not, co-ea- :U.0A .1c4.9,,,gavI.Spry opinion Of the Interna- tional 001.1r,t 414ice It need n9t decide whether the application of article '19 is or Is not =tomato. The Committee Jmight well recommend that, in light of the prac- deal difliculties encountered which have taralyzed the work of the 19th session, the - - Assembly should reconsider the nature of the assessments levied for ITNEF and ONUC. It might suggest that without prejudice to its charter powers and without prejudice to the advisory opinion of the Court, the Assem- bly should declare the assessments to be ? recommendatory and nonmandatory while urging all states to meet their share of such ?assessments. The states which voted for these aSsessments should naturally feel morally bound to meet their share. Should some states fail to meet their quota, for reasons which to them seem compelling: they should be urged to contribute a substan- tially equivalent amount to other operations of the United Nations so that the overall `costs of the United Nations may be equitably shared by its members. Should there re- main a deficit in meeting the costs of UNEF and ?NIX, a special appeal should be made for voluntary contributions to make up the deficit. If the Assembly is prepared to recognize the unwisdom at this stage of international organization of attempting to make its assessinents for special peacekeeping op- "erations obligatory, there should be reason to hope that the Soviet Union and Prance 'would voluntarily meet their assessments ' or make substantially equivalent contribu- tions to other essential activities of the United Nations. In the absence of special circumstances, States 'which do not con- tribute to special peacekeeping operations 'Should not be entitled to a voice in the administration of such operations. Of course it may be a bit messy to reconsider the mandatory character of a partially ex- ecuted plan of assessments. But it is better to offend the purists than to let the Assem- bly be stalemated or blackout indefinitely. It is to be regretted, as I have indicated, that in a period of relative detente between the West and the Soviet Union a negotiated settlement has been so difficult to achieve. It is particularly regrettable that the work of the Assembly should have been stalled over the financing of peacekeeping operations because it has been in the field of peace- keeping as an aid to peaceful settlement that the most promising developments in the United Nations in recent years have occurred. It was somewhat reassuring to note that the cold war debate was less acrimonious than usual and that the membership as a whole calmly exerted their influence to mediate the differences between the United States and the Soviet Union and to prevent a self- defeating confrontation over article 19. De- spite the unsuccessful attempt of Albania to precipitate the confrontation, the many new, small and weak members acted with a sense of responsibility and restraint. * * The admission of many new small states has created problems which cannot be ig- nored. But the seriousness of these prob- lems can be greatly minimized if the larger states take the lead in developing practices and procedures which encourage and promote the use of the Assembly not as a forum for fighting cold wars, but for ending them. With the admission of many new and relatively weak states it becomes the- oretically possible for the General Assembly to vote for action for the carrying out of which the voting majority would shoulder little or no responsibility or burden. It must be remembered, however, that the action of the General Assembly is recommendatory and not mandatory. Its effectiveness must depend upon its appeal to the judgment and interests of states. Indeed, democratic states cannot be expected to assist actively In carrying out programs to which ..theh peo- ple are strongly opposed. must berec- ognised that voting in the Assembly on the basis of the sovereign equality of states does not automatically reflect world power, world 'wealth, or world 'wisdom. Member states Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150018-4 8478 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67600446R000300150018-4 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD?SENATE April 28, 1965 insuze that not less than one-third of its membership are drawn from a middle group of states which, while not among the original permanent members of the Council, are large financial contributors. This middle group might constitute a class of additional perma- nent members without power Of veto or at least an additional class of members eligible for successive reelection. This middle group should include states like India, japan, Brazil, Italy, Germany, and, possibly, 'Nigeria. Moreover if the Security Council is to be enlarged in order to obtain a more balanced representation it would seem to be desirable If not necessary at the same time to provide for a better balanced distribution of voting power in the General Assembly. In light of the great disparity of power between the relatively small number of large States and the large number of small States some change in the distribution of voting power in the Assembly is important to maintain the influence of the General Assembly and to give meaning and power to its resolutions. It is likewist important to maintain the capacity of the Assembly to act. responsibly? to represent power as well as numbers?when the veto forestalls action in the Security Council. But it is not easy to find any ac- ceptable principle of weighted voting to im- pose oh the principle of sovereign equality of States. A duel voting system perhaps af- fords the best way of reconciling the sov- ereign equality of states with a responsibly balanced pewee structure. It might con- ceivably be possible if and when the Great Powers consent to an enlarged and better balanced Security Council that the smaller powers would concurrently consent to a dual voting system in the General Assembly whereby ordinary resolutions in the Gen- eral Assembly wciuld require a double major- ity vote?a majority of all members and a majority of those states in the Assembly which are represented on the enlarged Secu- rity Council. Then important resolutions of the Aiserably would require a two-thirds ma- jority of the whole membership and a two- thirds majority of those states in the Assem- bly which are members of the Security Coun- cil. This is a form of weighted voting which avoids the need for weighing the votes of individual states. It should create a better relationship between the Security Council and the Assembly and at the same time in- crease the effective influence of the Assembly on the Security Council. But desirable as some amendments may be, we must not let the obstacles in the way of attaining them blind us to the potentiali- ties of the present charter which is and was *signed to be adaptable to changing condi- tions and unforeseen exigencies. The means which may be most effective for carrying out the charter purposes when the Great Pow- ers are working together may not be the most effective means when they are in conflict. The most effective means of carrying out the charter objectives at one stage in the growth of international organization may not be the most effective means at a different and more advanced stage. The charter is broad in scope and allows a wide measure of choice of means. It IS for each generation to have the wisdom and imagination to choose the appropriate means and procedures for keep- ing the peace-in its time. At the present time the important thing is to find the means which enable the mem- ber states to cooperate to the maximum ex- tent to keep the peace within the frame and law of the charter. The important thing is not to impose the will of a majority of states OE a minority of states but to provide an en- vironment and a procedure for composing or containing differences among states before they erupt into war. The peaceful settlement of disputes requires not armies but -Wisdom and vision. Long ago in the days of Solomon it was said that "Where there is no vision the people perish." Let us hope that in this nuclear age vision is not lacking when with- out vision life on this planet may cease to exist. MIGRATORY FARM LABOR?THE BRACER? PROBLEM Mr. DOMINICK. Mr. President, in re- cent months, the Senate has been en- gaging in serious colloquy concerning the bracer? problem of importing labor to harvest the crops. A great many farmers, as the President knows, are presently in serious straits, wondering whether to plant their crops because of the absence of available labor. The other day, out of the blue, I re- ceived a letter from a gentleman in New York who owns property in my State of Colorado, and in that letter he included a copy of his letter to the Secretary of Labor, Mr. Wirtz. The letter details the problems which farmers face in Colorado as well as in other parts of the country, and he in- cludes some exhibits from his own tenant farmers in that area. I ask unanimous consent to have this material printed in the RECORD. There being no objection, the material was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: NEW Ycenc, N.Y., April 5, 1965. Senator PETER H. Donanvicx, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR Ma. SENATOR: I am taking the liberty to forward to you a copy of a letter which I believe is self-explanatory in reference to the sugarbeet labor situation. The situation is critical, and anything which you could do to help correct it in these next few days before planting time for the 1965 crop would be a godsend. Sincerely yours, HARRISON D. 13r..sis. NEW Yoloc, N.Y., April 5, 1965. Hon. W. WILLARD WIRTZ, Secretary of Labor, Washington, D.C. DEAR Ma. SECRETARY: I doubt that you will remember me from the New York Beta of the Year Dinner at the Harvard Club May 16, 1963, but as a New York City banker of 40 years' experience and a third generation land- owner from the Plains of Colorado where I grew up knowing well and intimately the vicissitudes of struggle with nature, I want to impose on your time for a few minutes to urgently discuss a matter of economic sur- vival for some of our most valuable citizens? the sugarbeet farmers. The lapse of Public Law 78, and sudden prohibition of the hiring of Mexicans, who have worked our beets for some two genera- tions, presents a crisis, not just a problem, and a very serious crisis. The use of "bra- ceros" must be reinstated at once. Farming at best is a great risk, and the beet farmers have been working valiantly under the guidance of the sugar companies to mechanize and dispense with hand labor. Much progress has been registered with the innovation of segmented seed and introduc- tion of chemical weed eradicators, but nature cannot be changed over night as can be re- strictive legislation. The substitute labor suggested Is just not available for those farmers from a hundred to several hundred miles from congested cities with large relief populations. It Is doubtful that those on relief would be efficient and effective on farms, or would care to "go rural" for a ' month period. Furthermore, the capital co of supplying required housing facilities f the short-term city relief workers and th* families would be prohibitive and uneo. nomical. The goal of complete mechanization Cf quite likely be achieved?but it will tel some time. When that time comes, the la efficient labor that you are now trying to foi, on the beet farmers will still be unen ployed?and you will have only postpone the solution while ruining the solid citize farmer. Our domestic beet-sugar industry prove. a godsend to the consuming public in Worl. War II, but can it endure economically wit] a legislated 50-percent increase in labcy costs plus the increased capital cost of meth. anization? Forty or fifty years ago a farmei could get along with four or five teams that were worth about $100 per animal and ma- chinery that cost $75 to $100 per item. Nov. tractors, harvesters, etc., cost $3,000 to $6,000 each, and the average tenant farmer can easily have a capital investment of $20,000 or so. Our cost of sugar production should be as low as economically possible, as our prices are influenced or set by world supply. Does it make sense to legislate a 50-percent in- crease in labor cost when large producing areas around the world produce with labor costs only a fraction of ours? Also, is it good international relations to kick our neighbors south of the border in the teeth? On my irrigated farmland of some 1,100 acres, I have six tenant farmers; they repre- sent the kind of families that are the back- bone of our American free-enterprise system. One is a grandson of a former tenant of my father, two are sons, and a fourth is married to the daughter of a former tenant. The boys and girls that have come from those farms for three generations are real Ameri- cans, and one son of a man who worked for my grandfather and father went to Wash- ington to head up a section. Are we going to legislate those kind of people to second- grade society and relief? That is what we *111 do if we solve this problem on the present approach of politics, and continue to ignore the rules and laws of economics. It is wrong to throw a 50-percent labor cost increase at the farmer when he is fac- ing a water shortage for the second year in a row. The Prewitt Reservoir in Logan County, Colo., is still empty, and our North Sterling Reservoir, dating from the early 1900's, has prospects of being only 50 percent full with the irrigation season now less than 2 months away. At best, farming is precarious, and my tenant farmers work long hours for a modest return, if. Nature is kind. As a landlord, my six farmers, in the 9 years since I inher- ited them, have produced a gross income (including insurance, rebates for fire, wind, and hail damage, and some $15,800 soil prac- tices payments) of $259,615.02, but after total expenses of $251,727.14 (which includes only modest depreciation as some buildings are 50 years old or more) my net income has been only $7,887.88. This is an average of 6876.43 per farm over a 9-year period, or an average of only $97.38 per tenant per year. Not very exciting, considering the constantly increasing cost of repairs, insur- ance, and taxes?and my land is among some of the better land in the area. Some of my financial friends urge me to liquidate my landholdings and employ the funds in stocks and bonds to better advantage, but I like to think that, in that expenditure of $251,000, plus a greater one of my combined tenants, we have helped make honest jobs But if this keeps up, maybe in 2 year when I retire from the bank I'll be forcer to accede to their wishes. Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67600446R000300150018-4 Anproved For Release2003116/14 : GIA-RDP67600446R009300150018-4 Aril 28, 19-o 1.01s1 CyltbSS1 ON AL RECORD ? SENATE 8479 I think that also I have among the better tenants in the area. Sometimes it is diffi- cult to keep them from becoming discour- aged. With the outlook which your De- ment is harnessing our beet farmers, they may not obtain their usual credit facilities from the local banks. The goal of your De- partment and the Department of Agriculture should be to reduce the need for farm sup- port?not legislate so that there will be a necessity for more. I enclose three photo- stats of extracts from some of my tenants' correspondence these past couple of months to let you know eloquently how they feel and vorry. Cast for both the tenant farmer and the Indlord are co/Latently rising (my farm real ,.'state taxes last year advanced from 11.2 to 14.7 percent, and it is imperative that we grow the maximum dollar yield per acre :Tops (beets) so far as sound rotation pro- grams permit in order to break even and stay Alt of the red. That is true in addition to having good growing weather and conditions. I have urged my tenants to cooperate fully in soil conservation practices but on prin- ciple have constantly insisted that they not engage in those practices whereby they might be paid for not growing crops which I feel is boondoggling. The planting season is here, and I hope that your department and all other depart- ments involved and bureaus in Washington will reconsider and immediately advise the growers that after careful study they will have recourse to their tried and proven labor sources. While I am leaving this Wednesday for a much needed week of vacation in Florida, after finishing on March 23 a grand jury term that started February 1 (which was in addi- tion to my full-time bank job), I should be happy to come to Washington for conference it you feel that I could further clarify the picture. I shall be a guest of Mrs. Nohowel, 222 El Brill? Way, Palm Beach, telephone 305-833-5821. I should gladly return and make that sacrifice for my farmer boys. I am taking the liberty to send a copy of this letter to my Congressmen and Senators, and also to frank A. Kemp, president of the Great Western Sugar Co, a brother Beta from. the University of Colorado and a very able executive of the highest integrity. Sincerely yours, ? HARRISON D. BLAIR. JANUARY 6, 1965. Mr. BLAIR: Enclosed is a clipping from a local paper concerning the wage scale for the beet labor. In the past it was 90 cents per hour. And I understand in the future they are going to raise it 15 percent each year till it gets to a level where local labor will be glad to come to work for us. The only thing is us small farmers won't be around to pay this kind of labor bill. About the only other thing we can do is just let the weeds grow. Any suggestions? The reservoir is taking in a little water, but they said that if some miracle didn't happen we'd be lucky to get 50 percent of water. Be- tween the wafer shortage and labor shortage the future looks a little bleak. JANUARY 23, 1965. DEAR MR. BLAIR: Sounds like you are hav- ing a lot of snow in New York. We had 5 inches of snow, which was most welcome. This is the first moisture we have had all Winter. We need 10 times as much yet. The reservoirs are still low. Prewitt is com- pletely dry yet. As for the crop planning for 1965, looking the situation over with the severe water shortage we had last year and not to much moisture ap yet, and also, with this beet labor problem it encounters some very ser- ious thinking and a lot of figuring. I applied for 53 acres of beets, which I doubt I will get, It will probably be between 40 to 47 acres. This will most certainly be enough the way the outlook is on sugarbeets. We already lost one beet payment in August of 1964 for the 1963 crop. According to the newspaper of Great Western we might lose one or two payments in 1965 for the 1964 sugarbeet crop. Also, the water shortage. As for beet labor, the Government is setting the price. We will have to pay by the hour instead of by the acre. We have to pay $1.30 an hour and hire domestic labor, which mainly will be people who are on welfare. I don't think I have to explain on how suc- cessful this will be. My opinion is It will be one of the biggest labor flops in American history. They are too lazy to work nowadays. Also, the Government is trying to push through better living quarters for the labor. They are talking about running water, bath- rooms, and also furnish some of the house- hold furnishings. The Government will send inspectors around to look at labor houses to see if they are suitable. It's one big mess. Pretty soon the Government is going to tell us what and when on every- thing we do. MARCH 24, 1965. MR. BLAIR: It's getting nearer to planting time and we are still in bad shape as far as water and beet labor is concerned. At last report they figured the reservoir would end up with about 50 percent water, unless some miracle happens which is pretty doubtful. It's going to be pretty hard to make ends meet with that poor of a water supply. The farm loan people don't think too much of loaning money to farmers with half a supply of water. They still haven't come up with anything for our beet labor, and the company has told us not to figure on any either._ You said to go ahead and plant and see what happens. It might be a little late to replant if we wait to see if they are going to be too weedy to save. I'm not financially fixed to take too many chances. You know that bankers don't loan too much money on hopes. CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT ON REAPPORTIONMENT ' Mr. DOMINICK. Mr. President, I have had the privilege of testifying be- fore the Subcommittee on Constitutional Amendments of the Committee on the Judiciary in support of the proposed con- stitutional amendment of the Senator from Illinois [Mr. DIRKSEN] with respect to reapportionment. The other day, I had an opportunity to read an excellent article on this prob- lem written by Holman Harvey and Ken- neth 0. Gilmore, and published in synop- sis form in the Reader's Digest for March 1965. I believe that this article clearly sets forth one of the problems this country has faced before; namely, that some States have not gone ahead with reap- portionment on their own. It also clearly shows the great efforts which have been made by the State of Colorado in this particular complex sit- uation and the difficulties Colorado has encountered because of the Supreme Court decision. The article gives many of the basic reasons why I feel?as I know many others feel?that the passage of this con- stitutional amendment is imperative and should be accomplished as soon as pos- sible. Mr. President, I ask unanimous con- sent to have the article to which I have referred printed in the RECORD for read- ing by all Senators. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: [From the Reader's Digest, March 19651 REAPPORTIONMENT: SHALL THE COURT OR THE PEOPLE DECIDE? (NOTE.?It is more than a power struggle between city dwellers and country dwellers. At issue in today's political battles over the makeup of State legislatures are flanda- mental principles of democratic representa- tion.) (By Holman Harvey and Kenneth 0. Gilmore) Lightning struck last June 15 when the Supreme Court handed down its one-man, one-vote reapportionment decision. This decree requirec both branches of every State legislature to be strictly based on population only. It represents the most far-reaching Change in American political structure since our Constitution was written 178 years ago. Few issues in recent times have stirred more controversy or created more confusion. Nearly every State in the Nation?from Mon- tana to Maryland, from Alaska to Florida? is truggling to satisfy the Federal judiciary's order. A dozen States have already re- mapped their legislative districts. Others are desperately trying to meet Court-imposed deadlines or to devise delaying tactics. In the meantime, proposals for a constitutional amendment reversing the Court's action are being seriously debated in Congress and in the States. Make no mistake, we are at a crossroads: our form of government is in a major crisis. What then are the stakes? REPRESENT THE PEOPLE "The basic issue," says Robert G. Dixon, Jr., professor of law at George Washington University, "is not simply 'one man one vote.' It is fair representation, a concept which philosophers and politicians have been arguing about for ages." Since the beginning of democracy in the Greek city-states, man has groped for the best ways to govern himself and to achieve a true representation of the people's will. As far back as the 11th century England be- gan to move painfully toward more repre- sentative government; kings formed various councils consisting of lords, clerics, and pow- erful landowners. Later, townships, bor- oughs and counties were called into coun- cils?originally to be consulted on property taxes. In America at the Constitutional Conven- tion in Philadelphia in 1787, this was the es- sential question: How could a balanced, gen- uinely representative form of government be achieved, one that would reflect the majority will while protecting the minority and pre- venting mob rule? A solution was ham- mered out by our forefathers. So that the large States could not be controlled by the small or the small steamrollered by the large, a two-house plan was born, with a House of Representatives based on population and a Senate based on geography. Thomas Jefferson is reputed to have asked George Washington why he favored the sys- tem. Washington asked Jefferson why he poured his coffee from cup to saucer. "To cool it" was the response. "Even so," Washington said, "we pour leg- islation into the senatorial saucer to cool it." As America matured into the world's first successful example of modern constitutional democracy, States adopted the Federal two- house system. By 1961, all but 11 States had constitutions that took into account inter- ests other than population?geographic fac- tors, mainly?so as to achieve fair represen- tation. Missouri's "Little Federal" system Approved For Release 2003/10/14 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150018-4 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP671300446R000300150018-4 ' ? 8480 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE April 28, 1965 furnishes an example. One house is appor- tioned on the basis of districts of fairly equal population in both city and lanai areas, with districts adjusted every 10 years. In the other chamber each of the 114 coun- ties has at least 1 member. Under these provisions, cooperation between city and rural areas is a valued tradition. THE CHICKEN VOTE But?and this is where the rub came?as America's cities grew, some States neglected to reapportion their lower houses. The re- sult was, in many States, unjust rural dom- ination of legislatures. Delaware's house districts had not changed since 1897. So unbalanced was Connecticut's House of Rep- resentatives that 1 vote in a rural town was worth 429 votes in Hartford. In New Hamp- shire's lower house, one district had 1,000 times more residents than another. One remiss State was Tennessee, with no revisions since 1901. A group went to court to force reapportionment of the assembly, with Memphis resident Charles W. Baker suing the secretary of state, Joe C. Carr. "The pigs and chickens in our smaller coun- ties have better representation in the Ten- nessee Legislature than the people of Nash- ville, declared that city's mayor. The case reached the Supreme COurt. Contrary to all previous decisions?and to Justice Felix Frankfurter's warning that the judiciary "ought not to enter this political thicket"?the Court ruled in 1962 that State legislative districts are subject to its judicial scrutiny. The Baker v. Carr decision was a bomb- shell. It spawned similar reapportionment suits in 34 States. So varied were the court interpretations that cases from six States-- Alabama, Colorado, Delaware, Maryland, New York, and Virginia?were appealed to the High Tribunal. Then on June 15, 1964, the nine black- robed men filed into the marbled chambers and handed down their shattering decision. In four eases the voting was 8 to 1; in the other two, 6 to 3. In all cases, the long- established "Little Federal" system was knocked out. Chief Justice Earl Warren justified the decision on the provision of the 14th amendment to the U.S. Constitution which requires that no State shall "deny to any person Within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws." He wrote: "Legis- lators represent people, not trees or acres. Legislators are elected by voters, not farms or cities or economic interests." QUESTION THE WISDOM There were vigorous dissents to the deci- sion. Justice Potter Stewart noted: "The Court's draconian pronouncement, which makes unconstitutional the legislatures of most of the 50 States, finds no support in the words of the Constitution, or in any prior decision of this Court, or in the 175- year political history of our Federal 'Union." "It is difficult to imagine a more intolerable and inappropriate interference by the judi- ciary with the independent legislatures of the States," said Justice John M. Harlan. "People are not ciphers. Legislators can represent their electors only by speaking for their interests?economic, social, political? many of which do reflect where the electors live." Aroused critics from both political parties questioned the wisdom of the Court's flat. The Wall Street Journal summed up the feelings of many when it said, "The Court had a chance to bolster our traditions by requiring one house truly on population, and permitting the other on a geographical or other basis to reflect common interests. Instead of stopping with that, its fiat threw out institutions painfully wrought by exper- ience and tried to substitute abstract theory." The House of Representatives was SO in- censed that it rammed through a bill strip- ping all Federal courts of the power to hear or review State legislative apportionment cases. The Senate passed a "sense of Con- gress" with the purpose of asking the courts to go slow in forcing State legislatures to fall into line until the whole matter could be reviewed. MOSLEMS THAT COUNT Today, as this momentous issue is debated across the land, every citizen should ponder these points: 1. The Court's decree threatens to spark a chain reaction that may go all the way down to the school-board level. There are 3,072 counties in the United States, and 91,185 local governments. How long will it be before the Federal courts poke into each of these units of representative democracy to take head counts and draw boundary lines? A Michigan court recently told Kent County's Board of Supervisors that it mutt be reap- portioned on a population-only basis. Other suits have been filed in New York and Cali- fornia. Where, exactly, will it end? "Carry the Court's decision to its logical conclusion," says William S. White, Pulitzer Prize-winning biographer and journalist, "and even the historic and deliberate popula- tion imbalance in the U.S. Senate could not in any logic longer prevail," After all Navada's 285,000 citizens elect as may U.S. Senators as do New York's 17 million. 2. The decision will swing 'the pendulum from legislatures with outdated apportion- ment and too much rural weight, to legis- latures under the raw control of metropoli- tan vote-getting machines. In 25 States, more than half the population resides in metropolitan areas. In 14 States, three pop- ulous counties or fewer will elect more than 50 percent of the legislators? America's sprawling urban areas will call the shots, up and down the land. Chicago will hold sway over Illinois, Detroit over Michigan, Philadel- phia and Pittsburgh over Pennsylvania, Phoenix over Arizona, and Las Vegas over Nevada. The specter of raids on State treasuries by metropolitan-dominated legislatures con- cerns many. They see pressures mounting for more State funds for urban renewal, relief cases and public housing?with many of the funds being matched by U.S. tax dollars. These spending programs in turn will garner more votes for the city machines. Mayors in some States may soon be far more influential than the governors. New York is perhaps the most vivid case. Here 88 percent of the population has been able to elect a majority in the Senate, thus protecting certain underpopulated counties of this large State with all its diverse inter- ests. But, under the Court's rule, it is only a matter of time before the New York City metropolitan area, with 63 percent of the State's population, will be completely domi- nant. 3. Some groups of voters can be wiped out, under a winner take all numerical system. The Court's decision, notes the Christian Science Monitor, "will tend to weaken the complex American system for diffusing power and protecting minorities." For example, under a purely numerical system of redis- tricting, South Dakota's 30,000 Indians, who live in huge reservations covering entire counties, will lose two State senators who now watch out for their interests. Representative WILLIAM M. McCultocx, of Ohio, says: "People have ever-changing prob- lems that sometimes fail to yield to computer logic. Some may be lumbermen, miners, 1 Alaska, Arizona, California, Connecticut, Delaware, HaWsli, Illinois, Massachusetts, Missouri, Nevada, New Hampshire, Rhode Island, Utah, Washington. fishermen or farmers. Some may be of one religion or national origin peculiar in need or consideration. Some may direct their needs toward secondary roads or superhigh- ways, while others are more concerned about the rapid transit system. Certainly the ma- jority must have effective rule, but the mi- nority, too, is entitled to effective representa- tion, lest important segments of our people be completely subject to the tyranny of a teneporary majority." Chief Justice Warren himself declared, in 1948, when he was Governor of California: "Many California counties are far more im- portant in the life of the State than their population bears to the entire population of the State. It is for this reason that I have never been in favor of restricting the repre- sentation in the [State] senate to a strictly population basis." 4. The Court's decree is a dangerous in- trusion by the Federal judiciary into the political affairs of the States. Hardly was the one-man-one-vote decision announced before lower courts showed how fast and how far they were willing to muscle in on the deliberations of State governments. Just 2 days after the June 15 decision, a U.S. dis- trict court directed the Michigan Apportion.. meat Commission to come up with a dis- tricting plan in 48 hours. In a Vermont case appealecato the Supreme Court, it was ruled In January that the legislature must decide upon a plan and then disband?even though this defies the State constitution. In Oklahoma a three-man Federal district court ignored the machinery set up by the State for reapportionment and autocratically undertook to rearrange the States' legislative districts itself. It set up a master plan that was a nightmare of free-floating voting zones and mistakes. Angrily. Oklahoma's Sena- tor MIKE Moaremenr said: "Hasty and ill- advised redistricting formulas promulgated by the courts can result in confusion and inequities. Good local self-government can- not be imposed from above. It must be gen- erated by the poeple themselves." b. The Court's edict means that the citi- zens of a State can no longer decide upon their own form of representative government. One of the six States involved in the Court's June 15 ruling was Colorado. Few States have so diligently attempted to work out a method of representation tailored to their own unique characteristics. Since it became a State in 1876, its legislature has been reap- portioned five times. In the spring of 1962, citizens' groups gathered to work out a reap- portionment amendment that would keep pace with the State's increasing urban growth. They split into two camps. One wanted both houses of the general assembly based on population alone; the other sup- ported a Federal plan, keeping geographic representation in the senate. Each side took its case to the public. They fought up and dawn the State with count- less speeches, debates, newspaper ads, bill- board posters, radio and TV spots. This ref- erendum overshadowed all other election issues in Colorado that year. And the out- come was stunningly clear. The "Federal plan" won by 305,700 to 172,725. It carried every county in the State. The amendment was challenged; it was up- held by a Federal district court. And then, on June 15, the Supreme Court threw out Colorado's plan. In an amazing statement, Chief Justice Warren said that, because the plan adopted was contrary to the Court's new ruling, Colorado's referendum vote was "without Federal constitutional signifiance." There were stinging dissents. Said Justice Tom C. Clark: "Colorado, by an overwhelm- ing vote, has written the organization of its legislative body into its constitution. In striking down Colorado's plan of apportion- ment, the Court is invading the valid func- tioning of the procedures at the States, and Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67600446R000300150018-4 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67600446R000300150018-4 April 28, 195 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ?SENATE thereby commits a grievous error which will do irreparable damage to our Federal-State relationship." Today Colorado's senate has been redrawn to satisfy the Court. But the issue is still being debated. Meanwhile, the voters won- der what, if anything, their ballot is worth, or their State constitution. WILL OF TUE PEOPLE Only one recourse is left to American cit- izens who wish to restore our representative system to its original integrity: an amend- Ment to the U.S. Constitution. Today in Congress, and in the States, forces are gathering behind proposals that would: 1. Guarantee the citizens of every State the right to decide for themselves, by one- man, one-vote ballot, the apportionment of their own legislature. 2. Guarantee that this power will not be curtailed or reviewed by any Federal court. 3. Guarantee that one house of each leg- islature can reflect factors other than pop- ulation if such apportionment has been submitted to a vote of the people. This in essence would be the 25th amend- ment to the Constitution. Whether it is passed in Congress and ratified by the States Will depend upon the support It receives from the American people. The stakes are high?as high as the preservation of our Republic. DR. TELLER CONTINUES TO BE WRODR; LET US DEFEAT CIVIL DEFENSE SHELTER PROPOSAL Mr. YOUNG of Ohio. Mr. President, throughout the great debate in Congress on the ratification of the limited nuclear test ban treaty, the chief opponent in the scientific community, and practically the only nationally noted scientist to op- pose ratification of the treaty, was Dr. Edward Teller. Personally, I am very proud that the limited n,uclear test ban treaty, so pa- tiently and thoroughly sought by Presi- dent Eisenhower and by President Tru- man before him, was finally ratified by the Senate during the term of our great late President John F. Kennedy. It will stand as one of the many monuments to his wisdom and determination. Throughout that time Dr. Teller was wrong in opposing the ratification of this treaty. He direly predicted doom for this Natfon were the nuclear test ban treaty to be ratified. The treaty was ratified by an over- whelming vote in the Senate, and the first step toward permanent peace in this grim period of international anarchy was taken, the first step in a Journey of a thousand miles, as it was so eloquently stated by our late great President Ken- nedy. In years to come historians may look upon the ratification of the limited nuclear test ban treaty as the most im- portant single action taken by the U.S. Senate in this decade. It is certainly our hope and prayer and the prayer of free people the world over that eventu- ally peoples of the world will enjoy per- manent peace. . The PRESIDING OFFICER. The time of the Senator has expired. Mr. YOTJNG of Qhick. I ask unanimous consent that I may proceed for 3 addi- tional minutes. The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered, Mr. YOUNG of Ohio. Mr. President, Dr. Teller was dead wrong in 1962 and 1963. He is wrong now. The nuclear test ban treaty has succeeded. There have been no violations. In fact, our Government has conducted more under- ground nuclear tests than has the Soviet Union. Now this prophet of doom, Edward Teller, is highly critical of Government apathy toward the holes in the ground referred to by high salaried civil defense officials as "fallout shelters." He urges that the Federal Government undertake a mass shelter program, which by his own estimate will cost at least $20 billion over the next 10 years. This is a con- servative estimate. Herman Kahn, one of the foremost proponents of fallout shelters, has esti- mated that a reasonable program might involve a gradual buildup from about $1 billion annually to somewhere in the neighborhood of $5 billion annually. A recent estimate by Prof. John Ullman, chairman of the Department of Manage- ment of Hofstra College, would place the cost of an effective civil defense shelter system as high as $302 billion. Regard- less of which of the expert opinions is cited, the price tag would be astro- nomical. Even then, there is no guaran- tee that a shelter program will be at all effective. With extensive advances be- ing made in rocket and nuclear tech- nology, many shelters would probably be obsolete and utterly useless before com- pletion. One of the scientists now work- ing on advanced weapons technology is reported to have said: "You ain't seen nothing yet, compared with what is coming into sight in the way of new weapons." There is the possibility of more deadly types of warfare for which shelters would offer no protection whatever?chemical and biological warfare. Any nation that would unleash a thermonuclear war would probably not hesitate to use other methods equally as terrifying. Is the Congress prepared to embark on such a vast gamble and to spend per- haps $200 billion of taxpayers' money? Let us have no illusions. In reality this is what the civil defense planners and alarmists such as Edward Teller are ask- ing us to do. Anyone who has taken the trouble to look into the matter is aware of the fact that most building owners have ignored or refused requests to provide shelters, and that ordinary citizens have lost in- terest. During each crisis the get-rich- quick shelter salesmen appear. As soon as the crisis abates and public interest fades completely, they crawl back under the rocks from whence they came. Communities throughout the Nation are awakening to the fact that thou- sands of dollars of taxpayers' money have been spent on foolish programs with no tangible results except for the fact that in many instances lush posi- tions at the public trough were provided for ex-politicians and city hall Parasites. Mr. President, there is no shelter build- ing program in Great Britain, France, or in any of the major Western Powers. Re- liable observers in the Soviet union re- 8481 port that there is no fallout shelter pro- gram in Russia. Henry Shapiro, dean of the American correspondents in Moscow, wrote: No foreigner here has seen any civil de- fense shelters. The average citizen is un- aware of the existence of shelters. Preston Grover of the Associated Press stated: Attaches from embassies who have looked around the country for sign of shelters have found nothing. Foreigners live in many of the newest buildings put up in Moscow, and they have no bomb shelters. In 1961, the New York Times published a report from Moscow by Harrison Salis- bury which stated: About 12,000 miles of travel in the Soviet Union by this correspondent in the last 4 weeks failed to turn up evidence of a single Soviet bomb shelter. Diplomats, foreign military attaches, and correspondents who have traveled widely in the Soviet Union re- port that there is no visible evidence of a widespread shelter program. Gen. Curtis LeMay and others have said that our protection lies in spending money for offensive and defensive weap- ons, rather than in preparing to hide in holes, waiting for conquering paratroop- ers to come. Mr. President, this year the Congress is being asked to appropriate $200 mil- lion to perpetuate this ridiculous shelter scheme. This is twice the amount re- quested by the President for the Peace Corps; it is 125 times the amount re- quested for the Commission on Civil Rights; it is 28 times the amount re- quested for the Small Business Admin- istration. Wherever and whenever possible our President and we in the Congress should be endeavoring to effect economy in Government without curtailing vital and needed programs both foreign and do- mestic. In good conscience we should not appropriate anywhere near the huge sum requested for civil defense purposes. To do so would be to make a sham of efforts toward more economy in Govern- ment, to encourage waste of taxpayers' money at all levels of Government, and a slap in the face to taxpayers. Mr. President, the average salary in the Civil Defense Division of the Depart- ment of Defense is one of the highest in any agency in the Federal Govern- ment?