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April 21, 1965
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`' A proved For'Release 2003/1b'4?`=CIA-RDP61B00446R000300150023-8 April 21 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD SENATE 7837 JOas H , LEVY DES-WEOTE,FO TIMES-W i CogR To my dying day, I shall applaud his Johns Hopkins a short time ago. While r Ponvngr, 64, WAS, LEGI9X or HONOR great courage in moving into this matter the talk goes on, the bloodshed also goes OFFICER with the resolution that he did. on. The bleeding is not being done in Joseph M. Levy, former New York Times The editorial is further testimony to the capitals of the world. It is being war corespondent in the Middle East, died the fact that he will have been instru- done in the rice fields and jungles of yesterday of a Hospital. cerebral He was in the New dark hosp old mental in clarifying a situation which, Vietnam-in North and South Vietnam as 64 years old and lived at 461 West End Avenue, pray God, we shall never have to en- alike. It is being done by Vietnamese Mr. Levy, after retiring from the Times counter again. and Americans. It is being done by Com- in 1947, served as public relations counsel Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent munist and anti-Communist Vietnam- to the French Epibassy in Washington, More to have the editorial printed in the ese and, mostly, in all probability, by recently he had been a press liaison repre- RECORD., simple peasants who cannot distinguish sentative of the House Judiciary Commit- There being no objection, the editorial the one from the other, and whose great- tee. was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, est wish is to be spared the ravages of Mr. Levy was fluent in eight languages, in- follows: eluding Hebrew and Arabic. Born in New as war. In all probability, these people Brunswick, N.J., he was taken to Jerusalem EXTREMES, EXTREMISTS MEET watt peace and a minimum of contact as an infant. He attended the University Shocking was the disclosure this week with distant Saigon and distant Hanoi, of Beirut. of the cruel ordeal to which Senator THOMAS not to speak of the places which they As a young man he served as private. and H. I uCHEL, of California, has been subjected have, scarcely heard about-that is to 'political secretary to Sir Ronald Storrs, Gov- er for the last several months. The Senator, say, Peiping, Moscow, or Washington. ne o4 Jerusalem under the British man- a moderate Republican, has been the target That, it seems to me, is the funda- date. In, his twenties, he spent 7 months of lewd accusations supposedly proved in with a Bedouin tribe in, the Transjordan an affidavit. Copies of the alleged affidavit mental reality of the situation in Viet- desert, studying its customs. were circulated by the thousands in various nam. It is grasped, in part, but only in JOINER THE TIMES IN 1828 parts of the country. Several rightwing part, when it is declared that all would He was engaged by the Times as a foreign , publications spread the charges through their be well if North Vietnam would only leave correspondent in 1928 and made his head- columns. An investigation has established its neighbors alone. It is grasped, in quarters in Jerusalem. The following year that the accusations are utterly baseless, part, but only in part, when it is con- his articles about Arab outbreaks against the and a grand jury has indicted four men on tended that all foreign troops must be Jews and British in Palestine began to . ap- a charge of conspiracy to commit criminal withdrawn forthwith from Vietnam. It pear. libel. One of the four was, until last week, is grasped, in From. 1935 on, he was more frequently a public relations man for the Eversharp- part, but only in part, based in, Cairo. Be made. excursions to Da- Schick Co. when it is argued that the bombings of anasput, Baghdad, and Amman as the news The attempt "maliciously [to] defame the North Vietnam must continue indefinite- required. Many of his stories, were about 'honesty, integrity, virtue, and reputation" ly until a solution is reached. It is archeological discoveries, economics, and of the Senator and to bring "public hatred, grasped, in part, but only in part, when peaceful pursuits. contempt, and ridicule" upon ilim is vile. it is argued that the bombings must Increasingly his work dealt with riots, But quite as significant is the political bent cease before even an effort to reach a combat, and war. In 1940 he reported the of the people who gave the charges currency, solution can begin. Royal Air Force strikes at Italian Africa, and, They are extremists who profess to be pas- with the British forces in the Western Des- sionately concerned for the American free- It is grasped fully; it was grasped fully ert, covered Anglo-Italian hostilities. In doms and the rights of Americans. They when President Johnson called for un- 1941-42 he reported the back-and-forth declare themselves the only genuine op- conditional discussions, with the object of movement of the North African battle. ponents of communism, and label as Com- restoring a decent and honorable peace. In 1943 he left Cairo, because of ill health, munists or the dupes of Communists any- Those words do not need interpretation. and was assigned to Ankara, Turkey. From one who disagrees with their ideas and is They say what they mean. They mean there he sent many stories of the effect of critical of their methods. what they say. the war In the Balkans. Just how American are their tactics as The situation has gone so far that After he retired from the Times, Mr. Levy disclosed in this instance? Is it the Ameri- worked privately and through organizations can way to try to ruin an upstanding and superficial truisms which seize upon only to help the Jews living in Arab countries outstanding public servant by circulating one or another aspect of the problem do -outside Palestine, loathsome lies about.him? Is this American not offer any key to its resolution. It ESERVED THREE AMSdssAD.oES freedom, or the proper means of defending does not much matter whether these As public relations counsel to the French American freedom? Does it indicate due truisms originate in Hanoi or Saigon, Embassy he re laud Amou s loto the Bon- concern for the rights of an American, or a Peiping, or Washington. All would not sensible and honorable approach to protec- net, Maurice Couve de Murviue, and Herv6 tion of those rights? And what does it say well if the bombing of North Vietnam Alphand, explaining the French point of of the perpetrators' real attitude to the moral ceases today, and it will not be well if it view on international problems to Govern- concepts and practices of the Communists? continues for months or years. All would ment leaders. These people credit themselves with a pro- not be well if the United States were to For his services he was made an officer of found horror of Communist immorality, and withdraw tomorrow, lock, stock, and th French Legion of Honor. tax anyone differing from them with Indif- barrel. All would not be well if North activ in the Cosnznitdeband waver memAme ricf Over- ann e Jewish ference to, or even tacit approval of, Com- Vietnam on today, tomorrow, or the day munist immorality. Yet they themselves .after, ceased to send weapons, men, and seas Press Club and the Society for the Ad- employ the very abuses which the Communist vancement of Judaism.` code canonizes-deceit, misrepresentation, even words across the 17th parallel. Surviving are his widow, the former Esther calumny, obloquy, reckless disregard of the The United States is in Vietnam, and Levine; two sons; Fred and Robert, and three grandchil rights and the good name of a person whose whatever the circumstances which led to dren; views do not perfectly coincide with theirs, A funeral service will be held at 11:30 and a ruthless determination to destroy its projection into that situation, that a.m. today " in_ the Chapel of the Riverside him, commitment is now in great depth. Any- Funeral Home, Amsterdam Avenue and 76th Extremes meet, and so do extremists. The one who assumes that this projection is Street. extreme rightist Is the twin of the extreme reversible before an ordered and accept- " leftist in-his abando x1}xient of ratlpllal argu- able peace can be obtained assumes in ANOTHER TRIBUTE TO SENATOR ment and7hi' resort to violence against truth error. Indeed, it is far more likely to be KUG=5 GREAT COURAGE and decency. Both are far removed from the increased. American ideal, and both are equally inimical Mr, DDRKSBI. , Mr. President, there to the preservation of the American way. The Saigon government and South was published in the Bridgeport, Conn., Catholic Transcript, on' March 4, 1965 , an editorial entitled "Extremes, Extrem- THE WAR I it neais .w1Gi ..hasty situation which it is time for some blunt words on Viet- of Hanoi, Peiping, Moscow, or even Wash- deve oiled .in connection with our dis- nam. There is a great deal of talk in ington, tomorrow or the day after. They tinguishgd friend and colleague, the mi- Moscow, in Peiping and, in all honesty, will not throw away their weapons and n oritywhip, the Senator from California in Washington on what the President place their heads on the block of those [Mr. KUCHEL]meant or did not mean by his speech at who have hunted them for so long. No. 70---8 Approved For Release 2003/101'14'4 CIA-RDi~67B00446RO00300,150023-8 Vietnamese military and bureaucratic structure which surround it and the tens 7838 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 " CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE April 21, 19'65 The PRESIDING OFFICER. The sharply changed from those of a decade Those people over there, I suppose, time of the Senator from Montana has ago. are not in a mood to negotiate when they expired. It does not much help to pay lipservice see everything they have worked for be- Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I from afar to this agreement, as Peiping ing blown to pieces by a huge air fleet. ask unanimous consent that I may pro- and Hanoi have done, and then reject any Instead of capitulating they seem to be ceed for an additional period of time. consideration through discussion of its consumed by greater hatred for the The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without practical application in today's circum- United States. objection, it is so ordered. stances. And the longer this confronta- For the life of me, I cannot understand Mr. MANSFIELD., Mr. President, tion is put off, the more the people of what we are doing by sending those tre- North Vietnam, too, is deeply involved North and South Vietnam pay for the mendous air armadas to do the work in South Vietnam, and when all the ra- delay, the more the likelihood that the which normally, I understand, can be tional air and naval targets have been present limited conflict will spread into done equally well by a small force even exhausted, it is likely still to be involved. a general war in Asia. if were desirable to invade North Viet- The fact is that there are both historic That is why it seems to me that those nam at all. and modern ties between these two areas who seek peace in Vietnam will be well- I realize there is wrong on both sides. which can be ignored or obscured in the advised to note the President's willing- Who started this trend toward human flames of the present military and ide- ness to enter into "unconditional discus- catastrophe will probably always be de- ological conflict but which are not likely sions," and respond to them. Those are batable. Whether the North Vietna- to be severed in any permanent sense. his words and they do not require Inter- mese or the South Vietnamese or no Even if It were possible to perform this pretation from Peiping, Moscow, or, in all Vietnamese started it is not a question radical cultural surgery, the fact still honesty, from anonymous bureaucrats in that I can answer. However, I believe remains that tens of thousands of Viet- this city. I repeat: "They say what they it is plainly evident now that unless this namese in the south,. who have been in mean. They mean what they say." conflict is stopped, whatever history there active or sympathetic revolt against Sai- That is why, too, the Soviet suggestion will be left to record will show a very gon for years under the general corn- of a few days ago that the Geneva con- black page. mand of the so-called National Libera- ference be reconvened on the question of I say again that I hope the world-and tion Front, are not going to put aside guaranteeing Cambodian neutrality is, as that includes Russia and the United their weapons and fears and placidly I have noted previously, worthy of the States and everybody else-will read and accept the dominationof those who have most serious consideration. Cambodian heed what the Senator from Montana hunted them for so long. neutrality is a matter of the utmost im- has said. [Applause.] It is significant and ironic that on all portance, in itself, if the present conflict The PRESIDING OFFICER. The sides in this dispute there is reference to is not to spread. And the need for a con- occupants of the galleries are advised frontation on a situation in which none that demonstrations are not permitted, the need to return to the Geneva agree- is involved so directly may indeed be a Mr. MORSE. Mr. President- ments as a basis for pee. OFFI ments, at least, did recognize the basic preliminary to a second and separate tune he the SIDIN has expired.. The factors in the Vietnamese situation and confrontation on Vietnam in which the Mr. MORSE. I ask that additional were in harmony with the realities of it. involvement of all is direct. Such a con- The agreements would have been ex- ference may, indeed, be the beginning of time The be p granted. rated. VG OFFICER. With- sides difficult of achievement had all the road not only to an assured Cam- out objecRES it N so ordered. sides sought to carry them out faithfully bodian neutrality but to peace in Viet- Mo. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I nam and the stability and development for the past decade. The fact is that of all of southeast Asia. thank the Senator from Vermont for his all sides did not work to carry them out. if the desire for a bona fide peace takes remarks. I reiterate that I believe what Hanoi did not work to carry them out, precedence over face on all sides, then the President said at Johns Hopkins on except as parts could be interpreted to the convening of a conference might be the question of unconditional discussions advan to them out e. except as as one did not aspect work or another accompanied by a cease-fire and stand- held out the possibility that reason might of the agreements iided fast throughout Vietnam-north and return to the conference table, especially witone h might have faction or an- south. That is a goal which, it is to be in view of the invitation issued by the other what Saigon interp a fdas to or an- hoped, the 17 nations, the Secretary Soviet Union for a reconvening of the Saigon the people as Vietnam, a General of the United Nations, and the Geneva Conference of 1954, a conference vantage. h a It is the people pay the etpam, cochairmen of the Geneva Conference which, incidentally, has never gone out North and South, who now eu eri g price and the diplomats of every nation might of existence. expediency. blood for this past maneuvering of well bend every effort to achieve. I recall that some weeks ago the Brit- eMr. AIKEN. Mr. President, will the ish suggested that the Geneva Confer- The situation in Vietnam is now im- Senator yield? ence be reconvened. At that time the mensely more complex than in 1954. It Mr. MANSFIELD. I yield. Soviet Union showed no interest what- now Involves the United States directly Mr. AIKEN. I hope the world will read ever. In the meantime Norodom Siha- and increasingly with major military and take note of what the majority lead- nouk, the Chief of State of the Kingdom forces and may soon involve other out- er has said this morning. I particularly of Cambodia, has renewed his plea that side powers clearly and directly with hope that the leadership of our Armed the conference be held for the purpose major military forces. It now involves Forces and the leadership of the U.S. of guaranteeing the neutrality and terri- North Vietnam and tens of thousands in Government will read and take note of torial integrity of Cambodia. South Vietnam in active military effort what he has said. On this occasion the Soviet Union to overthrow the Saigon government. It It is plainly evident now that unless came forward with the suggestion that involves a 10-year crescendo of fear, hos- reason returns to the world, we will be the Geneva Conference be reconvened. tility, and terror. headed into the most devastating con- This time it is the United Kingdom that Yet, the Geneva agreement achieved in flict the world has ever known, and we does not come forward to accept the in- 1954, after much discussion, still remains will not come out of .it covered with glory, vitation. the touchstone of the policies-at least no matter who wins, because no one can I mention these two z.ations because of the pronounced policies-of all the win that kind of war. both the United Kingdom and the Soviet ,nations significantly involved in Vietnam. It is difficult for me to understand what Union are cochairmen of the Geneva It offers the last slim hope of peace before our Armed Forces, our Defense Depart- Conference, and at any time that they events move beyond the reach of hope. ment, and our executive branch are desire, the conference can be reconvened. It is, therefore, of the utmost impor- thinking of when they send 200 planes I believe that the reconvening of the tance that the question of how to apply to blow up a bridge. Is it simply brag- Geneva Conference, to consider the ques- the principles of the Geneva Agreement gadocio, our way of saying that this is tion of the neutrality of Cambodia, would of 1954 be faced as soon as possible. That what we are" doing as an example, and it be in the best interest of all concerned. question, moreover, must be faced, inall. is nothing at all to what we will do if I feel that if it were spread out to realism, in the circumstances which exist those people of North Vietnam do not other areas of southeast Asia, it would today which, as I have noted above, are yield. be meritorious in itself. Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 '-Alpril 21, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE I emphasize again that what the Pr i- the carrying out of the,Geneva, Agreements dent said at Johns Hopkins about un- of 1954. conditional discussion 1s still tale order of If both sides were in fact prepared to abide the day, and that the President in that a st and enforce Areements, ongegal basis for aGeneva settlement would speech laid down a dictum which I hope exist. But the fact is that neither we nor will reach into Peiping and Hanoi and they are willing to settle for the Geneva Moscow and into the capitals of the 17 Agreements. uncommitted nations and into the caps- These agreements stipulate that North and tals . of the 114 nations represented In South Vietnam are not two separate nations the United Nations. but two temporary zones of the same nation, Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I rise, and that 2 years after the armistice which filled with admiration for the leadership demarcated the two zones, "the settlement respect problems, effected of on the basis of my majority leader, the Senator from respect for r the the principles tifope Independence, Montana (Mr. MANSFIELD], whose head unity and territorial integrity, shall permit reasons through the Vietnam crisis that the Vietnamese people to enjoy the funda- . confronts this Republic. His mind is mental freedoms guaranteed by democratic never brainwashed by his adrenalin Institutions established as a result of free glands. Senator MANSFIELD.. has made general elections by secret ballot." As Hanoi here today one of the most powerful has never held anything resembling a free speeches on the Vietnam crisis that has election in North Vietnam, there is little reason to believe that it is prepared to have ever been given in the historic debate on free elections in both zones of Vietnam. As the Asiatic crisis during the past several for the United States, while our Government months. endorsed the Geneva Agreements, and es- . I rise also to pay my respects and to pecially the provision for free elections, it express my admiration for the Senator opposed free elections when it realized that from Vermont [Mr. AWN]. He and I, Ho Chi Minh would win them. General Eisenhower as members of the Foreign Relations oirs. Since Snstates this frankly his Committee, have listened to all the brief- Sce that time have in insisted ted t ha- South Vietnam is an Independent nation. ings that we have received from the And so, in spite of the apparent agreement State Department and the Pentagon in on the "essentials of the Agreements of 1954, regard to our program. in Asia, neither side has as yet adopted a credible and I can best express myself on this crisis genuine negotiating position. This country, at this time by asking unanimous con- at least, should do so. Our policy since sent to have published at this point in February has been to attack, to make war my remarks an article by Walter Lipp- upon, North Vietnam in order to compel it to negotiate a settlement that we approve. mann published in the Washington Post Therefore, it matters a great deal that we of the 19th of April, and an article by adopt a negotiating position which we are Walter 7,,lppmann published in News- able to defend clearly and openly. week for this week, in which Mr. Lipp- A cardinal weakness of our diplomatic po- mann makes the major points that the sition today is the President's statement at Senator from Alaska [Mr. GRUENIND] Baltimore that "the first reality is that North and the senior Senator from Oregon has attacked the independent na- and tics of South Vietnam." This was not our have made' for more than a year in original position. It has been called the first speech ' after speech 'on the floor of the reality only in the most recent phase of the Senate, We have pleaded for a change war, the phase which began in February. In America's involvement in South Viet- Our present position is contrary to the in- nam by returning to our treaty obliga- dubitable essentials of the Geneva agree- tions which our warmaking acts in Asia ments of 1954, that North and South Viet- have violated time and time again. nam are not two nations' but two zones of one nation. Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I ask It is argued by some, though not yet by Unanimous consent that certain other the State Department explicitly, that the editorials and newspaper columns and 1954 agreements have been overtaken by his- correspondence that I have received on tory and that de facto,, as things have actu- the So}1th Vietnam and. Asiatic crisis. be 'ally been for 10 years, there are now two sepa- printed at this point in my remarks. rate and independent nations. But if this There being no objection, the material is our official position, how then does the State Department explain why we ignore the was.or'dered to be printed in. the REco$p, charter of the United Nations, especially ar- as follows, tides 59 and 51, and declared on our own say- [From the Washington (D.C.) Post, so that North Vietnam was the aggressor Apr. 19, 19651 against an independent state? Had we gone VKatrrroxm Dwaoa 4cv to the Security Council for such a determi- nation, we would, of course, have collided (By Walter Lippmann) with a Soviet veto. But we would at least in the wake of President Johnson's Balti- have proved that we believed what we were more speech of April 7 and of the appeal of saying and perhaps we might have gotten a the 17 unaligned countries, which preceded few votes to support us. it by about a week, discussions looking to- As a matter of fact, the argument that we ward an eventually negotiated settlement are now using, that the two Vietnams are have actually been underway. Some of the Independent because they have 'been sepa- discussion has been public and har consisted rated for 10 years, is a very embarrassing of exchanges of statements by Washington principle for the State Department to rely and Tani, some of the discussion is private on. It would mean, for example, that there through the various intermediaries who are are two independent German states because conce'ned,.to prevent the spread of the war. Acurious, yet important, fact about the public discussion Is that Washington and Hanoi start from the same legal basis. The Pregide. t .p . 10. rch 25 _declaressi that "we seek lac more theca, areturn to the essentials Of the -G nova Agreements of 1954." On April 19 Premier Pharr Van Dong of North Vietnam made a policy, declaration which said that Hanoi's fundamental war aim is 7839 Soviet Union and Japan in the north, Paki- stan and India in the south. With the pos- sible, though only apparent, exception of Japan, we are embroiled with all the powers of Asia. The bitter truth of the matter is that we can search the globe and look in vain for true and active supporters of our policy. That is how successfully the State De- partment has planned our diplomatic policy and has argued the American case. [From Newsweek magazine, Apr. 26, 1965] THE TEST IN VIETNAM (By Walter Lippmann) The President's Baltimore address on Viet- nam marked a certain change in our official policy. For the first time he offered to en- gage in discussions with Hanoi without re- serving the right to refuse discussions unless certain conditions (which were not specifical- ly stated) were met first. Although this opened the door a little for discussions, there is no reason to expect a diplomatic settlement of the Vietnamese war in the near future. For the time being the outcome in Vietnam is being determined by the course of the war itself, and there is no disposition as yet on either side to avoid a military showdown. The scene of the showdown has been and, it seems certain, will continue to be in South Vietnam. It will be a showdown between the government in Saigon which we are sup- porting and the Vietcong which Hanoi is supporting. The issue hangs on whether there can be a government in Saigon which is able to subdue the Vietcong rebellion, pacify the countryside, and get itself accepted by the preponderant mass of the people in the greater part of South Vietnam. There is now no such government in Saigon. As a matter of fact, the Saigon Government is in a critical position, having lost control of a large part of the countryside by day, of an even larger part at night. The United States has been committed, and never more strongly than by the Presi- dent at Baltimore, to reversing the military trend in South Vietnam. The President has 'undertaken to make the Saigon Government, which is near to defeat and collapse, into the victor in the civil war. This will take a lot of doing, but the administration has de- cided that it will be possible to defeat the Vietcong in South Vietnam if it is deprived, as the President put it, "of the trained mqn and supplies, orders and arms," which "flow in a constant stream from north to south. This support is the heartbeat of the war." THE OFFICIAL THEORY This is the basis of the policy adopted in early February, of putting increasing pres- sure on North Vietnam by bombings which creep nearer and nearer to the highly popu- lated and industrialized centers around Ha- noi and Haiphong. The official theory is that by these bombings we can deter Hanoi from supporting the civil war in the south and even force Hanoi to force the Vietcong to ask for peace, especially since we are offering an attractive economic future if they do this. We hope also that the bombings in the north will inspire and enable the Saigon Govern- ment to rally the people and to win the war. We are now embarked on a crucial test of this theory. Can the Saigon Government win the civil war while we attack the Hanoi Gov- ernment? The outcome of this test de ends p Germany has been partitioned for 10 years. in the first place on whether the govern- I am well aware be. concerned about ment in Saigon can acquire the military mo- our legal and moral position is regarded by kale and muster the national support to put the new school of superrealists as unworthy down the rebellion. It depends in the second of_a proud and tough nation. But I think place on whether our bombing can hurt or we have,- something to be very much con- frighten the North Vietnamese sufficiently to cerned about when, we look about us and see cause them to stop supporting the Vietcong how we are drifting into an icy isolation. rebellion and indeed,, to tell the Vietcong to On the continent of Asia there are besides desist. The official policy assumes that they Red China four major Asian powers, the will do that when they are hurt more than Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R0003001500'23-8 7840 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE April 21, 1965 .they can endure. Looking at it in a cold- blooded way, this is a test of a military theory. For my part, I am inclined to think that Hanoi will endure all the punishment that we dare to inflict. BOMBING CAN'T WIN I am assuming that we dare not and will not devastate the cities of North Vietnam and kill great masses of their people. I am assuming that we shall not do this because we are too civilized, and also because the re- action to such cruelty, would be incalculable in every continent. The relatively moderate punishment we are inflicting we shall probably continue to inflict. I believe it will not force the North Vietnamese to their knees. They are, we must remember, a country of peasants. Their industries are comparatively primitive, and their capacity to do without the products of their industries is quite different from that, let us say, of a well-to-do, middle-class American community in an affluent suburb. Provided they get some food., which they can from China, they are not likely to quit and to do what we might want because their powerplants and bridges and factories are demolished. What they are likely to do if we make the north increasingly uninhabitable is to go south into South Vietnam. So, experience may show that our official theory of the war is unworkable. If it does, we shall have to do what we have already done several times in the coure of our en- tanglement in southeast Asia. We shall have to change our minds. This is always a pain- ful process, especially in a big, proud coun- try. But it may have to be done, and it will be done best if we keep the problem open to free and resolute public debate. [From the St. Louis (Mo.) Post-Dispatch, Apr. 1, 1966] SOUTH VIETNAM CONSIDERS WEAKENING LAND REFORM BY BOOSTING LIMIT ON ACREAGE OWNERS CAN HOLD-STIPULATION WOULD BE THAT THEY Hucs OUTPUT WITH MODERN METHODS-REACTION BY UNITED STATES Is MIXED (By Richard SAIGON, SOUTH VIETNAM, April 1.-The Government of South Vietnam is consider- ing weakening a key provision of its land re- form program. United States officials here are thought to be giving the controversial proposal some encouragement. They con- sider it premature but believe it has some merit. The provision in question is the current limit of 100 hectares (247 acres) on what a single landowner may hold. Holdings be- yond that amount are supposed to be sold to the government and then sold to landless peasants on a time payment plan in plots of three to five hectares. The Minister of Rural Affairs, Nguyen Ngoc To, told the Post-Dispatch he thinks it may be advisable to increase this limit to 200 or even to 1,000 hectares. He said that the higher limit would apply only to the owners who agreed to use modern machines and fertilizers to increase their crop produc- tion. Some Americans and Vietnamese familiar with the land problem here are outraged over the proposed increase. They contend that it is given in to pressure by the big landowners, who have been powerful in every regime since Vietnam won its inde- pendence 11 years ago. Critics argue that the Vietcong always poses as the protector of the peasant and would capitalize on the change in propaganda. Asked about the origin of the proposal, To said that many farmers had asked that the limit be increased because they wanted more land for cultivation. He said it would be politically useful to satisfy these land- owners. He observed that the big landown- ers are better educated than the .peasants the use of American jet bombers against tar- and thus can adopt modern methods and gets in South Vietnam and the sending in produce better crops more readily. of the. first big units of American ground American officials have learned of the pro- combat forces. posal only informally. Their reaction has The justification is that infiltration from been mixed. " the North to help the Vietcong has made the "That's about the last thing we need-to conflict more of a North Vietnamese war and satisfy a few big landlords in a country of less of a civil war. 16 million people who are mostly peasants." Little is said here, however, about legal Another contended, however, that land or moral aspects of the new strategy. The hunger was not the imposing political prob- United States has expanded its own violation 1em here that it is in some other countries. of the Geneva agreements of 1954, which pro- He said that the Vietcong had been trying hibited "the introduction into Vietnam of to raise a- false issue without great success. foreign troops and military personnel as well As concerns land reform, he said, they are as of all kinds of arms and ammunition," any "rebels without a cause." foreign military bases in either zone, and the Aside from self-serving pressure by land- participation of either zone in any military lords, the controversy is between economics alliance. and politics. Large areas can be farmed The United States now has abandoned more economically, as French rice planters all pretense of abiding by the 1954 agree- demonstrated, but most observers agree that ments. It refused at the time to sign the -the Vietcong have had considerable suc- accords, stating merely that the United cess in stirring peasant resentment over high States would "refrain from the threat or rents charged to sharecroppers and unfair the use of force to disturb them." practices under the 1956 land reform law. Officials whose advice Mr. Johnson now Land distribution under that law is less at last is taking are largely those who fa- than half accomplished although in January vored American armed intervention in 1954 1962 President Ngo Dienh Diem announced to help the French. They disapproved of that it already was completed. the Geneva Conference from the start and The regime of Gen. Nguyen Khanh eased considered the accords a major diplomatic the burden on the peasants by doubling the defeat for the West. 6-year repayment period and halting the ex- For them, stepped up infiltration and Viet- pulsion of squatters from government land. cong raids against American Installations But Khanh rejected a proposal by his was a powerful argument, but did not change Deputy Prime Minister for Pacification, Ng- the essentials of the situation. They denied yen Ton Hoan, that the top limit on land this was a civil war when that was more holding be reduced to 10 hectares. Nguyen nearly true than today. Gong Hau, then Minister for Rural Affairs North Vietnam continues to maintain and a big landowner himself, opposed the the fiction that it. is abiding by the agree- plan. - ments, just as did the United States until Leroy S. Wehrle, assistant director of the the last few months. American aid mission, reported last Novem- There are other perhaps more significant ber that the present retention quota of 100 signs of moral change in the war. hectares still left the majority of farmers The American Embassy in effect gave its in tenant status. - blessing to the recent forced exile to North He quoted a study in a typical delta vil- Vietnam of three signers of a petition call- lage that showed the people "were bitterly ing for peace negotiations. The Embassy disappointed by the land reform, which left is understood to have advised against an nearly all of them tenants." original plan to dump the three civilians out Recommendation by Wehrle and others of a plane and let them parachute into North that a land reform expert be sent to Vietnam Vietnam. As long as they were merely has not been adopted. Officials give the land shoved across the international bridge at problem little concentrated attention. They the 17th parallel, the United States had no are stronger in their opposition to proposals objection. for tightened land reform than in heading The predominant view among American off the plan taking shape in the Quat govern- officials seemed to be that this was a rela- ment loosen the program. tively humane solution, even though there V I h [From the St. Louis (Mo.) Post-Dispatch, Apr. 4, 1965] A NEW VIETNAM STRATEGY-R$SULTS OF IN- CREASED BOMBINGMAY NOT BE KNOWN FOR MONTHS-PRETENSE OF OBEYING 1954 GENEVA AGREEMENTS Is ABANDONED at ie - was no trial and it was not clear w namese law the three men had broken. A Vietnamese Government spokesman, asked why there was no trial, said "we didn't have enough proof." Nor was there any sign of U.S. objection when Vietnamese bombers attacked a school- house taken over by the Vietcong. A South SAIGON, April3.-President Johnson's new Vietnamese report estimated that 20 to 30 bomb-until-they-give-up strategy in Viet- children were killed. The pilot was said to nam is a gamble against odds that can only have seen either gunfire from the school or be guessed. These unknown odds will have a Vietcong flag on the flagpole. The village much to do with whether the United States was described as Vietcong infiltrated but not is heading toward something that can be Vietcong dominated. More and more, the called a victory or toward obvious and hu- United States is declaring "free strike zones" miliating disaster. and warning the innocent to get out before Resort to the new strategy came as this unrestricted bombing begins. The United undeclared war was taking an abrupt turn States tried an attack by forest fire this for the worse. It had been a gradual loser week in an effort to clear Vietcong from a from the start, despite official statements ex- 48-mile square forest stronghold. pressing standard "cautious optimism." The U.S. Military Assistance Command re- Then in recent months a big increase in ports meticulously each day how many of men and arms from Communist North Viet- the Vietcong are said to have been killed in nam helped the Vietcong guerrillas attack the day's air attacks in South Vietnam. But in larger units and come close to cutting the there is no such reporting system for the country in half. men, women, and children being killed, Everyone here is actually aware that Mr. -burned, and maimed by rockets, napalm, and Johnson's new strategy has made this a new white phosphorus from American and Viet- war--a bigger war and to a greater extent, an namese planes. Hundreds jam civilian hos- American war. That was an obvious result pitals in Hue. Danang, Qui Nhon, and other of the air raids against the North (in which cities throughout South Vietnam. Medical Americans pilot their own planes as well as teams from the United States and allied na- some of the Vietnamese air force planes), tions help treat the patients with makeshift Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 (By Richard Dudman) ,Approved. For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 ' April 21, 1965 .CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE 7841 equipment, two or three to the bed. Success of ground-to-air missiles, air assistance, vol- that would appear reasonable. And this of the, new strategy will be determined on a unteers or regular troops. process alone has inevitably narrowed the gap strategic rather than a moral level, however. What if the response is the hoped for an- between the two sides. It will be determined by the composite an- nouncement that Hanoi is closing down the insisting that there be sorer to some. questions that are not now war? Whether Hanoi is answerable, prior agreement in principle an the nature The question then is how to tell whether of the settlement is not yet clear. But it is How painful to the regime in Hanoi are the the guerrilla war is really being ended or intriguing that American withdrawal from raids north of the 17th parallel? whether the Vietcong is merely going under- South Vietnam and even cessation of the There is no expectation here that the at- ground, hiding its weapons and melting into bombing of North Vietnam now seem to be tacks in themselves can-come anywhere near the population to wait for an opportunity listed as objectives rather than preconditions stopping the infiltration. There is hope- to start over again. That is What the Viet forsuchaimnegotiationportant.pointsIt asmustthesebewillhopedclari but only a hope-that they will persuade Minh did in 1954. bethat- Hanoi to abandon the war. In either case-whether the Communists fled when Hanoi replies formally to the pro- The belief here is that it may be weeks step up the pace or whether they make mo- posal for unconditional negotiations made by or months before any effect of the raids can tions to close it down-the likelihood is that 17 nonalined chiefs of state, a proposal Presi- be observed, either in reduced infiltration American troops must remain here on the dent Johnson has already accepted. or in a change in North Vietnamese policy. ground indefinitely. Their mission would be Both Hanoi and Washington seem to agree The further belief here is that the United in one case to defend against new Commu- on restoring the 1954 Geneva agreements- States would not consider it sufficient if nists moves, in the other to police whatever in itself enough of a basis for at least ex- Hanoi merely halted the infiltration, but agreement is reached. The United States ploratory talks. Both agree that reunifica- would insist also on clear orders being Issued has shown little enthusiasm thus far for the tion of Vietnam is for a later day and that to the Vietcong to end the war. Weather alternative of a United Nations peacekeeping the first task is to end the, war and assure a sometimes makes targets hard to find and force. neutral South Vietnam. , damage hard to photograph. Current esti- The present course is quite different from seems prepared even to accept the principle reported The Navy has been making return raids on been agreed upon last December here and in be North as well from South Vietnam must some radar stations hit earlier. Despite all Washington. That plan called for small un- e neutral, free from any military alliance the attacks on radar stations in recent weeks announced raids, all south of the 19th p-aral- or foreign military bases, troops, or military the North Vietnamese are always out of their lei and thus well south of Hanoi combined peThe goal Hanoi sets for a Vietnam solution buildings and into trenches and bunkers with certain incentives. These would include is hardly one, of course, that would recom- and manning antiaircraft guns by the time offers of economic aid to North Vietnam mend itself to Saigon or to Washington. It the high level American jets appear over the through the American food for peace program provides that the internal affairs of South target, and through international development as- Vietnam be settled in accordance with the How much are the stepped up raids in sistance. Broadened diplomatic recognition program of the Vietcong's National Libera- South Vietnam hurting the Vietcong? Vietnamese and expanded foreign trade. ties Front. who fought with the Viet Underlying that plan was the thesis that But no one has ever claimed that nego- Minh against the French In the war of inde- North Vietnam could serve its vital inter- tiations, once engaged, would be easy or that pendence sometimes say that the French ests-avoid domination by Communist China, they would lead quickly to agreement. It bombs and napalm were effective at first, but resume its normal trade with South Vietnam took President de Gaulle 18 months to get became much less so when the Viet Minh and continue its industiralization=-all by the Algerian guerrillas to the conference learned, how to disperse itf men and sup- discontinuing an increasingly costly war in table. plies and use jungle cover and camouflage. the south. American officers who have studied the It The problem is Vietnam now to to find a French war here recall that French planes ciple was that an intended to follow the cloven a way forum for talks and to get segos destroyed many bridges each day in an effort out. The y resembled bl be given ay stage to started. It t is as at t irrelevant needle- to block the flow of arms and supplies proposal from made last summer by D Dr r. . Bernard B B. . Fall, , an point oint of f a settlement as it would be to dis- China to the siege of Dlenbienphu. The authority on North and South Vietnam. Of- pute how many angels can dance on the Chinese kept a gang of coolies and a supply ficials here doubt that the plan ever won point of a needle. of timbers beside each bridge. In 24 hours administration approval. In any event, it a bombed bridge generally was back in serv- now has gone out the window. The raids [From the Champaign-Urbana Courier, ice, have been bi hi hl .There are offsets to whatever positive effect g` g y publicized, and north Apr. 11, 196b] COI from the increased use of eve efffe aswell as south of the 19th parallel that was AN OPEN LETTER TO PRESIDENT JOHNSON ON It ie making the Vietnamese of airpower. overly supposed to be their northern limit. VIETNAM FROM MORE THAN 200 MEMBERS OF dependent ng tair h support, which will be less Indications here are that the United States THE CHAMPAIGN-URBANA UNIVERSITY COM- depen ent When clouds sport, targets for l is thinking entirely in terms of increasing MUNITY u f' time n the approaching punishment, not at all in terms of positive rainy season. incentives. (Paid advertisement, prepared and paid for The raids also can make recruits for the In the embattled northern region of South by ad hoc faculty committee) enemy as well as inflicting damage on him. Vietnam, two middle-grade American advis- We, as members Of the academic commu- Some officials fear that many may be driven err had just finished briefing a reporter on nity, feel impelled to raise publicly with you, Into the Vietcong when American bombs de- their difficulties in trying to break the tight- Mr. President, the question of our Govern- stroy their villages or kill or maim their rela- ening Vietcong noose around their provincial ment's present policy in Vietnam. tives, Propaganda efforts to blame the Viet- capital. Gong for attracting the bombs have only Neither the latest American decisions to success, it is felt. The reporter asked: "If you were Ho Chi escalate the war in Vietnam nor the future limited Even when leaflets and loudspeakers warn Minh, would the air raids make you decide course of American action has been openly that a village has been ndclared a "free strike to quit the war?" The major replied: "Would and freely discussed in this country. We are that a vi run from been declared bombs "free smay trike be I quit when I was wining? Don't be silly." deeply disturbed by the managed silence con- to e,"te a Vietcong bullet, cerning both the extent and the direction of How strongly does North Vietnam want to [From the New York Times, Apr. 15, 1965] our involvement In Vietnam. In our belief, continue the war that it is sponsoring? THE HANOI COUNTERPROPOSALS the choice is now between a return to the "Those people in Hanoi are tough and The most important thing about Hanoi's discussion free flow of information as a basein s for open won't give up easily," says a diplomat who counterproposal for a Vietnam settlement is permanent esan public damage issues, or the 2 years there. Wishful thinking some- not what it says but that it was said at all- tions m . Therefore to democratic i you, Mr. times causes Western officials to exaggerate after Peiping's violent rejection of Presi- tess at home. Therefore m urge yam a- the effectiveness of bombs or economic pres- dent Johnson's peace plan. President, to encourage domestic exain .Sure to force Nations to abandon their The exegetists undoubtedly can find in- tion of kuy cuto co policy u Vietnam. cherished plans. The bombing of London numerable traps in North Vietnam's state- We ask you to consider our present course and Berlin during World War II and the pres- ment. But the fact that Hanoi felt com- We are m of action m vilittew of the following facts: ent economic squeeze on Cuba are examples. pelled within a week to make a serious reply arily intervening g support h As the bombing raids against the North con- to the Baltimore speech demonstrates drah succession of undemocratic regimes which tinue, as the targets creep farther northward matically that a political offensive can be no have not won the support of the South Viet- Viet- and perhaps shift from military to industrial more ignored than a military one. naW e are a peopleemploy instal1atigns, there mist come a time of ap- Nothing about the Hanoi declaration is means of attai in g ourre profess inhumane graisai",g off the Communist response. more interesting than Its tone. Invective is Vietnam, which have aroused s oncernl and The response can range from a big increase absent, apart from a single passing reference moral indignation even among America's in terror along the lines of the bombing of to American aggression. President Johnson's closest allies. the t yerican Embassy, through invasion by proposals are called nothing stronger than Our expanding air attacks on North Viet- the North Vietnamese Army?the strongest in inappropriate. The need to appeal to world nam and our introduction of American com- southeast Asia, to intervention by China or opinion has forced both Washington and bat troops in large numbers intensify the the Soviet Union .or both through supplying Hanoi to spell omit their objectives in a form danger that a local conflict will develop into Approved, For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 7842 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE April 21, 1965 berg, Psychology; Corrinne Gunt- Miriam Sperber, Student Counseling; zel, Economics; Ronald O. Haak, An- Albert Steiner, Mathematics; Donald thropology; Santosh Haider, Psychol- C. Stewart, English; Ruth Stillwell, ogy; Charles Hamm, Music; David Har- Rhetoric; Leon Swartzendruber, Psy- vey, Sociology; Allan J. Harrison, chology; Donald R. Taft, Sociology; Institute of Labor and Industrial Galsi Takeut, Mathematics; Daniel P. Relations; Edward W. Haurek, Soci- Testa, Spanish, Italian, and Portu- ology; Jaquelin McGrath, Sociology. guese; Erich K. Thomanek, Psychology; Charles S. Thomas, University Press; James R. Hawker, History; Joseph M. Howard I. Thorsheim, Psychology; Heikoff, Bureau of Community Plan- Harry M. Tiebout, Philosophy; H. Y. Ring; Maurice Heins, Mathematics; Tien, Sociology; Stewart L. Tuckey, Martin O. Heisler, Political Science; Helen W. Tuttle, Library; Preston H. Alex Heller, Mathematics; Ernest O. Tuttle, English and Speech; Paul Ula- erreid, Food Science; Louise Herz- nowsky, Music; McCay Vernon, Insti- berg, Institute for Research on Excep- tute for Research on Exceptional Chil-Pay- c o to Children; HPaul ewitt, Herzberg, Speec, Speech and dren; William J. Wainwright, Philoso- Theateh eats; r; Barnard George L. . Hicks, Jr., Anthro- phy; Douglas C. Wartzok, Biophysics; pology; L. A. Hiller, Jr., Music; Hugh Richard H. Wasson, English; Gregorio K. Himan, Economics; Jack Hudson, Weber, Chemistry; Ronald C. Weger, Chemical Engineering; Janette Hud- Mathematics; Allen S. Weller, Art; Paul son, German; Llyod G. Humphreys, Wells, Economics; Robert F. Welsh, Psychology; Rodger Jacobsen, Fine English; Paula Westerlund, Physical Art; Joe W. Jenkins, Mathematics; Education for Women; Conrad Wetzel, William C. Jenne', Institute for Re- Psychology; R. A. Wijsman, Mathe- search on Exceptional Children; B. matics; Nathan Wiser, Physics; Carl Connor Johnson, Animal Science; R. Woese, Microbiology; Sharon Wolfe, Keith H. Johnson, Bureau of Economic Institute of Communications Re- and Business Research; Ben B. John- search; Bing K. Wong, Mathematics; ston, Jr., Music; R. Stewart Jones, Ed- Robert W. Woody. Chemistry; Ray- ucational Psychology: Bernard Karsh, mond Yeh, Mathematics. Sociology; U. Milo Kaufmann, English; (This advertisement has been paid for by Scott Keyes, Bureau of Community individual contributions of the signers. De- Planning; Kurt A. Klein, Slavic Lan- partmental affiliations are listed for identifi- guages and Literatures; John W. Kro- cation purposes only.) nik, Spanish, Italian, and Portuguese; To ad hoc Faculty Committee on Vietnam. Norris G. Lang, Anthropology; Byron JACQUELINE FLENNER, G. Larson, Sociology; Bernard Lazer- Secretary-Treasurer, witz, Sociology; Robert B. Lees, Lin- 902 West California, Urbana, 111. guistics; F. K. Lehman, Anthropology W. ELLISON CHALMERS, and Linguistics; John Levee, Art; Chairman. Solomon B. Levine, Center for Asian E. E. DAVIS, Studies; Harry Levy, Mathematics; Executive Secretary. Lucretia Levy, Mathematics; Michael JACQUELINE FLENNER, Lewis, Sociology; Oscar Lewis, Anthro- SHARON WOLFE, pology; M. Lieberthal, Institute of Secretary-Treasurer. Labor and Industrial Relations; D. H. ^ You may call on me for further support Lindley, Physics. of this appeal. Richard J. Loftus, English; Royal B. Mac- - ^ I enclose a contribution of $,- toward Donald, Music, Richard Malter, School further publication of'this advertisement. Psychology; David R. May, Psychology; Name ----------- J. P. McCollum, Horticulture; Warren Address -_-______-. L. Meinhardt, Spanish, Italian, and -? Portuguese; Steven P. Meshon, Lin- SOUTHAMPTON MONTHLY guistics; Milton O. Meux, Bureau of MEETING Southampton, Pa. Educational Research; Charles W. Mig- non, English; David Mills, Psychology; The Southampton Monthly Meeting of the Nancy M. Minahan, Psychology; Mar- Religious Society of Friends authorizes Nor- jorie Moretz, Mathematics; David E. man E. Polster to present his deep concern Muller, Mathematics; Bruno Nettl, that the destruction of life and property in Music; Leonard N. Neufeldt, English; Vietnam cease and the tasks of rebuilding Kennalee Ogden, Educational Psychol- and healing envisioned by the President be ogy; George H. Orland, Mathematics; taken up without delay. C. E. Osgood, Institute of Communica- Minute from the meeting of the Southamp- tions Research; M. H. Pahoja, Agricul- ton Monthly Meeting held in Southampton, a major war. The possibility of a nuclear war cannot be ignored. Our present policy, instead of preventing the spread of communism, has bad the effect of alienating the people of South Vietnam and of other southeast Asian countries. Mr. President, we urge you to halt the war in Vietnam by initiating the following courses of action: The United States should cease its attacks on North Vietnam. A conference of all parties to the conflict in Vietnam should be convened to negotiate a political settlement in Vietnam. To prevent a repetition of the tragedy of Vietnam, an international conference should develop guidelines for the peaceful settlement of disputes throughout southeast Asia. Oliver Aberth, Mathematics; Gary Adel- man, English; Eqbal Ahrnad, Political Science; Joseph A. Albert, Psychology; Thomas J. Anton, Institute of Govern- ment and Public Affairs; Mark Appel- baum, Psychology; Suzanne Appel- baum, University Press; David E. Asp- nee, Physics; Joyce Aspnes, Physics; K. C. Atwood, Microbiology; Terrance Auger, Education; James S. Agars, Bo- nita S. Baker, English; Sheila Baker, Psychology; V. Lewis Bassle, Bureau of Economics and Business Research; Ed- win G. Belzer, Jr.; Health and Safety Education; Howard J. Birky, Psychol- ogy; Lindsay M. Black, Botany; Rich- ard J. Bloesch, Choral Music; Victor Bloomfield, Chemistry; Van Bluemel, Physics; Robert Blum, Music; Thomas L. Bohan, Physics; Kenneth A. Bowen, Mathematics; Niels W. Braroe, an- thropology; Herbert Brun, Music; Edward M. Bruner, Anthropology; Geoffrey Bruun, History; Mary M. Burdette, Music; Robert Carroll; Mathematics; W. Ellison Chalmers, Institute of Labor and Industrial Relations; Lee Chesney, Art; Milt Cloud, Computer Science; Carl Cohen, Philosophy; Anthony J. Conger, Psy- chology; Daniel Curley, English; Philip W. Curry, Institute of Labor and In- dustrial Relations; Lawrence J. Daley, Music; E. E. Davis, Psychology; James D. Davis, Mathematics; Natalie H. Dav- is, Botany; D. G. Bourgin, Mathe- matics; Sylvia Dugre, Microbiology; Phillips L. Garman; Institute of Labor and Industrial Relations; J. Goodis- man, Chemistry. Mahon M. Day, Mathematics; John J. DeBoer, Education; Milton Derber, In- stitute of Labor and Industrial Rela- tions; Robert Dippner, Psychology; James A. Donaldson, Mathematics; Ben E. Drake, English; Don E. Dulany, Jr., Psychology; Elizabeth G. Dulany, Uni- versity Press; Murray Edelman, Politi- cal Science; Jonathan Eisen, Institu- tute of Labor and Industrial Relations; Mary Nell Eldridge, Student Counsel- ing; David R. Ewbank, English; Peter S. Farrell, Music; Marianne A. Ferber, Economics; Marian I. Fertik, Speech and Theater; Ross Figgins, Division of General Studies; Morris W. Firebaugh, Physics; Jacqueline W. Flenner, Com- puter Science; Roderick G. Forsman, Psychology; Robert M. Possum; Mathe- matics; Merlin J. Foster; Computer Science; Dale Franzwa, Communica- tions; Helen Franzwa, Speech; Ken Garrison, Mathematics; John G. Gaz- ley, History; Gene Gilmore, Journal- ism; Eleanor Gilpatrick, Bureau of Economics and Business Research; Betty Glad, Political Science; Edwin L. Goldwasser, Physics; Fred M. Got- theil, Economics; Norman Graebner, History; John W. Gray; Mathematics; R. Jeffery Green, Bureau of Economics and Business Research; Allan C. Greenberg, History; Gordon Green- matics; Sherman Paul, English; Claude Penchina, Physics; Donald R. Peterson, Psychology; Joseph D. Phillips, Bureau of Economic and Business Research; Norman Potter, English; Robert J. Pranger, Political Science: Mary B. Price, University Press; Richard H. Price, Psychology; Alexander L. Ringer, Musicology; T. Thacher Robinson, Mathematics; Philip Rogers, English; Walter Roosa, Music; Joseph W. Rud- min, Physics; Betty Lynn Rueckert, English; William H. Rueckert, English; Yohko Sano, Institute of Labor and Industrial Relations; C. B. Satterth- waite, Physics; Herbert I. Schiller, Bu- reau of Economic and Business Re- search; Robert L. Schneider, English; E. J. Scott, Mathematics. Joan E. Berber, Psychology; W. H. Shoe- maker, Spanish, Italian, and Portu- guese; Art Sinsabaugh, Art; Harry J. Skornia, Radio and Television; Thomas 0. Sloan, Speech; David Q. Smith, Eng- lish; Sherre Owens Smith, Fine Arts; ANNA S. MORRIS, Clerk. CONCERN ON VIETNAM OF MEMBERS OFSOUTH- AMPTON MONTHLY MEETING OF FRIENDS In his speech of April 7 our President has pointed out certain goals of our presence in Vietnam with which we are in cordial agree- ment. He has stated that, in that country, we seek nothing for ourselves--only that the people of South Vietnam be allowed to guide their own country in their own way. He has, furthermore, mapped out a great pro- gram of development in southeast Asia which might permit us, in close cooperation with the other nations of the world, to heal the scars of war, to improve the conditions of life, and to replace enmity with cooperation for the common good. He has, finally, an- nounced our readiness for "unconditional discussions" as a way toward terminating the bloodshed and destruction which are now engulfing not only South Vietnam but, through our bombing forays, North Vietnam as well. Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 i? Approved For Release 2003/10114, : CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 April 21, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE I We are in full agreement with these ob- jectives and this approach and urge our rep- resentatives in Congress and the departments of our Government to give them their un- stinting support. However, we submit that not only our declarations, but also our ac- tions, must change if the desired goals are to be realized. Specifically, 1. We. must halt our bombing raids on North Vietnam, which have been extended increasingly to civilian objectives-roads, railroads, powerplants, bridges-with a hu- man toll which is unknown to us. The wanton destruction of the fruits of hard labor in a country which is not rich will not convince its inhabitants of American in- terest in their welfare, but only spread the notion that "the American invader is the enemy of the people." 2. We must include the National Libera- tion Front or the Vietcong in our openness for unconditional discussions. Whether it is a creature of North Vietnam, as our State Department has contended, or a broadly based nationalist movement comparable to the French resistance in the Second World War, as Shunichi Matsumoto, investigator for the Japanese Government, a firm sup- porter of our policies, has found, the immedi- ate conflict in South Vietnam is between the National Liberation Front and Vietcong on the one hand and the South Vietnamese, Government and American forces on the other. If the killing in South Vietnam is to stop, a cease-fire must be arranged by con- sultation between these two groups. A final settlement will without doubt have to be reached by negotiations which would in- clude North Vietnam and the broad range of nations with interests in southeast Asia. Our goals in these negotiations have been spelled out by the President. Presumably they would include the withdrawal of out- side military forces from South Vietnam, and the holding of elections under the supervi- sion of International Control Commission or United Nations teams to ascertain the man- ner in which the people of South Vietnam desired to be governed. We must contem- plate the possibility that, if these elections are truly free, they may express the desire of the people of South Vietnam to be re- united with their brothers in North Vietnam under a government with primarily Com- munist orientation. The force of nationalism would seem to render such an outcome prob- able unless Vietcong terror has alienated the people even more than American bombings, burning s, and gas. Yet, if we are true to our word, we must abide by the outcome, what- ever it is, Doing so, we will support the cause of law in the world, enhance confidence in American motives, and strengthen our sense of national purpose and leadership. We shall have demonstrated that respect for the dignity of the human person which we seek to have acknowledged everywhere. Shirley Garth, Marlies Harper, Robin Harper, Robert Horton, Anna S. Mor- ris, Elliston P. Morris, Elizabeth Pols- ter, Norman Polster, Edward Ramberg, Sarah Ramberg. SOUTHAMPTON, PA., April 15, 1965. FRESNO, CALIF., April 16, 1965, Senator WAYNE MORSE, Washington, D.C. HONORABLE SIR: I deeply appreciate your opinion on the war in Vietnam. And I feel that the Nation owes you a debt of gratitude for daring to state-It in the face of almost unanimous opposition. I am a registered Republican because I think we, opposition party. But alas, on at least three major issues that are de- stroying our Nation, and our civilization (war, liquor, and finance) there is no longer any difference between the two parties. This means that we are fast becoming a one-party government. And one-party government in- evitably becomes a dictatorship. What to do about it? If reactionary Re- publicans continue to rule the party, the die is already cast. An effective coalition of con- servatives and liberals is impossible. This seems to leave a new party, with new leader- ship, as the only hope. The last election showed that the voters no longer merely rub- ber stamp the party label. So I am convinced the time for an independent party is now. But the fiction is out which says "third parties cannot win." In 1860 the Republi- cans won as a third party. With intelligent leadership it might happen again in 1968. The need is fully as great as in 1860. I be- lieve all we need is leadership. But time is running out. So hurry. Sincerely yours, Rev. W. R. WILLIAMs. FIRST METHODIST CHURCH, DES PLAINES, ILL., April 17, 1965. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I am counting on you to step up your pressure against our stupid policy in Vietnam. I do not in any way wish to be classed as being the same group as the so-called leftist student demon- stration, but someone must try to bring some sanity to our foreign policy, Let us stop bombing North Vietnam. Let us defend South Vietnam so long as necessary, but by all means let us avoid the possible confron- tation with Russia in North Vietnam. We should rather be weaning Russia away still farther from China, not throwing them in each other's arms. Also may request your concern over the possible strike. One more problem would be too much. May I urge Federal intervention if necessary. Sincerely, WOODLAND HILLS, CALIF., April 14, 1965. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I Support fully your position on the war in Vietnam. Continua- tion of the war is not only destroying life and'property in Vietnam, and turning peo- ples in the underdeveloped nations against the United States, but is also eroding democ- racy here. It is becoming commonplace for the Government to manage and distort news, and lie to the people. Your efforts to penetrate the blanket of mass media distor- tion are a great service to the preservation of peace and democracy around the world. Sincerely, ST. Louis, Mo., April 15, 1965. DEAR MR. MORSE: You are putting your fin- ger on the meaningful point when you say that the war in Vietnam is not the American people's war. We were given a choice only between Johnson and Goldwater by the pro- fessional political organizations financed by big business which choose the candidates. This is little choice, and I frequently heard the opinion expressed during the campaigns that it was choice between the lesser of two evils. It turned out that the candidates were per- fectly agreed on foreign policy, or more likely, that both were committed to the same foreign policy laid down for them by the big business men who financed both campaigns. Goldwater Said frankly that he intended to escalate the Asian war, while Johnson kept his mouth shut except to chew barbecue, and the result was that Goldwater was buried for his frankness. He said John- son was the biggest phony in Washington, and now we know in our hearts that the general was right about that, anyway. The hot and cold wars through which the taxpayers have been bilked of huge sums annually for years are for the financial bene- fit of big business thriving on Government contracts. It is the representatives of big business who really run this country because they support both political parties. Their greed for profits has increased our national debt to topheaviness dangerous to our econ- omy, and has destroyed our freedom under the pretense of protecting it from commu- nism. The American voters no longer have much say about how their country is run, as witness the war. Johnson ought to be impeached for the Bobby Baker affair. COLUMBIA, MO., April 13, 1965. Hon. SENATORS CHURCH, GRUENING, MCGOV- ERN, and MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATORS: Although I am not one of your constituents I wish to commend the strong stand you have taken against the of- ficial policy on Vietnam. It seems that the preelection talk of being a "peace President" has been replaced by acquiescence in the plots of our military es- tablishment. Instead of a sane, realistic, compassionate policy toward the people of southeast Asia, we have regressed into a sav- age play for power, which will make us the most hated nation on earth, if indeed, the whole earth is not destroyed as the result of our cruel stupidity. The $3 billion spent fQr war in that area should have been used for the Mekong River development and other such projects. It's not too late to admit our mistakes, and call on all concerned to meet under U.N. super- vision to work out a humanitarian settle- ment. Maybe China needs help with a hydroelec- tric project, too. I feel that what we do in the next few days will ruin or strengthen the U.N. depending on whether we act outside or inside its "good offices." The press of many countries reflects a loss of faith in our integrity, and fitness for leadership. May you continue your good work. Sincerely and respectfully yours, LENA GREENLAW (Mrs. J. P.). LONG ISLAND CITY, N.Y., April 17, 1965. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: May I please ask you to consider the letter to President John- son which appears below. If you feel that you can support the suggestion contained therein, a formula for ending the fighting in Vietnam, won't you please detach the letter, sign it, and mail it to the President? I should also be most grateful to get your considered reaction to the proposal. Yours most sincerely, IRviNG AMDUR. P.S.: A number of foreign policy specialists have been of help to me in formulating this proposal. Won't you please take a hard look at it and do something with it if it makes sense to you? Date : President 'LYNDoN B. JOHNSON, The White House Washington, D.C. DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: Although your recent offer to negotiate unconditionally with North Vietnam was one of the most morally im- pressive utterances ever made by an Amer- ican statesman, it is now apparent that we must go further if we want to end the destruction of human lives and the possibil- ity that the conflict might escalate beyond control. The proposal outlined below could further strengthen our moral case, prevent further damage to the Soviet-American rapproache- ment, reinforce the U.N., shift the struggle Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 7844 in Vietnam from the battlefield to the ballot box, and yet safeguard our aims, interests, and friends in Asia and elsewhere. I propose that we induce the Saigon gov- ernment and the Vietcong to agree on the following terms: 1. An immediate cease-fire; 2. Temporary occupation of South Viet- nam by a neutral force, assembled either by the U.N. or by an ad hoc grouping of neutral .powers and consisting of troops and general officers from countries acceptable to both the government and the insurgents; 3. Surrender of all arms by the govern- ment and the insurgents to the occupying command; 4. Withdrawal of all American, Soviet, Chinese, and North Vietnamese personnel to points outside the borders of South Vietnam; 5. Assignment by the Saigon government and by the Vietcong of their fighting men in equal numbers to the occupying command which would proceed to form mixed mili- tary units consisting half of government and half of Vietcong personnel; 6. The gradual phasing out of troops from the neutral countries and the replace- ment of them by the mixed units which would operate under either a Neutral or a U.N. Command and retain an absolute monopoly on military equipment; 7. Division of Vietnam into electoral dis- tricts equal in population for the election of delegates to a constitutional convention which would frame a constitution stipulating that there shall be: (a) elections every 2 years, (b) guarantees that all parties are to have complete freedom to participate in elec- tion campaigns, (c) a provision similar to ar- ticle 9 of the Japanese Constitution, an ar- ticle which would renounce war as an instru- ment of the foreign policy of South Vietnam and would prohibit government authorities from ever raising an armed force exceeding that required for legitimate Internal police functions (which would continue to be sub- ject to supervision by the U.N. or the ad hoc grouping of neutral powers) ; 8. Massive economic and technical aid to South Vietnam, and possibly also to North Vietnam, through the joint efforts of the United States, the Soviet Union, and perhaps the United Nations. I beg you prayerfully to consider this pro- posal which might conceivably end the dan- ger of the eruption of World War 111. Yours most sincerely, For additional copies of this appeal write to: Dr. Irving-Amdur, 2115 84th Avenue, Long Island City, N.Y., 11106. FLUSHING, N.Y., April 13, 1965. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I am a resident of the State of New York and so I did not have the opportunity of casting a vote for you. However, I feel that you are representing me. I have written to my New York Senators urging them to speak out in opposition to the present policy on Vietnam. I shall con- tinue to express my belief that our present policy is a wrong and dangerous one. However, I felt that I did want to express my gratitude to you for your forthright posi- tion. You are really acting in the beat in- terests of all the American people, as well as for the Vietnamese and all the peoples of the world. All of us have cause to be glad that you are in the Senate of the United States. Sincerely yours, Ms-s. MARIANE KULICK. SEATTLE, WASH., April13, 1965. Senator WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAa SIR: As our son goes to Washington, D.C. to visit you with a number of like- minded young people, I thought of'asking you again to discontinue the U':S. self-sub- scribed role in Vietnam, that of fighting. The 1954 Geneva Conference held the an- swers for today's conflict there. Initiate an official cease-fire there now, to reduce the present tension there, here, and abroad. Promote a plebescite in Vietnam under V.N. auspices. Pave the way for worldwide disarmament achievement, and withdraw all foreign troops everywhere. I am glad to see the growing number of Congressmen in favor of withdrawing men and materials from Vietnam and looking to- ward a peaceful solution. Thank you, Sincerely, Senator WAYNE MORSE, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: In my ninth grade social studies class, we have been discussing the crisis America faces in South Vietnam. I favor military withdrawal from this na- tion with continued economic aid. From our discussion, it has become apparent that Americans must think it a sacrilege to ques- tion their Nation's actions in a conflict that theoretically could become global. It is a frightening thought to think that the United States may be precipitating a far greater war by carrying the conflict across South Viet- nam's border. Another thing that makes this war an enigma is its nondeflnition. Although Presi- dent Johnson delivered an address to define the war in Vietnam, I feel certain that his nebulous terms and assorted tangents did not placate the parents of those who have been lost or killed, nor did his speech en- lighten the public greatly. The talk only reiterated the American obligation and Ideal. I commend your efforts and ideas concern- ing America's policy in southeast Asia. I hope you, your associates, and interested Americans can make a case for withdrawal and perhaps for a conference of nations to conclude fighting and launch a program to rebuild wartorn South Vietnam. Sincerely, SANTA BARBARA, CALIF., April 13, 1965. Senator WAYNE MossE, Senate Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I would like to ex- press my approval of your stand on the U.S. position in Vietnam, and urge you to continue speaking out on important issues. It was a statement of yours that sent me to the library to read all I could find on southeast Asia and to inquire as to how this country became involved there. All the information that I could find leads to a confirmation that our country's position Is morally wrong. President Eisenhower's posi- tion was wrong, President Kennedy's posi- tion was wrong; President Johnson's position is unconscionable. We who lov?'our country would, as Dr. Pauling said, like to see her near the top in the listing of moral nations instead of near the bottom of the list. Judging from the letters to the editors in our local newspaper, there must be many more people than myself who feel that our policy in Vietnam Is shameful and should April 21, 1965 be altered. An editorial in support of Gov- ernment policy on Vietnam brings a spate of letters lucidly spelling out our errors in that area. It seems to me that a foreign policy that isolates our Nation from contact with up- ward of a billion people (i.e., China and Russia) and seems to depend more and more on warlike actions and Intimidation by threats of nuclear war to maintain it's posi- tion, needs to be reviewed. Please do continue to speak out on vital issues. Your speaking out not only chal- lenges one to search out the truth or error of your premise, but also gives aid and com- fort to citizens who sometimes view Govern- ment actions with uneasiness of conscience and even alarm, but feel that they are un- able to truly justify their views in opposi- tion of the learned columnists and editorial writers. Yours truly. SAN CLEMENTE, CALIF., April'8, 1965. Hon. WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: It is heartening to hear your voice raised against the policy of our Government in escalating the war in southeast Asia. The increased bombings were supposed to bring the hostilities to an end in perhaps less than 2 months. In- stead, they are threatening to bring China and perhaps Russia into a war. When can we learn that retaliation only brings on more countermeasures and solves nothing? Keep up your good work in protesting and publicizing our continued use of violence and threats. Let us try to reach a civilized settlement before it is too late. Sincerely, Los ANGELES, CALIF., April 16, 1965. President LYNDON B. JOHNSON, White House, Washington, D.C. DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: We are appalled at the contradictions between your statements and your actions. How can you say you are for independence and freedom in southeast Asia and yet deny the Vietnamese the right to determine their own affairs by free elec. tions, under international supervision, as promised in the Geneva Convention? How can you say you want peace, yet or- der the dropping of bombs on North Viet- nam? How can you offer "unconditional negotiations" to North Vietnam and Red China-knowing full well that by omitting mention of the ones who are actually wag- ing this war, the South Vietnamese NLF, you are thus creating not only a "condition" but an impossible obstacle. We agree with the 2,700 ministers, priests, and rabbis who, in a full page ad in the New York Times of April 4, pleaded with you to stop it in the name of God. The longer your present policy of brutal military assault on the Asians continues, the more will you drive them into the arms of the Commu- nists-thus creating the very situation you so dread. Your daily escalation of the war will win you the hatred not only of the Asians, but all the peoples of the world-including the Amelcan people, as our youth is slaugh- tered so needlessly. We urge you to stop doing the bidding of those war hawks who are advising you, or you and your family will wind up in an early grave, together with all the American people. Listen, instead, to the counsel of Senators GRIIENING, MORSE, MCGOVERN, and. CIIVRcss. Stop this murder before it is too Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 April 21, 19 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SATE?_ Date. , Leave. Asia to the. Asians and-tend our own problems here at home. Lock iinowa..we have enough of them; overcoming poverty and unemployment; reconversion of industry from war to peace (so that our economy won't depend on maintaining wars to keep from crumbling); guaranteeing equal rights to our Negroes and other mixiorities; spreading our affluence around among our own people, as well as the world, and showing, by example, not bombs and death, that democracy can be better than communism. Please, Mr. President, do not bring the judgment of God upon our Nation. Put an end to war, or it will pirt an end to us. Very sincerely concerned, ;,Mr..and Mrs. S. EHRLICH. P.8,-Pleaae do not send me any more ex- planations from the State Department. We are sick of these rationalizations for meting out death. Notht g short of stopping-the war will satisfy us. NATIONAL COUNCIL OF THE CHURCHES OF CHRIST IN THg U.S.A, New York, N.Y., March 31, 1965. Hon. WAYNE MORSE. DEAR SENATOR MoasE: Impressed with the growing gravity of the Vietnam situation, leaders in the National Council of Churches have taken two actions and we share them with you in view of your responsibilities along with the President for U.S., foreign policy. Among our constituency across the coun- try, increasingly strong and insistent con- cern is being expressed about Vietnam de- velopments. Many questions are being pressed as to the direction and decisions o3 our Government, and whether they mean a drift toward war, Now, special importance and encouragement are being attached to the statement of President Johnson on March 25, emphasizing again the principle of restraint and the willingness for honorable negotiajion, and indicating the possibility of a peace offensive in terms of new initia- tive for economic, political, and social devel- opment which can help to make viable, Stable, independent nations in that whole area. We hope that such initiatives will find a real response. among peoples in Other parts of the world and among all in our own Nation having responsibilities in developing and carrying through such an imaginative program for peace and human betterment. The deep concern of our constituents across the Nation is clear. On the basis of the meaning of religious faith and ethics for events in Vietnam, Insofar as facts, could be known to us, our president, Bishop Reu- ben H. Mueller, telegraphed President John- son, February 15 copy enclosed. This was also sent to the UN.. Secretary General and the Secretary of State. Further concern was expressed by church leaders gathering from all parts of the country and meeting of the west coast in our policymaking body, the general board. After - deliberation, they adopted the February 26, resolution, enclosed. For your information reviews aoout Viet- nam among church leaders In other parts of the world are enclosed: the World Council of Churches' statement from its commission of dom, affecting the lives of our people and others around the world. Sincerely yours, KENNETH L. MAXWELL, Director. The PRESIDENT, The White House, Washington, D.C. DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: In pursuit of policies long advocated by the National Council of Churches, we welcome your repeated state- ments that the purpose of the U.S. Gov- ernment in actions in Vietnam is not to escalate war but to open the way for negotia- tions and peaceful settlement. We realize something of the tremendous complexity and the awesome significance of the situation. We are concerned that con- tinuing efforts be made to create conditions for honorable and effective negotiations, We feel it is Imperative that all parties involved live up to international agreements already entered into conducive to peace with justice, and that they exercise the utmost restraint by ceasing infiltrations and subversion and deeds which threaten to escalate the military action Into a wider war which would benefit none and do vast harm to all. We would urge, too, that all nations seek peaceful means for settlement of conflict and the development of that area, as in the Me- kong River project, making use of the United Nations and other channels as will be most effective, for the sake of the people of Viet- nam, the best national interests of all, and the peace of the world-hopes which we, as Christians, share with people of other faiths and men of good will everywhere. Be assured of our appreciation for your seeking to exercise restraint and your earn- est efforts to find peaceful ways to deal with this extremely complex and critical set of issues. You and other leaders in our land and in other countries involved are in our prayers that you and they may be enabled to lead us all into the paths of peace with jus- tice and freedom. Sincerely yours, I REUBEN H. MUELLER, President, National Council of the Churches of Christ in the U.S.A. RESOLUTION ON VIETNAM ADOPTED BY THE - GENERAL BOARD FEBRUARY 25, 1965 ,Recognizing the concern of the United States for the freedom and independence of all peoples; Acknowledging our responsibility to the people of South Vietnam who have been de- pending upon our aid; Expressing our distress at the continued violence, war, and loss of life of all the peo- ples involved; Believing that mankind must learn to set- tle its disputes around the conference table rather than on the battlefield; Welcoming the initiative taken by the Sec- retary General of the United Nations in the present crisis and sharing his conviction that, "only political and diplomatic methods of negotiation and discussion may find a peace- cooperate, they being worldwide and we a Conscious that there are many difficulties national organization, but we are not ox- and dilemmas facing our country in negotia- ganioally related. tions_ for political settlement, but mindful We have appreciated the debate of, issues also of the seriousness of prolonged military re Vietnam in the Senate and we trust that conflict, the danger of escalation of hostili- there will be continuing fulfillment of this ties, and the possibility of a third world war. important function, the expressing of vaxi- The General Board of the National Council ous views on this critical issue in the high- of Churches urges the U.S. Government: eel deliberative body in our Government. To engage in persistent efforts to negotiate Be assured of our prayers and appreciation a -cease fire and a settlement of the war for your services in your critical role in our which will attempt to achieve the independ- national lee as dgeieions, Are made toward ence, freedom, and self-determination of the 7S4 To utilize United Nations assistance in achieving a solution and in seeking to reduce the area of conflict by effective border con- trol and internal policing; and To give bold and creative leadership to a broad international development program for the Mekong region and to continue full- scale U.S. economic and technical assistance where necessary. The general board pledges support and co- operation in the urgent tasks of reconcilia- tion and reconstruction in Vietnam. SOUTH VIETNAM (A statement on certain lines of action by the chairman and director of the Com- mission of the Churches on International Affairs, Sir Kenneth Grubb and O. Fred- erick Nolde) In the complex and explosive situation of Vietnam today, where precise information Is not at hand, caution must characterize both appraisal and public utterance. As officers of the CCIA, we have been in touch with a number of our regional and national commissions of the churches on internation- al affairs, particularly those of the East Asian Christian Conference and of the National Council of Churches of Christ in the United States, and thereafter have issued an in- terim report on South Vietnam. In speaking now more specifically, we do not seek to pronounce judgment but rather to voice the deep concern of millions of Christians in the World Council of Churches; to identify our- selves with the tragic lot of the people of Vietnam; and to suggest certain lines of action which we believe merit consideration. The effort to solve the problem of South Vietnam by military measures to offset acts of calculated Infiltration or subversion is bound to prove futile. While conceivably results of a temporizing nature may thus be achieved and the stage set for negotiations, the risk of escalation is an ever-present dan- ger, and critical world public opinion espec- cially among the peoples of Asia will inevi- tably increase in depth and volume. Our commission has over the years held that justice will be more fully served and world order under law better advanced by processes of peaceful change and peaceful settlement. We believe we reflect a widely held conviction In calling upon all parties foreign to South Vietnam to exercise the ut- most restraint by ceasing on the one hand acts of infiltration and subversion and on the other consequent military measures which may result in enlarged conflict. This is a first requirement, and if it is not met negotiation for a solution will become in- creasingly difficult if not impossible. The United Nations Secretary-General has said that means must be found urgently, within or outside the United Nations, of shifting the quest for a solution away from the field of battle to the conference table. We are convinced that this can be done and that it can be done honorably, but only if false pride in facesaving is abandoned and there appears a readiness to take necessary risks without guarantees of success in ad- vance. The shift from the battlefield to the conference table will not be facilitated if the United States awaits a clear signal from North Vietnam, or if North Vietnam awaits the withdrawal of. U.S. forces from active participation. A new attitude of cautious venturesomeness is needed if catastrophe is to be averted. Various suggestions have been made as to how the parties concerned could be brought to the conference table and all should be looked into carefully. They include re- course to the United Nations, recognizing the disadvantage that the Peoples Republic of China has not been seated; response to initi- atives of the United Nations Secretary Gen- Approved For Release 2003/10/14- CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 7846 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE April 21, 1965 era.l; utilization in some form of the 14- Power Conference, realizing that the com- mitments made in 1954 have not been suffi- ciently honored and that the machinery there set up has proved ineffective; the use of ad hoc representation by great powers- notably the U.S.S.R., the United Kingdom, and France-in whom the interested powers may `have sufficient confidence. We see in addition to these yet another 'possibility which should be adequately explored. While the whole world is concerned with the prob- lem of South Vietnam, governments in the area who are not involved in the conflict are nevertheless most immediately and vitally involved in the total situation. Their good offices might serve to bring into negotiation the parties in conflict or responsible for the conflict. The objective which we believe should be sought by all is a situation where the people world--Christ-what a joke, freedom, an- other joke. This economy is dead, dead, dead. 'People borrowing money to pay their income taxes. We have a tax curtain. It makes sense-that if we had a sound monetary system, the Communist system won't get nowhere in this country-but why are we so afraid? It is because our political system'ls rotten. How did Ike get his farm? I have always admired your work. No use writing to these nincompoops in California-one thinks he can dance and sing. I don't know why, he never proved it, now he wants to live on tax money. Thanks, C. MACOMBER. LrrrLE SILVER, N.J. Senator MORSE, The Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: You are no doubt in my mind the greatest Senator in our times. From your brave stand in the early 1950's opposing Senator McCarthy (and you almost stood alone then and as now) to the present stand in Vietnam you deserve my heartfelt thanks. The cry over the entire country must be "We should not have gotten in, we should not have stayed, we should get out." of South Vietnam are permitted to seek what seem to them to be the best solution for their problem, and one which satisfies the demands of peace and security in south- east Asia. The expressed will of the people of South Vietnam or the decision of a gov- ernment freely chosen by them-taking into due account the common concern of all peo- ples-is the essential justification for the presence of foreign forces on their territory. We know how difficult it will be to insure that all foreign intervention based on force or the threat of force shall be removed and that the people begievn an opportunity to express their desires. It may be that here again governments in the area who have much at stake could provide the manpower for observation and direction on the scene whereas , other governments proceeding through Impartial channels could contribute to the financial costs. We cannot overlook two factors of long- standing concern which play adversely into the present -situation in Vietnam. In the first place the inability of the United Nations to deal with the problem as it should is in no small measure attributable to the absence of the Peoples Republic of China from its de- liberations and decisions. The continued artificial isolation of some 700 million people is a dangerous situation and may well aggra- vate the intransigence of the government in effective power-an intransigence which has thus far made peaceful solutions in the area difficult or impossible. In the second place, peace will be endangered or only precariously maintained so long as one side supports wars of liberation and the other side provides military support for the defense of freedom. A frontal approach to these two problems may well at this time result in failure. However, ingenuity motivated by good will should be able to create a situation in which there emerges a coincidence of interests and it becomes possible to override hostile atti- tudes and conflicting ideologies. In this troubled world, Christians as well as all men of good will can find their obliga- tion and opportunity, in the struggle to con- vert_,evil into good and to make what is potentially destructive redound to the bene- fit of mankind. We pray Almighty God who rules and overrules our tangled history that such may be the course of events in South Vietnam. DEAF SmR: Am writing you in regard to the disgraceful way we are bombing in Viet- nam. I guess the United Nations don't apply to us, it makes one ashamed to be born in America. Where we bomb women and kids and schools, maybe someday we will get it back, then what? Are we always going to bully the rest of the world to our way of thinking? Which I don't think is so hot. We are taxed to death and still in debt up to our eyes, free Los ANGELES, April 15, 1965. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I enclose a Drum- mond column from the Los Angeles Times of the 13th and a Chamberlain column from the Herald-Examiner of the 12th, aimed at you particularly-a nasty slur or two. Have answered sharply both gentlemen- and they will not be happy with my letter. When even Senator JAVrrs says his mail is running 50 to 1 against our role in Vietnam am afraid its the columnists who are misled as to popular feeling. Regarding the Cham- berlain statement on the use of private letters in the CONGREssIONAL RECORn, I assured him I am certain most writers would be happy to have their Vietnam views publicized par- ticularly because the press has failed to carry the bulk of the criticism but is con- ducting a virtual campaign to escalate a real war. The "polls" are very unreliable as we know-especially since they are not truly representative and they are belied by the evidence on every hand-I have yet to talk to anyone who approves Vietnam-not all write letters. ERMA DUTTON. actions which Mr. Johnson has taken in the last 2 months to show Hanoi that aggression will not pay. There is no weakness, no vacillation any- where in the address In which he expounded those actions. His message is clear. To our beleaguered ally, South Vietnam, to our adversaries in Hanoi and elsewhere in the Communist world to the American people who bear much of the pain and cost, he made this total commitment: "We will not be defeated. We will not grow tired. We will not withdraw"- until the aggression ceases. I believe that the Nation will be over- whelmingly relieved that he said It. But the President made it equally clear that the United States does not put one single condition, one single barrier, not even one diplomatic breath in the way of our willingness to discuss an end to the war. In his Johns Hopkins speech he told every- body that the United States stands uncon- ditionally ready to begin "unconditional dis- cussions." To the 17 neutral nations he said, in effect: Yes, we will talk; see if Hanoi will, too. This is a crucial clarification of Johnson policy. The President is saying that we will talk with the aggressor even while the aggression. persists, that we will talk with Hanoi even if the infiltration of men and arms from, North Vietnam continues, that we will nego- tiate and defend--simultaneously. Does this mean that the United States is going to negotiate away the independence of South Vietnam? Does willingness to un- dertake "unconditional discussions" mean that there would be no conditions on the re- sults of such discussions? I can say with knowledge that it means no such thing. It means that nothing will keep the United States from the confer- ence table except the absence of Hanoi. It also means that we will have only one ob- jective to take to the conference table: the Independence of South Vietnam and its free- dom from future attack. Mr. Johnson makes this vital point: If Hanoi wants to talk and continue the ag- gression, we will talk and continue the pres- sure until the aggression is ended either by negotiation or by any other means. He assures Hanoi-and the world-that we seek no overthrow of the North Vietnamese regime, no military base in South Vietnam, and that we stand ready to give enlarged assistance to any cooperative effort in which the nations of southeast Asia would collec- tively join. The President is saying that defending South Vietnam successfully is not a road to war; it is the road to peace. [From the Los Angeles Herald-Examiner, Apr. 12, 1965] U.S. LETTERS HELP Sovxxrs (By John Chamberlain) (Calif.) Times, Apr. [From the Los Angeles 1ge1 s6 No FURTHER DOUBTS ON VIETNAM (By Roscoe Drummond) President Johnson's strong and lucid re- port on Vietnam to the Nation-wand to- the world-leaves nothing 1p doubt. Three consequences flow from it: It will, I am certain, decisively unite the American people behind what Is being done and whatever still must be done to success- fully defend South Vietnam from aggression. It puts the onus totally on Hanoi for refusing to seek a peaceful settlement by opening talks with the United States. It will enlist for the United States mount- ing support from world opinion-particularly the 17 unalined nations which have appealed for negotiation. It will do so because the President says that he will talk with the ag- gressors or other nations any time under any circumstances without any conditions. I am convinced that only weakness and vacillation on the part of the President in his commitment to defend South Vietnam could divide the Nation. There is no weakness, no vacillation in the Do you want to know how Moscow's Prav- da, the official news organ of the Soviet Communist party, is'dealing these days with American attitudes toward the Vietnam crisis? The Issue for April 2 is an astounding eye- opener, and it makes one wonder about the naivete of Oregon's off-beat Democratic Sen- ator, WAYNE MORSE, in presenting the Soviets with opportunities for scoring a major propaganda triumph. What has happened is that a number of letters to Senator MORSE from his admirers and, supporters have turned up in Pravda as grist for the Communist peace propa- ganda mill. The letters are from all over the United States. A man from San Francisco writes Morse that today the "supreme manifestation of pa- triotism Is to be in opposition to the Govern- ment." Someone from Detroit accuses Lyn- Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 A roved For Release 2003/10/14: CFA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 .April 21, .T y6~5 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD = SENATE don. Johnson of following the policy of that Maniac,. Goldwater, in southe"tt.4sla. PREFERS IMPRIS9NMF?NT An abject fellow from a town in Indiana Writes that "if.. my country demands my service in this war, I would prefer imprison- ment. tnever thought that the day would come when I would have to say that I am ashamed of being an American. But that day has arrived." Pravda has printed the names of Senator, MORSE'S correspondents. I refrain from pass- ing them along because I assume that most of the letter writers would, on due reflection, be ashamed of the. anti-American use to which their words have been put, (He as- sumes too much.) The Russian reporter who has used the let- 'ters to Senator MORSE is S. Vishnevsky, That Mr. Vishnevsky is a partisan distorter of the worst order is proved by the use he has made, in the same Pravda Issue of April 2, of a column written by my colleague, William S. White, In the particular column in question Mr. White poured scorn on the handful of pro- fessionally anti-American Americans who continually run down their country, calling it "ugly America," "guilty America," and so on. But Mr. Vishnevsky, ignoring the whole thrust and meaning of the White column, quoted selected bits from it to prove that America is indeed a guilty nation. True enough, Senator MORSE did not hand the correspondence directly to the Russian -reporter. 'The letters may be found in the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD. It is one thing to carry on a campaign against White House policy as part of a great debate over the issue of American interest in southeast Asia, but isn't it something else again to make presumably private letters available for use by anybody? U,S. POPULAR FEELING Can, you imagine the embarrassment that Would have been caused back in 1940 to patriotic members of the America First Com- hlittee if their letters to Congressmen had found their first news exploitation in Dr. Goebbels' press in Berlin? We may be sure that Senator MORSE wanted his mail to make an impression on the White House, but S. Vishnevsky stresses the point that none of these letters have be= published in local papers. I am sure that many Americans, including Oregonians who voted for him, are ashamed of Senator MORSE'S naivete In permitting Itussins to be misled about popular feeling in the United States, The polls indicate that a majority of Americans have , backed Lyndon Johnson's policy of standing by our promises to the South Vietnamese. In helping to pass along to the Russian YORBA LINDA, CALIF., - April 16, 1965. DEAR MR. MoRsg.: I (10,40t wish to smother you with stupid and vain compliments, but I do wish to commend you. I support you 100 percent on Vietnam. I wish to express my appreciation for the won- derful job you and Mr. GRUENING are doing in fighting the war hawks. Whether you succeed or not, I know you will know you have fought the good fight. Yours truly, BOB BLAIR, CLEARWATER, FLA., Senator WAYNE MORSE, April 16, 1965. Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C.: I have written the President about bomb- ing in North Vietnam. Please keep up your opposition. Mrs. ISABEL S. CLARK. APRIL 17, 1950. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Again I wish to ex- press my appreciation of your strong stand against our military policy in Vietnam and your comments on the President's speech at Johns Hopkins. I am glad to have heard your excellent speech on the same campus several weeks earlier. Very sincerely, LILLIAN M. KLOPPEL. APRIL 14, 1965. DEAR SENATOR: By passing the Vietnam resolution, Congress abdicated constitutional responsibilities, and gave President Johnson power greater than De Gaulle's or Khru- shchev's. When people protest Johnson's war, Con- gress replies it has no further control over the ..situation and Washes its hands of it. Who then, are the people to petition? A mounting disaster, the foolish work of President Johnson, appears irreversible un- less Congress acts to take back the powers so casually handed over. Yours, PORTLAND, OREG. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: We make an urgent plea for your continued effort for United Na- tions intervention in Vietnam. LESLEY MCCORMACK. Tom RossEN. We support a cease-fire in Vietnam and immediate application of U Thant's formula for negotiations. NINA GRABOI. MICHAEL GRABOr. people the palpable lie that America as a DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Thank you so much Whole is ashamed about honoring its com- for the support that you have on the war mitments Senator MORSE may be doing his in Vietnam. own cause of peace a great disservice. Please continue to uphold peaceful means For wars are most likely to come when to avoid a nuclear war. We need more peo- great powers misread each other's minds. ple like you that want to see worldwide peace. I appreciate your interest very much. GREELEY, COLO., Sincerely April 17, 1965. Mrs. CHARLES MEADE. Senator W4Ya MORSE, Senate Office Building, TEANECK, N.J., Washington, D.C. - April 17, 1965. DEAR SENATOR. MORSE: I have,the honor to Hon. WAYNE MORSE, receive your regular newsletters. I wish to Washington, D.C. commend you for your stand on the Vietnam DEAR SENATOR: May I express appreciation situation. I am dismayed at what is going of your efforts to clearly reflect the Viet- on there, and reel that our Government's namese situation to the American people. position and actions are reprehensible. The After studying the facts leading up to to- Idea of our bombing raids with numbers of day, I am really appalled and ashamed of planes against a nation, which by .news ac- American foolish and harmful policy. I did counts has almost no fighting air force. Our think President Johnson would see the light, punishment of North Vietnam it seems to me but apparently if he does he's hiding it. is out of proportion to what they have done I only hope that his leadership is gaged and will be useless. y to draw the greatest backing, to enable him Yours very truly, to guide our policy in a more intelligent and E. JACOBS. humane way. I know that you and other Government leaders will do everying in your power to have the United States adopt policies de- signed to lead us into more idealistic action than we sometimes follow, in particular strengthening the UN. Sincerely, GROVE CITY, OHIO. Senator WAYNE MORSE. DEAR SENATOR: We appreciate the stand you have taken on the war in Vietnam. We have been a savior in times past for many small nations I know, and sometimes I wonder if the war is justified in Vietnam. Communism is a terrible thing if the re- ports are true, but we must work for peace sometime, so why not now. ALMA E. TAYLOR. TANNERSVILLE, N.Y., April 15, 1965. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Please accept my cordial good wishes for a blessed Easter. They are accompanied by the hope that you will continue to speak and act against pro- longation of the war in Vietnam. My friends and I are with you wholeheartedly. Sincerely yours, MARIQUITA PLATO V. FEMININE TOUCH Editor, The Hackensack (N.J.) Record: To all American women under 40 and over, married or single, with children or without, housewives, or jobholders, organized or unorganized, churched or unchurched, plain or fancy: we have something valuable. Social scientists are saying that we have qualities superior to the male's-intuition, adaptability, resourcefulness, ingenuity, peacekeeping and negotiating ability, pa- tience, tact, understanding, and compassion. They are even saying that women should be represented in the councils of decisionmak- ing, since men have brought the solution of conflict by war to Its limits. If President Johnson happened to be Madam President, his intuition (defined by H. L. Mencken as a sharp and accurate per- ception of reality) would have told him that chemicals are being used to gas innocent villagers in Vietnam. It is quite clear that the President needs an overwhelming dose of feminine persuasion to counteract the effect the warhawks have had on him. He finally identified himself with those try- ing to put Negroes on a par with whites; he could finally identify himself with the majority of Americans who are appalled at our militant action in Vietnam. United States officials even admit that most Vietnamese people don't want us in their country. We certainly aren't making the world a better place for them. And we are defying the United Nations, our own re- peated verbalizations that the. best hope for peace lies in the United "Nations, and the urgent pleas to negotiate coming from Secretary-General U. Thant and countless other statesmen and leaders. President Johnson will listen if hundreds of women will take the time to write a short but urgent note expressing their concern. When casualty lists start coming in together with other evidence that we are involved in a brutal war-worse than the suffering going on down South-damage will be great. For years we shall have to compensate for our foolish and harmful ways. MRS. RENA KAMENA. TEANECK, N.J. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Easter you-a man, of peace. Please greetings to continue to Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 7848 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE April 21, 1965 resist the insane and criminal policy of the "war howls" in our Government in the war in Vietnam. Your recent piece in the New York Times was the most intelligent and humane article by anyone in the Govern- ment. The eyes of the whole country are on you and mothers like me look to you as a leader out of this terrible, cruel war we are sacri- ficing otir sons to in Vietnam. Help sanity to prevail. NEW YORK, N.Y., April 18, 1965. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: We have written to tthe President asking for the immediate cease fire negotiations on Vietnam and the adoption of U Thant formula in further talks. It seems logical that the cessation of our air raids on North Vietnam should be the logical prerequisite to any meaningful diplo- matic activity. Sincerely yours, BERKELEY, CALM, April 16, 1965. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. - DEAR SENATOR: I have just written to President Johnson the following letter: "DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: As a loyal taxpayer and registered Democrat I 'wish to protest your action in Vietnam. Please stop the bombings and killings. Only you can stop the war and I pray that you will have the courage to do it immediately. "In protest. "P.S. To Presidential staff : Do not bother to acknowledge this letter but instead mail It on to Mr. McNamara or Dean Rusk to read." My letter to you is to thank you for your clear stand on Vietnam and to let you know that I. am a solid supporter of yours here in Berkeley. I am writing to you to urge you, to .continue your very line work in the Senate and to tell you that many are begin- ning to, take notice of your views here in Berkeley because the national syndicated col- umnists (for and against you) are mention- ing you. More power to you. Please let me know if there is anything I can do here in Berkeley to help you. If letters help I will gladly write to congres- sional members, etc. Do protest marches around the White House do any good? What can the concerned citizen do that will help stop all this Vietnam madness? Yours truly, BABRARA LEIGHLY, Mrs. John B. NEW YoRK, N.Y., April 16, 1965. CLEVELAND, OHIO, April 17, 1965. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: The world already knows our military strength. Now let us show our moral strength by (1) immediate cease-fire in Vietnam; (2) immediate use of U Thant formula for negotiations. HOn. WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. MY DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I recently came across some historical material about the ori- gins of World War II which I think are ex- tremely topical in our own times. The en- closed article, -which appeared In the Port Clinton, Ohio, Daily News,, resulted from this. I should point out that I was one of those who' thought that Sir Robert Vansittart was right, that the free world should rearm against nazism. But until now -I had no idea that Sir Robert's thinking was so far off base, so impractical, so useless. In our own era, Sir Robert would be a "hawk." But, I think, a "hawk" should do more than to lead his people to war-he should weigh the consequences of his advocacy. Sir Robert, obviously, did not. As to the sorry role played by Ian Colvin, "the man who started the war," one cannot help but wonder if we don't have his likes whispering into the ears of our "hawks" to- day. If the quality of the information he gave in 1939 had not been so completely wrong, the mutual defense pact with Poland might not have been concluded. Yet, I ask myself, was this bad? It was, after all, the only morally correct step taken by the Anglo-French entente in those dismally im- s - r l da . y a mo Still, it is hard to say that our own politi- curity under the League. But Vansittart was cal calculations in southeast Asia are based the man who destroyed the League by being on firmer ground. the real brains behind t he Hoare-Laval Yours sincerely, Treaty. The idea behind this treachery STEPHEN G. ESRATI. against Ethiopia was that it could buy the friendship of Mussolini. [From the Port Clinton-Oak Harbor (Ohio) Daily News, Apr. 14, 19651 STEVE LOOKS AT THE NEWS (By Steve Eerati) What might be called "The Secret History of the Origins of World War II" is still being written. With each publidation of memoirs, each new snippet of previously unknown infor- mation, the jigsaw puzzle slowly falls into a discernible whole. But the entire story remains to be told as the governments release their official papers in drips and drabs. One man who played a large role in at- tempting to rearm Britain throughout the period of Hitler's ascendancy was Sir Robert Vansittart, a man who performed as a 20th century counterpart of Rome's Cato (who re- peatedly told the Roman Senate, , Delenda est Corthago," or "Carthage must be de- stroyed"). Vansittart was permanent undersecretary of the Foreign Office from 1930 to 1937. He clearly saw the threat of German rearma- ment and, as captured German records now show, repeatedly exaggerated the actual Ger- man state of preparedness. tarized zone in Germany's favor. And I would restore her colonies to Germany. In return for these offers we should extract from Germany a return to Geneva disarma- ment and a formal renunciation of any ter- ritorial designs in Europe, including aims of at absorptions of Austria and Czechoslo- vakia." Commented the British historian A. J. P. Taylor: "This was curious advice. _ Great Britain and presumably France were to give way to Germany over the colonies, where they were comparatively strong, and were to re- sist her over Austria and Czechoslovakia, which they had no means of doing." And so the Germans remilitarized the Rhineland without objection from the British or French. Next, they forced the unification of Austria with Germany. You know the And so Britain ended up fighting alone. Playing a peculiar part in all this was a British newsman stationed in Berlin, Ian Colvin. Sir Winston Churchill pinned ever- lasting fame on Colvin by calling him "The man who started the war." The time was 1939. British ministers con- sulted Colvin before the conclusion of the British guarantee to defend the borders of Poland against German aggression (a moral guarantee that could not be exercised though the Rhineland could have been defended.) The Polish Pact was made known March 31, 1939. The invasion of Poland began Sept. 1, 1939. Here is what Colvin told the British minis- ters in March: "'rhe Germans may attack the Poles to- morrow, the next day, the day after, in a week." (He gave March 28 as the most likely date.) Colvin is said, by Taylor, to have told the ministers that Hitler was unpopular in Ger- many because of his persecution of the Jews in the synagogue attacks of Nov. 9, 1938. Many German officers were. said to have been eager to overthrow Hitler. "A British guarantee to Poland would help Hitler's opponents within Germany. The duly given. It committed arantee make bleating sounds. He warned. He 5- Great But he had no plan with Great Britain and France to fight for a prophesied doom. country which they could not aid; it de- which the free world would defend itself stroyed such slight chance as there was of against the threat of Nazi supremacy. alliance with Soviet Russia. Yet therehad In fact, Vansittart was the godfather of been no German preparations for an attack the Hoare-Laval Treaty which helped doom on Poland; there had not even been a deci- the the free world had t defend sion by Hitler to go against Poland; there was iteelf against f nchance ts Nazo-Fascist threat. no effective movement against Hitler in The time was when the Fascists invaded Germany," Taylor writes of Colvin's advice. Ethiopia. Forty-two nations agreed to con- Why write about these almost forgotten demn Mussolini's aggression and to apply today? sanctions under the League of Nations evenWe, ts too, have our hawks and our doves. Covenant. We have our foreign correspondents who re- writ lsh a foreign famous speech, Sir Samuel Hoare, port what one side or the other wants to secretary, pledged that hat Britain read. We have highly placed officials who would standby the convenant. But, instead, have been predicting the withdrawal of he had come to an agreement with French Americans from Vietnam after a victory that Premier Pierre Laval to do nothing of the recedes further into the future every day. sort. Sanctions were not applied the and poison Who will earn the title as "the man who then pass Canalgas, was then still owed e British, in through unlimited quan- Suez started World War III?" tity. By May 1936, the Italians had captured Addis Ababa and the world had stood by as Emperor Haile Selassie had appealed in vain to the League. What Hoare and Laval had agreed to was predicated on Vansittart's theoretical and completely impractical theory that the great democracies could stop Nazi conquests in Austria and Czechoslovakia. In 1936, Vansittart wrote: "We should do all we can to secure better treatment of Ger- man minorities (in non-German countries). And I would certainly dispose of the demili- ARLINGTON, VA., April 16, 1965. Hon. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MoasE: For the past few months I have followed your statements over television and in the newspapers, regarding our presence in Vietnam. I feel that your position is correct and that we should not be there, and want to encourage you to con- tinue to express your views. VFry truly yours, GLENNON N. MESNIER. Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 April 21, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE ,..HARWICH PORT, MASS? , April 17,1965. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Thant you for your courage and initiative in asserting your con- gressional prerogative. to point out the dan- gers and immorality of our war in Vietnam. May you press on with all vigor to halt these bombings before we have reached the "point of no return." Sincerely, IONA S. FIIzGERALII, Mrs. H.S. April 15, 1965. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I support you and Senator GRuzNING in your opposition to the war in Vietnam. We should never have gone in, we should not have stayed in, we should get out. Like it or not, there can be no peace unless we agree to leave. If we refuse, the fighting will continue until we either escalate the situation into a major debacle or a major catastrophe. We cannot win. I oppose the bombing of North Vietnam because. (1) it won't have the intended effect; (2) it's in- humane; (3) It could lead to World War III. In general, am highly critical of our foreign policy and most unhappy with the Presi- dent's advisors.. Sincerely, WOODY BANES. P.S.-I call your urgent attention to 'the April 12 issue of the Nation pertaining to the appalling scandal in foreign aid to Iran. BALTIMORE, MD., April 19, 1965. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Thank you for your forthright, courageous, and thoughtful com- ments and statements on Vietnam. Power to you. Sincerely, ELEANOR ANI1 BILL BRAINARD. A. STATEMENT BY THE IOWA YEARLY MEETING OF FRIENDS (CONSERVATIVE) We are deeply concerned by the develop- ments in South Vietnam. The increasing casualties of Vietnamese on both sides and of Americans fill our hearts with sorrow. The cruelty of using incendiary bombs in- discriminately over a whole region causes anguish, horror, and shame. These methods of warfare, the enlarge- ment of United States combatant forces, and bombing of North Vietnam seem to us breaches of international law, the United Nations Charter, and especially of the Ge- neva accordgf 1954 which the United States promised to respect. 'We urge our Government and our coun- trymen to reconsider their present attitudes, to ask for an immediate ceasefire, and to start negotiations toward a coalition gov- ernment on a broad popular basis with mu- tual guaranty of amnesty to members of the previously warring factions. We hope for neutralization of the whole area of the former French Indo-Chinese Federation un- der the guaranty of all the states which signed the Geneva accord of 1954, the United States and the United Nations. We also urge generous support of far reaching regional development plans by all the powers, dip- lomatic recognition of North Vietnam, and close economic association between North Vietnam and a South Vietnamese state, in- dependent from, but friendly to her neigh- bor to the north. If peace is our goal we have to realize that true peace can never be reached by vio- lence. Even an almost impossible victory in the civil war by our present and extended bomb- ings of North Vietnam, and the employment of large American. land forces could only bring about an. insecure. absence of open hostilities, Also there is the threat of al- most certain intervention of North Viet- namese and Chinese armies if we extend the war too far. True peace can only be achieved through understanding and cooperation toward goals which. further the interests common to all concerned. The United Nations' secretary general's proposal for a Vietnamese peace conference included plans for utilizing the United Nations' Special Fund project for the Lower Mekong River Basin as one of the bases for opening negotiations. It is not too late yet to accept this suggestion, and to use our money, influence and technical skill Lot the benefit of the whole Indo Chinese re- gion and Thailand, instead of squandering them in a lost civil war. On behalf of Iowa Yearly Meeting of Friends (Conservative), SARA EMMONS, Interim Clerk. Hon. WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, OXFORD, OHIO, April 15, 1965. Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR Sm: I have followed with consider- able interest in your pronouncements on the situation in southeast Asia. I agree with your sentiments In many instances and offer my support for you. Certainly something must be done at the earliest moment. I am wondering if you maintain a mailing list for newsletters to your constituents. If so, I would greatly appreciate having my name placed on such a list so that I may fol- low your views on Vietnam and other issues more closely. My sincerest best wishes for continued suc- cess in representing your State and the Na- tiop. Sincerely, DAVID JEROME REITH. CAMBRIDGE, MASS., April 16, 1965. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: As a concerned Amer- ican citizen, I would like to express my sup- port for your courageous and perceptive op- position to the present policy in Vietnam. Your presence in the Senate is a heartening comfort to those who feel the present mili- tary involvement both unjust and inhumane. With sincerest respect, COURADE JAFFE, Hon. WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR MR. MORSE: Just a word of encourage- ment to let you know that I am in complete agreement with your views on the Vietnam struggle. I believe that the vast majority of our people, though inarticulate, share these views. May we soon see an end to this murderous business Which has brought unspeakable havoc to a long-tortured people and which, if unchecked, can involve all of us in ruin. Thank heavens, we have a few men in Con- gress who, like you, are not afraid to take a stand. I predict that as the chorus of oppo- sition to present policies swell (and it Is swelling) you will find yourselves joined by some of the more timid who perhaps feel as you do but lack the courage to say so. Sincerely yours, HERMAN W. RICHTER. CLAREMONT MEN'S COLLEGE, Claremont, Calif., April 18, 1965. MY DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Like a good many of my friends I find myself wondering if our behavior in Vietnam is really in the na- tional interest. If the United States is in danger, is this place the most advantageous place to make a stand against our attackers? If, as some allege the troubles in Vietnam are 7849 in the nature of a civil war is it in our in- terest that we should be intervening on one side or the other of a civil war in a small country several thousand miles away? I am not in the least anxious for us to be in a war but if it is in the national interest to be in one should be not go through the formality suggested by our Constitution in regard to such matters; i.e., have Congress declare war? Much general discussion of the incredible news about what we are doing in Vietnam ends on a note of uncertainty because many of us feel uncertain about the accuracy and completeness of the news we are receiving. Should not Congress ask for more news and more complete news and share it with the public? Sincerely, WALTER B. SMITH. WABAN, MAss., April 18, 1965. Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Applaud your efforts in our behalf and in behalf of world orga- nization and peace. May you continue your effort with in- creased support for your views from your colleagues. Very truly yours, RAYMOND B. ROBERTS. Hon. R. VANCE HARTKE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR HARTKE: Since receiving your letter and speech concerning Vietnam, I have been intending to write. The news broad- c?sts about more than 20,000 students dem- onstrating in Washington against the Viet- namese war pushed me into expressing my agreement with their viewpoint. I hope that my beloved country will aban- don this cowardly policy of bombing Viet- namese. Surely there can never be any worthwhile objective gained from such ac- tions. Our children and grandchildren will have to reap the hate from this as surely as Americans today reap the hate sowed by slavery and serfdom in our own country. Furthermore, the military superiority that enables us to attack Asians with no fear of retaliation upon our homeland will not last forever. Already the Chinese test nuclear weapons. I believe I speak for many who voted for you when I say that the various viewpoints Of Senators MORSE, GRUENING, MCGOVERN, and FULBRIGHT (to a lesser degree), are more to our liking than those expressed on the Senate floor by yourself and Senator BAYH. In fact your position, and that of the President, remind me of ex-Senators Jenner, Capehart, Goldwater, and ex-Congressman Bruce. I believe that both Indiana and the Nation have progressed to a point where we see the fallacy of negotiation with bombs and bullets. May I take this opportunity to compliment you on your attempts to strengthen the voting rights bill. My wife agrees, generally, with my opinions. Sincerely, STEPHEN OLIKER. P.S.-I belong to no radical organizations, hold a white-collar job in private industry and am a Democrat generally. This is my own letter. Hon. WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. BRONX, N.Y., April 16, 1965. DEAR SIR: As one, of many Americans, who is becoming more and more alarmed by the Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 7850 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE April 21, 1965 scientific communication (Korzybski). See my "plaint," "Interpersonal Relationships- Sadness, Alarm, and Chagrin," published by a crusading editor, John H. Tobe, in the Pro- voker, copy of which is enclosed. A state- ment of my background is also enclosed. I hereby volunteer my services (and I would refuse payment) in any manner what- soever to assist you in making a contribu- tion toward world tranquillity. Respectfully, JAMES EDWARD HUGHES. P.S.-I repeat my offer of volunteer service. J.E.H. policy of escalation in Vietnam, I feel the policy you have been advocating is the only one that can bring peace to area and avoid another world war. I have written to the President, my Senators, and Congressman, asking them to adopt the policies you have been stating. You have my full support in the stand you are taking to prevent another world war. Sincerely yours, ANTONIO L. BEONIO. HOUSTON, PA., April 13, 1965. HOD. WAYNE MORSE: You are to be commended for opposing escalation of war in Vietnam. Thinking Americans are dismayed. We cannot under- stand that the President honestly believes he is doing right. I can imagine you are discouraged and think you stand alone, but remember God is always on the side of right and peace. Neither are you as alone as you may think. The Korean war is still in our mem- ories. We were afraid of an atomic war then-we are afraid of one now. We have written to the President asking him to turn away from military advisers. Will you keep trying to show him your con- viction in this matter? - Mr. and Mrs. HOMER H. WAGNER, SACRAMENTO, CALIF., April 15, 1965. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. MY DEAR MR. SENATOR: I thank you sin- cerely for continuing to speak out in the Senate and elsewhere about our indefensible policy in southeast Asia. Since there are so few voices to oppose that policy, we urge that you not become discouraged, but continue your active op- position to our strikes against nations with whom we are supposedly at peace. We pray that you continue to hammer away on this every Week or every day. Each time some few Americans may begin to think and to question. This Is our only hope. With heartfelt gratitude, I am, Yours sincerely, MARY GOODWIN DANIELS. WASHINGTON, D.C., April 16, 1965. BOOKS--To MAZE You THINK, To BRING You HEALTH, To ENLIGHTEN AND ENTER- TAIN INTERPERSONAL RELATIONSHIPS-SADNESS, ALARM, AND CHAGRIN Any conscionable person who meditates on current interpersonal relationships cannot but be sad-and alarmed. And one who is familiar with the work of Alfred Korzybski and Sigmund Freud must also feel chagrin that much of so-called man's inhumanity to man therein might be due, in. large measure, to the ignoring of their concepts. Millions have known about Freud's basic contribution as to tricks played by the sub- conscious, although few are aware that in his "Civilization and Its Discontents," pub- lished in 1930, he then thought man had discovered the means of destroying him- self "to the last man" and decision rested on "struggle between Eros and Death, between the instincts of life and the instincts of destruction." Probably fewer are acquainted with the -communication concepts of Count Korzybski. He came to this country prior to the Second World War, did work with patients at St. Elizabeths Hospital and wrote extensively about our errors in the transmission of thought, including "Science and Sanity" of over 1,000 pages. As Freudian ideology furnishes guides to greater individual insight, such as in aware- ness of projection, identification, and trans- ference, new ideas on communication are made available by this Polish mathemati- cian aimed at avoiding statements which are not in accord with the facts of reality, which can cause illness, and which facilitate de- tection of such errors in others. It was his opinion that If statesmen had understood the utterances of Hitler the carnage wrought by that sick person might have been avoided. It would be futile herein to attempt any summary of Korzybski's formulations. Man does not readily change his heritage of val- ues and any attempt to explain his work meets withsome of the same errors in think- ing which he tried to eradicate. But one of his most important contributions was his emphasis on unwitting piling of abstraction on abstraction until there is such polarity of words in communication that group conflict Is almost beyond man's ability to under- stand, let alone settle. Such either/or ap- proach, whether it be in terms of liberal/con- servative, Negroes/whites, freedom/slavery, et al., harms the health of humanity and re- Hon. JACOB K. JAvrrS, - U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR JAVITS: Please add my name to those who concur In the appeal of the Clergymen's Emergency Committee for Viet- nam of the Fellowship of Reconciliation as published in the New York Times on April 4, 1965. I would change the address thereof to Mr. President: In the name of the people of the world, stop it. Months ago President Johnson said he did not want to get us into war with 600 million Chinese, but sometimes the right hand does not know what the left hand is doing. As of this moment, Senators MORSE and McGov- ERN are the true statesmen of this Nation and in the pattern of the greatest world statesmen of my time-the late President Kennedy. Several years ago in a letter published in '' local newspaper; I could have been the first to speak of an accidental war, quoting from Dr. Freud's "Civiliation and Its Discontents," published more than 30 years ago, in which he mentioned man's ability to wipe out the human race. Now the theme is common- place. In the last analysis, the murder of inno?? cent people, including Americans, in Vietnam is but a war of words-the battle of capital- ism versus communism. This tragedy could be generated only by unconscious motivation (Freud) and high-level abstraction or un- tards the beneflctent evolution of culture. Notwithstanding the immensity of scien- tific achievement in other fields, there ap- pears to be, indeed, cause for sadness, alarm, and chagrin about man's relationships with his fellow man. Unscientific communication could be the most important factor in a "struggle between Eros and Death" JAMES EDWARD HUGHES. JAMES EDWARD HUGHES Entered Federal service as stenographer and (following graduation from Georgetown University Law School) advanced to classifi- cation of trial attorney. Fifteen years with Navy Department as head of correspondence section (including mail for signature of Franklin Delano Roosevelt, ghost writer, and auditor. Ten years with Division of Mental Hygiene, U.S. Public Health Service, doing State law compilations -- and medico-legal writing (including brochure on eugenic- sterilization laws and decisions), admission of first narcotic-addict patients to hospitals, and as Legal Adviser. Twenty-three years with Solicitor of Labor on Davis-Bacon, Walsh-Healey, Fair Labor Standards, and Longshoremen's and Harbor Workers' Com- pensation Acts. Author of articles, letters, and book reviews. Admitted to practice before U.S. Supreme Court, but not in practice. Office activities-: Elected member, U.S. Civil Service Appeals Board; president (two terms), American Federation of Government Employees lodge; delegate, two national con- ventions and District of Columbia Depart- ment, A.F.G.E.; president, relief association; chairman of supervisory committee (audit) and member of board of directors, Federal Credit Unions; charter president, bridge club. Other activities: Instructor in social legis- lation, Washington School of Psychiatry; Advisory Board, Santa Barbara Socialization Institute; courses in WSP, General Semantics at Department of Agriculture Extension School, Public Service Broadcasting at American University; board member, Na- tional Committee Against Fluoridation; pres- ident (two terms) Capital City Chess Club (duplicate bridge); vice president, Rock Creek Golf Club. Former member: American Bar Associa- tion, National Lawyers Guild, American Judicature Society, Institute of Criminal Law and Criminology, American Academy of Political and Social Science, American Acad- emy of Political Science, American Associa- tion for Social Psychiatry, Beaver Dam (now Prince Georges) County Club, Manor Coun- try Club. Member: Federal Bar Association, National. Lawyers Club, Georgetown University Alumni Association of Washington, D.C., Interna- tional Society for General Semantics, (Friend) the Minority of One, the World Peace Broadcasting Foundation (participat- ing), Washington Educational Television Association (sponsoring), the American Irish Historical Society (life), Soil Association (London), Washington Natural Hygiene So- ciety, National Kidney Foundation, National Travel Club, Boys Club of Metropolitan Po- lice, District of Columbia, Honorary Citizen of Boys Town, American Federation of Gov- ernment Employees, District of Columbia Association for Mental Health, Committee for a Sane Nuclear Policy, American Contract Bridge League (master), Brooke Manor Country Club, Hook and Slice Club, Rock Creek Golf Club, Capital City Chess Club. ALHAMBRA, CALnp., April 17, 1965. Hon. WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Having been a long- time admirer of your political actions and utterances, particularly an the Vietnam war, I felt constrained to write you and give you some of my Ideas on the problems perplexing our Nation and the world. There is no doubt the world is going through one of those cataclysmic changes that have marked the history of mankind since the beginning of recorded time. Babylonia, Persia, Greece, Rome, Spain, Great Britain, and now the United States have and are still trying to rule the world. Slavery, from absolute through serfdom and chattel to economic or wage, has been the lot of the workers through all history. The right of the strong and cunning to exploit the weak and simple has always been part of the law and morality of all ruling nations and peoples. We are now going through an era when the workers and Approved For Release 2003/10/14': CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 April 21, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE little people of the, world are demanding a change. They insist that their labor be ap- plied to the natural resources of the earth for the general welfare of all, instead for the private profit' of those who have in some manner taken possession of the wealth of the world. I am enclosing herewith some verses that I believe tells the story; "The March of the Hungiy Men." In, view of your expressed views on the war in South Vietnam, I am also enclosing my observations on the speech made by Presi- dent Johnson on the subject before the Johns. Hopkins Hospital group. I contend they are based on facts and the logical con- clusions arising from them. It is appalling that more people do not see where we are heading and what is being done to us under the guise of seeking peace and freedom. We are so brainwashed that most of us freeze into spells of fear and hatred at the men- tion of the word "communism." It is thus our rulers keep us quiet while they borrow and tax us into insolvency, waste the money on unnecessary military splurges. We are told we now' have enough atomic weapons to kill every person on earth 25 times, but we are spending` $56 billion this year for more military might. Perhaps that is why we are spending more billions on space ex- ploration; we must find some other people to kill in order to keep our military production going. Doesn't the present military, economic, and political program of our rulers give one the Impression we are a nation of fools gov- erned by a bunch of imbeciles? How else car we account for the low standards and ethics of our principles? The motivation of economic and political activities is competi- tion. This is the law of the jungle. Only the strongest and most cunning can succeed. All of our businesses and professions are oper- ated on that basis. "Caveat emptor," let the buyer beware is the rule. The Federal Gov- ernment, every State, county, city, borough, or other municipal unit has inspectors, in- vestigators, and examiners employed to keep the operations of free enterprise merely legal. There is no attempt to keep them moral or ethical. This causes operation by the rule of the four B's: bull, bluff, bribery, and bru- tality. Think it over; isn't this the way things are generally done under our system? I am also enclosing some verses on the kind of political campaign we are inflicted with these days. Each side tries to outdo the other in its denunciation of communism; or tries to convict the opponent of friend- ship or softness toward Communists. In the present mental and emotional condition of our people that is usually sufficient. But the fact that you and some other Members of the Senate and Congress are telling the truth gives us hope that sense and reason may be restored to our people. Then we can have a Government ruled by truth and jus- tice unclouded by a fog of fear and hatred. But I am afraid as long as we are trying to mix economic royalty with political democ- racy, the ferment caused, as in all ferments, will bring a scum to the top, with notable exceptions, of course. Thank you for letting me bother you. With all good wishes, I am, Respectfully yours, Cvaus A. DAVIS. COMMENTS ASQUT PRESIDENT JOHNSON'S SPEECH By Cysus A. DAVIS, ALHAMBRA, CALIF. Whoever wrote the President's speech on the var in ~lietnamfollowed.closely the pre- cepts of MachiaveYi's political doctrines and Hitler's, big' lie. it was a magnificent exhi- bition of concealing intentions with words. First; North-Vietnam, which is not attacir- ing the United States, but being bombed by U.S. planes, can have peace any time it ac- cepts the U.S. terms. These are uncondi- tional surrender of the right to give or allow the transportation of any and all assistance to the people of South Vietnam, who are rebelling against the puppet government we imposed on them, in violation of the Geneva Conference agreement. He made it clear and emphatic that we are going to maintain our fight to impose a government favorable to us on the nations of southeast Asia if we have to fight an atomic war to do so. The rest of the speech was an offer of bribes to those who will accept that kind of government. This is an example of imperialist tactics since the beginning of history. As long as the weak accept the domination of the strong on the strong's terms, they. can have peace. This is known as Roman peace as it was first named during the reign of that rapacious empire. It is the k+d of peace experienced by a man who is prostrate, with a robber sitting astride his body ransacking his pock- eta. As long as he submits peacefully he will not be injured. In fact, he may have some of his possessions returned to him as charity. Charity is a salve concocted to ease the conscience of those inflicting and the pangs of those suffering injustice. When Vietnam was divided into north and south nations, by the Geneva Confer- ence, it was agreed that no foreign govern- ment should interfere with them. They were to form their own governments and in 1956 held a plebiscite election to decide if they desired to unite. Foster Dulles, the U.S. delegate at the Conference, refused to sign the agreement and immediately, with the assistance of the CIA, of which his brother Allen was the head, installed a pup- pet dictator as the head of South Vietnam and moved in our financial and military power to support him. This is the modern form of imperialism. Hitler used it in his attempt to conquer the world. In fact, the name of his Norway puppet, Quisling, is the contemptuous title applied to such charac- ters. The people of South Vietnam rebelled against the dictator and the war started to dislodge him is still going on. The original dictator was ousted and murdered by a pal- ace revolution and military junta installed, which we immediately recognized. This in turn has been followed by several other palace revolutions installing other dictators and military juntas, all of which we rec- ognized and accepted, despite the demand of the people to elect their own ruler. These dictators and military juntas are the peoples governments the President said the Com- munists were trying to overthrow and we are going to maintain if it starts an atomic war. It has already cost us billions of dollars and hundreds of American lives with no observa- ble benefit, but the President says that un- less the people of Asia, and the world, agree to accept and endure this kind of imperial- ism, we will force it on them or destroy the world in atomic horror. In other words, we intend to rule or ruin the world. It is our way or none at all. The President stated all he wanted was to establish peace and freedom in the world. We have already described the kind of peace he wants to impose on the weaker nations. Let us examine the kind of freedom the United States is supporting all over the world. Every dictator in the world, upholding capi- talistic economy, is on our payroll. Most of them were installed by overthrowing a people elected government with a U.S. organized and financed revolution. Guatemala, Panama, Venezuela, and lately Brazil. All these coun- tries are recognized and supported by us. Chiang Kai-shek helped take over Formosa, where he slaughtered 65,000 of the. leading citizens in so doing. The people of Formosa had no opportunity to accept or refuse him. They have never had a chance to vote in a free and fair election ,whether they want to live under Chiang or join the Communist mainland. Yet under_.the pretense of pro tecj!ing their freedom, we are supporting their dictator financially, and keeping the 7th Fleet of the U.S. Navy between Formosa and the 7851 mainland to keep the Communists from re- moving him. We have even coerced the United Nations to seat him as the real China, while inducing it to refuse to admit the real China. The President's freedom is on a par with Roman peace. More submissiveness for the victim and more freedom for the robber. Suppose the Bay of Pigs invasion had been successful and the so-called freedom fighters had one-half of the island in their, possession. Suppose the Russians were helping Castro with air support, including the use of na- palm bombs, gas and corrosive acid to de- stroy villages, farms and vegetation held by the invaders; that the Russian navy captured or destroyed all the ships supplying the in- vaders with arms and supplies and finally started to bomb bases in Guatemala and Ni- caragua, would we accept their claim that they were doing so to bring peace and free- dom to Cuba? Our blockade of Cuba and the threat of atomic war on the importation of guided missiles into Cuba is the answer. How hypocritical can we get? In surveying conditions in our country and the attitude of the President, one is in- clined to wonder if we aren't in a throw- back to ancient times, and using the meth- ods of these days to solve our difficulties. Bread and circuses of the Roman empire are copied by welfare and pageants; queens are crowned for all kinds of public spec- tacles; games and parades, radio and TV programs keep them entertained and amused. Doles maintain our unemployed and subsidies our industries. Lately automation has taken the place of millions of workers, both skilled and unskilled, It is estimated that 40,000 workers are replaced weekly by automation. Big corporation profits increase as their labor cost decreases. The result is we have a rapidly increasing army of unemployed. They must be taken care of someway. In olden days when rulers were affected by such problems they declared war on each other and had the surplus populations killed off. That was easy for old absolute rulers. But in modern times different tactics must be employed, so the people affected will think the war is for some high and noble purpose, or to defend against aggression. Thus we are steeped in false and hypocritical propaganda about peace and freedom and resistance to aggression in order to brain- wash us into approving and supporting the war. The President's speech was a fine ex- hibition of that system in action. First, he butters up the people generally by announcing a program of welfare cov- ering social security, medicare and educa- tion. He will probably get it through the Congress and Senate, by assuring the spon- sors of the Members, that it will not be in effect long, if at all, by telling them of his plan to start an atomic war, which will re- duce the population to manageable propor- tions. This is like giving a condemned man a wonderful meal before his execution. So eat, drink, and be merry for tomorrow you may die. Then he has secret meetings with those members, who are in on the deal, and dis- tributes brochures to them showing how the contemplated war will work. It will dimin- ish the population of both Russia and the United States by from 100 to 150 million each. The extermination will be greatest in the large cities and urban areas where most of the indigent and unemployed live. (See Pearson's column in the Los Angeles Times, Apr. 9, 1965). The President and those in the know will hide in specially prepared bombproof shelters in the mountains in Maryland until the holocaust is over. (See Pearson's column at the time war threatened over Russian missiles in Cuba). Then the President and his cortege will emerge and compel the survivors to clean up and re- build the shattered cities for the privilege of living. This is the Fascist dream, Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-~ Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 7852 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE April 21, 1965 All this could be averted by allowing the people of each country to have a free and fair election in which they could choose their own rulers. If they wish to go Communist, it should betheir privilege. If they do not wish to remain Communist, they can revolt against that regime as well as they can against puppet dictators. Then we can help the people instead of the puppets. It is as simple as that. No rigged or ex parte elec- tions will do. They should be conducted by the league of nations through a committee composed of members of every economic and political belief. No election under the super- vision of the army of a supposed neutral nation will do. The election in Greece under the British Army supervision was rigged to return 70 percent for the royalty ticket, according to the officer in charge as related in Reynolds News. Then after a free and fair election, the chosen leader should be protected against any machinations to start a revolt against him, no matter what ideo- logical group seeks to remove him. It should be lawful to remove him by a vote of the people or the organization authorized to do so; like the vote of no confidence in England, or the vote of the politburo in Russia. The people of every nation should be allowed and protected in advocating and voting for any political or economical party or program they desire. And each party should be given equal and protected time to expound the tenets of their doctrines. That is real democ- racy. Two world wars in which hundreds of millions were slaughtered and trillions of property destroyed hasn't taught us any- thing. Three-fourths of the world's popu- lation live in poverty, including one-third of our own. Our Nation and all of its mu- nicipal parts are in debt up to their ears and going deeper. Crime and unemploy- ment are Increasing daily. Most of our agri- culture and industries are maintained by subsidies. The only remedies we are offered is more borrowing and spending and war on cominuntsm, which wants only to take and use the natural resources and industries of the world and operate- them, not for the ac- cumulation of individual wealth but for the general welfare. They want to substitute cooperation for competition in the economic affairs of the world. We are taught that makes them our enemies, even of our religion. I wonder if those who recite the Lord's Prayer "Thy Kingdom come, Thy Will be done on Earth as it is in I-leaven" do hon- estly believe that God concessions out the properties and services necessary to the oper- ation of Heaven to His favorites to exploit the population generally; or do they think He throws such concessions up for grabs so the strong and cunning can get control of them and use them to get wealthy at the expense of others. Don't you think we should reexamine our political and economic programs? N POLITICAL SESAME: A LA NIXON (By Cyrus A. Davis) It used to be a problem in this great Democracy, - - To acquire success in politics or fame of a degree, As a radio purveyor of scandal, news and such, For as columnist or writer it required a cer- tain touch. There was need of education and an under- standing mind, With a wide vocabulary of a strong convinc- ingkind. - There Were many weighty issues; many ques- tions were involved, And political aspirants were assessed on how they solved These ever pressing problems in the political lists, But all they need today is curses for the Communists. - The old time politicias who made the welkin ring, With their mighty perorations of the good their rule would bring, Now are stilled; for none will listen to the issues of the day, - Though the Elephant may trumpet and the Donkey loudly bray, From the sun of California to the rock bound coast of Maine; Prom the mountains to the oceans; from the city to the plain, Every platform, stage and pulpit, business, labor, racket, farm, Sounds and echoes to the clamor of the un- ending alarm, Of our self appointed Saviors grinding propo- ganda grist, Like a broken record playing, Communist, Communist. Wesometimes miss the glamor ofthe old red light parade, And the old spell binding speakers who their eloquence displayed. As they extolled their virtues and denounced opponents claims; Pointed to their deeds and honors and ex- posed their rivals shames. But today the politicians are more sinister and sly, And conceal their real Intentions in a patriotic lie. They canont expound a thesis in which they are so unversed, So they just repeat a slogan in which they have been rehearsed. To hide their lack of learning they scream and shake their fists, And denounce all their opponents as a bunch of Communists. If you seek for fame and fortune in the varied ways of men, There is one unfailing system to extoll your tongue or pen. You don't even need to spell it or define or understand; No one asks for explanations; all debate on it is banned. You can charge, accuse, and slander; disre- garding truth and facts, Without fear of an accounting for the re- sults of your acts. All your writings will be published; your opinions hailed as wise, Even though they lack coherence-Heaven help him who denies. Tame as a news commentator or note as a columnist, Waits for him who tries to teach us how to hate a Communist. Let us do away with wisdom, all the arts and liberty, Lest they delude and lead us into true democ- racy. What's the use of constitutions or the broth- erhood of man, When they provide protection for the com- munistic clan? Who depend upon our justice and rely upon our truth, Till we destroy our heritage in fighting them forsooth. For despite all our denials, here's a fact that still persists, We are losing truth and freedom in our war on Communists. THE MARCH OF THE HUNGRY MEN (Blessed are the poor for theirs is the kingdom.) "The lowly of earth are stirring, Like a giant aroused from sleep. As the host of a storm advancing; The rumble grows steady and deep. Give heed to the crowding masses- From desert, dungeon, and den; The tramp of the earth's forsaken; The march of the hungry men. "For the promise of old they gather; From the jungle and cave they came; Crawling, falling, and struggling; Through slaughter, famine, and flame. Theyfollow their crucified leaders To battle with tongue and pen- For the heritage God has promised The army of hungry men. "In the ease of their downy couches- Through the dreams of their pampered sleep; The Lords of the World are tossing, As terrors upon them creep; The clamor of starving millions Is ringing from crag and fen; While the city canyons echo The tramp of the hungry men. "in vain are the pleas to Jehovah; In vain the diversion of war; The people ere girding for battle Ask-'What are we fighting for?' For quarrels and spoils of the Masters, They will not be puppets again; But march now as brothers united; The legions of hungry men. "Through the fear of created darkness, As the dawn invades the night; They are coming, as it is written; Their banners ablaze with light. Tomorrow-as God has promised, Will come the fulfillment; when The kingdom will be given To the hands of the hungry men." They ask for bread and we give them bul- lets; for the wounds of oppression we offer the salve of charity. But eventually and inevitably, individually and collectively, we must account to and settle with eternity on the basis of truth and justice. NAPA, CALIF., April 11, 1965. Hon. ERNEST GRUENING, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR GRUENING: Our heavy hearts were eased by your informed and concerned plea for a cease-fire in Vietnam, at the San. Francisco Masonic Auditorium Sunday, April. 4. We indeed share your view that this is the most rational and feasible means of creating the proper climate for realistic negotiations. The American Friends Service Committee and other sponsoring groups, felt that the very responsive audience of over 2,000 was the largest peace meeting they could recall here. The periodic standing ovations must have convinced you of audience support and deter- mination to pursue every channel to per.. suade our Government to reverse its blindly dangerous military policy in Vietnam. While the President's address at Johns Hopkins University, had some hopeful as- pects, the consensus here was that the ad- ministration's position was too self-righteous and we were still pugnaciously assuming the role of "world policeman"; that those even slightly informed on the background of Indo- china simply cannot accept the dishonest propaganda reiterated so blatantly to sell our war strategy; that it is demeaning to one's intelligence. ' A large group here met Saturday night, April 10, to hear a radio rebroadcast of Steve Allen's objective coverage of the Viet- nam dilemma. Their expressed hope was that such rationality as you and he detailed should be acessible to all the Nation and that our policymakers ponder and imple- ment this wisdom even at this late hour. Again, we greatly admire and respect the effort, traveling-strain and time involved, which you have contributed so generously for our country and the world. We earnestly -pray for your continued health and strength. Gratefully, Mrs. GRETA SLATER. P.S.-There are many antiwar projects scheduled throughout the bay area for all Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 April 21, roved For Rel~6srf.aOO3/10/14: CIA-RDP67BOO446R000300150023-8 SSIONAL RECORD - SRIV A'T'R the coming weeks and are expressing marked ticipate. Hon. THOMAS KUCHEL, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. all those around us "Whereas the presence of United States enthusiasm to par- forces in Vietnam is in defiance of the NAPA, CALIF., April 13, 1965. DEAR SENATOR KUCHEL: In response to your letter received today on South Vietnam en- closing your views as outlined in speeches to the Senate, I am enclosing copy of my letter to Senator GRUENING. This expresses generally the feeling of all those we know and that of the various groups to which we belong. In fact, the opposition to, our Govern- ment's military policy in South Vietnam is so general it is noticeably uniting the com- mon voter of both parties in this shared protest., This feeling has been so predom- inant that many have expressed loss of con- fidence in achieving world peace through political channels and are delving into the potentials of a genuine people to people's movement. Qualified authorities on southeast Asia have made frequent references to the book, "The Battle of Dienbienphu" by Jules Roy (Harper & Row); also to "France Against Herself" by the Swiss author Herbert Luthy (Praeger, New York). It is planned by many interested here to have these books reviewed shortly at a,meeting concerning our Govern- ment's most unpopular military policy in Vietnam. In conclusion, the common comment is that one can not recall a situation where opposition to Government policy has ever been so unequivocal, articulate, and wide- spread as their position on South Vietnam. Sincerely yours, MIS. G. M. SLATER. (Senator WAYNE MORSE, we were not eased much by President Johnson's speech at Johns Hopkins University. Everyone is ter- ribly frightened at his adamant stand to pursue the killing policy.) CLEVELAND, OHIO, -April 15, 1965. SENATOR WAYNE MORSE: [From the Cleveland Plain-Dealer, Apr. 14, 1965] IT'S UP TO CONGRESS The language of the President's speech on Vietnam was eloquent, but unrelated to the realities of the situation, If a resolution were introduced in Congress to declare war against North Vietnam, the American people would overwhelmingly oppose It. The Congress of the United States has no right to place the responsibility or authority for this conflict upon the President. The Congress has no right to pass resolutions giv- ing the President the equivalent of the power to declare. war. The Vietnamese want the Americans to get out of Vietnam, and that is what we should have done long ago. France won't support the United States position and other NATO allies have given at most token sup- port. It is not our responsibility to go it alone in Vietnam, . If we continue to do that, we shall be embroiled in wars all over the world. Sincerely, UNITARIAN UNIVERSALIST FELLOWSHIP.FOR So- CIALJUSTICE, Los ANGELES CHAPTER, Los AN- OELES, CALIF, RESOLUTION ON VIETNAM, APRU,6,1965.. _. "Whereas President Johnson was elected on a peace-mandate and should respect the opin- ions of those who elected him; Geneva agreements; '"Whereas we are shamed by the actions of our country in Vietnam and revolted by the dishonest excuses and pretexts for this ag- gressive foreign policy; "Whereas the North Vietnam Government does not control the National Liberation Forces which are a legitimate and real move- ment of the South Vietnamese people; "Whereas our involvement in support of military dictatorships is indefensible; "Whereas the killing of men, women, and children and the use of chemical warfare on the false and arrogant assumption of defend- ing democracy outrages our moral senses; "Whereas the bombing by the United States of a sovereign country could very well end in a nuclear holocaust for all of us; "Therefore, We demand of our Government an immediate cease-fire in Vietnam and withdrawal of United States forces from that country." This resolution to be mailed to: President Lyndon B. Johnson, Vice President HUBERT H. HUMPHREY, Senator J. W. FULBRIGHT (chairman of Foreign Affairs Committee), Representative THOMAS E. MORGAN, (chair- man of Foreign Affairs Committee), Secre- tary Robert S. McNamara, Secretary Dean Rusk, Senator THOMAS H. KUCHEL, Senator GEORGE MURPHY, Representatives of southern California and other leaders in our Nation. FLUSHING, N.Y., April 17, 1965. President JOHNSON, The White House, Washington, D.C. DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: I agree with Senators GRUENING and MORSE that the war in South Vietnam is a civil war, that America has flaunted the Geneva Convention of 1954 and that we are aggressors. With this concept of the actual condi- tions, "unconditional discussions" merely sounds like a maneuver to shift world public opinion away from them toward us. Unless your humanitarianism and com- passion, so magnificently demonstrated in your struggle for the Great Society and civil rights extends, not only to all Americans, but to all the world, you and your adminis- tration will be condemned now and in the future, if there is any, by enlightened man- kind. I urge an immediate cessation of the bombings. I urge an immediate reevalua- tion of our policy in South Vietnam. I urge you to focus your compassion, humani- tarianism, and great powers of leadership on a genuine struggle for peace in that area of the world. Sincerely, LANSDOWNE, PA. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I am very much in opposition to the President on his Vietnam policy. I think the bombing should stop at once and all policy should be taken to the United Nations. There shouldn't be unilateral action in such a matter-that is for the body that represents the people of the world. Even more am I in opposition to those who would start a preventive war-who will use some excuse to bomb China. Johnson's blank check to use force in Asia should be revoked. I'm glad you and GRUEN- INo voted against it but am frightened that everyone else went along. Sincerely, CHARLES BUTTERWORTH. PETERBOROUGH, N.H., April 12, 1965. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Thank you for your courageous stand against our present policy in Vietnam. I agree with you and support your ideas wholeheartedly, Do please con- 7853 tinuePreto press your points until we persuade our sident to order cease-fire. Most sincerely, EMILY B. ANABLE. SENATOR MORSE: I am fighting this battle until' somebody like you tells me that it is in the national interest to desist. KEY WEST, FLA., April 15, 1965. Hon. SPESSARD L. HOLLAND, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR HOLLAND: I have the greatest sympathy for those of you up on the Hill who have to find "yes or no" answers to such awesome questions. I would do nothing to make your task more difficult. I also appre- ciate highly the gracious manner in which you express your dissent from me in the matter of Vietnam, and hope that I am reciprocating. Like you I deplore foreign aggression, in- ternational illegality, terrorism, hoodlumism, and the violation of solemn commitments by anybody, but I deplore them most when they are perpetrated in my name by my Government. The most honorable commitment we made with respect to Vietnam was the promise not to interfere in the implementation of the Geneva agreements of 1954. This promise was not kept. For details I refer you to the enclosed document, which I have hesitated to send you because the reproduction is so bad. Key West weather, perfect for most purposes, is not very friendly to gelatine sheet duplicating machines. My concern is that Americans know all the pertinent facts. In this matter both the administration and the news media have been remiss, and we cannot have democratic solutions to problems on these terms. To anyone aware of the facts, the President's recent presentation must seem something less than completely straightforward; this opinion seems to be shared by the most per- ceptive of our news commentators. Of course we have the power to destroy Vietnam, and we probably shall. But we shall live to be sorry. Sincerely yours, MORTIMER GRAVES. NEW YORK, N.Y., April 15, 1965. The Honorable Senator MORSE, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: We are all for you against U.S. policy in Vietnam. We pray every hour that the bombing and killings be stopped immediately. We appeal to your influence to stop the war in Vietnam. Sincerely, SANTA CRUZ, CALIF., April 12, 1965. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: This is to extend to you my most deep gratitude and support- as one of the pitifully few voices of society in our legislative body-on the subject of Vietnam-in the past as well as in the recent escalation of our war there. Since the mandate given to Mr. Johnson by thousands of us, particularly women, last November, we have to stand by and see the very policies we thought we were voting against, in the period of the (undoubtedly) Mr. Goldwater, being followed by what we now realize was the very directives from the military-CIA- industrial complex of which even Mr. Eisen- hower was moved to rebel against, as he was leaving office as President. There are thou- sands of others, unquestionably loyal, well- informed, and courageous citizens who also have been speaking out as groups and indi- viduals for a reappraisal of our whole foreign policy, but their real power is as nothing, compared to a small, powerful group in the Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 7854 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE April 21, 1965 State Department, and related governmental departments, who arrogantly take into their own hands, and successfully, perhaps, the fate of the whole universe Itself. As you said at Stanford recently, we are entering the stage of intensified war propaganda. Thank you for thinking for ourselves. [From the New York World-Telegram and Sun, Mar. 15, 1965] VIETNAM ANALYSIS: MAJOR WAR Is NEAR (By Richard Starnes) The imminence of a major war in southeast Asia 1s now generally assumed throughout the Government and diplomatic' establish- ment in Washington. Reco ltion of the war threat has grown that, the continuing success of the Vietcong NEFFSVILLE, PA., April 14, 1965. testifies to the measure of support it finds DEAR SENATOR MORSE: It is heartening that among the peasants of South Vietnam-sup. you are working for the beginning of nego- port that no guerrilla war can do without. tiations in Vietnam. In contrast, none of the clandestine Thankfully and prayerfully, ayeLEFEVER. forays by which CIA-trained infiltrators have Mrs. sought to turn the tables on Hanoi has borne SPRINGFIELD OHIO. , any fruit. This fact Is as eloquent as itis cheerless. SIR: I would like to commend you . Like the rest of the truth about the war in for taking the stand you took in South southeast Asia it cannot be obscured by any Vietnam, and how much courage you, took State Department preachment. It belongs it with. among the realities that Americans ought As of a 14-year-old boy if my prayers mean to be asking questions about, but apparently anything to you, they are always behind you. aren't. I do know our God. Write President Johnson, your Senators, Please as you make decisions think of Congressmen, and your newspaper today. peace. Join the demonstration for peace in Viet- God bless you. nam, Saturday, April 10. Yours truly, 5- - with the silent speed of a malignancy, until AN APPEAL TO THE CONSCIENCE of AMERICA it has invaded every Chancery and quasi- FOR PEACE IN VIETNAM BALTIMORE, MD., official listening post in the Nation's Capital. With the Easter-Passover season at hand, April 16, 1965. The same alarms have been sounded before, the world finds itself on the brink of a major DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I just heard your but never with the urgency that has fol- war in Vietnam. The escalation of the war Speech at the Johns Hopkins the other week, lowed the ominous events that have taken has brought destruction and death to count- and I would simply like to reinforce the bal- place in the fortnight since the State De- less Vietnamese men, women, and children, ance of your mail in favor of your courage- partment's "white paper" sought to justify as well as many Americans. World opinion ous and circumspect position. (I agree with war against North Vietnam. cries out against this brutal and senseless you on a good number of issues at any rate.). The white paper itself was regarded as a war-a war that cannot be won with napalm, That a man like yourself can continue to fateful portent, at least partly because of the bombings, and gas. A spiraling exchange of be elected to the National Government obvious haste with which it had been cobbled blows and counterblows in Vietnam can lead strengthens my faith in the system, together. Reasoned analysis of the docu- to a nuclear war involving the United States, God help you, though, if you must rely ment shows that it actually proves the China, and the Soviet Union. The present on an insignificant few million Vietnamese reverse of what it set out to prove. The tragic conflict can only be resolved by politi- peasants to get a new dam for the State of magnitude of the civil war In South Vietnam cal, not military, means. Join with us in Oregon. simply cannot be made to parse with the calling for an immediate cease-fire and nego- Sincerely yours, white paper's account of North Vietnamese tiated settlement of this war. We fathers, ANTHONY M. PAUL. intervention-even accepting the State De- mothers, and children, from all over the New -"' partment document at face value. York area are walking with this world- EVERETT, WASH., The reality, which is no secret to anyone famous pediatrician-dedicated to life and April 15, 1965. M who has taken the trouble to tote up ad- peace-to make our voices heard for peace mitted weapons losses by South Vietnamese in Vietnam. units is that Vietcong guerrilla. forces are We start our walk from Columbus Circle largely equipped with captured U.S. materiel. at 1 p.m., Saturday, April 10. We walk to Even accepting the white paper's wholly un- the United Nations, 47th Street and 1st substantiated reckoning of the total number Avenue. of North Vietnamese guerrillas who have Hear Dr. Spock and other speakers. been sent to the south, it is plain that the Pope Paul VI appeals for "Use of the Vietcong guerrillas-like their weapons- United Nations in promoting mediation of originate largely in South Vietnam. disputes and restoration of peace." This reporter recalls sharing a helicopter U Thant calls for "Discussions and negotia- mission in the Mekong Delta with a pilot tions which can create conditions which will whose plastic crash helmet had been neatly enable the United States to withdraw from holed by a direct hit from a Vietcong sniper that part of the world." a few days earlier. The young man's head Senator JAVITS says his mail is running 15 was still intact because in that day the Viet- to 1- against our policy in Vietnam and that cong was still using homemade weapons of most Congressmen's mail opposes continua- short range and low velocity. They grad- tion of the war. uaily upgraded their arsenal by capturing Senator FRANK CHURCH, Idaho: "We lost (or otherwise obtaining) U.S. weapons, and 157,000 dead and wounded in Korea. It cost nothing in the State Department's long- us $18 billion. But, in the end, we had to winded indictment can shake that fact. go to the conference table for a political (NoTE.-In this connection it is worth re- settlement. So it is with southeast Asia." cording that the U.S. white paper, which Defense Secretary Robert McNamara said: listed captured supplies of Communist origin "120 to 149 million Americans would be down to 18 sweaters manufactured in Ha killed in a nuclear war." Dong, North Vietnam, does not list items of Walter Lippmann: "If the warhawks pre- U.& origin recaptured from Vietcong units. vail and we become involved in a big war, they ORSE, Senator WAYNE U.S. Senate. HONORABLE SIR: We have admired you and Senator GRUENING for your outspoken efforts to get the United States to hand the prob- lem of Vietnam over to the United Nations and to get our troops out of there. However, Technocracy Inc. informs us that in the past 25 years, the United States has spent $980 billion, $973 million, for war, and preparation for war. Technocracy Inc. has suggested that if war seems to be such a necessity to our economy, that we should declare war on the millions of square miles of the Pacific Ocean, as this would be an area that could never surrender, nor fight back, and it could absorb all of our production for many years to come. Having peace would make it imperative that we solve some of our domestic problems, perhaps this would involve social change, and we could start creating a civilization that would be worthy of man's intelligence. Enclosed please find some of our literature for your earnest study, and comment. Please continue your efforts to get the Vietnam war stopped. We thank you in advance, for your reply The reason is clear-the ratio of recaptured will rejoice. In the end the people will Very truly yours, U.S. arms and captured Communist arms weep.,, DAVID E. LIVINGSTON. would accurately reflect the actual equip- ment ratio of the guerrillas. It would show cuing of the war, seek a cease-fire, negotiate [From the Technocracy Briefs] what every expert knows to be the case-the rn- an international settlement. SABOTAGE BY PLANNED APATHY ments war against the Saigon ents is self-supporting to an overwhelming Sponsored by: New York and New Jersey For many years Technocracy has warner degree.) Council for a Sane Nuclear Policy, 17 East the people of North America that the arro- This is a tedious recital, to be sure, but 45th Street; Women Strike for Peace, 151 gant disregard for basic social and physical it is a vitally important one, for it peels away East 50th Street; Metropolitan Branch, trends, at home and abroad, by the front the veneer of sham that seeks to justify the Women's International League for Peace and men for the North American price system expansion of the war in southeast Asia. Freedom, 37 Washington Square West; Stu- would jeopardize the security and welfare of There is no basis in objective reality for be- dent Peace Union, 5 Beekman Street, New North America. lieving Hanoi could stop the war in the south York City. Since the launching of Russia's sputnik vae even if it wanted to. - have suddenly heard a great deal about sci- There is, on the contrary, ample reason to NEFFSVILLE, PA., April 14, 1965. ence and technology, and their fundamental believe that the mass of Vietnamese on both DEAR MR. MORSE: Wish to commend all importance to this continent. sides of the 17th parallel fervently wish the who are putting forth an unending effort Thirty-seven years ago Howard Scott, di- round-eyed warriors would pack up and go toward negotiations in the trouble spots of rector in chief of Technocracy, Inc., was in- home, our war weary world. terviewed by Charles H. Wood, associate edi- Buddhists, who make up 70 percent of the "War never settled anything." tor of the New York World, on the subject population of South Vietnam, have ex- Prayerfully yours, of the social effects and importance of tech- pressed this wish forcefully. More than MARY M. PFOLTZGRAFF. nology on this continent. During that inter- Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 April 21, A roved For Re eoeM/ 0 CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 view, on February 26, 1921, Mr. Scott out- inferior dwelling, most of which aren't paid lined the key to the unique social problem for now and probably won't ever be paid for before North ,Axperica., The Technical Al- in full. All of those hours in a semistupor fiance, of which Mr, Scott was the director, before the television set don't seem to have was composed of leading 'technical person- been wisely spent either. The past critical nel of 2Torth America, and had, by 1921 years have been marked by a succession of developed a clean technological perspec- mistakes, individual and national. They add tive of social and physical trends in this up to an extremely high social price for this civilization, Mr. Scott's technological views of continent. It's pretty hard to pin the re- social affairs astonished. Mr. Woods; for ex- sponsibility for the sabotage of this civiliza- ample, that North America's problem was tion on any particular group of individuals, really an engineering problem, not a political Too many people have welcomed it, and or financial. one, much astonishment was not participated in it. justified by the facts that were available even A SCIENTIFIC INTEREST 37 years ago; it was the measure of how far ahead of social thought Technocracy has al- If, today, we are to consider ourselves in ways been in its views of social affairs. Time scientific competition with the Soviet Union, and events have vindicated Technocracy's we are in pretty sorry straits, for we are position and original statements. pitted against a people in whom a lively Technocracy, Inc., since its inception as a interest in science has been generated. These field organization, formed to carry on the people are moving collectively to accomplish certain national research-educational program that was be- ports st to o objectives. be egetting According rof gun in the winter of 1918-19, has continued , they seem ee a kick out of to convey an accurate what they have done and are doing. What picture of developing we think about their brand of politics trends affecting this continent, More than couldn't matter less under the circumstances. that, Technocracy, Inc. has given the people On the other hand, we of North America of North ,America the organizing vehicle to are about as unorganized for any social ob- do soaletl~ing about their problem. jective as we can be and, furthermore, we The central problem before North America are without any evident desire to get orga- is the conflict between, science (and the re- nized. Technocracy, for years, has been quirement of scientific social operation) and addressing with telling effect only a minority the obsolete methods of the price system.. of the citizens of this continent. We are At an, incalculable cost, which is ,only now just beginning to emerge from a period of becoming ,apparent, _ politics and business years when it didn't make the slightest dif- have 'kept- ept the price system afloat for the ference to more than 95 percent of the pop- past 20 years-years in which a new social ulation how correct an analysis one might system should have been born and flourish- present; people weren't interested, Never- ing. The measures which have been taken theless, Technocracy, Inc., has built and in the framework of the price system to pre- maintained under the most difficult condi- vent the arrival of. a technological social tions for its type of thought a nucleus of control in North . America constitute the personnel to whom nothing that is occur- worst example of calculated, sabotage against ring on the North American scene is a sur- a social area in recorded history. At no time prise. What some people are becoming in history has so much,been. at. stake for alarmed about is "old stuff" to Technocracy so many people. and Technocrats. A succession of, arms programs and wars, In less spectacular, but more socially im- which have-proved useless, and were de- portant, ways than by beating the United Glared so by Technocracy before we became States in the ballistic missile field, the Rue- involved ir}. them, gave temporary relief from sfans are acknowledged to be forging ahead of the depression. These moves to preserve the United States. While the social system of the price system have kept people fat, dumb, the United States has been making salesmen, and happy for the past few years. And the Russians have been making scientists. though many of them l new l d p ea ing ignorance. At any rate, all of us now are reaping the fruits of price system sabotage and the social emer- gency that has been created. Now, that some of the arrogance has been knocked out of us by current events on the international scene, some people are giving pause to look at. our social circumstances a little more objectively than in recent years. Outstanding is the total lack of a national objective of any kind. There is_ no social unity, and little national pride except in our bigness and in certain philosophic words, phrases and ideas .that no longer apply in this age of science. These things aren't reason enough in a world that is moving as fast as this one. The cult of individualism, which we think we believe in, but which in fact we can't evenpractice, dominates the social attitude required to survive and pro- gress upward and forward in this scientific era. We are finding that it was most unfortu- nate to allow reactionary minorities to in- timidate and belittle those individuals who could appreciate and work with science; and to make science almost a dirty word to citizens ofthis continent, especially the youngsters. It is,._ tpo bad that the social consciousne,-s of -the average youth is at the moronic level of burning rubber from the tires of. ,his'"hotrod" or listening to "rock 'n' roll." Among the older generations, it can't seem to. be so smart any more to have "sold out" to the price system in an attempt to amass a few pieces of shoddy goods and an 7855 rendered obsolete the social attitude and the price system of the continent. But that oc- currence has not stopped us from continuing to use the old system. Therein lies the cru- cial conflict. It is a battle to the death for one or the other. No one can say with abso- lute certainty what the final outcome will be. We do know that we live by science and tech- nology; therefore, the decision of each North American had better be in favor of these social forces. Our utter failure, as a people, to recognize the problem and to act is push- ing us into the category of a second-class power, with the prospect of much worse social consequences to come, unless there is a wide- spread revival of social consciousness. Since the North American Continent is without a governing mechanism that is capa- ble of supplying the leadership and direction required to guide us out of the present mess, the question arises: What can anyone else do about it? At some point in time in the future, prob- ably all too soon, the mass of people on this continent is going to be jolted into action by the pressure of events. When this mass movement begins, it had better be directed by an organization that knows the score. As conditions become more intolerable, a social ferment will develop, producing the mass movement which will be largely de- void of intelligent understanding. While Technocracy, Inc. Is not designed to be a governing mechanism, Technocracy, the method, is so designed. When we consider that 40 years of engineering and scientific research have gone into Technocracy, we be- gin to understand why it is qualified to dis- cuss comprehensively, and with the correct insight, problems before North America. What we are attempting to make clear is that we North Americans have a course of action to take to solve our problems. Technocracy is born of science, it is being presented in an organized way, and its organization has 'the leadership to see us through social change on this continent. What more do we want? SO WHAT? HERE'S THE ANSWER America, the greatest potential on earth. America menaced by inefficiency at homn has been on business enterprise, ww o Americans can and will solve this riddle In comment on international affairs more of disaster and inefficiency on this continent than 20, years ago, Howard Scott told an of abundance. audience in New York, and since then he has America is in the midst of a struggle to repeated it many times at public meetings fulfill its social destiny-a destiny made pos- across the continent, that: "If the United Bible by its wealth of resources and tech- States, in the conduct of its foreign affairs, nology. We are in the midst of a battle be- continues to be dominated by the policy of tween the old and the new-scarcity versus business expediency, the day will come in the plenty; hand tools versus technology; the next three decades when the United States status quo versus social change. Political will be compelled to eat international dead bungling must be replaced by flow-line social crow served with Russian dressing and Tartar control. Confronted by this battle, every sauce." We are now being forced to eat a American sooner or later must make the liberal serving of this international dead choice of either futile apathy or active as- crow. It doesn't taste very good. sistance-or America will go under. ARROGANT DISREGARD BUILDING THE NEW AMERICA Collectively, North Americans have looked Only Americans under American leadership upon their great land area, which they have can build the new America. No importations regarded as their birthright, only as a won- of European social philosophy-communism, derful opportunity to exploit for their per- socialism, fascism, clericalism, or any other sonal benefit. This idea has been hammered "ism" can be permitted to retard America's into them by the educational system, politics, progress. A new technique of social opera- business, and numberless other sources from tion is required. North America alone has the time they were first able to read and the tools and the trained men for this tech- understand words. For a time this continent nique. Technocracy lays the issue squarely was able to tolerate such, a social attitude, upon the American people. You cannot despite the damage that it inflicted upon na- escape responsibility. tural resources. A loose political control fa- TECHNOCRACY vored and rewarded the most adept chiselers. Technocracy had its origin in the Technical Graced with a great wealth of natural re- Alliance in 1919, when prominent technolo- sources and an accommodating climate for gists, scientists, educators, and engineers un- t he white man, North America has fostered der the leadership of Howard Scott, chief en- the whi growth of a mighty industrial civilization, gineer, began the study of the impact of grew at a tremendous rate with the technology on our social structure. The application of technology by technically method of social analysis and research trained personnel. The rate of growth soon founded at that dime ha made many Sm- Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023.8 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 7856 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE April 21, 1965 portant contributions to the design of the bility. There will be a vertical alinement has to say on this situation. There are new America. To enable the expansion of of functional capacity in all branches of so- many others who feel the same way and I its work, to make possible a general under- cial service and for the first time in history expect to join some of them (my Quaker standing of its principles and purposes, the individuals charged with responsibility friends) on April 17 on the protest march and to guard against distortion and subver- will continue to hold their positions only in Washington to end the war in Vietnam. sion by abortive organizations its leaders or- on their demonstrated ability to serve their uncI am o mitglad that the President the is offeerinI on m. ganized Technocracy Inc., with Howard Scott fellow citizens. as director in chief. Utopia? Sounds like it; but technocracy hope that the aid we give will not be uni- Technocracy, on the basis of exact scien- does not guarantee to make people happy- lateral and that the goal will be to seek a tific data, projects the operating design for only to provide abundance, security, and reunification of Vietnam through a United the new America. This is the first time in freedom from toil through an efficient op- Nations trusteeship. history that such a design has been projected. erating design. If withholding tax money would help I This planned social operation is technologi- THE TECHNOCRACY ORGANIZATION think I would have the courage to take this step, but I know that the money would be cal in structure and will replace political and Technocracy states that a social transition taken from my bank account with an addi- monetary methods with a system in which of such a magnitude and of such a nature tion for interest, so that in the end the the design itself will be the determining neither requires nor permits of a revolution Government would have more money. factor. Technical achievement will be raised or a coup d'etat, but must proceed within the I applaud the Government's efforts in edu-highest al the itize s in level and used to serve enannels of a planned and orderly progres- cation, medicare, etc? but not war and de- alt citizens n an adequate and impartial sion-that progression which is unique to struction. our modern technology, coupled with the vast resources of this continent, makes it pos- sible to increase production so that we can provide an abundance of goods and services to meet all the requirements of each and every North American. Technocracy builds on the solid rock of fact and is not involved in emotional vagaries or political chicanery. It invites sincere individuals to make an earnest study of its factual approach to America's social problem. Technocracy's social design includes the entire North American continental area, with its enormous wealth of physical resources, advanced technology will bring chaos to the North American Continent. Technocracy, Inc. is building a trained and disciplined organization capable of meeting the demands of the march of events. This organization-the technological army of the new America--is designed to show the people of this continent how to assure the continued functioning of the equipment on this continent. A severe break in the continuity of our physical processes would spell chaos. Such an organization requires the participation of all types of people. In- dividuals who are citizens may obtain mem- bership. Aliens and politicians are barred. ,V .h.,nrtrar.v Inc.. at its continental head- Mrs. MARY C. FOSTER. P.S.-In checking last year's income tax form I discovered this 1963 withholding statement which supposedly had been sent with my form and check last year. I also have the copy for my records. Perhaps it is a duplicate. Copy to Senator MORSE. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I was thrilled with your speech (on film) shown at this rally at Swarthmore College. I admire your con- tinued courage to speak out. There are many who feel strongly against our Govern- ment policy on Vietnam. P.S.-I carried this with me to Washing- ton yesterday when I went on the protest march on Vietnam (but didn't pass a mail box). It was thrilling to be a part of such a large gathering but today I wonder, How can we really make our voices heard and have-things changed? God forgive us for what we have done and are doing. MARY FOSTER. Some of the children in our group said the police tore down the message that the leaders of the March posted on the doors of Congress but a wire was also sent to the President. operated and defended as one unit. publishes several periodicals and a variety of EVERYTHING TO GAIN standard official literature; these are avail- Here are some of the results to be realized able to interested persons. by operating this continent on the basis of a Read. Learn. Participate. There is no planned, technological social design: time to be lost. The battle of America- Standard of living: A higher standard of the battle against poverty, malnutrition, living for everyone--highest in the world. scarcity, and disease-Will have a greater ef- All productive capacity would be released fect on history than all the battles of from artificial restrictions. A maximum, un- Europe. Enlist now before you are drafted restricted distribution would be made to all by the march of events. citizens without differentiation in incomes, To: All North Americans. based on the total goods and services avail- Subject: Information On Technocracy. able in any given time period. Greetings, fellow North American, Tech-. Housing: Redesigned housing--machines nocracy is receiving the attention of an ever for living-for the entire population, measur- greater number of citizens of North America ing up to the standards of modern technol- as the trends today bear out Technocracy's ogy. There would be no mortgages, taxes, or observations of many years ago. financial assessments. There is a growing apprehension among Hours: Reduction of working hours in di- North Americans concerning what the future rect ratio to the diminishing total of man- holds for them. You may recall that Tech- hours required. Ultimately, under planned, nocracy was first by many years to point out operation, hours could be reduced to 4 hours the fundamental conflict between North per day, 4 days out of 7. America's growing technology and its price Retirement: Full income, after retirement, system. This conflict now has assumed the until death. This is not an old-age pension, proportions of a death struggle as to which but continued participation in the abun- will survive, with the life of every citizen of dance of available goods and services. this continent at stake. Production: Capacity operation of physical Technocracy, your convenience in attaching to this bout equipment on a balanced-load basis. Education: Education of a new, high stand- a subscription order to Technocracy field and for all up to-the age of 25 with specialized magazines. training for all in chosen fields. We trust that you will appreciate the lit- Health: Full medical and dental attention erature enclosed on Technocracy, and we for everyone as a compulsory service through suggest that you contact this organization the continental public health sequence. for more information without delay. Tech- Freedom: Full opportunity for everyone to nocracy plays North America to win. How spend leisure time in any manner desired. about you? Freedom from restraint in religion, speech. Very truly yours, culture, sports, and hobbies. TECHNOCRACY, INC. Opportunity: Equal opportunity for every boy and girl, every man and woman, to take his or her place in society to the degree of his or her attainments and ability. Charity: Elimination of the necessity for public and private charity handouts and poorhouse methods of subsistence. Money: Elimination of money and conse- quently of debts, taxes, insurance, etc. Politics: Elimination of the inefficiency of politics through replacement by a system of operation based on the ability of the citizens to perform and to accept social responsi- SWARTHMORE COLLEGE, April 1965.' Contradiction and confusion have been the norm of the war in Vietnam. There is hope- ful talk of negotiations from both sides, but there has been in recent weeks a steady ex- pansion of the war by the United States. We must assess events of the past months and closely examine the directions of coan- fliting policy. We must, as citizens deeply concerned about peace, consider possible courses for the future. Therefore, while registering our protest of present policy, we are following the examples of the University of Michigan, Columbia, Temple, and the University of Pennsylvania by calling for a teach-in at Swarthmore on April 7 from 8 p.m. to 3 a.m. The proposed program includes speeches by professors and outside experts and general discussions in which all may participate. Solomon E. Asch, psychology; Robert Barr, dean of men; Carl Barus, engineering; Mon- roe C. Beardsley, philosophy; George T. Beech, history; Andrew Boeleskevy, German; William C. Denison, biology; John R. Dixon, engineering; Lewis R. Gaty, economics; Walker Gibson, English; Mark A. Heald, physics; Olga Lang, modern languages; Erika A. Mares, mathematics; David Wiesen, cLtis- sics. John A. Nevin, psychology; Clair W. Niel- son, physics; Martin Ostwald, classics; Ken- neth S. Rawson, biology; Hedley H. Rhys fine arts; David Rosen, mathematics; Albur M. Rosenberg, biology; Charles J. Seigman economics; Gilmore Stott, philosophy; George Von der Muhll, political science; Robert M Walker, fine arts; James F. Wanner, astron SWARTHMORE, PA., April 11, 1965. DIRECTOR, BUREAU OF INTERNAL REVENUE, Washington, D.C. DEAR SIR: I am enclosing a check for my 1984 income tax (balance due). As I wrote last year, I have strong feelings about so much of our tax money going for the mili- tary. In particular I wish to register my objections to the Government foreign policy on South Vietnam, which seems very wrong. I support Senator WAYNE MORSE in all he Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 roved For Release 2003/10/14 CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 April 21, AN CONGRESSXONAL RECORD -SENATE 7857 omy "Clair Wilcox, economics; M. Joseph Wil- ALLEN 115, J. REINER & Co., INC., There was one crucial missing ingredient in engineering. Hicksville, N.Y., April 13, 1965. the President's speech-he did not say he was (Our apologies to all faculty members who Senator WAYNE MORSE, suspending air bombardment of North Viet- wanted to sign, but whom we did not have U.S. Senate, a nam in order to facilitate the negotiating chance to contact.) Washington, D.C. At process. Indeed, the continued and intensi- . 8: Introductory remarks DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Although not from fied U.S. military action may well be an- At 8:15: Helen Lamb, spent 2 years in Viet- Oregon, I am writing to you to express my swered by increased Vietcong and North nam, now writing a book, formerly a faculty complete agreement with your views con-- Vietnamese military action, rather than by member at Smith College. cerning the Vietnam crises. It seems to us steps to the negotiating table. At 8:45: Paul Booth, cocoordinator of the that almost everybody in Washington must peace research "and education project of have completely lost their sense of perspec- SOME COMMENTS ON THE PRESIDENT'S SDS, tive or just be reluctant to speak out. SPEECH At 9: President Johnson's speech on Viet- Today I have written again to Senators 1. The proposal for a greatly expanded co- nam policy from Johns Hopkins University. KENNEDY and JAVITS (as I am a New Yorker), operative economic development effort by the At 9:30: Franz Gross, head of Political I have also written to Senators AIKEN and countries of southeast Asia including North Science Department at Pennsylvania Military COOPER. Vietnam was most welcome. The President College. If you could give us some suggestions as pledged to ask Congress for a billion dollar At 10: Clair Wilcox, head of Swarthmore to how we might make our opinions known American investment in this effort when it is 'Economics Department. and felt to the right people then I would be underway. He hoped other industrialized At 11: Break for seminars and discussion. happy to make these suggestions known to a countries, including the Soviet Union, would At 11:30: Film Of WAYNE MORSE speaking great many people who feel as we do. join in the effort. He called on the U.N. Sec- on Vietnam. Yours truly, rotary General to help initiate such a plan. At 12: Folk sing with Nick Warren. ALLEN J. REINER. This proposal was along the lines urged by Jesse Allen, presently on the staff of Newark -Gilbert White and others for the develop- community project, may speak. LONDON, ENGLAND, ment of the Mekong Basin. Wednesday, April 7, 1965, Friend Meeting April 14, 1965. 2. The President's statement that the House. Senator WAYNE MORSE,. United States is prepared for "unconditional discussions" now was urgently needed, but The Senate, BOSTON, MASS., Washington, D.C. an important limitation was added. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I hope that you will President Johnson indicated that there April 14, 1965. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: The issue is no not be fooled by President Johnson's Johns might be many ways to peace: "in discussion longer war or peace in Vietnam. The men Hopkins speech. It does not offer uncondi- or negotiation with the governments eon- who are advising the President want war tional negotiations, but only conditional the reaffirmation in large groups or in small ones; In ..with China, quickly, before they get atomic ones: that the Vietnamese National Libera- the reaffirmation of old agreements or their weapons. This is the policy we must chal- tion Front give up all that they have been strengthening with new ones." lenge and appose. fighting for for 20 years, before beginning to This broad statement, however, was im- We'wih. not, build the Great Society on talk. Even Ho'Chi Minh does not call for mediately modified by Government spokes- 'the corpses of half a billion, Asians. L t us withdrawal of U.S. troops before the opening men who noted that the National Liberation ' for God's sake hold our of negotiations (New York Times of today) . Front (Vietcong) which controls well over hands from a crime Please keep speaking out vigorously for real half the territory in South Vietnam is merely worse thn anything Hitler ever dreamed negotiations an agent of North Vietnam and is therefore of, I wonder if and peace' in South Vietnam. not entitled to sit at the conference table. Sincerely yours, you would be so kind as to pass this message on to your colleagues, Sen- Senator ERNEST GRUENING, of Alaska, charged JOHN Hoar. ators GRUENING S4id k1IcGOVERN? April 9 that "the e refusal to concede that the Thank you very much. fighting in South Vietnam is essentially a STORKS, CONN., Sincerely, civil war and that to bring that fighting to a April 13, 1965. STEVEN JONAS, M.D. halt it is necessary to discuss the issues with Senator WAYNE MORSE, the principals-the Vietcong-is tantamount Washington, D.C. [From the Friends Committee on National to retaining a precondition to' our willing- DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Please accept my Legislation, Action, Apr. '14, 1965] ness to negotiate." It is interesting to note long ovedue thanks for your vigorous quarrel that the appeal of the 17 nonalined nations, with the administration policy in southeast VIETNAM CRISIS MOVES TO NEW, MORE DANGER- Asia. I disagree with y OUS PHASE to which President Johnson was responding you on a couple of in his Johns Hopkins speech, was delivered important points, but if it weren't for peo- President Johnson's speech to the Nation, to the National Liberation Front as well as ple like you and Senator GRUENING there's April 7, marked a watershed in American North Vietnam, China, and others, thus indi- no telling what would have happened to the public opinion on the war in Vietnam. cating a neutral view that the NLF is a real entire body of dissenting opinion. Thanks Whether it will have any real effect in alter- party in interest. again, and please keep it up. tag the escalating course of the war there 3. The President's proposal for an "inde- Sincerely, remains to be ,seen. - pendent South Vietnam" clarified U.S. .goals JAMES BAKER HALL, In past military-political crises,._the figure but does not make a settlement easy to of the American eagle with- a bundle of ar- achieve. In his speech he suggested the RANCOCAS, N.J., rows in one claw, and an olive branch ,la essentials of a final settlement: "an inde- April 14, 1965. the other has symbolized the national policy pendent South Vietnam-securely guaran- Senator WAYNE MORSE, of arming to parley, of negotiating from teed and able to shape its own relationships Senate Office Building, strength, and preparing for war In order to to all others, free from outside interference, Washington, D.C. secure peace. - tied to no alliance, a military base for no DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Ever since having What has so distressed many in the pub- other country." \ heard the commencement address you deliv- lie, in Congress, and in the press is that The goal of an independent South Viet- ered at, "George School, Pennsylvania, back in since February 7 when the policy of retalia- nam is not consistent with the Geneva Ac- 1961 (if my memory is accurate) I have been tion and escalation in North Vietnam began, cords of 1954. Those accords referred to the impressedwith your ability as a statesman. the United States has emphasized military 17th parallel as a provisional military de- Let me now tell, you how grateful I have policy in Vietnam almost exclusively. Only marcation line and contemplated general been for your opposition to the adminis- after 2 months of strong and increasing pub- elections in 1956 to bring about the uniflca- tration's course in, Vietnam. Surely your lie pressure, plus adverse reaction to the use tion of North and South Vietnam. Those story should be"added to the other "Profiles of gas and the loss of much support from elections were opposed by the United States in Courage." It does seem incredible that, allied and nonalined nations, did President and South Vietnam and not pressed by North in this nuglear age, war is still used as an Johnson come to the traditional "arrows Vietnam. They were never held. Former instrument of policy. Aren't there enough and olive branch" policy. President Eisenhower states in his book, thinking people in this Nation to change The President's comments on U.S. willing- "Mandate for Change," that Communist Ho our present collision course? Or must we ness to negotiate and to aid the region eco- Chi Minh was a popular national leader who just sit back -and aWait the holocaust., nomically drew the applause of many of his would have received 80 percent of the vote ,You avg expressed so well the fact, that previous critics, such as the New York Times; in Vietnam during the war with the French. our presence in this area is wrong, that the Senator FRANK CHURCH, of Idaho; and Sen- On the timetable for withdrawal of U.S. whol@ arell shguJ p0rvision. I 4 be,under,internatlonal su- ator GEORGE McGovERN, of South Dakota. At troops, President Johnson said in his formal be,l evy,? most Americans agree. the same time they drew the fire of some who reply on April 8 to the 17 nation appeal that 'What can y+e, do further to -help? had Supported his nn-negotiae ,, Approved For. Release 2003/10/14 CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 7858 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE April 21, 1965 the people of South Vietnam can determine that it can overthrow, by. covert means, a their own future free from external interfer- non-Communist government of an emerging ante .. nation even when the United States aids that 4. The President indicated the United government. , States will continue its policy of bombard- Senator WAYNE MORSE has charged that ment of North Vietnam without letup. He there are those in the Pentagon who propose thus rejected the advice of Canadian Prime that the United States bomb Chinese nuclear Minister Lester Pearson who had urged a installations and he has predicted this may pause in the air attack, and of Senator happen within 4 months. Such a step would GEORGE MCGOVERN, of South Dakota, who had be a, moral and political catastrophe of im- urged a 2-week moratorium. manse proportions for the United States. Since the President's April 7 speech, U.S. Lasting peace in Asia can only be promoted air attacks on North Vietnam have con- by intensive and direct negotiations between tinued and increased in intensity. Over that the United States, China, and other involved 2-month period these attacks have escalated parties to achieve political settlements, a In the sense that more and more vital targets comprehensive test ban treaty and major such as bridges and roads are now being hit steps toward world disarmament. The Viet- and the bombs are falling closer and closer to namese war only makes more difficult and Hanoi. While this policy was supposed to postpones the day when these wide-ranging bring the North Vietnamese Government to talks between the United States and China the conference table, indications are that must begin. there is even less willingness to negotiate now 7. Although the President suggested that than 2 months ago. U.N. Secretary General U Thant could play U.S. military policy In Vietnam has seemed a useful role in initiating the economic de- to be a military juggernaut inexorably gath- velopment program, he did not call upon the ering speed. There seems to be no readiness Secretary General, or the U.N., or other third within the administration to halt this esca- parties for their mediating service or other lating bombardment, even briefly, in order good offices. to create an atmosphere in which Hanoi In this difficult Situation, the intercession could indicate a readiness to talk. and mediation by third parties ought to be 5. Continued U.S. bombing of North Viet- sincerely welcomed and actively encouraged nam violates the United Nations Charter, ac- by the United States. All the countries of cording to Senators WAYNE MORSE, JOSEPH the world have a direct and immediate in- CLARK, and ERNEST GRnENrxc. Article 2, sec- terest in restoring peace and stability in in their international relations from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any state, or in any other manner inconsistent with the purposes of the United Nations." Article 33 states: "The parties to any dis- pute, the continuance of which is likely to endanger the maintenance of international peace and security, shall, first of all, seek a solution by negotiation, inquiry, mediation, conciliation " * ? or other peaceful means of their own choice." This section, which the United States has signed, would clearly seem to require negotiation before bombing, not after. Under article 51, the United States re- ported to the Security Council on February 7 that the bombing raids on North Vietnam were "defensive action." Article 51 provides that: "Nothing in the present Charter shall impair the inherent right of individual or collective self-defense if an armed attack occurs against a Member of the United Na- tions, until the Security Council has taken measures necessary to maintain interna- tional peace and security. Measures taken by Members in the exercise of their right of self-defense shall be immediately reported to the Security Council." South Vietnam is an observer, but not a Member of the United Nations. The impli- cation of United States -reporting to the Se- curity, Council is that it feels the United the United States could make which might brighten the prospects for a settlement in- cluding, for example: (a) An end to the bombing of North Viet- nam and U.S. troops movements to South Vietnam; (b) A willingness to negotiate with the NLF; (c) A readiness to abide by the results of a free and supervised election in South Viet- nam and to support moves toward a reunified Vietnam as proposed in the Geneva Ac- cords of 1954; and (d) Some indication that the United States is prepared to begin extensive nego- tiations with the People's Republic of China on a broad range of issues. There are difficulties involved in all courses of action, but is it not better to come to the conference table before rather than after widespread violence and war? CROWN POINT, IND., April 12, 1965. DEAR SENATOR MORSE : Thank you for your courageous stand on Vietnam. Respectfully, Mr. and Mrs. DAVID GRATNER. APRIL 12, 1965. HONORABLE SIR: May God's blessings be upon you, for informing your people, on the wrong being committed in Vietnam and the threat to all mankind if this war is not con- trolled. Peace, through negotiation is our only hope. For it is only in peace can a war against poverty and other ills be most ef- fective. I fervently pray that our Nation will take the lead in seeking peaceful solu-? tions, as not only would we gain honor and dignity-but all of the peoples on this earth would be forever grateful. It could begin with this Easter week-calling for a mora- torium, as suggested by Lester Pearson (Prime Minister of Canada). In the mean- time-above all else-please keep on talking. could he be expected to at this stage, the amount of Vietcong participation in an in- dependent South Vietnam Government. Would the United States and South Vietnam agree to NLF representation in the Cabinet? If so, how many would there be? in what posts? If South Vietnam Is to be an inde- pendent country, would the United States be prepared to see South Vietnam move, over the course of a few years, to union with North Vietnam-as envisaged by the original Geneva accords of 19547 Would the United States be prepared to support a Titoist type government in Vietnam? These questions ought to be faced and discussed openly in the United States if there is to be any hope for a negotiated solution in Vietnam. On the Senate floor March 25, Senator GEORGE AIxEN, of Vermont, stressed that North Vietnam does not want to be a Chinese satellite. Senator MIKE MANSFIELD, of Mon- tana, noted that there has been more than 1,000 years of enmity between the Viet- namese people and the "Chinese colossus to the north." In a little-noticed speech at Johns Hop- kins, March 12, Senator J. W. FULBRIGHT, of Arkansas, made a general remark relevant to the situation in Vietnam: "I think we ought to ask ourselves, hypothetically, whether a Communist regime that loans away from China is worse or better from the viewpoint of our political and strategic in- nam.- But since the beginning of the year, terests than a non-Communist state, such as the United States has done nothing to can Indonesia or Cambodia, that leans toward a session of the Security Council as is im- China." plied in article $1. WHAT Of THE FDTUI1E? 6. President Johnson for the first time put Many close observers feel the U.S. posi- his prestige behind the view that Mainland. tion in Vietnam is deteriorating rapidly. China is a major party in the war in South In this situation it is felt that moves either Vietnam. The President said: "Over this (a) to the conference table, or (b) toward war-and all Asia-is another reality: The a major U.S. military involvement in Viet- deepening shadow of Communist China, nasn will take place in the next month or The rulers in Hanoi are urged on by Peiping. two. Military involvement could mean 300; This is a regime which has destroyed freedom 000 to 1 million U.S. servicemen in Viet- in Tibet, attacked India and been condemned nam, according to Hanson Baldwin of the by the United Nations for aggression in New York Times, vastly increased draft calls, Korea. It is a nation which is helping the huge new military appropriations, and a forces of violence in almost every continent. possible spreading of the conflict to other The contest in Vietnam is part of a wider areas such as Korea and even beyond. pattern of aggressive purpose." Given the current position of the Viet- For some time, Secretary of Defense Robert tong, Hanoi and Peiping, the steps to the McNamara has been arguing publicly that conference table are not easy and the nego- Communist China is the real enemy and tinting process may be difficult, frustrat- that China is seeking to prove to the world ing and complex. But there are moves which MY DEAR your stand nam war. KALAMAZOO, MICH., April 13, 1965. SENATOR: I certainly agree with against escalation of the Viet- Further, any talk of bombing China would be sheer folly. It would be an open act of war. Keep up the good work. Respectfully, HERBERT A. TOMPKINS, Secretary, Michigan Fellowship of Reconciliation. Senator WAYNE MORSE, New Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Thank you for your stand for peace in Vietnam. In order for a nation to stand there must be some righteous and peace-loving people in its land. Again my prayers are with you and thank you for your efforts. Sincerely, Los ANGELES, CALIF.. April 10, 1965. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR Moass: You, singularly, de- serve the thanks of your fellow citizens for a valiant and effective battle against foreign aid-that coercive taxation which is pro- liferated upon barren foreign fields, their dic- tators and tribal chiefs. We admire your courage in challenging the epileptic policy in southeast Asia. Truly, it is an American tragedy when a President arrogates the power of Congress to wage wax in order to mask his blunders in foreign pol- Approved For Release 2003/10/14.: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 ReI ~p3/ pL1 4 CIA-RDP-67B00446R000300150023-8i p l 21, JARRI oved For QRESSIQNAL _J E ORI7._- 59N-AS Icy.. Can we or will the history tell a boy, If so, I certainly would like to receive one. Whose father was sent to ,Korea or .South Thank you. Vietnam, to dle, that his father trp,ly died for Yours truly, his country and that he did not die in vain? MANVEL PEDRO GONZALEZ. Senator MoRs;, it appears to me that the only way to check the warring power of the ELMONT, N.Y. executive Is .to Introduce a constitutional Senator WAYNE MORSE. amendment to limit the President's term of HONORABLE SIR: As a loyal and Government offlee to the terln._in which, he, Wages war. employed citizen, I wish to express my deep- Sincerely yours, est admiration for your views on the present MICHAEL VERSA, Jr.. Vie nam crisis.- The, little amount I have d rea of your attitude about the above has APRIL 13, 1965. given me great satisfaction in that our coun- DEAR SIR: Although I am not one of your try is blessed in having you as a representa- constituents,I admire keenly your stand on tive in our Government. the Issue of Vietnam, In reading the newspapers I find very little And I urge you to keep up the good work. information about your speeches and views. I have wired and, written the President, It seems to me that since you advocate a protesting his heedless course, and, of course, more sensible and logical approach to many have received no acknowledgment. things your avenues of making your views Is the e sibil , any pos r ity 'that the whole publicly aired by all mediums of information issue could be put to a popular referendum? is held to the barest minimum. Even the I'm asking the same question of my Con- great New York Times gives very little at- gressman, GEORGE BROWN, JR. I believe the tention to your views or other similar at- results of such.a referendum would be very titudes. revealing. According to what I read, public I am most interested in reading all about opinion is running high against not only this your speeches, views, and other points that reckless, ruinous escalation, but involvement will give me great pleasure in knowing you at all. We should get out. better. May I please request material about Sincerely, the. above or Information where I might at- JACQUELINE D. TuNBERG. taro then}. Very truly yours, JAMAICA, N.Y., BENJAMIN HOCH. April 13, 1965. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Senator WAYNE MORSE, Washington, D.C. Senate Office Building, DEAR SENATOR: It seems that you and a Washington D C I thing if, the people who elected the Presi- dent, myself included, were to vote today, handful of other,. Senators are the only sane We support the ceasefire Vietnam and im- people in Washington these days with regard mediate application of U Thant's formula for to our Vietnam policy. negotiations. Keep up the pressure on the administra- Dr. IRwIN HOFFMAN, M.D. tion. We're behind you INn. Very truly y 100 percent. - ours, Thank you and the few others who are try- ARTHUR EDELSTEIN. lug to extricate?ls.frgm thecrazy Vietnam war, WQ are', dead wrong over there and SILVER STRING, MD. could weln.use ail ouravallable funds for bet- April 13, 1965. ter purpose than establishing fake govern- HOri WAYNE MOR . SE, ments in other lands. Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. he Would be in_for a surprise. Sincerely yours, DEAR SENATOR MORSE: We have read in the SANTA MARIA, CALIF., Baltimore Sun A portion of your April 8 April 9, 1965. speech on the Vietnam crisis, and want to Senator WAYNE MORSE. tell you how much we agree with your views- DEAR SIR: Thank you for your courage in Yours sincerely, keeping up the tight to get out of Vietnam. ALICE M. ALT. BOLTON, MASS., April 13, 1965. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. _ M DEAR SENATOR ORSE: I heartily support your stand against the war in Vietnam. Legally and morally, our position there is indefensible, I am going to Washington this weekend with thousands of. others from all over the country, to try to make my protest against Pentagon madness visible. Sincerely yours, WILLIAM H. CARY, Jr. WELLESLEY, MASS., Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Permit me to con- gratulate you. Your courageous campaign against our cruel, immoral, and disgraceful yrar, against a s}nu,l country located 10,000 t11iles away, is most commendable, and worthy of admiration and support. Today, the_NeW ,York Times devotes only four inches of. ;ong, gplumn to your speech of day ' before, yesterday In Ohio. Do you have copies of this speech for distribution? DEAR SIR: It is with great admiration and hope that I was privileged to listen once again to your words of reason and logic concern- ing our unwarranted military presense in South Vietnam. You and Senator GaUENLNG, of Alaska, give courage to all those of us who believe that might is not always right. I am speaking for myself and family, am .78 years of age and believe In peace. Sincerely yours, .......Mrs.LUDMILLAO. SALK. APRIL 10, 1965. DEAR MR. MORSE: You're fantastic in urg- ing the United States to get out of Vietnam. Don't give up. Keep trying, even if our cause might be hopeless. I read your statements in printed material published by the War Registers League and the American Friends Service Committee. The United States is not humane while we remain in Vietnam. Respectfully, MISS ROBIN VELTE, Uniyer ity,,o/California, Santa. parbara._ 7$59 WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY, St. Louis, April 9, 1965. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I want to thank you from the bottom of my heart for your courageous stand on our Government's Viet- nam policy. I am convinced that if our foreign policy was made by men like yourself it would be a far better world for all of us. Your courage in speaking out again and again despite the pressures you must feel to change your views or remain silent is an example for all-of us and a reminder that there is hope for democracy. Sincerely yours, WILLIAM M. BOOTHBY. NEW YORK, N.Y., April 9, 1965. DEAR MR. MORSE: Thank you for fine efforts for a cease-fire in Vietnam. Negotiations--not war. Thank you. PEARL A. LAFORCE. APRIL 1, 1965. DEAR SENATOR WAYNE MORSE: I join with Pope Paul VI and U.N. Secretary General U Thant in urging: An immediate cease-fire in Vietnam. A conference of all nations to negotiate peace. Please continue to work toward these ends. Yours truly, CHICAGO, ILL., April 13, 1965. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: In refusing to rec- ognize the war in Vietnam as a civil war, our Government is committing the same error as the racial bigots in this country. Unless the people of South Vietnam have a real voice in their government, no amount of military or financial aid can bring about peace. Sincerely yours, Mrs. RAMONA SCHUTT. ENUMCLAW, WASH., April 5, 1965. DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: Our presence in Viet- nam has neither moral nor legal justifica- tion. Our actions there are contrary to all our declared principles. We should get out. C. K. STEDMAN, Ph. D., Research Consultant. OconOMowoc, WIsc., Hon. WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: The press, and the younger Members of Congress tossed-their hats in the air over a few crumbs of peaceful talk from the President's table at Johns Hop- kins, but I am pleased to see that you re- mained calm amid the tumult. The refusal of the United States to face the fact that this is a civil war which in fact has been lost, not by us, but by the 21-odd Saigon governments we have leagued ourselves with leaves things pretty much the way they were before the President launched his equivocal peace overtures. I'm enclosing a news article which ap- peared in French in the Paris paper, Le Fig- aro Litteraire, written by Max Clos. It is not that Clos has said anything that has not been reported before in the better news media here and abroad, but he does say it pungently, and also throws some light on how the Saigon government's defeat has come about, and what program and future the Vietcong are holding out to the people of Vietnam. The guerrilla war professionals in the U.S. Government have spent so much time por- ing over the propaganda of Mao and General Clkap that they have: swallowed the Commu- Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 7860 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE April 21, 1 V 65 Hit line that South Vietnam represents a X used his fingers to show the number of off the This of course was not company rs particularly model for Communist insurgency against dead, saying, "This was the result." girls. counterinsurgency, and that if a Viet- "The truth is," he said, sipping a cup of decent, but n decenconnection and a' is there any-betw cong government comes to power in Saigon, coffee, "That the game is up. We are fed up The Amen dece, on the other hand, have shaky governments all over the world will with this war now, and no one wants to pro- topple. Shaky governments don't need a long the kiiliag. Take me. I've been in the tried to introduce puritan morality in Viet- domino to push them over. They all will army for 20 years. If I were given a choice nam and the American way of life. At the fall of their own weight without popular between stars and a discharge, I'd take the doors of hotels restricted to Americans there support and a sound domestic program. discharge without a moment's delay. You are signs reading: "Women are forbidden to The flames of war inevitably and tragically know wars are not won with men who think enter." Their food comes directly from the osealed ne of pac ag . Ameec can only leap higher and higher unless Wash- of only one thing: to become civilians smites written In by better Ington will start base its on a againn." mental image of of the e South Vietnam of 1965 The relations between Vietnamese and war correspondents describes the Vietnamese mental that has some basis in reality. It would be American officers are cool, not to use a worse war. It is all a matter of bad odors, of food nice if we could go back to 1954 and have term. The Vietnamese are critical of the contaminated by the natives, and of the re- another go at it, but unless we think we - Americans for understanding little or noth- sulting stomach aches. In short, it is a hell are some kind of gods this faculty is not ac- ing about this war. The Americans often from which each American is eager to escape. in m corded us in either our private or our public a als, find their officers tmedioce,aand their silk jackets on which youtcan reads mbroi-- lives. dered in yellow letters: "When I the I shall, go I think Clos' piece and Stanley Hoffman's soldiers without stomach for combat. letter in the New York Times of April 10 But it is certainly not a matter of the straighthtoheaven. I Camau have put the send. complement each other nicely. They are Vietnamese lacking physical courage. At the ~ ohs peninsula a another at the south tt nd both charming and lucid, qualities which end of the first Indochinese war, practically didn't like Vietnam . I asked him seem hard to come by in discussions of Viet- all of the French units were half "yellow," that where he a dids' ke b . Ham. We can only hope that the still small and most of the officers would agree that "At Were was stationed voices of reason heard here will gradually combat operations were first rate. The Viet- "Were things better there?" swell to a mighty roar which will make the cong who attack well-defended positions, are awhile. "You know, things frowned andd thoughougrht for here than in the Selma uproar seem like only a mild breeze. exposed to heavy artillery fire and to the He MOLLYSEALY. government's air power, undergo at times States." P.S: Please give Clos' article what circu- frightful ordeals, and always display real Viet- Ham " 25,like000 0 Ammeericacan n ad advisers At live ive in, o, et- lation you think it merits. courage, if not fanaticism. Their opponents The admire them for their courage. And these example, the in ." headquarters for one of the VIzrNAm men, with the exception of a small majority four military districts, it's like this, At staff (By Max Clos) who have come down from the North, are peasants of Indochina who have got their headquarters every Vietnamese office is dup- (Translated from Le Figaro Litteraire, No. training at places only miles from the Amer- licated by an American opposite number. 984, Mar. 3, 1965, M. Kealy) lean training centers In South Vietnam. At 5 p.m. it's closing time, and the Americans The bar on the fifth floor of the Hotel What then is the explanation of the com- return immediately to their compound at the Majestic in Saigon overlooks the harbor. At bat inefficiency of the government forces? edge of the city. It is a big camp ringed with barbed wire and protected by Vietnam- of the in t a few years tn this war will be over, ese guards. The lowest private is entitled can from time to time muffled explosions ran . heard from the other er side the will be seen the American defeat in t, of his own furnished with a re- shoots From time to time a brilliant t flare Vietnam was caused sed by two things. First, to frigerator quarters and air conditioning. He has a shoots up and glitters for some minutes. the guerrillas depend not merely on military - Shower with hot air conditioning. A PX suppers him What we have again Is a probe by a Vietcong training and professional skill, but also on shoe all that t cesire, from supplies him patrol. the creation of warm personal ties between cream all record he can players n with whiskey is shaving Some young American officers with crew- their men. Second, they make a detailed c e m to at ridiculously with skey be--all low . cuts and with the red patch of their Viet- and exact analysis of the political and so- bar o30 brands to choose from. Every a namese parachute battalion tilted over the vial setting and climate in which the war is a new movie shown Eve ear are drinking whiskey amid peals of carried on. In these two areas the second night offers r wide 8 screen there is color at a theater furnished laughter. They are charming and just like Indochinese war is ending In an American with lounge chairs. the French officers who 10 years ago were defeat. Vietnamese not tear they must eat American exploits in the rice paddies and in the job, or, 13 YOU prefer, they perform their essey, but Americans and Vietnamese do jungles. duty With conscientiousness. They serve not enjoy one another's company. I went to Don't they know that this war is. lost, that with devotion and competence. But all the compound at Cantho with Colonel X their deaths will accomplish nothing, that this is not enough. They are merely guerrilla whom I mentioned before. On leaving, he their hardships are useless and their sacri- warfare professionals. The French when "I have a feeling these Americans flee without point, that we have seen the they were here made of the Indochinese war said have to come me: "f"Im another planet" start of the usual comedy of threatening a sentimental and romantic adventure. Then he tom no: eWhan I came out of statements which are the prelude to settle- French officers and men fell in love with school in 1948, I was assigned to a French meat talks? Probably not. It' is no doubt the country, infected with what Larteguy port unit. The first night at table I was part of the charm of young officers that to aptly calls "the yellow sickness." They a little shy. I didn't know how to use a fork the very end they do not realize that their played their part in a stirring adventure, very well. The CO was a naval lieutenant. death in Vietnam will be futile. which, it is true, ended badly, but which He said to me: `Tell me, X, do you eat with a The Cantho area 75 miles southwest of gave them a sense of glory. It was because fork, or a pitch-fork?' Afterwards, we made Saigon is one of the most far gone of the of this that they were able to make con- the rounds of the girls together. With the delta. A night operation Is in progress. For tact with the Vietnamese, to form emotional Americans there is no danger that anyone 3 days the Vietnamese battalion has ties with them, and to draw them into that will talk about anything of this kind. No slogged through the mud without finding cruel adventure. Contrary to appearances, one goes to the girls anymore." anything. Some villages were burnt, some there exist few peoples more passionate, more Now there is no objection to movies, hot hundreds of seared peasants were terorrized, sentimental, and more sensitive than the peoeratorsp. le Ex jcept oin this: is: If s ydou; and to vary the menu a certain number of Vietnamese. They have a need to be loved, waterwant, to persuade and refrigerators. u chickens and black pigs which squeal unbe- The stiff ways of the American military, its Its not a good ito set up what your the In n to lievably shrilly have been commandeered. love for formality, its taste for following mill- eyes of a good idea ds Vietnamese soldiers appears And then just when everyone thinks that it tary regulations to the letter greatly upset eyes luxury. is all over the leading company is ambushed. the Vietnamese. The Vietnamese can't excessive confused, Nguyen, a Vietnam- In a flash: 8 dead and 30 wounded. Night understand how a military- order can be 'Afore or less s the second class, tVie him- has fallen. Nearby the day's dead, already treated as anything else but a topic for de- es e I Joe 's not normal to see people en.- turned gray, are piled up under canvas. I bate and discussion. In this they found that self e gaged that the same war to se in such an was seated at the aide of an old friend, a the French often shared their point of view, He not only sthis to colonel in the Vietnamese army. Let us call This divergence in military philosophy cre- unequal al fashion. . Vietcong tell says to him. him X. ates problems, and in the case of Vietnam it himself, e but communication is easy. There are women ,,The Americans," he said, "are jaunty fel- is evident that it has taken its toil. lows, but they are inexperienced. Like a Intimate contact has never been estab- who act as messengers. They are the ones young dog they wish to dig out everything. lished between the Vietnamese and the who spread the good word. They have only The sad thing is that here the war does not Americans. The French, spellbound with simple things to explain. This, for example : obey the rules of the textbooks, and of the the exotic, took up the Vietnamese way of "The Americans. which you see down there manuals. My last corporal knew perfectly life. They were delighted with Chinese in their well-lit compounds are the masters. well that if we went in a certain direction soups flavored with exotic ingredients, they As for you, you are poorly fed and poorly we would find a `bone: My people were not smoked opium, they organized riproaring paid. You are going to die for them-and eager to go, but the Americans insisted." parties with their yellow friends; and topped for nothing." Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 April 21, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE Nguyen gets 1,750 piastres a month, about $18. His lieutenant receives a salary of $80. Eighteen dollars is not a small sum in Viet- nam, but Nguyen thinks he would be more useful in his own village. Biit, it's not only a dAestion of this. Theoretically he is drafted for 3 years, but this is already the 5th year he's been in uniform. The war con- tinually gets harder. The Vietcong continu- ally are better armed. Life for him is very tough. The Vietcong propaganda says: "Why do you fight us? The war will eventually ,end. The Americans will leave. Go over the hill now, or do not fight when you are at- tacked. Keep still, and nothing will happen to you." Nguyen, to say the least, is upset. He knows his village Is controlled by the Viet- cong. He knows also that if he is wounded, he will be poorly cared for because there is a scarcity of doctors and medicine. More- over, the military hospitals are crowded with wounded. They are stacked four and five high under the tarpaulins which extend the roofs of the hospitals. The wounded pain- fully line up to go to the latrines which are always jammed and to get a drink of water at the scarce fountains. Nguyen knows also that if he loses an arm or a leg, he will be left without any chance to make a living- and he Is not more than 20. So, sometimes, when he is on guard around the compound of the big-shot Americans with their laughter ringing in his ears, he asks himself what he will do if the Vietcong attack. The Americans :are bitter. They have been disillusioned by Vietnam. They say: "These ,,people are incomprehensible. We come here to save them from Communist slavery, and they couldn't care less." The Americans carry with them their al- -most insane horror of communism. They apply here all the fatuous ideas they have on the subject in the States. For them the problem-is simple: The Vietnamese are di- vided neatly into two groups, the Vietcong and the anti-Vietcong, that is, the pro and the anti-Communists. These two groups, by t but c n i an t o a no d his ory, g c the iron law of l hate each other, and fight each other to the dressed like a peasant, in black calico and death. with sandals cut from an old tire. He makes This is unfortunately a mental picture his rounds in his district on foot, walking which in Vietnam has little basis in reality. along the public roads. You can be sure of In the first place because the pro- and anti- one thing: he is not on the back of the peo- Vietcong are not isolated from each other. ple getting rich. There hardly exists in Vietnam a single fam- When the Vietcong began their revolution fly which is not divided between the two in 1959 and 1960, it was opened with a wave ractions. It is rare that a Government minis- of terrorism. In isolated places, in hamlets, ter or general does not have one or more rela- then in villages and cities, officials and pri- lives more or less close to him on the other vate persons loyal to Saigon were assassi- dde. Between the two sides of the family nated. Government propaganda strove the ties are not out. News is exchanged, and mightily to exploit these facts to arouse popu- ;ometimes, visits. It is necessary also to take lar indignation. This backfired. It was un- nto account the problem of nationalism derstood too late that in most cases the rhich complicates things even more. On this peasants had fearlessly helped in the brutal core ambiguity existed all during the first liquidation of the men on whose death the Tietnamese war. Large numbers of anti- Saigon Government was basing its case. in- stead of murderers, the terrorists were con- ainh nevertheless in order to get independ- sidered dispensers of justice. nee for,their country. Today there is a 'bit All this was not exactly an unplanned re- f the same problem. The continuous line of action. The Vietcong do not leave anything 'ietcong propaganda is that the Americans to chance.. The heart of their system is al- ave stepped into the shoes of the French, ways to explain the reasons for the course of sat national independence is again in jeop- action they adopt. Before killing a man they rdy, that the Vietcong fight chiefly to end explain at length, repeating tirelessly the ie interference of the foreigner. You have same arguments, giving the reasons for which be pretty ignorant of the Vietnamese to the victim must be punished. And they don't imagine that this line of argument does not stop there. The population too must repeat carry weight. the arguments, learn them by heart, and tell Officially, the American intervention has everyone about them. The Vietcong want for its objective "the fight against commu- the people themselves to demand the punish- nism." This is a notion which to the Viet- ment of the guilty. And no one is satisfied namese peasants means absolutely nothing. with mere lipservice. The Vietcong never mention the subject of The difference between the two Vietnams, communism. They don't present themselves official Vietnam, that of the Saigon Govern- ,as the exponents of an ideology. The whole ment, and the real Vietnam, that of the Viet- thing is infinitely more simple than that. tong, is undoubtedly here. The Vietcong is Their political staff doesn't hold meetings a great, perfectly oiled machine which or- of the peasants to conduct seminars In poli- ganizes the people after winning their inner No. 70-6 tical theory. What they do is propose con-' crete solutions to. concrete problems. These problems are not difficult to state. They are, in the order of their importance, the return of peace, the reestablishment of law and order, and better management of public affairs. What the Vietcong leaders say to the peas- ants, and what all the officials down the line repeat, is this: "You have nothing to pay to the landlords who have taken refuge in Saigon. The land belongs to the man who farms It. Don't worry, if someone tries to persecute you, we will protect you." . When, under Diem, the program of stra- tegic hamlets was tried, the Vietcong argued: "Don't let yourselves be locked up in dis- guised concentration camps. No one has the right to force you to leave your homes. Resist. We will help you. If you can't help it, cooperate, but help us later to destroy the hamlets." When the Government tries to draft, the Vietcong tells the parents: "Don't let your children go. The Saigon government wants them to be killed to advance the objectives of the Americans. Hide them. In an emerg- ency, send them to the areas we hold. We will make use of them." The families with boys in service are told: "Have them desert, and no harm will come to them. If they don't we will be forced to kill them." In a revolutionary period, propaganda is worthless if it does not put out a concrete --a.ction program. The Vietcong tells the population: "You are oppressed by corrupt men representing a government which has sold out to a foreign country." On hearing this the peasants look around. The chief of the province appointed by the Saigon Government lives in a big house, drives a Mercedes, and loads his wife with jewelry. The Governor is a man of impor- tance who is approached with deference, pro- tected by police, soldiers, and assistants. His Vietcong opposite number can be seen every day. He Is out among the people. He is 7861 conviction, after becoming master of their heart and head. The Saigon Government also has tried to win over the people. This was under Diem, but it was all a matter of exter- nals. I was well acquainted with Ngo Dinh Nhu, the brother of the dead President. He was the regime's man of theory. He was obsessed with the idea of having at his com- mand, as the Vietcong does, an army of fanat- ical partisans who would go from village to village, from man to man, doing the kind of work the Vietcong has done. He never could develop a corps of this kind, however, because there are no competent people of this kind who side with the Saigon Government, and he didn't have time to create them. With the fall ofiDiem the Vietcong machine preempted this field of activity. One Saigon government after another fell. There was a confusing succession of heads of state and commanders in chief. There was a con- tinual turnover of important civil and mili- tary officials who were killed, jailed, silenced, fired, and recalled. The people have this picture to look at. On one side there is a real government, law and order, and responsible people. On the other side, chaos, anarchy, and disorder. The people chose those who had won the contest. Against this bombs and strafing mean nothing. If the National Liberation Front imposed itself by clever propaganda and by profes- sional leadership, it also offered a political program designed to win adherence. The Vietnamese are by nature distrustful and sensitive to possible trickery. They don't swallow naively the arguments of the Vietcong leaders. They know perfectly well what they have to fear from the installation in South Vietnam of a government compar- able to the one imposed by the Vietminh on North Vietnam. They don't want a govern- ment of that kind at any price. They pas- sionately want two things: First, not to be subjected to the North Vietnamese Govern- ment which they detest, and second, not to see installed in the south a political and economic system less humane than that of Hanoi. The National Liberation Front, with the approval of Hanoi, gives pleasing assurances on all of these different points. First, it stresses that it is a question of a front, and not of a single party. It's not the Marxist Party alone, but the Popular Revolutionary Party-a party made up of 20 other groups. It is therefore necessary to make out the Popular Revolutionary Party plays an essen- tial role in the conduct of the struggle, but it is known that neither the president nor the secretary of the front are members of the Popular Revolutionary Party, and that only one of the front's five vice presidents is affiliated with the Popular Revolutionary Party. The program of the front is one that could not be more reassuring. To read it, it is for a sort of liberal Socialist government. It is precise in providing for the retention of the right to private property, that private industry and commerce will be encouraged, that the property of French citizens will be protected. In foreign affairs, diplomatic re- lations will be established with all countries "without distinction as to political system." Economic, cultural, and technical aid will be sought from countries "having different political systems." It is the same as saying that Vietnam will be a friend of the United States. Lastly, the separate existence of South Vietnam is promised. On reunifica- tion of the two Vietnams the program says: "The question will be determined by the two parts * * * subject to the proviso that one part will not swallow up the other." All observers are in agreement on one point: The program and the conduct of the National Liberation Front have won it the Approved For. Release 2003/10/14:: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 7862 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD SENATE April 21, 1965 adherence, enthusiastic or resigned, of a very large part of the Vietnamese population. This is a fact which becomes particularly clear when one interviews middle class and intellectual people in Saigon. One of them summarizes the problem in this way: "We have a choice between two solutions: to wage an endless war while every day placing our- selves more at the mercy of the Americans, and without any guarantee that this will end in aelearcut victory, or categorically to demand the end of the war and trust to the good faith of the National Liberation Front's leaders and to their willingness to carry out a program which to us appears acceptable." Before that vast majority who above all want peace and the fulfillment of their hopes, there is one minor obstacle: some generals who command troops ready to die like the troops of all ages. There is also a major obstacle presented by the open intervention of the United States in the Indochinese war. One thing at least is sure: the fiction that American military power has been introduced upon demand of a people fighting communism no longer holds today. Senator MORSE, as Senator from Oregon and a welcome critic of the official policy in Vietnam, I particularly want you to read a copy of my letter to the President: SAN Jost, COSTA RICA, April 11, 1965. President LYNDON B. JOHNSON, The White House, Washington, D.C. DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: I want to thank you for your on-the-whole, excellent speech at Johns Hopkins offering a new resolution to the Vietnam crisis. I am thrilled with the offer of an extensive development plan for southeast Asia which is to be cooperative in nature and to be ad- ministered by the U.N. The sum of $1 billion seems adequate to do the job and is certainly generous. I approve of your nam- ing Secretary of 'the U.N., U Thant, as a man who would be in a particularly good posi- tion to know the problems and to bring a peaceful solution to this strife-torn area. I was very pleased to have you call upon all the countries of the U.N. to participate in the plan, including Russia. However, I was not entirely pleased by all of your speech, by any means. You stated that U.S. forces will remain in South Viet- nam so that the people of that country will be governed as they wish. I believe that until the whole Vietnam area is neutralized, both North Vietnam and South Vietnam, and all foreign soldiers and equipment are removed from the area--which means Ameri- can, as well as other-then there will be no hope for a democratic government there. There certainly is not such a government in South Vietnam-now. Walter Lippmann has pointed out that even the military dictator- ship which is now functioning in South Vietnam only counts the large centers of population under its control and not the open countryside. When we examine Ameri- can reasons for being in Vietnam, we find them full of superficial thinking and con- fusion. I believe that your insistence in the Johns Hopkins speech of continuing air raids against North Vietnam is part of the con- fusion of U.S. policy toward Vietnam. You offer peace and bountiful self-development with one hand and armed destruction with the other. Which policy is the real policy? Which is what you really paean? It is time to decide for the peaceful policy of construction with the help of U Thant and the U.N. It is time to face the futility and foolishness of continuing an aggressive mili- tary policy in southeast Asia. Such a policy can only stave off the day when you have to come to terms with mainland China on a live-and-let-live policy for southeast Asia. Very truly yours, Mrs. CHESTER M. PATTERSON, Jr. SAN DIEGO, CALIF., April 13, 1965. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senator ERNEST GRUENING, - Senator FRANC CHURCH. DEAR SENATORS: You deserve the deep ap- preciation and utmost support from every citizen, for your efforts to end the disgraceful war in Vietnam. If only the true facts could be presented to everyone, through our mass- communication media, then the war would end tomorrow. Forgive me for not writing three separate, individual letters to each of you, but there are so many letters of protest (not commendation), that I must send to those who favor the administration's insane "escalation" policy. No doubt your mail is heavy, so I will be brief. I am enclosing a copy of a letter which I wrote to President Johnson (before his re- cent double-talk speech). Part of his speech seemed conciliatory, but his actions show that he is still following the advice of Gold- water and the military strategists. I am writing this letter while in a mood of despair and near desperation. Many of my friends say I am just wasting time, sending protest letters to President Johnson, Dean Rusk, McGeorge Bundy, etc., that the ball is rolling too fast now towards big general war for everyone to stop it. If President Johnson will not listen to the advice of wise, principled statesmen such as MORSE, GRUENING, and CHURCH, then there is no chance that an ordinary citizen can make his voice heard. But, somehow the voices of protest must not be silenced. I have never before taken part in any demonstration, or march for peace or civil rights or anything. But now- now perhaps there is still time for me to take a plane to Washington and join those who will be marching to end the Vietnam war, on April 17. Please do not allow the war hawks to silence you and I pray that the list of legis- lators who support your views will grow big- ger and bigger. Now I must hurry. I will write protest letters while in Washington. Most sincerely, SAN DIEGO, CALIF., April 4, 1965. President LYNDON B. JOHNSON, The White House, Washington, D.C. DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: It is not easy for an American citizen who loves his country dearly, to speak out critically against actions taken by his President. Yet I cannot keep silent about the horrifying, impractical, and indefensible (both morally and legally) ac- tions which are now being carried out in Vietnam by the U.S. Government. Last fall I was one of many trusting citi- zens who really believed that you fully in- tended to take positive steps toward dis- engagement in South Vietnam, just as soon as the elections were over. Yes, millions of us ordinary citizens believed your campaign statements and we gave you the "mandate for peace" that you asked for. But now- now you are embracing, and carrying out, the worst aspects of Goldwaterism. Why, just think how terrible-to be sucked into a long, hopeless war such as France tackled for 8 years? What if our casualties should equal those suffered by France? Also the end result- would be the same. Are we in South Vietnam at the request of a freely elected and popular government? We do not need a beachhead in southeast Asia anymore than we need a beachhead In Korea, as the advent of nuclear power and ICBM's has made such beachheads obsolete. We have had about 55,000 soldiers guarding the 38th parallel for 15 years. It would take three or four times that many soldiers to guard the frontiers of South Vietnam, if we should win and then would the Pentagon be satisfied? And would the South Vietnamese people then be allowed to have the free elections that were promised them in the Geneva agreements, or would we find another Diem? Then the military strategists would increase pressure on Cambodia and Laos, saying that we must make the "domino theory" operate in reverse. Then Russia and China would patch up their differences and we would face worldwide nuclear war. Mr. President, I sincerely believe that you really want to be a good President and to be remembered in our history books as a man of peace. But you are under tremendous pres- sure. As Columnist Marquis Childs wrote it the Republican. San Diego Tribune on Apri: 1, 1965: "While he [Goldwater] approved the step,- taken to carry the war to North Vietnam, h( went on to say he had a terrible feeling that turning tail and coming home is what tht Johnson administration has in mind. It short he [Goldwater] was identifying th( political trap, and if his opponent of las November should fall into it, he will is heard from loud and long." Mr. President have you forgotten that thin man's views were repudiated at the poM overwhelmingly, just last November? Yes, the Goldwaterites will howl loudly (ii you turn away from suicidal war), but not for long. A few Gallup polls will show that the millions who voted for you will applaud your courage, and will reelect you again, and even more overwhelmingly. The moderate Republicans would also applaud and only the Goldwaterites would say you were turn- ing tail but, if you continue to appease the Goldwaterites then you will be handing them a campaign issue on a silver platter. The Republicans will soon begin to talk and act like a peace party saying: "The Democrats always get us into war. Eisenhower stopped Truman's Korean war and now we must elect Gov. George Romney as President so he can stop Johnson's war in South Vietnam." Mr. President, please listen to wise states- men like Senators MORSE, GRUENING, and CHURCH. Sincerely, J. L. MINER. CLEVELAND, OHIO, April 11, 1965. To SENATOR WAYNE MORSE: Re Vietnam. THE PLAIN DEALER, CLEVELAND, OHIO, To the EDrroR: The President's speech re Vietnam we eloquent but unrelated to reality. If a resolution to declare war again= North Vietnam were introduced in Congress the American people would overwhelming) oppose it. The President is responsible for the deat of every American boy killed in Vietnam i his illegal, undeclared war there. Furthe more the U.S. Congress has no right to plat either the authority, or responsibility for w; through resolutions, which give the Presidei the equivalent of the warmaking pow( which is granted only to the Congress by tl U.S. Constitution. Granting the altruis which prompts us to want to aid others, I us not destroy our country in the proce; For that is whatwe shall do, if we allow the President to declare war. By and large the Vietnamese people want the Americans to get out of Vietnam. If we virtually continue to go it alone in Vietnam, for we are not a world police force, we shall become embroiled in wars all over the world, to the private delight of our allies, who chuckle at our stupidity in sacrificing our men for them in distant parts of the world. We have no foreign policy except force. We delude ourselves in thinking there Is no alter- native. The first thing we should do is to Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 qq proved For R le 2 p 31S40p~1A4iIA }}~~~~RD pp676004444 R ~zQE000300150023-8 April'2, x96G`OU~RESNECO $EN get out of Vietnam forthwith and stop sacra- We have long come to expect courage and acing the_ lives of our boys needlessly. By sanity from you on such vital matters as getting out we shall not lose face, but we war and peace, and we are fortunate, indeed, shall gain the respect of our allies. What our to have a man like you in the Congress, enemies will say is meaningless and so much Sincerely yours, tripe to be ignored. It is what we do that is JEROME ENNIS. important. We should certainly give our surplus food WESTPORT, CONN., and more to the hungry peoples of the world. April 5, 1965. We should not force our presence where we' Senator WAYNE MORSE, are not wanted, we with our high standard Senate Office Building, :)f living, while they struggle to keep body Washington, D.C. and soul together with their rice plantings. DEAR SENATOR MORSE:' I support your post'-' Our first line of 4efense is not a battle line. tion on Vietnam most heartily. Negotia- ill nations, wake up before we destroy the tion, through the U.N.,' and eventual with world. All peace-loving nations join hands drawal of U.S. military'forces from-Vietnam and work , , together, not just the United are policies for the long range-but an im- States. mediate stop, in the escalation into North $AaRY A. BLACIMAN, Vietnam is essential. CLEVELAND, OHIO. I recently received a'copy` of .a Senate speech from Senator Dono,' which, t believe; ROSEVILLE, CALIF., completely distorts the Pacts of the situation. April 8, 1965. Would, you please send ine material, 'such as Senator WAYNE MORSE, articles you have written, or speeches you ienate, Office Building, have given, with 'which to counter Senator Vashington, D.C. DODD'S statements? DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I hope you will per- Sincerely yours, alit a Californian to congratulate you on GERALD HARRISON, tour consistent opposition to President John- ion's policies in South Vietnam. I have just DEAR SENATOR: I fully support your views ,witnessed your reply to the President's speech on the Vietnam tragedy and have written it John Hopkins University last night and letters to Senators CHURCH, GRUENING, and Nish to state-for whatever It is worth-that MCGOVERN as well as President Johnson to [ find myself in complete agreement with this effect. What else can one too?' your remarks. Please send, if' possible, a copy of your California would be fortunate jo have such, speech last week In Portland. a main as you representing her in the Senate; Truly, we have, unfortunately, no such man of your yaliber. I have written my Representative (HAROLD JOHNSON], and both my Senators MAC WADDELL, Naples, Fla. about the, atrocities being carried out in MARSHALL, VA., the name of,democracy in' Vietnam; but all, April 2,1965. =apparently, subscribe to the falling dominoes Senator WAYNE MORSE, fallacy, U.S. Senate, .Both, my wife and I want to express our Washington, D.C. appreciation of your efforts and to beg you DEAR SENATOR MORSE: It has been some to continue in your search for a foreign policy time now since I have heard your firm voice which, approaches decency or, at least, on TV and I hope I can rouse you on this eschews the. near-genocidal crimes America Vietnam holocaust. The 'policy this admin- Is responsible for in Vietnam. Istration has indulged in is progressing from Respectfully yours, bad to the ludicrous. The people here at DOUGLAS DAVIDSON. home have, been advocating our, withdrawal from the very beginning and urging it every Los ANGELES, CALIF:, way we know how but still we are ignored. April 2, 1965. You know, as we all do, that the mess in DEAR SENATOR: Just want,you to know how Tery much I admire your courage to speak >ut on war in Vietnam and the many other ;pings you stand for. Why can't we have pore honest men to represent us in Govern- vent. When those leaders in Washington ay they are speaking for the masses of this ountry they are sadly mistaken. I get heart- ick when I hear those Democratic Senators ay they are for extending the war in Viet- am. Wish I had the words to express my me feelings toward you few Senators that Land up for justice. I pray for your contin- ed good health and courage. Sincerely yours, MERRIMAC, MASS., April 6 1965 Vietnam is far more important than voting rights in the South and yet Martin Luther King is actually dictating to the President and furthermore getting away with it. Just what is our form of government coming to when one black man can say what he wants and gets it and the billions of us who have been pleading for the President to get us out of the mess in Vietnam have made no head- way at all. This I cannot understand and I have been asking everywhere what can we do to make ourselves heard. There's a very intelligent article in the April issue of Pageant called "A Program for Winning the War in Vietnam." I hope you will read it and present it to Congress. This is the way I have alweays believed freedom should be won; and not by combat. `As I have said many times before, wars have never won anything and whatever the outcome we are still the losers. We never have .peace but only a lull until we can raise more sons to go at it again. To force us here at home to sacrifice our boys for peace and freedom Is indeed the most ridiculous command I have ever heard of. We are not stupid although the administration assumes we arecompi`ete mater WAYNE L. MORSE, .S. Senate, 'ashington, D.C. IDEAR SIR: I support your views on the Asian situation end commend you for your efforts for peace. I hope you continue. With my thaxil,, Sincerely, April 5, 1965. ammunition to carry on my crusade for a Senator WAYNE L. MORSE, settlement In Vietnam more effectively and Washington, D.C. that you will read the article I mentioned DEAR SIR: May I express my endorsement and get In there and fight for us.. and appreciation for your position on Viet- ' Yours truly, dam?, Mrs. PRANCES,P.,AirxLgY,,. 7863 PASADENA, CALIF., March 23, 1965. Senator WAYNE MORSE, C.S. Senate, Washington,D.C: DEAR SENATOR: t wish to express myI full sympathy with your remarks, as reported by the press, on American involvement in Viet- nam and American foreign policy in general. I would-be most appreciative if you could send me full texts of pertinent statements made by you during recent months. Sincerely yours, .... .. .~ . GEORGE AID. WESTWOOD, N.3?, March 31, 1965. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I strongly support your position on Vietnam and I regret that there are so few men of your moral courage and in'tellietual' honesty in American public life today. There was mention in the press of your intention to make a detailed critique of the State Department's White Paper. ~ Iave you made such an analysis? If so, could you tell me now I might obtain a copy of it? I would, of course, be interested in reading any of your other analyses of the situation in Vietnam. Thank you for keeping up the good fight. Sincerely,- . RAPHAEL.1. ETIGSON. MARCH 31, 1965. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: With greatest grati- tude 'for your stanch and continuing fight for sanity and for constitutional govern= ment. Very sincerely, L. T. WYLY. P.S.-Please send me any available copies of your speeches on Vietnam; one each of what you can. P.P.S.-I welcome any suggestions for any- thing I can do. .WILMETTE, ILL., ..... March 31, 1965. The PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, The White House, Washington, D.C. DEAR MR;. PRESIDENT: On March 5 ]: Sept the following Western Union public opinion message to President Lyndon B. Johnson, Vice President HUBERT' H. HUMPHREY, Senator EVERETT.M. DIRIcSEN, Senator PAUL H. DOUG- LAS, and Congressman DONALD RUMSFELD, Washington, D.C.: "I urge you support position 400 professors from 20 universities, New York Times, Feb- ruary 16. "L. T. WYLY. " In addition to the carefully weighed and convincing reasons which the 400 professors gave in support of their position I urge, also, the following: 1. Our country was founded on the prin- ciples expressed in the Declaration of Inde- pendence. 12. The meaning of the Declaration of Inde- pendence: The first obligation of govern- ment is the protection and preservation of the personal security and liberties of the individual. S. The Constitution and its amendments, the supreme law of the land, was planned and written to implement the Declaration of Independence, to insure a rule of law based on justice and liberty, responsible to the people. 4. Our relations to other nations should be based on justice to all. In the long run, only such a policy will serve our own best Interests. 5. All justice is founded on the search for truth.SOCRATES. 6. The'search for truth can be conducted, with hope' of success, only by the methods of ,scientific inquiry. Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B0.0446R000300150023-8 7864 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE April 21, 196, "It is the progress which has been made in physics, chemistry, and experimental biol- ogy which gives everyone confidence in the procedures of the scientist." Conant, "Sci- ence and Common Sense," (1952, p. 45). 7. The search for truth by the methods of science is an intellectual operation. The following do not enter into this search for truth: Authority, power, force, belief, hope, pub- lic opinion, official opinion, personal opinion, propaganda, public relations, vote of legis- lative body, vote of committee, wishes of a man- or group, policy of any nation, or self- interest of any nation. EXAMPLES: AUTHORITY TRIES UNSUCCESSFULLY TO DECIDE TRUTH Galileo: Church tried to decide cosmic truth by authority, 16331 Dayton: State tried to decide evolution by authority, 1925.2 Russia: State tried to decide genetics by authority, 1936.3 PETINENT COMMENT Trial by ordeal was forbidden by church in 1216 Trial by combat was outlawed in England in 1819.5 Duels were outlawed in England in 1879.c Attempts to obtain court evidence by tor- ture were outlawed in the United States after the Revolution? 8. Roadblocks to search for truth are the following: (1) Any deceit or falsehood in evidence. (ii) Any secrecy or suppression of evi- dence. (iii) Any ex parts evidence. (iv) Any bias, prejudice, or conflict of in- terest on part of judges, witnesses, jurors. (v) Any attempt to prevent the giving of testimony by harassment of witnesses, coer- cion, bribery, or undue influence. (vi) Any attempt to interfere, by force, or otherwise, with freedom of speech, thought. press, Investigation, peaceable assembly, or communication. .9. In attempting to solve international controversies truth should be sought in a court of justice; by methods of science as provided by and safeguarded in the U.S. Con- stitption and its amendments, implemented by modern court procedure. Wigmore: "The Science of Judicial Proof," 1937. 