$11,478 a year. Compare with $10,085 for the National Aeronautics and Space Administration, $8,318 for the Small Business Administration, and $8,467 for the Federal Bureau of Investi- gation?agencies that are performing essential and worthwhile public services. Out of a total of 991 employees in the Civil Defense Division of the Department of Defense, 481?almost half?are GS-13 or above receiving from $13,336 to $27,000 a year. The remaining 510 are paid from $4,417 to $10,982 a year. Fifty-eight percent of those employed with the Civil Defense Division are class- ified as professional employees; that is, GS-12 or above. Compare this with 35 percent in the FBI and 37 percent in the NASA. What justification is there for such a high percentage of supersalaried bureaucrats in an agency performing so Approved For?Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP671300446R000300150018-4 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67600446R000300150018-4 8482 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE April 28, 1965 little service to taxpayers. The civil de- fense bureaucrats receive the most and do the least of all officials or employees of any agencies or departments in our Federal Government. The PRESIDING OtoriCER. The time of the Senator has again expired. Mr. YOUNG of Ohio. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to proceed for 2 additional minutes. The PRESIDING 0.10.toiCER. Without objection, it so ordered. Mr. YOUNG of Ohio. Mr. President, these officials and employees do very little for their money except concoct plans and send messages to each other, and think up silly schemes which would accomplish very little except annoy citizens. They make estimates that if thus and so happens, 50 million Ameri- cans will be killed. It is said that figures do not lie, but that liars figure. Inci- dentally, they issue a civil defense book- let on how to live through a nuclear bombing. In it they state: If you were near the explosion without adequate protection, you would be seriously affected by the immediate radiation, in ad- dition to being killed. There is no excuse whatever for the waste of money and personnel for the civil defense agency as now operated. Since its inception it has cost American taxpayers more than one and a half billion dollars with no tangible results whatever. Mr. President, when I first began my investigation, research and protests against wasteful civil defense spending early in 1959 I was virtually alone in the Congress. Today I know that many of my colleagues share my views. This is evidenced by rollc,all votes at various times on efforts to reduce such spending, and by the fact last year we in the Senate succeeded in defeating in corn-- mittee the civil defense bill passed in the House of Representatives, authoriz- ing an expenditure of $193 million. I am hopeful that a majority of Senators will agree this year to the ur- gent necessity for drastically reducing the appropriations for this boondoggle. XHE PRESIDENT'S NEWS 44,S* CONFERENCE Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, yes- terday the President met with the press In a conference which was covered by TV and radio. His words were widely disseminated throughout the Nation and the world. It is most fortunate that they were because it was an excellent and highly informative interview. The President spoke with detailed knowledge on a great range of subjects. His re- sponses were frank, straightforward, and most informative. In particular, President Johnson's re- marks on Vietnam and other interna- tional issues are of exceptional impor- tance. They should be read and reread by all concerned both here and abroad. Once again, he underscored his great desire and continuing quest for a ra- tional peace in Vietnam and southeast Asia. He deplored the violence which prevails there, noting correctly that it Is being suffered most not in North Viet- nam but in South Vietnam and by Americans as well as Vietnamese. He made clear that his desire is to see a termination of this violence, on all sides and as quickly as possible. To that end, he stressed once again his willing- ness to enter into unconditional discus- sions. I would hope that this open door to peaceful settlement will be noted, along with his determination to stay with the situation until the people of Vietnam do have an assured freedom of choice as to their future. Both his words of peace and his determination should be heeded in Hanoi, Saigon, and among all those who are carrying on the warfare in South Vietnam. I would call attention, too, to the President's expressed aversion to the name-calling and labeling which has ac- companied some of the debate and dis- cussion of the Vietnamese question. Dis- cussion in the Senate on Vietnam or any foreign policy issue, as I have noted on many previous occasions, has been and can -continue to be useful. The Presi- dent's comments on this matter in his press conference point the way to their most effective utilization. I quote these words in full: I don't believe in characterizing people with labels. I think you do a great disserv- ice when you engage in name-calling. We want honest, forthright discussion in this country, and that will be a discussion with differences of views, and we welcome what our friends have to say, whether they agree with us or not. And I would not want to label people who agree with me or disagree with me. These words are on appropriate answer to those who have taken exception to the immense value?indeed, the vital necessity?to the Nation of free and re- sponsible discussion of all points of view on the Vietnamese situation. Mr. President, I ask unanimous con- sent that the text of the President's press conference be included at this point in the RECORD. There being no objection, the text of the news conference was ordered to be Printed in the RECORD, as follows: [From the New York (N.Y.) Times, Apr. 28, 1965] TRANSCRIPT or THE PRESIDENT'S NEWS CON- ? FERENCE ON PORE/GN AND DOMESTIC MAT- TERS (Norm?Following is a transcript of Pres- ident Johnson's news conference in Wash- ington yesterday, as recorded by the New York Times.) OPENING STATEMENT Good afternoon, ladies and gentlemen, I am glad to see that you are willing to trade your new comfort in the west lobby for these stmightbacked chairs in the East Room. Today I have somewhat of a conflict of emotions. I wanted to give you due and adequate 8-day notice of a press conference, and at the same time I didn't want to man- age the news by holding up announcement of some appointees I have here today. Bo, we have tried to reconcile the two, and a little later in the statement I want to pre- sent to you some men that, over the week- end, I selected to occupy some important posts in Government. VIETNAM STRUGGLE We are engaged in a crucial struggle in Vietnam. Some may consider it a small war, but to the men who give their lives it is the last war, and the stakes are high. Independent South Vietnam has been at- tacked by North Vietnam. The object of that attack is total conquest. Defeat in South Vietnam would deliver a friendly na- tion to terror and repression. It would encourage and spur on those who seek to conquer all free nations that are within their reach. Our own welfare, our own freedom, would be in great danger. This is the clearest lesson of our time. From Munich until today, we have learned that to yield to aggression brings only greater threats and brings even more destructive war. To stand firm is the only guarantee of a lasting peace. At every step of the way we have used our great power with the utmost restraint. We have made every effort possible to find a peaceful solution. We have done this in the face of the most outrageous and brutal prov- ocation against Vietnamese and against Americans alike. Through the first 7 months of 1964, both Vietnamese and Americans were the targets of constant attacks of terror. Bombs ex- ploded in helpless villages, in downtown movie theaters, even at the sports fields where the children played. Soldiers and civilians, men and woMen, were murdered and crip- pled, yet we took no action against the source of this brutality?North Vietnam. When our destroyers were attacked in the Gulf of Tonkin, as you will remember, last summer, we replied promptly with a single raid. The punishment then was limited to the deed. For the next 6 months we took no action against North Vietnam. We warned of danger. We hoped for caution in others. Their answer was attack and explosion and indiscriminate murder. So, it soon became Clear that our restraint was viewed as weak- ness; our desire to limit conflict was viewed as a prelude to our surrender. We could no longer stand by while attack mounted and While the bases of the attackers were im- mune from reply. And, therefore, we began to strike back. But America has not changed her essential position?and that purpose is peaceful set- tlement; that purpose is to resist aggression; that purpose is to avoid a Wider war. I say again that I will talk to any govern- ment, anywhere, any time, without any con- ditions; and, if any doubt our sincerity, let them test us. Each time we have met with silence or slander or the sound of guns, bat, just as we will not flag in battle, we will not weary in the search for peace. So, I reaffirm my offer of unconditional discussions. We will discuss any subject and any point of view with any government con- cerned. This offer may be rejected, as it has been in the past, but it will remain open, waiting for the day when it becomes clear to all that armed attack will not yield domina- tion over others. And I will continue along the course that we have set?firmness with moderation, readiness for peace with refusal to retreat. For this is the same battle which we've fought for a generation. Wherever we have stood firm, aggression has been halted, peace has been restored and liberty has been main- tained. This was true under President Truman, under President Eisenhower, uncle] President Kennedy, and it will be true again in southeast Asia. STEEL AGREEMENT I want to go now to another subject. I want to congratulate the negotiators for the steel companies and the United Steel- workers Union on the statesmanlike agree- Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67600446R000300150018-4 Approved For Release 2003/10/14 : CIA-RDP67600446R000300150018-4 April 28, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL R.ECORD SENATE 8483 Inelat that they reached yesterday to extend their contract. I hope and I expect that it will be approved by the union's committee tomorrow. While the settlement reached in steel is ? only an interim one, I think we can be con- fident that the _Waal settlement will be a re- sponsible one which full considers not only the interests of the immediate parties but also the larger public interest. So far in 1965, our record of wage-price stability remains intact. A survey of the wage increases in more than 600 collective bargains settled so far this year shows that, on the average, the percentage' increases were unchanged from the moderate increases agreed on in the same period last year. A number of important settlements were at -approximately the level of our guideposts. And this record of private action is most encouraging. rzerstat. BUDGET Today I can report to you and to the Nation that our expanding economy will pro- duce higher Federal revenues this year than We estimated to Congress in January. can also report that our continuing drive to hold down Government spending Will produce lower expenditures this year than we estimated to Congress in January. As a result, we expect the actual budget deficit for fiscal 1965 to be at least $1 billion below the $6.3 billion estimated last Jan- nary, when we sent our budget to Congress. Our expenditures, therefore, will be de- creased by approximately $600 million under our estimate, and the revenues collected will be increased approximately $500 million over our estimates. ;OB CORPS CAMPS I'm pleased also to announce today that the war On poverty is setting 10 new Job Corps conservation camps in nine States. They have mu te 37 the number of centers that provide skills and education to our young- sters who are out of school and of work. These-new centers will be located in the States of .Arizona and Maine and Minnesota and Montana, New Mexico, North Dakota, Ohio, Utah, and Washington. ADMINISTRATION POSTS Now, today, I would like to introduce to you some gentlemen that I intend to nomi- nate for new assignments in this admin- istration. First, Mr. Alan Boyd. He is 42 years of age, he's Chairman of the Civil Aeronautics Board, he's a distinguished lawyer and a very competent public servant. Mr. Boyd will become Under Secretary of Commerce for Transportation, the Senate being willing. Mr. Warren Wiggins. Mr. Wiggins is 42 years old, with a master's degree in public administration from Harvard. In 1962 he was chosen cine of the 10 outstanding men in the Federal Government. He's been with the Peace Corps since 1961. Today I'm nom- inating him as deputy director of the Peace Corps. Dr. John A. Schnittker. He's 41 years old, With a Pb. D. from Iowa State University. He's one of the Nation's outstanding farm authorities. He's been director of agricul- tural economics with the Department of Agriculture. Today Fru nominating him to become Under Secretary of Agriculture. Mr. Charles 8, Murphy. This judicious and able Man has served in Government for 21 years under four Presidents. He was President Truman's special counsel in the White House. He has performed with out- ite,nding quality as Under Secretary of Agri- etiltare. T.,pday I'm nominating him to be- dome chairman, of the Civil Aeronautics Board. Gen. WilLiana F. McKee. He is a four-star general who was a vice chief of the Air Force and on retirement became special assistant to the administrator of the National Aero- No. '75-17 nautics and Space Administration. Secre- tary McNamara has called him one of the most knowledgeable and competent admin- istrators in the Defense Department with skills in research and development and ad- ministration, procurement and logistics, and today I'm nominating him to be the new ad- ministrator of the Federal Aviation Agency. Mr. Wilbur J. Cohen, Mr. Cohen is a dedi- cated career public servant who has served the' Government for 26 years as a full-time civil servant and another 5 years as a con- sultant. Since 1961 he has been an Assist- ant Secretary of Health, Education and Wel- fare. Today I am nominating him for a pro- motion to become Under Secretary of Health, Education and Welfare. Mr. Donald F. Turner. Mr. Turner is 44 years old, a Phi Beta Kappa from Northwest- ern University. He has a Ph. D. in economics from Harvard and a law degree from Yale: He's been a law clerk to Supreme Court Justice and is widely and favorably known throughout the Nation for his work and writ- ing in the antitrust legal field. Ile is cur- rently a visiting law professor at Stamford University in California. Today I'm nomi- nating him to become Assistant Attorney General in. charge of the Antitrust Division. Mr. Leonard C. Meeker, who is a career attorney with 25 years of Government serv- ice. He is a Phi Beta Kappa from Amherst College. Since 1961, he has served as deputy legal adviser in the State Department. To- day I am nominating him to become legal adviser in the State Department. DOMINICAN CRISIS We are all very much concerned about the serious situation which has developed in the last few hours in the Dominican Republic. Fighting has occurred among different ele- ments of the Dominician armed forces and other groups. Public order in the capital at Santo Domingo has broken down. Due to the gravity of the situation and the possible danger to lives of American citizens in the Dominican Republic, I ordered the evacuation of those who wished to leave. As you know, the evacuation is now proceeding. My latest information is that 1,000 Ameri- cans have already been taken aboard ships of the U.S. Navy off the port of Haina, 8 miles west of Santo Domingo. We profoundly deplore the violence and disorder in the Dominican Republic. The situation is grave and we are following the developments very closely. It is our hope that order can promptly be restored and that a peaceful settlement of their internal prob- lems can be found. DEATH OP MURROW I have just received the sad news of the passing of Edward R. Murrow. It came to me just a little while ago. I believe that all of us feel a deep sense of loss. We who knew him knew that he was a gallant fighter, a man who dedicated his life, both as a news- man and as a public official, to an unrelent- ing search for truth. He subscribed to the proposition that free men and free inquiry are inseparable. He built his life on that unbreakable truth. We have all lost a friend. QUESTIONS 1. Vietnam policy Question. Mr. President, do you think any of the participants in the national dis- cussion on Vietnam could appropriately be likened to the appeasers of 25 or 30 years ago? Answer. I don't believe in characterizing people with labels. I think you do a great disservice when you engage in name calling. We want honest, forthright discussion in this country, and that will be a discussion with differences of views, and we welcome what our friends have to say, whether they agree with us or not. And I would not want to label people who agree with me or disagree with me. 2. India border strife Question. Mr. President, what can you-- can yon tell us your reaction, or any informa- tion you have, on the reports of seemingly intensified fighting between the Indians and the forces of Pakistan, and could this pos- sibly relate or have an effect on the fighting in Vietnam? Answer. We deplore fighting wherever it takes place. We have been in close touch with the situation there. We are very hope- ful that ways and means can be found to avoid conflict between these two friends of our country. I talked to Secretary Rusk about it within the hour, and we are anxious to do anything and everything that we can do to see that peace is restored in that area and conflict is ended. 3. Disarmament talks Question. Mr. President, today the Soviet Union agreed to a French proposal for a five- power nuclear disarmament conference which would include Communist China as a nu- clear power. What would be your attitude to this proposal, sir? Answer. I have not studied the proposal and was not familiar with the fact that it had been made. 4. Vietnam talks Question. Mr. President, the only formal answer so far to your Baltimore speech was that by the North Vietnamese Prime Min- ister, Pham Van Dong, Who offered a four- point formula) which he suggested was a possible basis for negotiations. My question - is: Do you regard the four points as so un- acceptable as to be a complete rejection of your offer to begin discussions or are there portions of the four points which interest you and which you might be willing to discuss? Answer. I think that it was very evident from the Baltimore speech that most of the non-Communist countries in the world wel- comed the proposal in that speech and most of the Communist countries found objec- tions to it. I am very hopeful that some ways and means can be found to bring the parties who are interested in southeast Asia to a conference table. Now just what those ways and means will be I do not know. Bu,t every day we ex- plore to the limit of our capacity every pos- sible political and diplomatic move that would bring that about. 5. Chinese volunteers Question. I wonder, sir, if you could evaluate for us the threat that's been posed by Red China to send volunteers into Viet- nam if we escalate the war further? Answer. We have read their statements from time to time and the statements of other powers about what they propose to do. We are in close touch with the situation and that's all I think I would like to say on that matter. 6. War on poverty Question. Mr. President, there's been some criticism at the local level in this country of your war on poverty and one of the chief complaints is that the local community ac- tion groups do not represent the poor. Have you found any basis for this criticism and do you feel that criticism such as this could have a demoralizing effect on the overall pro- gram? Answer. Yes, I think that there has been unjust criticism, and unfair criticism, and uninformed criticism of the poverty program even before Congress passed it. Some people opposed it every step of the way, some people oppose it now. I don't know of any national program in peace time that has reached so many people so fast and so effectively. Over 16,000 Americans have already volun- teered to live and work with the Peace Corps .domestically. A quarter of a million young men have joined the Job Corps. Every major Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP671300446R000300150018-4 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP671300446R000300150018-4" 8484 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE city has developed poverty plans and made applications for funds. Three hundred States and city and county community ac- tion programs have already received their money. Forty-five thousand students from needy families are already enrolled in 800 colleges- under the work program. More than 125,000 adults are trainees in adult education on the work experience pro- gram. We will have difficulties, we will have politicians attempting to get sortie jobs in the local level; we'll have these differences as we do in all of our programs. But I have great confidence in Sargent Shriver as an administrator and as a man. And I have great confidence in the wisdom the Congress displayed In passing the poverty program and I think it will be one of the great monu- ments to this administration. 7. U.S. prestige Question. Mr, President, is it trite that the United States is losing rather than making friends around the world with its policy in Vietnam?sort of a falling-domino theory in reverse? Ansvier. I think that we have friends throughout the world. I'm not concerned with any friends that we've lost. Following my Baltimore speech, I received from our allies almost universal approval. Our enemies would have you believe that we are following policies that are ill-advised, but NW? are following the same policies in Asia that we followed in Europe, that we fol- lowed in Turkey and Greece and Iran. We are resisting aggression, and as long as the aggressors attack, we will stay there and resist them, whether we make friende or lose friends. 8. Voting rights bill Question. Mr. President, your voting rights bill is moving toward completion in the Sen- ate oig weak. Do you think that the pro- posal?the amendment to abolish the poll tax WOUld make this unconstitutional? Do pan thtiik it would damage the passage of the bill in the Rouse? And ivhat fib you think about it generally? Answer. I think that that is being Worked out in poriferences they're having today and they Will have in the neat few weeks. I have -graWays opposed the poll tax. I am op- posed to it now. I have been advised by constitutional lawyers that we 'have a prob- lem in repealing the poll tax by statute. For that reason, while a Member' of Con- gress, I initiated and supported a constitu- tional amendment to repeal the poll tax in Federal elections I think the bill as now drawn Will not permit the poll tax to be used to disoriminate against-Noters and I think-the administration win have adequate authOalty to prevent its use for'that purpose. I have asked the Attorney General, how- . even, tO meet With the various Members of the Itause and Senate who are interested in this phase Of it and, if possible, take every step' that he can within constitutiemal bounds to see that the Poll tat is not used as a discrimination against any voter, anywhere. 9. Critics of bombing Question. Mr. Pretident, a ritimber Of di-A- les 'Of yratir Vietnaria pcatcy say they" support ournaresence in South Vietnam but do not support the 'bombing raids to the North. I woncler if there is anything you can say to them and What you can say on any condi- tions that Might arise under which you feel the raids could be stopped? Answer. I said in my opening statement that we Went for months without destroying a bridge, or an ammunition depot, or a radar station. Those military targets have been the primary targets that we have attacked. There's no blood in a bridge mane of con- crete and steel. But we do try to take it out so that people cannot furnish additional troops and addi- tional equipment to kill the people of South Vietnam and to kill our own soldiers. There are not many civilians involved in a radar station. But we do try to make it in- effective so that they cannot plot our planes and shoot our boys out of the skies. There are not many individuals involved in an am- munition dump. But we have tried to de- stroy that ammunition so it would be ex- ploded in North Vietnam and not in the bodies of the' people of South Vietnam or our American soldiers. We have said time and again that we regret the necessity of doing this. But as long as aggression continues, as long as they bomb In South Vietnam, as long as they bomb our sports arenas and our theaters and our em- bassies and kill our women and our children, and the Vietnamese soldiers--severin thou- sand of whom have been killed since the first of the year?we think that we are justified in trying to slow down that operation and make them realize that it is very costly and that their aggression should cease. I do sometimes wonder how some people can be so concerned with our bombing a cold bridge of steel and concrete in North Viet- nam but never open their mouth about a bomb being placed in our Embassy iri South ,Vietnam. The moment that this aggression ceases, the destruction of their bridges and their radar stations, and the ammunition that they use on * * *. 10. Shastri visit Question. Mr. President, on your can- cellation of the Ayub and Shastri visits, some of your critics have said that the reasons for your postponement were sound, but the abruptness of it left millions of Asians angry at this country. Is anything being done to correct that impression on their part? Answer. Well, first of all, I Would not assume many parts of your statement. First, we didn't cancel it, so that's the first error that the critics have made, We feel very friendly toward the people of India and the Government of India, toward the people of Pakistan and the Government of Pakistan. I have spent Brame time ih both of those countries. I've had the leaders of those countries visit me in this country, and visit in my home. I have before the Congress now recom- mendations concerning the peoples of those countries, and how we can work together to try to achieve peace in the world. I said, through the appropriate channels, to those governments that I had had some 8 or 9 visitors already the first 90 days of this administration, that the Congress was hopeful that it would get out of here early summer, that we had approximately 75 top important measures that we were trying to get considered and passed, 1 of which vitally affected that part of the world, and that I could be mucit more 'comm-unicative and could respond much snore to their sug- gestions and to their recommendations on the future of India and their 5-year plan and Pakistan and their plan if our visit could follow the enactment of some of these bills instead a precede them, because if they pre- ceded thein, I could not speak with author- ity?I would not know what the Congress would do. We will spend--we have spent, oh, in ex- cess of $10 billion in that area, and this year we will propose expenditures of more than $1 billion. But if the Congress said "No" to me, and didn't pass the foreign aid bill or materially reduced it, I would have made a commitment that I could not support. So I said that if you would like to come now, in the month of May or June during this period, ave can have a visit, but we will not be able to be as responsive as I would like to be if you could come a little later in the year. And I've been host a few times in my life, and when. you put things that way, most peo- April 28, 1965 plc want to conic at the time that would be most convenient to us?to the hoat?and would be most helpful to them. And we Communicated that to the appropriate people, and the answer came back that they would accept that decision. Now I think it was a good decision in our interest, and I think it was a good decision in their interest, and I'm very sorry that our people have made a good deal of it. But the provocation of the differences sometimes comes about, and I regret it, and so far as I know, it's a good decision and a wise one and one that I would make again at the moment. 11. Nuclear weapons Question. Mr. President, there were?in light of the new reports that came over the weekend, I wonder if you could clarify for ua your position concerning the possibility of the use of nuclear weapons in southeast Asia? Answer. Well, first of all, I have the re- sponsibility for decision on nuclear weapons. That rests with the President. It is the most serious responsibility that rests with him. Secretary McNamara very carefully and very clearly in his television appearance yesterday covered that subject thoroughly and, I think, adequately, and there's not anything that I could really add to what he said. I would observe this, that I've been Presi- dent for 17 months, and I have sat many hours and weeks with the officials of this Government in trying to plan for the pro- tection and security of our people, and I have never had a suggestion from a single official of this Government or employe of this Government concerning the use of such weapons in this area. The only person that has ever mentioned it to me has been a newspaperman writing a story, and each time I tell him, please, get it out of your system?please forget it. There's just not anything to it. No one has discussed it with us at all. And I think that when Secretary McNamara told you of the requirement yesterday, and that no use- ful purpose was served by going into it further, I thought it had ended there. /2. Charge by Hanoi Question, Mr. President, the North Viet- namese today, sir, say that in a raid on Sunday the United States and South Viet- nam used what they called toxic chemicals. Now can you tell us, sir, what they might be talking about? Answer. I wouldn't know. I frequently see statements they make that we never heard of, and I don't know about the par- ticular report that you mention. 13. Troops in Vietnam Question, Mr. President, are there?could there come about, as you now see the situ - ation in Vietnam, could there be circum- stances in which the?which large number; of American troops might be engaged in the fighting of the war rather than in the advis- ing and assistance to the South Vietnamese? Answer. Our purpose in Vietnam is, as you well know, to advise and to assist those peo- ple in resisting aggression. We are per- forming that dirty there now. I would not be able to anticipate or to speculate on the conduct of each individual in the days ahead. I think that if the enemy there bellevc s that we are there to stay, that we are not going to tuck our tails and run home and abandon our friends, I believe in due tin '.e peace can be observed in that area. My objective is to contribute what we can to aseist the people of South Vietnam, wl o have lost thousands of lives defending their country and to provide the maximu n amount of deterrent with the minimum cost. They have lost thousands of people since February. We have lost some 40 to 150 people of our own. We could not anticipate in February whether we'd lose 50 or whether we'd lose 500. Approved For Release 2003/10/14 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150018-4 April 28, Niaroved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP671300446R000300150018-4 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE That depends on the fortunes and the problems of conflict. But I can assure you that we are being very careful, we're be- ing very studious, and we're being very de- liberate?that we're trying to do everything We can within reason to convince these peo- ple that they should not attack, that they should not be aggressors, that they should not try to follow?swallow up their neigh- bor, and we are doing it with the minimum amount of expenditure of lives that we can spend. 14. Steel productivity Question. Mr. President, labor, and man- agement in steel have different versions of what their increase in productivity is. Can you tell us what your advisers figure this is arid whether you think a settlement in ex- cess of 2.7 percent of the interim agreement would be acceptable? Answer: I don't want to pass on?we have laid down the guideposts, they're well ac- quainted with them, both management and employees. They have had very responsible negotiations. We are very pleased with the outcome of those negotiations. We anticipate that they will be confirmed by both parties very short- ly, and we believe between now and the September deadline that we will have an agreement. don't think that I've ever observed a period in the life of free enterprise in this country when American labor and American business have been more responsible and have been more anxious to work with this Government in maintaining full productiv- ity, and I expect that that will come about. Question. Thank you, Mr. President. Mr. LONG of Louisiana subsequently said: Mr. President, I wish to applaud the strong stand of the President as it concerns the position of this Nation in Vietnam. The President made it clear that we are in Vietnam to resist aggres- sion, that we are there to help a friendly government protect itself against sub- version and aggression from without. We wish to see that the Government of North Vietnam keeps its pledged word Under Pie Geneva agreement which it signed, an agreement which that Gov- ernment has violated in many ways. It is costing this Government the lives of many American fighting men to assist a friendly power. Let me point out to those who do not seem to be aware of it, that the friendly Government of South Vietnam is doing the fighting there, that only a small portion of the fighting is being done by American troops. We have approximately 30,000 troops in that area. There are approximately 500,000 South Vietnamese troops fighting in the area. In other words, South Vietnam has approximately 15 men fighting against communism for every man the United States has there to assist that friendly power. In addition, our friends who are doing the fighting have done a rather good job of it. The estimate I saw was that approximately 89,000 Viet- cong and North Vietnamese invaders have been killed by the forces of South Vietnam which has not sustained nearly so many casualties as the Vietcong and the ktorth .Viethainese invaders. It has been estimated that approximately one South Vietnamese has been killed in bat- tle, or rnis,sing, for every three Vietcong killed. The last figures I saw indicate that the kill ratio in battle for the fight- ers whom we are _supporting in South Vietnam in recent weeks is approxi- mately six Vietcong killed for every South Vietnamese lost. On that basis, it appears that the enemy has lost approximately 200 men for every 1 American lost in the defense of freedom against communism. Mr. President, if we have to run up the white flag and surrender to a small back- ward Communist power of 19 million people when the enemy is suffering cas- ualties 200 times as great as ours, then this great Nation of over 190 million will be a far cry from what it has been in my time. I notice that the present Presiding Officer in the chair is the new Senator from the State of South Carolina [Mr. RUSSELL], who was on the "Today" pro- gram this morning. He made an excel- lent presentation, for one who has not had an occasion to study the question at the Washington level because he was dis- charging his responsibilities as Governor of South Carolina. He showed an under- standing of the problem. He stated what I believe to be the case in Louisiana, that the people in our State are behind the President in his efforts to resist Com- munist subversion and aggression. We applaud the President for the posi- tion he takes, that we will not surrender to communism, that we will meet force with greater force, that we will use such force as may be necessary, that we are not going to let Communist aggressors and Communist revolutionaries over- throw friendly powers by means of brutality, murder, kidnaping, assassina- tion, or whatever device along that line happens to fit their methods. The President stated quite clearly that this Nation is willing to negotiate. MY impression is that every diplomatic channel available to us has been used to inform both the powers of Hanoi, Peiping, and Moscow that we are ready to negoti- ate at any time, on any honorable and reasonable basis; but that we are not pre- pared to surrender. We intend to strike them when they strike us, that when they undertake to attack Americans, to attack our ships at sea, to blast down our barracks and assassinate our people, we expect to strike them with whatever means are available to us and which seem appropriate to use under particu- lar circumstances. Mr. President, it is my understanding that the text of yesterday's news con- ference by President Johnson has al- ready been placed in the RECORD by the majority leader. I recommend his state- ment on Vietnam to my colleagues and to all Americans as a clear, unequivocal, easily understood declaration of U.S. policy in Vietnam. THE WAR IN VIETNAM Mr. HARRIS. Mr. President, repeat- edly I have made it clear on the floor of the Senate that I want to stand as a part of the solid phalanx of Members of the Senate and the people of the country who offer prayers and support for President Johnson as he deals with the delicate, grave, and troublesome problems of southeast Asia and South Vietnam. 8485 I would first observe that those who look for immediate and dramatic solution to the "South Vietnam problem" or the "southeast Asia problem" by negotiation or unilateral action by the United States, whether it be the strategic bombing of cities or the withdrawal of our forces and a cessation of the present bombing of military targets, look in vain. History shows that in international relations, as in human relations, serious problems are seldom lastingly solved in one fell swoop. We must prepare for a long period ahead when our perseverance and con- tinuing interest in the peoples of south- east Asia will be required if their eco- nomic, social and political rights as in- dividuals are to be allowed to flourish and develop, free from external aggres- sion and internal terrorism and unrest. While we are deeply motivated by a national sense of compassion and hu- manity, we must nevertheless continue to recognize that our own interests are in- volved in South Vietnam; that our power and prestige have been committed there by three Presidents; that those in that area who seek to build their own future free of Communist domination are watching closely to judge how valid our commitment to them is in the light of how we respond to our obligations to South Vietnam. History clearly shows that aggression, even in that tiny and remote area of the world designated South Vietnam, threat- ens the peace and security of our country and of the world. History clearly teaches that unchecked aggression builds and feeds on itself and is reproduced and duplicated until stop- ping it requires a much greater cost in lives and treasure than if resistance had first been made. Furthermore, almost no one now faults President Truman for his momentous decision, following World War II, under the courageous Truman doctrine, to aid Greece, for example, to stabilize its politi- cal independence and its resistance to Communist domination, by helping it to quell Communist guerrilla activities within its borders, activities which were aided and abetted externally. The case of aggression in Vietnam is even more flagrant. Let no one say that this country is more interested in Europe than in Asia. Let it be known that this country is as interested in the peoples of Asia as it is in the peoples of Europe. Mr. President, I ask unanimous con- sent to have printed at this point in the RECORD an editorial entitled "L.B.J.'s Appeal for Viet Peace," published in the San Francisco Chronicle in April.1965. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: [From the San Francisco Chronicle, Apr. 19661 L.B.J.'s APPEAL FOR VIET PEACE The transcendent sincerity and earnest good will of Lyndon Johnson are qualities which show through the TV screen on occa- sions like the Johns Hopkins speech on Viet- nam Wednesday night. Many confused Americans who had been wondering darkly what the President was really up to in southeast Asia, suddenly found themselves Approved For Release 2003/10/14,: CIA-RDP67600446R000300150018-4 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150018-4' 8486 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE swept along with the Johnson dream of a Great Society along the Mekong. Such is the measure of a. great speech, that it can convert doubts into conviction and cross purposes into purposeful new di- rections. This timely, indeed overdue, ad- dress reached occasional peaks of eloquenre (we offer an example in the editorial be- low) and conveyed the impression that our intentions in Vietnam are both humane and plausible. Undoubtedly almost every Amer- ican who heard or read it was filled with renewed hope that somehow the President% offers?of "unconditional discussions and of a billion dollars for southeast Asia% devel- opment program?will promptly bring nego- tiators to a table where peace with honor can be agreed to. For unquestionably, the American people want to get detached from the interminable conflict that has been going on almost with- out interruption in Indochina since the early 1940's. Yet at the same time, most would heartily support the President In refusing to abandon South Vietnam, "this small and brave nation," to its enemy. Our objective is the independence of South Vietnam and its freedom from attack, said the President, and he wishes ft were possible to "convince others with words of what we now find it necessary to say with guns and planes," namely, that armed ?hostility is fu- tile because our resources are equal to any challenge. Once this is clear, there could be many ways tO peace through "unconditional discussions" with the governments con- cerned; in large groups or small ones; in the reaffirmation of old agreements (the Geneva agreement of 1954?) or in new' ones that strengthen the old. This constitutes an offer, and it is clearly his hope that those who threaten South Vietnam's independence, i.e., "the readers of North Vietnam," will respond to it. If they do respond, a mighty aid program beneficial to all countries of southeast Asia, including North Vietnam, will be set in motion. However the Communist powers may react, and that will probably not become clear for some time, the President's speech has very effectively impressed the British, the Cana- dians and the French, whose smanort we certainly need; and it has earned" the warm approbation of Secretary General IT Thant of the United Nations, whose good offices' were only recently being rather summarily re- buffed by the State Department. The prestige and good name of America have been rescued and repaired, we hope and believe, by the President's performance. Mr. HARRIS. Mr. President, while the hope expressed in the editorial that the response from the other side would be favorable tO the President's call for "unconditional discussion" has not thus far Materialized., nevertheless, the edi- torial calls to mind again, in the midst of public dialog oft this subject, that President Johnson has no policy in south- east Asia other than peace and stability, and that his speech at Johns Hopkins 'University brought reeoMition of that fact here and abroad. Each of Us should be careful to note in our remarks that our goal is peace; and that President Johnson has clearly declared how it may be anhfeved. Each of us should recognize that he who takes risks now in order to achieve a just and lasting peace is no Tess a peace- maker than, he who advocates peace im- mediately but with no assurances against having to defend or enforce it later at a much greater price. THE NEW EDUCATION BILL Mr. HARRIS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed at this point in the RECORD an article en- titled "The New Education Bill," written by W. Barry Garrett, associate director of the Baptist Joint Committee on Public Affairs, Washington, D.C. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: [Prom the Baptist Messenger, Apr. 22, 19651 TUE NEW EDUCATION Bria. (By W. Barry Garrett, associate director, Baptist Joint Committee on Public Affairs, Washington, D.C.) The Elementary and Secondary Education Act of 1965 has passed the House of Repre- sentatives and the Senate of the U.S. Con- gress by overwhelming majorities. The bill has been signed by the President and is now the law of the land. Much confusion is abroad about the bill. This brief question and answer article will attempt to clarify some of the misunder- standings about it. Question. What are the provisions of the bill? Answer. It extends the federally impacted area, aid program for another 2 years. In addition it does the following: 1. It authorizes $1.06 billion for public school agencies for the education of children of low-income families. 2. It authorizes $100 million to State pub- lic education agencies for school library re- sources, textbooks, and other instructional materials for children and teachere in pub- lic and private elementary and secondary schools. 3. It authorizes $100 million to public school agencies for the creation of supple- mentary educational centers and services available to all the schoolchildren in a com- munity. 4. It authorizes $100 million to be allocated by the U.S. Commissioner of Education to universities, colleges, and other public and private research agencies to develop educa- tional research and training. 5. It authorizes $25 million for grants to States to strengthen State departments of education. The total of these authorized appropria- tions is $1.305 billion. Question. Does the bill give aid to paro- chial schools? Answer. The bill does not authorize any grant of funds or provide for services to pri- vate schools. All of the appropriations for elementary and secondary education are to public agencies. Question. Does the bill give aid to paro- chial school pupils? Answer. Yes. If the private school has children from poor families ($2,00a or less annual income) the public school that re- ceives aid from this bill must provide them "special educational services awl arrange- ments (such as dual enrollment, educational radio and television, and mobile educational services and equipment)" in which private school pupils can participate. Other aids to private school pupils are school library resources, textbooks and other Instructional materials. The supplementary educational centers and services are also available to all school children in a com- munity. Question. Through what channels or agen- cies will these aids be available to private school pupils? Answer. Only through public agencies. The bill requires that the local educational agency will maintain administration and April 28, 1965 control of the programs available to private school children. It also assures that the title to any property constructed or purchased shall be in a public agency and that a public agency will administer the funds and prop- erty for public educational purposes. According to the report of the Committee on Education and Labor, under the provision for library resources, textbooks and other aids available to all school children, the bill as- sures that the funds "will not enure to the enrichment or benefit of any private institu- tion" by the following: 1. Library resources, textbooks and other instructional materials are to be made avail- able to children and teachers and not to in- stitutions. 2. Such materials are made available on a loan basis only. 3. Public authority must retain title and administrative control over such materials. 4. Such material must be that approved for use by public school authority in the State. 5. Books and material must not supplant those being provided children but must sup- plement library resources, textbooks, and other instructional materials to assure that the legislation will furnish increased op- portunities for Yearning. For the supplementary educational centers and services the grants are made to a public education agency, the property is in a public agency and the program is administered by the public agency. Question. Why is there such widespread belief that the new education bill gives aid to parochial schools, as well as to public schools? Answer. There are at least four clear reasons for this confusion. First, the bill approaches education aid on a new basis. It is a poverty bill as well as an education bill, and it is aimed at children rather than Institutions. This shift from the traditional thought patterns of education is not quickly made by those who have thought only of aid to schools. Second, the news media are not always pre- cise in the language used in reporting. In efforts to simplify complicated matters and to shorten lengthy explanations it is easy to use misleading terminology. Such efforts have resulted in a misrepresentation of the bill In some instances. Third, some of those who are opposed to Federal aid to education have sought to use the religious issue to defeat the bill. When It was evident that all other tactics were fail- ing, the opponents attempted to sidetrack it by the charge it provided aid to parochial schools. They did not succeed in convincing the religious leaders, the education leaders, or the political leaders of the Nation. Fourth, the administration of the act will require private schools to cooperate with public schools to some extent if their pupils are to receive their aids. In some instances they may create community tensions and abuses if either the school board or the private school interests press for undue ad- vantage. Question. What has been the position of the Bapitist Joint Committee on Public Af- fairs on the new education bill? Answer, The Baptist Joint Committee on Public Affairs neither endorses nor opposes Federal aid to education. Neither can nor does the committee attempt to speak for all Baptists on such issues. However, the Baptist agency played an im- portant role in this legislation. From the first it was evident that Congress would pass an education bill this year. The problem was to get the best bill possible from a church-state viewpoint. The executive di- rector of the committee, C. Emanuel Carlson, testified at hearings before the Senate and Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67600446R000300150018-4 28, lOgroved For Relgasp 20_03/10/14 ? CIA-RDF'67600446R000300150018-4 lpril wiNG4EsSIO,NA:1, g..14CORD ?SENATE 8489 here is deep doubt and =day about the oourSe We are taking. This is why he knows hat the ice is very thin. The popular doubt and anxiety have ;yoked a great debate which Ought not to )e vulgarized and degraded by the use of pithets like dove and hawk. This debate .:annot be suspended while American policy Ls, as it is today, still unsettled and in the making. The debate on Vietnam has al- ready brought about a very considerable im- provement in our policy. When the debate began, Mr. Rusk was saying that our war aim was that the North Vietnamese must "stop doing what they are doing," without specifying exactly what they must do or not do and what we would re- gard as surncient proof they had done it. This was a deraancl for unconditional sur- render, and it was far away from the Presi- dent's Baltimore speech which offered, for the first time, "unconditional discussions." We have come a long way from the posi- tion of 3 months ago when we said that we did not think there was anything to nego- tiate about. For now the avowed purpose of our policy is to induce Hanoi to nego- tiate. The debate, therefore, has not been in vain, and it must eontinue in order to clari- fy our thinking about where and when and how we want to bring about a cease-fire, and What, in the ensuing negotiations, we hope to achieve in Indochina. We are still far from such a, clarification, even among the small circle of the President's principal ad- visers, and obviously the country as a whole Is groping for information and for enlight- ment As part of that debate, I should like to say something about a powerful and mov- ing leading editorial in the Washington Post on Monday. It is called "Anguish of Power." Its theme is that once a nation has achieved great power, such as Great Britain did in the 19th century and as the United States has now, it "must live in anguish." For "no country can have great power and a quiet conscience," Uneasy lies the head that wears a crown: No doubt it is true that great power and a quiet conspience do not easily or for long go together. Where I differ from the Wash- ington Post is not about that. We cannot, and we should not if We could, return to the Isolation whic,h we practiced before the two World Wars, and, imagine that we are re- turning to the age of our innocence. My thesis is that We must not make the mis- take of jumping from isolationism into globalism, and that this is What the Wash- ington Post is in_ fact saying we need to do. It is true that this country cannot admit disinterest in any crisis. But what this country must learn to do is to measure how much it can afford to intervene in any crisis, and to distinguish between crises which effect its vital interests and those which do not. Great Britain _in the 19th century did not regard it as a duty to inter- vene when a fire broke out?as, for example, in our 'Civil War, in the Franco-Prussian War, in the Balkan wars, in the Russo-Jap- anese 'War. What I reject is the idea that because the United States must take an in- terest when there is any breach of the peace, it must therefore bp the global policeman or, as the Washington Post puts it, the global fire department. A mature great power will make measured and limited use of its Tower. It will eschew ' the theory of a global and universal duty which not only commits it to Unending wars of intervention but ?intoxicates its thinking With the illuslpP. that it is a crusader for righteousness, that each war 18 a war to end all war. Since in this generation we have become a great power, I am in favor of learning to behave like a ,great power, of getting rid of the glohalism which would not only en- tangle us everywhere but is based on the totally vain notion that if we do not set the world in order, no matter what the price, we cannot live in the world safely. If we ex- amine this idea thoroughly, we shall see that it is nothing but the old isolationism of our innocence in a new form. Then we thought we had to preserve our purity by withdrawal from the ugliness of great power politics. Now we sometimes talk as if we could preserve our purity only by policing the globe. But in the real world we shall have to learn to live as a great power which defends itself and makes its way among other great powers. [From the Washington Post, Apr. 26, 1965] ANGUISH OF POWER This administration, and no doubt its suc- cessors far into the future, will have to deal with a deep-seated revulsion against the great power role of the United States. Now there is criticism of that role in South Viet- nam; in subsequent crises It will be against the execution of a great power role in other areas. Those who express resentment at and op- position to the employment of force in south- east Asia include some of the country's foremost liberals and intellectuals as well as academic and campus leaders of lesser emi- nence. Some of course oppose the policy on practical grounds. Some oppose it because of a belief that Chinese Communist power in the area is irresistible. Some are against it because they see it is an excessive com- mitment to a, "Balkan" war that may weaken or divert forces needed in more important theaters of conflict. Some criticize it be- cause they disagree as to the real national interest in the area. Some deplore it be- cause they simply think we cannot achieve our objectives or carry out our commitments. The largest opposition, however, no doubt comes from those who instinctively rebel against this country's great power role. They oppose the burden of great power as many of the British opposed it for nearly 300 years. But Great Britain for a long period could not escape the anguish that comes with the very possession of power. However large the crowds that gathered in Trafalgar Square to shout against the de- cisions of successive ministries to commit British power in Africa and Asia and America (or against the failure to commit it) no Parliament could relieve Great Britain of the anguish of great power, no monarch could rescue it from the burdens that go with the possession of predominant force. It was not governments that the people op- posed; but the fate that put into the hands of the leaders of one nation the leverage to influence the course of events and the des- tiny of nations. And this is the real misery of the mighty. Once power descends upon a people it can no longer achieve national peace of mind, even if it can achieve peace in the sense of avoiding war. From the moment its power position is achieved, the nation must live in anguish. It must endure the anguish that attends the application of force, arising out of all the normal revulsions against the re- sort to violence and against the imposition of pain and misery to achieve political re- sults in a world where force or the use of force is the chief arbiter "of nations. Or it must endure the anguish that attends the failure to use force where its employment would work for the national salvation or the preservation of peace. No country can have great power and a quiet conscience. Its peo- ple and its leaders must suffer either the reproaches of having used force or the re- proaches for having failed to use it. Life alternates between, the miseries of Vietnamas and Munichs and is seldom free from one or the other. There is no Way a party or a President or a Congress can deliver a people from this discomfort. It was inescapable in the days of British power; it is more inevitable now when no crisis can be so remote or so little connected with the national interest that it can be simply overlooked. This country cannot admit disinterest in any crisis. It is vain to cry that Alabama is for Alabamians. Africa for Africans, Asia for Asians, America for Americans. We are influenced by every act of injustice and tyranny that takes place everywhere in the globe; and every act of tyranny and injustice that takes place here has its influence everywhere in the world. It is not one world in the happy sense that Wendell Willkie imsgined it; but it is one world, nevertheless. And its oneness is such that no one can light a fire anywhere in it but that the nation with the biggest fire department has to decide whether to use it or not to use it. And out of that choice enormous consequences for good or evil must flow. Such is our burden, such our plan, and such our anguish. When, as a people, we accept the fact that it is unavoidable and inescapable, the level of debate over what we should or should not do in each recur- ring crisis will rise. Each of our decisions to use force or to fail to use force is filled with potential pain and injury for millions. This is the anguish that goes with great power. No one can deliver us from it. Mr. CLARK. Mr. President, on the subject of Vietnam and the President's press conference held yesterday, I should like to read into the RECORD headlines from three great eastern metropolitan daily newspapers, reflecting their views on the press conference, which views I am sure -too many readers take instead of reading the remainder of the news article. I would hope that the printer of the CONgRESSIONAL RECORD would feel that under the rules by which we operate, it might be appropriate to place headlines around these headlines. The first is from the Washington Post of today, and reads as follows: JOHNSON REAFFIRMS OFFER TO TALK PEACE INVITES DOUBTER NATIONS TO TEST 'US. SINCERITY The second headline is from this morn- ing's Philadelphia Inquirer and reads as follows: JOHNSON DARES REDS TO TAKE VP PEACE OFFER, BARS WAR LETUP DEFENDS RAIDS, JABS AT CRITICS The third headline reporting on the same press conference, published in the New York Times, reads as follows: JOHNSON RENEWS BID ON VIETNAM; DEFENDS BOMBING REPEATS HIS OFFER TO CONFER WITH ANY GOVERNMENT WITHOUT CONDITIONS?PEACE HOPES STRESSED Mr. President, I ask the question: What newspapers do you read? I thank the Senator from Arkansas for his courtesy in yielding to me. DEATH OF EDWARD R. MURROW Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, "good night and good luck"?these were the words with which Edward R. Mur- row concluded his radio and television program for more than 20 years. Born In the South, raised in the West, working In the East, he was truly all American. Ed Murrow's career was a unique one. It was a career based on a high regard Approved For Release 2003/10/14 : CIA-RDP67600446R000300150018-4 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67600446R000300150018-4 8490 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE April 28, 196. for honesty, modesty, integrity, and forthright reporting. It was a career underlined by courage, a keen sense of the truth, and the need of the American people to know the truth. Ed Murrow served the American people, first as their eyes and their ears, as their 'witness to events which shook the world?then as interpreter to the world of American pol- icies and American life. It was this sense of duty and a desire to get the truth across which motivated Murrow to leave his high-paying position as newseaster and analyst and to accept the difficult and demanding challenge to be Director of the U. S. Information Agency, a position which offered one- tenth his salary at CBS At USIA Ed Murrow made a great contribution. He worked tirelessly to upgrade the quality of our information program abroad and for some months he did it while fighting the early stages of lung cancer, Ed Murrow was forced to leave his Post at USIA last year. His fight had become his full-time job. It was, per- haps, the only job he ever undertook in which he was unsuccessful. His own words serve best right now to express my feeling at the passing of Edward R. Murrow: "Good night?and good luck? and thanks." TRIBUTE TO SENATOR OLIN D. JOHNSTON Mr. YARBOROUGH. Mr. President, the Postal Record, the official publica- tion of the National Association of Letter Carriers, in its May 1965 issue has pub- lished an editorial, written by the able president of the NALC, Jerome J. Keating, on the life of our late colleague, Senator Olin D. Johnston. I believe the editorial should be printed in the CON- GRESSIONAL RECORD, and I ask unanimous consent that that be done. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the RscoaD, as follows: SENATOR OLIN D. JOHNSTON (Editorial, from Jerome J. Keating) Early Easter Sunday morning, my tele. phone rang; it was Bill Gulledge, staff di- rector of the Senate Committee on Post Office and Civil Service. In tearchoked voice, he declared, "Our Senator is dead; he passed away at 4:21 this morning." Yes, "Our Senator is dead." If the letter carriers- of America ever had a Senator, it was the six-foot-three South Carolinian-- the Man with the big heart and the astute mind?the man who was responsible for more postal legislation than any man who had ever lived. Senator RALPH YARBOROUGH, Of Texas, said simply: "My staunchest friend in the Senate is gone." The letter carriers of America can well re-echo that sentiment. The Columbia, (S.C.) Record paid Senator Johnston a marvelous tribute: 'Son of a tenant farmer and early in life a laborer in the textile mills of South Caro- lina, Min Dewitt Johnston never forgot' his heritage. Throughout his long and colorful carter of service to State and Nation, the Senator never disremeMbered What it is like to be born with a pewter, rather than 6. silver spoon. He never forgot the little people of South Carolina. They Were his joy and his Strength. And he was their joy and their strength. "He knew and he understood, from first- hand, the privations of the poor, the con- stant struggle for survival of the textile worker, the pain of the Federal employee ignored by the sprawling bureaucracy, and the debilitating toil of the farmer patiently coercing a living out of Carolina soil. He knew. And these people knew that Olin Johnston knew?and cared. "Throughout his governmental service, whether as State representative, governor or 'Senator, he championed the causes of the little people. Born to a tenant farm, nour- ished in a textile mill, politically educated in the great depression, he became an ar- dent New Dealer under Franklin Roosevelt and remained adamantly dedicated to its principles until his death. "In the Senate, he was a good party man? one who knew the rules of 'the greatest club in the world,' understood its rules and played by its rules. He was universally respected. On his last visit to the Senate, he was warm- ly welcomed by both sides of the aisle? with words of genuine affection, concern and praise from men of widely separated political attitudes. "Today, South Carolinians paid due hom- age to the Senator, as his body rested in state in the State House. Tomorrow, he will be buried in the upstate region that nur- tured him. "And a Change has come over our State with his passing. No longer will the textile workers greet the tall, hulking figure with the deep voice who knew them by their Christian names. No longer will the people of the State see hint rise, shake his jowls and in characteristic southern speech intone, 'My fellow South Carolinians.' "His fellow South Carolinians, who showed their esteem for the Senator by electing him to a series of offices matched by few in our history, will miss the big man from the Piedmont." The letter carriers will miss him; the Federal employees and the little people all over America will miss this wonderful man of great courage and determination. Alvin Haith, his letter carrier at Kensington, Md., traveled all the way from Kensington to at- tend the funeral at Spartanburg. "You just don't know what your coming here means to me," declared Mrs. Gladys Johnston on see- ing Carrier Haith. On Monday, the body of Senator OLIN D. Joilarsrow lay hi state in the beautiful old South Carolina Capitol, in the Capital city of the State where Senator JOHNSTON had served longer as Governor than any other man. He was the first man ever to lay in state in the capitol building. All day long a steady stream of people, young and old, well dreased and poorly dressed, people of all races, passed the bier. On the face of each was reflected signs of sorrow. Many, remembering some kind deed, wept openly. At 3:30 p.m., 50 Columbia letter carriers in uniform, led by Branch President Ray Lemmons, having completed their day's work, passed solemnly, soberly, and tearfully by the bier' of their great Champion. The loyal and falthfull Bill Johnston, the Sena- tor's brother, who never left his side, greeted every one of them. 'At 5:30 pin, the President of the United States and IVIrs. Johribon came to Columbia to console Mrs. Johnston and the Senator's family, and to pay their last respects to his long-time Senate colleague and his faithful supporter. Governor Donald Russell, in a few touching words, paid tribute to his friend. Chaplain George Mutze of the South Carolina State Senate prayed and offered spiritual consolation. The Capitol was crowded With mourners, and the people lined the steps outside. Many letter carriers from nearby towns hurried in to attend the serv- ices in Columbia. Early Tuesday morning the body we taken to Spartanburg, to the church whet the Senator had long worshipped. The Vic President, and Mrs. Humphrey, headed large group of Senators who came from Washington to attend the funeral. Post master General John Gronouski and Deput Postmaster General Fred Helen accompanie( the Vice President and his party. TM State's congressional delegation and Stati officials were in the church; the main churel was packed with mourners; a second drape was crowded, and the steps to the church and sidewalk in front were filled with people who could not get in. Scattered through the reverent audience were many letter car- riers from North and South Carolina. The Spartanburg Journal reported: "In- side the church, floral wreaths from far and near were banked around the altar and two walls. In the lobby one simple wreath of red carnation.% yellow chrysanthemums, and Easter lilies in green fern stood out from the others. "It bore this message: 'Letter Carriers Branch 628, Spartanburg.' It was mute testimony to the popularity of the late Sen- ator among letter carriers throughout the United States. He had served as chairman of the Senate Post Office Committee for years and, as such, wielded considerable influence In postal affairs." Following the funeral at the Southside Baptist Church, the body was taken to Hones Path, South Carolina, for interment. It was characteristic of the humility and faithfulness of the Johnstons that the body was returned to a little cemetery in the small community of Honea Path, where Senator Johnston had lived as a boy. A MARVELOUS CAREER The career of Senator Olin D. Johnston is indeed one to inspire hope and raise the ambition of every young man in America. Here was a boy, the son of a tenant farmer. At the age of 9, he started to work in the mill. He studied hard; graduated with a bachelor's degree; later secured a master's degree; and finally secured his law degree. Be was elected to the legislature, served as Governor of his State longer than any other man, and finally became U.S. Sena- tor. In his senatorial campaigns, he was consistently opposed by the strongest candi- dates in the State. In his last election he turned back the Governor of the State in the primary and defeated a strong Republican candidate in the general election. Ile never forgot the people, and they never forgot him. Senator Johnston served with the Rainbow Division in World War I. In college and in the service, he boxed as a heavyweight. In- deed, he had a fighting heart--a man 68 years of age who survived two major operations within a period of 3 months, and was finally struck down by pneumonia, was in- deed a man with a fighting heart. So en- grossed in the Senate and his responsibilities was he that he returned to his senatorial tasks between operations. FRIEND OF THE POSTAL AND FEDERAL EMPLOYEES To me, the death of Senator Johnston is a great loss. A kindly man, he always had time for our problems. One citizen attend- ing the Senator's funeral at Spartanburg told a reporter: "I was down on my luck; I went to Washington. Our other Senator was too busy to see me, but Senator Johnston saw me and took care of my problems." That was typical of this great Senator. Senator Olin D. Johnston came to Wash- ington in 1945. I came to Washington ir 1945. I have had the honor and privilege of associating with him during his entir( career in the Senate. One of the first major legislative efforts in which he was involve( was the 1948 amendments to the RetiremenA; Act. That was epoch-making legislation. Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP671300446R000300150018-4 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67600446R000300150018-4 April 28, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE The Senator stood up like a trojan in the committee and on the floor of the Senate. He was a central figure in our national convention and in our meetings held in Washington. Frequently he was accom- panied by his good wife Gladys, and on some occasions by his fine children. A convention was not a, convention without the Senator. Legislatively, he worked closely with Presi- dent Doherty and myself, and, in more re- cent years, with Vice President Radernacher as well, Without a doubt, he sponsored and guided More postal and Federal employee legisla- tion through the Congress than any man Who had ever lived. The very last deed that he performed as a Member of the Senate was to introduce 5, 1667, a bill to transfer back to Congress the exclusive right to set rates on parcel post, The la,st increase for retirees enacted in 1962 would not have become a law were it not for the Senator. The House had passed the pay bill, but the increase for annuitants was tied up in the Rules Committee. Sen- ator Johnston amended the pay bill by at- taching the annuity increase to it, and thus it became laW. Frequently during his career as chairman of the Senate committee, the astute Senator resorted to unusual strategy to secure the enactment of a bill. Legislation during the past 20 years in _the House has frequently been bottled up in the committees. Senator 1/4Johhston would take a minor bill that had paSsed the House, amend it by adding the major bill to it, and the bill would then go to conference. The Charlotte (N.C.) Observer, in a some- times complimentary and sometimes critical editorial, commenting on his political suc- cess, declared: "The overly frequent pay raises he got for the employees did not hurt either." The same editorial stated, "But it is safe to say that South Carolina has not had a more effective lawmaker in Washington in many years." Senator Johnston was kind, he never spoke harshly of anyone; he was an able legislator, Universally liked, most considerate, and a great champion of the postal employees. He will be missed and mourned. To his fine family?his faithful wife Gladys, his son Olin, Jr., his two lovely daughters Mrs. Sallie Scott and Elizabeth, we extend our most sin- cere sympathy. Undoubtedly Senator A. S. (MIKE) MON-. RONEY will become chairman of the commit- tee. He has worked closely with Senator Johnston, he is a good friend of the em- ployees, and will closely parallel the policies of his predecessor. Gov. Donald Russell has stepped down from the governorship to assume the office of U.S. Senator. Suffice it to say, he was a close friend of Senator Olin D. Johnston. PEOPLE'S WAR IN VIETNAM Mr. SCOTT. Mr. President, I invite the attention .of My colleagues, as well as of other readers of the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD, to a somewhat different and pro- vocative viewpoint on the current struggle in Vietnam. Its expositor is Maj. Gen. Edward G. Lansdale, U.S. Air Force, retired, who as a result of several years' service in the Philippines and southeast Asia has earned the repu- tation of being one of the most knowl- edgeable Americans on the subject of Communist "wars of national liberation" and counterinsurgency. General Lans- dale is presently a consultant to the staff of Food for Peace, at the White House. NO. 75-18 General Lansdale does not question our presence in Vietnam, nor does he call for American withdrawal from Vietnam and southeast Asia. If anything, I think it is fair to say that he does not feel that we are involved as much as we should be in Vietnam. His principal criticism of our present policy in Vietnam is perhaps best summed up in the question: "Do we do something halfway: give a man a gun to defend himself, give him means to fill his belly, and let him shift for himself when it comes to realizing his great hope for man's liberty?" General Lansdale argues that the United States must help the Vietnamese arm themselves politi- cally, as well as physically and materially. He cites as the major unused weapon of this "people's war" our ideology which is embodied in the opening paragraphs of the Declaration of Independence and the Bill of Rights. General Lansdale most recently ex- pressed his viewpoint on Vietnam in a talk at the Principia Conference on Viet- nam, in Elsah, Ill., on April 9, 1965. I ask unanimous consent that General Lansdale's interesting and stimulating address be printed in the RECORD. There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: TALK AT PRINCIPIA CONFERENCE ON VIETNAM, ELSAH, ILL. (By Edward G. Lansdale, major general, USAF, retired) It is time that you and I and other Amer- icans become pragmatic about Vietnam. A truly pragmatic American would insist that we do today what will help us tomorrow. From this pragmatic viewpoint, we almost seem to have forgotten why we are in Viet- nam. To be sure, we have said why. We have talked it up big. Some Americans even have talked it down big. Yet, the great chal- lenge given the United States by events in Vietnam largely has gone unmet by practical or effective American deeds. Since this challenge won't go away, just because we duck accepting it, let us get it out into the open here and now, look at it hard, and then dare to consider meeting it. The great challenge given to us in Viet- nam is political. Essentially, it is this: Can the Vietnamese win their freedom while they fail to agree on what freedom is?and fail to start governing themselves in a way that takes them toward that freedom? If they cannot, then should we Americans remain aloof from this political heart of the strug- gle and confine our most generous and dedi- cated help in Vietnam to military and socio- economic assistance? Or rather, should we Americans give equally generous and dedi- cated help to the Vietnamese in their heart- felt longing to achieve ways to govern them- selves, within their own truths and with a real degree of stability, while they set forth clearly the premise of the freedom they most desire for themselves? Put it another way, it can be said that our side in Vietnam outnumbers, outguns, and outspends the enemy. Shouldn't we now make -a real effort to outhink the enemy on the actual battleground among the people of Vietnam? This means helping the Viet- namese find their own true cause to fight for, much more than helping them fight against something. Such positive, in con- trast to negative, help could well include sympathetic encouragement and assistance 8491 in the step-by-step development of a repre- sentative and responsive political system of Vietnamese origin. This would create some- thing of their own to which the Vietnamese could pledge, willingly and freely, their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honor. Such work would fill a gap which has been the despair of Vietnamese, Americans, and other free people in Vietnam. It would put the war upon a sound moral and political footing. Given true political meaning, the military, psychological, and economic ac- tions used to win the moral goal would in- crease a hundredfold in their effect on break- ing the will of the enemy. A Vietnamese cause, with an attainable national goal closest to the hearts of the overwhelming majority of the Vietnamese, would not only give the Vietnamese something worth every- thing to defend. It also would be a goal desired even by those now under the control of Communist masters, one that would give them just cause to leave the ranks of the Communist and join their brothers on our side. This is true strategy for a "peoples' war" such as the Communists have sought to wage. It directly confronts the main weapon of the Communists?their political action?with a superior action of our. own. If we employ it truly, there is little doubt about victory for the cause of freedom. Fur- ther, the struggle would be fought on the terms of freemen, not on those of the Com- munists. This strategy deals with the hard inner core of the struggle in the world today, in Vietnam, in the so-called wars of national liberation elsewhere. The basic conflict is between the way we, the free, look at man and the way the Communists look at man. We see man as an individual, endowed by his Creator with "certain inalienable rights." The Communists see man as a cipher of the state, a materialist zero without a creator. So, what do we do in this basic conflict? Do we profess "self-evident truths" for ourselves alone? Do we permit the Communists to be- guile, coerce, or otherwise rob a man of the true heritage we say he has, and let them make him a part of the Communist ma- chine?while we keep silent about this true heritage, not help him come into it to the full extent of our ability? Do we do some- thing halfway: give a man a gun to defend himself, give him means to fill his belly, and let him shift for himself when it comes to realizing his great hope for man's liberty? I don't believe we can do only this and still maintain our own freedom, strong and hon- est and lasting. Now, this challenge has come to us at a moment of history. We should recognize that man's history is full of political chal- lenges which were met by the world's lead- ing power in each era. The challenges were met to keep the peace, as the leading power defined that peace. The great khans, Alex- ander, Tamerlane, Rome, Spain, and Britain all had their time of leadership and of keep- ing the peace, their style. Along with mili- tary strength which gained and enforced their leadership, along with economic meas- ures which gave it commercial meaning, there also was political action by the leading power, to provide his means of control. Our name for this