10. An idea cannot be killed by force. Witness: Christianity and the Roman Em- pire. .11. Justice between nations, as between men, must conform to Cicero's natural law; "the law of right reason-which is in accord-. ante with Nature." Hutchins and others: "Natural Law and Modern Society." Montagu: "On Being Human," 1950, Sci- entific basis for Cicero. PERTINENT COMMENT Cicero's natural law is consistent with and has been embodied in the doctrine of the Christian church. Montagu's book furnishes a scientific basis for the interpretation of Cicero. The above two books may easily be the most important to appear in the past cen- tury. EXAMPLES Three times within the past half century we have seen great dynasties or reichs, 1 Britannica. 2 Britannica. 8 Zirkle: "Death of a Science in Russia," 1949. 4 Radin; Anglo-American Legal History, pp. 35-36. 5 Radin, pp. 227-228. 6 Britannica. 1 Radin, pp. 244-246. planned to endure 1,000 years destroyed apparently by the natural revulsion of man- kind against aggressive war. Plainly, the leaders who planned and di= rected national policy in these-relchs did not understand life, or natural law. 12. It is seldom safe to attempt firm con- clusions regarding interpretation scientific- ally of historical events. However, answers to the following questions, if available, would be pertinent to our situation in Viet- nam: (i) Why were the Romans, despite the use of terrible tortures of thousands of Chris- tians over long periods, unable to stamp out the new religion? (ii) Why, after nearly half a century of planning, with meticulous attention paid to everything, except human nature, did the Kaiser and his war party lose the Battle of the Marne, and hence lose the war and the Second Reich? (iii) Why, with the great advantages of arming, initiative, and overwhelming nu- merical superiority, did Hitler and his war party lose the Battle of Britain, and hence lose World War II and the Third Reich? (iv) Why, despite the very great amount of arms and money poured by the United States into the support of Chiang Kai-shek's regime, were the Communists able to take over all of China? (v) Why did the French lose the Battle of Dienbienphu and with it lose Indochina? (vi) Why, despite the very great amounts of money and armament poured by the United States into Vietnam, have we not won the war? COMMENT Mr. President, you have inherited in Viet- nam a problem and a policy. The policy has not worked and the problem has steadily worsened. An Asian war now threatens. Why not work out and establish a new policy? It has been said that the proper sub- ject for the study of mankind is man. Why not study man? SUGGESTION (A) Set up at once a high-level Presiden- tial Advisory Committee to seek answers to the questions on page 3 of this letter, and to recommend a policy on Vietnam, with time limit set. Suggested personnel: Ashley Montagu, Martin Luther King, Jr., Sergeant Shriver, Robert M. Hutchins, Virgil M. Newton, social scientists. (B) Refer to the World Court, via the United,,Wations, for adjudication, the prob- lem of Vietnam, together with your proposed new policy: the Johnson policy. (C) Accept the World Court verdict and implement it wholeheartedly. NoTE.-The above suggestion is entirely consistent with the recommendations of the 400 professors from 20 universities in the New York Times of February 16. Sincerely yours, L. T. WYLY, American Citizen. MARCH 30, 1965. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I had, in the past, written my approval of your attempts to encourage negotiations in Vietnam. On March 20, the western edition of the Christian Science Monitor carried an article entitled "Air Raids: U.S. Lid on Debate." The sense of this article along with others point to a movement toward ever greater in- volvement in a questionable war without even considering alternative solutions. Since even consideration of alternatives seems to be successfully squelched by pro- ponents of further escalation in official cir- cles, it is more important than ever that al- ternatives be examined in the light of day by the public. I can think of no greater tragedy than a deepening involvement merely because we didn't think the issue through. In line with this feeling I would like yo to send me some copies of your speech deal Ing with Vietnam. These will be placed o: the social concerns committee table of m', church. Sincerely, SUSQUEHANNA UNIVERSITY, Selinsgrove, Pa., April 5, 1965. Senator WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I was very pleased i hear a portion of your public statement I. March 30 in which you so courageously calle for an end to warmaking by our Governmel and a beginning of peacemaking in Vietnar In this you certainly have the support more Americans than you may be aware. hope that this note may be some support you in your efforts to put a stop to the cu rent illegal and immoral activities being ca ried out in the name of "freedom" and "ju tice." It is becoming increasingly clear th the only sensible solutions to the Vietna impasse are economic and social. If prese: policies are continued, the results can only) political and moral disaster at home and lo of any semblanceof justification abroad. Yours very truly, ROBERT G. MOwRY. CHAMPAIGN, ILL., April 5, 1965. Senator WAYNE L. MORSE, The Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I am horrified by th position and the actions of the administra tion in the war in.-Vietnam, and believe tha all warlike procedures should be canceled im? mediately. I wish to encourage your position on Viet- nam and ask you to use any possible influ- ence or powers to bring about: An immediate cease-fire in Vietnam. A conference of all nations to negotiate peace. Sincerely, Mrs. BARBARA BRANDT CHEM. HEMPSTEAD, N.Y., April 4, 1965. Senator WAYNE MORRIS, Washington, D.C.: Feel present Vietnam policy too dangerol for expected benefits. Recommend immed ate institution of negotiations steps throui and if possible or other available channe ARNOLD FRANCO. THORNE, STANTON, CLOPTON, HERZ, & STANEK, San Jose, Calif., April 5, 1965 President LYNDON B. JOHNSON, The White House, Washington, D.C. DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: Those of us w supported and worked for you in the electi did so because we felt you would do yc utmost to stop the killing of one hurr being by another anywhere in the world, pecially where it involved our own citizen: Polls of all kinds can be taken to give 3 any answer you might desire, but let assure you that a poll of the entire Amerii population would undoubtedly overwhelm. ingly endorse the idea of our getting out o: Vietnam. I think a most effective step that yot could take at the present time would be tc meet with Senator GRUENING, of Alaska and Senator MORSE, of Oregon. These an fine Americans with the best interests o: their country at heart, and I do believe the3 have something to say which has the sup- port of the vast majority of their fellow Americans. I think the gesture of your meeting with them to discuss the situation in Vietnam could have great impact, not only here in the Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 Approved For Release 2003/10114: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 April 21, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE United States, but ;around the world. Per- haps it could be the start of getting to a conference table where negotiations for end- ing the senseless. war can be_culminated. Very truly yours, Senator WAYNE MORSE, Washington, D.C.: DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I commend you for your customary high purpose and honesty with regard to public criticism of the brutal aggression by our Government in Vietnam. ,gincerely yours, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. HONORABLE SIR: Although not a constitu- ent, I have thought for some time to write to commend you, and to express my apprecia- tion, for your courageous, unswerving, and But as those responsible for American policy seem determined to pursue their folly to the ultimate folly of nuclear confronta- tion, if not disaster, it behooves one to en- courage those who seek to enable rational resolutions of the conflict in southeast Asia. To that end, I hope this letter will let you know that a great many of us look to you for the spark of leadership to crystallize and ,.effectively make known our opposition to the present course of events. Yours sincerely, PALO ALTO, CALIF.,,.. Urging you to Implore Adlai Stevenson resign as protest of 'administration's insane escalation of Vietnam war. OLIVER, HENDERSON, M.D. Psychiatrist. SANTA BARBARA, CALIF., March-27,1965. Senator WAYNE MORSE. DEAR SENATOR: 4t.a speech at the Univer- sity of California last night by Kenneth Armstrong, of the Cleveland Plain 1 ealer, he referred you as a "Ninny" for your stand an Vietnam, to a group of students dis- ,ussing the situation after his talk. It would interest me greatly to know rho paid his fare out here and if the Plain )ealer paid his fare, why? And/or who paid ;hem? Did the USIS maybe pay him, or the Plain )ealer, or a nominee, under a new direc- ive I read about lately by which they are low allotted money to propagandize us do- aestically as well as our overseas brethren? Very truly yours, - ARLI13GTON, VA., Marci 26, 1965. who oppose the administration policy and see around us the' signs of a war escalating up and up with no foreseeable end. It l qa4 tg s e pngejree and independ- ent ppress towing the line of McNamara and the. Buztd boys. More and more columnists are SOundixlgg like Defense Department press releases (Wi'lliara S. White, Alsop, etc.). buy cxii111na1. of so-called nonlethal gas is just one more sign of our desperate situa- tion in Vietnam and of the hard-headed RoLArio. it.,.AvSTIN. TORRENCE, CALIF., April 2, 1965. JELINEK & GLICKMAN, 1. 1 COUNSELORS AT LAW, New York, N.Y., March 29, 1965. President LYNDON B. JOHNSON, The White House, Washington, D.C. H,OxORARI,E SIR;- Since xz ylast' letter, you have received the.dualifled endorsement of the National Review, that well-known pro- ponent of Barry Goldwater and all that he stood for. combine with those of U Thant Mr. Lester In the issue dated March 23, 1865, the fol-"Pearson, President 'de Gaulle, and other lowing was written: "Are these just isolated incidents, of no importance? Do they portend a major stra- tegic turn in U.S. foreign policy, a decision to take a hard line against aggression of all sorts and to protect every last acre of the free world? Probably not. Certainly it's too soon to pronounce the verdict, one way or the other, But these are signs of at least a tem- porary tactical turn, of a coolheaded effort to test out the will of our own people, of our allies, and of the enemy." Although one should never be judged by the company one keeps, it should be little source of comfort to you to know that your activities in Vietnam are approved by that voice of extremism. We can only guess what their reaction will be to the use of gas warfare by the United States for the first time in five decades. Once again, I join with many in strongly hoping that you will Immediately negotiate our. withdrawal from Vietnam. Respectfully yours, DONALD A. JELINEK. (Copies to Senator McGovEaN, Washing- ton, D.C.; Senator WAYNE MORSE, Washing- ton, D.C.) BR INGTQN, VA., March 29,.1965,, MY DEAR SENATOR MORSE: While not a con- stituent of yours, I feel impelled to write to express, my admiration and support for your courageous and outspoken stand on the sit- uation in Vietnam, and to urge you to con- tinue to press for negotiations. Our "save face escalation','.-In tlkat unfortunate. little country seems to have cost us the support of the world. The support which we claim to have front the British Government seems to be most reluctant and uneasy. I am en- closing a troubled editorial from the March 10 edition of the Manchester Cauardl`an. I hope that those of you in the Senate who support a sane, humane, and constructive policy will exert all your influence to change the perilous course upon which this Nation has almost unwittingly embarked under the urging of our overzealous military estab- lishment. Very respectfully, ELIZABETH NORTH. Whether or not the Prime Minister's state- ments on Vietnam in the -Commons yesterday satisfy his Labour critics they are probably as good as we can expect. Disingenu- ous, of course-particularly the quick ref- erences to-the 1954 agreements (a very com- plicated story), and to, the change which he sees in the war in recent months. It was not to be supposed that in present circum- stances he would flatly contradict the Amer- ican line. Nor would it have done any good if he had. In fact, his only harsh words were directed neither at Mr. Rusk nor at the critics of hij own attitude in the Labour Party, but at Tory attempts to exploit the disagreement between these critics and him- self. Moreover, he did give an impression of activity-talks with Mr. Gromyko next week, the Foreign Secretary's journey to Washing- ton the week, after. Probably these efforts will have only, a marginal effect on the course of events; the end of the war will almost cer- tainly bedetermined more by what happens in South Vietnam than b what happens in London, or even in Paris,' Peiping, Moscow, or Washington. So it has been throughout; what Mr. Wilson"thinks matters less (as no doubt he realizes) than what a handful of Saigon . generals and monks and a whole countryful of other Vietnamese think. That is an additional reason for not wanting to offend'the'U.S. Government pointlessly. But statesmen to create an atmosphere in which negotiations come to seem natural and in-11 evitable. Here again it is important that some of those adding their mediatory pies- sure on President Johnson should seem sym- pathetic to his dilemma. There are, of course, limits. Washington's good opinion is not the sole factor in our foreign policy. It is deeply disturbing that a report has been circulated giving the im- pression that the British Government sup- ports the U.S. air strikes against North Viet- nam. This report has been printed in for- eign newspapers and broadcast in the United States. It naturally shocked Mr. Vladimir Dediler, as he made clear in a letter to the 'limes yesterday and it must have shocked many others whom we like to feel well dis- posed toward us. Apparently it arose from a misunderstanding of something a Govern- ment spokesman said. It must be untrue; when Mr. Wilson was asked yesterday by a Conservative Member of Parliament for an assurance that the Government was "sup- porting the U.S. Government in the actions which they have taken;" it was noticeable that he evaded a direct answer. Instead, he took refuge in the truism that "if, the 1954 agreements were observed, there would, be no problem." But a more definite denial of the harp ul report is needed. The British Government may not feel able to condemn the raids, but it is not called upon to ap- prove them. NEw YORK, N.Y, ? March?29,1965. Senator WA_YNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. .D ii SE}YATOI{ ,Moses :. , It becomes increas- ingly clear that our Vietnam policy is lack- ipg_ any kind, of moral or ethical base and I know I speak for many friends when I ask for an immediate cease fire in Vietnam and immediate use of U Thant's formula for negotiations. Sincerely, Senator WAYNE MORSE, Washington, D.C. DEAR SIR: I . appeal to you Ito urge the President to replace Gen. Maxwell Taylor with a civilian representative as envoy to Vietnam. His (the General's) questionable advice and statements seem to have out- raged public opinion-both home and abroad, have escalated the war tremendously and dangerously, and created distrust of our declared policy of negotiation in Vietnam. A military mind can furnish only a military solution to a political problem. Sincerely yours, Hon. LYNDON B. JOHNSON, President of the United States, The 'White House, Washington,D.C. DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: The strafing' and bombing of installations in North Vietnam and Laos can be interpreted only as another serious step in the escalation of `the war in southeast Asia. In this thermo-nuclear age, such an action by the U.S. Government must be termed highly dangerous. Given the Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8; 7866 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE April 21, '1965 harsh realities of the South Vietnamese con- flict-the indigenous nature of the Vietcong troops and the authoritarian and unpopular character of the Saigon ruling clique 4t seems to be a desperate and futile measure as well. As a group of Syracuse area faculty mem- bers who have studied the growing American involvement in what was :formerly Indo- china, both in terms of America's moral posture and American national interest, we urge you to consider a solution to the crisis which will involve an end to the unilateral U.S. military presence and. an effort to neutralize the area under international con- trol. Very truly yours, Elias Balbinder, Irwin Deutscher, Joseph Julian, Keith Olsen, Arnold Honig, Harry Sehwaylander, J. W. Trischka, Roland E. Wolseley, Seymour Bellin, Stewart Kranz, Reginald Manwell, Earl George, Louis Skoler, Byron Fox, Henry Woessner, Klaus H. Heberle, David H. Bennett, George Moutafakis Nanava- tie, R. James A. Smith, Gordon Kent, William W. West, Robert H. Hardt, James L. Brain, Louis Krasner, David Dobereiner, Robert Root, Peter G. Bergen, Erich M. Harth. CLEVELAND, OHIO, March 27, 1965. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Of ice Building. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Keep up the good work you are doing in trying to help us stop this war in Vietnam. My husband and I are 100 percent behind your efforts. Sincerely, Mrs. ELMER S. NEWMAN. WILLOWS, CALIF., April 2, 1965. HONORABLE SIR: I have been thinking how stupid it is for us to be bombing North Viet- nam. It would be just as logical for us to bomb Canada or Mexico to make Cuba sub- mit. The 'old proverb if you build a better mousetrap they will beat a path to your door. Well we have had a better trap for years. But I have begun to wonder if the spring hasn't been broken. If the right bait Is in the trap the mouse will come-get in by himself. But you can set a trap and try to drive the mouse in It--it is impossible. Seems we are trying the latter. I admire you very much. Respectfully, SILVER SPRING, Mn., April 3, 1965. NEW Yom, N.Y., April 4,1965. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Just a note to let you know that I agree with your position on Vietnam. I have written to this effect to the White House, especially pointing out my agreement with the ad in today's New York Times, "In the name of God, stop it." Very truly yours, Anousvus. MORRIS. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. NEW YORK, N.Y., April 3, 1965. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: We thank you for your stand demanding negotiations in Vietnam. We hope you will continue to speak up in this cause. We belive that American withdrawal from Vietnam will have to be part of the most satisfactory possible solution. Respectfully, Mr. and Mrs. HERBERT MENZEL. NEWTON, MASS, April 3, 1965. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: My daughter who is in sixth grade came home a few weeks ago in a rush of resentment and chagrin. Only she and a few others had taken the position after a class debate on Vietnam that we should get out of the place and out of Asia as well. What particularly disap- pointed her was that some of the smartest kids in the class were for keeping it up in Vietnam. Well, sixth graders don't have much power, but people in high places do, even the smartest ones. We know people like your- self have a tough position to maintain. We want you to know we're all for you. We have written to President Johnson and our Senators expressing our firm opposition to our dangerous policy in Vietnam. Sincerely yours, MIRIAM SIPERIN. P.S.-My daughter has not given up try- ing to convince the sixth grade of their folly. She, as well as our junior high daughter, say you're "cool. BROOKFIELD, Wis., April 3, 1965. Hon. WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. MY DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I read with a great deal of Interest the report in today's Milwaukee Journal of your debate with Sen- ator PRoxmiaE at Portland: I heartily ap- prove of your position. The situation, a mis- take from the beginning, is worsening all the time with a useless outlay of billions. We must get o(ut for the sake of erasing the nega- tive Image and the charge of imperialism which is arising In so many countries, espe- cially in Asia and Africa. Some way must be found through the mediation of the U.N. or some Other peaceful means of "saving face" it that is necessary. But we must get out. Congratulations to you. Keep up the good work. I have expressed my disappoint- ment over his stand to Senator PRoxsmE; and I did it with a great deal of real regret as I agree with him on more issues than I dis- agree. But this time he is just on the wrong side. Sincerely yours, JOHN C. LAZENBY, Professor Emeritus, University of Wisconsin. Hon. WAYNE MORSE, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I want to thank you for representing us so well in your coura- geous stand on Vietnam. Several weeks ago I was asked to spend a Saturday afternoon passing out leaflets urg- ing negotiations on Vietnam for the Wom- en's Strike for Peace. I was about to say no when I heard on the radio that you were urging the same course of action. Your statement made me feel that if someone as respectable and prominent as you took such a stand it certainly must be OK to follow my own inclinations on the matter. I passed out the leaflets. I cannot help but feel that the horrors we are perpetrating in Vietnam will eventually be visited on us and, as a mother, I thank you for your effective leadership on behalf of sanity. Sincerely, Mrs. MARGARET BONNEFIL. LAGUNA BEACH, CALIF., April 1, 1965. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR: I strongly admire the stand you take against the American war hawks. President Johnson preaches peace and practices war to the utmost. I hope sanity will return to the White House in time to save the world from utter destruction by the war lords. More strength to you and those like you. Respectfully, FOSTER WILLHIDE. MARCH 31, 1965. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I thank you from the bottom of my heart for your courageous posi- tion on Vietnam. If we do not get out now, It will be to our eternal shame and the world will not forget. We brandish our powerful arsenal like any bully on a street corner. If we live, you will soon be in the majority. The American people's hearts are not in this burning and 'bombing of peoples even though they may not be too clear on where the truth lies. Goldwater is gloating. Again I thank you. Sincerely, NEW YORE. Crrr, April 3, 1965. Senator JACOB JAvrrs, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR JAvrrs: Heartfelt congratu- lations to you, Senator CooeER, Senator Aix w, for blending into a responsible voice demanding more than news management bl the President to explain the use of power without policy in southeast Asia. Your 4-point "general principles for hon orable negotiation" (cease-fire * * * super vision thereof * * * a South Vietnam wit] free institutions * * * and normalization of * * * economic relations between Nort] and South Vietnam), though 11 years late, i of course the sine qua non of preventing fur ther escalation. However, I predict, based on my analysis a the situation (you may not be willing to pub licly admit your concurrence), that the fol- lowing will ultimately be proven correct: 1. As price for election support Johnson agreed to permit Goldwater escalation cam- paign planks to go into effect if elected: a. Pentagon would practice--policy state- ments, or managed rationalizations would follow: b. Weapons testing (gas, etc., what next?) In South and North Vietnam and neighbor- ing countries would be a purely military de- Senator WAYNE MoRSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Congratulations on your firm stand for negotiations to end the Vietnam fighting. You have demonstrated tremendous cour- age in bringing the real issues to the atten- tion of the American people. Please con- tinue your good work. Cordially, JEROME OELBAUM. EL CERRITO, CALIF. DEAR Zia: I would like to congratulate you for your stand on Vietnam. That this hoax is being perpetrated in the name of freedom .and democracy Is Incredible. The accept- ance of this hoax by the American people is saddening. The platitudes voiced by the bulk of the U.B. Senate are sickening. Your voice is refreshing. I thank you. Sincerely, DENNIS C. WRIGHT. Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 Approved For Release 2003/10/14 aCIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 April 21, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE cision, and Johnson would voice no protest if used; c. The consensus of American opinion ex- pressed to House and Senate Members, if against escalation and testing above, would be an exception to Johnson's obedience to his politics of consensus rule. 2. An agreement exists with Chiang, made God knows how long ago, pledging United States might to risk and if necessary fight China (and any allies) in his inter- est, regardless of changing world situa- tions or justice to Asian peoples. This agree- ment also provides that United States will (would) never sit down in the same U.N. w)th representatives of the 700 million real Chi- nese. And it provides (a later codicil in a world suicide, pact?) for the earliest possible nuclearization of Japan-. 3. That in the 1950's American economic policy (the National Economic Council ab- negating world leadership by example) sub- verted civilian economic and human produc- tivity (butter) to military overkill stockpil- ing and space programs-a parasitic growth profiting the few via incredible waste of tech- nical human manpower and hardware at the -expense of domestic nonhardware industry and the use of America's productivity of real humanly needed'goods and their distribution around the world. In short, by economically planning the parasitic, wasteful, growth in hardware and space industry, America in the 1950's and 1960's became in all major civilian indus- tries a second-rate producer in world mar- kets * * * ruined its banking and gold stand- ing in the world * * * and caused the fol- lowing: Two-thirds of America's paycheck dollar earned by working for Overkill and space- racing; Only token funds available for domestic programs to create better than 97 physicians per 100,000 population (1963 figures) for new teachers and new schools to replace firetraps * * * for nursery schools * * * for programs against pollution of air and water, waste and plunder of our natural re- sources * * * for the rebuilding of civilian industries like shipbuilding (we built 40 in 1964, while Russia built over 600, and Japan captured the free world markets), like fish- ery technology (we are 20 years behind, hire foreign advice),-like railroads (the mayhem here needs no comment), like housing (out- moded building designs and--methods-and outrageous graft-keep building down, and so make slums of old and new the source and result of our rapidly increasing fihpoverish- ment and demoralization of fully one-third of 'our citizens, black and white), like ma- chine tool a}ic) printing equipment companies (lack of economic planning has forced these to produce overseas, or import, in epidemic proportions) * * * and so on ad nauseam. The export to the developing nations around the world of similar parasitic growth, he, subversion of their populations' energies i,nd budget to similar economic planning, vhich"their economies can even less endure Ilan our, and the creation around the world if an i16,age of United States pursuing mili- ary power and space technology out of all proportion to human needs, morals, and and abroad. *The, above analysis, from a variety of sources and researches far_ superior to my humble, same, will appear increasingly in the near future, in a variety of forms. I send it to, you now in hopes it will stimu- late your more careful analysis of the Viet- nam situation and its sinister implications, and open up your mind to the larger picture of the depletion at epidemic rate of Amer- ica.',a...resolirces aliSt _ people in the service of "guns" at the expense of "butter." I am sending copies to my friend JOHN LINDSAY, as well as to Senator KENNEDY (ROB- ERT) and Senator ' WAYNE MORSE. I Would welcome any communication supporting weakness in any part of my argument. Respectfully yours, HOWARD PLUMMER. Copies, per above final paragraph. NEW' YORK CITY, N.Y., April 3, 1965. DEAR SENATOR WAYNE MORSE: Realizing full well the probability of its quick trip to the wastebasket, I send you the enclosed com- ments on the Vietnam situation, its political preelection background as I feel forced to view it, and an overview of the depletion and subversion of the real human and economic strengths of our country. All for your consideration In depth, com- ment welcome of course. All presented with the utmost dedication and skill of which I am capable, and hoping against hope someone will prove I am wrong or, if I am right, set partisan politics and greed aside long enough to commit them- selves to the revolution necessary in Ameri- can military and economic policies to alter our suicide course in both areas. Publication will result, in time I trust, from a more careful presentation of the above. Your comments now will be of course extremely helpful in making that piece true- to-fact and well-balanced. However, the briefest of comment will be profoundly ap- preciated. Respectfully yours, - HOWARD PLUMMER, Enc.: copy, letter this date to Senator JAVITS. NEW YORK, N.Y., April 3, 1965. Senator WAYNE MORSE, The U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR: You have consistently spoken out against this deplorable war in Vietnam, correctly foreseeing our increasing involvement and the Impossibility of our goals there. Unfortunately, most others in public office are unwilling to discuss openly the issues involved, and the premises upon which our policy is based. We are grateful for your outspokenness. You inspire in us a mighty urge to move to Oregon. Your admirers, CAROL and ANDREW DUNCAN. WELLESLEY, MASS., April 4, 1965. Senator WAYNE L. MORSE, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Your courageous fight for negotiation and peace in Vietnam has my wholehearted support. Many others I know who are not writing you also support your stand. Sincerely yours, TOWARD FREEDOM, CHICAGO, ILL., April 3, 1965. Senator WAYNE Moser, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Congratulations on your continuing fight against our Vietna- mese adventure. The prospects for negotia- tions look slightly better now-probably due in large part to the efforts of you and your colleagues of like mind-but there is still a long way to go. I am enclosing back copies of "Toward Freedom" which illustrate our long-time interest in giving the Vietnamese people a chance to determine their own fate. In ad- dition, your name is on our regular list and you should have received our January issue with a main article by Hosing Van Chi, an anti-Communist - Vietnamese, who courage- ously examines American misconceptions and mistakes about his country. If your copy 7867 of this issue has been" misplaced we will be glad to send you another on request. Permit me to call your attention particu- larly to our suggestion of a "pro people" swap agreement: we would accept popular elections in all Vietnam in return for Soviet acceptance of all-German elections. Elec- tions may seem a long way in the future In the present excruciating Vietnam situation, but I feel that we must envisage and plan for a turn toward ballots instead of bullets unless we are to make a mere propaganda pitch out of democracy. After all we con- nived in depriving the Vietnamese of the chance to use ballots in 1956, so it's not too surprising that they turned to bullets in- stead. We certainly must have proposals for going back and taking the ballot way. The British were the first to push the par- tition idea in 1954, and now they have come up with something almost equally poison- ous: the garrisoning of Vietnam by Red Chi- nese and American troops to maintain or- der. How can it be called a peace move to bring United States and Chinese troops face to face? India provided 6,000 troops for the prisoner exchange supervision in Ko- rea, and neutral troops could also be found 'for Vietnam-say a combination of Philip- pines, Burma, Malaysia, Ethiopia, and Ghana. I believe that constructive moves on Viet- nam are of the utmost importance. Let me know if there is anything I can do to help. Sincerely yours, WILLIAM B. LLOYD, Jr., Editor. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SIR: I wish to thank you for the courageous stand you have been taking in opposing American escalation of the war in Vietnam. In doing so you are performing a great service for the people of your State and the entire United States. If there were more men of your caliber this would be a safer, more prosperous, and happier world to live in. Keep up the good work. Cheers, APRIL 3, 1965. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I only wish we had more people like you in important places who would speak out against the folly of southeast Asia. People who do not have to worry about what may happen to them in the future for speaking their piece. May God give you the grace to keep up the good work. There are not enough like MESQUITE TREE RANCH, THERMAL, CALIF., April 1, 1965. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: My reason for tak- ing your time with this letter is the serious dilemma of Vietnam and your interest in finding a way out. I want to suggest a pos- sibility, based on "War, Revolution-or Co- operation on the Mekong," the main article heading the Wells "Between the Lines" News- letter of March 1, 1965. Walter Lippmann, in his March 19 column says our present policy will not work and will lead to disaster, either by military defeat, escalation of the war, or our expulsion from the area by a Vietnamese deal with the Viet- cong. Mr. Lippmann says our policy is all stick and no carrot. The missing ingredient is a sketch of the settlement our bombing is designed to bring about. Quoting the March 1 Wells Newsletter: The most tragic shortcoming of U.S. policy in southeast Asia has been the failure to cooperate with and use the great Mekong Approved For Release-2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67800446R000300150023-8 . 7868 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE April 21, 1965 delta development program as a means for curbing and defeating communism. * * * This is an immense and bold plan for land, agriculture, water, and power * * * that unites all factions in the four nations of the delta, Cambodia, Laos, Thailand, and South Vietnam. * * * This imaginative project provides a framework in which all free na- tions could join under the U.N. but with very little U.N. expenditures, * * * It could be supported by only a small fraction of the cost of the war. Instead of bombing the fragile industries of North Vietnam we could be offering them incalculable benefits for cooperation. * * * The United States could use the project as a basis for a negotiated peace:, withdrawing our military and substituting a new free Asia, emergency peace force--troops from Thailand, India, Japan, the Philippines- while concentrating all strength and energy on the development program. The Commu- nists would not dare alienate all Asia by at- tacking such a representative peace force, nor would they dare to sabotage the Mekong project. Mr. Wells lists reference articles on the Mekong project. Before we destroy Hanoi or bomb Red China, why not explore this possibility? If you do not read the "Wells Newsletter" and desire a copy of the March 1 issue, I could have one sent to you. I am a conservative Republican. Very respectfully, HORACE HAGERTY. NEW YORK, N.Y., April 4, 1965. Hon. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: May I express my gratitude for your courageous and con- scientious effort for negotiations in the Viet- nam war. I wrote to President Johnson in support of the pleas by the clergymen's emergency committee on Vietnam "In the Name of God, Stop It" (New York Times of April 4, 1965). This urgent plea by the thousands of men of God deserves the support of every humane Senator, and thank God that we still have a Senator like you in these critical days. Respectfully, I. A. BRUNSTEIN. (P.S.-The tragedy of it all: We defeated Goldwater only to see Goldwaterism trium- phant.) Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR: May I express my sincere support of your courage and consistency in calling for U.S. withdrawal from South Viet- nam and the placement of the problem be- fore the United Nations. Sincerely, Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C.: actions have unmasked us as a naked aggres- sor in a land thousands of miles from our borders. Any justification for this must go down in history as a rebirth of the Nazi Weltanschauung. It is impossible for me as an American, who has been brought up in the traditions of equal rights before the law, self-detemina- tion, and fair play, to accept that for the first time in our history the rest of the world can justifiably label us as an out-and-out aggressor in a foreign land. I fear that If things continue as they have in Vietnam the "war hawks," who seem to be controlling the, situation, will resort to nu- clear weapons and probably bombs in des- peration. Our action over there must be stopped before its too late. Sincerely yours, WILLIAM T. ANDERSON. APRIL 3, 1965. SENATOR MORSE: This is to endorse your position regarding the peaceful settlement of the war in Vietnam. Respectfully, HERBERT E. ISAACSON. PAULA D. ISAACSON. BRONX, N.Y., April 3, IJ65. SENATOR WAYNE MORSE, Washington, D.C.: I wish to state my support of your op- position to the administrative policy in Vietnam. . Yours truly, _ Los ANGELES, CALIF., April 2, 1965. Senator WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: While I am not one of your constituents and will probably never be able to cast a vote for you as Sen- ator, still I find that you most frequently speak for me on a majority of issues. For this reason I am writing you today to urge you to continue your efforts to conclude our involvement in Vietnam. This situation may already have gone too far to avoid general war, but so long as there is any hope, do please use all your powers of persuasion not only to prevent further spread of the fighting, but also to end our military participation in the affairs of Vietnam. It does not seem to me the proper way to correct an old mistake by making new blunders. Sincerely yours, ROSEMARY It. DAVIS. Senator WAYNEMORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR Sin: From time to time, I have been reading your anxious views on the conflict in Vietnam. I am interested to know what you think of President Johnson's offer (April 7, Johns Hopkins University) for uncondi- tional talks to end the dreadful war in Viet- nam. Mr. Johnson said the United States would not leave South Vietnam until the country has secure peace free from outside interference. Are we to assume from this that the President has not changed the U.S. position? I thought his ideas for recon- struction in southeast Asia excellent. How- ever, if the United States remains ready to carry on its military effort in South Viet- nam and against the north, in the final out- come will there be anything left to recon- struct? Make no mistake, we in this coun- try share your grave concern over this costly war. I would sincerely appreciate hearing your views on the latest development. Yours truly, UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, BERKELEY, CALIF., April 14, 1965. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I heartily endorse your stand on Vietnam and am quite thank- ful that there is still a visible, vocal and in- telligent opposition in the Senate. I sincere- ly hope and pray that you and others like you have some effect on U.S. policy in Viet- nam. I would appreciate any material or liter- ature, including the State Department's white paper, on the Vietnam situation. Sincerely yours, ARTHUR LIEBMAN, MANSFIELD, OHIO, April 13, 1965. Senator WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Many thanks for your service to the people in giving much needed information on the war in Vietnam. -It is hoped that your voice will never be stilled by the threat of dams or any other favors to your State, for if the present policy is pursued to its ultimate conclusion there will be no need for dams or anything else anywhere. In all wars of history, religion has played its part either in instigating or blessing the participants and there are vague hints that there are religious issues at stake in Vietnam. Otherwise, it doesn't seem that those Bud- dhist monks would seek to publicize their side of the controversy by such violent means as burning themselves to death. Such be- havior suggests that a way of life is being forced upon them that is inimical to their sense of justice. I am wondering if you could give me in- formation or suggest reading material con- cerning this phase of the war. Again thanking you for your almost Single- handed fight in the Senate and urging you to remember, in lonely moments, that there were "7,000 in Israel who had not bowed the knee to Baal." All people of good will will be grateful to you for your fearless ad- vocacy of a more lenient policy in Vietnam. Very sincerely, ALICE G. BEER. SACRAMENTO, CALIF., April 16, 1965. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I have recently read an article by Bertrand Russell entitled "Free World Barbarism: The War of Atrocity in Vietnam" (Minority of One, December 1964) which has left me seriously disturbed and anxious to discover additional and reliable information on the political nature of the struggle in South Vietnam. Russell and others have described the na- tional liberation front as "indigenous" and have asserted that the uprising in Vietnam against the Diem and subsequent govern- ments is a national one. It seems to me critical that one know the truth of thi: assertion for the reason that one cannot pass judgment on the political validity of the U.S. role in the suppression of the Vietcong (NLF) without understanding just what and who our Government has determined to crush. A document that would indicate the origins of the front, its leadership and their back- grounds, and the nature and source of its support is sorely needed. This kind of in- formation is simply not available (as far as I have been able to discover) in the Amer- ican press. I cite to you David Halbertram's article in the January edition of Commen- We encourage your efforts to bring respon- sible discussion of the Vietnam war before our Nation. MENNONITE CONGREGATION OF BOSTON. POMONA, CALIF., March 23, 1965. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: As an American citi- zen I am firmly behind you in your fight to find a better solution to Vietnam than the one the present administration is now following. I believe our actions over there have erased all of the good will our country has won throughout the world. Unfortunately our Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: GIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 April 21, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE tary magazine, "Getting the News Out of Vietnam," as illustrative of the, distortion and unreliability of American news coverage In Vietnam in most recent years. I would be most appreciative of any refer- ences you are able to suggest that report a comprehensive and reliable description of the national liberation front. Foreign peri- odicals, (British, French, or German) would be most acceptable. In addition, I would like a copy of the U.S. white paper on Vietnam. I know, that you for one have been most critical,of,our r?Qle in Vietnam, and I assume that your position is based on information and facts ,that do not give credence to our present Vietnam strategy. The abysmal hor- ror and destruction of fellow human beings in that far off land by Americans does not rest easy on this citizen's mind. I would appreciate any information you are able to provide. Sincerely yours, DAVID M. BLICKER. Los ANGELES, CALIF., Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE; A friend has lent Ine a copy of the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD for the Senate for April 1, 1965, and.I want to con- gratulate and commend you on your cou- rageous stand demanding a United Nations cease-fire.ordef as,.the beginning of a nego- tiated peace in Vietnam. However. I. have not been able to finish all the excellent statements which you suc- ceeded in getting printed in the RECORD for April 1, since I had to return the copy, and I would like If it is possible to have this issue of the RECORD for my flies. You probably don't remember me but if you think back to the days when you were dean of the University of Oregon Law School And an arbitrator . for the longshore union you may remember a young United Press correspondent going to the university in Eu- gene and working on the Eugene Register- Guard who used to pick up copies of your decisions. I ,was that reporter and it was my job to digest the decisions and wire over- head to Portland a 100- or 150-word version for news, stories that went up and down the Pacific coast, and I suppose also to, the east coast if the. dockside issue was important enough. Now >;, have my own news agency in Los Angeles, serving weekly neighborhood papers with reports on local government. The pub- lishers who buy my service are almost uni- formly conservative and would not print any column of ir4ne stating my views pointblank about our aggression in Vietnam, But I am enclosing a column which contains one single paragraph which compares the Asian situa- tion to -George Orwell's predictions of "1984" so you can see how I feel. Without voices such asyours and Senator GRUENING's the United States would be in a sorry State. The conservatives, control the pipelines of news and opinions and those of us who feed material into these pipelines are often foreclosed from warning our read- ers and listeners of the dangers of nuclear disaster. But I at least write the truth as I see it and if I. can't take,,a stand against would never write a word apologizing for what I think is ingrally wrong and stupid In the bargain. S wlsh,youu well I've followed your career for more tharn, 2 years, and you are a credit to Oregon, the Senate, and. your country. Very' cordially yours, $ID0ELY. S"i.VMbIINCS. P.5.7$'ou, are tree to. insert this into the CONGRF85IQI?IA}'... ECORD if you think it would RIDGELY CUMMINGS, CIVIC CENTER SPOTLIGHT (By Ridgely Cummings) Phase II Includes animal exhibit groups in five continental areas with each area planted with trees and shrubs native to that continent. Actually there are six continents if my grade school geography was accurate but Europe and Asia are being combined into one, Eurasia. This for some reason reminds me of George Orwell's "1984" and the con- stant wars between three world powers, two of them ganging up on the third, then switching sides and rewriting history to make it appear they had always been allies with their present partners. This may come to pass yet in our time with Red China, Soviet Russia, and the United States and its economic dependencies as the three, but I had better get back to the subject at hand, the safer subject of animals and my little daughter's reaction to same. Senator W. MORSE, Washington, D.C. DEAR SIR: Every U.S. Senator should read Hans Morgenthau's article in the April 18 edition of the New York Times magazine sec- tion. His analysis of the course of our present policy and actions in Vietnam are terrifying and foreboding. The President should be urged to revise the present policy to conform with a prag- matic political policy suggested by Mor- genthau, otherwise an ensuing Asian war could have catastrophic consequences for us and the rest of the world. SOL SCHIFF. BERKELEY, April 18, 1965, SENATOR MORSE: Many of us are with you in your struggle to stop the senseless killing in Vietnam in the name of what has been called the big lie. President Johnson Is branding the world with his deadly L.B.J. In the name of "peace, freedom, and America." Immune to words of sense, of mercy, of humanity, he would use those instead and profane their mean- ing. Like the King of Lilliput, he makes a benevolent proclamation and proceeds to his dastardly deeds of bombing. I have marched, I have written, and will continue although it sometimes seems futile. We cannot give up-yet, I wish I could be more effective-have you any suggestions? 15,000 march on the White house and President Johnson refuses to stop bombing as he speaks of peace. Please, please continue your heroic and sensible efforts-shout the truth as loud as you can, for as long as you can-I, we, see it is our only hope in a world rapidly heading toward its own destruction. Sincerely, SEATTLE, WASH., April 18, 1965. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE:. AS Johnson's War in Vietnam is escalated toward a global con- flict, we are ever more grateful that you and Senator GRUENING continue to speak otit against this shameful action by Our beloved country. More and-more Americans join you in ef- forts to achieve a cease-fire and negotiations. Yesterday 200 of us marched in a peace wit- ness in Bellingham instituted by the Ameri- 7869 We work for peace here and know you will continue to do the same in the Senate. For peace. OSWEGO, N.Y., April 17, 1965. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Keep up the fight against our murderous activity in Vietnam. We are proud of you for your courage. Hope you can get through to the President and Dean Rusk but it seems hopeless. We are with you. Wish there were direct aid to give. Is there? Sincerely, WARREN E. STEINKRAUS. Senator WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: As a graduate of the University of Oregon, I feel that I am an Oregonian. I have long supported your courageous stand on South Vietnam, that the problem should have long since been submitted to the United Nations. Such action would not only have demonstrated our genuine willingness to preserve world peace, but would have branded the Com- munists as aggressors in the eyes of the world. Our continued support of a corrupt regime which lacks the moral and material support of its citizens seems destined to failure. At best all we can hope to create is an artificial situation which will collapse soon after our troops are withdrawn. McGeorge Bundy, on a press interview Sunday, April 4, 1965, appeared to evade directly answering questions posed to him on American opposition to our policy in South Vietnam. Bundy's remarks on tele- vision seem to lend support to former State Department adviser Owen Lattimer's charge that the State Department "hushes everybody up by saying, 'we know all the facts."' I feel that such State Department high- handedness is doing Irreparable harm to our democratic institutions. It seems that our State Department officials are presuming to act for the American people without con- sulting the very people whom they profess to represent. Perhaps the present admin- istration should be reminded that the Con- stitution was created by and for the Ameri- can people. Yours truly, APRIL 1965. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Without fail-every- time we hear on the radio-what you have to say on any Issue-and particularly Viet- nam, we are overwhelmed with gratitude that you are there and saying what you are saying. BELMONT, MASS.; April 7, 1965. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. 'DEAR SENATOR MORSE: We ask for an im- mediate cease fire in Vietnam and for prompt application of the U Thant formula for negotiation. Sincerely, can Friends Service Committee. We heard President. JOHNSON, two University of Washington professors talk The White House, on the right to protest and the wrong of Washington, D.C. VALLEJO, CALIF., April 8, 1965. the U.S. war in Vietnam. One used much DEAR PRESIDENT JOHNSON: We want you to of your argument in calling for an end to know that we are against the war in Viet- our shameful participation in this civil war. nom. We support Oregon Senator WAYNE Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 7870 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE April 21, 1965 P MORSE and his views on the terrible things that the U.S. Government is doing in Asia. Stop this dirty, unjust war against people of Vietnam. -- Yours truly, cc: Oregon Senator WAYNE MORSE. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: We have also writ- ten this same letter to California Senators GEORGE MURPHY and KUCHEL. IRENE BYERS, WARREN BYERS. SANTA BARBARA, CALIF., April 7, 1965. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: As I recall it, the Constitution says Congress has the right to declare war. Of course, it did not define war exactly; but it seems to me that bombing an- other country every day regularly might well be considered a state of war. It seems to me there might be considerable mileage in some Senators or Representatives attempting to assert the ancient rights of Congress at the present time? Best wishes, IRVrNG F. LAUcxs. JERSEY CITY, N.J. April 8, 1965. Hon. WAYNE MORSE, Senator from Oregon, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: It was mentioned over the air Saturday Morning, April 3, that you had a discussion or debate with Wiscon- sin Senator PROXMIRE in San Francisco or Los Angeles, on our private undeclared war on the Vietnam people who are fighting for freedom from their oppressors, the rulers we in the United States are forcing on them in the name of preserving democracy for the freedom-loving people in South Vietnam, and that our democratic and :freedom-loving warmongers in Washington will fight for that freedom even if they have to kill every non- combatant man, woman, and child living in North or South Vietnam by incendiary bombs, napalm bombs, gas bombs, and ordi- nary dynamite bombs dropped by the tons by our men serving as consultants or advis- ers to the Vietnam armed forces we are cre- ating, training, supporting, and paying for With our sons' lives and with our own tax- payers' money in the billions. It's our men, planes, and ships that are doing most of the killing and committing wanton murder like Hitler did to the Jews and,to all others who opposed his Ideas of solving the race problem. I believe that we are committing, a greater crime against humanity than Hitler because it was the United States that plunged into World War I and II, which wars took over 75 million lives and property destroyed worth hundreds of billions of dollars to make the world safe from future wars and hatred and to penult self-determination of governments by the people and for the people-not gov- ernments forced on them by outside powers. Colonization and slavery was supposed to be out. What are we doing in southeast Asia? What kind of an example for freedom and peace are our ruling clique In Washington displaying for the newly created govern- ments? How can our President, and my friend, Lyndon B. Johnson, who is lighting so hard ,for rights and improvements to our people in our United States criticize and condemn the crimes and shameful acts committed by our own extreme right group, yet permit the shameful crimes we are committing in Africa with the Tshombes and in southeast Asia with the gangster rulers whom we have put in a position to rule their people by oppres- sion and mass murder. These rulers are sitting on top of a government supported by our bayonets, money and military might- not by the wishes of the great majority of their citizens. Dear Mr. Senator, what can we do here in the United States to arouse the conscience of enough Senators and Congressmen to stop this shameful undeclared wanton murder of innocent people who are paying the supreme penalty for something they don't know what it's all about. Does our war clique In Washington really want to bring this undeclared private war to an atomic war climax? What then? I am certain that there are enough de- cent and liberal thinking Senators and Con- gressmen in the Senate and House, and many millions of citizens in the United States who are willing to support them mor- ally, and financially if necessary, to stop this shameful undeclared private war which is being pursued under the guise of saving democracy for the freedom-loving people. Why the hypocrisy? Why not have the United Nations take over the responsibility of handling this situation as proposed by U.N. Secretary U Thant? Smart people are those that admit their mistakes and try to make amends without face saving and schemes. Please mail me a copy of your recent debate with Wisconsin Senator PROxMIRE (in San Francisco or Los Angeles) who was elected on a liberal platform of the LaFollettes but is now singing a different song. Very truly yours, SAMUEL KIPNxs. DAYTONA BEACH, FLA., April 6, 1965. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR MR. MORSE: I am so disgusted with the stand our Florida Senators take on the war in Vietnam, that I am writing to you. The U.S. image is being blackened by bomb- ings, strafings, and burnings of peasants and homes in Vietnam. This is in direct opposi- tion to our policy at home-where we op- pose such acts on a lesser scale by the KKK, White Citizens Council, etc. If we oppose terror at home, why should we not oppose it in Vietnam? From what I can understand the people of Vietnam want to be left alone-and only a few Vietnamese plus military personnel want the war to continue. My plea to you-please do all you can to stop this war. Sincerely, BROOKLYN, N.Y., April 8, 1965. HOD. WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I am glad to see the beginnings of a change in our Vietnam pol- icy and I must commend you on your stand. I must add, however, that I would like to see an immediate cease-fire there and use of U Thant's formula for negotiations. Sincerely yours, PAULA JHEWIN. APRIL 8, 1965. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: You may feel very much in the minority but I know many Americans support your conscientious stand on U.S. Involvement in Vietnam. Stay strong. Sincerely, WILLIAM M. HODSDON. Hon. WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SE'NAfit1t: I wish that, if possible, you would get time for a national broadcast in reply to President Johnson's message to be delivered tonight. I believe "our action" in Vietnam are uncalled for. I have protested to the President and to some of the Senators about U.S. action there. I consider it an invasion of North Vietnam. I may not have agreed with you on any other controversial question, but I am glad you have spoken out against our war there. When "our" approved rulers had charge there, there were murders, I believe, until they were slain. Yours for a responsible America, FRANK REEDER. SEATTLE, WASH., March 5, 1965. Hon. WAYNE MORSE, The Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C.. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: You have honestly and fearlessly voiced your opinion to some of the gravest issues facing the world today. I fully share your views and pray, the Lord may give you strength and time, strength enough and time enough for your noble efforts to make this world a better one. I pray for you, and I thank you from the bottom of my heart. Sincerely yours, I most heartily commend your stand re- garding Vietnam. Many of us are definitely opposed to present administration policy there. In my opinion our tactics there-just plain war-are dangerous, illegal, and expen- sive in life and - money. More power to you. Very truly yours, SAN FRANCISCO, CALIF., April 5, 1965. Once again I heartily agree with your re- marks re Vietnam. It seems to get us no- where-but don't stop hollering. Will you? K. H. BALD. APRIL 8, 1965. DEAR -SENATOR: I agree that peace cannot be bought in Vietnam. The first "condition" of peace is a stable regime-on the ground-and this seems to be what the NCF has. General, world reaction will be-beware of Greeks bearing peace in bombing planes. STATE UNIVERSITY OF NEW YORK BUFFALO, N.Y., April 7, 1965. Hon. WAYNE L. MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I wish to let you know that I have the highest respect and admiration for your position on Vietnam and on the other issues of international policy. I admire your honesty, integrity and cour- age. You are serving America, Americans, and mankind. God bless you. Sincerely yours, KAREL HULICKA, Professor of History. ST. PETERSBURG, FLA., April 6, 1965. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Again weare grate- ful to you for your courageous efforts to op- pose the majority opinion in Washington-in this instance, our failing policy in Vietnam. We are appalled at the methods of warfare being tried against the Vietcong and North Vietnam, and' at the unwillingness of our policymakers to see the immorality of our position and the frightful danger of an ex- Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 Approved For Release 2003/1011`4: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 April 21, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD,-, SENATE panded war. Please continue to make every effort,,to, get us into negotiations, Thank you for representing a saner point of view, "Yours sincerely, Florida Presbyterian College. ST. IELENA, CALIF., tlprtl 5, 1965. Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SE.pTQR MORSE: I wish to tell you that I am in wholehearted accord with the views you recently expressed over the radio concerning the Vietnam situation. Why we are there I cannot quite understand. I do hope you will continue to express your views. Thank you. Very truly yours, Wn,HELMINA M. COT,LENBURG. FRESH MEADOWS, N.Y., April 7, 1965. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: As longtime admirers of your, valiant and lonely stand against the administration's policy in Vietnam we hope you might, if at all , possible, and in some way, participate in the march on Washington to protest the war in Vietnam., on April 17, sponsored by sane, Women's'Strike for Peace, and Students for a Democratic Society. You have earned the praise of all thinking Ameri- cans for your persistent dissent in this mat- ter. Sincerely, Mr, and Mrs. JOHN KAUFAQANIf. OAISLArrD, CALIF., April 7,1965. Senator WATNFI,MORSE. SENATOR: t am deeply concerned over the Vietnam situation and alrl Wilting you in the hope of a brief explanation for our presence there. You happen to be my fa- vorite Senator and that is nay, reason for directing this letter to you.. There appears to be much confusion and diversity of opinions, reports and explana- tigns for our, involvement in Vietnam. My quettions are as follows: Did, the United States enter into the 1954 Geneva. Agreement as a formal party? It is frequently reiterated that a breach of the Agreement is the sole reason for our intervention in, Vietnam, Are the North Vietnamese directly and solely responsible for the civil and political dis- turbance in South Vietnam? I have not read or heard of any North Vietnamese troops or aircraft being employed in the south. Finally, if our presence and objective in Vietnam is as vital as generally alleged, I am extremely curious to know why our allies are not rendering us any assistance. Would not the outcome in Vietnam affect their as dras- tically as the United States? Is it true that the European nations are trading and selling goods to the North Viet- namese while we, are engaged in military conflict with them? If true, this situation appears' ridiculous. Needless to..state I am quite confused with. ,respect to Vietnam and would inded welcome even the slightest clarification. Sincerely yours, I Mr. WALTER DUDA, NEW YORK, N.Y., DEAR .SEIATOR, MORSE: I'm much heartened always by your readiness and willingness to "speak truth to pomposity." As'for Mr.. J9hnson's speech last night- which did not answer world .criticism of `CTnited States havoc ip Vietnan},. North ,and pout - j iltl point it's as though he's try- ing to let the world to chip in on what, is all clearly our reparations bill there for 10 years of dislocation, devastation, death, and destruction, Is there any unscorched earth left? Are any villages left? Did Operation Sunrise ever realty end? Above all, though, Mr. MORSE, is our con- tinued, pledge to force North Vietnam into the war. How the .,Pentagon must be vexing at .the, North's xefll,sal to -rise to our bait. And we continue to bomb and, burn. with .impunity A Japanese report earlier this week, liken- ing the NLF of South Vietnam to the French resistance movement of World War II. seems to best state the situation. This Washing- ton can never, concedg.forwithIt would have to die our lie of the NLF a Red. subversive, outside-directed group. It would also reveal that'there is no substantial government in South Vietnam except the NLF. Negotiations, then with. whom?.The United States and North Vietnam? No. Rather the NLF. in, conference with all southeast Asian governments. Again, thanks for your strength which gives so many of us strength tynd courage and determination to do,-something every - day even if it's only letterwriting. Yours devotedly, VALLEY STREAM, N.Y., April 7, 1965. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. fire and immediate application of U Thant's DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: These days when let- formula for negotiations, ters from friends say "Thank God I did not We strongly urge you,. Senator, to continue vote for Johnson, I am sad that I did not your fight to prevent the escalation of the have the same kind of insight last November, Vietnam war, by giving your support to U for I did vote for you. Thant's call for negotiation to settle this Many, many people who voted for you did n li co f ct. Yours truly, JOSEPH SCHACIINER. CHARLOTTE SC IACHNER. CARoI, ScHACHNER. JEFF,SCHACHNER, CHICAGO, ILL., April 7, 1965. Senator WAYNE MORSE,. Washington, D.C. DEAR SINATOR: L.B.J. just finished his speech on, Vietnam. He gives his views on this conflict and he still gives a stance that hasn't changed. He speaks of the adversaries' atrocities, but doesn't mention the atrocities committed by the regimes we support. The newspapers have been full of pictures of how the South Vietnamese torture cap- force Senators and Representatives as well tives, as governors and mayors to back your policy If you were to go through the "letters to in Vietnam. Our minister and best rabbi the editor" columns of all the Chicago papers friend call the present policy illegal, in- in the last couple of months you would judge humanitarian, stupid, and immoral. Per- akin to Goldwater. sonally, I agree with Senators MORSE and Senator, what recourse do 40 million dis- GRUENING. franchised voters have? The ordinary person feels so helpless and I recommend peaceful negotiations, imme- cynical about the lies we get from our high- diateiy, under international supervision. est officials and the talk about "freedom" for Respectfully yours, the people of South Vietnam. You and all TpxY MALLIN., the war hawks know the United States . has not, been willing to have free elections in NEWTON, MASS., Vietnam. The United States has violated Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. ,PEd, i ,SET &TOR MORSE; We ask for an. im- mediate ceasefire in Vietnalil.n d f prompt application of the U Thant formula for .,negotiation, Yours truly, MAURICE J. SILVER. NEW BRUNSWICK, N.J., Hon. WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SIR: Although I am not a member of your constituency, T .feel compelled to voice '7$71 support for your efforts to uphold the validity of international agreements in the face of such transgressions as the advisory action of the United States in Vietnam. I feel that negotiations must be undertaken im- mediately or we risk nuclear destruction. It has been a sad, time in world history. We speak Of democratic government and do such things as attempt to assure the civil rights of minority Americans and we conjure up a consensus foreign policy which acts against the interests of democracy and civil rights in Vietnam. Despite the legal arguments against United States actions in Vietnam, there has long been substantial evidence that the Saigon governments which we have sup- ported work against the people of Vietnam. There is also the obvious and apparent cen- sorship of the, American press representatives in Vietnam, I feel that this acts to deceive the American people and further injure the interests of the Vietnamese people. Again, I must congratulate you on the position which you have defended in the face of gross unreason in the Congress of the United States of America, Very sincerely, JAN PHILIP BRAVERMAN. NEW HAVEN, CONN., April 5, 1965. President LYNDON B. JOHNSON, so because Barry Goldwater said he would in- crease military aid to Vietnam. Of course you can say you did not say, as President Eisenhower did about Korea, what you would do but you know you gave the impression you could be trusted to decrease rather than increase military activity there. You talk about "democracy and freedom," What does democracy mean for the ordinary person? Mail against the present policy in Vietnam is running up to 500 to 1 against what is being done now. Senator JAvrrs' mail is 50 to 1 against. I have not been to Washington recently but,friends who have come back sad and discouraged. These peo- ple are not Communists, either. Those who knew Germany best under Hitler say Wash- ington reminds them of early Hitler Germany propaganda about aid and aggression from the North, you and the Washington war hawks know, as do many, many of us ordi- nary people, that it is the United States that is really providing most of the arms for both sides and that in the truth the United States is the aggressor half a world from home, The dear lady who made a torch of her- self in Detroit trying to awaken you barely escaped's gas chambers. Your orders to burn helpless people, including babies, with napalm are just unbelievable. This Nation that claims to be Christian is about the most barbaric in the world now-terrible bombs, napalm, gas, etc., etc. I hope you cease using the name of God. He can have nothing but condemnation fgr_us, It seems Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 7872 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD --SENATE April 21, 1965 to me. Certainly a loving God would never, never do what our soldiers are being ordered to do in Vietnam. I know the pressures on you are great. World opinion is against us and we are hated; but because we are rich we have power to be used for good or evil. Most people at home think our foreign policy is .wrong. Many are terribly confused and afraid. They want to live and fear you are rushing us to- ward the complete destruction of the world. Please bring military men home instead of sending more and lose all the face necessary to stop the war. Stop unilateral action and ask the United Nations to take over the job in Vietnam. I am thankful for every speech you make. Copies have been made of the tape you made for Yale students and is being widely used. Sincerely, (Mrs. W.) OLA 11. UPHAUS. CONCORD, CALIF., April 6, 1965. Mr. MCGEORGE BUNDY, Special Assistant to the President, The White House, Washington, D.C. DEAR MR. BuNDY: Your appearance on "Meet the Press" telecast last Sunday in- spired me to write this letter. You rather indicated that your mail regarding Vietnam was not being counted, and I do not expect this letter to be counted, either. I do not know when I have heard such a weasel worded conversation as you put on. My wife said, "Well, at least he didn't tell any out- right lies." That may be so, but neither do I recall you telling any outright truths. The nearest to an outright lie was your conten- tion that we are not aggressors In Vietnam. I doubt that the majority of the people of the world would agree with you, and perhaps not even a majority in this country. I say that you have a lot of blood on your hands, and I should imagine psychiatrists are wondering how you can sleep. There will undoubtedly be a lot more blood on your hands, unless and until, the President gets rid of advisers such as you. Very truly yours, M. C. BELKNAP. cc:- Senators ERNEST GRUENING, WAYNE MORSE, MICHAEL J. MANSFIELD, and THOMAS H. KUCHEL. APRIL 6, 1965. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I want to let you know that I support you and you are speak- ing for me when you urge that we negotiate over the Vietnamese situation. The area should be neutralized and we,. as a nation, should get out. Morally, we are all wrong, and politically, we are cutting our own throat before the world. Keep up the good work. Sincerely, - Los ANGELES, CALIF., April 6, 1965. President L. B. JOHNSON, Washington, D.C. DEAR PRESIDENT JOHNSON: Recent events, taken in conjunction with the evidence sum- marized below, have forced me to come to the reluctant conclusion that you are taking the United States down a path which bears a terrifying similarity to that taken by pre- war Germany. The evidence forcing me to this conclusion follows, 1. The U.S. Government claims that the present war is an instance of Communist aggression is authoritatively refuted by the noted historian Devillers in the China Quar- terly for January-March 1962. 2. The U.S. Government states that ac- tions of the Vietcong are only made possible by the infiltration of personnel and equip- ment from North Vietnam and that the Com- munists in North Vietnam are attempting to conquer South Vietnam. Data obtained from the recent White Paper, and from the Pentagon, indicate that Communist-made weapons constitute less than 21/2 percent of the weapons used by the Vietcong. The White Paper names only six native- born North Vietnamese who have infiltrated into South Vietnam In the 5-year period prior to and including 1964. Therefore, the Government's own figures contradict its claims of significant infiltra- tion from the north. The above items indicate that the U.S. Government has deceived the American pub- lic. This is corroborated by the New York Times editorial of July 29, 1964, which states that "unpalatable facts were suppressed and the truth subverted" and also by an Amer- ican in Saigon who is quoted in Newsweek of February 10, 1964, as saying, "Washing- ton repeatedly lied to the American people during the last 3 years." 3. The use of torture, poison chemicals, and gas, the leveling by bombing of villages suspected of containing a few Vietcong, the willingness to inflict a horrible death by burning through our extensive use of napalm, and the bombing of North Vietnam on the false pretext that significant quantities of arms and men have been infiltrated, are con- trary to morality and international law and have caused death and misery to countless innocent people. Many American boys have been killed and maimed in carrying out the Government's policy. 4. Foreign policy has apparently been taken over by the military. Except for a few courageous Senators such as MORSE, GRUENING, McGovERN, and CuuacH, Congress has abdicated its responsibility and goes along with the actions by which we are being led deeper into an immoral war which will kill and maim millions, if not hundreds of millions, of human beings. When a government deceives its people and uses methods which have shocked the world to gain its ends, it does not deserve the respect of its citizens. If the American people do not demand that their Government tell them the truth about our actions in southeast Asia, we are going to reap the nuclear holocaust which you seem determined to bring about. The crimes tried at Nuremberg were a Sunday school picnic compared to those of which these responsible for world war III will be guilty. Yours truly, Care of Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senator ERNEST GRUENING. ST. Louis, Mo., April 5, 1964. DEAR MR. MORSE: Big Brother Johnson's administration is soon going to have us in an atomic war, as you recently predict- ed on TV, the way things are going. I have come to the conclusion that we will be lucky If we have an economic collapse that will put us out of the war business before we get into an atomic war that will end it in an even more unpleasant manner, and perhaps the rest of the world as well. The only people who are satisfied with this war are the industrialists and military who have been making huge profits from the cold war, and never want it to end, ex- cept by escalation into a hot, or at least lukewarm war, through which they can make even more in graft and profits. These are the people Big Brother is taking care of, and no doubt it was they who backed his campaign financially as well as Gold- water's. Big Brother ought to be impeached for the administration's whitewash of Bobby Baker because it is obvious why. LAWRENCE STRICKLAND. SAN DIEGO, CALIF., April 4, 1965. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SIR: This is simply to express my deep admiration for your stand on Vietnam. I fully agree with your position. We are indeed fortunate in having a man of your courage in the Senate. Very truly yours, Ross VON METZKE. OLD LYME, CONN. DEAR. SENATOR MORSE: Keep fighting! rWe don't belong in Vietnam In the first place and our current effort there is one of simple brutality Not only is our bombing im- moral, but it is clearly the one thing that can make the Indochinese accept the Chinese protection they fear. You've been a voice of reason and a tower of strength throughout this dark time. We urge you to keep up the good fight. Sincerely, WALTER KAYLIN. BOSTON, MASS., April 6, 1965. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I Want you to know that I appreciate your long-time criticism of our policies In Vietnam. Your article In "Progressive" plus your CONGRESSIONAL REC- ORD statements of protest and explanation following the Gulf of Tonkin business have been substance for my own debating. . My reasons for supporting negotiation and withdrawal of military machinery are, I be- lieve, substantially the same as yours; we never belonged there in the first place, and we've bungled it while we've been there. I was really disappointed by the recent "White Paper" which attempted to cover up the whole fiasco. We are really getting des- perate. I just hope we can get smart and get out before bombing Chinese targets be- comes as accepted as bombing North Viet- nam and Laos has become. `Keep up your good work. There are some of us out here who think you're on the ball. I'm one of them! Sincerely yours, NORTH CONWAY, N.H., April 4, 1965. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I have always ad- mired you, but never as much as I do today when I see you stand against a mob who are "Hellbent" for war. I believe that now is the time for all true patriots to rise and be counted. Sincerely, J. HAROLD KLOCK. SAN FRANCISCO, CALIF., April 4, 1965. Hon. WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR MR. SENATOR: The last line of the en- closed letter is rhetorical; however, it seems you and Mr. GRUENINO stand almost alone in the Senate. Two aspects of this matter seem to me to demand much more than a routine protest-- one, the wrecking of the United Nations spoken of in the attached letter, and two, the fact that the power of making war now resides de facto in the hands of the Presi- dent alone. This is a monstrously revolu- tionary condition for our country. One-man war, undesirable any time to our way of thinking, wolud seem in this epoch to be simply fantastic. I suspect the popular protest against our policy in Vietnam Is enormous, as reflected in congressional mail. And yet the press as well as the Congress seem determined to sup- port this policy, apparently feeling that as soon as we can get enough Americans killed Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 April 21, 1165 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE public sentiment will change. A frequent comment is that the "Government" must know something we (the people) don't know, or the Government would not be so persist- ent in this outrageous course. As a mem- ber of the Committee on Foreign Relations, could you make a public statement on this specific point? Sincerely yours, WILLIAM BRANDON. SAN FRANCISCO, CALIF., March 31, 1965. Hon. J. W, FULBRIGHT, Chairman, Committee on Foreign Relations, U,S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR MR. SENATOR: Ypu state that you be- lieve it would be unwise to commence nego- tiations in Vietnam when the prospects for success are unfavorable-this seems to say that if we are losing we will throw away the rulebook. But the oily real test of a set of rules is to lose under them. Are we to cripple or even demolish the United Nations to keep from losing in Vietnam? if our present policy of stepping outside a rule of law and pulling a gun succeeds and gains us a more favorable position, surely such a fine policy will then be used again and again in the future? And surely other nations will follow our winning example? If our present policy fails, we shall find our- selves involved in an inexorably widening war, in either case, the United Nations will have been most neatly dismantled. This seems a high price to pay. Is what we are, "losing" in Vietnam of equal value? Is it possible that the President's advisers are laboring under "a profoundly and dan- gerous" false notion," in the words of Walter Lippmann, as to what constitutes winning and losing in Asia? The unlovely arrogance of our Pentagon diplomacy in operation in Vietnam is abhor- rent ,to the whole world. Every village burne4 creates thous-'nds of new friends for world communism and thousands of newly dedicated anti-Americans. The serene cyni- cism with which we pour out massive de- struction in "retaliation" for any Americans killed by underground terrorists makes this enormous nightmare an enormous Operation Lidice. The violent brutality toward those "who threaten the stability" of South Viet- nam (i.e., those who object to American policy) ; the "hunting trip" raids of U.S. air- planes looking for "random , opportunity targets"; the "experimenting" with splendid new antipersonnel weapons that cause "extremely painful burns extremely difficult to heal"; bombing of a countryside by the map grid numbers-all these recall Mr. Hit- ler in his finest hour. Is the United States to conclude its record of reasonably civilized leadership of the last 20 years by becoming a Fourth Reich? Are you yourself willing to cap your heretofore .distinguished record in foreign affairs by quietly acquiescing? There are many Americans who are ap- palled at being cast in the role of the Nazis this time around, and are doing their utmost to make vocal and effective their dissent, Are there no such Americans in Congress? Sincerely yours, Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Dice Building, Washington, D.C. ESMOND, N. DAK., DEAR,.SENATOR MORSE: I wish to congratu- late you on the stand you have taken on the Vietnam question, I believe it should be given to the United Nations. That would show the world the United States is willing to abide by the decisions of the United YNations. It would certainly raise the prestige of the United Nations and at the same time I believe the United States would be leading the world a step nearer peace. Sincerely yours, Mrs. LLOYD STADIG. MIAMI BEACH, FLA., April 6, 1965. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR: Because of your boldly stated stand on the Vietnam situation, may I add my voice to the great masses who demand an immediate cease-fire. You are truly a great and fearless leader. Respectfully yours, MILTON F. GOLDSTEIN. Hon. WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. ATTLEBORO, MASS., April 3, 1965. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I am Writing to ex- press my appreciation of the stand you have been taking on the Vietnam Issue. I am convinced that in the future Americans will be very ashamed of this period in our history. There may be some legitimate debate about whether we should withdraw from southeast Asia or from South Vietnam, but we cer- tainly should stop this insane bombing of North Vietnam. Yours truly, Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: We strongly urge a policy leading to a ceasefire in Vietnam and urge application of the United Nations and U Thant's formula for negotiations. Sincerely, BERT K. LEFFERT, Counselor at Law. LOUISE LEFFERT GRANITE CITY, ILL., April 2, 1965. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C.: Thank you, Senator, for your speech ex- pressing your outrage with actions of U.S. Government in Asia. My native land has been brought to point where humanity re- quires the United States be brought to senses or to knees. Many citizens share your deep revulsion. I was unable to learn where and when this speech was made. Can you furnish me copy so that I can distribute. Letter follows. LOUISIANA STATE UNIVERSITY LAW SCHOOL, Baton Rouge, La., April 6, 1965. President LYNDON B. JOHNSON, The White House, Washington, D.C. DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: I wish to add my voice as a citizen to those. o; the ministers, priests, and rabbis who appealed to you to reverse our course in Vietnam-,,at} for an immediate cease-fire and self-determina- tion for the Vietnamese people. There are disturbing indications that our actions. are resulting in the suffering of the people of Vietnam. The. enclosed. photograph from the Baton Rouge Morning Advocate of March 29, 1965, is one of them. While expediency may seem to dictate a different course, God and history teach us that righteous action is the most expedient policy-the best policy for securing (1) the peace and welfare of the United States and (2) the love and esteem of other countries 7873 and peoples toward the United States and its people. Please, Mr. President. The people will thankfully and joyfully follow your lead to- ward peace in Vietnam. Sincerely yours, BENJAMIN M. SHIEBER. (Copies to Senators CHURCH, FULBRIGHT, GRVENING, JAVITS, RUSSELL B. LONG, and MORSE,) FLUSHING, N.Y., March 31, 1965. Senator WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I would like to ex- press my support of your opposition to the administration's program in South Vietnam. At this time when it appears that our for- eign policy is being governed only by rules of expediency and brutal and unthinking force, I am thankful that you and some of your associates have undertaken to represent the responsible opposition to the administra- tion policy. Be assured that you have my support in every possible way in this matter. If I can in any way be of aid or assistance to you in this endeavor, I volunteer my serv- ices. Sincerely, ALAN M. URIS, Counselor at Law. (Copies to Senator ERNEST GRVENING and President Lyndon B. Johnson.) SEATTLE, WASH., April 5, 1965. Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SIR: I wish to commend you on your position on Vietnam. You are right and Johnson is following the policy of the late A. Hitler. Sincerely yours, NELS EHROTH. WINCHESTER, MASS., Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Please accept my warmest thanks for your efforts to restore U.S. foreign policy on Vietnam to the course of decency, humane behavior, and respect for international agreements. I hope that you will be successful in your effort to secure open debate on our activities in Vietnam, which threaten the future of our country. Perhaps such debate might result in the willingness of the administration to negotiate the issues of the war in Vietnam. I pray for the preservation of your health, energy, and sense of humor that you may continue this fight with unabated vigor. Sincerely yours, RUTH O. TEEZAGHI. Mrs. Karl Terzaghi. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SIR: I wish to express my gratefulness and admiration for your consistent, coura- geous stand against the evil that is contin- ually occurring in the Government. I follow your valiant fighting the sinister force (I read the I. F. Stone weekly and have other people read it) since 1963, your January 6 speech, June 29, 1964, March 16, 1964, March 4, 1965, and many others. I had the rare pleasure of hearing you speak at Cooper Union, New York City (heard it a second time when. it was broadcast_ on New, Rork,City Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 7874 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R00030015Q024- ~1 Y965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD SENATE A p2 , station, in company with friends I had in- vited to my home to hear you) . The time is drawing near, very near to a third world war, really, a world war. In my 85 years of life I have observed and heard much. The First World War, World War II, the Korean war, and yet I continually ask myself- and (others if they are willing to listen to me) why this brutal murder of innocent people? Why this wanton destruc- tion? I continually talk about the Korean war, and tell the people how the American officers were supervising Korean soldiers with their hands tied in their backs and others digging their own graves, it told that when they will. finish digging their graves they will' have their hands tied also and they will all jump into their graves, alive. And what was our gain from the Korean war: 196,000 Amer- icans dead, the flower of our youth; a cor- rupt Government and millions of dollars lost, and millions still give the gangster govern. ment in South Korea, and what a fiasco. What is the reason to repeat this tragedy? DO you know what the name for Americans is? "The American Killers." This was told to me by two people of integrity, .one a writer, woman, the other a publisher. They both speak -several foreign languages, and their pleading that they were not American by birth could not convince the people that they are not as evil as those Americans who make wars, directly and indirectly (that was 6 years ago). What a pity. Oh, for those years when Americans were known the world over as liberty loving, democracy loving, gen- erous, friendly people. No more. I have experienced only disdain (because I did not speak Spanish) when I was in Mexico in 1954 and again in 1969 (the second time not so much hatred) it was right after the American Ambassador who boastfully acknowledged In speech and print, in the Times, that he came into the President of Guatemala with two pistols and so forced him to flee the country. The Mexicans, and not only the literate; even the illiterate, the street vendors, wanted to know why the Americans destroy the Latin American peoples, Oh, I could go on, but I know that .you hardly have time to read my letter. I could say so much more to re- lieve-my anger and anguish, but I shall close with my gratitude to God, that there are men like you even if few in number-very few indeed. Gratefully yours, NEW Yoa1, N.Y., March 23, 1965. Senator WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: We are very fortu- nate in having at least a few Senators like you who can be a voice of dissent against the excesses of the United States in Vietnam. I do not believe that the administration can be allowed to conduct a war in any name without the approval of the legislature and the populace. I write this letter as an individual, but I know I am also representative of most of my acquaintances. Please continue the work you are doing. Respectfully, BS RRIEN SPRINGS, MICH., April 9, 1965, Senator WAYNE MORSE, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: We are very seriously disturbed at our present policy in Vietnam. Quite clearly we are responsible for escalating the war in that sector of the world; this is fraught with grave dangers militarily and diplomatically. Once again we present the picture of the "ugly American" which works so well to the advantage of the Communists. We want to commend you for your fore- sight and courage in this matter and to urge you to continue to use your influence to dis- suade us from this path and to recommend active peace negotiations. Sincerely, NEW YORK, N.Y., April 6, 1965. opinion supporting your efforts, and thou- sands of us who are clergy are doing all we can to help your cause. Sincerely yours, ALFRED B. STARRATT. NORWOOD, PA., April 3, 1965. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I would like to ex- press my gratitude for your firm and cour- ageous stand against extending the war in Vietnam. Sincerely, ADEL, IOWA, April 8, 1965. HoN. SENATOR MORSE: Want to voice my appreciation for your opposition to the war in Vietnam. This war is not only too inhumane but also too dangerous to continue. Why not turn this over to the U.N.? This war must be brought to a close and it seems to me it would greatly strengthen the U.N. to allow them to mediate a peace. Hon. WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: It seems obvious to almost everybody except Gen. Maxwell Taylor and the administration that the policy in Vietnam has gone very sour indeed. Instead of breaking the resistance of the North Viet- namese, we are strengthening it, and even driving them into the dubious embraces of Communist China. How stupid can we get? Our whole policy appears to be calculated to strengthening the Communist world, pushing Mgscow and Peiping closer together, turning all of Asia and Africa against "white lmperialism"-the best weapons in the Red propaganda arsenal, in addition to actual military materiel, have been made in the United States of America. When will we learn? Worse than that, the actions of the admin- istration have sown dismay and distrust in this country at a critical time when we should be united. The people have been lied to and betrayed. After repudiating esca- lation of the conflict at the polls, we find that our expressed hopes have been cynically tossed out. Goldwaterism without Gold- water. The press releases from the White House, the white papers of the State Depart- ment are such obvious lies that it is im- possible to take them seriously, if it were not for the fact that they have such serious results. " Now is government by the people possible when the people are misled, bamboozled, and denied access to information vitally affecting their safety and welfare? "Big Daddy knows best" is hardly in the American tradition. We are not at war with North Vietnam. Why, then, are we committing acts of ag- gression on a par with Pearl Harbor? If we are at war, the Congress should exercise its constitutional duty of making a legal decla- ration, and not leave it to the Executive to wage war unconstitutionally. This tendency to bypass the Constitution, to me, is a far graver threat to our Republic than the feeble efforts of No Chi Minh, The Congress should reassert its duties as reprehentative of the people, and not slip into-an emasculated role of - a rubberstamp, like the Roman senate under Augustus, All the way with the --American people. The President should execute the will of the people, not impose his own. Respectfully, JOSEPH M. SHELLEY. Wo0DMERE, N.Y., April 8, 1965. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR- SIR: Please add my small voice to the many great voices who have called for cease fire in Vietnam and an application of U Thant's formula for negotiations. SUZANNE GELLER. DANIEL GELLER. EMMANUEL CHURCH, Baltimore, Md., April 7, 1965. Hon. WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Keep up your good fight against the insane policy being followed in Vietnam. There is a rising tide of public LONG BEACH, CALIF.., April 3,1965. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I am 100 percent with you in your opposition to the war in Vietnam. I believe there is nothing to and ieverythingmtomake administration's risk position there Sincerely, WILLIAM V. MCCAY. DEARBORN, MICH., ' April 4, 1965. DEAR PRESIDENT JOHNSON: Our recent bombings of the defenseless inhabitants of Vietnam, north and south, are costing us all of our influence and prestige in Asia, not to mention American reaction at home and elsewhere. You have stated that our purpose is to end Communist aggression and terror in South Vietnam. How true is this? Judging from reports most Vietnamese, except for Saigons4eem to prefer the Vietcongs. From almost every viewpoint our position seems to be coming more and more unten- able. Let's have a cease fire before the situa- tion deteriorates still further. Then we can plan to rebuild and if possible regain some self-respect. Sincerely, Mr. and Mrs. PAUL KERBER. APRIL 5, 1965. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I heartily endorse your position for negotiation in Vietnam. ANNE KABACK. DEAR SIR: You are one of the most coura- geous and honest men in the United States. If it weren't for you and men like you I would lose faith in our Nation. I only hope that your fervent pleas for peace in Vietnam, for a halt to the awful horrors which the United States is perpetrating are answered. I am thrilled that you will visit my college, Union, and await your talk eagerly. Sincerely, ROBERT S. HOFFMAN. NEW YORK, N.Y. April 7, 1965. Hon. WAYNE L. MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washintgon, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Although I am not a constituent. I should like to express my ad- miration for your courageous and far-seeing position on ending the conflict in Vietnam. Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 April 21, 1965 CONGRESSIOsNAL RECORD - SENATE' You may be sure that when you advocate immediate negotiation to end this unjust and unnecessary war that you speak for Americans across the Nation. The fear of this thing escalating into another Korea- type conflict or erupting into a major dis- aster haunts us all. Very truly yours, Mrs. EVELYN S. SMITH. APRIL 7, 1965. Hon, ERNEST GRUENING, Member, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SrR:,I offer my thanks for your patri- otic efforts to bring about the liquidation of the stupid adventure in Vietnam. Every Senator ought to read "Letter from Saigon" in March 20 New Yorker. Yours truly, HENRY W. CHERRINGTON. THE SAVANNAH SUN, Savannah, Ga., April 2, 1965. SENATOR WAYNE MORSE: Would you read the enclosed and if you approve of its general content, have it in- serted in the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD? I believe the majority of the American peo- ple are strongly against this increased in- volvement in Vietnam. Parents of sons who are now in_Vietnam are especially bitter. If this war continues another month, we will have "escalation" of friction in Ger- many, the Middle East, Africa, all over the I met Representative JOHN CONYERS yes- terday (he's in Savannah for a voter registra- tion drive for the NAACP), and he spoke out strongly against our involvement in Viet- nam; he said many Congressmen are strongly against it. Thanking you for your continued fight for world peace and sane government, I Sincerely, ARBAM EISENMAN. P.S.-Sent you my book; you never have told me whether you read it, liked it, or dis- liked it. How To GET OUT OF VIETNAM Five thousand years ago, Confucius said: "Easy to save face in Asia-just keep body in native land," Today, I say: "Easy to get out of Viet- nam-let's become part of the world." We have no more right in Vietnam than the Chinese would have had intervening during our Civil War, But, there we are in Vietnam, and seem- ingly hellbent on starting world war III, if necessary, so that we can save South Vietnam for Democracy. But, are we not there to stop communism? If we don't stop them in Vietnam, what country is next? Well, there's communism in Cuba, 90 miles from our shores, but we don't bomb them. There, are Communists in Italy, but we don't bomb them to save them from communism. There are Communists in France, India, England, we don't bomb them. There are allegedly Communists in the United States-should we bomb ourselves to keep ourselves safe from communism? This is the age of geographical schizo- phrenia: There's a North and South' Korea, and a North and South Vietnam; there's an East Germany and a West Germany, a West Pakistan and an East Pakistan-and the only reason we haven't got an East Pole and a West Pole is because we've got a North Pole and a $oilth Pole. France moved out of Indochina and Al- geria, reluctantly, after years of war, and ;ountiess millions of.' dollars of wasted Honey, and many scores of thousands of utile deaths, and now France' enjoys un- arecedented prosperity. Now, we arespend- ing $2 million a day in Vietnam. The cost is bound to go up in dollars and lives. Ask yourself this awful question: If the Vietnamese Were 'not brown-skinned people without voting power in the United States, would we bomb them? Are we not racists on the world scene? Governor Wallace sent his State troopers to whip, cattle-prod, and beat Negroes and their white friends, trying to march for freedom. On the world scene, how distinguish between Governor Wallace's actions and ours? Is not ours even worse because we use napalm bombs, gas, and we kill and *kill to save face to.try and bring about a negotiated peace. Presumably, the frightened Vietcong will get down on their hands and knees and say: Big tall white men, lords and masters of de- mocracy, stop your bombing and we'll agree ,to your peace terms. Governor Wallace attempted to horsewhip freedom into the ground. We are attempting to bomb out Communist leadership from Vietnam. And the more we bomb them, the more Communist we make them. The more we bomb brown people in Asia the more we are hated in all of Asia, not only by the Vietnamese, and the Chinese, but also by the Japanese, the Burmese, the Indonesians, the Hindus, and the Moslems. The wild men of Borneo could truthfully ask: What do the white savages want? What do we want in Vietnam? John Foster Dulles put us in Vietnam with a few hundred advisers. Look how close we now walk to the brink of world war III because -John Foster Dulles put 300 military advisers into Vietnam to save it from communism. But, you ask, if we pull out of Vietnam, what about the rest of Asia? What about South Korea? What about Formosa or Tai- wan? What about the rest of Asia? We do have some historical interests in the Philippines. Curiously, since Spain settled so,.. much, ' of Latin America and also the Philippines, they have the same basic eco- nomic problems though separated by thou- sands of miles. But, we did eventually grant the Philip- pines their independence, and some of their 30 million people understand and apprecia- ate the United States and its democratic potential. What about the rest of Asia? How about inviting the Philippines in as our 51st State? How about offering all-out aid to Japan, India, Pakistan, Australia, and New Zealand? How about offering all-out aid to North and South Vietnam,, North and South Ko- rea, Formosa, and Red China, too? Is it possible that we are about to blow the world to bits because our President has watched too many westerns on TV and con- siders himself the good man, and anybody who opposes him the bad man or men, and feels entitled to shoot them down if they disagree with him? Especially ' if they are short, dark, brown men, Buddhists, who will travel 7,000 miles across the Pacific to get us if we don't get them first? But how does a great power like the United States extricate itself from Vietnam? Well, the French just picked up and left. The British picked up and left Ireland, Israel, the Middle East, and India. Russia picked up and left the Congo. The only way to leave a country where you don't belong in the first place is just to pick up and leave. It's a very easy thing to do, much easier than. fighting the Asian people in a prolonged war involving billions of dollars and perhaps mil- lions of casualties, But you say, "we can stop the Red Chinese now; 5 years, 10 years from now may be too late." History repeats the follies of warriors'who fought out of fear. Hitler speculated on a cheap and easy 'victory, too,' but the Brit- ish stuck it out, the Russians stuck it out, and in a few years, Hitler was defeated. 7875 Chinese will stick it out? Isn't it possible that if we use atomic bombs in Asia, the brown and black men around the world will rise in revolt against us? Isn't it just pos- sible that we could lose the world trying to save South Vietnam? But what happens to Chiang Kai-shek and his hundreds of thousands of troops? What happens to the many millions of anti-Com- munist forces in Asia if we pull out of Viet- nam and subsequently from Korea and don't defend Taiwan? Look homeward, o angels of mercy. How about our unemployed in the United States? How about Latin America which could go Communist? But, how about Chiang Kai-shek and the anti-Communist forces in Asia? Must we play the part of the eternal coun- terfevolutionaries, holding back the thrust of history, whether it be progressive or reac- tionary, leaving Asia as a dangling participle in an infinitely unfinishable sentence? I don't believe the Communists have as their primary desire the killing off of every- body in Asia who's against them. What would be the advantage of ruling over dead men, women and children? We could offer Chiang Kai-shek and some of the leaders of the anti-Communist forces sanctuary in our country even though there would be a dan- ger inherent in this act. I have no illusions about Ho Chi Minh and his government. Ho Chi Minh has been a Long-time members of the Comintern-but, the joker is now whether he wants Chinese aid, which can gobble him up too in the process. He probably will not ask for Chi- nese aid unless we force him to. We must wonder where all this will end. For, if we have the right to bomb North Vietnam, why does not Castro have the right to bomb a country he considers unfriendly? Why don't the Communists have the same right to bomb non-Communist countries? Where will all this end except in world war three? Unfortunately, the classic definition of capitalist-imperialism as defined by Marx fits us in this Vietnam venture: 1. We have military weapons; we have a powerful military force that must be used to keep the wheels of industry going so that we can have wealth. . 2. We attack a weak formerly subjected country. 3. We prevent a nation from self-determi- nation. You could put it another way: Bombs and profits as McNamara beats the band. That is the heart of this issue: So long as such a preponderance of our production is geared for military might and spending, we are going to be engulfed in destructive wars not only to destroy people (and prevent the spread of communism) but to keep our mili- tary industrial machine humming at profit- able speed. If we do not convert 50 percent of our military spending at once to the construc- tion of homes, hospitals, schools, roads, and conservation of our natural resources, we will have continued unemployment, growing crime, insanity, juvenile delinquency, and we will not have enough homes, schools, hos- pitals, roads and conservation of our natural resources. We could win the friendship of the entire world with our wealth and our hand extended in friendship and peace. Instead we fritter away our wealth and the good will of the world with napalm bombs and incendiary bombs on the jungles of Vietnam to flush out a few hundred or a few thousand Viet- cong. In Alabama, It was racism that impelled Governor Wallace to send his armed forces against the Negro people and their white allies, who wanted to march peacefully for Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE April 21,'1961 the right to vote. How explain to the brown and black people of the world that it is not racism that impels our Government to use its military force against the brown people of Vietnam who want the right of self-determi- nation of government? If the Vietnam peo- ple choose a Communist form of government how does that endanger our national se- curity? There are more Communists in Italy than in Vietnam but we don't bomb Italy. There are more Communists in France than in Viet- nam but we don't bomb France. There are more Communists in Cuba than in Vietnam but we don't bomb Cuba. There are more Communists in India than in Vietnam but we don't bomb India. There are more Com- munists in Red China than in Vietnam but we don't bomb Red China. There are more Communists in the Soviet Union than in Vietnam but we don't bomb the Soviet Union. Then why does our national security demand that we bomb Vietnam? It is evident that Vietnam, like Korea, is the wrong war in the wrong place. at the wrong time. But the dangers :now are even greater than during the Korean war. For that war came when Red China did not have the atomic bomb, when the Soviet Union and the United States had not begun to conquer outer space. Today, if total war comes, it can come from nuclear bombs rained down from up above with space ships zeroing in on their targets. So this terrible question arises: If there were no Vietnam, would we in the United States have to create one somewhere to use up our military weapons, to give pur- pose to our military, to keep the wheels of much industry going, to keep us affluent? But France found out that it became richer once it pulled out of Indochina, and Algeria, once it stopped spending useless lives and dollars fighting hopeless wars on foreign soil. So now we come to the bitter fact that we have these choices in Vietnam: 1. The present use of American armed might in the avowed hope of obtaining a peaceful negotiation; 2. The planned withdrawal of American military might from Vietnam. It is strange that we have to fight against our President on foreign policy since we are so much in agreement with him. on domestic issues. It is strange that war, which kept the New Deal from moving further along with its domestic revolution, which also inter- rupted the progressive march of the Fair Deal, now challenges the Great Society, which has only begun to fight its war against poverty, crime, racial intolerance, unemploy- ment, slums. Some will counsel us to go along with our President in this strange adventure in Viet- nam because he has all the facts, and has arrived at his position through knowledge. Some will continue to advocate this war action in Vietnam, which is bound to create the conditions for world war three on the holy grounds that it will prevent world war three. But, many of us can not go along with our President on this brinksmanship diplomacy, not out of fear alone of world war three but because we are convinced that we, the United States, do not have any right at all to be In any part of Vietnam. But how do we withdraw from Vietnam? What about South Korea? What about Tai- wan? What about the rest of Asia and the world? We cannot rewrite the history of the world. We cannot color the maps of the world's geography to our liking. China has been, China Is, China will be. China can no more conquer the world than the Russians can, than we can, for it is now evident after World War II that Eastern Europe, the Com- munist dominated, has certain desires of its own, too. And the era of Stalinism and Hitlerisin is dead. But I do not advocate withdrawing from Vietnam without offering a world plan of action. I repeat: We must invite the Philip- pines to become the 51st State of the United States; we must offer all-out aid to Japan, India, Pakistan, Australia, and New Zealand; We must recognize Red China, and offer all- out aid to both North and South Vietnam, .North and South Korea, Taiwan, and Red China, too. In addition, we must ask Puerto Rico in as our 52d State, and extend the invitation to all the Central American republics to be- come States of the United States. We must offer more aid to Latin America. And we must convert 50 percent of our military spending to domestic spending for homes, hospitals, schools, roads, and conser- vation of our natural resources. Believe it or not, the only way to win the war in Vietnam is to withdraw and make all- out effort to win the war against poverty and unemployment and race hate here in the United States, and in our sister republics to the south of us. The only way to win the war in South Vietnam is to quit fighting a war in other people's lands, and then magnanimously of- fer the world a share in our limitless bounty for peace, for trade, for understanding. For we have nothing to fear if our de- mocracy is a working democracy, and if its fruits go down to our people and the people of the world. We shouldn't fear the bogey- man of communism so much that we are willing to forfeit our destiny as world leader fighting a senseless war in Vietnam. Let us pull out of Vietnam, militarily, but let us join the peaceful people of the world even more. For the only way to win the war against communism is to win the people of the world to our way of life-and our way of life is not conducive, as now constituted, to winning the people of the world to a great belief in our democracy. ABRAM EISENMAN. SAVANNAH, GA. SEATTLE, WASH., April 4, 1965. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MoasE: Enclosed is a copy of a letter on Vietnam I recently sent my two Senators and Representative. It was heartening to read Walter Lipp- mann's perceptive column of March 31 in which he concludes, "In southeast Asia we have entangled ourselves in one of the many upheavals against the old regime, and we shall not make things any better by thrash- ing around with ascending violence." This tragic and immoral war must be stopped. I am encouraged whenever I read about your penetrating speeches on this subject on the floor of the Senate. I would like to receive your newsletter. Please put my name on your mailing list. With kindest regards. Sincerely. SEATTLE, WASH., March 31, 1965. Senator WARREN G. MAGNUSON, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MAGNUSON: The U.S. Gov- ernment is guilty ofgross immorality in Vi- etnam. It is conducting a war of annihila- tion against the people of that country. It is bombing, burning, torturing and destroy- ing without the slightest regard for human life. The bombing of North Vietnam is sheer madness. The story that we are losing the war in South Vietnam because of North Vietnamese support and supplies is a myth. The guer- rillas we are fighting are South Vietnamese and the greater part of their weapons an captured U.S.-made weapons. It is a popular uprising we are trying t< extinguish in South Vietnam, led by tht National Liberation Front which has the support of at least 80 percent of the people There are Communists within the NLF but they are in a minority. The objectives of the NLF are peace, independence, democracy and neutrality. In trying to extinguish ,this revolution the United States-Siagon forces have resorted to napalm bombing of villages, inhuman tor- ture, the bombing of hospitals and schools, the spraying of poisonous chemicals as de- foliants and now have sunk to the use of poison gases against both guerrillas and civilians. I am shocked and outraged by these ac- tions. I demand that a cease-fire be called, our troops withdrawn and international ne- gotiations begun to establish peace and neu- tralization'in southeast Asia. Sincerely, Senator WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. ROBERTA C. HAMMER. BROOKLYN, N.Y., DEAR SIR: We ask for an immediate cease- fire in Vietnam and immediate use of U Thant's formula for negotiations. Yours truly, COMPTON, CALIF., April 5, 1965. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I have never written you before. I deeply apologize for such ne- glect because I have admired you over a long period of years. How I do commend you for your courage in being willing to stand up to your convictions. Too many people in all ages and today turn whichever way the wind blows. I commend you for the stand you take in Vietnam; namely, the necessity and urgency of getting out of Vietnam. To me your arguments are valid and should be so recognized by all persons with the respon- sibility of molding and formulating the de- cision--the President, Vice President, De- partment.of State, Congress, cabinet officers, and the general public. When your ideas on Vietnam become popular enough to be crys- talized into public opinion if it isn't too late with world war III with all of its nuclear destruction (God forbid), your speaking as a voice in the wilderness will be at an end. Then will your stanchness pay rich divi- dends. Keep on "keeping on" with your cries to awaken the slothful and the indo- lent, the know-it-all and sophisticated, the sincere and earnest seekers for truth so that we can make the slogan of freedom and justice for all the reality and manifestation it should be. Thanking you for attention to my letter. Cordially, CHAPEL HILL, N.C., April 5,1965. The Honorable WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR: Although I am not an Oregonian, I want to tell you what I think about Vietnam. I have just read parts of your speech to the Senate from last August and I agree with it 100 percent. I hope yoi are continuing to take the same stand. think the Senate ought to call the adminis tration to task for fighting a war of its ow that the Senate never declared. I kno, Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 Approved.For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 lpril 21, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENAT$ 7877 o senate? eve the President the right to reason warranting the bombing of North The reason we are likely to be the wrong k around on behalf of SEATO countries, Vietnam and fearing the very real possibility side is that we are allied with the status quo id I. don't think it should have done it. of escalation. Each day we hear that the all over the world, and the status quo in the ,ad no*, I thiltis it should tell. the Presi- United. States is still open to negotiations, underdeveloped countries, at least, is usually ant that he is going entirely too far. I that we desire no wider war and yet every day wrong. link that President Johnson stands for so there is some-new aggressive aspect to our We are opposed to those who want to any `good and excellent things, and I am warfare. This morning it was the first change it unless we can be sure they have tarry to see him fighting this war that is so bombing of nonmilitary targets. What will the same ideas as the people they want to seer that objective inquiry by the press is it be tomorrow? displace. of permitted. If this is not irreverent, I Our adversaries seem to be showing un- For example, we have no difficulty in ad- ish that Mr. Kennedy were still with us, as usual restraint. They are continuing the justing ourselves to the game of musical believe he would have been mare Straight- war exactly as they had been fighting It, but chairs as played by military dictators in n'w4rd with -the press. I think the white are not retaliating for reprisal sake. We Latin America. But we find it almost im- aper is a bad Job of rationalization and seem to be goading them to see how long they possible to accept a social revolution there 'hitewash. The business of, the Geneva will take it lying down. When we have or anywhere else. .ccords and t4e International Control Com- angered and frightened and shamed them Any regime, however corrupt or detested, fission is used to make half-truths, which sufficiently and they lose their caution, we that says it is against communism will have lave the, same effect as lies-worse, as they will loudy place the blame of the ensuing our instantaneous support. And if anybody xe more persuasive and harder to fight. As holocaust on them. I don't believe history asks why we should get into a vain, hopeless graduated from the same college as Secre- will be so kind. war to bolster up such a regime, the great ary Rusk-Davidson-and once shook his We have so many real problems to be faced. domino theory, the handmaid and companion land wlien he visited my fraternity house, Your magnificent image of the Great Society of "containment," is invoked. We are told wld, have heard him give really excellent has to be built. The civil rights struggle is we cannot withdraw because if we do other ectures in the past (they are getting worse still with us. And all over the world, wher- nations who have relied on us will fall like .ately; his speech a few months ago at the ever poverty and tyranny are being ignored, dominoes to the Communists. 7niversity of North Carolina was all rhetor- we can fight our ideological battle with the The display we have put on in South Viet- ,C), I am especially disappointed in him. I Communists without futility and rationalize- nam must have alienated the people of het the impression that State has been fol- tions and loss of life, but with a real cause. southeast Asia. By going into the Congo lowing the Pentagon very faithfully, and that Please lead us out of the barbarism of war we alienate the people of Africa. How we the Bundy mythology of counterinsurgency before it is too late. strengthen our position with our friends or is leading the Pentagon. It is all very Sincerely yours, with neutrals by fighting losing wars In un- strange. `Please keep fighting against war. LORRAINE P. COHEN, popular causes remains obscure. Very sincerely, - The obvious substitute for "containment" TLmOTHY B, RAY. ROCHESTER, N.Y., By ng out the is the United Nations. B working 5, 1965. methods--and they must eventually be work- BROOKLYN, N.Y. Senator WAYNE MORSE, ed out-by which the United Nations may April 5, 1965. Washingtbn, D.C. DEAR SENATOR: Enclosed is a maintain order during revolutions may Senator WAYNE L MoxsE, column b copy of a obtain n peace with justice. That should be Washington, D.C. olu by Robert M. Hutchins. The under- the aim of the foreign policy of the United DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I heartily endorse lining is mine. Unless you have already read States. your position for negotiations with Vietnam this column, I am sure it will interest you to stop this frightful was. very much. I, myself, think it one of the very best on the subject that I have read- MADISON, WIS. America hag alA ays been strong enough here. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I support your effort ind humane enough to deal fairly not only anywhere, change America's policy in South Vietnam. with her friends but with her enemies too. Yours truly, This war must be stopped before we get in- - Respectfully, H. R. CLARKE, volved in an even greater conflitIf IRENERDEDL. c. aal ~SA FOREIGN POLICY " possible not only continue your present work, = FUTILE"-NEW START NEEDED but step it up. It is wonderful to know LOGAN, UTAH, (By Robert M. Hutchins l that there are ., .e., f .- o bank S f ruptcy o enate, American foreign policy enator WAYNE MORSE, is now so clear that even the administration Sincerely yours, reshj.agton, D.C. must be ready for a new start. ALAN T. OLMSTEAD. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I support your ac- The essential element of the old, tired .vlties against the aggression against North policy is the "containment- Of Communism, Los ANGELES ART THEATER, ietnam, and urge .you to greater lengths. Everybody in the world is supposed to be in- Beverly Hills, Calif., think many others have doubts about this. terested primarily in "containing" commu- Marsh 31, 1965. re may be too far gone, but keep it up. nism. The people of Vietnam and the Congo DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Your repetitions of Yours truly, are not permitted to say whether they would reality and law must not stop. Can't you get BUD 0. WATKINS. rather die than . see. communism rear its head more press for your vital message? ---'~ry in their country. It is assumed that every With gratitude, STUART, FLA., Asian or African peasant knows that com- DONALD FREED. April 5, 1965. munism is worse than death and that he DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Please use your in- should be delighted to have his country de- HAZELHURST, WIS., once iii getting our boys out of Vietnam. stroyed in the effort to repel it. April 5, 1965. It's take care of, our own country first. Of course, we do not really care about the DEAR SENATOR MORSE: This is just to in- ur President, 4 as the wrong advisers in Asians and Africans. If we did, we would form you that many Wisconsin voters fully aylor and McNamara, who are getting us ask them what they wanted. - We have not agree with your stand on the Vietnam war. ito a big war. I agree with your point of let the South Vietnamese vote on joining You are serving this Nation well in this .ew in every respect, Keep on telling us. North Vietnam or on any related subject, matter. Sincerely, because we have suspected that the vote Sincerely yours, -Mrs. THOMAS DASI.ING., would not go our way. The foreign policy PHIL KRONENWETTER. bf the United States has not been built on APRIL. 7, 1965. justice; it has been built on the supposed BUFFALO CENTER, IOWA. DEAR SENATOR: Enclosed is a copy of a let- self-interest of this country. DEAR SIR: Every week brings us into a new r I have sent to President Johnson. But "containment" is not in the interest phase of the escalation of the war in Viet- Sincerely yours, of this country. It puts us into every situa- nom with no honest hope for a backdown LORRAINE P. COHEN. tion anywhere. in the world in which there of North Vietnamese troops and their sup- are alleged to be any Communist elements, porters. TEANRcx, N.J., There is no situation in which this cannot World war III will take place unless we April 3, 1965. be alleged. stop this escalation. We are always led to DEAR MR, PRESIDENT: Last fall my husband And, in fact, there is no situation in which believe that all our efforts are retaliatory -1 I alon?p_with millions of other Ameri- the allegation cannot eventually be proved, but the facts do not bear this out. We 1s V,I eil?tilliSi tically for you and what If the Communists are not there to start started it on July 31 when South Vietnam were 1ec't to believ@ were realistic and hu- with, they will appear sooner or later in re- naval vessels shelled two islands off North ne policies in foreign affairs, We feel sponse to appeals from elements opposed to Vietnam's shore. Those vessels we supplied. as If e hayg bgen betrayed, that you are those we are supporting. We armed them and we trained their crews. usin ornmisintgrpreting the mandate ac- Hence we are committed to get into any We also had ships in the vicinity that was led you. We are unequivacallyagainst fight going on anywhere, and usually on the a provoking element. CONGRESSIONAL REC- ~ricail action in Vietnam, discerning no wren side. QRD, August 1964, page 20291. Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 7878 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R0003001500 3-8 2f, 196 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD' SENATE The North Vietnamese then sent out PT The boats. At a distance of nearly 3 miles we opened fire first. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD, August 21, 1964, page 20291. We then bombed four of their bases and destroyed many of their PT boats. The escalation has continued. We must stop it. The lives of all of us are at stake and it is foolishness to continue the escala- tion. This is no Pearl Harbor. This is prov- ocation on our part and our fears, that continue to motivate us, enable us to con- tinue such injustices. May enlightened public opinion bring, pressure to bear on you and others to change our present faulty foreign policy before it is too late`. A concerned citizen, Pastor WAYNE WASTA, Methodist Minister. NATICH, MASS., April 5, 1965. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MoRsE, I strongly support your efforts toward solving the Vietnam crisis. Sincerely, iness to negotiate and to accept the good offices of the 'United Nations Secretary-Gen- eral in making arrangements for such negoti- ation to take place. The Commission of the Churches on Inter- national Affairs of the World Council of Churches and the General Board of the Na- tional Council of Churches have made sig- nificant statements to which we direct the attention of Methodists. We agree with the World Council's Commission that the quest for a solution must be shifted from the bat- tlefield to the conference table. We also support the National Council's General Board in its request to the U.S. Government: - "To engage in persistent efforts to nego- tiate a cease fire and a settlement of the war which will attempt to achieve the inde- pendence, freedom and self-determination of the people of Vietnam; "To utilize United Nations assistance in achieving a solution and in seeking to re- duce the area of conflict by effective border control and internal policing; and "To give bold and creative leadership to a broad international development program for the Mekong region and to continue full scale U.S. economic and technical assistance where necessary." NoTE.-The Executive Committee of the Board of Christian Social Concerns of the Methodist Church speaks only for itself and not for the Methodist Church as a whole. ?-_ PHILADELPHIA, PA. We ask for an immediate ceasefire in Viet- nam and immediate use-of U Thant's for- Division or PEACE AND WORLD ORDER, GENERAL BOARD OF CHRIS- TIAN SOCIAL CONCERNS OF THE MEr#IODIST CHURCH, Washington, D.C., April 6, 1965. MY DEAa SENATOR: In view of the grave situation in Vietnam I believe you will be interested in the enclosed statement very recently adopted by the Executive Committee of the General Board of Christian Social Concerns of the Methodist Church. Sincerely yours, HERMAN WILL, Jr., Associate General Secretary. MINETTO, N.Y. Hon. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I am writing to ex- press my support of your statements on our policy in Vietnam and to urge you to con- tinue in your stand. STATEMENT ON VIETNAM ADOPTED ON MARCH 24, 1965, BY THE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE OF THE BOARD OF CHRISTIAN SOCIAL CONCERNS OF THE METHODIST CHURCH We are gravely concerned over develop- ments in the war in Vietnam. We acknowl- edge the complexity of the situation in southeast Asia, and we recognize the ex- tremely difficult problems confronting the U.S. Government as it seeks to maintain as much as possible of that area free from Com- munist domination. Those responsible for poligy determination deserve sympathetic understanding as they grapple with the un- pleasant choices which they confront. Nevertheless, we firmly believe that citizens of the United States and of other countries likely to be affected by the future course of events in southeast Asia have a right and a responsibility to study the issues and ex- press a thoughtful judgment as to the wis- dom of tpe national policies Involved. We; therefore, direct attention to the fol- lowing considerations. The bombing of North Vietnam at an accelerating pace raises serious moral questions as to the appropri- ateness of the means chosen for the Imple- mentation of legitimate policy objectives. If the desired response from Hanoi and the Vietcong is not forthcoming, the present course of action could well lead to full-scale war with North Vietnam and possibly Com- munist China. Such an'eventuality would be a disaster of world dimensions, and, in our judgment, out of proportion to the goal sought. Accompanying this military course of ac- tion has been an apparent coolness toward offers of mediation and toward negotiation on any- basis other than an unconditional acceptance of the terms laid down-by the United States. We believe a proper regard for world opinion and the role of the United Nations calls for a clearer expression of read- ordered*by the President of the United State Let the impeachment proceedings symboli the hopes and desires of all peace-lovir international laws respecting Americas Let us not be judged at Nuremberg. Sincerely, HAL LEVIN. NEW YORK, N.Y., April 8, 1965. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Building, Washington, D.C.: Warmly support immediate discussion fi a peaceful settlement in Vietnam. EMANUEL K"LEIN. NEW Yoax, N.Y., April 9, 1965. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I admire you an have followed closely all you have said an written about Vietnam. You have, I believe the support of most Americans on this issue But do you have to confine yourself t showing that the present American policy 1 wrong? Can you not go further and tak the lead in reestablishing Congress' righ to decide when we shall go to war and whet we shall not. Article I section 8 clearl, gives Congress this power in the words "Con gress shall have power-to declare war, gran letters of marque and reprisal, and mak, rules concerning captures on land and water.' The mere fact that the present war is un declared does not abrogate Congress' righ~ in this field, it seems to me. And our representatives in Congress have a responsibility to stop this un-American ad? venture on the other side of the world, anc to prevent the nuclear holocaust which mad follow. Again, please accept my thanks for th many times you have fought against heav odds for policies which were right. SAN JOSE, CALIF., April 8, 1965. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C.: We still support cease-fire and uncond negotiations in Vietnam. EDWARD and JENIFER SCHOENBERGER. Hon. WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. -- DEAR SIR: I am writing to you rather than to my own Senators because more. than any Member of Congress, you have been a leader in the fight against our unjust aggression in South and North Vietnam, and our flagrant and increasing violations of the Geneva agreement. President Johnson is getting more and more brutal and bloodthirsty. He seems to recognize no moral or legal limits. Today I read of nonmilitary targets in North Vietnam being bombed, last week I read that poison gas attacks will continue, trial balloons on the use of nuclear bombs and on attacks on China are being placed in the press. With increasing justification, Johnson's policies in Vietnam are being compared to those of Adolf Hitler. Public opinion polls, letters and public officials, statements by clergy and intellectuals all oppose Johnson's course. But he has paid no heed to pleas for peace-neither to our own pleas nor to those'of international figures like U Thant, De-Gaulle, Shastri, Pearson, etc. Pleas, in short, appear to be futile; more drastic protest action is required. I am writ- Ing this letter to urge you (the voice of con- science in the U.S. Congress), to call for impeachment proceedings against President Johnson. Although I am sure he will not at this time be successfully Impeached, let it be written in history, that a Member and hopefully Members of the U.S. Congress attempted to take the course of impeach- ment if necessary to stop the wanton killing BROOKLYN, N.Y., April 8, 1965. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Washington, D.C.: Urge negotiations in Vietnam. History h proven war begets only more war. Bible sa thou shalt not kill. No ifs in Bible. Plea stop killing at once. Dr. and Mrs. I. OYLE. HOLLYWOOD, CALIF., April 6, 1965 Senator WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR MR. MORSE: Below is the text of message I have sent to the President April 6, 1965: "We ask for an immediate cease-fire Vietnam and an immediate use of U Than formula for negotiations." We wanted you to know of our supp, for you. Sincerely, Mr. and Mrs. LEWIS O. TEAGUI CHICAGO, ILL., April 6, 196 Senator WAYNE MORSE, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR: I am very glad that yot coming to Chicago to take part in the c memoration of our Jewish martyrs, inclu my father, mother, and sister, who have' killed by the German murderers. Approved For Release 2003/10/14 : 'CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 Approved For Release 2003/10/14 : CIA-RDP67B00446R00.0300150023-8 April 21, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD SENATE Takilig'this opportunity I would like to 'to the to be the case when you spoke Sunday add a few words that r had in minii to write evening? to you for a long, long time. It this is true, 3vlr. Bundy, I'am wondering I am. one of your stanch followers, -and I if the advisers to the President are not doing appreciate and admire vet deeply your cour- -him and the people of America a serious dis- age, honesty in your pursuing fight for jus- service in not acquainting him with the facts. tide, integrity for the whole of humanity. As Very truly yours, a matter of at I have a great collection FRANCES A. COVEY. of all your speeches and lectures in which you - fearlessly speak out your mind and conscious. DETROIT, MICH., I know there, are manypeople like I, who April 7, 1965. are standing on your side, but they are afraid Senator WAYNE MORSE, to speak out and express their views. Senate Office Building, I have always voted Democratic and so I Washington, D.C. did in the last election, but I feel now ter- DEAR SENATOR 1lfoxsE: Tonight I listened ribly disappointed and misled. I cannot to President. Johnson explaining about our stand politicians who are breaking promises. war in Vietnam, naturally I was disap- I like honest, sincere people, men like you pointed. and your colleagues. I pray that God should I appreciate the difficulty he is in-his give you health and long life that you should loyalty is to the international financiers, be able to continue your fight for justice, for corporations, and monopolies, yet he must the whole of mankind, assure the people of this country to trust Plea convey my best wishes to your col- him and his cause in Vietnam. This indeed league the Senators, ERNEST GRUENING, is very hard to do in face of the facts. FRANK CHURCH, and the others. He as much as bold the people that if all I hope to see you, please God, next Sunday men cease their Socialist endeavors and sur- in Chicago, and hear you talk and shake your render to the imperialists life will blossom hand. anew as never before for all. Mr. GEORGE BUNDY, White House, turles yet the imperialists never took ad- NoRTHFIELn,MASS., vantage of their opportunities to show mercy, Washington, D.C. DEAR MR. BUNDY: In your interview this 'past Sunday evening on "Meet' the Press" program I had the distinct impression that You were playing down public reaction to the administration's Vietnam policy not in agree- ment with what is presently being done. I feel sure that you must know the increasing concern over the attacks on bases in North Vietnam, bringing with it the' increasing danger of all-out war. I am convinced that the administration is being Strongly influenced by the Pentagon and that propaganda is now being put out to condition the American people to the drop- ping of bombs on targets in mainland China-which would be an open act of aggression: Senator WAYNE MORSE in an address ""in Cambridge, Mass., on March l stated that "the Pentagon is deliberately pursuing a policy of escalation in Asia aimed at the destruction of Chinese nuclear installations within 90 to 120, days." He told his audience that "the failure of the new Vietnamri policy is frankly recognized in private by adminis- tr~ation officials, who are now determined to Ching about mounting, escalation of the war. :f the American people do not make their voices heard in support of U Thant, Pope 'aul, and the Council of Churches in their ails for negotiations." MORSE warned, "We stand to awaken only when we are being trenched in b}ood. "The white paper," MORSE noted, "con- ains vi~tilaily nothing that was not known ast summer and fall when the:Pre,ident:was aying `We are not going north! And both entagon and State Department Insisted that io 'useful p,urpose would be 'served in the youth by attacking the North., To put the ld stories in the white paper'and call them justification for expandingg, the war now when they weren't before" MORSE charged, is an llisult to the intelligence,of the entire vorld` not to .mention the Americans. " Since listening to the aforementioned Sun- .ay broadcast I have learned that there, are sports-to the effect that the President is not ally aware of the extent of public disagree- acco pany our e orts to bring a cessation tent with administration policies. Is this in hostilities. Thus we could help to meet Ctioxbin la ed down to him as seemed gitimate needs and demands_of plop e in area I think that the prob- 0 %b ei fvluoin , "Mass PAX News, ' official lem is ically a military one, and that an of Massachusetts Political Action for our attempt at a military solution will 'ace-April 1965. greatly lessen our ability to reach a con- is right now feeling the hard hand of the same gentleman. ' Asia too has had her share of the blessings of serving imperialism. Even If Johnson is sincere does he think for 1 minute that capitalists will change their ways just to please him-that's wishful thinking. - Anyway he assures us that the war will go on and we shall win-over the dead body of little Vietnam. If President Johnson can kill Asians, Afri- dans, and Latin Americans at will with im- punity what will stop the racists, bigots, and fanatics from doing the same to those that they don't like? What an example for the world to watch? How quick our Government responds to events in far away Asia and Africa, yet how painfully slow it is to react to injustices within our own borders. I am glad that you are against our aggres- sfan in Vietnam, more power to you. Sincerely, JOHN Z. GILSAVAGE. P.S.-Please, excuse the pencil I'm anxious to mail this to you. MANCHESTER COLLEGE, North Manchester, Ind., April 7, 1965. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I am greatly dis- turbed by, and opposed to, escalation of the war in Vietnam. I believe that this policy is more likely to lead to an upward spiral of retaliation, destruction, and bitterness by both sides than it is to surrender by the North Vietnamese Government. I appreciate your efforts to bring about a change in our Government's policy. -I urge that we take the initiative in bring- ing about a cease-fire in Vietnam through the United Nations or the powers of the Geneva Conference of 1954, and in negotiat- ing an honorable settlement. .I am encouraged by the President's pro- posal that we should assist in a comprehen- sive program of economic development in Vietnam and elsewhere in southeast Asia, such as the Mekong River project. I be- lieve that such a creative alternative should m ff 7879 structive resolution of the difficulty and avoid an all out war. 11 r am aware of the dilemmas in this situa- tion, and sympathetic to your efforts to meet the problems. May God give you wisdom. Sincerely yours, WILLIAM SCHUHLE, Professor of Political Science. TYNGSBORO, MASS., April 8, 1965. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: This is to say that as a Christian homemaker, I heartily sup- port and agree with your position on the Vietnam situation. I pray that you and those who hold to the hope that there must be an alternative to the escalation 'of the Vietnam war will soon be heard and headed. Very truly yours, CYNTHIA D. MARRINER. BUFFALO, N.Y., April 7, 1965. U.S. Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR: I have sent the following telegram to the President: "As a student and young voter, I was deeply disturbed by your speech on Vietnam. Our bombings, brutal atrocities and sup- pression of truth, are both immoral and in- defensible. Only an honorable America can take the first step to end this insanity." I have remained silent far too long on this 'Issue. I merely wished to inform you of my feelings in this matter. Your concern and courage in this, as in so many other national matters, has been inspiring. Thank you. Very truly yours, JOHN D. MARCIANO, University of Buffalo. RAVENA, N.Y., April 5, 1965. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Thank you for being a courageous man. Thank you for speaking for the millions of Americans whose voices go unheard. What is there left for the moral American to do? We have written our newspapers, written our Congressmen, marched in protest demonstrations-and yet we must go on liv- ing with our indignation and shame over our policy in Vietnam, because the voice of the people no longer counts. I appreciate your willingness to speak at a time when other politicians seem to seek their political -expediency through silence. Sincerely, Senator WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I wish to extend to you my heartfelt thanks for bringing to the attention of the American people the im- moral war which we are fighting in South Vietnam. That a great democratic nation such as ours can be waging a cruel and atrocious war in the name of freedom is hypocrisy epito- mized. But there are many who share our sentiments and I therefore hope that you will not give up the fight. Thank you again. SEBASTOPOL, CALIF., April 4,1956. DEAR SENATOR: Will you please tell the President of this United States how he can get us out of the world war that we are getting into as sure as God made little apples. Tell him to instead of putting more troops, etc., into Vietnam to pull them out, but tell them we are their friends and will back them up to the fullest extent with everything we possess for the purpose of defending Approved For Release 2003/10/14,: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 7880 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE April 21, ' 196"r themselves. That way we can let them take the rap for war while we will defend them. And for God's sake, yours, his and mine, to get them out right now. Furthermore tell him if by any means he wants to build some bad fences in Alabama to have Mrs. Johnson to start a Ladybird Special to Montgomery and Selma, to have her select a dozen or so governors' wives and take them along and call on Mrs. Wallace for a tea or perhaps she might invite them to a tea. I believe that would fix some broken fences for him because I don't think, according to the results of the last election, they don't feel too kindly towards him. But they would to Lady Bird's Special and, according to the newspapers, she is a very intelligent and gifted speaker herself. I am thinking for this trip an old fashioned campaign train with speeches off the back end of the train like they used to do. What do you think of that? Now, dear Senator, I have taken too much of your time already. Forgive, please. Most sincerely yours, FLOYD H. H. MEAD. Ain't I a devil of a politician'? Ninety-nine years young, voted Democratic my entire life. Had quite a few winners, eh. Was in Cuba with Teddy, but wouldn't vote for him. DETROIT, MICH., April 7, 1965. DEAR SENATOR MORSE We just had to write you and thank you for the stand you have taken to stop the unnecessary war we are fighting in far off Vietnam. We are also happy that Senator GRUENING from Alaska is helping you to try and stop the war. We had too many wars already. I have voted here in Detroit 50 years now. I have fought; my sons went to Japan to fight for freedom; my brother's boy was killed in Ja- pan. So we had our share of wars. I want to thank you again, Senator MORSE, and God bless you, Senator. EDWARD C. MARKS. And God bless you again, Senator. SANTA CRUZ, CALIF., April 9, 1965. DEAa S`rs For yesirs I and my friends have followed your` liberal and commonsense ap- proach to world and domestic affairs. We think that you will agree with us that the U.S. attack against the Vietnamese people is indefensible on legal, moral, and tactical grounds. As one consequence among several, our country is isolating Itself even from its friends. We urge that you advocate nego- tiation before there is left no country worth negotiating about. Why not a new foreign policy: Asia for the Asiatics? Yours sincerely, RANSOM RIDEOUT. CLEVELAND, OHIO, April 9 1965. To the EDITOR, The Plain Dealer. The language of the President's speech re Vietnam was eloquent, but unrelated to real- ity. If a resolution were introduced in Congress to declare war against North Vietnam, the American people would oppose it overwhelm- ingly. The President is responsible for the death of every American boy killed in Vietnam in this illegal, undeclared war. Furthermore, the'Congress has no right to place either the authority or responsibility upon the Presi- dent through resolutions which give the Pres- ident the Congress warmaking power. By and large the Vietnamese people want the Americans to get out of Vietnam. They should have gotten out long ago. France Won't support the U.S. position in Vietnam. Other NATO allies have given token support at most. It is not our sole responsibility to try and resolve the situation in Vietnam. We are not a world police force. If we continue go- ing it alone. We shall be embroiled in wars all over the world, to the private delight of all. of our allies, who chuckle at our stupid- ity in sacrificing our men in distant parts of the world. We have no foreign policy except force, which will never bring lasting peace. We should certainly give our surplus food and more to the hungry peoples of the world. We should not force our presence where we are not wanted, we with our high standard of living, while they struggle to keep body and soul together with their rice plantings. The President knows that we certainly do want something in Vietnam-we want to dominate and control. So, we had better get out of Vietnam at once, where the lives of our boys are being sacrificed needlessly. Very truly yours, HARRY A. BLACHMAN, Attorney at Law. PASADENA, CALIF., April 6, 1965. READERS' FORUM, Star-News, Pasadena, Calif. DEAR SIR: Vice President HUBERT HuM- PHREY and other administration lackeys are showing signs of frustration over their fail- lire to sell the war in Vietnam. He is quoted in Los Angeles: "Some people get a little more concerned about our deeds than Com- munist terrorism." "I haven't heard of any demonstration about their blowing up our Embassy." There was a time when the United States was only advising their friends, the South Vietnamese, on how to deal with restless elements. This farce was at its peak dur- ing the regime of that great democrat who never got elected, Ngo Dinh Diem. Remem- ber him? Many saw Mr. Diem as a corrupt and arrogant despot but he was the best that Mr. Dulles could find to serve as the cent who could invite the United States to participate in South Vietnamese affairs- for a price, of course. Mr. Diem duty invited the United States in but it turned out that more than ad- visers were needed because the Diem poli- cies were somehow alienating his own sub- jects. Some left wingers have even sug- gested that, had the elections of 1956 been held (as required by the 1954 Geneva Agree- ment), Ho Chi Minh of the North would have won handily. President Eisenhower had this to say: "I have never talked or cor- responded with a person knowledgeable in Indochinese affairs who did not agree that had elections been held as of the time of the fighting, possibly 80 percent of the popu- lation would have voted for the Communist Ito Chi Minh as their leader rather than Chief of State Bao Dai." This comment about Bao Dai (long since retired to the rigors of the French Riviera) has been ap- plied by spiteful souls to include Diem. Naturally, Diem, although a great demo- crat (haven't we been assured endless times on this count) could not tolerate a demo- cratic election of He Chi Minh. The result has been that Diem is gone and was for a time supplanted by a number of generals, very democratic ones_ to be sure. Finally, the generals were effaced and the United States has stepped in and is running the show. Everyone knows that nothing could he more democratic than that. The great- est irony is that the restless elements in South Vietnam have come to regard the United States as fair game for ambushes, blowing up of embassies, and other deviltry- all this while their arms bear the signature "Made in U.S.A." There simply is no grati. tude left in this world. Yours, DAVID B. NIELSEN. (Copies to HUBERT H. HUMPHREY, Senato: WAYNE MORSE, and Senator THOMAS KUCHEL.: SAN FRANCISCO, CALIF., April 6, 1965. SIR: It is a relief to hear some sane voice. in the Senate about the Vietnam situation We do believe peace is possible. We also be- lieve that and end should be brought to the Vietnam war. This is too much of a threat to international peace to be playing war and using torture, napalm, etc. Peace is possible. It only needs men of good will to bring it about. Thank you for being one of them. Sincerely, Mr. and Mrs. CLARK DAVIS. SAN FRANCISCO, CALIF., April 6, 1965. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: This is just to tell you that I-and many others like me--sup- port fully your opposition to our militant military policy in Vietnam. For the first time in my life (.60 years), I am ashamed of my country's actions. I have long admired you and never more than now-please keep up the good work, which I realize is most dif- ficult in the face of the ignorance and apathy of most people. Sincerely. MrS. MARIAN S. PHILLIPS. Don't bother to answer-you have more im- portant things to do. BROOKLYN, N.Y., April 11, 1965. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Washington, D.C. HONORABLE SIR: My wife and I are two Americans who approve of the stand you are taking on the Vietnam war. We are deeply concerned about the warlike gestures of the present administration. We believe that mil- lions of American citizens disapprove, but we fear that not enough of them are concerned enough to do anything about it. Like you we are strongly convinced that we have no legal nor moral right to be down there, and we are not impressed by the President's ex- cuses for 4is actions. We call ourselves a nation under God, but God seems to be completely left out in the decisions of our leaders. We are acting like savages with guns. We are incurring the dis- approval and hatred of the world. We can not stand against the whole world. We an courting war with China and probably witl Russia, which would be disastrous. Nobod would win. We are bombing helpless people destroying their land; burning them witl napalm and poisoning them with gas. We should negotiate now, and withdraw with dignity, not necessarily as victors bu with prudence and the love of God. Our military seem to be drunk with powee and the President must be ill advised. His tort' teaches us that the decline and fall o empires always ensue when that empire seek to conquer the world. The peaceful nation that seek no conquests are the ones that sur vive. We hope you will become our Presiders some day so that we may have peace withou fear. Very truly yours, HERBERT and BEAULAH MORRISON. BALTIMORE, Mn., April 9, 1965. DEAR SIR: I am a college student who h; the great privilege to hear you speak on Vie Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 A roved. For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 April 21, 19 5 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE naril at Johns Hopkins. It is-reassuring to rind a person like you in politics. If only some sort of peace party could be 'ormed with you as Presidential Candidate. You would have my vote. My esteem for you !s unbounded. Sincerely, Hen. WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senator, LEESBURG, FLA., April 8, 1965. Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Perhaps this is a fan letter but I cannot resist the impulse to tell you how much I admire your stand and your courage to speak out on the issues of our times. I find myself wishing you represented my State in Washington. Let us hope that your voice will be heeded and not just a cry in the wilderness. i- - HELENE ST. JOHN., HISTORICAL AND RESEARCH COM- MITTEE, MENNONITE GENERAL C9NFERENCE, ` Goshen Ind. April 8, 1965. , , Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate gfce Building, ,Washington, D.C, PEAR SENATOR MORSE: I Wish to congratu- late you for the courageous statements you have made concerning the U.S. Involvement in southeast Asia, It seems to me that what we have done there has been simply to solidify the forces against America and to turn world public opinion against us. As one who has lived in the Orient several years and has traveled in the interior of Vietnam, I feel convinced that the United States cannot win a war there any more than France was able to do it there ar in Algeria. The forces of nationalism are too strong to allow a U.S. military victory., Let us not do the things that we had afraid Goldwater would have done had he been elected President. Executive Secretary. April 1, 1985. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate 6 ce building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Knowing your sensi- tivlty to this important issue, we have en- ;losed a photocopy of our letter to the Preal- lent on U.S. policy in Vietnam. We hope hat you will continue to use your consider- able influence in the pursuit of a reason- ,ble solution to the Vietnam crisis, Respectfully yours,- GRADUATE STUDENTS IN ASIAN STUDIES. MARCH 24, 1965. Ion. LYNDON BAINES JOHNSON, tirely agree with this analysis. Therefore, it is incomprehensible how the recent drastic intensification of direct military participa- tion can attain our professed goals of a stable and independent Government in a peaceful South Vietnam. The increasingly overt U.S. Involvement and direction of the war can only undermine whatever remaining support the Saigon gov- ernment has in South Vietnam by completely identifying it with a foreign power. Since Vietcong strategy, following the classical lines of wars of national liberation, is to mobilize mass support on a nationalist appeal of re- sistance to foreign intervention, the Ameri- can military presence removes any possibility of the local government gaining the popular support necessary to defeat the Vietcong. Simili?arly, the bombing of North Vietnam cannot win a guerrilla war in South Vietnam. It can, however, expand the war into a major conflagration In the. Far East whose ultimate consequences would be unforeseeable, That such risks should be taken: in a mili- tary policy that is self-defeating to our pur- poses in South Vietnam we find appalling. Furthermore, the increasing suppression of information from Vietnam further under- mines our faith in the wisdom and efficacy of this policy. We therefore strongly urge you to reconsider this futile attempt at a military solution to what is essentially not a military problem. Since suppression of the Vietcong now seems impossible, other means of securing a peaceful settlement in Vietnam must be explored. Respectfully, (Signatures illegible.) APPLE VALLEY, CALIF., Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: We would like to commend you for your stand on the Vietnam situation. We, the public, need to hear more words from you so that we have some feeling of hope. The escalation of the war in Viet- nam is indeed discouraging. Military in- volvement cannot settle political and eco- nomic problems. We have written to our own Senators KUcHEL and MURPHY calling for their leader- ship In urging the United States to negotiate now. President Johnson gave us a flame of en- couragement by his call for economic pro- grams for Vietnam. Please send us more in- formation about the Mekong River project and the proposal that we send surplus farm goods to Vietnam. What other proposals have you heard of which we can study and perhaps urge our Senators and Representa- tives and President Johnson to support? Very truly yours, EDWARD P. FLOWERS., PHYLLIS JEAN FLOWERS. 'resident, the United States, EL CERRITO, CALIF., 'xecutive Mansion,, April 7, 1965. Vashington, D.C. Hon. WAYNE MORSE, DEAR MR.. PRESIDENT: Sir, we, the under- Senate Office Building, Igned graduate students of Asian affairs at Washington, D.C. be University of California, have with DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I am writing once counting concern watched the development again to thank you for your unstinting ef- f U.S. policy in Vietnam. Lacking the de- forts on behalf of humanity-your opposition Ailed information on the current situation to the U.S. policy in Vietnam. I have writ- there that is available to the Government, ten letters, talked for hours, helped to pay 7ve do not presume to offer any specific so- for ads, and am helping a little to plan events utiona. krpAj, ot,},r knowledge of the gen- for April 17, the march on Washington day. ~ral development of modern Asian history, But I felt horribly depressed this evening to iowever, it is apparent that the recent hear the President say the same things based rend in U.S. policy can only lead to ultimate on the same false picture of Vietnam-inter- lisaster, laced with images of the Great Society which Until recently our own Government hasn't the chance of a snowball In hell while pokesmer. have repeatedly stressed that any we get nearer and nearer to war with China. )lutioin t0 the ,civil war in. South Vietnam I know you are too busy to answer mail 'Lust be,9ik. percent political and only 10 per- yourself-I can't even find copies of your ant miiitiury. If "political" Is taken to in- - speeches, though, of course, some of them are irde basic socioeconomic reform, we en- in the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-but I have 7881 wondered if you perhaps know whether Mr. Johnson reads any dissenting mail, and whether he reads anything but State Depart- ment handouts about Vietnam. The other day on CBS television news in the morning, Johnson was complaining about the press conjecturing about a disagreement over Viet- nam policy. He said he had said to his wife, "0 Lord, forgive them, for they know not what they do." Now I believe that tradition- ally people who have delusions of being God or Christ are considered mentally ill. At any rate, this remark suggests a frightening ar- rogance in that "folksy" man-and none of the humility that marks a scholar of human affairs. Is there any way to approach the man? Would letters to Vice President HUM- PHREY be more useful? I haven't written to McGeorge Bundy-I started to but his resem- blance in role and manner to Goebbels put me off. What I would like to knew, however, is whether there are any particular things that ordinary citizens like me can do that you would consider especially useful. If there are, I would like to know about them. Sincerely yours, Mrs. M. J. BILLINGS. BROOKLYN, N.Y. Hon. WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SIR: I write this letter in support of your position on the Vietnam situation. Your reasonable and ethical stand on this question Is most heartening in the midst of so much saber rattling and stupidity. Sincerely yours, LAURENCE M. OLIVO. MIDLAND EMPIRE INSURANCE & REAL ESTATE, Klamath Falls, Oreg., April 8, 1965. Sentor WAYNE MORSE, Senate Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: The United States has no business in Vietnam. When the U.S. Government has to pay an enemy to stop fighting, after we already have them whipped to a standstill, which cost us billions of dol- lars in the first place to do; I, as many other citizens feel that our representatives are trying to bankrupt our Nation. If I should try to run my business on bor- rowed money that I couldn't pay for, my complete organization would collapse. We, as citizens have no complaint when our tax moneys are spent on the improvement of our own country; but when we have to sup- port foreign dictators, large and small, with our tax dollars, I feel that we have gone too far. Please, do everything in your power to cur- tail this gross sabotage of the American tax dollar. We, the people, depend on you, as one of our representatives. You are a cus- todian of our American heritage. Let's re- lieve the tax burden at home now, by cur- tailing all giveaways of any kind to all foreign nations. Let's be Americans, let's think American, and let's take care of America. Thank you and best wishes. Very truly yours, CLEM LESUEUR. NORTH HOLLYWOOD, CALIF., April 7, 1965. President LYNDON B. JOHNSON, The White House, Washington, D.C. DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: I have just heard your speech on the Vietnam problem. I am very glad you have offered to negotiate with Russia, China, and North Vietnam. How- ever, refusing to talk with the Vietcong, I believe, is wrong, as they are a part of both North and South Vietnam. I further believe that the United Nations should handle this Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R00'030,0150023-8 7882 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150Q23-; 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE AP G 21, ' problem, even if Russia has not paid all its dues. If we do not support the United Na- tions, our chance for real and lasting peace will end. I believe our intensification of the war in Vietnam and the bombing of cities in North Vietnam has only solidified the peoples of Asia against us. If we spread even further to the bombing of China, more of Asia will join against us. I believe we should be sure that what we are really doing is right, and, it it is right, it would be the will of God. So with this in mind, let us look at all the reasons we are in Vietnam. If we are wrong in any way, which Is very possible, let us admit it and ask the United Nations to settle this problem now. In your speech tonight you said you asked yourself each night if you had done all you could for peace, etc. You suggested that each of us ask ourselves the ekme question. I asked myself tonight, as I have many times before afid' the answer is "No." That is why I am writing you. If I did not write you of my concern, I would not be doing my part' today. However, if I wrote only to you it still would be insufficient; so I am sending copies to some Members of Congress. May God be with us-all. Sincerely, STANLEY K. WEFrKAMP. NEW YORK, N.Y., ~y April Z, 1965. Senator, ?Y AYNE L, MORSE, t1.S. Senate, ; Washington; D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I endorse your post- tion for negotia tion. Sincerely, NEW YoRx, N.Y., April 10, 190. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I heard the speech of our President and I have read it. with care. I am horrified that it is being ac- cepted as a peace speech. It is the most well- thought-out effort to further confuse the American people and surely anyone who is knowledgeable about what is going on knows this well. Our people can all be fooled- soIetimes--but, as history shows, not for all time and they are increasingly aware these days that we have no legitimate business in Vietnam, that the killing, the burning, the destruction of food as well as people, has no justification in the eyes of any but a small, wealthy, powerful (because U.S. supported) group who will be overthrown when the Na- tional Liberation Front achieves victory. now can we mouth words about loving people, grieving over the hungry, etc., at the very moment when we send more soldiers and planes and arms to this landZ I hope that people who, like yourself, do have some vision of a future for the world other than nuclear destruction, will make clear that-while the Mekong Delta idea is line-not new, already underway with many countries-it is impossible because the United States keeps the civil war going and expands-it. First--cease-fire--then begin to find ways to talk instead of kill. And I hope too that there will be voices to point out that it Is as futile and deceitful to talk of negotiations without the so-called Vietcong (National Liberation Front) as it would have been for the British to announce their desire for peace-but negotiations to be only with the French. We need every voice of sanity. Help bring some to the Halls of the Senate-join Senator GRUENING who speaks with such a clear and brave and true voice. Respectfully yours, ROCHESTER, N.Y., April 10, 1965. DEAR SIR: I commend your opposition to the Vietnam mess and to foreign aid. In paying taxes on April 15 I have urged taxpayers to write Congress and the Presi- dent to stop wasting our tax dollars abroad. If pushed this could be the "ground swell" needed to stop wasteful "foreign aid." Yours truly, HOMER G. WHTrMORE. LA HABRA, CALIF., April 7, 1965. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I would like to thank you for your most courageous stand in urging a peaceful settlement of the Vietnam situa- To me, this is the only rational solution, for further escalation could easily lead to a nuclear holocaust. Please, continue to urge this peaceful means of ending the-Vietnam crisis. Thank you for your great courage and high principles. With greatest gratitude and deepest admiration, Es'rHER H. ADLER. NEW YORK CrTY, N.Y., April 9, 1965. Hon. W. MORSE: I certainly do agree with Your Honor that any amount of U.S. money in the way of promised aid will not buy peace. There must and should be,. Your Honor, other easier ways of finding peace. So I close to Your Honor and yours and those near and dear to your heart with my highest respect. sincerely, GEORGE MCCULLOUGH. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: words for peace, ELIZABETH MOOS. MALIBU, CALIF. Thanks for your APRIL 8, 1965. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I just read your "Senator MORSE Reports" and wish to con- gratulate you for your valiant, forthright stand against the brutal and futile war in Vietnam which has damaged U.S. reputation and has evoked the just criticism and in- dignation of heeds of states, churchmen, and decent people here and the many coun- tries overseas. I also fully support your bill aiming at re- stricting military aid and replacing it with economic aid to countries developing their free institutions. - Respectfully, stable government there forever at over a million dollars a day? And nowthe President proposes to give a billion dollars to southeast Asia. For what? To support more corrupt politicians there. We should not allow any more American lives to be lost in Vietnam or in southeast Asia. Maybe it would stop if we gave each widow of an American who lost his life there a million dollars-better that than for for- eign aid. We cannot buy respect or loyalty- ask Sukarno. Yours sincerely, M. W. GRAYBILL, U.S. Navy (retired). [From Time magazine, Mar. 19, 19651 COLUMNISTS--IF GOLDWATER HAD WON How would the United States have fared if Barry Goldwater had been elected President? "The mind boggles to think of it," mused Columnist Art Buchwald last week in the New York Herald Tribune. Nonetheless, Buchwald did his deadpan best to guess how things really would have turned out under Goldwater. To begin with, he wrote, "the Vietcong would have blown up an American barracks. Goldwater -would immediately call for a strike on military bases in North Vietnam and announce a 'new tit-for-tat policy.' Democrats would make speeches that Goldwater was 'trigger happy' and was trying to get us into a war with Red China. "But Goldwater would ignore the criticism and continue the raids, using not only Air Force bombers, but also jets from the U.S. Fleet. As time went on, he would explain that, instead of a 'tit-for-tat' policy, we now intended to bomb North Vietnam in order to let Hanoi know that they could not support the Vietcong without expecting retaliation. "Senators would call for some sort of nego- tiations. But Goldwater,- with his lack of restraint, would retort that there is nothing to negotiate and we would only be selling out southeast Asia if we sat down at a table with the North Vietnamese and Red China. Instead, he would recklessly announce that he was sending in a battalion of Marines with Hawk missiles to protect our airfields. His critics would claim he was escalating the war, but Goldwater would deny it. Instead he would bomb supply routes in Laos and Cambodia. "To explain these desperate actions, Gold- water would have the Defense and State De- partments produce a `white paper' justify- ing the attacks and proving that Hanoi was responsible for therevolution in South Viet- nam." Of course, wrote Buchwald, Democrats would hotly insist they had known all along that Goldwater would plunge the United States into a war. Republicans would arguf that Goldwater had no choice, that anywa; he had merely inherited the Vietnam mes from the Democrats. "It all seems far fetched," allowed Buchwald, "and I may havf let my imagination run away with itself, be- cause even Barry Goldwater wouldn't have gone so far. But fortunately, with Presiden, Johnson at the helm, we don't even have t< think about It." APRIL 8, 1965. MY DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I wish to praise you for you stand on the southeast Asia situation. Are we going to have a truce, like in Korea, and keep U.S. troops there indefi- nitely? Harry Truman called the Korean war a police action, but if - Margaret Truman had been 2d Lt. Harry Truman, Jr., and in the Army in Korea in 1950, I'll bet it would have been declared a war. I had command of an ammunition ship in 1950-51 delivering bombs to the aircraft car- riers at sea and we worked long and hard, but after October 24, 1950, and we saw that Harry Truman would not let us win the war, I could no longer tell my crew that we should be there. Will we ever get our troops out of Korea or do we keep supporting a corrupt, un- [From the Saturday Review, Feb. 27, 1965 VIETNAM AND THE AMERICAN CONSCIENCE Vietnam is profoundly complex, but it i not so complex as to defeat the American intelligence or disable the American con- science. Some facts and implications are clear, no matter how murky the general situation. The first fact is that the United State: today does not have the backing of the Viet namese people in whose name it went int< Vietnam in the first place and whom it I seeking to save today. The U.S. militar forces have had to cope not just with seers Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 pA, oved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 l pril' 21, I9~ CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE vents from North Vietnam but with th?e nisi Chinese have long argued that the Rus- .rowing opposition of the populace as a sian idea of coexistence was an anti-Marxist hole. In briefings of new U.S. military per- and antihistorical notion that could only )nnel, point is stressed that most Viet- by advanced by naive sentimentalists. They amese are either sympathizers with or secret Claim war Is inevitable because of the nature iembers oJ the Vietcong. The retaliatory of capitalism. As evidence, they assert that ombing,s by the United States of North the United States, despite its claim that it tetnam targets do not meet the problem sought only to promote the internal stability spresented by internal opposition within of Indochina, was actually pursuing a war outh Vietnam itself. against Asian peoples as an extension of the The second fact is that most of the mill- very imperialism Asians had fought so hard fry equipment used against American and to expel. The Soviet Union, which is no less outh Vietnam military forces has come concerned than the United States about either from Communist China nor North Chinese expansion throughout Asia, also has 'ietnam but from the United States. It is to be concerned about its standing in the adicrous to talk about bombing, supply lines world Communist community. It cannot rom North Vietnam as a means of shutting allow itself to appear indifferent to military if the flow. According to some estimates, action involving a member of that communi- ip to 80 percent of the military equipment ty. Any expansion of the war by the United ised by the Vietcong originates in the United States Into North Vietnam would force the States. In largest part, it is either captured Soviet Union to identify itself with North )y the Vietcong or turned over by supposedly Vietnam and thus with China. oyal South Vietnamese. No one knows how nuch of the equipment finds its way to Jommunist China, A Chinese official inter- viewed in. Peiping several months ago said lie Was almost reluctant to see the Americans leave; they had contributed so heavily to the Chinese a~'senal. The third fact 1 Is that the legal justifi- cation invoked by the United States for its involvement in. Vietnam has long since been nullified., Under the terms of the 1954 Ge- neva agreement, all foreign forces and mili- tary equipment were to stay out of Indo- china. The United States came with mili- tary force into Indochina, most notably in Laos, South Vietnam, and Thailand, declar- ingit had done so atthe request of the Governments involved, which was not a vio- lation , of the treaty. But nothing in the treaty gave the United States the right to finance revolutionary movements or to par- ticipate in undercover subversion. (In Laos in 1960 and 1961, the United States financed and equipped the effort of, General. Phoumi Nosavan to overthrow the only elected gov- ernment in the history of Laos. At the same time, the. United States continued to pay the salaries of loyalist forces and to furnish their supplies. Thus the United States was. RUTLAND, VT., in the astonishing position of underwriting April 9, 1965. 3oth sides of a civil war. Eventually, the Senator WAYNE MORSE, ituation -was restored to its prerevolution Washington, D.C. fry status, but only after many thousands DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I would like to bring ,f civilians were killed or became homeless.) to your attention that the Constitution of I ?REDLANDS, CALIF., April 5, 1965. To the Right Honorable WAYNE MORSE, Senate of the United States, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I wish the enclosed clippings might be read into the CONGRES- SIONAL RECORD. Your remarks on our foreign policy are always a great satisfaction to me. Respectfully yours, Mrs. ARTHUR M. SARGENT. BERKELEY, CALIF. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE : For what my sup- port is worth, I give it to you with great gratitude and encourage your courageous campaign for an intelligent approach to our involvement in Vietnam. You and Senator GRUENING are worth the other 98. Senators combined. ' Please continue and I cannot thank you enough. 7883 issues involved in our current Vietnam policy. I feel that a sane appraisal of our moral obligations is very much in order be- fore we are pushed into a situation where our national destiny is imperiled by reac- tions of fear and irrational anger. Please keep us out Red China and North Vietnam. Yours truly, [From the New York Times, Apr. 6, 19651 WRONG VIETNAM POLICY To the EDITOR: In seeking to establish peace in southeast Asia, President Johnson has placed himself under a severe handicap by taking the ad- vice of the same men who persuaded Presi- dent Kennedy to continue the Eisenhower- Dulles policy of unilateral military interven- tion in Vietnam, instead of-as in Laos- seeking to implement the Geneva accords of 1954. The more this interventionist policy has failed, the more its sponsors insist upon try- ing to redeem failure by ever deeper, more dangerous and more reckless commitment of United States prestige and power. It is now evident that the policy urged upon Presidents Kennedy and Johnson has failed and will continue to fail if carried further. When a policy has shown itself in- capable of achieveing its ends, there is only one thing to do and that is to adopt a dif- ferent policy. And when Presidential ad- visers who have sponsored a bankrupt policy refuse to recognize the need for changing course, it is time for the President to seek other advice. ECONOMIC COOPERATION To the outside observer it appears that President Johnson is about the only "dove" among the present policyrnakers. He alone has spoken, vaguely to be sure, of the kind of economic cooperation with all of south- east Asia which might bring the warring factions to the conference table. Surely there are in Washington men able and willing to help the President formulate a clear-cut policy for peace; Walter Lipp- man's recent articles are an outstanding example, and there are plenty of leaders in the world who stand ready to help end an ill-advised adventure that more and more threatens world peace and, with it, the Presi- dent's noble hope of establishing in the Great American Society an example of what all men everywhere may hope eventually to achieve. JAMES P. WARBURG, Greenwich, Conn. . n South Vietnam, the Inability of the the United States provides that Congress diem government to maintain the, support shall have power to declare War. This means f its own people, constituted a severe drag that the President has not got the power to n the war effort. Eventually, the Diem gov- declare war. 'nment was overthrown and the Premier as-. Therefore, In South Vietnam the United issinated,. Later, Frederick E. Nolting, Jr., States is carrying on an unconstitutional firmer Ambassador to South Vietnam, said war. fie United Stateghas been directly involved I suggest that Congress refuse to appro- the antigovernment plot, Whether Pre- priate any money for this undeclared war ter Diem was or'was not authoritarian and or for the aid of South Vietnam. And, .ckward,it beside, the point; the American I suggest that Congress refuse to confirm ~ople have never given their Government a presidential appointments to men who will arrant to engage in subversion or murder, not do everything in their power to stop this nce.Diem, regimes in South Vietnam have undeclared war. ,me and gone; which of them has enjoyed Moreover, neither the people of the United nuine legitimacy it is difficult to- say, In States nor the people of South Vietnam want ty case, what i the legal basis for our the U.S. forces in South Vietnam. ,esence now? Our presence was requested Furthermore, the cost of this undeclared a government no longer in existence, and war and aid to South Vietnam deprive the fie that our own ex-Ambassador said we people of the United States of their tax Aped to overthrow, money which they would either like to keep The fourth fact is that our policy in Viet- themselves or have spent for local improve- Lam in particular and Asia in general has ment and public benefit. The city of Rut- ot been of a piece. Basically, an important land needs better schools, better roads, more bjective of our foreign policy is to keep the sewers, and new sidewalks. oviet Union and, Communist China from Yours truly, )wing together in a unified and massive IRVING H. REYNOLDS. le lo i nd o g cai a military coalition Bt .u our D1icy in Vietnam. is producing exactly the feet we seeks to vgid. Nothing that has ippened since the original rupture between Le' two major Communist powers has done Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. UPLAND, CALIF., April 5, 1965. ore to bring the Soviet Union and,Com- unist China together again than recent nerican actions in Vietnam. The Commu- DEAR SIR: I would like to express my whole-hearted support of your stand on the WCRB, BOSTON, MASS., April 8, 1965. DEAR SENATOR: Please try to seek a peace- ful settlement in Vietnam and not spread the war. Sincerely, THEODORE JONES, President. DEAR SIR: I share your misgivings about the Johns Hopkins speech. Indeed it seems to me that this might as easily be an at- tempt to quiet student opposition on cam- puses, liberal and church opposition and to lull the consciences of those abroad and at home, while the aggressive war is continued or expanded. L.B.J.'s "sons" are not dying- his daughters are safe and I dare say if Mc- Namara and Bundy have them, they are safe, too. The people of South Vietnam are not allowed to decide-and it is an evil thing we do to forbid people the right to be free of foreign troops and intervention, and to take sides in a civil war, too, when it is Interven- tion. The "aid" may be a way of purchas- ing the right to dissent from our policies from other people by propping up more puppets. I do not want to feather the beds of Diems on the Riviera, with our tax dol- Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 7884 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R0003001500 3-8 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE April 21, 196 lays. To help the people, yes.-but not to corrupt, a people. You are a brave and wise man. decided to write you as you seem to be one of the few responsible leaders left in our great land. Since both of our Senators from Pennsylvania support the administration in the Vietnam war, it would be a waste of time to write them. Who is trigger happy now? Being the parent of a son who was shipped off to Korea in 1950, at the age of 19 years, with little or no training, to spend almost 2 years in that hole, for what? I do not want to see this country go down the drain again in such a war. Thanking you for any consideration you may give to my views. Yours truly, E. T. MCGUIRE. SILVER SPRING, Mn., April 12, 1965. Hon. WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. SIR: President Johnson is waging a war against North Vietnam beyond any power given him by the Constitution or any Fed- eral law. Would you help me to commence an action of mandamus through the U.S. Supreme Court to stay his hand in North Vietnam? Very truly yours, ARTHUR A. LEVINE. CAMBRIDGE, MASS., April 11, 1965. Senator WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: A short note of sup- port for your stand on the present U.S. policy in Vietnam, and encouragement for your con- tinued vigorous protests of the administra- tion's policies there. I shan't bore you with the reasons I find present U.S. policies in Vietnam most shock- ing, and quite frightening; they do coincide in general with your own views as elaborated last month at Harvard University, however. What disturbs me most, though, is the al- most unanimous accedence of your col- leagues in Congress with the President's rather bellicose policy in Vietnam. I have and shall continue to hammer away at my own Representatives on the subject. Poor fellows, they are not blessed with such short letters. Best wishes. Most sincerely, mental [From the Pittsburgh (Pa.) Press, Mar. 26, manned space station late in 196 or 1968; will rehearse with a dummy in 1964 1965] Titan 3-C will take the space heavyweigh REASON GASSED OUT title from NASA's Saturn 1 rocket whit (By Richard Starnes) generates 1,590,000 pounds of thrust. Big B I 1 Curtain be- gest rocket launcher Russians have dia. e Th lesson that the use of gas has brought wii it. [From the Pittsburgh (Pa.) Press Mar. 2 1965] MOST POWERFUL ROCKET WASHINGTON, March 27.-World's newel most powerful rocket will be flight tested : June by the Air Force. It's the Titan 3-C. It will genera 2,970,000 pounds of thrust-more than fi' and a half times as much as Titan-2, whic launched Grissom and Young Tuesday. June test will be first of 12 designed I perfect Titan 3-C for operational use- k July 1, 1966. Air Force will use it to orbit an expert e am ooz WASHINGTON.- hind which the United States is waging un- played is estimated to have 1,433,000 pound: declared war against North Vietnam has Core of Titan 3-C will be a Titan 2 rocker parted ever so slightly and revealed some It win have two giant solid-fueled stage desperately ugly circumstances. strapped to its sides, and on top will be ; The vital point has been lost in the con- twin engine which can be fired three time troversy that has raged since disclosure that in space for orbit-switching maneuvers. nonlethal disabling gas had been used It will be used as a space truck by th, against Communist guerrilla forces. Air Force for future military missions. Is Apart from professional Communist one of its tests-next February-Air Fora propagandists no one contends the gas is will try orbiting eight specially geared mili- analogous to chemical-biological-radiOlOgi- tary communications satellites in one shot cal weapons banned by the Washington Die- Titan 3-C probably will remain world's big- armament Treaty of 1921-22 or the Geneva gest "thruster" until NASA develops Saturn Treaty of 1925. 5. That one will generate 8,700,000 pound:: But that, of course, is not the point, the of push-enough to propel a 45-ton, three- point is that world reaction to the use of man spaceship to the moon. any sort of chemical warfare agent-but par- Housing and Home Finance Agency ha; ticularly gas--could have been expected by compiled list of banks, insurance firms, an( any but the most desperate bitter-end pro- savings and loans asosciations that ar4 fessional soldiers trying to stave off defeat. Negro controlled; will encourage them t4 Failure of the U.S. military technology invest in urban renewal or other federall; t sponsored construction. l P t th d l f i ac o e u a to defeat the Vietcong s a Combined PACHOLKE. in the military mind transcends any ideo- mbined assets of firms on the list is $77? logical consideration. million, with $298 million in Souther' PITTSBURGH, PA., The most cogent argument on behalf of State firms-that already have $86 milliol April 10, 1965. continuing the fight in Vietnam is that in Government-insured mortgages. No, under consideration are a 17-story ofiic 1 d l l titi t on n ead on y o repe Hon. WAYNE MORSE, defeat there woul Senator of the United States, Thailand, Malaysia, and the Philippines. building for Negro-controlled Atlanta Lif U.S. Senate, Thus the ultimate conclusion is the same: Insurance Co., and an 8-acre shopping cen Washington, D.C. Defeat in southeast Asia is inadmissible; at ter in Mobile to be built by Negro investor DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I aril writing to you whatever cost, the war must be "won." for Negro shops. in reference to your recent statements re- This has led to desperate adventurism White Citizens Council in Selma is usir garding our so-called advisory war in Viet- such as the use of gas more poisonous to radio time to urge white persons to sh4 nam. American repute than to the foe, and to a there instead of going to Montgomery. I' I think our action in Vietnam is a de- news blackout as rigid as any of World War an effort to counteract the Negro boycott plorable situation and can only result in II. The American people are being denied Selma Stores. involving us in a major war in Asia. I be- the information they need to reach mature Voice on the air is not identified, but r( lieve Gen. Douglas MacArthur warned our democratic decision or upon which to base idents say it's one of Sheriff Clark's po& leaders about involving our country in a land outspoken protest. men. war in Asia shortly before his death. Who The United States has been using horror NoTE.-When President Johnson briefed are we to intrude in the internal affairs of weapons in Vietnam almost since the be- governors this week he indicated his cone( any country? The enclosed newspaper clip- ginning. Napalm is a far more savage in- that Red China may send 350,000 troops it pings pretty well sum it up:- All of the smart strument of war than nonlethal toxic gas, Vietnam; said negotiations are out of , talk by President Johnson, Mr. Rusk, Mr. Mc- but strangely enough it has excited little question since there's no one to negoti4 Namara, and General Taylor won't brush protest. Worse even than napalm is white with. these facts away. phosphorous-and proxy-American use of Ambassador Maxwell Taylor will reco. Herewith are some of the things I believe that dreadful chemical passed almost un- mend increased pressure on Hanoi when has led this country into our present situ- noticed early this month. reports to President Johnson next week. ation. Projectiles or bombs filled with white He will urge more air strikes with m 1. The CIA and their meddling in the af- phosphorous would win most professional planes carrying heavier bomb loads, aimed fairs of other countries. Why is this agency soldiers' votes as the most barbarous weapon military, then industrial targets. not responsible to our Senate and Congress? of modern war-not excepting lethal gas. And he may urge that we hit targets no. They have assumed an all-powerful position. White phosphorous shells explode in a hell- Of Hanoi, including bridges leading to Chi wherein they could involve us in a cata- fire that clings to whatever it strikes, and if Chinese Communist troops mass near strophic war. which cannot be extinguished. border. 2. Has the country been taken over by the Use of these devices is a true measure of Taylor will report that South Vietna military and is our civil government power- how far we have gone. in Vietnam. Even the morale is up and U.S. position there it less to exercise control over this group? use of nonlethal gas lets down bars that proved but that Hanoi Is stepping up inflltt 3. Has the Federal Government, along with have been painfully erected over centuries tion of small regular army units and Vii the Supreme Court, overstepped their pow- of human travail. tong is making a major effort to cut Sou era in respect to States' rights? What is Napalm and white phosphorous are Vietnam in two. (He doesn't think they c being done about the enforcement of laws ghastly; so, indeed, are hand-held Weapons do it with present forces.) for all groups in our society? Or do we only of such tremendous muzzle velocity that Partial blockade of Tonkin Gulf is a enforce the law of the land for some pressure men are no longer wounded by them, they under study. Carrier jets will continue group and turn our back when others break are dismembered. be used for raids and ships will bomb the law? Madness has replaced reason in Vietnam, North Viet coastal installations. As I am one of the 25 million disappointed and desperation has become the rationale More U.S. troops are not needed now, T voters in the recent presidential election, I, for all manner of savagery. That is the real for will say. Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 ? ,Approved For Release 2003110/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 April 21, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE Education notes: Wyoming, holdout against taking Federal school funds, has finally passed a law enabling it to participate inNa- tionai Defense Education Act, New survey of Misaouri.shows it has , at.least' lQ,school districts operating racially segregated schools. Connecticut Supreme Court has ruled that if State law designates teacher retirement age,`local school boards,can't change it. Second-term college enrollment at 16 large State schools shows 9.6 percent increase over last spring, 5.3 percent decrease from last fall (due to midyear graduations, dropouts,, and fiunkoigts.) Presillent Johnson will not recommend re- duction in 10 percent auto excise tax. Treas- ury estimates tax brings in $2 billion in revenues. And Mr. Johnson, in his budget message, set $1,750 million limit on, excise cuts he will propose. But ~rreasury is beginning to fear Con- gress will cut the auto tax anyway. Pres- sure is building up, despite record auto sales. Some congressional leaders talk about cut- ting auto tax in half-which would add bil- lion ,to, overall excise reduction, Auto manufacturers say they'll pass on any out, to buyers. Reduction to 5 percent tax would save buyers an average of $100. Also, Treasury has agreed that if a cut is passed by Congress, it may be, retroactive to date the bill, goes to Capitol Hill. Aim is to prevent any slump in auto sales while customers wait for taxes to drop. ? Administration proposals are expected in about a month. They're likely to ask repeal of excise on furs, jewelry, toilet articles, leather goods, and other luxuries. Theres a chance Alabama may share its Governor Wallace with the Nation after 1966. State egnstitution keeps him from running again for Governor; also has a ban on run- .ning for any other office, including U.S. Sen- ate, until he has been in private life a year. If he wants to run for Governor again, he may try to have State constitution amended, but is likely to run into a filibuster in his legislature. But he may not have to go this route if he decides to run for the Senate- Alabame attorney general thinks the Ala- bama restriction is unconstitutional. [From the Pittsburgh (Pa.) Press, Apr. 11, 19651 MY TURN (By John O'Hara) It was a frightening picture that has stayed with me, and I am not one to use that word, frightening, every day. The taxi drivers of New York City for years had refused to be organized into a anion. Back in 1934, for instance, the drivers had to. fight the goons who over- turned their cabs and beat them up, but the hackies remained unorganized. So it has remained until this. year, and the pro- fessional unionists did not like that, There are only 11,000 cabs in the city, but they are public conveyances and the public had a constant reminder .of the fact that in all these years, the organizers had been unable to compel the hackies to join up. From the professional unionists' point of view, that was a disgrace, and it could not continue. So this year the unionists went all out. Although there had just been a fare in- eretse, that made no difference. They began workln5 on ihehackies early in the winter, iinally calling a meeting in Madison Square Garden, which was attended by several thousand hackles. To make sure the meeting would be at- tended, the unionists announced, that the hacks were not to roll that day. Some did, and their tires, were spiked, windshields smashed, some members of the public and No. 70-9 image of America as a nation dedicated to the free expression and self-determination of peoples, anywhere in the world. Gratefully yours, JOSEPH SPARACINO. DIANE SPARACINO. EDITH Grrro. PETE Gn"ro. some hackies got hurt. At meeting time enlightened stand on Vietnam. It takes the hacks were not rolling. Political courage to consistently express views The head of the electrical workers' union that most Americans unfortunately, are not said It did not matter if some people got yet prepared to accept. You have gained hurt. What mattered was that the hackles however, the eternal gratitude of many had to come into the union. among us who wish to see restored, the - POLITICIANS NEED BIG LABOR The head of the garment workers screamed and waved his arms and said his union had 180,000 members who would support the hackies, and he emphasized the word finan- cially. The mayor of New York, who will run for reelection this year, sat there with the head of the electrical workers and the head of the garment workers, and thereby gave quasi-official support to the takeover. The mayor is not personally popular with the hackles, but the garment workers and the electricians are big unions and he needs them. You looked down at the first few rows in the audience, and you saw the new breed of professional unionists, who obviously had never driven hacks for a living. And inter- spersed among them were the union tumul- ers. A tumuler is a cheerleader, a master of ceremonies. It Is a Yiddish word that used to be applied to the entertainment directors at the summer hotels in the Catskills. Danny Kaye, for instance, started out as a tumuler. But Willkie had his tumulers at the Republican convention in 1940; Gold- water had them. The meeting ended, and the unionists won. After all those embarrassing years of shame, all they had to do was smash a few cab windows, injure a few citizens, spike a few tires, and get some big union leaders and Wagner of city hall on a platform, and the hackles succumbed, You can buy beer at Madison Square Garden, but this was not even a beer-hall putsch. Well, not quite. But it's the way you get your message across if you want to organize the recalcitrant. Some violence, a large quantity of inconvenience to the public, the promise of financial support by big labor, and the active cooperation of compliant politicians. TIIE NEW FACE OF FASCISM A few days later Martin Luther King de- manded a total economic boycott of Alabama Industry, and did he not state that he would enlist the support of the unionists? Had he not already been photographed with another Detroit boy, Walter Reuther?. Had not var- ious Governors sent their representatives to Selma? The naive, the outraged, the victimized, the men and women who loathe the Ku Klux Klan seem to join with the exhibitionists, the subverters, the sinister, and decent indigna- tion reinforces the new fascism. We are looking in the wrong direction for the new fascism, which will not be called fascism and will not be identifiable by swas- tika armbands. The Hitler-Mussolini kind began in beer halls and in marches, among the middle class people who were more or less committed to some form of socialism. We saw what happened to them, and to the rest of the world in the process. The word "socialist" remains in the official title of the U.S.S.R., where fascism seems to flourish. The socialism which Eisenhower saw creep- SWARTHMORE COLLEGE. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I have just seen your film (made at Yale) at a teach-in at Swarthmore, and to make a long letter short: Keep it up. It must seem kind of lonely at times to be one voice, but you are not alone, and we hear you. I, and many others, will be in Washington to protest our position in Vietnam, but what we really need is your voice. Thank you. - FIRST METHODIST CHURCH, North Andover, Mass., April 12, 1966. The PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, The White House, Washington, D.C. DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: I strongly endorse your initiative for peace made to your ad- dress on April 7th at Johns Hopkins Univer- sity. Both your offer of "unconditional discus- sion" and the proposal of massive aid to Southeast Asia were most helpful and com- mendable. I know that you are faced with many grave decisions concerning Vietnam and sense many conflicting pressures, but I respectfully urge you to make every possible step to lessen the liklihood of a direct confrontation be- tween mainland China and the United States. I hope that you will give serious consider- ation tp the suggestion that the air strikes be called off since they appear only to strengthen the resolve of the North Viet- namese.and are likely to drive them further toward their Chinese and Russian allies. I heartily support every effort toward peace and reconciliation in Vietnam. Sincerely, NEAL F. FISHER. Copies : The Honorable EDWARD M. KENNEDY. .The Honorable LEVERETT SALTONSTALL. The Honorable WAYNE MORSE. The Honorable ERNEST GRUENING. The Honorable GEORGE McGovERN. Hon. WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. 7885 MILWAUKEE, WIS., April 11, 1966. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I wish to commend you for your stand on our withdrawal from Vietnam. You seem to be "the voice of one crying out in the wilderness and I for one hope you will continue to "cry out". Most sincerely, GERTRUDE GOBEL. Ing into our system of government is now NEW CASTLE, DEL., inherent to it (with some help from Eisen- April 10, 1965. hower himself). U.S. Senator WAYNE MORSE, The latent evil in goodness is not always Office of Senator, apparent. Cancer is the life force gone wild. Washington, D.C. HON. SENATOR Moasz: Knowing that you APRIL 10, 1965. are interested in seeking negotiations to Hon. Senator WAYNx_ MORSE, quickly end the conflict in Vietnam, we are U.S. Senate, asking you to do all you can by vigorous ef- Washington, D.C. forts for negotiated peace, to end this war. MY DEAR _SEN4_TOB XQRSE; We hereby ex- This conflict threatens the peace of the world press ourwhole e pdoTSelneAL. 