political action is "colonial- ism." The world leader in the past simply made colonies out of lands and peoples ab-:oad, imposing upon them political sys- tems, laws, language, modes of justice that were his own. Today, the United States finds itself in the position of being the world's leading power. Yet, we Americans are opposed to colonialism and colonial methods for many reasons, including the fact that we too were once a colony and rebelled against_ the con- cept. Lyndon Johnson, with his gift for Approved For Release 2003/10/14 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150018-4 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP671300446R000300150018-4 8492 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD SENATE Apra 28, 1965 censensus, expressed out national feelings well in his inaugural address last January. The President said: "Our Nation's course is abundantly clear. We aspire to nothing that belongs to others. We seek no dominion over our fellow man, but man's dominion over tyranny and misery." However, at this moment a man's his- tory, we are not alone in the world. There are two Communist powers, the Soviet un- ion and China, who singly and jointly chal- lenge our world leadership. On their part, they are quite brazen about using political action to gain control of other natiOns. They use a form of old power play, the old Co- lonialism, in modern dress. A mention of Hungary and Tibet will make this point. These once-independent cotmtries, con- quered by neighboring Communists and made into satellites, tried to gain independence in much the same way as the American col- onies did in 1776. The stamping out of these recent revolutions by foreigl1 troops under the Communists were plain acts of colonial imperialism in the ugliest historic sense. Further, the expansion of the Commu- nist empire has been an active fact of life in our time. For example, back when many of today's faculty members were students themselves, just before the outbreak of World War II, there were a little less than 200 Million people under direct Commu- nist rtile. Today, the number of people un- der direct Communist rule has grown to almost 1,100 million people. (In contrast, people on our side, clearly committed to the cause of freedom, number some 752 million. This doesn't count many millions in Africa, India, the United Arab Republic, and Indo- nesia whose politics await the future.) While the original Communist takeovers of Hungary, Tibet, and several other coun- tries were plain conquests by use of con- vential military force, the current meth- ods of Con-animist expansion are more sub- tle. They entitle these methods as "wars of national liberation." We see them as "Communist subversive insurgency." Viet- nam Is today's most active example. In the Asian method of Communist slab- versive insurgency, a national liberation po- litical group is established at a remote base. This political group is given the image of a people's movement by naming members Who allegedly represent big sectors of the na- tional population?the farmers, the youth, the women, the workers, the students, and so on. Added to the political cadres are military cadres who are specialists in guer- rilla warfare, and who will build a mili- tary apparatus upon the political footing provided by the political cadres. The "re- mote base" where this starts coming out in the open usually means a camp located far enough from centers of population to avoid irameditite detection or access by the coun- try's forces of law and order This political-raiiltary force then acts to gain centrol of the people on the land, by attraction or coercion as required. It is a step-by-step operation, first in the villages Mad hamlets closest to the base, and then ever widening. Nuclei are sent to establish more bases, to start the same process in other regions. Secret agents are sent to infiltrate centers a population and government orga- nffiations. The Asian Communist slogan which goes, "first the mountains, then the countryside, 'then the cities" is a good thumbnail description of the process. It is considerably different than the Soviet method of working with the proletariat in cities or of Soviet defensive partisan warfare Along With Selling nationaliStic goals], se- lected fur the greatest local appeal, Asian Communists also act te destroy both the credibility and the instruments of the Mt- tion's government among the local people. In brief, they act to create a momentary vacuum of anarchy, to permit them to fill this vacuum with their own governing appa- ratus. The anarchy is created by destructive means: the character assassination Of na- tional leaders by psychological means, isolat- ing the countryside from the city by strangling lines of communication through ambushing and cutting highways and rail- ways, provoking government forces into acts against the people (such aa hiding in villages and forcing the villagers to stay there while the Communists start a battle with govern- ment forces, and the liquidation of local people representing authority?such as vil- lage headmen, judges, public health and pnblic works officials, policemen, even schoolteachers, and at times the families of these people. Many thousands of such pub- lic servants have been murdered by the Com- munists in Vietnam. I suspect that Mao Tse Tung had a know- ing look on his face when he told Edgar Snow recently that Americans seem to ignore -the decisive political fact that ? * gov- ernments cut of from the masses could not win against wars of national liberation." Mao had a big hand in developing the cyni- cal, brutal Asian Communist method of cut- ting off the people from their government. The trouble is, this method has a big ap- peal to ambitious people in a number of countries. /t has become quite an export item to the Western Hemisphere and Africa, where there are some would-be leaders eager to try it. As General Giap, the Communist military leader in Hanoi, said not long ago: "South Vietnam is the model of the national liberation movement of our time * * *. If the special warfare that the U.S. imperialists are testing in South Vietnam is overcome, this means that it can be defeated every- where in the world." The foroes of freedom must be vigilant about this vital facet of Communist aotion. In Malaysia, Where Sukarno is trying to use this method his own way, the Malaysian Government has had a long, bitter experience in facing up to the challenge, from Commu- nist guerrilla days. A recent warning by Dato Ghazall bin Sha.fie, who is Permanent Secretary to the Malaysian External Affairs Ministry, is worth noting. Dato Ghazali told the Malaysians: "It is the height of folly to assume that superior military exper- tise and superior firepower alone are de- cisive. To overlook the importance of po- litical action is to miss the bus completely * * Malayan), will endure * * * so long as the national will, which is the active expres- *ion of growing national unity, can with- stand the pressures from within and with- out * * *. There is no alternative. It is of paramount importance to anticipate ten- sions and stresses wherever they are likely to appear between the people and the Government." Iv So far, then, I have pointed out that a great challenge exists for us in Vietnazn, have done my best to describe it, to tell how it came to be, and to sketch in the major pressures facing us. Now we reach the hard part. What do we want to do about it? What can we do about it? What is practical, feasible for the United States to do?within our own political heritage, within the talents of our people, within the goal of an honorably peaoeful world such as we seek? Noted journalists such as Joseph Kraft and C. L. Sulzberger have analyzed our U.S. orga- nization and efforts in Vietnam and have concluded, in brief, that the United States does not have in Vietnam what it takes to meet the Communist political challenge there. Mr. Sulzberger wrote to the New York Times ft:ma Danang, Vietnam, in March: "Today, we acknowledge we have not found a formula to frustrate conununism's revolutionary warfare techniques as such. Our governmental social and military sys- tems are not devised for this. Never having had an empire, we possess no large cadres of civil servants experienced in Asia. We Cannot dynamically export our ideology, which is not dynamic. And our wan:oak- ing capacity is founded on highly technical equipment and strategy unsuited to guerrilla engagements." Assuming that there is some validity in such analyses, that we do not now have the people nor the organization in Vietnam to Meet the great political challenge given us, we rnust also assume that the challenge won't go away just because it is unmet by us. Military actions in North Vietnam, the most skillful diplomatic moves, mammoth economic development projects such as the one for the Mekong Basin?even if successful in stopping the Communists from waging guerrilla warfare hi South Vietnam and in giving a giant boost to the material well- being of the people in the region?won't by themselves end the Communist revolution- ary process among the people. Like the magical invisible clothing for the emperor, in the child's tale, no matter haw we say we see the problem, the central figure still remains naked. It is there. It is the truth we must faoe, sooner or later. Further, there at the heart of the chal- lenge is that question of ideology. As an American who served the United States for many years in Asia?served, if you will, as a public servant not to an empire but to a democracy, and served long tours in areas of active Communist revolution?I can say flatly that our political beliefs, our ideology, are far more dynamic, far more appealing in Asia than anything the Communists can put forward. Every time we have given our fundamental principles a fair chance, have stayed true to them, have practiced what what we preached, our ideology has licked the Communists hands down. I have seen this happen. on the spot at critical moments of history. If the Communists are beating us in Vietnam on so basic an issue, then I must join Dato Gh.azali of Malaysia and say we are missing the bus completely. One of our difficulties is that we confuse ourselves when we talk about politics, politi- cal action, and ideology once we leave our own shores. Different Arnericaias define these wards differently, when abroad. Yet, our basic political beliefs are set forth plainly and interpretation really rests on the courage of our convictions. Our basic political be- liefs are there, for all to read, in the opening paragraphs a the Declaration of Independ- ence, as followed by specific guidance in our Bill of Rights. We have, in these, a great promise coupled with its principled guidance. They form an ideology of dynamic universal- ity, as alive today as When, conceived, and close to the hearts of men of good will throughout the world. Although our expres- sion of higher human concepts grew out of our own Graeco-Judaic-Christian back- ground, the ethics expressed are in close harmony with the great teachings of Asia, including Confucianism. It passes under- standing why any American tries to put this ideology of ours on the shelf, unused, in the face of an admittedly Godless, a dialectical materialism, and, instead, substitutes a ma- terialism of our own to meet the thrust of communism in dubious battle. This is wag- ing war on grounds of our enemy's choosing, when we could be in our true place, fighting the good fight of our own choosing. Too often, American political action abroad is seen as being limited to diplomatic nego- tiations between governments, or promoting the pro forma copying of parliamentary de- mocracy in the image of the United States, or in a sort of self-righteous scolding of foreign leaders for behavior riot conforming to our idea of what it should be, or even in charting how a native bureaucracy should work in an unwitting adherence to Parkin- son's Law. We ourselves are to blame. We have not assigned the mission for true Amer- ican political work abroad to any of our Gov- ernment services, nor have trained any of our Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67600446R000300150018-4 April 28, / ktif roved For Relea_Se.20.03/10/14 ? CIA . -RDP67600446R000300150018-4 wiNu.K.LSSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE 8497 accesb to the unpublished files of the De- pertinent, the revised regulations on which were considered in the committee's report for 1963 and were .summarized in the schol- arly journals. Here the committee strong- ly recommends that access for a calendar year be granted on the present restricted basis as soon as the initial Foreign Relations volume for that year is issued. Once again the committee acknowledges the many courtesies it received during its meeting from officials in the Department, especially Secretary Dean Rusk, Under Secre- tary for Political Affairs W. Averell Harriman, Assistant Secretary for Public Affairs James L. Greenfield, and Executive Director of the Bureau of Public Affairs Francis T. Murphy. In behalf Of the organizations its members represent?the American Historical Associa- tion, the American Political Science Associa- tion, and the American Society of Interna- tional Law?it expresses once more its con- fidence in the scholarly integrity of the For- eign Relations series. It pays tribute to William M. Franklin, director of the Histori- cal Office, to S. Everett Gleason, editor of Foreign Relations, and to their associates for dedication and loyalty in pursuing an im- portant public and scholarly task under dis- heartening conditions. It urges Congress and the Department to take immediate steps to insure that Foreign Relations will be in the future, as it has been in the past, a publi- cation which does credit to the nation and provides enlightenment for all its citizens. Respectfully submitted. William. W. Bishop, Jr., University of Michigan Robert H. Ferrell, Indiana University 1; Philip E. Mosely, Colum- bia University 1; Robert E. Osgood, the Johns Hopkins University': Rob- ert B. Stewart, Tufts University 2; Rob.. ert R. Wilson, Duke University ,; Rich- ard Leopold, chairman, Northwest- niversity., . AN ENGLISH VIEW IL Mr. President, all the evidence which comes from the Afro- Asian world bears one lesson for us: that the white Western powers must learn to play a new, nonmilitary role in that area. This advice applies to the European countries, as well as to the United States. In an article which was published in the highly respected English newspaper, The Guardian, Patrick Keatley reported that Western military intervention in that area only serves to benefit the cause of the Communist Chinese. In his article, Mr. Keatley summarized the Afro-Asian viewpoint as follows: The era, for a Western military presence is past, though there are _still Afro-Asian lead- ers who have not absorbed the lesson. Now is an era, not.for TanUnies, but for teachers and technicians; not for bombs and bases, but for b041aS and b14841.easmen- Mr. Keatley concluded: In the Afro-Asia of 1965, the wisest rule for those heading east of Suez bearing burdens is that they should not be in 'uniform and not carrying guns. It is a lesson that Andrei Gromyko and Charles de Gaulle have both quite eVidently learned. I ask unanimous consent that this article be printed at this point in the FtECORD. "Representing the American Historical Association. 'Representing the American Political Sci- ence Association. Representing the American Society of In- ternational LaW. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: KIPLING% COUNSEL (By Patrick Keatley) "Pan-Africanism has neither army nor budget."?Sir ROY WELENSKY. "We must give active support to the na- tional independence movements in Asia, Africa, and Latin America; to the righteous struggle in all countries throughout the world."?MAo TSE-TUNG. There is a world of wisdom to be gained from the verbal confrontation above. The pathetic thing is that Rhodesia's fallen leader made his cynical assertion as recently as December 1962, during a congratulatory ban- quet in Johannesburg; whereas Chairman Mao had already spoken his prophetic warn- ing in Peiping 6 years earlier. And the single, stunning political fact of the world of Afro-Asia today is that national- ism. no longer lacks for budget nor battalions. This is the thing that strikes the Western visitor now who journeys east or south of Suez. Indeed, Sir Roy Welensky was already out of data (not for the first time) when he made that remark 2 years ago, though the process of boosting Afro-Asian firepower with Moscow muscle and Peiping potency has ac- celerated since then. This is not to rejoice at his discomfiture, for I do not. Nor am I one of those who applaud with silent satisfaction at each new diplomatic success in Afro-Asia by China or the Soviet Union. It is just that as ah ob- server, traveling in those lands today, I am bound?in spite of a private faith in liberal capitalism?to recognize and report blunt facts. And the basic fact is that the white man has, today, largely lost the diplomatic initiative. This applies to the Russians almost as much as ourselves and, if Peiping overplays its hand, it will apply to the Han dynasts too. There is a world of feeling in the sharp comment of President Ben Bella when he said recently that he will not tolerate that "at any price Algeria should become the pawn in a dispute which seems to us, at the very least, infuriating." That observation came not long after Mr. Chou En-lai had wound up a Pan-African tour with the remark that "Africa today is ripe for revolution." So there is a certain caution in the " back of the mind of any African leader when he negotiates with Mr. Ho Ying in Dar, Mr. Wang Yu Tien in Nairobi, or any of the other able ambassa- dors that People's China has assigned in the past 5 years to the 16 new diphinaatic mis- sions she has opened on that continent. (Six more will be operating before the Sec- ond Afro-Asian Conference opens on June 29 in Algiers.) But the thing that drives the Afro-Asian nationalist straight into the able, avuncular arms of Mr. Ho and Mr. Wang is when we in the West give way to an atavistic reflex that dates from Bismarck and Canning and the Congress of Vienna. Instinctively, like aging circus horses going into a familiar rountine, we have one instant reaction when we hear the thump of the Afro-Asian na- tionalist drum; alert aircraft/send soldiers/ build bases. The harvest of headlines?as I saw them recently in the press of India and Pakistan?makes curious, outdated reading east of Suez: Airlift from Lynehatn, RAP Rakes Harib, Greenjackets Go In, HEADY W12,TE . .These headlines may come as heady wine to some diehards at Westminster but there is only one other place where they can con- ceivably be received with satisfaction. That is in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Peiping where Mr. Wang?now in Nairobi? was until recenity director of the West Asia and African pepartment, The thing was put most vividly to me by the Indonesian Foreign Minister, Dr. Suban- drio, when we met by chance in the plane from Lahore to Karachi just over a fortnight ago. We were introduced by Pakistan's For- eign Minister, Mr. Zulfikar Bhutto, his host for the political mission then in progress. (This has since been followed by a trade mission and a handsome loan, at low interest, to help Indonesia buy nonmilitary goods in Pakistan) . Mr. Bhutto, having made it clear that his country values its .Common- wealth links with Britain and with Malaysia, then prompted his guest to speak. What Dr. Subandrio had to say took some time, but in sum it came to the simple point that "We don't want British bases in Asia and we don't want white men in uniform on Asian soil." I started to argue the Malaysian case, pointing out that Tunku Abdul Rah- man had negotiated the Singapore bases and the Anglo-Australian-New Zealand troop commitments as prime minister of a state that had?at the time of the 1963 London conference?been sovereign for 6 years. But Dr. Subandrio'S basic point was sim- ple and he came back to it with Asian ob- duracy: whatever the reasons, these are sim- ply the soldiers of a European colonial power on Asian soil; and the concept is politically out of date and emotionally unacceptable in the Asia of 1965. He did not want in stress the racial element, which was for him clearly a distasteful argument to employ. But it came through just the same, and when Mr. Bhutto joined in the conversation at the end (having carefully remained out of it so that I should hear the undiluted Indonesian case) the Afro-Asian view was summed up for me by the two Foreign Ministers this way: "The era for a Western military presence is past, though there are still Afro-Asian leaders who have not absorbed the lesson. Now is an era, not for Tommies but for teachers and technicians; not for bombs and bases but for books and businessmen." The same thought has been expressed in the past few days by the Vice President of Kenya, Mr. Oginga Odinga, who can hardly be described as a friend of the West and has spent many weeks in Peiping in the course of half a dozen visits since 1960. On a per- sonal plane, he and I clash ideologically each time we meet. Yet I readily concede that he is a master politician, for he has an uncanny "nous" for sensing the pulse of the new Afro-Asia. This week the news came out that Britain's new foreign secretary, Mr. Michael Stewart, had submitted to his fellow ministers at the Western European Union meeting In Rome a confidential analysis of Communist diplo- matic penetration in Africa. Twenty-four hours later tilts produced from Nairobi this reaction from Mr. Odinga: "During colonial days imperialist powers enjoyed the right to defend their ideological interests on Africa's soil. They still appear to retain that colonial mentality and con- tinue to assume their activities cannot be checked." One thing is certain to me: regardless of any private reservations President Kenkatta may feel about Mr. Odinga, when it comes to this sort of hot gospel of the new Afro- Asianism he certainly may not be checked. VIGOROUS POLICY But let me bring forward two authentically conservative voices to buttress my case. Mr. Bhutto is foreign minister of a regime which follows a vigorous economic policy favoring private enterprise as against the state. Yet on Afro-Asia he sounds like all the rest: "The desire for solidarity is rooted in our general experience of colonialism and im- perialism, with all the resultant indignities and exploitation. When nations emerging from foreign domination get together to pro- Mote the liberation of countries still sub- Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B09446R000300150018-4 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67600446R000300150018-4 8498 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE jest to external control, It should net be re- garded as merely negative unity but as a positive, moral force for human dignity and freedom." My Second authority is that other Asian conservative, Rudyard Kipling: "Take up the White Man's burden, and reap his old reward: The blame of those ye better, The hate of those ye guard." In the Afro-Asia of 1965, the wisest rule for those heading east of Suez bearing bur- dens is that they should not be in uniform and not carrying guns. It is a lesson that Andrei Gromyko and Charles de Gaulle have both quite evidently learned. COLD WAR GI BILL ESSENTIAL FOR BETTER EDUCATED AMERICA Mr. YARBOROUGH. Mr. President, the 88th Congress has been referred to as "education Congress," and the 89th Congress has earned itself credit for passing the Elementary and Secondard Education Act, this year. However, before we can be assured of a better educated America, it is essential that we do not neglect any group of citi- zens who require an education in order to advance themselves in our society. Recently, I received from Private John F. Maxwell a letter in which he states that most servicemen planning to reenter civilian life require further education If they are to compete in our society. To illustrate the need for assistance through the cold war GI bill, to these cold war veterans, I ask unanimous con- sent that Private Maxwell's letter be printed at this point in the RECORD. There being no objection, the letter was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: FXBRUARY 26, 1965. Senator RALPH YARBOROUGH, V.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. IDEAS _Stiescort Yaasonerrcra: I have been reading about the GI bill you have intro- duced into the Senate. I think that such a bill would be an asset to the strength and freedom af our country. As a soldier myself, I know some of the feelings of anxiety and worry of the return to civilian life. Upon reentering civilianhood, aiol,ig with thousands of others, face the problems of finishing an education. I believe that if this bill is passed, it will encourage many people to finish their edu- cations. Most soldiers planning on regaining their civilian status understand and acknoWledge the need of a good education to be better able to cope with the competition that exists in our society of free enterprise. A program of this nature would more than ,repay its expenses, not only financially, but, also, in ways not measurable in money. This bill would lead to a greater, better- ethiCated America. An America that will not be pushed not atvayed in this unpredictable age in which we live. I want to congratulate you on an excellent job and to encourage you to keep up the good work. Sincerely, Vc. JOHN F. MAXWELL. GARDNER JACKSON Mr. GRUENING. TVIr. President a little over a Week ago there died in Wash- ington a man the like of whom America needs more?Gardner Jackson. "Pat,"as he was known affectiOnate- ly by a wide circle of friends, was a crusader for fairness to the underdog, a vigilant sentry for often forlorn causes, a kindly, generous human being who spent his life in helping those of his fel- low men who lacked the conventional supports which in America can often, but not always, be mobilized in behalf of the disadvantaged. "Pat's" range of interest was wide. It included the diversity of race, creed, color, national origins, of political, social and economic discrimination. He was a liberal in the generally accepted use of that label, which perhaps always needs definition. And so, while mobilizing, as a young newspaper reporter in Boston, a campaign for a fair trial for Sacco and Vanzetti, whose electrocution for a crime which it is now generally recognized they never committed?as the late Justice Frankfurter also stoutly maintained? Gardner Jackson fought the attempted Communist penetration of the ranks of organized labor and suffered lifelong physical disabilities in consequence. Using much of his material inheritance in behalf of the victims of misfortune whom he sought to aid, he leaves to his family a priceless legacy of conspicuous courage, hopeful faith in his fellow men and of undeviating purpose to try to correct injustice. Gardner Jackson falls into the pre- cious category of occasiOnal "movers and shakers" who, from the early days of our Republic, have risked contumely and ob- loquy to carry out the promptings of their conscience and to seek to bring American life closer to its professions and ideals. "Pat" took the inevitable obstacles that his activities aroused in his stride, good humoredly, unpretentiously and without animus. His was a great soul. An excellent tribute to Gardner Jack- son by historian Arthur Schlesinger, Jr. appears in the current?May 1?issue of the New Republic. I ask unanimous consent that it, an editorial from the Washington Post, and his obituary from the same paper be printed at the conclusion of my remarks. There being no objection, the material was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: 1From the New Republic magazine, May 1, 1965] GARDNER JACKSON, 1897-1965 One of the notable figures of our times died in Washington on April 17. Gardner Jackson came from a wealthy railroad family in Colo- rado; but he spent his life, and most of his fortune, in helping the submerged people of his day, the subsistence farmers, the share- croppers, the migrant laborers, the unskilled workers, the braceros, the American Indians. He began as a student by defending President Alexander Meiklejohn against conservative attacks at Amherst. As a reporter on the Boston Globe, he organized the defense com- mittee for Sacco and Vanzetti. In New Deal Washington, he constituted a one-man farm- er-labor party and reform movement, whether he happened to base himself at the Department of Agriculture or the Senate Civil Liberties Committee, the CIO, or the Farmers Union. If he could get no one to work with him in combating the indignities of the world, he would cheerfully set out to do it by himself. April 28, 1965 Because he cared so deeply about people and injustice, he forgot things other people cared about, like power, success, prestige, money. They used to say sometimes that the underdog had "Pat" Jackson on a leash; but his caring was not soft or undiscriminating. Nearly a quarter of a century ago, when I came to Washington in the first years of the war, "Pat" Jackson invited me to join a group of anti-Communist liberals in Government agencies who met regularly for dinner and discussion. His courage as labor reporter for PM in exposing communism in the unions at the height of the wartime alliance with Soviet Russia led a band of National Mari- time Union thugs to set on him late one night in 1944, beating him unmercifully and blinding him in one eye. No doubt historians will be hard put to credit Gardner Jackson with specific achievements?though people in Washington, as they read about Secretary Wirtz' bracero campaign today, will remem- ber that they first heard about Mexican mi- grant labor from "Pat" Jackson 30 years ago; and this is true about many other things His was a humane and spontaneous faith, generous, and disorderly, and he quickened the lives of all who knew him. He seemed to know everybody in the America of his time? from Meiklejohn, Robert Frost, and Stark Young in his undergraduate days through Felix Frankfurter, Reed Powell, and my father in Cambridge, John Dos Paso s and Edmund Wilson on Cape Cod, and Franklin and Eleanor Roosevelt, Henry Wallace, Francis Biddle, John L. Lewis, and James G. Patton, down to John F. Kennedy, for whom he worked in the Massachusetts senatorial campaign of 1952. With some of these people he came to a parting of the ways. But he valued and pre- served the bonds of human affection. Not being devoid of human frailties, he always distinguished between the sinner and the sin. Those whose lives he enriched never forgot him. I remember that in the White House President Kennedy used to ask me from time to time what "Pat" Jackson was up to. Next to Pat's irrepressible humanism, the cheer- less bureaucratized liberalism of later years, drilled in movements and tyrannized by slo- gans, seemed a sad and dreary thing. Gard- ner Jackson's everlasting strength was his perception that people mattered more than dogma, sympathy more than righteousness-- this and a rare humor and modesty about himself. ARTHITR SCHLESINGER, Jr.. [Prom the Washington (D.C.) Post, Apr. 22, 196.5] GARDNER JACKSON Gardner Jackson?he was Pat Jackson to everyone who knew him?represented an es- sentially romantic and crusading tradition in journalism and in politics. The role of de- tached observer was not for him. He was a part of all that he experienced, a pro- foundly involved mover and participant. Thus, as a young newspaperman in Boston during the 1920s, he became involved in the Sacco-Vanzetti case and took a leading role in that bitter controversy. As a reporter in Washington during the earliest days of tht New Deal, he soon found himself caught up in the excitement of its reform's and di- rectly engaged in its internal struggles The same course characterized his relations with the turmoil in the labor movement of the 1940s. To every cause with which he was con -? nected, Pat Jackson gave himself unstint- ingly. He brought to all that he did an ex - traordinary exuberance and commitment, a sense of ardor and of passionate conviction. His death at 68 takes from the Washington scene a most colorful and attractive figure. If he belonged somewhat more to an exciting past than to the present, he belongs none the Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67600446R000300150018-4 April 28, 19p proved For lalli1/4%21)0/10/14 : CIA-RDP67600446R000300150018-4 tSSIONAL RECORD -- SENATE 8W1 In 1960 Dr, Schnittker served as a con- sultant to ?the Joint Economic Commit- tee of 'Congress in, a study of American farm policy. In that report issued late In 1960, Dr. Schnittker worked closely with Dr. Walter Wilcox, the respected agricultural specialist of the Library of Congress, and with Dr. George Brandow, now the staff director of the National Commission on Food Marketing. This report again reaffirmed the importance of sound and responsible Government programs both to American farmers and to the national economy. In 1960 Dr. Schnittker also published through the Kansas Agricultural Experi- ment Station an important report on Wheat programs, in which he examined the basic alternatives open to farmers and to the Congress for changes in the wheat program in the 1960's. In October of 1960 Senator John F. Kennedy asked Dr. Schnittker to serve as chairman of a task force to examine the wheat situation and to Make recom- mendations to him after the election. This report was made to President Ken- nedy after his inauguration. In May of 1961, Dr. Schnittker joined the Department of Agriculture as staff economist and worked closely with the Secretary and his staff in the develop- ment of improved programs for the major commodities particularly feed grains and wheat. He has appeared many times before the Senate Committee on Agriculture and Forestry and other coipmittees of the Congress and has always been most help- ful to Members of Congress. Over the last 2 years, Dr. Schnittker has also represented the Department of Agriculture and the U.S. Government in Connection with grain negotiations asso- ciated with the Kennedy round of trade negotiations now underway in Geneva. Early this year, he spoke at the annual convention of the National Association of Wheat Growers in Portland, Oreg., on the critical importance of both continua- tion of the wheat programs in this coun- try and developments of export markets abroad. This was an excellent statement Of the crucial relationship between do- mestic programs and trade relation- ships. As a Senator from a wheat and feed grain producing State, I welcome Dr. Schnittker's elavation, for he is a scholar, a realist, and a dedicated friend of farmers. EDWARD R. MORROW Mr. KENNEDY of New York. Mr. President, the passing, yesterday, of Ed- ward R. Murrow was a tragic loss for his family, and was an overwhelming loss - for all the people of the United States. None of us will ever forget his broadcasts from England during the war. Millions of us sat by our radios regularly, waiting to hear his familiar voice saying, "This is London." Of course, I knew him by reputation from that time; and I came to know him personally while we served together in Ckovernment, Everything I had heard Was true; his integrity and his judgment earned him the highest respect of all who knew him. President Kennedy relied im- plicitly on him. He made a major dif- ference, not only in the USIA, but also In everything else he turned his hand to within the Government. His recommen- dations and thoughts changed the course of American foreign policy more than once. He spoke very seldom, but when he did?in Cabinet meetings, in the Na- tional Security Council, and in many of the committees of Government?he in- evitably made sense, and was listened to by everyone. All of us who served with him had the greatest affection for him. For President Kennedy, he was, in a word, indispensable. I can think of nothing more appropri- ate to describe Ed Murrow than the fol- lowing excerpt from Shakespeare's "Julius Caesar": His life was gentle, and the elements So inird in him that Nature might stand up And say to all the world, "This was a man I" Mr. President, the tribute to Ed Mur- row, written by James Reston, and pub- lished today in the New York Times, is deeply moving and very appropriate. I ask unanimous consent that it be printed in the RECORD at the close of my remarks. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: [From the New York Times, Apr. 28, 19651 WASHINGTON: FAREWELL TO BROTHER En (By James Reston) WASHINGTON, April 27.?Edward R. Murrow lived long enough before he died this week to achieve the two great objectives of a re- porter: He endured, survived, and reported the great story of his generation, and in the process he won the respect, admiration, and affection of his profession. The Second World War produced a great cast of characters, most of whom have been properly celebrated. Roosevelt, Churchill, and Stalin are gone. Chiang Kai-shek is now living in the shadow of continental China, which he once commanded, and only , De Gaulle of France retains power among that remarkable generation of political leaders formed in the struggle of the two World Wars. The great generals of that time too, like MacArthur and Rommel, have died or, like Eisenhower and Montgomery, have retired; but in addition to these there was in that war a vast company of important but minor characters who played critical roles. THE IRONY OP HISTORY History would not have been the same without them. They were the unknown scientists, like Merle Tuve, who invented the proximity fuse and helped win the air war, and chiefs of stag like Bedell Smith, and the Foreign Service officers like Chip Bohlen and Peter Loxley of Britain, and on the side, the Boswells of the story, like Ed Murrow of the Columbia Broadcasting Sys- tem. It was odd of Ed to die this week at 57? usually his timing was much better. He was born at the right time in North Carolina? therefore he was around to understand the agony of the American South. He went west to the State of Washington as a stu- dent and therefore understood the Ameri- can empire beyond the Rockies; and he came east and stumbled into radio just at the moment when it became the most powerful instrument of communication within and be- tween the continents. A REMARKABLE GROUP He was part of a remarkable company of reporters from the West; Eric Sevareid, Ed Morgan, Bill Costello, whom MUTTOW re- cruited at CBS; Hedley Donovan and Phil Potter, out of Minnesota; Elmer Davis, Ernie Pyle, Tom Stokes, Bill Shirer, Raymond Clap- per, Wallace Carroll, Webb Miller, Quentin Reynolds, Wally Deuel, the Mowrers, and many others, including his dearest friend, Raymond Gram Swing, who played such an important part in telling the story of the Old World's agony to America. "THIS IS LONDON" But Murrow was the one who was in Lon- don at that remarkable period of the battle of Britain, when all the violence and sensi- tivities of human life converged, and being sensitive and courageous himself, he gave the facts and conveyed the feeling and spirit of that time like nobody else. It is really surprising that he lived to be 57. He was on the rooftops during the bomb- ings of London, and in the bombers over the Ruhr, and on the convoys across the Atlantic from the beginning to the end of the battle. Janet Murrow, his lovely and faithful wife, and Casey, his son, never really knew where he was most of the time but somehow he survived. In the process, he became a symbol to his colleagues and a prominent public figure in his country, and there was something else about him that increased his influence. He had style. He was handsome. He dressed with that calculated conservative casualness that marked John Kennedy. He was not a good writer, but he talked in symbols and he did so with a voice of doom. It is no wonder that the British, who know something about the glory and tragedy of life, knighted him when they knew he was dying of cancer at the end. Their main hope in the darkest days of the German bombard- ment of London was that the New World would somehow understand and come to the rescue of the Old, and if anybody made the New World understand, it was Murrow. THE RAT RACE He hated the commercial rat race of the television networks, and fought their em- phasis on what he regarded as the frivolities rather than the great issues of life, and talked constantly of escaping back into the small college atmosphere from which he came. He never made it, and probably wouldn't have liked it if he had. Those who knew him best admired him most. He was a reporter of the old school and a performer of the new. In radio and television, only the memory of other people remains, and the memory of Ed Murrow will remain for a long time among people who re- member the terrible and wonderful days of the Battle of Britain. SUCCESSFUL RAIL COMMUTER SERVICE Mr. DOUGLAS. Mr. President, dur- ing recent years it has been the fashion of many railroads to bemoan their obli- gations to continue passenger service, when they would rather devote their in- vestments to the more lucrative pastime of hauling freight. Passengers, it has been repeated time and time again, can- not be transported by rail at a profit. I always believed this premise was false; and now I am glad to report that it has been proven false. Airplanes have car- ried passengers at a profit, and busses have carried passengers at a profit; and I believed that sincere management would enable railroads to carry pas- sengers at a profit: The commuter problems in Chicago and Cook County are as severe as any that will be found in the world. While Approved For Release 2003/10/14 : CIA-RDP671300446R000300150018-4 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP671300448R000300150018-4 . 851i2 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD --- SENATE April 28, 1965 bringing passengers to and from work in the metropolitan area, the railroads com- plained of revenue and operating losses Year after year. New expressways were constructed to meet the public demand for effective transportation facilities. Soon, these highways were enabling hundreds of thousands of commuters to drive into Chicago every day. But this resulted in the strangulation of the city's streets and parking lots. Recently, the Chicago and North West- ern Railroad began a program of attack- ing the railroad-commuter problem at its source; the railroad management. It brought in Ben W. Heineman as chair- man, and Clyde J. Fitzpatrick as presi- dent; and these two twisted the com- pany's thinking around to where the considerations of the commuting public becanie paramount, rather than con- tinuing under the old approach of giving the public what management thought the company could afford to give. The entire attitude of the company changed from commuter tolerance to commuter enthusiasm. The C. & N.W. proceeded to Put $50 million into new equipment designed specifically for com- muter service. The bold gamble began to pay off; and in 1963, and again in 1964, the C. & N.W. operated its commuter service, using its new equipment, at a profit. This demonstrates the ability of railroads to operate this service at a pro- fit. The story of the C. & N.W. encour- ages other railroads to step into this breach. Profits can be made by operat- ing rail service for commuters; all it takes is the proper company attitude. As Mr. Heineman put it: You can't have succesSful suburban ser- vice without support, interest, attention, and devotion to top management. If top manage- ment doesn't want it, it's not going to happen. In its April 5, 1965, edition, the St. Louis Post-Dispatch published an edi- torial on the C. & N.W.'s progress in serv- ing the commuter; and I ask that the editorial be printed at this point in the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, a" follows: [From the St. Louis (Mo.) Post-Dispatch, Apr. 5, 1965] WHERE THE COMMUTER IS KING: CHICAGO PRODUCES SUCCESSFUL RAPID TRANSIT WITH GOOD MANAGEMENT, THOUGH PROBLEMS Loom Roaring toward Chicago at high speeds from six different directions every workday morning are strings of double deck com- muter cars bearing the emblems of four different railroads. They are clean, well lighted, warm in Winter, cool in summer, and almost always on time. In their seats are perhaps the country's most contented rail- road commuters. There are two basic reasons why railroad commuter service is so much better in sub- urban Chicago. One is that most of the rail- road Managements there desired to make it so, and had the money or Credit to imple- ment their desires. 'The second is an en- lightened public commission. To four of Chicago's six major commuter railroads, the conimuter is king. Together, the four have spent an aggregate 8100 mil- lion in the past 10 years for modernization of suburban service. As a consequence they have held far more riders than the New York commuter lines. They have also cut or erased huge deficits, since newer equip- ment reduces their costs. Most of these Chicago lines deal with a single State regulatory body, the Illinois Commerce Commission, which has re- peatedly accepted railroad contentions that they deserve fare increases if they operate modern equipment. Until recently Chicago has had nothing like New York's celebrated parkway system, which dates back to the 1930's, and this, too, has helped. Now that expressway building in and around Chicago is in high gear, however, railroads are running into experiences simi- lar to those that hit New York years ago. The Illinois Central's daily passenger total, for example, has plummeted from 67,000 in 1957 to 46,000 today, with nearly half the decrease coming after the opening of a new expressway. For the same reason, the Chi- cago, Rock Island & Pacific lost 10 percent of its passengers in 1963. When the Kennedy Expressway opened several years ago, the Chicago & North Western, perhaps the classic case of a successful suburban operation, lost 7.3 percent of its passengers. At the time, the North Western had actu- ally been making a slim profit from its com- muter service. But after the expressway opened, it lost a combined $4 million in 1961 and 1962 when passengers deserted the rail- road for concrete. Operations were back in the black in 1963, though, to a tune of 8706,- 000?for a significant reason. Extensive highway building north of Chi- cago had helped bring the demise of an elec- tric interurban railway, the Chicago North Shore & Milwaukee. But when all the former North Shore passengers were turned loose, the highways became so jammed that the North Western added Customers. It now car- ries 72,000, up from 62,000 a decade ago. Many in Chicago fear that as such changes occur a lack of foresight and overall plan- ning may someday create the same problems for Chicago the New York lines now suffer from. Even with the relative success of the Chi- cago railroads, there are problems that could halt the system in the future, says one top official. "Public bodies react only to crisis," he points out. "Thus," he says, "there has been no comprehensive transportation plan completed to produce an integrated system of expressways, rapid transit, and commuter lines. Unless there is this plan, in 10 or 15 years we will find Chicago's favorable trans- portation situation changing to unfavor- able." For the time being, however, conditions are comparatively favorable. Take the case of the North Western. It was saddled with a $2,100,000 suburban deficit in 1957, when Chairman Ben W. Heineman and President Clyde J. Fitzpatrick spent their first year in control of the railroad. They concluded that the route to improvement lay in offering a first-class product. They first won the right to close 22 of 88 commuter stations; these were the stations closest to the city that were also being served by rapid transit lines. More importantly, they obtained a 24- percent increase in fares, Heineman then persuaded the Metropolitan Life Insurance Co. to lend the road what finally amounted to $50 million to purchase new equipment. With the new equipment came two edicts: Trains would be run on time; commuters would be pampered. This gives another insight into the success of the C. & N.W.'s commuter service. "You can't have successful suburban service with- out support, interest, attention, and devotion of top management," Heineman declares. "If top management doesn't want it, it's not going to happen," Two other moves, unusual for cominuter railroads, that Heineman instituted were a:n advertising campaign and special classes to teach conductors how to be polite. Since 1959, the North Western has spon- sored radio helicopter traffic report programs, seeking out the_people it considers its prime potential c mers----motorists stalled in traffic. WAR IN SOUTHEAST ASIA?STATE- MENTS BY SENATOR MANSFIELD AND SENATOR AIKEN Mr. CHURCH. Mr. President, on April 21, both the distinguished majority lead- er, Senator MANSFIELD, and the respected dean of Senate Republicans, Senator AIKEN, made eloquent statements about the danger of an escalating war in southeast Asia. The applause from the galleries which greeted Senator AIKEN'S remarks represented a spontaneous dem- onstration of the commonsense feeling of most Americans that the United States should not become involved in a major war on the Asian continent. In the April 22 issue of the New York Times, Arthur Krock had a fine article in which he praised Senators MANSFIELD, AIKEN, and FIMBRIGHT for the responsi- ble manner in which they have fulfilled their constitutional duty respecting for- eign affairs. The New York Times published a fine editorial on the same day. In its lead editorial, entitled " 'Descalation' Need- ed," the Times commented: Bitterness and emotionalism are increas- ingly entering the discussions on Vietnam in the United States. This is a deplorable de- velopment, and so is the polarization of opinion in every country and between blocs of countries. It is as if the battle lines were being drawn all over the world?but for major war that need not and must not take place. President Johnson launched a very tenta- tive but real peace offensive at Johns Hop- kins. He has not yet given this policy enough time but the continued bombing; has tended to cast some doubt on the sin. cerity of the U.S. desire for negotiations. This is clearly a moment of crisis--for Vietnam, for the United States and for the world. Less bombing, not more, offers some hope of peace?without weakness of Amer - lean resolution. By taking such an attitude the United States would show strength as well as wisdom. I ask unanimous consent to have th3 editorial and the article?both excel - lent?from the April 22 issue of the New York Times, printed at this point in th3 RECORD. There being no objection, the editorial and the article were ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: [From the New York Times, Apr. 22, 1965] "DESCALATION" NEEDED The war in Vietnam is to be "stepped up" Washington now says. In other words, the U.S. Government is going to continue to bomb, send in more Americans, spend more and commit more lives, money, destructive- ness and power?and take more risk. In re- turn, the hope is that Hanoi will act to curb the Vietcong guerrillas in South Vies- nam, if it can, and will refrain from sendir.g in more men and arms and orders to the south. The hope also is that Peiping ar d Moscow will hold off from their own particu- lar methods of escalation. Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67600446R000300150018-4 Approved For Release 2003/10/14 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150018-4 5 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE 8503 April. 28, 196 Those who have all along feared that the course the war has been taking since early_ February would force the United States into an ever greater commitment, leading to ever greater danger to Asia and to the world, are unhappily being proved true prophets. Once a war begins, forces take over which seem beyond control. In Vietnam, on both sides, one step is leading?as if inexorably? to another and then another. Continuance of the present process by the opposing forces could lead to catastrophe. Nothing is more important for Americans today than to face these hard truths before It is too late. And it is vital that the chan- nels of communication, of opinion and of dissent be kept open?on the floor of Con- gress, in the press, in the Country at large-- in the face of a growing tendency to ridicule or to denounce the opposition and to de- mand unswerving support of further escala- tion in the name of patriotism. Bitterness and emotionalism are increas- ingly entering the discussions on Vietnam in the United gtaes. This is a deplorable de- velopment, and so is the polarization of opin- ion in every country and between blocs of countries. It is as if the battlelines were being drawn all over the world?but for a major war that need not and must not take place. President Johnson's offer of 'runconditional discussions" was a splendid move on the diplomatic/political front, in the effort to , achieve a peaceful solution of the quarrel. While it deserved a far better response from the other side than it has yet received, it did mark, as we have previously noted, a be- ginning to an interchange among the com- batants?subtle and indirect, but neverthe- less a beginning. But the continued bombing of North Viet- nam makes progress toward a peaceful settle- ment?however far off it must necessarily be?more difficult rather than less, harder rather than easier. We think that as a fol- lowup to the President's fine declaration in Baltimore, a descalation of the war is needed, rather than the escalation that we now see imminent. /t is p.t least worth the effort to see whether a scaling-down of the bombing might not evoke a corresponding scaling-down of North Vietnamese aggression in South Vietnam. The North Vietnames6 incidents in the South are easily measurable; if a diminution of American bombing of the North should lead to a miminution in the rate of incidents in the South, a major step would thereby be signaled toward the "unconditional discus- sions" offered by the President. Of course there might be no such response at all; and if there were not, the bombing would be resumed. But at least a descalation such as we suggest would afford the oppor- tunity to the other side of making a gesture toward peace without losing face. It might lead, ultimately, to a cease-fire and a truce. President Johnson launched a very tenta- tive but real peace offensive at Johns Hopkins, He has not yet given this policy enough time but the continued bombing has tended to cast some doubt on the sincerity of the U.S. desire for negotiations. This is clearly a moment of crisis?for Viet- nam, for the United States and for the world. Less bombing, not more, offers some hope for peace?without any weakness of American resolution. By taking such an attitude the United States would show strength as well as wisdom. [From the New York Times, Apr. 22, 19651 IN THE NATION: THF SENATE CN VIETNAAI (By Arthur Krock) WAam.NceroN, April 21.?On the initiative of its majority leader, MIELE MANSFIELD, the Senate today responsibly fulfilled the role assigned to it by the Constitution to advise the President on foreign affairs. Senator FULBRIGHT who, in his official ca- pacity as chairman of the committee on which the Senate relies for guidance on these questions, has been subjected to unwar- ranted abuse for stating as a mere hypothesis that "the prospects for discussions" looking to peace in southeast Asia "might be en- hanced by a temporary cessation" by the United States of the military actions it is steadily escalating in the Vietnams. But, except for specific endorsement of what rm.- BRIGHT plainly identified as only a specula- tion, all the Senate speeches today were directed at the same objective, which MANS- FIELD expressed as follows: APPLY/NG GENEVA PRINCIPLE It is of the utmost importance that the question of how to apply the principle of the Geneva agreement of 1954 be faced as soon as possible. * * * The longer this con- frontation is put off, the more the people of North and South Vietnam pay for the, delay, and the more the likelihood that the present limited conflict will spread into a general war in Asia. His reference was to a proposal that the Geneva Conference be reconvened on the limited basis of producing an international guarantee of the neutrality of Vietnam's neighbor, Cambodia. "The need for a con- frontation," he said, "on [this] situation in which none [the United States, Communist China, and the two Vietnams] is involved so directly may indeed be a preliminary to a separate and second confrontation on Viet- nam in which the involvement of all is di- rect." And though MANSFIELD extolled the President as one who has "grasped the prob- lem fully," citing his call for "unconditional discussions with the object of restoring a decent and honorable peace," it was evident from remarks by Senators who praised MANS- FIELD'S observations that they detected in these their own doubts of the wisdom of escalating U.S. military attacks on North Vietnam while there is the slightest possi- bility of progress in the secret negotiations for reconvening a Geneva Conference on Cambodia. "While the talk goes on," said MANSFIELD, "the bloodshed also goes on. And the bleed- ing is not being done in the capitals of the world. It is being done in the ricefields and the jungles of Vietnam" whose peas- ants, in all probability, want peace and a minimum of contact with distant Saigon and distant Hanoi?not to speak of places of which they have scarcely heard about?Pei- ping, Moscow, or Washington. This called attention to the officially inconvenient fact that the conflict is in part a civil war. CONFLICTING VIEWS Taking this from the inajority leader as his cue, Senator AIKEN protested that "it is diffi- cult to see?except as an act of braggadocio? what U.S. military leaders are trying to ac- complish when they send 200 planes to de- stroy one little bridge." But on the same day that the Senate was voicing its disturb- ance over the policy of military escalation; Secretary of Defense McNamara was an- nouncing its wide expansion, as agreed on at the Honolulu conference this week. This cdnflict of attitudes is the inevitable prod- uct of the involvement into Which the U.S. Government has drifted in Vietnam. . . _ . The Senate today reflected its alarmed con- viction that the time is everdue for ending the war in sutiaeast Asia, hopefully through the back door of guaranteed neutrality of Cambodia. But it has no magic formula for reconvening a Geneva Conference, now that the U.S.S.R. which proposed this has set preconditions it is aware the United States cannot possibly accept. And the close Presi- dential relations of some of the sources of the hysterical attacks on Senator FULBRIGHT for speculating that a temporary halt of U.S. military actions against North Vietnam "might" be the best way to discover whether the aggressors are open to a reasonable and honorable settlement, suggest that this idea has no future in the administration. TO RESTORE PEACE President Johnson has more information than the Senate can possibly have for the alarm which MANSFIELD and others expressed on the floor. But the sole meaning to be read into Secretory McNamara's announce- ment on the same day is that continued escalation of the Vietnam war on a steadily rising scale is our only policy for the resto- ration of peace in southeast Asia. PRESIDENT JOHNSON IS THE BEST JUDGE OF WHEN STATE VISITS SHOULD OCCUR Mr. DOUGLAS. Mr. President, our Government's postponement of the state visits to this country by the Prime Min- ister of India and the President of Pak- istan has been unfairly criticized in this country and abroad. Frankly, I have been amazed at the lack of perspective on the part of those who have insti- gated this criticism. The President of the United States has a tremendous bur- den of responsibilities at all times; and at this particular time the international situation has made this burden greater than any man should have to bear. The President, moreover, is carrying out these responsibilities very well, with wis- dom and courage. This ridiculous tempest over the ob- viously necessary postponement of the state visits during this trying period is wholly unjustified. Mr. President, with a personal apology for its choice of adjectives, I ask unani- mous consent that there be printed in the RECORD an editorial from the Wash- ington Daily News of April 22. I strongly agree with its wish that our homegrown and overseas advisers?who do not have any of the President's burdens?would give more weight to how he does his job, and less to relatively minor points of eti- quette. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: [From the Washington Daily News, Apr. 22, 1965] L.B.J. DOESN'T CLAIM To BE COUTII Some Nervous Nellie editorial writers and commentators, who think more of protocol than substance, are aflutter over President Johnson's request to the Prime Minister of India and the President of Pakistan to post- pone their visits to the United States. A social?or a state?visit should be ar- ranged at the convenience of both the guest and the host. If a host,. at a given time, has family prob- lems, naturally he would prefer that a guest come later when the family crisis has passed, especially if the guest is someone who has a penchant for advising the host on how to handle family problems. It so happens that our President and our Congress are in the throes of decisions on foreign aid, in which India and Pakistan are involved to the tune of around a billion dollars. It also happens that we are involved in unpleasant difficulties in Vietnam, con- cerning which the Indians and Pakistanis have differing ideas on how we should meet our responsibilities. We seem to be getting advice from lots of folks who do not share our responsibilities. Approved For Release 2003110114: CIA-RDP671300446R000300150018-4 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67600446R000300150018-4 8504 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ?SENATE A2yril 28,965 It is one thing for them to advise from their own far-off rostrums, and quite another for them to come inside our borders to launch their views. That might really have muddied congressional waters where foreign aid allot- ments are supposed to be made on merit rather than emotional reaction. We wish some of our homegrown and over- sea advisers on our President's manners would give a bit more weight to how he dots his job, and less to his etiquette. The gentleman from the Pedernales River will never balance a teacup on his knee to their satisfaction?but when not nibbled to distraction by their mincing criticism, he has demonstrated he is quite a hand at getting results. THE SECURITY TITLE GROUP AND E. CLAYTON CrENGRAS Mr. RIBICOFF. Mr. President, Hart- ford, Conn., has long been known as the Insurance capital of the Nation. The insurance industry .has benefited for years from the great leadership of E. Clayton Gengras, board chairman of the Security Insurance Group. The Security Insurance Group has just completed its move to Hartford, Conn. Thus, the Security Group becomes the 26th insurance home office in the Greater Hartford area, and the 34th in the State of Connecticut. The Security Title Group is a con- solidated group of five property and casualty companies and one life insur- ance company: Security Connecticut Life Insurance Co., Security Insurance Co. of Hartford, New Amsterdam Casualty Co., United States Casualty Co., the Con- necticut Indemnity Co., and the Fire and Casualty Insurance Co. of Connect- icut. The group has over 1 million policy- holders, and operates in all 50 States, with 30 branch offices in principal cities throughout the country. The group has 650 employees in its home office, 1,100 employees in its branch offices, and 6,000 agents throughout the country. The Hartford Times recently pub- lished an excellent biography of Mr. Gengras and his dynamic operation. I ask unanimous consent that the article be printed at this point in the RECORD. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: [From the Hartford Times, Apr. 19, 1965] MOVER AND $HAKER IN INSURANCE?THE GENGRAS IMPACT E. Clayton Gengras, noted for his verve and drive in the business world, not only plays out this role, he also looks the part. This brown-eyed 56-year-old West Hart- ford native is trim and agile and is well- known among colleagues and executives as a man who uses little waste motion?he moves quickly, doesn't like long conferences, makes fast, on-the-spot decisions, hates organizational "deadwood." These qualities have put him to good stead in many business ventures, and his movement into the insurance industry is no exception. The Gengras "touch" has marked him as one of the few men who has ven- tured to demonstrate that the same prin- ciples can be applied to an intangible prod- uct?insurance?as to a tangible one. SALES ORIENTED Mr. Gengras and the executives around him are sales-oriented since this son of a West Hartford dentist, starting on the ground floor in the automobile business with a job in a garage in the midtwenties, early gained success as a salesman, first of the celebrated Stutz, and then, in 1931, of Fords. In 1937, he opened a Ford agency in West Hartford, and married Elizabeth Hutchins. His business grew almost as quickly as did his family, eventually adding Ford dealer- ships in Hartford, Providence, R.I., and Queens, and the Lincoln distributorship for all of Connecticut except Fairfield County. During _World War II, he held his business together in large part by selling to priority- rated customers cars from the large inven- tory he had when civilian production ended. WAR YEARS In 1942, Mr. Gengras bought the Dauntless Shipyard in Essex. Conn., where 350 Coast Guard training ships were built. He then founded the Clayton Manufacturing Co., which, under Government contract, did over- sea crating and packing and built gliders. In 1945, he sold the shipyard, disolved Clay- ton Manufacturing and went back to auto- mobiles. It was not until 1950 that he entered the insurance field. Two years earlier, he had established Connecticut Acceptance, Inc., an auto financing company. Wanting to in- sure his financing deals, too, he bought the Fire & Casualty Insurance Co., of Connect- icut. Mr. Gengras took his second step into the insurance field in 1953, when a patient of his father's approached him with an offer of 50,000 shares, at $60 each, of the National Fire Insurance Co. of Hartford. NATIONAL Though he did not buy the offered stock, Mr. Gengras became a National Fire director and finance committee member. He later became a major stockholder. In 1956, the company was merged with the Continental Casualty Co. of Chicago. He bought 35 percent of the Security Group's stock in 1957. The group was then made up of the Security Insurance Co. of New Haven, the Connecticut Indemnity Co. and the Security-Connecticut Life Insurance Co. The next year Security bought Mr. Gen- gras' Fire & Casualty Co. In 1960, Secu- rity acquired the Founders Insurance Co. of Los Angeles in an exchange of stock. The next year, the New Amsterdam Casualty Co. of Baltimore and its wholly owned subsidiary, the United States Casualty Co. of New York became the sixth and seventh members, but not without a fight with a major underwriter, the Home In- surance Co. NEW AMSTERDAM New Amsterdam's staff was reduced from 2,400 to 1,400 employees, and operations were centralized in the Baltimore office. Its New York buildings were sold, through their man- ager, to the Home. Similarly, Mr. Gengras had reduced by half the Security Group's New Haven staff of 800. After several years in New Haven and Baltimore upgrading and reorganizing opera- tions came what has been a milestone for Mr. Gengras, the climactic move to Hart- ford. As' he said in an announcement of the move last May before top business leaders at the Greater Hartford Chamber of Com- merce, "It's nice to be back home." This Hartford area native has overcome initial scorn by aggressive renovations in the insurance industry. Among his techniques: Expansion through acquisition of estab- lished companies and cost-cutting central- ization of operations. Stressing of incentive payments (rather than high initial commissions) for agents, resulting in higher sales. Highly selective risk coverages (for better underwriting profits), and quick settlement of claims. JOSEPH KRAFT ON VIETNAM Mr. CHURCH. Mr. President, during the current Vietnam crisis, the articles written by Joseph Kraft have been among the best which have appeared. His article entitled "General War Held a Real Threat" was particularly out-- standing. Mr. Kraft maintains that the time to try to achieve a negotiated set- tlement in Vietnam is now, before the major Communist powers are drawn into Southeast Asia. Mr. Kraft aptly con- cludes his article in this way: Once the Chinese enter North Vietnam in large numbers, the prospects for settlement go down to zero. What has happened, in sum, is that the Russians and Chinese, once holding back, are now competing to help Hanoi. In these circumstances, the deeper the Americans become engaged, the deeper the Russians and Chinese will become engaged. Instead of a merely hypothetical possibility, the spread of the limited conflict in Vietnam to a more general war has become a real threat. I ask unanimous consent that the ar- ticle, which was published in the April 23 issue of the Washington Evening Star, be printed at this point in the RECORD. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the REcosn, as follows: GENERAL WAR HELD A REAL THREAT (By Joseph Kraft) Washington is now approaching a point of no return in Vietnam. Diverse, though vague, possibilities for negotiations exist. But the logic of the war effort?the supposed military necessity?is pushing this country toward measures that would certainly com- promise immediate prospects for settlement, and possibly plunge the United States into an endless war on the Asian mainland. The hopes for settlement arise from two principal documents?the President's April 7 speech in Baltimore?and the four-point res- olution of the North Vietnamese Assembly on April 10. The statements come from the highest, most responsible authority in each county. Both were measured and careful In tone. At least in words, they expressed a surprising amount of agreement. Both countries are agreed that there need be no preconditions before discussion can get underway. Both call for a return to the Geneva Treaty of 1954. Both imply free choice for South Vietnam in picking its own regime and on the matter of unification with the north. Both look toward the eventual withdrawal of American troops. To be sure, there are two important points of disagreement. One involves the rebels in the south, the so-called Vietcong. Washing- ton has tended to exclude them from any approach to the conference table; Hanoi in- sists on their participation. But that is a juridical issue, open to many different formulas of compromise, and thus one that could usefully be discussed. For that purpose, an immediate occasion is at hand. It lies in the proposal by Britain and the Soviet Union, as cochairman of the Geneva powers, to convoke the signatories in order to consider a complaint from Cam- bodia- respecting alleged violations of her territory. If the soundings now in progress on such a conference proved satisfactory, it could begin in a matter of days. Even if the soundings did not prove out, it would not be difficult to find other occasions for talks?either secretly or in public. The other big sticking point is a cease-fire. Neither side has yet declared itself officially on that issue. But once again there are some opportunities. Vietcong attacks have fallen in the last few weeks from a high of 35 in the week of March 6 to 13 to a low of Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67600446R000300150018-4 April 28, oved For Releasa.20.0300A /14 ; .PIA-RDP67600446R000300150018-4 wiN le vious condition a servitude. There was no provision which would touch the right of Congress to fix qualifications. This bill is as unconstitutional as it can be. Mr, HILL. Mr. President, can the Senator think of anything that would be more unconaitutional than this bill? Mr. ROBERTSON. We might pro- vide for the iminediate repeal of the 10th amendment. This bill would practically do that, , Mr. HILL, That amendment ratified, affirmed, and confirmed the very thing ?the Senator said; namely, that the power to fix qualifications was to be absolutely and wholly within the Power and au- thority of the States. Mr. ROBERTSON. George Mason, Patrick Henry, and others claimed that Congress would eventually override the States and that the States would lose their power. Virginia would not have ratified the Constitution but for the promise of George Washington, James Madison, and the great jurist John Marshall, that amendments would be offered. They spelled out 12 of the amendments. One of the amendments was the 10th amendment, which provided that all powers not delegated to the Federal Government or denied to the States, would be reserved to the States and the people. Virginia was the largest State in area and population. Virginia was the most powerful and richest State. When the State of Virginia entered the Union, it had more Members in the House than any other State. The largest city south of Philadelphia was Williamsburg. Think of that. We would not have had any perfect Union without the 10th amendment. What kind of Union would we have if we were to pass this bill and take palt of the 10th amendment out of the Con- stitution? That is what it would boil down to. Mr. HILL. Mr. President, I congrat- ulate my distinguished colleague for the very fine speech he made today. Mr. ROBERTSON. I thank the Sen- ator very much. Mr. President, I yield the floor. IVCREDIBLE VIEWS OF FORMER SENATOR GOLDWLSTEA ON WAR WITH CHINA Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. P esident, I was appalled by the report in today's Wash- ington Post of statements made by former Senator Barry Goldwater in Paris on yesterday. According to the distinguished Washington Post foreign correspondent, Waverly Root, Mr. Gold- water told newsmen at the Anglo-Amer- ican Press Association luncheon that he "prays for Red China to provide provo- catiOnS Which would justify the United States in attacking her atomic installa- tions, but he doesn't think she will." As reported by Mr. Root, "the state- ate,4t, on, 9,,Aina... Paine in answer to the 1111000A Baia), reporter who asked whether crioldwater would advocate at- tacking Chinese military, industrial, or atomic installation: `Yes, if they give us provocation,' Goldwater answered. `No, if they do not give us provocation. I rather pray that Red China would give us provocation to attack her military and atomic installations.'" Asked what would constitute sufficient provocation for attacking China, Gold- water said "If China sends troops into South Vietnam or materiel in massive quantities." In other words, Mr. President, what Mr. Goldwater is saying is that he hopes China will send troops into the Viet- namese conflict so that we will have an excuse to launch an attack on China. Mr. President, this is the most incred- ible statement I have ever attributed to a prominent national figure. We can only speculate on the disastrous course our nation might have followed had Gold- water been elected to the Presidency last fall. Consider the impact on the rest of the world if a leading American figure openly prayin,g that China will intervene in the Vietnamese war so that we will have an excuse to launch world war III by attacking this largest of all na- tions on the face of the earth. That concept is almost beyond comprehen- sion. It makes one shudder at the mere expression of the thought, particularly when it was expressed in a foreign coun- try at the largest luncheon ever held by the Anglo-American Press Association. We can be thankful that the American people in their wisdom elected to the Presidency Lyndon Johnson, who has not only given repeated assurances that he seeks no wider war in Vietnam, but has offered to proceed at anytime with un- conditional negotiations. I applaud the President's appointment of the distinguished W. Averell Harriman to represent us at the proposed confer- ence on Cambodian neutrality. That conference, as our majority leader has repeatedly reminded us, can open the door to further discussions leading to a settlement on the Vietnamese war.. . _ As I first indicated on April 1, I trust that the President will also interrupt the bombing of North Vietnam long enough to provide some breathing room for the regime in Hanoi to consider negotiations, because, as the Senator from Arkansas [Mr. FULBRIGHT] has said, it is very diffi- cult to create a climate favorable to ne- gotiations so long as attacks continue on both sides. I would like to believe that this Nation is big enough and great enough to break the cycle of blows and counterblows which is a formula for a larger and larger war. I also hope that our great President would not hesitate to consider some ar- rangement under which the National Liberation Front fighting in South Viet- nam can be represented at negotiating sessions. After all, the principal antag- onists in Vietnam are the South Viet- namese Government in Saigon and the South Vietnamese Liberation Front, which speaks for the Vietcong guerrillas. Unless those two principal antagonists can work out some kind of a settlement, it seems to me we miss the main point. Negotiations must take place so that these two groups can reach some kind of a settlement, if the fighting is to cease. We should not lose sight of the fact that 8529 however much Hanoi and Peiping en- courage and support the Vietcong guer- rillas, this has always been fundamen- tally an internal struggle involving the Government of South Vietnam on one hand, and the Vietnamese guerrilla forces on the other. I further hope that if negotiations do go forward, we will consider the creation of a southeast Asian peacekeeping force composed primarily of forces supplied by Burma, Cambodia, Thailand, Laos, Malaya, and Vietnam, and other nations In the southeast Asia area. I think it has been one of the ingredients missing from the agreement of 1954. We have had no effective peacekeeping force to bring into that area under the agree- ments at Geneva 11 years ago. Such a regional force affiliated with the United Nations would be in a much stronger position to stabilize this area of conflict and tension than would a uni- lateral force of Americans operating 8,000 miles away from home in alien ter- ritory. Mr. President, one of the tragic as- pects of this war is the growing terror- ism on both sides. I suspect that one of the prices we pay for an undeclared war is that it stays outside the scope of the application of international law that is applied in in- ternational conflicts. Americans have certainly felt a grow- ing sense of uneasiness about the use of our weapons to burn villages, destroy the jungle foliage, and wreak havoc on the Vietnamese countryside. All of this, however, has been accompanied by mounting terrorist activity by the Viet- cong guerrillas. I ask unanimous consent to have printed at this point in the RECORD a list of 12 recent acts of terrorism on the part of the Vietcong guerrillas directed primarily at U.S. personnel. I request further that the article by Waverly Root reporting on Mr. Gold- water's comments printed in this morn- ing's Washington Post be inserted at this point in the RECORD. There being no objection, the list and news article were ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: INCIDENTS OF TERRORISM DIRECTED PRIMARILY AT U.S. PERSONNEL 1. On June 28, 1963, a bicycle bomb ex- ploded near the wall of the MAAG compound in Saigon. A second similar incident followed by 10 minutes. Five U.S. personnel were injured. 2. On February 9, 1964, following a series of minor incidents, two bombs exploded under the bleachers of Pershing Field in Saigon. There were 2 U.S. personnel killed and 23 were injured. 3. A week later, on February 16, 1964, the U.S. movie theater in Saigon was attacked. The theater was heavily damaged. Three Americans were killed and 35 injured. 4. On August 12, 1964, a plastic bomb ex- ploded on a bicycle at My Tho. Five Amer- icans were wounded and three killed. 5. On August 25, 1964, the Caravelle Hotel in Saigon was bombed. There was extensive damage to the fifth floor but only one Amer- ican was wounded. 6. On November 1, 1964, mortar fire de- livered on the Bien Hoa Airfield killed 4 Americans and injured 72, while destroying many airplanes. 'Approved For Release 2003/10/14 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150018-4 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67600446R000300150018-4 8530 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD --- SENATE April 28, 1965 7. On Christmas Eve of 1964 the Brink Hotel in Saigon was bombed, killing 2 Amer- icans and wounding 64 others. There was extensive damage and the hotel is now un- occupied. 8. On January 26, 1965, two time bombs exploded in MACV's secondary headquarters in Saigon but injured only one American. 9. On February 7, 1965, the Vietcong at- tacked the Pleiku compound killing_ 9 Amer- icans and Wounding 107. 10. On February 10, 1965, the Vietcong at- tacked the Qui Nhon U.S. enlisted men's billet. Twenty-three Americans were killed, 21 injured, and 7 Vietnamese were killed. The 4-story billet was destroyed. 11. On March 30, 1965, the U.S. Embassy in Saigon was bombed. Two Americans were killed and 48 wounded. Fourteen Vietnamese were killed and 106 wounded. 12. The most recent serious incident oc- curred on April 14, 1965, at Qui Nhon when an explosion was set off in U.S. ammunition storage. Thirty-one Americans were wound- ed in action, 13 of them by small arms fire which followed the explosion. [From the Washington Post, Apr. 28, 19651 BARRY SEES PEIPING. FEAR OF ATTACK (By Waverly Root, Washington Post foreign service) .. PARIS, April 27,?Former Senator Barry Goldwater told 135 persons at the largest luncheon the Anglo-American Press Associa- tion has ever held today that he prays for Red China to provide provocations which would justify the United States attacking her atomic installations?but he doesn't think she will. He also said he backed President Johnson's policy in Vietnam, that he did not expect nuclear weapons 40 be used there, and that while he doesn't expect to make another try for the presidency, he might run again for the Senate. But he said he found it rather pleasant to "stay home, play with my grand- children, hunt and fish, bumming 'Hail To The Chief.' " The statement on China came in answer to the question of a British reporter who asked whether Goldwater would advocate attacking Chinese military, industrial, or atomic instal- lations. "Yes, if they give us provocation," Gold- water answered. "No, if they do not give us provocation. I rather pray that Red China would give us provocation to attack her mili- tary and atomic installations." He added that "many peoples around the world would be happy to see China's nuclear capacity disappear." RUSSIANS INCLUDED He confirmed after his public speech that when he spoke of many peoples, he had Rus- sians in mind among others. lisied what would constitute sufficient provocation for attacking China, Goldwater said, "if China sends troops into South Viet- nam or materiel in massive quantities." He said this would not necessarily mean war. He said the United States could punish China from air or sea, where her strength is superior, but he would never favor sending ground troops in.. "No country," he said, "can match China on the ground." But he expressed the opinion that China will not provide provocation as he had de- fined it. , Asked by another British newspaperman how long the United States can keep China out of the United Nations, Goldwater said, "if it comes right down to it. I don't think we could keep her out very long." He admitted the strength Of the argument that a nation of 600 or 700 million is hard to ignore, but went on, "in the United States, this is a political question. If you want to get into trouble there, just advocate admit- ting Red China to the United Nations, or recognizing her." "Do you agree with President Johnson's policy in South Vietnam?" Goldwater was asked. JOHNSON SUPPORTED "I have to say yes. My President has done the right thing, in the right way." This came after Goldwater had introduced himself by saying, "If you don't know who I am, I'm the trigger-happy war-mongering * * * who proposed bombing the supply routes from North Vietnam. You're a states- man today when you propose that. I was a year too early." Goldwater and Soviet Foreign Minister Andrei Gromyko were both on the town last night, playing an unperceived game of hide- and-seek, but so far as anyone knows their criss-crossing paths never intersected. That was because they were pursuing widely different interests, both artistic. Gro- myko was looking at the architectural gems of Paris and Goldwater was being tattooed. LAST TATTOO This took Gromyko to such magnificent sights of Paris as Notre Dame Cathedral and the Place de la Concorde, with fountain playing full blast, both floodlighted. It took Goldwater to a narrow street climb- ing up the Montmartre hill behind the Pigalle Quarter. This is where you have to go to find one of the World's most famous tattoo artists, known by the single name of Bruno, whose weird working hours are 5 p.m. to 2 a.m. Goldwater went there to have a Ilopi In- dian insignia near the base of his thumb completed. Member of a white man's asso- ciation interested in Hopi folklore, Gold- water already had the first insignia?two little points symbolizing a snake bite. He also had the two dots, one below the other, beneath the bite mark, each of which signi- fies participation in a dance. After that you can dance and dance, but you earn no more dots. However, Goldwater was notified while here that he had just been named an hon- orary chief, which gives him the right to a half circle over the snake bite. He had it added last night. Mr. MORTON, Mr. President, will the Senator yield? Mr. McGOVERN. I yield. Mr. MORTON. I was not present in the Chamber and did not hear the early part of the Senator's statement. Did the Senator quote from what Secretary McNamara, said or what former Senator Goldwater said? Mr. McGOVERN. The quotation was from an article appearing in today's Washington Post, under the byline of Waverly Root, and is attributed to former Senator Goldwater. Mr. MORTON. I thought that per- haps it might have been Secretary Mc- Namara. Mr. JAVITS. Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum. The PRESIDING OrtoiCER (Mr. Rus- SELL of South Carolina in the chair). The clerk will call the roll. The legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll. Mr. HART. Mr. President, I ask unan- imous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded. The PRESIDING OteriCER (Mr. Mc- GOVERN in the chair) . Without objec- tion, it is so ordered. VOTING RIGHTS ACT OF 1965 The Senate resumed the consideration of the bill (S. 1564) to enforce the 15th amendment of the Constitution of the United States. Mr. JAVITS. Mr. President, those of us who are proponents of the bill have found, in recent days, so much concen- tration of attention on the issue of the poll tax which, interestingly enough, is eliminated by bills pending in both this and the other body, that we thought it might be useful to discuss the matter again, to make our position clear on the Recoso, and to underline the fact that elimination of the poll tax would repre- sent a really tangible and practical ele- ment of progress hit the field of civil rights. It is interesting to me that we have acted cautiously with respect to this problem in the past by adopting a con- stitutional amendment which eliminates it only as to Federal elections, but that we now find this half measure does not really cure the situation. For all practi- cal purposes, the voter is still called upon to pay the poll tax. I believe that it is fair to call the poll tax an anachronism. It is difficult to see how it can be defended by anyone except on the basis that the States should be permitted to do whatever they please in terms of defining as a qualifica- tion something which is not a qualifica- tion, or in terms of clinging to every vestigial institution, whatever it may be, Including the poll tax, which places re- strictions upon the voting right. As a constitutional lawyer, it is my judgment?and I put into practice what I teach in theory, by introducing legisla- tion to eliminate the poll tax by statute on previous occasions?that the poll tax can be eliminated by statute. This is cen- tral, I believe, to the theme of the ma- jority on the Judiciary Committee which supported the amendment, that the poll tax in fact represents a burden on the voting right and an abridgment of the voting right within the context of the 15th amendment, and that as it has worked out it represents discrimination in favor of those who are economically able to pay and against those who are economically unable to pay. (At this point Mr. TYDINGS took the chair as Presiding Officer.) Mr. JAVITS. Mr. President, it has actually been used as an instrument to perpetuate abridgement of the right to register and vote, and therefore, both on the basis of law and practice?and the Supreme Court has always consid- ered both?the poll tax should bc abolished. To those who would cite Breedlove against Suttles, which is the Georgia case which upheld a poll tax levied bY a State, I would say two things: First, that case can be easily distinguished on the facts from the case now pending before the Supreme Court, Harper against the Virginia State Board of Elections, which will be argued this fail and undoubtedly decided reasonably soot thereafter. Second, the question of the 15th amendment was not even raised in Breedlove against Suttles. Most of the States have repealed the poll tax. Only four States still have IL The decisions by the Supreme Cou t in civil rights cases clearly indicate that Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67600446R000300150018-4 Approved For Release 2003/1Q/14 ? Q1A-IWP67B00446R01030015001t-4 April 28, 1965- CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -- APPENDIX polls, research reports, factflnding, one-man and any-man Opinions, searching looks which were meant to penetrate and describe what has been called, ftont time to time, "the agony of the GOP," "a party in crisis," "the GOP struggle for survival," "dialectic Re- publicanism," "the Republican election trauma," "can the elephant forget?" and the "Republicans after the debacle," with each report usually coming to the brilliant con- clusion that the Republican Party was in a bit of a mess. As a Republican, I would like to take this opportunity to thank all of those who con- tributed in such a thoughtful and well mean- ing way to starting us off on the long road back and if they have run out of salt for our wounds, I would be glad to replenish their supply. I am not trying to minimize the extent of rethinking and the toUgh policy and leader- ship decisions that will be necessary for the GOP to win elections again. It's not every year that a party loses over 500 seats in State legislatures across the Nation along with key Senate and House seats. But I do not foresee the 1964 Goldwater candidacy as the Republican's albatross, rele- gating the party to minority status for years to come. Neither do I believe it represented a strictly indigenous attitude of the Repub- lican Party. The American concept of conservatism is not confinett to one political party. The par- ticular attitude winch dominated the 1961 Republican Convention has lain under the surface of American political activity for 20 years, since the inception of the cold war. It has been the reservoir of frustration re- sulting from our necessary international role, and the repository of fear, mistrust, and in- security which are products of the social' and economic adjustments since the war. If the election was supposed to offer a choice, it was 20 years too late, and if we wanted the candidates to embody that choice, the American public missed its chance in 1962 when it failed' to match Adlaf 'S'teven- son and Robert A. Taft, two articulate repre- sentatives of opposing philosophies. The possibility of a liberal-conservative confrontation passed from the sublime to the ridiculous and 1964 witnessed a campaign billed as a great confrontation of America's past with its future, between two Men who were probably personally in more general agreement on more issues than any two op- Mg candidates in recent history. , Frankly, I am less concerned about the Supposed "cost" of this election to the Re- publican Party than I am about its cost to the American people. It, deprived us of the necessary and serious exchange of views on the alternative ways of dealing with the difficult problems this coun- try faces, both at home and abroad; of ex- ploring the meaning and extent of our in- volvement in South Vietnam; of debating and eXaMining the proposed programs to eradicate poverty, to provide medical care for the aged; aid to public, private, and paro- chial school education and the myriad other problems that majorities of broth parties rec- ognize and are committed to resolve. In short, the American people were de- prived of the opportunity to judge a cam- paign that bore some relation to the real vvorld and its very real problems. Instead, we watched TV spots with people .earing up their social security cards; the prOlected linage of a choice between good sIld eY117 bf'ack and white, war and peace? cot that t wasn't ripe for presentation along those lines and the obvious image for the party in power to exploit, but what was' the result after the Nation went through the motions of registering their choice. What was the resUlt after the computers predicted the, winner, w,thiu pe-tenth of 1 percent accuracy 10 minutes after the polls closed? What ac1 happened, or rather what had not happened? The administration, the incumbent, had not been put to a test; he had not been chal- lenged; he did not have to defend the poli- cies and programs he had set before the Na- tion and was proposing for the future. What did he have to defend them against? His program for aid to education against no program? His background as a leader in civil rights against that of his opponent? We did not learn very much about the way the President would react under the pres- sure of an articulate and well-directed oppo- sition to whom the public was listening and to whom he would be expected to reply. Discussion of the whole area of foreign pol- icy took place under a mushroom cloud which prevented the public from giving seri- ous consideration to What else the President must do besides refrain from "pushing the button." We are facing some of the consequences of the lack of public debate in this area right now. The public was ill informed and un- prepared for our present policy in Vietnam and the temper of the man who is directing it. The campaign was supposed to have been between a dove and a hawk. The dove won. So, what's he doing acting like a hawk? The campaign distorted the issues and the candidates, and in the end, not only did Goldwater lose, but Johnson lost and the American people lost. Why? Because the presidential process failed to work. It failed to force a presidential candidate to win the Presidency. It was left to him by default and we didn't accurately judge the man who won. Our fling for the sake of the American political neurosis cost us more than the elec- tion and I am more distressed by that than anything else. In terms of practical politics, the Repub- lican Party need not ask of Goldwater and the ensuing election disaster, in the words of an old popular song, "Is you is, or is you ain't my baby?" It's our baby, all right, al- though many of us question the parentage. At least there is one thing upon which all Republicans can agree, and that is that the party's major task between now and the 1966 congressional elections is to project a positive Republican image in keeping with the true traditions of the party. In 18 months the Republican Party will again face the electorate, and we must face the electorate with a constructive record of accomplishment. I suggest with pride that the Republican congressional delegation has distinguished itself in the two critical areas of foreign and domestic policy with honor and good judg- ment. Senator `Dirinsw and Representatives FORD and NicCuLLocit have played and are playing an admirable role in' the effort to write an effective and problem-solving 'voting rights bill. Almost without exception, the Republican congressional delegation has given loyal and valuable assistance to the President in re- gard to the crisis In Vietnam. In the matter of foreign policy our re- sponsibility as Republicans, as the loyal op- position, is aparticularly_important_gne and a particularly delicate one. The Republican Party has a special obliga- tion in the Vietnam crisis and in all other foreign policy crises to insist that the minor- ity voice, the voice which challenges ad- ministration policy is heard. If there is anything that is more troubling than the problem of Vietnam itself, and the role of the United States in Vietnam, it is the increasingly hysterical and thoughtless tone which has characterized public discus- sion about Vietnam. I think, in such a crisis, that the minority party, the Republican Party must be the un- deviating ally of the press as you and your colleagues seek to supply the Nation with the facts about Vietnam. It is no reflection on the good faith, the good intentions, or the ability of those charged with the execution of U.S. policy in Vietnam to remind them and the Nation that the public and the minority party also have a vital role to play in this crisis. All need to know the plain truth about what is happening in Vietnam. We need to know the good news and the bad news. We need to know our strengths and our weak- nesses. When overzealous, oversensitive men? civilian or military?attempt to impose a news blackout from Vietnam, try to conceal what is happening there and elsewhere in southeast Asia, I submit that the Republican Party has the responsibility to speak out loudly and clearly in favor of your right to gather the facts and the public's right to know them. A party that controls neither the White House nor the Congress is in a difficult posi- tion to take the lead in offering new ideas and programs to deal with such problems as health, housing, education, transportation; the increasingly important and complex problems of our growing urban centers. A party's programs and goals in these areas are formulated at its convention and ham- mered into its platform. Unfortunately the Republican Party's 1964 platform Committee and its product did not impress upon the American public the com- mitment and resolve of the party as a whole; to devise thoughtful and effective programs to meet the needs in these areas. This lack of a realistic and meaningful action program for the party is the major obstacle to our presenting the Republican Party to the American people in 1966 as a serious alternative to those presently in power. When I was asked by reporters on election night, what I thought might be done to be- gin to overcome the disasterous defeat we had suffered, I suggested then, and still be- lieve, that, it was important to hold a na- tional Republican convention or conference, in this off year, to formulate a sound Repub- lican position on the host of foreign and domestic problems which confront the Na- tion. There is precedent for such an off year conference in both the Democratic and Re- publican Party. I am of the opinion that a conference of this nature would go a long way toward chystallizing both leadership and policy within the party, giving new direction and vigor to our coming election efforts. It has been asked, "what good is a political party unless it is serving some great national purpose?" Out of power the Republican Party must be an articulate and informed opposition and when we assume national leadership the party must pursue our goals at home and abroad with programs that show a deep con- cern for the individual. If the Democrats call themselves the party of the people, then we are the party of the individual, concerned with the place and dignity of man; his rights and his welfare, his future in a free society. A party demonstrating this concern will de- serve the support of the American people. A party demonstrating this concern will win the support of the American people. The Growing Threat of Soviet Seapower EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. BOB WILSON OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, April 28, 1965 Mr. BOB WILSON. Mr. Speaker, 1-,,he 1965 annual report of the Shipbuilders Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67600446R000300150018-4 -41A2010 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67600446R000300150018-4 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -- APPENDIX April 28, 1965 Council of America carries a most in- teresting and revealing article entitled "The Growing Threat of Soviet Sea- power." I recommend a close analysis of this succinct article to each of my colleagues for I feel we have been lax in recognizing the significance of Russia's advances: THE GROWING THREAT OF SOVIET SEAPOWER Also included in last year's report was an official assessment of the condition of the U.S.-flag merchant fleet prepared by the Deputy Chief of Naval Operation (Logistics). This showed that our merchant fleet is in even more critical shape than the naval fleet. Over 90 percent of the dry-cargo ships and 55 percent of the tankers in the fleet will shortly reach the end of their economic lives simultaneously. There has been no improve- ment in this situation. In addition, the active fleet, which num- bered 1,950 ships totaling 22.4 million dead- weight tons in 1951, has contracted steadily and now is composed of only 900 ships aggre- gating 13 million tons. Any significant improvement of the future outlook for the private shipyards must await official recognition of the deteriorated state of this Nation's seapower resources. This day of reckoning cannot be delayed or postponed much longer. Time is running out. Budgetary expediencies adopted for too many previous years account for the alarm- ing block obsolescence problems which now afflict our naval and merchant fleets. Our shortsighted policies also have taken their toll on the private shipyard industry, as evi- denced by the fact that 18 private shipyards have been forced to close their gates per- manently during the past 10 years. Of necessity, our national planners ulti- mately will have to face up to the block obsolescence or this Nation will lose its sea power capability by default. We believe the former alternative will prevail. Hopefully, the required remedial action will be taken before further contraction in the size of the private shipyard industry occurs. The sharp contrast in the priorities which Russia and the United States have assigned to seapower again was all too evident during 1964. Russia's naval strength continued to grow and her enormous merchant fleet expansion program was further accelerated. In this country a welcome increase in naval ship con- struction occurred. However, the volume of new orders fell far short of the level required to prevent further magnification of the U.S. Navy fleet's alarming block obsolescence problem. The construction of merchant ships, as has been noted, continued at such a low level that the quantitative and qualita- tive deficiencies of the American merchant marine were further accentuated. As a naval power, Russia is second only to the United States. The U.S. Navy's fleet is better balanced and possesses more versatile striking power. Russia, whose naval stratgey stresses the submarine as the major element of her fleet strength, boast's the largest sub- marine fleet in the world. "Janes Fighting Ships," the authoritative naval journal, says the U.S.S.R. fleet comprises more than 430 submarines?a growing number of which are nuclear-powered attack and missile-firing types. The U.S. Navy has only 175 sub- marines, of which 51 are nuclear-powered units. As a point of refere:nce. Hitler, in the early stages of World War II, decimated the Allies' supply lines with a total fleet of only 57 submarines. The remarkable expansion of the U.S.S.R. 's merchant fleet stems from a series of con- tinuing shipbuilding programs, which since 1950 have increased the fleet size from 432 ships of 1.8 million deadweight tons to 1,200 vessels totaling 8 million tons today. Currently underway is a 5-year plan (1965- 70) which is programed to increase the mer- chant fleet's tonnage to 15 million dead- weight by 1970. By mid-1966 Russia's merchant marine, which already possesses more ships, will sur- pass the American fleet in terms of total tonnage. More importantly, the Russian fleet will be composed predominantly of new, efficient vessels while the U.S. merchant marine will be composed, overwhelmingly of obsolete ships in the 25-year-old bracket. The U.S.-flag fleet has been contracting steadily for the past 15 years. In 1951 it numbered 1,955 active vessels totaling 22.4 million deadweight tons. Today, this Nation has only 900 ships aggregating- 13.5 million tons in active service. The accompanying table, which compares the level of shipbuilding activity generated by the American and Soviet merchant ma- rines, vividly reflects the contrasting mari- time objectives. Because Russian shipyards are heavily en- gaged in naval construction, 3.9 million of the 6.5 million tons of shipbuilding will be built outside of Russia. Merchant ships building or on order Mar. 1, 1962_ _ May 1, 1963_ _ May 1, 1964_ _ Nov. 1, 1964.... Num- her 61 47 47 43 United States, deadweight tons Nunn her U.S.S.R., deadweight tons 878, 000 697, 660 725, 490 650, 009 223 236 441 673 2 2, 263, 400 2 3,032 100 2 3, 461, 800 6,450, 000 I U.S. data: Shipbuilders Counei of America. 2 U.S.S.R. data: Marine Engineering/Log, New York, N.Y. 3 U.S.S.R. data: Fairplay Shipping Journal, London, England. Better Explanation of United States Viet- nam Policy Than Anything Administra- tion Has Put Cut EXTE0 N OF REMARKS or HON. ROBERT F. ELLSWORTH OF KANSAS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, April 28, 1965 Mr. ELLSWORTH. Mr. Speaker, the April 24, 1965, issue of the Economist of London has a better, clearer, and more enlightening explanation of the U.S. position and policy in Vietnam than any- thing put out by anybody in the Johnson administration. I commend the Econ- omist explanation to the attention of my colleagues in the Congress: ALL WARS ARE FILTHY?BTJT THE VIETNAM ONE IS GOING TO BE SETTLED BY CAREFUL PERSEVERANCE, NOT BY WRINGING ONE'S HANDS That "filthy Fascist war" in Vietnam, as Mrs. Anne Kerr called it in Trafalgar Square on Monday, has reached a stage where high- pitched simplicities like Mrs. Kerr's have long since been overtaken by events. The honorable but confused member for Roch- ester and Chatham presumably wants the Americans to stop bombing North Vietnam, thus returning matters in South Vietnam to where they were at the beginning of February (which was two-thirds of the way down the slippery slope to a Vietcong vic- tory). So do the rather haphazard collec- tion of her fellow Labor Members of Parlia- ment and other Labor Party supporters who assembled at the annual jamboree or- ganized by the cooperative movement at Blackpool on Sunday. On the other side of the hill, there may be men in Washington who still believe the war will be ended by somebody in Peiping flicking a switch and turning off the flow of revolutionary cur- rent that runs through Hanoi to the Viet- cong. But it ought to be plain that the positions taken by the United States and China in the past 11 weeks virtually rule out both these extreme possibilities. Neither of the two great patron powers is in a mood to throw in the sponge completely without a major struggle. What has been happening in the 11 weeks since the Americans started bombing North Vietnam is a gradual narrowing down of the range of likely outcomes, though the range still runs from the tolerably acceptable to the very undesirable: The central question is the part the rebels in the south will play in any future political settlement. Most peo- ple, looking at the guerrilla wars of the last 20 years, suspect that the Vietcong rebellion is probably too well established to be totally extirpated. It is entirely possible, on- the other hand, that if it can be cut off from its sources of nourishment in the north it can be brought under control, as a fire sometimes is, without being actually put out. In that case the rebels' share in a future political settlement can probably be kept small enough for South Vietnam to remain outside the Communist camp. Other small countries with half-assimilated Communist minorities, like Finland and Burma, have managed to do just that, though the trick is harder to turn in Asia than in Europe. But if the attempt to cut the Vietcong off from its northern roots fails, it will pretty certainly be the Communists who dominate the final settlement. The only question then will be the speed with which it happens, and the de- gree of humiliation inflicted on the United States in the process. (It might alternatively, as the optimists hope, be the beginning of a general retreat north of the 17th parallel, but nothing else the Communists have been doing confirms this hopeful reading.) The attempt at a showdown might come at an American base like Pleiku or even, if the Vietcong is ready to "try a Dienbienphu," at the Marines' laager at Da Nang. One rather hopes it will; Da Nang, on the coast, is not Dienbienphu in its pocket of hills, and the Americans are not the French. Or, alternatively, the attack might take the form of an attempt to cut communications between Da Nang and the south across the middle of the country. If a major Vietcong offensive in the wet weather that begins soon does succeed in capturing an American base or cutting South Vietnam in two, the result will be more or less a foregone conclusion. Morale in the south, which has been rising in the last few weeks, will drop again; the old routine of coups d'etat will be resumed; and the Ameri- cans will find themselves frighteningly near the end of the gangplank. If, on the other hand, the outcome is a big battle that the Vietcong loses, it will be North Vietnam's turn for an agonizing reappraisal. For the North Vietnamese would then face the pros- pect of being steadily bombed to pieces while the rebels in the south slowly pulled them- selves together, regrouped, and thought out their tactics afresh. In that event the Americans' tactics would have been triumph- antly justified: by forcing the Vietcong into a decisive battle before it was really ready, they might in effect have won the war. The North Vietnamese have made it clear that the American bombing is not yet hurt- ing them enough - to persuade them to stop helping the rebels in the south. However, it is certainly hurting them enough for them not to want it to go on indefinitely. This gives them a powerful motive for urging the Vietcong to have a last great fling at win- ning the war in the south as soon as pos- sible. The reported withdrawal of rebel forces from the southernmost part of the country may well be the sign of an impend- ing last fling further north. Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67600446R000300150018-4 A2irrit 28 , Maroved ForlatadiggitgltRECORD - 67By pp46Rt00300150018-4 A2011 - - But it is quite likely that the rainy season will bring no decisive victory for either side. In that case the range of possibilities will narrOw still further, and the conflict will settle down into a war of attrition that might drag on for a long time. The outcome of this war of attrition will depend, first, on the extent to which the recent rise in South Vietnamese Morale can be put to practical use (Mr. McNamara, the Anlerican Secretary of Defense, has been arranging in Hawaii this week, to traln. an extra 100,000 South Vietnamese troops). It will depend, second, on the extent tO which the flow of aid to the Vietcong from the north can be dimin- ished. If the North Vietnamese can be jostled into reducing the supply of recruits and arms in the hope of limiting the aerial pounding they have to take?or if thay simply cannot get the supplies through be- cause the bridges are down and the railway broken?time will probably work on the side of the Americans and the South Vietnamese. The Vietconk, deprived of its northern sup- port, would gradually be cut down to its proper size as a native southern rebellion, and the way might at last be open to a political settlement that is not merely a case of the Communist north swallowing the south. In this long and delicate operation, timing will be very important indeed. The sensible idea has been put forward?and informally approved of by the United States, Russia and Britain,?of holding a conference about Cambodia's problems during which the in- terested parties could draw the conversation round to Vietnam. Cambodia said primly on Tuesday that any such conference should deal with Cambodia alone, but delegates in conference corridors have a way of getting round difficulties like that. No conference held in the near future is likely to produce a clear-out solution of Vietnam's problems, unless one side or the other changes It posi- tion in a hurry. But informal conversations would be useful as a means of delaying the moment when either the Chinese or the Missions might feel obliged to involve them- selves more directly. (Both have lately as good as said?the Russians on April 17 and the Chinese on April 20?that they will not send volunteers to North Vietnam unless the American bombing goes beyond its present limits.) Better still, the conversations could provide a way of delicately discovering what mixture of military stick and diplomatic car- rot would be most effective in getting the North Vietnamese to cut down their aid to the Vietcong. Senator Ftmaainivr called on April 18? echoing an earlier suggestion by Canada's Prime Minister, Mr, Pearson?for a pause in the bombing of North Vietnam. The trouble with this course is that there is no evidence that the North Vietnamese would interpret it as anything but a sign of Ameri- can vacillation; and, if an openly announced pause failed to bring a response from Hanoi, and the bombing started again, there would be a natural reluctance in Washington to repeat the experiment later on, when a halt might well be more fruitful. But these ob- jections do not apply to a privately dropped American hint, whispered on the back row of a Cambodia conference, that the bombing Might just stop for a week or so, without any oUblic announcement whatever, to give the NTorth Vietnamese a chance to reply in kind with an equally unpublicized halt in their sssistance to :the Vietcong. The same whispered conversation might include a spelling out of President Johnson's remark on 'March 25.04101.1t_tbe .conditions in which "the people and Government of South Viet- nam" should, be "free to settle their own future." This would begin to define the terms under NO/Jell the southern rebels, once they were confined to .real southerners, could join in the political dialog. Shrill denunciation is simply no longer relevant to the Vietnam problem. The need now is for a careful use of military strength and diplomatic ingenuity, of determination coupled with an awareness of the value of treading cannily. The evidence suggests that President Johnson knows what is called for. One hopes the other side does too. Right-To-Work Laws EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. WILLIAM H. AYRES OF OHIO IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, April 28, 1965 Mr. AYRES. Mr. Speaker, Mr. Robert H. Feldkamp, one of the Nation's out- standing political writers, recently com- mented in his column in the Akron Bea- con Jotirnal about my position in regard to the repeal of section 14(b) of the Taft-Hartley Act. The column follows: THE POLITICAL PARADE (By Robert H. Feldkamp) Representative AYRES, of Akron, has de- cided to vote for repeal of section 14(b) of the Taft-Hartley Act?which may raise some eyebrows. The is the controversial section permitting States to enact their own right-to-work laws?laws which bar compulsory unionism. AYRES, a Republican, confides he will be taking a position contrary to that generally expressed by his party on the touchy subject of right to work. Couple AYRES' position with the fact that he is the ranking Republican on the House Education and Labor Committee?where the repealer will first be considered, most likely this session?and it adds up to smooth sail- ing once the bill is thrown into the hopper. This is doubly significant because labor has wanted to repeal 14(b) for nearly 20 years, but could never muster the strength in Con- gress. This time, with AYRES' help, repeal is im- minent. AYRES and ADAM CLAYTON POWELL, the New York Democrat who heads the Education and Labor Committee, are working together. POWELL, in fact, is part of the reason that AYRES will support repeal. The New Yorker knows that the bill prob- ably will pass easily once it is reported out of committee. Democrats hold an overwhelm- ing edge in Congress and most will go for it. And of the 435 House Members, only 124 come from the 19 States now having right-to-work laws?so no great opposition will develop there. POWELL knows that his greatest bargain- ing power comes while the bill still is in committee. So do labor chieftains, who dearly want repeal. AFL-CIO President George Meany has a pledge from President Johnson?in return for a lot of help from labor during the last campaign?for help in killing 14(b). Meany, however, must contend with Pow- ELL and that is what is happening now. POWELL, a Negro, long has been unhappy about the virtual exclusion of Negroes from union apprentice training programs. AYRES also has said publicly that qualified Negroes should be allowed, into these programs. Meany, it is understood, has promised POWELL he will do all he can to break down, these racial barriers?in return for fast com- mittee action on 3,4(b). This is where the matter now stands, and is part of the reason AYRES will line up with the Democrats. ' He knows, too, that the' Southern States now having right-to-work laws are using them as a magnet in attracting northern industries. "Come on down," these Southern States are saying, "and you won't have to face compulsory union shops." AYRES also remembers 1958 in Ohio of course, when Republicans who favored right to work were overwhelmed py labor-backed Democrats in almost every instance. "The people of Ohio spoke out on this then, and were very clear," he says. Mr. Speaker, I do not differ from the conclusions as drawn by Mr. Feldkamp; rather, I would elaborate and give the background-of my position. In 1958, when a right-to-work amend- ment was placed on our Ohio ballot, I publicly stated that I would not vote for it. I further stated that I felt that the U.S. Congress should face this issue. Let no one feel that this is a reversal of position. I am a firm supporter of the Taft-Hartley Act and took a major part in the conference that brought about the enactment of the Landrum-Griffin Act. I have always supported labor legisla- tion that would provide the proper climate for fair bargaining. Excess of power by either party can but lead to disaster for both. I have always kept in mind that the general public had a great interest and that interest should have proper consideration. There might be some who would infer that any movement to repeal section 14(b) of the Taft-Hartley Act would be an attack on that act itself. This is un- true. There comes a time when experience brings about a review of some sections of what might be considered a very fair law. Just a short time ago, I called for a review of the election provisions of the Landrum-Griffin. In two recent national union elections, loopholes in that law was found to exist?loopholes that permitted fraudulent or confusing action. The right of union members to conduct fair elections is paramount. The Landrum-Griffin Act was drawn so as to give protection to union members that might, on occasion, be beset by au- tocratic leadership. It is a fine law but improvements, in this one direction, might be made. I would still protect the Landrum-Griffin Act as I still would pro- tect the Taft-Hartley Act. An organization that is disputing the repeal of section 14(b), falsely charges that this repeal would force every em- ployee to join a union and pay dues. To clear up this misconception, I am detail- ing the actual effect of the repeal of sec- tion 14 (b) . As I recently covered this subject in a speech, I do now include excerpts from my remarks pertaining to this subject: IMPORTANT CONSIDERATIONS IN CONNECTION WITH PROPOSALS To REPEAL SECTION 14(b) Section 14(b) of Taft-Hartley authorizes the States to limit or completely prohibit any form of compulsory union membership arrangement. Nineteen, of the fifty States _Approved For Release 2003/10/14 : CIA-RDP67600446R000300150018-4 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP671300446R0003001500J8-4 - - A2012 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? APPENDIX April 28, *in 65 have enacted such statutes, popularly known as right-to-work laws. There seems to be a widespread miscon- ception that in the 31 States which do not have right-to-work laws union membership is compulsory for employees in organized enterprises. This is utterly erroneous. Compulsory union membership results ex- clusively from voluntary contracts entered into between employers and labor unions during the course of free collective bargain- ing. Nothing in either Federal or State law compels an employee to join a union or an employer to consent to an agreement with a union which would require his employees to join the union as a condition of retaining their jobs. In other words, compulsory union member- ship, where it exists, is a result of free and voluntary agreement between employer and union, and is not a requirement imposed by law. If 14(b) were to be repealed, thus,nul- lifying State right-to-work laws, neverthe- less, no employee could be compelled to join a union in order to hold his job, Unless his employer voluntarily agreed to including such a requirement in his contract with the union. If section 14(b) were to be repealed, the provision in the Taft-Hartley Act permit- ting union security arrangements would then apply uniformly in all of the 50 States. Again there seems to be a wideapread mis- conception that this would have the effect of imposing unrestricted compulsory union membership on all employees in organized enterprises. This, too, is erroneous. The provision in Taft-Hartley permitting em- ployers and unions to agree to union security arrangements is an extremely limited one. The closed shop, which requires the em- ployer to hire only those job applicants who are already members of the union, would still be unlawful. And employees required to join the union after getting their jobs this is known as the union shop] could not be deprived of their jobs even if they lose their membershili in the union, unless such loss Of membership were the result of a re- fusal to pay their dues or initiation fee. Loss or denial of union membership for any other reason Would not be a lawful reason for the employee's loss of his job. Hence, apart from the requirement to pay union dues and initiation fees, the employee required to join the union would have no other obligations to the union as a condi- tion of holding his job. Repeal of 14(b) would leave the funda- mental scheme of the Taft-Hartley and Lan- drum-Griffin Acts unchanged. The Wagner Act which remained on the statute books substantially unchanged from 1935 to 1947, was limited to protecting em- ployees against any attempt by their em- ployers to interfere with their membership in or activities in behalf of their unions. No other safeguards for employees were pro- vided, nor were there any protections pro- vided for employers against any type of union misconduct. The Taft-Hartley Act, passed in 1947, pro- vided protections for employers against cer- tain types of union conduct such as secondary boycotts, certain types of picket- ing, jurisdictional dispute strikes, etc. Moreover, the closed shop was completely outlawed, and only the limited type of union shop described above was permitted even in those States without right-to-work laws. None of these new safeguards would be af- fected in any way by the repeal of 14(b). In 1959, the Landrum-Griffin Act became law. This strengthened the ban on second- ary boycotts, outlawed hot-cargo contracts, and prohibited organizational, recognition, and extortionate picketing. These addi- tional safeguards for employers and em- ployees would not be changed by repeal of 14(b). Moreover, the new provisions estab- lishing a bill of rights for union members, protecting union funds against misuse, erect- ing certain safeguards for the conduct .of union elections, similarly would remain un- affected by repeal of 14 (b) . Thus it is plain that repeal of 14(b) would result in no fundamental or significant mod- ification in the structure and safeguards which the Taft-Hartley and Landrum-Grif- fin Acts have made available to rank-and-file union members, employees, and employers. Operation Yorkville EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. GLENN CUNNINGHAM OF NEBRASKA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, April 28, 1965 Mr. CUNNINGHAM. Mr. Speaker, as the author of H.R. 980, the bill over- whelmingly approved by this distin- guished body, to stop the free flow of un- solicited obscenity through the mails, I would like to call attention to an inter- faith group in New York City which has done an extraordinary job of fighting smut in that community. I am speaking of Operation Yorkville. The efforts of this outstanding group of interested citi- zens have alerted others throughout the United States to the dangers of the avail- ability of obscene and pornographic ma- terial to our young people. This interfaith campaign is organized to protect the parental-civil right to stop the traffic in pornography ariaong chil- dren by expressing community standards. I am certain my destinguished col- leagues join in commending this very worthwhile organization for their untir- ing efforts in the war against obscenity. The following articles taken from the March issue of the Operation Yorkville Newsletter point up the problem which exists and show what can be done and what is being done about this most seri- ous problem: LETTER POWER (LP) IS PEACEFUL PROTEST-- PROTEST AGAINST THE VIOLATIoN OF You RIGHTS To EDUCATE AND PROTECT The problem of the traffic in pornography among children is your problem, and only you can begin the cycle which will result in the protection of your parental-civil right to educate and protect. Police will not arrest, district attorneys will not prosecute, many judges will continue to rule in favor of pornographers--unless you protest. Letter writing is protest, peaceful but forceful protest. Letter writing can be the power of the people, which when applied, can tip the scales of justice in favor of innocent children. The cycle is simple, but effective. Letter protests to the press (to one newspaper, so that the greatest force will be directed to one point) will result in conflict in the press? conflict between parents and pornographers. Conflict will result in news; news will stimu- late editorial coverage; editorial coverage will spur law enforcement, prosecution, and judgments, which will reflect regard for your rights and, in so doing, protect the innocent from perversion. You can help start the wheels of justice turning. You can use the machinery of peaceful protest?use your letter power. Be- gin writing your newspaper as soon as pos- sible. MR. JUSTICE BRENNAN AND THE PUZZLING DEFENSE As the last 1964 issue of the Newsletter was going to press, Justice William J. Brennan, of the U.S. Supreme Court was busily de- fending his opinion in the June 22 "Lovers" and "Tropic of Cancer" decisions. Mr. Justice Brennan, in the June 22 opin- ion, defined community standards (a test since 1957 in obscenity cases) as a national standard, referring to society at large, thus indicating that the test for obscenity should rest on the lowest possible Common denominator of morality. In a November 15 speech at the Louis Mar- shall Award Dinner of the Jewish Theological Seminary in New York City, Justice Brennan chose to defend his position and succeeded only in compounding the confusion which the Court's June 22 decisions created. Mr. Justice Brennan quoted from Leclercq: "The jurist is above all interested in Social good, in rules to be observed in view of that good; the moralist is preoccupied with the good of the individual." He quickly went on to say, "It is- not necessary to accept the proposition as invariably true to recognize its validity in some cases." He hurried on to demonstrate, that he is aware that there is suchja thing as a public, social morality, even indicating that it is at a higher level than his June 22 opinion would have us be- lieve: it is a mistaken notion that judges are not as fully conscious as men of religion that our institutions reflect a firm convic- tion that we are a religious people * Judges in fact daily administer innumerable laws which enact moral standards fashioned by theologians. But there are constitutional limits to the legislative power even in the areas of religion and morality. Operation Yorkville submits that Justice Brennan's June 22 opinion does not reflect a firm conviction that we are a religious peo- ple, and raises a question as to his ideas of the individual good and even the social good. Further, the Court's reading of the Constitution has seemed strained and over- doctrinaire in the area of publications. Why? Mr. Justice Brennan went on in his speech: "The line between protected and un- protected portrayal is dim and uncertain." This, in spite of the fact that we are a re- ligious people. Mr. Brennan's opinion has helped render the line even dimmer and more uncertain. Where to now, Mr. Justice Bren- nan? NEW Yonle ACADEIKT OF MED/CINE RELEASES NEW VD REPORT?CITES SALACIOUS LITERA- TURE AS CAUSE OF TEENAGE vp Rise In a report released on February 4, the New York Academy of Medicine outlined Steps to aid in the eradication of venereal disease in 7 years. The plan called for public sex educa- tion programs. The Cozmnittee on Public Health of the New York Academy of Medicine, noting that the incidence of venereal disease among teen- agers has increased more than 200 percent between 1956 and 1963 (on a nationwide basis), said that education on prevention of infection should be directed to teenagers in the form of sex education. "The fact is that teenagers are receiving an enormous anialinI of sex education?of the wrong kind. A large part of this education is derived from sala- cious literature. "This kind of literature, which is motivatee by the desire for profit, makes vice attrac- tive. It is intentionally sex-arousing and therefore conduces to illicit intercourse and promiscuity which, in turn, helps to spread venereal disease. Health forces in the cam- paign against venereal disease should recog- nize the magnitude of distribution and fi- nancial resources of publishers of salaciow. literature and should recognize this type of material as a powerful competitor, the corn mittee believes. Health forces should Oppose salacious literature and counter with oppor ? Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67600446R000300150018-4 Approved For Release 2003/10/14 : CIA-RDP67600446R000300150018-4 April 28, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? APPENDIX to tomorrow, I call the attention of the HqUse to, another phapter in the story as Pligislied Tv the Regional Industrial De- Velppment, Corp, of southwestern Penn- sylvania. Today's articles cover the research spectrum and materials. 'TELE RESEARCH SPECTRUM A deCided advantage to the establishment Of new, industries is the diversity of the Pt.t atbti rgh area's re h searc, and development eons........ Pittsburgh research laboratories are es- pec ally strong in the materials, nucleonics, chemicais, electronics, and instruments hut they also are engaged in a variety 'of other R. D. activities. Many of the larger companies?such as Westinghouse Electric Corp., United States Steel Corp., and Gulf Research & Develop- ment CO.,?e, active in almost all the prin- cipal fields. More pften, however, the re- " searai. and -development efforts age more spe- - el4lIzed=;tallored to a company's product line. in a single field or two. ,Pitkburgh's three major universities? and Mellon Institute?concluct research in IllOst of the ,disciplines. Although much of *this work is,of a basin natwe, many of the prOgrams have applications that merit in- dUstrial scrutiny. This section discusses some of the prin- cipal, It. &D. areas, major laboratories, spe- cialized equipment, interesting projects, and significant results of pittsburgh's scientific and technical efforts. The description, is far from complete, but serves merely to illustrate the nature, grOwth, and direction of research and de- velopment' in the nine-county area. More detailed information about each company's 14. & P. activities can be found in the re- search directory on pages 33 to 47. 24AZEnzais Historically, Pittsburgh has been a mate- rials center. More new materials and proc- essing techniques have been developed in the area than in any other section of the United States. Although the region's research and devel- opment activities have been broadened con- siderably, new and better materials and proc- esses still command the largest volume of & D. efforts. These activities range from research in ouch traditional areas as steel, aluminum, coal, refractories, ceramics, and glass, to pioneering work in alloys, nuclear fuels, and exotic materials. Basic studies into the nature of metals and alloys are conducted at Mellon Institute, Carnegie Institute of Technology, and Uni- versity of Pittsburgh, as well as industrial laboratories. On the applied research scene, Allegheny Ludlum Steel Corp. is improving upon its vacuum melting technique breakthrough; MSA Research Corp. is experimenting with new liquid metals; and Universal-Cyclops Steel Corp. is studying ways to fabricate re- fractory metals in an inert atmosphere. . Semi-Elements, Inc,. is developing single aryatals of metals; Harbison-Walker Re- fractories Co. is working on extremely high temperature refractories; Magnetics, Inc., is producing new magnetic materials; Pitts- burgh Plate Glass Co. is exploring deep-div- ing structures made of glass; and Nuclear Ma- terials & Equipment Corp. is perfecting new dUclear fuel materiala. , Some of the most diversified materials re- search is being carried on at companies pri- marily in other fields, such as Westinghouse Electric Corp., which is involved in. semi- conductor, nuplaar fuel, and other advanced materials research. The largest and most numerous Pittsburgh MateriaLS labOratories, are engaged in metals end alloys research. Among the extensive metallurgical facilities In the area are those of United States Steel Corp., Aluminum Co, of America, Allegheny Ludlum Steel Corp., Jones & Laughlin Steel Corp., Latrobe Steel Co., Crucible Steel Co. of America, Dravo Corp., Blaw-Knox Co., Vanadium-Alloys Steel Co., Universal-Cyclops Steel Corp., St. Joseph Lead Co., Pittsburgh-Des Moines Steel Co., Firth Sterling, Inc., MSA Research Corp., and Copperweld Steel Co. The Pittsburgh area also has a heavy R. & D. concentration in refractories, ceram- ics, and glass. .-Some of the better known faciIties are theCarborundum Co., Harbison.. Walker Refractories Co., McDanel Refractory Porcelain Co., Du-Co Ceramics Co., Findlay Refractories Co., Kennametal, Inc., 0. Hom- mel Co., Saxonburg Ceramics, Inc., Nuclear Materials & Equipment Corp., Pittsburgh Corning Corp., Pittsburgh Plate Glass Co., American Optical Co., and American Glass Research, Inc. All aspects of coal technology are explored at the Bureau of Mines, Consolidation Coal Co., Bituminous coal Research, Inc., Koppers Co., United States Steel Corp., and Pitts- burgh Chemical Co. Improved polymers and coatings are R. & D. objectives at such companies as Pennsylvania Industrial Chemical Corp., H. H. Robertson Co., Koppers Co., Mobil Finishes Co., Mobay Chemical Co., Neville Chemical Co., Thompson & Co., Watson- Standard Co., and Pittsburgh Plate Glass Co. Victory Memorial Hospital in Brooklyn Continues To Provide Unexcelled Serv- ices After 60 years EXTENSION OF FtEm4Rxp HON. HUGH L. CAREY OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, April 28, 1965 Mr. CAREY. Mr. Speaker, for many years the Bay Ridge community in Brooklyn has been considered one of the most underhospitalized areas in the city. One of the leaders in the struggle against sickness and suffering has been Victory Memorial Hospital, Bay Ridge's only nonprofit, voluntary hospital. This magnificent institution has proven ef- fective and compassionate medical care for the sick and needy, of all races and creeds, for over 60 years. Founded in 1904, Victory Memorial today serves well over 5,000 patients each year, and the quality of medicine and surgery practiced in the hospital is unexcelled anywhere. Throughout its history, Victory has re- sponded to the call for expanded facil- ities in the community and its new 62- bed wing which opened in 1962 has been the key factor in enabling the hospital to meet the mounting demands for medical care in Bay Ridge. The importance of this new facility is reflected in the fact that in 1961 Victory Memorial admitted 3,186 patients. By 1964 this figure in- creased by 70 percent. Significantly, Victory Memorial also is providing a major medical service for the residents of Staten Island, now that the Verazana Bridge has linked that borough with Brooklyn. Scores of emergency as well as routine cases have been brought to the hospital !rout Staten Island, and in general, Victory is providing valuable assistance to a neighboring county_ Last month, at the hospital's annual meeting of the board of trustees, George A. Allan?, an attorney and distinguished civic leader, was elected to an unprece- dented 16th consecutive 1-year term as president of Victory Memorial. As a re- sult of his dedicated efforts and the close cooperation of the entire board and the professional and nonprofessional staffs, the hospital has witnessed steady and healthy growth over the past several years. I think it is noteworthy to point out that Victory's west wing was dedicated to the 134 south Brooklyn men killed in ac- tion in World War I and that the east wing was dedicated in memory of those servicemen from Bay Ridge who gave their lives during World War II and the Korean conflict. It is in the name of these heroic men that Victory Memorial carries on its hu- mane and essential programs in the un- ceasing war against disease and travail. Harry Truman, Man of Decision =TENSION OF REMARKS HON. MICHAEL A. FEIGHAN OF OHIO IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, April 1, 1965 Mr. FEIGHAN. Mr. Speaker, the Cleveland Plain Dealer of April 13, 1965, carried an editorial tribute to Harry S. Truman which rates with the best ever written about the great man from Inde- pendence, Mo. The theme of this editorial is that For- mer President Truman grows in stature with the passage of time because his decisions in the years of world crisis im- mediately following World War II have taken on added luster under the test of time. Few leaders have been fully ap- preciated during their lifetime and many have been maligned by the second guess- ers of history. But the swift passage of events, trying the mettle and courage of free people everywhere in our world, have adequately justified the Truman years in little more than a decade. Under leave previously granted, I in- sert in the RECORD, the editorial: HARRY TRUMAN, MAN OF DECISION As time passes and as we see the recent past in fuller perspective, forhier President Harry S. Truman grows in stature. We realize that Mr. Truman built the very foundations of America's new, powerful for- eign policy after World War II, and mobilized all the free world behind it. Tonight Mr. Truman will go to the Wal- dorf-Astoria in New York City. There Free- dom House will prcaent to him its Freedom Award on the 20th anniversary of his first day in the Presidency. It will be a reunion for the doughty Mis- sourian. Most of his last Cabinet will be there. So will many men who played im- portant parts in the dramatic and momen- tous years, 1945 to 1952, when Mr. Truman and they were together winning a war, re- building a world and trying to find paths to permanent peace, Approved For Release 2003/10/14 : CIA-RDP67600446R0003001500184 A20211 No President since Mr. Truman has?made more than minor changes in the foreign policy for which he took full responsibility. The Truman doctrine, the Marshall plan, the Berlin airlift, the Korean InterVention, the revival of war-stricken nations?these are still the chief girders of America's free world leadership. On each of these policies Mr. Truman made the final decisions. So he did on dropping the nuclear bomb, too. Ile consulted others, but in the end, on the lonely spot of the ultimate decisionrnaker, he stuck to his resolute policy: "The buck stops here." The late Cleveland mayor, Tom L. Johnson, once said with rueful humor: A good ex- ecutive is one who can make decisions, and is sometimes right." Mr. Truman made some of the most cru- cial decisions any President, and any man in world history, has had to make. And we honor him because he was right so much of the time. Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP671300446R000300150018-4 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? APPENDIX April 28, 1965 teers," while veiled and. "iffy," could imply that Soviet troops will man Soviet antiair- craft missiles in North Vietnam, since sites for such weapons are apparently under prep- aration. On the other hand, the communi- que can be interpreted to be a threat, a warning, that may or may not be imple- mented. But what the Soviet communique clearly is not is an affirmative answer to President Johnson's offer to negotiate. Until such an answer is forthcoming, the more or less well- intentioned Americans who have been dem- onstrating against their country's policy in Vietnam as a threat to peace are delivering their message to the wrong address. [From the New York Herald Tribune, Apr. 8, 1965] JOHNSON RENEWS VIET PLEDGE: ALWAYS READY FOR, PEACE TALKS BUT "No POWER CAN FORCE Us OUT" (By Barnard L. Collier) Josussoia Cry/a TEIE.?In a somber Easter message, President Johnson warned yester- day that "no human power is capable of forcing ut from Vietnam." But he still held out the offer of unconditional peace talks with the Communists "next week, tomorrow, or tonight." or After the President spoke, the Soviet Union announced that it will permit Russian "vol- unteers" to fight in Vietnam if "U.S. aggres- sion against the Democratic Republic of (North) Vietnam is intensified" and if Hanoi requests such aid. The Moscow state- ment charged that the United States is "ex- tending aggression and does not seek to ex- plore avenues leading to a peaceful solution." The Soviet announcement in a Soviet- North Vietnamese communique, appeared not to have been in response to the Presi- dent's statement. The President spoke from the porch of the LBJ Ranch. He was as serious as reporters have seen him in months. "If the price of victory in Vietnam is blood and men, we are willing to pay that price," he declared. "They want no talk with us," he said grimly, summing up Communist reaction so far to his April 7 peace talk proposals. "But our offer stands. The window to peace is still open." In an implied appeal to America's allies and to neutrals to press for peace talks, he said he hoped that "a mounting crescendo of world opinion, weary of war, opposed to aggression, will finally find a way to reach the ears of those now deaf to calls for peace." Hours earlier, U.S. planes had lashed high- ways and a railroad in North Vietnam for the second straight day?and South Viet- namese planes dropped 100,000 leaflets carry- ing the President's April 7 peace talk pro- posals and his picture on the North Viet- namese city of Dong Hoi. The Moscow communique, issued after talks between North Vietnamese Communist party secretary Le linen and Soviet officials, said Russia would "continue rendering all necessary assistance" to the North Vietnam- ese against United States aggression. A Soviet antiaircraft missile site is reported under construction near Hanoi, Russians are in the country and high-altitude surface-to- air (SAM) missiles are believed on the way. Moscow has spoken previously of "many volunteers"?a Communist euphemism for trained troops?anxious to fight in Vietnam but gave no indication whether they would be permitted to go. The new announce- ment?with the provisos that the united States intensifies the war and North Vietnam asks for the help?was the furthest the Soviets have gone on the "volunteer" question. The communique specifically scoffed at the President's April 7 speech as showing that "the United States is still keeping a course omments EXT sb OF REMARKS HON. JONATHAN B. BINGHAM OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, April 15, 1965 Mr, BINGHAM. Mr. Speaker, the- New York Herald Tribune has once again contributed distinguished report- ing and thoughtful, sober -comment on the Vietnam situation. On April 18, Barnard L. Collier filed a story from Johnson City, Tex., which vividly de- scribes the President's delivery to the press of his Easter message, and the fol- lowing day the Herald Tribune com- mented on the situation editorially. Under leave to revise and extend my re- marks, I include these two articles: From the New York Herald Tribune, Apr. 19, 19651 BRICKBATS THROUGH THE WINDOW The United States, in President Johnson's words, "tried to open a window to -peace." But the Communists responded, much as Communist-inspired mobs have responded to American overtures, by heaVing brickbats through the window. On the very day that Mr. Johnson was repeating his offer of un- conditional negotiations. the 'Soviet Union announced that Mr. Johnson "does not seek to explore avenues leading to a peaceful so- lution of the Vietnamese problem." What are those avenues? The Commu- nists of Red China, North Vietnam and the Soviet Union knead only a Single avenue: one which leads the United States out of Vietnam. And that avenue, Mr. Johnson has again and again made plain, the United State will not tread?until a peaceful solu- tion is reached. In other words, the Communists do not want unconditional negotiations but un- conditional surrender of the Saigon govern- ment. The United States, for Its part, can- not sacrifice the people who have been fight- ing on against the imported revolt that is intended to bring about the end of their independence. Once that independence is assured, the United States is prepared to leave South Vietnam. The Soviet communique, after the Moscow talks between the Rnssians end the North Vietnamese, leaves the suspicion that the Soviet Union will take a ham'. in escalating the war. The reference to Soviet "volun- for the extension of acts of aggression and does not seek to explore avenues leading to a peaceful solution of the Vietnamese prob- lem." In Washington, Secretary of State Dean Rusk announced that the 'United States had "thought long and soberly" about suspending the raids on North Vietnam that began Feb- ruary 7 but had concluded that such action "would only encourage the aggressor and dishearten our friends." Prime Ministers Lester Pearson of Canada and Lal Bahadur Shastri of India, among Others, have suggested that the North Viet- namese might respond by relaxing their guerrilla war if the raids were suspended. But Mr. Rusk, in a statement, said that "we have tried publicly and privately to find out if this would be the result, and there has been no response." President Johnson in his message expressed regret "that the necessities of war have forced us to bomb North Vietnam." But he emphasized that the raids have been di- rected at military and strategic targets, "at concrete and steel and not human life." "I understand the feelings of those who regret that we must undertake air attacks," Mr. Johnson said. "I share those feelings. "But the compassion of this country, and the world, must go out to the men, women and children who are killed and crippled by the Vietcong every day in South Vietnam. The outrage of this country, and the world, must be visited on those who explode their bombs in cities and Villages, ripping the bodies of the helpless." He added soberly: "Let us remember that the people of South Vietnam, and the Americans who share their struggle, suffer because they are attacked? not because they are attackers." The President, who was flanked by Mrs. Johnson and Defense Secretary Robert Mc- Namara, began his message by saying: "This has been a week of tragedy, disappointment and progress." "On this, of all weekends, we must feel a deep sadness that men must still die and families still be left homeless in the brutal- ity of war," he said. He expressed sorrow for the death of Joseph W. Grainger, the U.S. aid official whose murder by his Vietcong captors was diselosed last week, and for "all the others, on both sides, who found this week to be their last." A strong theme of the message was the President's expressed disappointment?al the rejection of his April 7 proposal for un- conditional peace talks on Vietnam, at the continued loss of American and Vietnamese lives and at the angry censure, in some parte of the world and among some Americans, o his orders to bomb North Vietnam. The April 7 proposals have been denounced by Hanoi, Peiping and Moscow. Red Chine. and North Vietnam also turned down visit; to their capitals by former British Foreign Secretary Patrick Gordon Walker, on a diplo - matic sounding mission, and indicated to United Nations Secretary General U Thant that visits by Mr. Thant would serve um; purpose. "We tried to open a window to peace," Mr. Johnson said, "only to be met with tired names and slogans?and a refusal to talk. "They want no talks with us?no talk with a distinguished Briton?and no talk with the United Nations. They want no talk at all-- so far. But our offer stands. we mean ev- ery word of it. "The window to peace is still open. We are still ready for unconditional discussion. We will impose no conditions, of any kind, on any government willing to talk. Nor will we accept any. On this basis we are ready to begin discussion next week, tomorrow or tonight." Mr. Johnson ended on a dead-serious note. "It is not easy to engage in a struggle whoae beginning is obscure and whose end is not Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67600446R000300150018-4 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP671300446R000300150018-4 April 28, ..196i5 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -- APPENDIX in sight," he said. "Peace, like war, requires patience and the courage to go on despite discouragement. "Yet we must go on. For there is a world to lose, a world of peace, of order and of ex- panding promise for all who live_ therein." He then 11111rinnred "thank You" to the as- sembled reporters, walked over to put his arin around Mrs. Johnson and kiss her On the forehead and disappeared into the ranch- house. Reporters could remember no other time when he had, not lingered after a for- mal statement to banter with the press. Helicopter Service in New York EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. LEONARD FARBSTEIN OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, April 14, 1965 - Mr. FARPSTEIN. Mr. Speaker, on January 24 the President's budget mes- sage called for an end to Federal sub- sidies in support of passenger helicopter operations throughout the country. I question whether such immediate with- drawal of support is the wisest Move at this point in the development of heli- copter service. To quote a New York Times editorial of February 6: Any Government subsidy must, of course, be submitted to unremitting review. But it would be most unfortunate and shortsighted t? stop the subsidy of helicopter passenger service at this stage. For one thing, the Pan Am heliport itself, because of its great con- venience, should encourage an immediate Increase in passenger use to make trips to airports in 5 to 10 minutes that might re- quire an hour or more by highway. If, as likely, the proposed new fourth major air- port in the area is situated even further away, the helicopter's time advantage will be enhanced. While the helicopter service would probably be unable to exist this year or next without support, it seems that the great increase in recent years of public support and usage points to a time in the very near future when such service would be able to pay for itself. New York Airways when it started its opera- tions 12 years ago carried approximately 25 passengers daily. Today that figure is up to 1,000 daily. As recently as 1958 subsidies received were 72.9 percent of all revenues received by New York Air- ways. In 1964 other commercial income had grown so that only 45 percent of all revenues came from Government sub- - sidy. In 1965, this will drop to 34.8 per- cent and in subsequent years it will fall to 23.6 percent, finally in 1970 to 3.5 per- cent. The Civil Aeronautics Board has pro- posed a plan for ending subsidy which takes account of this attenuating need as well as the requirement of Govern- ment economy. This program would gradually phase out aid to the heliports between now and 1970 and offer only the barest subsidy needed to-match increas- ing profits. I support this plan because I believe it will enable, the needed convenience of helicopter service to survive, yet will call for the minimum of Federal funds neces- sary to do this. We must remember that we have a large investment in this service. The Federal Government has spent $46.7 mil- lion in the past 11 years in fostering the growth of the program. To cut off aid now would be to nip it in the bud and render our previous investment useless. The Civil Aeronautics Board program would call for a small amount of addi- tional funds to complete our investment and would allow that investment to reap the dividend of self-sufficient service that was our original goal and which promises to be an imminent reality. Partners of Alliance ? EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF ? HON. CARLTON R. SICKLES OF MARYLAND IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, April 28, 1965 Mr. SICKLES. Mr. Speaker, I would like to bring to the attention of my col- leagues a recent account of an interest- ing program undertaken between my own State of Maryland and the State of Rio, Brazil. Senor Ronald Hees and Senor Durval Goncalves arrived in Maryland on March 20 as representatives of the Part- ners of Alliance program, jointly spon- sored by the State Department and the Agency for International Development. This was a followup to a trip taken to Brazil by three members of the Maryland Partners Committee. These two men from the State of Rio came to assist in the promotion and development of the partners relationship in Maryland and to stimulate interest in the many-areas of assistance and exchange in which pro- grams are underway. Between March 20 and April 3, Senors Hees and Goncalves covered a tremen- dous amount of territory. They visited various secondary schools, the University of Maryland, several business establish- ments, and hospitals. They also took a trip to the Eastern Shore and to West- minster, appeared on two Baltimore television programs and attended a din- ner given by Gov. J. Millard Tawes. As a result of their numerous visits, Senor Hees and Senor Goncalves were provided with insights into problems which are acute in Maryland as well as in Rio. The people of Maryland also gained an insight into Rio's problems and responded immediately. For exam- ple, after meeting with the two men, students of Canton Junior High School in Baltimore donated a check to the pro- gram. The students of the University of Maryland, too, have responded by in- itiating an exchange under which they are going to attend the University of Rio to undertake a program of improv- ing the level of education and health of slum dwellers. In turn, a school in Rio is being named for Governor Tawes. These two Brazilian visitors estab- lished many valuable contacts so that the Partners of Alliance program will A2021 proceed with Increased effectiveness. It is evident that an even closer relation- ship has been cemented between these two great communities. At this time, I would like to insert into the RECORD two articles from the Balti- more, Md., Sun of March 31, 1965, con- crening this program: RIO PICKS TAWES FOR SCHOOL TITLE ANNAPOLIS, April 10.?Governor Tawes has been advised that a school is being named for him in the State of Rio de Janeiro. Rio is a sister State of Maryland in the Partners of Alliance program initiated by the State Department. Gov. Paulo Torres of the State of Rio ad- vised the Maryland Governor of the honor planned for him, Tawes had given a dinner in Annapolis recently honoring two members of the State of Rio Partners Committee who were visiting, Maryland. Governor Tawes expressed appreciation in a letter to Governor Torres and said he hoped the naming of a Rio school for a Maryland citizen will "help to cement the close rela- tionship" being developed between the two States. STATE GROTJP Abs BRAZIL? -MARYLAND DOL- LARS HELP PROVIDE SLUM AREA SCHOOLS Maryland dollars are helping put slum children in school in the State of Rio in Brazil, a Brazilian visitor said yesterday. This is one of a number of projects aided by Marylanders in the Partners of Alliance program, sponsored by the Agency for Inter- national Development. Maryland is 1 of 20 States which has been linked up with a Latin American counterpart. At a press conference, Ronald Hees, 33, said the enlargement of one school and the build- ing of another in the slums of Niteroy, the capital of the State of Rio, has enabled many slum children to attend school. TOTAL OF $1,300 GIVEN Money to help enlarge the one and help build the other came from the Maryland committee. A total of $1,300 was given. The chairman of the Maryland committee, appointed by Governor Tawes, is Albert Berney, president of Hamburger's Men Store, Other officers who attended the press con- ference are Wallace Lanahan, vice chairman, president of Stein Bros. & Boyce, investment bankers: and Julian Stein, secretary, a public relations counsel. Mr. Stein said that the Maryland help was designed to "help the Brazilians help them- selves." Birthday of Tanzania SPEECH OF HON. BILLIE S. FARNUM OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, April 26, 1965 Mr. FARNUM. Mr. Speaker, exactly 1 year ago t,pday, on April 26, the new African Nations of Tanganyika and Zan- zibar embarked upon the enormous task of forging the two countries into a single nation. To the people of that new nation, Tan- zania, and to its President, Mwalimu Julius K. Nyerere, I wish to extend my best wishes for the future, and congratu- lations for what has been done in 1 year. All Americans must feel admiration for the daring concepts that were given real- ity a year ago. Our own history of a Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67600446R000300150018-4 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67600446R000300150018-4 A2022 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? APPENDIX ApriL28, 1965 struggle toward a concept Which many said could not be attained, makes it ob- vious to us that this young nation has many trials and tribulations in the days ahead. That it will coMe through site- cessfully and attain the destiny ordained for a people loving freedom is the hope of all Americans on this day. Robert Uihlein Receives Milwaukee Press Community Service Award EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. CLEMENT J. ZABLOCKI Or WISCONSIN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, April 28, 1965 Mr. ZABLOCKI. Mr. Speaker, last Sunday it was my distinct pleasure to have attended the annual Gridiron Din- ner of the Milwaukee Press Club. On that occasion, the Milwaukee Press Club presented its 1965 award for com- munity service to Mr. Robert A. IJihlein, Jr., president of the Jos. Schlitz Brewing Co. Mr. IJihlein has richly merited this rec- ognition for his many contributions to the city of Milwaukee and the State of Wisconsin. Among specific civic deeds has been the outstanding support which he, his family, and his firm have given to Milwaukee's proposed Center for the Performing Arts. Further, his sponsor- ship of the annual Fourth of July parade has made Milwaukee the place to be in the United States on Independence Day. In addition to the citation presented to Mr. Ulhlein, awards were presented to newspaper men and women in the 00111- munity for outstanding journalistic achievement. In order to bring the accontlishrnents of Mr. Uihlein and the members of the Milwaukee press to the attention of my colleagues, I wish to insert in the RECORD at this point excerpts from news stories on the Gridiron dinner which appeared in the Milwaukee Sentinel on Monday, April 26. DIILLEIN DECLARES "Crry ON THE MOVE" Milwaukee was described Sunday night as a "community which is really On the move" by Robert A. Uihlein, Jr., president of the Jos. Schlitz Brewing Co. Uihlein made the remarks after receiving the Milwaukee Press Club's 1965 award for conununity service at the club's ninth annual Gridiron Dinner in the Wisconsin Club. "I'm very excited about the way Milwau- kee is moving these days," Uihlein said. He specifically nientiOned the downtown urban renewal underway and new businesses which have started. "Wisconsin, and more particularly Mil- waukee, is on the way 50 great things. It's fun to be a Member of a great community like Milwaukee," he concluded. Inhlein, 49, was honored for his contri- butions to sports and cultural activities as well as for his role in the brewing industry. He was cited for his support of the proposed Center for the Performing Arts, to which his firm and family have contributed $1 mil- lion; his spOnsorship of the city's annual Fourth of July circus ,parade and fireworks display and nurnerous other Cultural and sporting events. ' The dinner, at which events of 1964 were lampooned through song and playlet, was attended by many governmental figures. Included were Governor Knowles, Lieuten- ant Governor Lucey, Attorney General La Follette, State Treasurer Dena Smith, Rep- resentative ZasTocm, Democrat, of Milwau- kee, Representative DAVIS, Republican, of New Berlin, Mayor Maier, County Executive Doyne; Fred H. Harrington, president of the University of Wisconsin; Associate Justice Thomas Fairchild ef the State supreme court and others. WRITING AWARDS, 10 CATEGORIES Best newspaper story by a rewrite man, "Wild Bank Robbery," James G. Wieghart, the Sentinel. Best single news story,' reported and written under deadline pressure, "School Boycott," Laurie Van Dyke, the Sentinel. Best single news story, reported and writ- ten without immediate deadline pressure, "Posed as Negro," H. W. Quick, the Sentinel. Best single story or series on a specialized field of knowledge, including stories on sci- ence, business, agriculture, homemaking, art, books, religion, medicine, travel, etc. "The Computer Age," Bob Blackwell, the Sentinel. Best single feature story, "Expressway Signs," Paul G. Hayes, the Journal. Best single sports story, "Car Race," Mike Kupper, the Journal. Best single editorial or editorial cartoon, "Labeling Ludicrousness," Thomas A. Blink- horn, the Journal. Best example of continuous reporting on a single subject in series form or as individual stories, "Public Schools and the Negroes," Ralph Olive, the Journal. Best single story or series of articles mak- ing a contribution to the welfare of the com- munity or State, "Death Rides the High- ways," Frank A. Aukofer, the Journal. Newspaper headline award, based on sub- mission of no more than six headlines with stories attached, Leonard Scheller, the Jour- nal. (The judging took into account how ac- curately and interestingly the headline summed up the story, plus the writer's ver- satility.) puorocanauy, roua CATEGORIES Spot news photography, "River Drama," Robert Boyd, the Sentinel. Documentary photography, "Buck Fever," James Stanfield, the JournaL Sports photography, "stock Car Race Crash," Ron Overdahl, West AUL Star. Feature photography, "Student Require- ments," James Stanfield, the Journal. Tv AND RADIO NEWS Best television spot news, "School Boycott," Best television documentary or series, "Our War Babies Go to College," WITI-TV. Best radio spot news, "Bank Holdup," WOK'! radio. Best radio documentary or series, "Douglas MacArthur Obituary," WTMJ radio, Best radio-television editorial, "Stand on Police Brutality Charges," WITI-TV. Brown Bomber Social and Athletic Club of Staten Island, Inc, EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. JOHN M. MURPHY OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, April 28, 1965 Mr. MURPHY of New York. Mr. Speaker, the Brown Bomber Social and Athletic Club of Staten Island, New York, N.Y., held their annual dinner on Sunday, April 25, and the proceeds of this dinner will be donated to charitable organizations. Mr. Christopher Moody was chairman of the dinner and justice of the criminal courts, Alfred J. Cawse, was the recipi- ent of the achievement award given each year to an outstanding citizen for his contributions to the Borough of Rich- mond. George "Timmy" Allen, senior in McKee High School was the winner of the sports award as Staten Island's out- standing high school basketball player. Councilman Robert G. Lindsay and Jus- tice Frank Paulo, surrogate of Richmond County, were other guests of honor. Borough president, Albert V. Maniscalco, expressed the greetings of the city of New York and introduced me as principal speaker. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the RECORD, I include my address: REMARKS OF HON. JOHN M. MTJRPHY BEFORE THE BROWN BOMBER SOC/AL Cave, APRIL 25 Ladies and gentleraen, tonight, I want to talk to you briefly about education; but don't get in a panic and start looking for the exits; I'm not here as a professor?a calling, incidentally, that someone once described as getting paid to study the sleeping habits of students?but I do want to leave a few thoughts with you on education as an oppor- tunity and as a challenge. As you know, only 2 weeks ago President Johnson?once a teacher himself?signed into law the $1.3 billion aid-to-education bill, the greatest single advance in the wur on ignorance that this country has ever made. It was an honor and a privilege for me to contribute my vote to the passage of this bill through Congress. As the President said when he affixed his signature to this historic measure, "It will bring better education to millions of dis- advantaged youth who need it most; put the best educational equipment and innovations within reach of all students; advance the technology of teaching and the training of teachers, and provide incentives for those who wish to learn at every stage along the road to learning." Specifically, the bill is aimed at breaking the cycle of ignorance and poverty by giving special help to children from low-income families. Its main section authorizes the grant of $1.06 billion to the States for the benefit of about 5 million children in fami- lies earning under $2,000 a year. It will provide additional millions to aid school libraries and buy publicly approved textbooks for children in public, private and parochial schools; to start a 5-year program for the establishment of educational and cultural centers such as science laboratories and reading clinics, and to aid educational research and training designed to improve the quality of teaching in grade and high schools. But let me put it in human terms: We Americans always pride ourselves on the availability and quality of our public education. For most of us, it is available and it is of good quality. But to hundreds of thousands of families in areas where poverty was and is a bitter reality?and these fami- lies and areas know no color line and no State lines?public education often is just barely available and too often of substandard quality. For instance, recent educational research has shown that alarming numbers of these disadvantaged children are hopelessly behind, scholastically, by the time they struggle into the third or fourth grade. They must have preschool training in order to start on even Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67600446R0003001500184 Approved For Release 2003/10/14 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150018-4 April 28 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? APPENDIX A2031 4 (p) FLORIDA WefAile Wire Mesh, 6 by 6-10/10, $135 per short ton, fob, Common quality 10-gage steel wire, $160 per short ton, fob, mill. The eminent steel economist, Prof. Walter Adams, of Michigan State University, recently said that without the independent wire draw- er "We W9u.lfi have an oligopolistic managed economy (in the steel wire industry). The persistence of the independents is necessary, in the public interest, as the only means? short of regulation or public ownership?of injecting a suitable measure of fluidity into the steel price structure." It is apparent from this brief analysis of the steel wire and wire products industry that the vertical oligopoly power of the in- tegrated steel producers has tended to keep prices artificially high, which, in turn, has contributed to this Nation's adverse balance- of-payments position by forcing independ- ents to buy imported steel. The independent wire drawers have dis- played direct, vigorous, and dynamic com- petitive effort?this competitive effort is in the public interest of maintaining a free competitive marketplace. If the integrated Steel producers had followed the example of the major auto producers by meeting import competition directly in the marketplace rather than running to Washington, there would have been no need for the independ- ents to use imported steel, and the industry, the public, and the Nation would have benefited. The Roosevelt bill would require fair pric- ing behavior in dual distributionindustries. The Roosevelt bill is not an indirect subsidy for inefficient independent producers; in the fabricating segment of the steel industry scientific evidence proves that independent fabricators one one-hundredth the size of their integrated rivals have been capable of competing effectively with the giants?when- ever allowed to do so in free and open Competition. The independent wire drawers and fabri- cators do not want special favors or subsidies from the r ederal government?all we ask is preservation of the marketplace?free from Squeeze tactics and monopolistic sharp- shooting. Young Americans for Freedom? let- nam Policy Statement EXTENSION OF REM OF HON. THADDEUS J. DIJLSKI OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, April 28, 1965 Mr. DULSKI. Mr. Speaker, the John R. Pillion chapter of Young Americans for Freedpin, in Buffalo, N.Y., endorses the strong position taken by President Johnson in dealing with the Vietcong Communists. In support of the President's action, the Members of this chapter have cir- culated petitions in Buffalo which al- ready include more than 1,000 signatures. These petitions, together with the Viet- nam policy statement of the Young Americans for Freedom, are being for- warded to the President so that he can be apprised of this group's efforts in sup- Port of the course he is pursuing in this troubled yea. Under leave to extend mY remarks, their Vietnam policy statement follows: VIETNAM POLICY STATEMENT Young Americans for Freedom is proud of President Johnson's strong and effective ac- tions against the Communists in Vietnam. There are many influential parties exerting maximum pressures on the President to re- treat and negotiate in Vietnam. In this morning's newspaper, we read of Democratic Senator J. WILT,IAIVI Foingionr, of Arkansas, chairman of the powerful Senate Foreign Re- lations Committee, urging the President to temporarily halt air strikes against North Vietnam because he is "pessimistic about the outcome of the situation in Vietnam if there is no attempt at negotiations." This is not an isolated case. Students and Com- munists have marched on Washington to picket the White House; college professors and university senates have sponsored rallies and marathon teach-ins urging with- drawal; Senators WAYNE MORSE, Of Oregon, and ERNEST GRUENING, of Alaska, have de- livered vehement tirades against the Presi- dent's southeast Asian policy of contain- ment; Senators FRANK CHURCH, of Idaho, and GEORGE MCGOVERN, of-South Dakota, have made severe attacks on Mr. Johnson; and other powerful agitators continue a furious onslaught of pe-ace-at-any-price propaganda. Moreover, such irresponsible conduct is in- creasing at a shocking pace. Americans must assure Mr. Johnson that he is not alone in the cause of freedom. It is our patriotic and moral duty to stand by our President in this hour of great crisis. We must not relent our traditional duty to defend liberty. We must not capitulate even in the face of defeat. We must not suc- cumb to threats of a full-scale war. We must not forsake the people of southeast Asia to the barbarous invasions of the At- tilic Red Chinese. We must not abandon the South Vietnamese to the inhumane atrocities of communism. The American people's will to fight for freedom?not only for ourselves, but for all the people of the world?has been demon- strated in the past and must be reasserted now. Outstanding anti-Communists such as Senator THOMAS Done, of Connecticut, and our own Congressman THADDEUS J. DuLsio are to be congratulated for their stanch and resolute positions in this crucial situation. As they know and have repeatedly said, we must win?we can win?and we will win. KENNETH K. MAHER, Jr. Chairman. LOUIS MARANO, Director of Young Americans for Freedom. California State Senator Introduces Res- olutions for Study of Nature's Destruc- tive Forces EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. GEORGE P. MILLER OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, April 28, 1965 Mr. MILLER. Mr. Speaker, recently, Gov. Edmund G. Brown, of California, gave a speech in which he suggested that the great ingenuity and resources of the aerospace team in California should be channeled to provide some sources or at least unravel some of the unknowns con- cerning the destructive forces of nature such as storms: earthquakes, fires, and floods. State Senator Alvin C. Weingand re- cently announced that he plans to in- troduce resolutions in the State legisla- ture to accomplish this purpose. I am pleased to insert in the CONGRES- SIONAL RECORD Senator Weingand's press release which indicates the great promise of this approach to some of the prob- lems which have plagued mankind for many years. The press release follows: CALIFORNIA STATE SENATOR INTRODUCES RESO- LUTIONS FOR STUDY OF NATURES DESTRUCTIVE FORCES Senator Alvin C. Weingand announced to- day he will introduce resolutions calling for studies by California aerospace firms into the mysteries of the destructive forces of nature?storm, earthquake, fire, and flood. Senator Weingand, Democrat, of Santa Barbara, said the legislation represents an expansion of the State's pioneering efforts to direct California aerospace industry talent to pressing State problems. It would authorize preliminary feasibility studies into the causes, control, and preven- tion of natural phenomena as well as into the long-range forecasting of State recrea- tional needs. 'I believe that if the genius of California's space age talent can find ways to rocket a man to the moon, it can also begin to give us some answers to help us control the de- structive forces of nature," Senator Wein- gand said. "Despite the marvelous accomplishments of modern science, we are still all but help- less before these natural phenomena. "The toll in California alone in lives and property from forest fires, floods, and earth- quakes is appallingly high year after year. "I am hopeful that the preliminary in- vestigations my resolutions would authorize will suggest some answers. I am hopeful they will help us move toward realizing man's ancient dream of truly mastering the ele- ments and controlling them for his own benefit." Governor Brown commended the senator "for his interest in this highly important undertaking." The Governor said studies under contracts already let into four other problem areas? transportation, information collection and control, waste management, and criminal control?"are proceeding extremely well." "They are proving that the systems anal- ysis approach can be applied to unsolved and expensive problems here at home, and they are justifying my original hope in pro- posing them," the Governor said. "Our aim in ,these undertakings is two- fold. We want to mount a more effective attack on some of the problems we face in California and the Nation that have too long defied the necessary scientific or engineering solutions. At the same time, we can assist the State's aerospace industry to convert part of its activities to nondefense pursuits. "Our hope ultimately is that California, which now dominates the aerospace scene nationally, will become the research and development center of the Nation in an economy turning increasingly to peaceful pursuits." The five resolutions authorize the admin- istrator of the resources agency to coordi- nate the efforts of agency departments in cooperation with the aerospace industry to investigate and seek solutions to the various problems. Excerpts from the resolutions: On earthquake cause and prediction: "California has experienced a large number of earthquakes, three of which were of a general magnitude similar to the 1964 Good Friday earthquake in Alaska. "The occurrence of an earthquake of this general magnitude in a densely populated Approved For Release 2003/10114: CIA-RDP67600446R000300150018-4 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67600446R000300150018-4 A2032 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? APPENDIX April 28, 1965 area of California would be catastrophic not only to man's works, but to man himself, physically and psychologically. "Many disciplines of knowledge should be directed to the study of earthquake cause and prediction and on man's proper response to the knowledge so developed." On forest fire control and prevention "The problems of wild land fire prevention and control have been greatly intensified dur- ing the past 20 years by California's popula- tion growth and economic eimansion result- ing in human use of the 37 million acres of wild land and timber. "Completed research projects lead to the conclusion that direct study of prodUction relatiOnships appear to be an essential pre- requisite for further progress toward de- termining proper economic production goals for fire prevention and fire control pro- grams, operations, and organization." On flood control planning: "The great floods of December 1964, caused economic and personal damage to vast areas of the State, which demonstrate the need for im- proved methods of forecasting and control- ling floods. "Present Criteria and procedures utilized in evaluating the justification of expendi- tures for flood control works may not prop- erly account for the long-range impact of a major flood on the economy of an area." Edward R. Murrow EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. DONALD J. IRWIN OF CONNECTICUT IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, April 28, .1965 Mr. IRWIN. Mr. Speaker, I call the attention of my colleagues to the follow- ing article in today's New York Times, a fitting tribute to an unusual man, Ed- ward R. Murrow. The article follows: EDWARD R. MURROW, BROADCASTER, AND FORMER USIA HEAD, DIES Edward R. Minrow, whose independence and incisive reporting brought heightened journalistic stature to radio and television, died yesterday at his home in Pawling, N.Y., at the age of 57. The former head of the U.S. Information Agency had been battling cancer since Octo- ber 1963. He had been in and out of the hospital ever since, and death came 3 weeks after he was discharged from New York Hos- pital for the last time. The ever-present cigarette (he smoked 60 to 70 a day), the matter-of-fact baritone voice and the high-domed, worried, lopsided face were the trademarks of the radio re- porter who became internationally famous during World War II with broadcasts that started, "This [pause] is London." Later, on television, his series of news documentaries, "See It Now," on the Colum- bia Broadcasting System from 1951 to 1958, set the standard for all television documen- taries on all networks. President Johnson, on learning of Mr. Murrow'S death, said that all Americans "feel a sense of loss in the death of Edward R. Murrow." He was, the President said, a "gallant. fighter" who had "dedicated his life as a newsman and, as a public official to the unrelenting search for truth." Mr. Murrow died at his home on the rolling hills of his 280-acre Pawling farm shortly before noon. He is survived by his widow, the former Janet Huntington Brewster; a son, Charles Casey Murrow, a freshman at Yale Univer- sity; and two brothers, L. V. Murrow, of Washington, and Dewey Murrow, of Spokane, Wash. ' A funeral service will be held on Friday at 2 p.m. at St. James Episcopal Church, 865 Madison Avenue, between 71st and 72d Streets. Burial is to be announced. In many years of receiving honors and tributes, the most recent was conferred on Mr. Murrow on March 5, 1965, by Queen Elizabeth II, who named him an honorary Knight Commander of the Order of the British Empire. On September 14, 1964, President Johnson awarded him the Medal of Freedom, the highest civilian honor a President can confer on an American citizen. Mr. Murrow's career with the Columbia Broadcasting Co. spanned 25 years. It ended in January 1961 when President Kennedy named him head of the U.S. Information Agency. In October 1963.a malignant tumor made the removal Of his left lung necessary, and 3 months later he resigned as head of the Agency. Last November, Mr. Murrow again underwent surgery. BROUGHT CONTROVERSY INTO HOMES Mr. Morrow achieved international distinc- tion in broadcasting, first as a radio corre- spondent reporting from London in World War II and then as a pioneer television jour- nalist opening the home screen to the stimu- lus of controversy. No other figure in broad- cast news left such a strong stamp on both media. In an industry often given to rule by com- mittee, Mr. Murrow was always recognized as an individual, whether in the front lines of the war, in the executive conferences of a network or, in what he enjoyed most, in planning his next story. His independence was reflected in doing what he thought had to be done on the air and worrying later about the repercussions among sponsors, viewers, and individual stations. The fruits of his determination are shared today by newsmen at all networks; they enjoy a free- dom and latitude not yet won by others work- ing in the medium. Mr. Murrow was a realist about fame. He could not walk a block in New York without pedestrians turning for a look or a bore try- ing to strike up a conversation. But in the context of television he knew the value of adulation. "It can get a lot of things done," he once remarked. That was his concern. In the last war, Mr. 1Vlurrow conveyed the facts with a compelling precision. But he went beyond the reporting of the facts. By describing What he saw in visual detail, he sought to convey the moods and feelings of -war. Had a London street just been bombed out? The young correspondent was soon there in helmet, gray flannel trousers and sport coat, quietly describing everything he saw against :the urgent sound patterns of rescue operations. Or he would be in a plane on a combat mission, broadcasting live on the return leg and describing the bombing he had watched as "orchestrated hell." He flew 25 missions in the war, despite the opposition of top executives of the Columbia Broadcasting System in New York, who re- garded him as too valuable to be so regularly risked. In the endless German air raids on London, his office was bombed out three times but he escaped injury. Mr. Murrow, never fevered or high-blown, had the gift of, dramatizing whatever he re- ported. He clid so by understatement and by a calm, terse, highly descriptive radio style. Sometimes there was a sort of metallic poetry in his words. "BLOOD ON THE PANES" In one memorable broadcast he said that as he "walked home at 7 in the 'morntitg, the windows in the West End were red with re- flected fire, and the raindrops were like blood on the panes." For a dozen years, as radio's highest paid newscaster, he was known by voice alone to millions of his countrymen. "This (pause) Is London," was his matter-of-fact saluta- tion, `delivered in a baritone voice tinged with an echo of doom. Later it was, "This (pause) is the news." Then television added to the distinctive voice an equally distinctive face, with high- domed forehead and deep-set, serious eyes. Mr. Murrow's casual television manner was superimposed on a quite obvious native tension. As the armchair interviewer on "Person to Person," Mr. Murrow carried out a gentle- manly electronic invasion of the homes of scores of celebrities in the 1950's from Sophie Tucker through the evangelist Billy Graham The darkly handsome Mr. Murrow, his brow knotted and two fingers holding his ever-present cigarette, sat in the studio fac- ing a greatly magnified television image of his subjects at home. He would make what one writer called "urbane small talk" with them, generously admiring their children and perhaps inquiring exactly where that hand- some vase on the side table had been ac- quired. It was not momentous, but it was interesting. SERIES OF DOCUMENTARIES From 1951 to 1958 Mr. Murrow also did a, series of news documentaries under the title "See It Now." In the 1953-54 season the tele- cast studied the various aspects of the im- pact of the emotional and political phenom- enon known as McCarthyism. Senator Joseph R. McCarthy, Republican, of Wisconsin, was then conducting his cru- sade against alleged Communist influence. Some regarded it as a hard, honest search for subversives by a zealous patriot; others saw it as a demagogic opportunism, the ex- ploitation of a real issue for the purpose of gaining political influence by intimidation. The debate over Senator McCarthy, was supercharged with emotion and fervent be Since commercial television thrives by giving little offense, the medium had given the matter gingerly treatment. Mr. Murrow and his long-time coeditor, Fred W. Friendly, broke this pattern deci- sively on Wednesday evening, March 10, 1954. Using film clips that showed the Senator to no good advantage, the two men offered a provocative examination of the man and his methods. The program, many thought, had a devas- tating effect. McCarthyism did lose public force in succeeding months. "The timing was right and the instrument powerful," Mr. Murrow said to the telecast later. DECIDED TO GO AHEAD Jack Gould, television critic of the New York Times, wrote that "Mr. Murrow decided to go ahead with the program at a time when passions in the broadcasting industry were running wild on the issue of Communist sympathizers and dupes. It was the auton- omy of the Murrow-Friendly operation, often the source of internal controversy within CBS that got the vital show on the air." That autonomy was a singular thing in network broadcasting. It was based on Mr. Morrow's immense prestige, initially gained when he became one of the first radio war correspondents and built a superb news staff for CBS in Europe. Mr. Murrow, one writer said, "has achieved a position at CBS that is outside, and basi- cally antithetical to, the corporate structure of authority" and he thereby enjoyed a large measure of "freedom from authority of all Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67600446R000300150018-4 Approved For Release 2003/10/14 ? CIA-RDP67600446R000300150018-4 April 28 / CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? APPENDIX We do, .119te.Yer? have a fair? Idea of the COnclitions ndustry which produce con- Peat; Monopoly. A mbnroPoljr sraApist; rxr; , e, failure of Lee Rubber & The Co.,. for eXaMi5Ie, ,can in large measure be traced to ' that 'cbiniali3i's loss of business to the TBA monopoly enjoyed almost exclusively by the major producers. We' turn to tit _Docket No. 6486, ciate,d March 9.,,1961, in the matter of Goodyear's.. TBA contract With Atlantic Retraing Co. _ There are ample instances fbinact in theke. FTC allegations to substan- tiate Ibis Claim. Furthermore, it should be ribted, the tr.s: douit of Appeals in Chicago . on 'April 24, 1964, upheld FTC's case and denied Goodyear's 'petition to set aside the Governnients ,order to break the TBA con- tract. "The success enjoyed by Goodyear * * in sellina to Atlantic has been, purchased at the eXpense of competing TBA suppliers,"? FTC ? abted. The "competing supplier" in this case happ,ened to be Lee, Retigning to the docket we read this., de- seription of events Which ied to Lee's loss of busin4ss (between 1948 and 1950 Atlantic's sales a 'MA was $2.1 to Goodyear, the Major company which now has an option to buy the smaller company. "Sometime in ,932, Atlantic eommeneed to prirchase 'Lee tires from the, Lee Rubber & Tire Corp., and to resell such tires to its 1.vlieleSale and retail petroleurn,distributors." Note that under this plan Atlantic bought, warehoused, shipped, and sold the tires to its outlet. Thus.,the Oil marketer Was =vet- , ing th the market by performing a distinct eCenomie service. And note too ht an At- lantic spokesman commenting on the ar- rangement with Lee, said: "We receive a good gross margin in keeping with the duties left to us." Also note that Atlantic's dealers, were sat- isfied with the arrangement. The oil firm conducted a brand-preference Survey among its dealers in 1948 and 1949 and grit following reSult; "67 percent of the Atlantie dealers contacted indicated, that, they would rather obtain. their 1'RA-requirements from Several sources rather than a _single `source, the' prin- cipal reason given therefor being price ad- vantages and the variety of brancts. r - Notwithstanding, negotiations for exclu- sive TBA contract between Atlantic and. the major tire producers were,set in motion. one result was that operations under the so- called "sales commission" plan with Good- year commenced on an experimental basis in Atlantic's Newark, N.J., section in June 1950. It proved successful to Atlantic. and Good- year. But not for Lee and other small compelitors. - Subsequently, Atlantic gave Lee the boot and took on the Goodyear TBA line. An At- lantic official boasted to his superior: "We are relieved of the purchasing function * * * do not warehouse or deliver any merchandise, we are not involved in the handling of ac- counts, we do not iseue catalogs or price books nor do we have to provide point-of- sale promotion helps." All that Atlantic had to do, he commented, was to, "assist in the, selling job as Well as in the dealer training and merchandising task, and for this effort recelVe a coniMilssichWhich .* has been, ayeraging well over 9 percent." Lee vigorously protested the loss of its right to compete in an open market for :this business, but in vain. FTC puts it this way: "The sales gain accruing to Goodyear * * was accompanied by a corresponding loss in sales by Lee" even though Lee had opened new.. factory branches in Hartford, Conn., ,PraVidgace, R.r., and Syracuse, N.Y., to,ac- , COmniOdate, tins , Within nine rrionth,s after Atlantic began sponsoring Goodyear TEA Lee dourfully reported that only "25 percent of the Atlantic business will be salvaged this year (1951)." Lee sales. *rote bitter letters to Atlantic complaining of the methods em- ployed to grease the shift from Lee to Good,.. year' di Atlantic's outlets.-But these mis- sales were exercises in futiity. Another unrewarding dividend derived from such TBA agreements must be pointed out, and that is the devasting effect they have on smaller tire producers who need to build a strong network of distrbution through independent dealers. You can assess their chances at success in, this vital area when you consider that even the tire distributors of the majors with TBA ties are eliminated in competing for the business of "captured" gas stations. FTC illustrates this point when it charged that "competition among Goodyear wholesalers for the busi- ness of Atlantic accounts has been eliminated through the assignment of each Atlantic ac- count to a designated supply point." While there were 1,155 Goodyear dealers in the Atlantic marketing territories assigned to Goodyear only 128 of these dealers were tapped as "supply points." The remainder of Goodyear dealers, like dealers handling smaller company lines, "are substantially foreclosed from access to Atlantic accounts." Multiply this effect on free competition by the number of TBA agreements in force be- tween the major tire and oil firms and you get an indication of what is involved. Proposal for Peace EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. CLAUDE PEPPER OF FLORIDA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, April 28, 1965 Mr. PEPPER. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the RECORD, I include the following: A VIEW OF THE NEWS?GETTING INVOLVED IN VIETNAM (By Clarke Ash, associate editor of the Miami News) What can one Miamian do to end the mess in Vietnam? , John. R. Bethea doesn't know for sure but he aims to find out. Bethea is a young (33) social science in- structor at the University of Miami who be- lieves teachers should become involved in world events. Currently, he is looking for ways to spread the word about a promising plan to get the United States out of the Vietnam conflict without abandoning the country to the Communists. The plan is not Bethea's. It was advanced by a fellow educator at the University of Chi- cago, Dr. Gilbert F. White, professor of geog- raphy. After first appearing in the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, it is being distri- buted by the American Friends Service Committee, whose pamphlet came into Be- thea's hands. Essentially, White's plan would substitute a masSive, Multination economic assistance program for the- ione Military hand the United States is playing today. About 20 nations would be involved in both an eco- nomic and military venture which would help stabilize not only Vietnam but also Laos, Cambodia, and other troubled countries of southeast Asia. RED ATTITUDE _ ? What makes anyone think the Commu- nists would hold,, still. while, all this Is, going on? No one knows that they would, of course. But optimism springs from the fact that they are already cooperating to some degree in a little-known development pro- .42Q5 gram of vast potential on the southern Me- kong River Delta. _Some 20 nations are working there with re- Markable, unanimity of purpose on a pro- gram begun in 1957 by the U.N. Economic Commission. The plan has such vast pop- ular support that so far the Communists have kept hands off. Dr. White suggests that the present project, now in the planning and engineering phase, be greatly expanded by the participating na- tions. The Mekong is to this region what the . Mississippi is to the United States, the Nile to northeast Africa, the Amazon to South America, with huge untapped potential for hydroelectric power and agriculture. The benefits of its development would extend all the way to Red China. It would be to the advantage of the nations supplying the eco- nomic assistance to join in a multination police force to assure political stability while the project was underway. This is but a sketchy outline of a proposal which Bethea can propound in detail and at length. He believes that if enough people can be sold, their combined voices will be heard in Washington. RIGHT DIRECTION Maybe Washington is already tuned in. Last Thursday, President Johnson emerged from a Cabinet meeting with the announce- Ment that the United States would consider a sort of "Marshall plan" of economic and so- cial assistance for Southeast Asia if peace were restored in Vietnam. The President did not mention the Mekong River development specifically, but the idea would seem to mesh with his thinking. If he has any trouble selling the public on this new direction, Mr. Johnson should have an ardent supporter in Dr. White and his con- vert in Miami, John Bethea. . . A PROPOSAL FOR PEACE IN VIETNAM A peaceful and honorable resolution of the conflict in South Vietnam and Laos may be found in a bold plan for land and water de- velopment which already unites factions in four nations of southeast Asia. For 7 years, Cambodia, Laos, Thailand, and South Viet- nam have been working with little publicity and without disagreement on a. huge de- velopment program. These four countries, which do not cooperate in anything else, have reached accord on development of the Lower Mekong Basin. Work already is underway in drawing engi- neering designs, moving earth for dams, building powerplants, cultivating pilot farms, and training village technicians. Even guerrilla troops have not halted field work. If the United Nations were to designate this area for international development ac- cording to the plan already drawn by the four nations, there is a strong possibility that peace could be achieved in a common pursuit of agricultural and industrial growth. This is a solution to southeast Asian violence which would make sense to peasants in rice fields and to American taxpayers * * *. The United Nations might be expected to provide a blue-helmeted watch and wara service for those sectors of the project area where se- curity is threatened. It could do this on the invitation of the country concerned. Cam- bodia w.91,11c1 have, no immediate need beyond protection of their borders. Laos and South Vietnam would find it essen- tial in the areas where civil unrest has been intense * * *. This type of agreement would be funda- mentally different from the cease-fire that is 1Es-runts from "Lower Mekong,' by Gil- bert F. White, professor of geography at the University of Chicago. The article was pub- lished by the "Bulletin of the Atomic Scien- tists," December 1964, and reprinted by the American Friends Service Committee, 1185 Sunset Drive, Coral Gables, Fla. Approved For Release 2003/10/14 :'CIA-RDP67600446R000300150018-4 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP671300446R000300150018-4 A2036 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? APPENDIX April 28, 1965 envisioned under a neutralization treaty. The four countries, the United States, North Vietnam, and other interested nations. would commit themselves primarily to advance a great development program for the welfare of the people * * *. It would substitute a development goal for an indistinct battle line, and it would permit the United States to withdraw gracefully in favor of an inter- national force committed to that goal. Fi- nancial obligations of the United States would in the future be linked with con- tributions of money and people from other nations. A PROPOSAL FOR SOLITTION OF THE VIETNAM CONFLICT In addition to the obliterating threat of a nuclear war, there are two other overriding issues which threaten the security of all so- cieties. One problem is the unrest and in- stability of two-thirds of the world's popula- tion, which is suffering from malnutrition or worse. Much of this unrest is caused by the fact that these people are beginning to smell the "aroma" of what might be theirs if they could only develop economically. Second, it is common knowledge that there exists in the world an enormous variety of young, emotional national states. These na- tions have learned well from the history of the older Western nation states. Under- standably these young nations make on oc- casion what might seem to be, from our viewpoint, inappropriate and unrealistic de- mands. However, one consistent and valid demand made by these nations is that it be possible for them to achieve a reasonable degree of economic stability. Economic stability is for many of these countries the essential pre- requisite to social and political stability. When feasible, the program of development should be an international cooperative venture. Thus, with the background given by Gil- bert White's article, it seems reasonable that the United States might offer to allocate a significant portion of its yearly foreign aid appropriation to the existing international economic venture in the Mekong River Delta. This action would promote long range politi- cal and social stability. This type of positive action would meet a common need of all emerging countries?economic development. The project by its very nature would promote regionalism and provide an example of co- operation among small nation states. The obvious fact is that world peace is the responsibility, militarily and economically, of all nations. The United States should offer to redirect its energies from military to eco- nomic development if a group of nations would agree, with the consent of the South Vietnam Government, to bring into South Vietnam a sufficiently large force to help that Government and people maintain their political and territorial integrity. This plan does not hope that South Viet- nam will finally become either capitalistic or socialistic. The end result for all of the small countries in this area will probably be a mixture of both economic systems. This plan does involve the determination that no single country will dominate the peninsula known historically to the westerner as French Indochina. Most nations, including many of the emerging nations, should be willing collectively to resist aggression of this kind. This plan is an honorable alternative to the present U.S. course of action. In the positive sense of being creative, the Mekong River Delta project promises regionalism and long-range social and political growth. Thank you for your time and considera- tion. JOHN R. BETHEA. MIAMI, FLA. How the Handicapped Are Overcoming Barriers to Employment in My Community EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. WALTER S. BARING OF NEVADA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, April 28, 1965 Mr. BARING. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I should like to have inserted in the Appendix of the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD the prize-winning entry of Miss Melody Jean Smith of Reno, Nev., in the 1965 national "Ability Counts" contest sponsored by the Presi- dents' Committee on Employment of the Handicapped. Miss Smith won fourth place and will be presented with her award at the open- ing ceremonies of the committee's an- nual meeting on April 29. The essay follows: How THE HANDICAPPED ARE OVERCOMING BAR- RIER TO EMPLOYMENT IN MY COMMUNITY (By Melody Jean Smith, Reno High School, Reno, Nev.) Addressing the President's Committee on Employment of the Handicapped in April of 1964, President Johnson said, "I am con- vinced that it is morally right--socially just ?economically sensible?and administra- tively feasible to open the door of employ- ment opportunity to handicapped but job- qualified Americans." Many handicapped individuals in my community have opened that door?the door which leads to their em- ployment and to their acceptance as produc- tive members of sOciety. That a moral imperative endows every hu- man being with dignity and worth is un- questioned in our society, yet complete social justice has not been attained. There are still many prejudices against handicapped indi- viduals. Achieving social justice for these handi- capped is never the work of a single indi- vidual or a single agency. Hundreds of peo- ple and many facilities are involved in over- coming barriers to the employment of the handicapped: rehabilitation counselors, phy- sicians, psychologists, social workers, and prosthetic experts; plus rehabilitation cen- ters, workshops, hospitals, and schools. The President's Committee on Employment of the Handicapped has a network of governors' committees and local committees carrying information and inspiration to every part of the country. The work of these groups has resulted in modification of the hiring prac- tices of employers. One of the great steps made in the past few years has been the removal of architec- tural barriers such as steep flights of steps and narrow doorways that cannot admit em- ployees confined to wheelchairs. Last year when my community's new multimillion- dollar bank building was completed, Mr. Al- bert Alegre, the building manager, stated, "The handicapped were considered when this building was planned." A ramp leads to the building's automatic doors, and the eleva- tors, drinking fountains, and restrooms of the interior are easily accessible to the han- dicapped. A newly built Employment Se- curity Office Building and an almost com- pleted city hall also have street level en- trances accessible to the handicapped. Federal-State agencies working as part- ners in action have made rehabilitation and placement of the handicapped administra- tively feasible. Disabled persons are re- ferred to the Division of Vocational Rehabili- tation from many sources: doctors, schools, welfare agencies, and employment services. Medical data, case study, and an appraisal of the client's ability enable the counselor to work out an individual rehabilitation plan. The services may include medical care, the supplying of artificial limbs, train- ing, transportation, and maintenance dur- ing rehabilitation, the supplying of occu- pational tools and equipment, and job place- ment. In my community by means of a grant from the Max C. Fleishmann Foundation, funds from the Vocational Rehabilitation Administration, and contributions from in and organizations in Nevada, a much-needed occupational training center is being initiated. This center will provide necessary training for disabled people in or- der that they may become self-supporting. The money spent for the construction and operation of this training center is well spent, for rehabilitation of the handicapped is economically sensible. In Nevada, 113 persons were rehabilitated during the fiscal year 1963-64. These individuals had earned $62,088 annually before rehabilitation; after rehabiLitation they were earning $491,296 annually, an increase of over 600 percent. It is estimated that during the rest of their lives they will pay back about $10 in income tax for every dollar invested in their re- habilitation. Hiring the handicapped is also economi- cally sensible for the employer. Publicized studies show that properly placed handi- capped persons are equally or more pro- ductive than their fellow workers and that they have better attendance and safety rec- ords. Many handicapped persons in my commun- ity have overcome the characteristic barriers, to employment?social, architectural, preju- dicial--and are now proving that "ability counts." Although Mr. Howard McKissick is a disabled veteran, his consistent reelec- tion to the post of county commissioner at- tests to his efficiency and the voters grati- tude. Mrs. Lillian Barnum, who lost her legs when she was eight, is a dedicated worker for the Governor's Committee on Employment of the Handicapped. In spite of the loss of his right arm, Mr. Howard Farrell is an excellent accountant for the Internal Revenue Service. Mr. Maynard Yasmer, severely crippled by polio, necessitating his being confined to a wheelchair, has achieved distinction as a re- hibilitation counselor. These people are among those who have overcome barriers to employment in my com- munity. Many more need help. This help is being provided by the many agencies and in- dividuals that concern themselves with this problem. Through diligent work, my com- munity is learning that it is "morally right? socially just?economically sensible?and ad- ministratively feasible" to rehabilitate and hire the handicapped. Firearms Control Legislation EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. ROBERT E. SWEENEY OF OHIO IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, April 28, 1965 Mr. SWEENEY. Mr. Speaker, on March 16, 1965, I introduced a bill, H.R. 6346, to amend the Federal Firearms Act. These amendments on firearms are not designed to cause injury to the sport- loving public, nor those engaged in legiti- Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67600446R000300150018-4