4f your and all our security and, if continued, the de- Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 7886 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE April 21, 1965 struction of all we hold dear, and our little ones. There should be a pause in the air attacks of our country on the North Vietnamese, and not to invade the territory involving China. This is a grave mistake. Our President voices hope and words for peace efforts, but the next day, papers have great headlines of ad- ditional troops landing, planes, and heavy equipment for battle. This is confusing to many and especially to an oriental mind who would think we do not mean what we say. They ate slower to move and do not think the same as we do. It is the time not to be too quick. There must be a pause or cease fire, so to speak, so that the efforts seeking settlement may have a chance. Sometimes we must be still, so God can have the chance to answer the prayers of many and help. We feel that the United Nations must play a vital role in bringing about a settlement. The pause would help there also. Through the help of the United Nations, many think that we should have a contin- gent of troops together with those from other U.N. nations-a peace force to see that fight- ing stops and to police the area of conflict. This, with an internationally supported economic and social program of reconstruc- tion and development many think desirable to have peace established, then we should leave the mainland of Asia. It is the land of oriental peoples. Protestant clergymen and all their people ask that "vigorous efforts be made now to negotiate an end to the war." May God help us and give you wisdom to help. Kind re- gards and wishes, I am Sincerely, Mrs. E. CALHOUN FARMER. EAST BOSTON, MASS., April 6, 1965. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Your speech against our policy in Vietnam might have been made not in Athens, Ohio, but over 2,000 years ago in Athens, Greece, before Greece ruined it- self in the treacherous and uncalled-for ex- pedition in Syracuse. The people are again misled by warmon- gers and profiteers. Their good sense of self- sacrifice and patriotism is again being per- verted to the ruin of all of us. Thank God for WAYNE MORSE and a hand- ful of others. I hope for yourself that you have the highest reward of every honest man--that you could look back through your life of honesty and integrity. Your sincere admirer, MILTON HEIMLICH. SEATTLE, WASH., April 8, 1965. WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Will you please do what you can to get us out of this inter- national mess and then run for President in 1968? % RONALD JOHNSON. INTER-OFFICE TELETYPE, April 9, 1965. DEAR SIR: Thank God for brave men like you. Please continue your valiant efforts in regards to the Vietnam situation in the face of all this "sheep-like" opposition. Respectfully, My Brothers' Keeper Mrs. WILLIAM GALLIE. SANTA CLARA, CALIF., April 9, 1965. DEAR SENATOR: Just a note to tell you that my wife, my friends, and I think you are a great statesman. Your stand against our Government's policy In Vietnam takes a great deal of courage and we applaud you for it. Sincerely, D. LIEBERMAN, M.D. ANN ARBOR, MICH., March 31, 1965. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: From 8 p.m., March 24 to 8 a.m., March 25 an all-night teach-in to protest American policy in Vietnam was held at the University of Michigan. Two hundred and fifteen members of-the faculty and staff of the university sponsored the 12- hour program of lectures and seminars de- signed to inform the academic and local communities on Vietnam and the nature of the war which is taking place there, and to search for viable peaceful alternatives to our Government's present aggressive course. En- closed is a copy of a petition sent to Presi- dent Johnson which was signed by 768 of those who participated in the program. At the conclusion of the sessions a resolu- tion was passed to broaden our local action into a national faculty-student movement which would engage the active participation of academic communities throughout the country in a, continuing program of protest and constructive criticism. Telegrams of support have already been received from al- most 50 colleges and universities across the Nation with assurances that several have al- ready scheduled or are scheduling teach-ins of their own. Plans also are now being made for a national teach-in. We wish to thank you for your continuing efforts against our foolhardy attempts at a military solution to the problems of south- east Asia. We will continue to keep you informed of our activities, and hope, that if you have any suggestions to make as to how our group can be most effective, that you will send them on to us. Sincerely yours, WILLIAM GAMSON, JOEL ISAACSON, (For the Faculty-Student Committee To End the War in Vietnam). nam mess. Please don't ever falter in your most patriotic fight against what we are doing there. I recall enough of the 1954 Geneva Conference (when Dulles walked out in a huff) to know that our policy there is very wrong. The only people around here that are for our policy in Vietnam, strangely enough, are those who supported Goldwater. When I read this morning's paper about the mass defoliation and burning out of a forest there, all I could think of is that Gold- water is smiling with satisfaction. I am shocked, sickened, and horrified at the napalm, gassing, and the wholesale slaughter going on there. It defies all morals, ethics, and decency, for I sincerely believe those people in South Vietnam are fighting a civil war in which we have no business, except to help bring it to an end. I've written President Johnson my views and also enclosed a clipping quoting Pope Paul's pleas for a ceasefire before the thing gets out of hand. Thank you again and keep up the good fight. Respectfully yours, Mrs. HELEN SPIEGEL. NEW YaRN, N.Y., April 1, 1965. Senator WAYNE L. MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR MR. MORSE: I endorse 100 percent your position in seeking a negotiated settlement for the Vietnam war. Yours truly, NEW YoRx, N.Y., April 1, 1965. DEAR SENATOR: I am grateful that we have you and a few more Senators who see that the only way out of this horrible war is negotiation. So many people here and abroad feel that this is a senseless war. Why does the President shut his ears? Please keep talking peace. Thank you. Yours truly, UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN ALL-NIGHT PROTEST- TEACH-IN ON THE WAR IN VIETNAM, 8 P.M. MARCH 24 TO 8 A.M. MARCH 25, 1965 Mr. PRESIDENT: We, members of the facul- ty, staff, and student body of the University of Michigan, and citizens of the local com- munity, have joined together for an all- night protest at the university against the policy of the United States Government in Vietnam. Our protest has taken the form of a series of lectures and discussions through the night, in search of nonmilitary solutions to the problems of southeast Asia. We are profoundly concerned about your present course of military expansion, and do not believe that it can bring about a perma- nent and satisfactory resolution of the con- flict. We call upon you to initiate a policy, not of intensified war in southeast Asia, but of an offensive for peace. The conferences and neogtiations for such solutions are long and hard, but we urge that they begin now. Let us begin with constructive initiatives toward a cease-fire. These must include the cessation of our unilateral military actions, including the bombing missions into North Vietnam, and our introduction of grotesque weaponry, such as the nonlethal gas recent- ly tested. It must also include a greater re- spect for the safety of civilian populations in both parts of Vietnam. Nothing short of such a total effort to effect a negotiated set- tlement in Vietnam will lead our Nation back upon the path of reason and morality from which we have so dangerously strayed. ENDICOTT, N.Y., April 1, 1965. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: This letter is long overdue: Thank you for myself and for dozens of my acquaintances for the very courageous stand you've taken on the Viet- SAN FRANCISCO, CALIF., April 1, 1965. DEAR SENATOR: Please accept my heartfelt congratulations on your courageous speak- ing out on Vietnam. We in the peace move- ment take much encouragement from your sensible stand that we have no business being there at all. We run the risk of be- coming involved in a major war. ALICE HAMBURG. BRONX, N.Y., March 31, 1965. _'ouR HONOR: I write to express my support for your opposition to our present policy in Vietnam. The instigators of this policy are probably more behind the scene than out in the open. Your colleagues must be made aware of this and induced to speak up. Are they more concerned about their political future than the potential loss of millions of lives? PLAINFIELD, N.J., April 1, 1965. Hon. WAYNE L. MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I am one of, I hope, millions of ungrateful citizens who have for many years admired you and enjoyed the benefit of your selfless service to our country without ever having taken a few minute: to thank you for it. I want to extend these long overdue thanks to you now and to encourage you to con. tinue even though we are not writing b thank you and must seem uninterested an( completely apathetic. Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 April 21, 1965 Particularly today I want to urge you to continue your, strong stand against our mili- tary action in Vietnam. I enclose a copy of a letter I have written. to...the President about this. My sincere thanks, admiration, and all .,good wishes to you. Sincerely yours, 'MISSRITA CAMPBELL, ? BROOKLYN, N.Y., Senator WAYNE MORSE, Washington, D.C. DEAR SIR: We ask for an immediate cease fire in Vietnam and immediate. use of U Thants formtlla for negotiations. Respectfully yours, Mrs. T. SclsULMAN. PLAINFIELD, N.J., The PRESIDENT, The White House, Washington, D.C. DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: I read the New York Times,, every day. I read "The Reporter." In listen .to radio and television discussions and try to inform myself as well as possible on the reasons for our war in Vietnam. Much of the information heard and read is contradictory and I realize that you have more information than the general public, but for some time now I have had to conclude that we are greviously wrong In taking part in the involved politics of that unhappy country. I therefore urge you to turn from this course Immediately and negotiate. I fear we are wasting men, supplies, and money and gaining nothing but resentment and Ill will toward ourselves. I do not care to win a war, even 6, justified one, which this one is not, by destroying a people's food supply and shade trees, by using gas, even a little bit of harmless gas and by making little chil- dren squeal on parents. How low can we sln)e? Shame on, us. Mr. President, let us discontinue retalia- tory attacks and cease fire immediately and begin negotiations now in spite of present unfavorable conditions. Respectfully yours, Miss RITA CAMPBELL. (Copies to Senator CLIFFORD CASE, Sen- ator HaaRlsoN A. WILLIAMS, Senator WAYNE L. MORSE.) WHITE PLAINS, N.Y., March 31, 1965. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: We Wholeheartedly agree with you and support your position regarding immediate negotiations in the Vietnam war. . - Sincerely, MONROE and JESSE BLUMERFELD, MIDDLE VILLAGE, N.Y., April 1, 1965. President LYNDON B. JosuesoN, The White House, Washington, D.C. DEAR Ma. PRESIDENT: The.deaths that re- suited from the. bombing of the American Embassy in Vietnam underscore. that "We shouldn't be. there in the first. place." Neither this administration, nor any other, has given we American people a justification for the loss of American life in this area. Our leaders, axe ignoring the peoples' opinion. They are responsible for our men being killed -and for r.sking. the lives of ali of us in a nuclear war. This is a matter for the U.N. or other responsible international body. Very truly yours, ." _. a AENE A.REEVEs_ (Copies Nto Vice President Huasgy' Huu- BHREX, 'Senators J. WILLIAM FULBRIGHT, JACOB JAVITS, ROBERT KENNEDY, and WAYNE MORSE.) _ CONGRESSIONAL RECORD . SEN4' 'E 7887 LITTLE SILVER, N.J., I want to point out to you the contradic- March 30, 1965. tion between your domestic policy of de- Hon. WAYNE MORSE, ploring unilateral violence (as in Selma, Ala.) Senate Office Building, and of your foreign policy of violence and Washington, D.C. armed might unilaterally used, as in Viet- DEAR SENATOR MORSE: }i y own representa- nam. No wonder confusion and growing ,tives in the Congress have been silent on delinquency burgeon among the young in Vietnam. I write,tQ j lank, you for your the United States when Uncle Sam exhorts ,criticism of the present policy. TO me, it looks like another Korea--or worse. All of Indochina would not be worth it, even if. we could win with the present .strategy-which seems doubtful. Even the Pope has asked for peace, and nobody is more concerned about communism than he IS. But you know all of this. I appreciate greatly the fact that some few-courageous men have questioned. The great mystery to inc is why so many are silent at such a critical time, I hope you can persuade others of your peers to represent the interests of this Na- tion as you have. Sincerely, DAVID A. NICHOLS. PHILADELPHIA, PA., April 1, 1965. Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Earlier letters from _me have told-you how thankful my wife and I are that you are in the Senate, working for the reign of reason in Vietnam. I am send- ing with this note a copy of the Churchman, on page 3 of which there is a letter quoting a Vietnam petition which we circulated re- cently in the Philadelphia Ethical Society. Over 150 people signed it. I also enclose a copy of an open letter to Billy Graham which we are preparing. How we shall manage to get it published I do not yet know. If Billy Graham got con- verted by it he could really help in preserv- ing the world. Let us hope for the best- and. keep the peace powder dry-if it is proper to talk in such terms in this con- nection. I don't know why, but I find myself feel- ing optimistic, today about the future of the world. Yours with the greatest admiration. HENRY S. IIUNTINGTON. APRIL 1, 1965. DEAR SENATOR MORSE:. As an American mother I want you to know I appreciate your logic concerning the Vietnam situation. I most strongly urge you to advise our Presi- dent against any further commitment of American young men to the civil war in Vietnam. I shall raise my voice, along with millions of other American mothers, in objecting to our sons' participation in an undeclared war for an undefined cause. Sincerely, Mrs. JoIIN J. DWYER, Resident of California. SAN JOSE, COSTA RICA, March 31, 1965. President LYNDON B. JOHNSON, The White House, Washington, D.C. DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: I once again implore you to stop the employment of armed vio- lence in Vietnam. I urge you to rethink and redirect the U.S. foreign policy so as to prac- tice world government under law for all na- tions and a peaceful settlement of all dis- putes. Such a policy practiced by the United States would be to live up to our best tradi- tions and to help fulfill the hopes of a world yearning for peace. It would prove that strength of character and moral strength are mightier than any strength of arms, which I fervently believe. We must mature enough as a nation to come to understanding this. youth, "Don't do what I do, but only what I say." Individual violence, whether in a big city, or by the Ku Klux Klan or by whom- ever is rightly deplored. But the U.S. Gov- ernment, like God, exempts itself from all rules controlling arms and the use of them. Let us turn urgently -to the use of law, both at home and on the world scene. Very truly yours, Mrs. CHESTER M. PATTERSON, Jr. MARCH 31, 1965. DEAR SENATOR MO.lSE: I admire your cour- age in saying on TV that our present policy in Vietnam is leading us into a large-scale war in Asia, and I thoroughly agree with you. You are not second-guessing the Presi- dent, either, because you said months ago on TV that we should work this out through the United Nations rather than to intervene as we have done, and you were absolutely right. Johnson has been acting like a Russian czar rather than the head executive of a democracy every since he was elected, but he has done exactly what the voters rejected Goldwater for advocating, by escalating the war in Vietnam.. Furthermore, he ought to be impeaced for the administration coverup of the Bobby Baker graft ring, because it is obvious that to expose Baker would have been very embarrassing to some much higher up. It is unfortunate that you are not in John- son's job, and if the voters really picked their elected leaders, you would have been a much more likely choice than Johnson. Mr. Johnson and Mr. Goldwater both were the choices of the people who have been en- riching themselves at the taxpayers expense for years with the money from supplying military materiel and equipment for the cold war. The late President Kennedy had thawed the cold war to the point where China and Russia had turned on each other, and the people who are exploiting the cold war didn't want that. They want the cold war to go on, but it is turning into a very hot war fast under Johnson's leadership. We will be lucky if we have an economic collapse before we have atomic war. PITTSFIELD, MASS., March 31, 1965. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Congratulations on your fine speech on Vietnam in Cambridge on March 12. It's almost enough to give one some, hope for the future, hearing such honest and courageous talk. You're in- fluencing many people to ask for debate on this issue. You make such good sense, and you bring out so many facts to support your position. Thank you for your efforts on behalf of all of us. Most sincerely, WEST TYLER, TEx., April 1, 1965. The Senator from Oregon, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I am 69 years old. Served 20 months overseas on the western front in World War I. I am the father of two sons both of whom served their coun- try in World War II. The elder in the Pacific, the younger, 2 months under 20 years of age, first lieutenant of infantry killed in action in Germany in March 1946. Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023 7888 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE April 21, 1965 We, the United States, are aiding, abetting, and committing murder in Vietnam without (just) cause, and without the sanction of the people of the United States as provided in the U.S. Constitution. We are killing and a party to the killing of an innocent people against whom we have no just grievance. Our own innocent sons are making the supreme sacrifice in an Asian war not of our making, not of our cause and not of our busi- ness to commit our sons to the jungle sacrifice. President Johnson was elected on a promise of peace ticket in the sense that the Repub- lican nominee could only promise a more vigorous action in the Asian war, which obviously God loving, God fearing, and merci- ful people did not want. The Congress of the United States is the only constitutional agency, short of an in- vasion, that has power to make war. My God, why does it not exert its constitutional power to call a halt to our invasion of Vietnam? Our cities and our people should be spared the deadly destruction now being poured upon others. Our best security lies not in making war upon others, and that I think Senator MORSE, of Oregon, and Senator GRUENING, of Alaska, have made known to the American people. ELM GROVE, WIS., against escalating the war in Vietnam. April 1, 1965. Keep it up at every possible occasion. You DEAR SENATOR MORSE: As a citizen of Wis- come right into our living rooms now, you consin, I have written my congressmen to know, through television, and your please strongly protest the use of gas and the fire are most effective. We wish there were more bombing of a forest area in Vietnam. Senators like yourself, FRANK CHURCH, GAY- There is a most urgent need for moral LORD NELSON, GEORGE MCGOVERN, and WAYNE justice in today's world. Should not Con- MORSE. gress, as the representative of a nation that Above all, don't falter now in your cam- believes in the dignity and equality of man, paign. People almost everywhere now know speak out against this brutality? There are science has outlawed war as a means of many of us who admire your courage and settling disputes between nations. Thanks dedication toward peace. a million for your good efforts on behalf of Yours truly, peace. Rs +f11 e ee u Mrs. Eric Kneen. ST. LOUIS, Mo., March 31, 1965. Hen. WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SIR: I could not agree with you more in your statements about our position in Vietnam. We could expend 100,000 men and $50 bil- lion and then not win the war. re CAMBRIDGE, MASS., ey were e g g March 31, 1965. was only through a leak via television that Senator WAYNE L. MORSE, the American people really learned the truth. U.S. Senate, Since then our newspaper reports indicate - Washington, D.C. very clearly that we are at war. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I am writing to urge In November 1964 you received a mandate you to continue to support a policy of negoti- from the American citizens, which actually ation in Vietnam, and to praise you for the drowned out the warmongering Barry Gold- 1 b -11 felt that ou se e y t stand you have already taken. Yours respectfully, MARGARET W. BROOKS. Mrs. Peter Brooks GUYMON, OKLA., April 1, 1965. has spread only because the 'respectable' powers refused to do something about the burning problems of poverty and oppression." To hear over our news media that our leaders think the American people "would never consent to negotiation on the Vietnam matter," and that such leaders are afraid to have Red Chinese delegates come to the U.N. to discuss our mutual problems because our people might become screaming meemies and toss such delegates into the ocean, makes us ill. Why not air the causes of our failure to deal sensibly with the Red China problem since 1949 and let us see how our McCarthy- ism and extremist followups have made us the laughingstock of the world, as well as a danger to world peace? Why doesn't this Democratic Administra- tion enlist the aid of the 1936 GOP presi- dential candidate, Alf M. Landon, of Kansas, who makes such good sense now in his plea for U.S. recognition of Red China and for our support in getting her into the U.N.; as well as approaching "Mao's formal proposal to all the countries of the world (for a summit conference on nuclear weapons) with cordial- ity and caution rather than with coldness and negativity"? That would be a biparti- san effort and help tQ blunt the opposition of the far right, it seems to me. As an American citizen, I am glad that the world is hearing your continuing pleas p Mrs. H. L. CURTIS. BRONx, N.Y., April 1, 1965. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: You with your ener- gy and ability can bring this to the Senate floor and end this mess. Since when can Presidents order killing without consulting the Senate or the American people? believe that you axe this man. But how long is it going to take? The Asiatics, Europeans, Latin and South American peoples are not being fooled by us. They know the score and it is up to you, Mr. President, to nego- tiate now before it is too late. We have no business trying to settle the business of real revolutionaries 10,000 miles from our shores no more than we would tolerate interference from other countries when we so desperately fought the English in our Revolution. Further, if it is not a crime for us to bomb incessantly the poor North Vietcong, then it is not a crime to have our embassies bombed in retaliation. Mr. President, I beg of you, let's stop inter- fering with the affairs of other people. Let's show them that democracy can really work. Let's give a brave people the right to over- throw corrupt 24-hour governments and let's save our children from being devoured by insects that will flourish and be the only gainers. A line from you is invited. Respectfully yours, HENRY H. OELBAUM. People with feelings for human lives all over Our land support you fully in your hon- orable and determined effort to oppose our cruel and aggressive actions in Vietnam. Lewis Mumford speaks for me. ELIZABETH WALDRAN. BERKELEY, CALIF. [From the San Francisco Chronicle, Mar. 3, 19651 PLAYING RUSSIAN ROULETTE IN VIETNAM (By Lewis Mumford) (EDrroR's NOTE.-The following letter on America's role in Vietnam was written to President Johnson by critic Lewis Mumford.) Mr. President: The time has come for someone to speak out on behalf of the great body of your countrymen who regard with abhorrence the course to which you are com- mitting the United States in Vietnam. As a holder of the Presidential Medal of Free- dom, I have a duty to say plainly, and in public, what millions of patriotic fellow citi- zens are saying in the privacy of their homes; namely, that the course you are now follow- ing affronts both our practical judgment and our moral sense. Neither your manners nor your methods give us any assurance that your policy will lead to a good end; on the contrary, your attempt-to cure by-military force a situation that has been brought about by our own ar- rogant, one-sided political assumptions can- not have any final destination short of an ir- remediable nuclear catastrophe. That would constitute the terminal illness of our whole civilization, and your own people, no less than the Vietnamese and the Communists would be the helpless victims. In embarking on this program, you are gambling with your country's future, because you have not the courage to discard a losing hand and start a new deal, though this was the magnificent opportunity that your elec- tion presented to you. Your games theorists have persuaded you to play Russian roulette. But you cannot save the Government's face by blowing out our country's brains. From the beginning, the presence of Amer- ican forces in Vietnam, without the author. ity of the United Nations, was in defiance o our own solemn commitment when we helper to form that body. Our steady involvemen with the military dictators who are wagin civil war in South Vietnam, with our ex travagant financial support and underhande military cooperation, is as indefensible as of Government's original refusal to permit popular election to be held in Vietnam, is communism should be installed by popul: vote. Your attempt now to pin the whc blame on the government of North Vietna deceives no one except those whose wishf LYNDON B. JOHNSON, President, the White House, Washington, D.C. My DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: Some time ago you had taken the position that our Armed Forces in Vietnam were only advisers, yet killin and bein killed It th th er, on y ecau w wa were a man of keen judgment and would bring this Vietnam situation around the conference table for settlement. Instead of conferences for peace, this hor- rible war is being escalated daily so that the danger of a nuclear holocaust is possible Senator ERNEST GRUENING, Senate Chamber, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR GRUENING: I have been listening to your opinions on the Vietnam matter over television and reading about them occasionally in my newspaper. I agree with you completely. As Sidney Lens said in the January Progressive: "We have made of communism a cause of our worldwide difficulties, whereas in reality it has been an effect of them. Communism an hour of such hostilities. Mr. President, your children as well as mine, and my grandchildren are not being given a chance to make friends and patch up the differences that exist and that you have inherited. Instead of making friends, we are making more and more enemies all over the world. We blundered when we sent our boys to Korea, and we blundered more when we sent our so-called advisers to Vietnam. It takes a big man to say that we erred, and I still Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67'B00446R000300150023-8 writ 21, VMS CONGRESSIONAL RECORD SENATE eking originally committed us to our h-handed intervention: the same,set of neles and intelligences that inveigled us o the Bay of Pigs disaster. .nstead of using your well-known political rescue our country from the litary miscalculations and political blun- rs that created our impossible position in stnaln, you now, casting all caution to the nds, propose to increase the area of sense as destruction and extermination, without iving any other visible ends in view than conceal our political impotence. In tak- ig this unreasonable course, you not merely iow a lack of "decent respect for the opin- >ns of mankiind,"but you likewise mock and etray all our country's humane traditions. This betrayal is all the more sinister be- ause you are now, it is plain, obstinately .ommitting us to the very military policy ;hat your countrymen rejected when they so overwhelmingly defeated the Republican candidate. Before you go further, let us tell you clear- ly: your professed aims are emptied of mean- Ing by your totalitarian tactics and your afhilistic strategy. We are shamed by your ;actions, and, revolted by your dishonest ex- cuses and pretexts. What is worse, we are horrified by the immediate prospect of hav- ing our country's fate in the hands of lead- ers who, time and again, have shown their inability to think straight, to correct their errors, or to get out of a had situation with- out creating a worse one. The Government has-forfeited our confl- dence; and we will oppose, with every means available within the law, the execution of this impractical, and above all, morally in- defensible policy. There is only one way in which you can remove our opposition or re- gain our confidence; and that 1s to turn back from the course you have taken and to seek a human way out. Thank you, for your effort to stop the war in Vietnam. Please read Hans Morganthau's afece In the current New_ Republic. This should be read to the Senate. May commonsense prevail. ROBERT M. FINNELL. MUNCIE, IND., April 1, 1965. on. WAYNE MORSE, mate Office Building, ashington, D.C. DEAR SIR: Indubitably your name will and in history along with that of Bertrand issell, of England, Jerome D. Frank, Linus uling, and others who have devoted so ich effort toward avoiding a nuclear holo- ast. '< sequel to your incisive remarks in the rate is Bertrand Russell's article, "The Lr of Atrocity in Vietnam." Lord Russell !ticulously documented his case and plead- for President Johnson to listen to reason her than get us swept up into a nuclear r. The absurdity of escalation is apt to .minate in an Armageddon. Why, why, y will not our President listen to those o plead for peace rather than those who all too anxious to beat out the all too ailiar sounds of the war drums? Lord ;lssell's article appeared in the December 964 issue of "The Minority of One." This ; the one publication which has the cour- ge to print material on Vietnam that urges rithdrawal. Senator MORSE, in order that tore Americans might read your views on 'ietnam, please write an article and mail it o the following address: M. S. Arnoni, editor, 'he Minority of One, Inc.; 155 Pennington .venue, 'Post Office Box 544, Passaic, N.J. 'he writer is confident that Mr. Arnonf 'ould be honored to publish an article by on, You see, sir, most of the population oes not have the faintest idea that you and snator GRUENING vehemently denounce our current policy in Viet n_ am. Thus, if you were to write, an article ,for the publication, even more people might join in your plea for peace. Personally, sir, it appears that Leonid Brezhnev is to be commended for being as patient with us as he has been. No doubt if Russia tried something in South America similar to what we are trying in Vietnam, we would already have been through a nu- clear war by now. Sir, please keep up your fight against the inanities of war. Muncie's population is well represented in the Birch Society, and nearly` every day one reads letters to the editor of the Press that apparently are trying to fo- ment another Red scare and which demand escalation, escalation, and more escalation. If you were to write a letter, even a long one, to the Muncie Evening Press, Muncie, Ind., giving your views on Vietnam, the writer Is certain that it would be published in full. Sir, if you would be so kind as to do that, then people around here who seemingly have not even heard of the word "negotia- tion" would be able to at least see, though perhaps not agree with, another point of view. Congratulations, sir, for having the cour- age to take an unpopular stand on this cru- cial issue. Thousands will remember you as a man who did all in his power to avert World War III. The remaining millions, perhaps, while the earth is burning around them, will be consoled to know in their hearts that they were furthering 100 percent true- blue pure Americanism. Sincerely yours, Hon. WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C.: NILE SHIELDS. CHICAGO, April 2, 1965. Since 1942 we are in wars and police ac- tions all the time. In my opinion we are now involved in the most stupid war of all. 7,000 to 8,000 miles away from our own shores. Something must be wrong with our foreign policy. Dear Senator, please keep up your good work for our country. Respectfully, 0. GRIEBEL. WESTON, MASS., March 31, 1965. Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: We strongly dis- approve of the widening of the war in Viet- nam. Bombing the north will not alter the situation in the south and only earns us bitter hatred around the world. The use of nauseas gas, napalm, the new shattering bullet, and other military inven- tions are self-defeating in a war with racial overtones: The Pentagon's advice is danger- ously out of touch with reality in our judg- ment. Respectfully yours, JOHN C. GRAY, HELEN L. GRAY. P.S.-We greatly admire your courageous stand. OXFORD, OHIO, April 1, 1965. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: We congratulate you on your support of negotiations to bring about an end to the, war in Vietnam and we urge that you do everything possible to bring about open hearings of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee on the grave situation in southeast Asia. Sincerely, MEI.vrN BLOOM. ROSABELLE BLOOM. LAKEWOOD, OHIO, April 4, 1965. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: So glad for your cou- rageous stand re the Vietnam situation. How can we continue. use of napalm, that hideous, devilish weapon, and not be shamed before the world, and before any God of justice and mercy? God's grace and power be with you as you gather more to the banner of true American- ism with its concern for humanity-en masse or as individuals. With whole-souled appreciation. HILDA A. FOSTER. SENATOR MORSE: Just a few words of en- couragement on your stand on Vietnam- How easy or much easier it would be for you to change your stand but thank God for your not doing so. God loved his people and I am so thankful there are men around who will do the same. God bless you. Mrs. D. LOWER. NEW YORK, N.Y. We ask for an immediate cease-fire in Viet- nam and immediate use of U Thant's formula for negotiations. RUTH BOCOUR AND FAMILY. Senator WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate. DEAR SENATOR: We are in complete agree- ment with your patriotic and farsighted stand on Vietnam, We hope many other members of the Sen- ate would join you in your courageous ef- forts. ANATOL KOVARSKY, LUCILLE KOVARSKY. P.S.-We are enclosing the copy of a letter we've sent to President Johnson. NEW YORK CITY, N.Y., March 29, 1965. DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: I am writing to you to express my shock, indignation, and sur- prise at the U.S. Government's actions in Vietnam. Not only is the policy we are following im- moral in nature, but worse yet, it appears to be reckless and self-defeating politically. If, as you stated on March 25, we "seek no more than a return to the 1954 Geneva agree- ments," then why have we been consistently rebuffing General De Gaulle who for the past 2 years has been urging us to seek a nego- tiated solution on this very basis? Why is our Government still listening to thouse who in 1965 are evoking the specter of "Munich," which took place in 1938 at the time of England's extreme weakness and has no relevance to the relationship of forces as it exists today? Why do we discard without explanation Mr. UThant's advice? He spoke to us not only as the Secretary General of the U.N., but as a Burmese citizen whose country has been experiencing serious problems of civil strife? Yet, despite her very long border with China and lack of U.S. military aid, Burma remains non-Communist and main- tains good relations with her neighbors. Are the opinions of Burma, Cambodia, Af., ghanistan, Ceylon, Nepal, India, and even of allied nations like Pakistan and Japan to be dismissed without as much as an explana- tion? Aren't these the very countries we are trying to protect? Why, inasmuch as the Hanoi government is desperately trying not to become China's satellite, do we feel it incumbent upon us to push it further into China's arms by threatening it with extinction? Perhaps the central cause of the danger in Vietnam is not so much the aggression .by Communists, but our refusal to see the Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 7890 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE April 21, 19 ( events, there in any other way and the in- ability to change our own habits of think- ing, when it comes to our relations with China? The purpose of our policy was to isolate China; instead we are isolating our- selves as the proceedings at the U.N. and our lonely role in Vietnam prove. How can we reconcile our claims to moral leadership and your own pledges of "seeking a reduction of tensions" with General Tay- lor's alarming comment that "there are no limits to escalation; the pressure stops when the enemy gives in." We are no doubt sincere in our belief that we are fighting communism, not realizing of course that what we are really fighting Is our own policy of trying to improve relations between all nations and of trying to promote some sort of stability in this dangerous world. How can a religiously moral people ignore repeated appeals by the Pope and Protest- ant leaders and continue to rationalize our destructive policy? It has been said that the Communists show no interest In negotiations. However, inasmuch as there were indications to the contrary, prior to our attacks on North Viet- nam, should not the cessation of these at- tacks be the logical prerequisite to any meaningful exploration of diplomatic alter- natives? We have to realize that not only the Com- munist side but both sides have a great deal to lose from the extension of this conflict and act accordingly. Yours truly, ANATOL KOVARSKY. P.S.-One is amazed to read that people like General Taylor and Mr. H. Cabot Lodge are still advising our Government. What- ever their competence in their respective fields, their advice on Vietnam has led from one disaster to another. - A.K. COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY, New York, N.Y., March 31, 1965. Senator WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Please work for a cease-fire in Vietnam. I know from hearing you speak on television that you have no sympathy with those who would extend the war. There are many who support you. Sincerely yours, Mrs. Hn.DA JOHNSTON. NEW YORK, N.Y., April 1, 1966. Senator WAYNE L. MORSE, Washington, D.C. DEAR SIR: In recent months I have written three letters to President Johnson protesting against U.S. military intervention in Viet- nam. Ironically, it seems that every time I write the war tempo is increased as if in utter scorn of my opinion. Although you have been courageously attacking the administration for its danger- ous policy, please continue to use your influ- ence to end our folly. Yours respectfully, Louis J. KANE, M.D. SEEKONK, MASS., April 1, 1966. President LYNDON B. JOHNSON, The White House, Washington, D.C. DEAR MR. JOHNSON: First, we bombed a schoolhouse with children in it, causing the deaths of 40 youngsters. Then we at- tacked civilians with poison gas. Now, as if we had not done enough to "preserve democ- racy" in Vietnam, we are resorting to burn- ing the jungles with fire bombs and. fuel oil, killing people, animals, and vegetation. The bombing of our Embassy in Saigon was tragic. It is, however, exactly what we must expect when we help military dictator- ship suppress its own population. How much longer must Americans, Asians, and wildlife perish to support tyranny? Are we staying in Vietnam to save face? My God, man, who cares about prestige when hundreds of innocent people are dying every day. Who cares what the world thinks when Vietnam is being torn apart by fire bombs, tanks, rockets, and littered with broken bodies and charred ruins of villages and cities? Mr. Johnson, our Vietnam policy is totally without justification, commonsense, or reason. It is criminal and hateful for the United States to be engaged in such crimes against humanity. The Nazis resorted to any means to prevail over their victims; the United States is doing the same thing when it murders children, gasses civilians, burns jungle, wildlife, and men, and supports tyranny. What more can I say? I am opposed to your policy (not ours, since most New Eng- landers with whom I have spoken deplore your policy). I doubt that it will change until you have succeeded in drawing China into the conflict, and have seen millions of people die. What, Mr. Johnson, will be left? And, why? Very truly yours, W. BRUCE DEAN. Cc: Senators SALTONSTALL, E. KENNEDY, GRUENING, and MORSE. BRONX, N.Y., April 1, 1965. Senator WAYNE L. MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: In order to show you that we fully appreciate your efforts to bring about- negotiations to restore peace in Viet- nam, we are sending you, enclosed, a copy of our letter to the President. Our heartfelt wishes for success in this endeavor to the benefit of our country and the world are with you. Respectfully yours, HENRY and LISI MARX. BRONX, N.Y., April 1, 1965. President LYNDON B. JOHNSON, The White House, Washington, D.C. MR. PRESIDENT: We share your anxiety about the dangerous situation in Vietnam and are fully aware of the tremendous dif- ficulties confronting you in deciding on a policy which will bring peace and security to the entire area of southeast Asia. As citi- zens of this country we cannot help being obsessed by grave doubts regarding the role of our country in the Vietnamese war. We sincerely believe that force and destruction will only strengthen the forces we are trying to destroy, a fact vividly illustrated by the experiences of the French in the same area. Mr. President, we believe that immediate steps should be taken to stop shooting and to start talking. The offers of negotiations made by Mr. U Thant should be accepted, even those of De Gaulle and of our other friends should be sincerely considered. The civilian leaders of all factions of Vietnam should be given a chance to meet with our civilian representatives and, with our fullest cooperation, to meet with each other in order to form a provisional government represent- ing the people of Vietnamat the conference table. If only a small percentage of the money' spent for war in Vietnam would be diverted to efforts for peace, the honor of our coun- try and the freedom of Vietnam could be advanced immeasurably. Mr. President, the thoughtful citizens who elected you are confident of your leader- ship, not to more bombings, but to immedi- ate efforts toward peace in Vietnam. Respectfully yours, PRAYER-FOR-PEACE PROGRAM, Farmingdale, N.Y., March 31, 1965. Senator WAYNE MORSE, The U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. YOUR HONOR: I have written to the Pres dent of the United States this afternoon e) pressing my views of his great acts of iniquit in the policy used by his administration re garding the daft Vietnam situation. I wrote to him on many other occasion about this. I wholeheartedly endorse your position fo: negotiation over the Vietnam crisis. I pra3 you may have the strength to make other. realize the same. Sincerely, NEW YORK CITY, March 31, 1965. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I heartily endorse your position for negotiations in Vietnam and for immediate ceasefire. Mrs. R. A. MINSTER. April 1, 1965. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I would like you to know that I am in whole hearted agreement with your position on Vietnam. Please continue to fight for negotiations. cc: Senators MCGOVERN. CAROL HIRSCH, SYDELL HIRSCH, DAVID HIRSCH. ROCKVILLE CENTRE, N.Y., April 1, 1965. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: We urge you to exert your considerable power to check the esca- lating war in Vietnam. We believe that this peace cannot be won on the battlefield, but must come about through negotiation, and preferably under the auspices of the U.N. We fail to see the rhyme or reason to our policy on Vietnam, and on the contrary are struck by inconsistencies, vague assump- tions, and unfortunately inhumanities that we attribute to the Vietcong. Sincerely yours, HERBERT M. PERR, M.D. MERIDEN PERR. BERKELEY, CALIF., March 31, 1965. Senator WAYNE MORSE. DEAR SENATOR: The following telegrair which summarized a lengthy letter was ser at this date to President Johnson: "Alarmed by Goldwater's military att tudes, we campaigned for your electio' NOW the Republicans claim that the Demc cratic Party is the war party is refuted oni by men such as CHURCH and MORSE. Plea: stop the killing in Vietnam." Dr. and Mrs. EDMUND LEvin. NEW YORK, N.Y., April 1, 1965. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: We ask for an in mediate cease-fire in Vietnam and immedia' usp of U Thant's formula for negotiation Mrs. J. BELLFORT. ROSLYN HEIGHTS, N.Y., April 1, 1965. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. HONORABLE SIR: As all decent people must be, I am aghast at the wanton disregard for human life evidenced by our country's actions in Vietnam, which are leading to world war. The only ray of hope for the salvation of mankind is the courageous fight you arc conducting in opposition to the madness of the administration. Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 Approved For'Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 April 21, 1965 implore you, please Crease your endeavors to right way to fight it. On the contrary, I strongly feel that In this Way we are only playing into the hands Pf communism. We feel reassured, that the Russians did not interfere up until now, but could it be that in the back of their mind they are thinking "give them enough rope, etc."? As I, see it, we will never be able to stop communism on the ruins of a devastated and underdeveloped Asian country, especially where these ruins are for a great deal caused by our own intervention. Having lived in Asia myself for 25 years I feel strongly on the subject. Iron. WAYNE MORSE, Senator, Oregon, Washington, D.C. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD SENATE continue and in- Of course we_ are opposed to communism, bring about nego- but what we are doing In Vietnam is not the GLisDY6 , PLUM. MEDIA, PA., ?. April 1; 1965. DEA$ SIR: -Four continuing fight against the all-pervasive influence of the Pentagon and big business in the Senate, your forth- right stand against our involvement in the civil war in Vietnam-these take courage and understanding of what is, true repre- sentation of the people's interests. We all hope you will continue your good work in the Senate in the months and years ahead. Sincerely yours, -MIcliAEj,, KESSLER. Hon, WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. SPARTA, N.J., April 1, 1965. DEAR ME. SENATOR: Your stand on the Viet- nam situation always impressed me. I take the liberty enclosing copy of my today's letter to the President, which may Interest you. Respectfully, PETER PRINS. SPARTA, N.J., April 1, 1965. To TH&PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, Washington, D.C. DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: I doubt whether you will be able to read this letter yourself, be- cause you must be extremely busy. Nevertheless I take the liberty to give my views on the Vietnam situation. I strongly feel that our policy in Vietnam is completely wrong and utterly deplorable. In this respect I admire people like Sena- tor WAYNE MORSE, Senator RIBICOFF, the Sen- atcr from Alaska (I think it was Senator GRUENING) Walter Lippmann, and others, who, have the courage to express their views freely; warning of the dangers confronting us, and the, moral angle of the case. I have the feeling that people in the United States are not fully informed about develop- ments in Vietnam and about the real feel- ings of the majority of the people over there, who wantus to leave them alone. On-the other band it seems that the Amer- ican press Is more or less influenced by Washington. We have always abhored this policy in the Communist bloc, and it should certainly not be allowed in a great democracy like ours. In this respect I applaud programs like yesterday's "Changing World" on TV chan- nel 13. We all know that the popularity of the United States has gone downhill pretty fast in the world during the last years, which is regrettable and not always justified. Our policy in Vietnam, however, is adding fuel to this consumptive fire, and will be felt for years to come. . Even a great nation like ours, can never stand alone in this world, especially economi- cally., Sure, there are countries who are friendly towxrd,,j; ,, but we may never lose sight of the fact that their attitude is often influ- enCec by financial support we give them. It we really want to be a leader of the Western world, we should give moral lead- ership. What .we are doing in Vietnam is not a Let us not fool ourselves by saying "we cannot pull out now without losing face," because as the Senator from Alaska said these days: "more setbacks are still to come." Please, do not consider this. a negative attitude. We have to face the naked fact that, apart from the moral angle, the struggle in the swamps of Vietnam is not our type of war, and will downgrade the image of the Ameri- can eagle still further. Respectfully, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I heartily approve your efforts to stop the war in Vietnam. I believe firmly in a negotiated peace and I have written to President Johnson and other Senators. Sincerely yours, NEW YORK, N.Y., March 31, 1965. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I wish to register my support for the positions you have stated In public concerning the present policy of the U.S. Government with respect to the Viet- nam situation. There seems to me no doubt that the present unilateral action of the United States poses a threat to world peace. Any thought that military action is going to change what is a political issue appears simplistic to say the least. As a physician and psychiatrist I am much more concerned with the possibility of saving human lives- Americans and Vietnamese-than with prov- ing points of dubious principle. The issues presented by the administration as justify- ing their intervention in Vietnamese affairs do not appear warranted by the facts. The American people are being asked to defend an allegedly anti-Communist regime against an alleged threat of Communist domination. There is little evidence that any of the gov- ernments of South Vietnam enjoy any meas- ure of public support-there is inadequate evidence that the Vietcong is actually con- trolled from Hanoi. There is, on the the other hand, considerable evidence that South 7891 SUNNYVALE, CALIF., April 1, 1965. Hon. WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SIR: Just a note to let you know that we strongly support your stand in behalf of a negotiated peace in Vietnam. We go further, we are for pulling out of Vietnam. I commend you on your good activity In that regard. I am sure that the great majority of silent Americans feel the same way. For reasons of job and other pressures they hesitate to say so. I sincerely hope that you keep up the good work. Respectfully yours, PETERSEN ENGINEERING CO., INC., GERALD A. PETERSEN, President. P.S.-It was only last November that President Johnson won by a landslide and was a very popular man in the United States. He is losing his popularity rapidly and unless he changes his tactics he is likely to become the most despised President we ever had, that is, if his actions lead us to the point of no return so that we don't live to arrive at that or any other decision. Senator WAYNE L. MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: We are writing to support your views on Vietnam. We think it is urgent to stop the North Vietnam bomb- ings, withdraw U.S. troops and begin nego- tiating for peace there immediately. We urge you to continue your efforts to convince your fellow Senators and President Johnson of the futility of the present U.S. policy in Vietnam. Sincerely, Mr. and Mrs. LENNY ALMELEH, BERKELEY, April 1, 1965. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Congratulations on your right and eloquent attack on the cur- rent U.S. policy in Vietnam. There is widespread support for those-un- fortunately-few Senators who are talking sense about the blundering, illegal, destruc- tive, criminal, and atrocious U.S. military in- tervention in Vietnam. Eventually, you and GRUENING and the others will be proved right. Something must be done soon, before we permanently alienate all of Asia. I am informing President Johnson of my concern. In continuing and extending the American war in Vietnam, he must be rely- ing on evil counsel. I trust the President has not lost his mind. I want my country to do the right thing- also the sensible thing. We must get out of Vietnam now. Keep up the attack. Sincerely, Vietnam is in the throes of a civil war being NEW YORK, N.Y., waged by dissidents within the country. it V April 1, 1965. Would appear Sean. WAYNE MORSE, ppear that we have little justifica= Senate Office Building, tion for being involved in this. Washington, D.C. When I voted for President Johnson in DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I am writing this November it was largely because he appeared letter (the first of its kind in my 24 years) less likely to involve us in ill-considered out of emotion; a feeling of frustration and war. It is indeed disheartening to see us helplessness over what our country is doing drifting in this direction at the present in Vietnam, and a feeling of thankfulness time-particularly when clear reasoning re- that there is at least one voice, one con- veals no necessity for this. I hope that you science, in a place where its uterances mean will have the strength to persist in bringing something, that speaks out against our be- to the America" _ -' '" - - peep the f of w .? ~..a~ -y miay De axle to im- My wife and I would jump at the chance only satisfies the "hawks" in Washington press the administration officials with their to speak out in favor of the U.S. actions anti elsewhere, and I am sure that the ma- repugnance for the present policies being someplace in the world. After all, it is our jority of our people do not agree with this followed in South Vietnam. country. But we cannot. When I read even policy, regardless of the outcome of so-called Sincerely yours, the slanted and softened news realeses that reliable opinion polls. LEONTI H. THOMPSON. we are given I cannot help but feel anger, Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 7892 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE April 21, 1965 sorrow, resentment, and alienation from this country. I am angry that we pursue such a course of action. I am sad that the Govern- ment should be deluded with a sense of self- righteousness and self-protection that it justifies any means to any end it so de- clares. I resent being forced to pay taxes from my labor, a portion of which sup- ports our immoral actions. But most tragic- ally, I feel alienated from this country, alienated to an extent that I would sit in jail rather than fight for the United States in any such action anyplace, at any time during my life. Please sir, continue speaking against these outrages of morality and justice. There are precious few left with the principles, guts, and position to do anything about it. At this time of national hypocrisy, I am grateful to be able to look at my Govern- ment and say "at least there is one who can see and does speak." Sincerely, JOEL P. BAUMWOLL. OAKLAND, CALIF., April 2, 1965. Hon. WAYNE MORSE, Washington, D. C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I have been a teacher and occupational therapist for the past 15 years having worked with the disabled in- cluding the disabled veteran and I am dis- turbed about the situation in Vietnam as one issue that must be arrested, if at all possible, for better solution for world peace. I am strictly opposed to the decisions and actions to allow the U.S. troops to engage in combat in this country of Vietnam to say nothing of the use of gas warfare. This is a definite act of aggression by the United States and should immediately cease. As a member of the Women for Peace of Oakland and the First Unitarian Church of Berkeley, Calif., I will continue to give my wholehearted support to proselytize for cease-fire and withdrawal of the U.S. troops promptly. Sincerely yours, DOROTHY L. 13OHLMAN. Citizen. just one sheet, but two or three saying the same things in a different arrangement. If we read it often enough are we supposed to believe it? This solid front propaganda is deeply dis- turbing to me, apart from the fact of half- truths and lies: It is handed out like the party line for all good comrades to read, swallow, and repeat. I think that Washing- ton should be aware that the elections last November clearly went against this way of doing things (it's the Birch way), and against the belligerence in Vietnam advo- cated by Barry Goldwater. Do we have a two-party system or don't we? If we are a free country, why can't we get what we voted for, not what we voted against? The Office of Public Disservice of the Bu- reau of Public Affairs, Department of State, tells me that "at this time, no issue com- mands more of the time, energy, and atten- tion. of the President and his senior advisors (than Vietnam)." Perhaps they should be spending more time, energy, and attention on what we the people voted for. Then they might find that Vietnam solved itself quite easily. Peace Is "face" enough. Senator WAYNE MORSE. MY DEAR SENATOR: Excuse the impulse to economy that behooves me to use up old campaign stationery but it's the L.B.J. tradi- tion of turning off the lights in the White House. Only he shouldn't turn off the lights all over the world. For your genuinely effective efforts to stay his hand as it reaches to flip off mankind In order to appease the light company of the Macs, thanks so great no words approach the extent of my appreciation, respect, reverence. Devoutly, MARK KNOX NICHOT.S. stand the tragedy Vietnam? I hope you are no longer a lone voice cry- ing in the wilderness in the Senate. We need more courageous leaders like you and Senator FULBRIGHT. My cousin, who lives outside of Boston, wrote me that she had just heard you speak and that you said you had been told in brief- ings that the United States hopes to bomb Chinese nuclear bases in 90 to 120 days. Is this true? If it is, how terrifying. Are we inviting a nuclear war? Where is our com- passion? Where is our integrity? And we claim to be a Christian nation. Is there anything we can do to help change our unimaginative foreign policy other than writing to our Representatives? The irony of our present foreign policy it Vietnam is that it is so staunchly backed b} the Dirksens and Goldwaters. I hope every Senator has read Normal Cousin's editorial in the March 27 Saturda Review. We seem to be going through an interna tional McCarthyism today with our fear c communism making us perform wit totalitarian tactics. Haven't we learne that war doesn't stop the spreading of a ideology? But this is more dangerous because we a7 playing with the lives of the entire world. Thank you for all you are doing. Sincerely, MISHAWAKA, IND., March 30, 1965. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Technically you d not represent me in the Senate but you d represent my thoughts on foreign affairs an bless you for that. Referring to the bombing of North Viet nam of course. If it wasn't for you an, Walter Lippman I would be sure that eithe the entire United States had gone mad o that I had slipped off the deep end myself. With the notable exception of yourself anc Mr. Lippman I I have looked and listenec in vain for any responsible person, in or out of Washington, to even question these un- precedented attacks on another country much less condemn them. Please keep speaking up as you have been and perhaps some of your colleagues will be inspired to stand up on their hind legs. I pray so, for the sake of the greatness of our country. Respectfully yours, JOHN D. MARSHALL. (Copies to Senators HARTKE, BAYH, and Representative BRADEMAS.) THE TOBACCO SUPPLY CO., INC., Springfield, Tenn., April 3, 1965. HOIl. WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE :1 am quite disturbed about the war situation in Vietnam. I be- lieve we should pull out of there one way or another. If we should get in a war with China, I am told they could march a line six men wide and unarmed from now on and still if we killed them as fast as they walk in, that their population would not decrease. I think that they would welcome anything that would destroy about 50 to 100 million Chinese. In my opinion, we have no chance what- ever of winning a wax that close to China unless we should go in immediately with atomic bombs and I think that would be too risky, for Russia would no doubt bomb us out as soon as we have weakened. At the rate we are going, this country will soon go bankrupt and all the fine things we have fought for, produced, and developed will go to naught. Please use your great influence to get this trouble settled. Thanking you in advance, I remain, Yours very truly, MARVIN L. SMITH, Chairman of the Board. BELLINGHAM, WASH., March 31, 1965. Senator WAYNE MORSE. DEAR SIR: Keep up the fight to stop the war. In Vietnam. I'm with you all the way, and so are some others in this town. They had a peace march, 40 people, and all were arrested for parading without a permit, but today, because of the pressure, the judge threw the case out of court. I am wonder - ing what can be done by me, or just the little people. Writing letters to our Congressmen and the President don't phase them, they don't even have the courtesy to answer. My hat is off to the pastor who is re- fusing to pay his income tax because the money is being used to fight a war. He can do this and I know that if enough of us did this the war would stop overnight. It is impossible for some whose employer has to withhold ours. For us we have no choice. Maybe we can figure out some way to help you in your uphill fight. Our town paper gives us no coverage of what Is being said against the war. Sincerely and hopefully, WALNUT CREEK, CALIF., March 26, 1965. Senator WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I do want to thank you for alerting people to the war propa- ganda, but I think that I am probably writ- ing this letter to you in part so that I can write one letter to Washington without get- ting back a deluge of that propaganda-never NEW SMYRNA BEACH,-FLA., April 1, 1965. Hon. WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: May I Congratulate you on all the energy you are expending in an endeavor to arouse the American public from their stunned apathy to better under- STEPHEN WISE FREE SYNAGOGUE, New York, N.Y., April 2, 1965. Hon. WAYNE L. MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I send this letter to express my concern and dismay over the war that is presently being fought in South Viet- nam. There is no question that we are pre- sently engaged in a war in Vietnam which is being escalated at a frightening pace. It is a war without purpose or meaning. The Vietnamese people do not wish us to be there. South Vietnam has no strategic military im- portance to us and there is every possibility that a compromise government can be estab- lished in Vietnam which in time will act im- dependently of the Chinese Government. I personally know of no one who wants thi war. Therefore, it seems to me, that re sponsible representatives of the people an( leaders in Government must put a halt t this senseless slaughter. 1I delete CHURCH and MCGOVERN becaue they condoned the raids in their Senal speeches. - Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R00'0300150023-8 April 21, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE Urging your best efforts in this matter, MARCH 5, 1966, lics rather than people." While assisting the I remain JosEPrx.A. CALiFAno, Republic of Vietnam to build an armed force Sincerely, Secretary ROBERT MONAMARA, capable of deterring Communist aggression, Rabbi GERALD A. GOLDMAN. Office of Secretary of Defense, Washington, wehave been equally interested in helping - D.C. the people develop a government truly re- ITHACA, N.Y., MY DEAR MR. C +LIFANO: I have your letter sponsive to the needs of all the people and April 2,1965. of March 2 in reply to my thoughts on the dictates of the revolution of rising Senator WAYNE MORSE, settlement of Vietnam. expectations. Senate Office Building, I assume you are a bright and coming On the basis of the evidence now piling Washington, D.C. young man, but please don't try to just up, it will be very difficult for the Com- DEAR WAYNE MORSE; You will recall I sent make assertions as though you know all the munist bloc to continue their claims of not you, and you very kindly had published in facts and no one else does, to an old scholar, aiding external aggression, but only internal the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD, some proposals ? * ? ? * liberation. For Vietnam is a very definite for negotiation in Vietnam. I also sent a Now, you say, "The Vietcong insurgency case of Communist assistance to external somewhat shortened version in the form of was never, from its inception, an internal aggression- a copy of a letter to the Secretary of Defense. revolt", as a correction of one of my points. As Secretary McNamara said in his recent Enclosed is the correspondence with the De- Will you please document: (1) the earliest testimony before the House Armed Services tense Department which may Indicate how date for which you have proof of other than Committee: little they care for informed public opinion. American or local weapons being used in "The road ahead will be difficult and con- Make such use of this as you deem wise. South Vietnam, (2) the earliest date for tinuing sacrifices will be required of our Cordially, which you have proof of North Vietnamese people, both in money and in lives. But HARR6P A. FREEMAN, participating as combatants in South Viet- the challenge must surely be met. If we Professor of Law, Cornell Law School. have (3) the earliest date for which you fail to meet it here and now, we will in-nam, proof of"any training of South Viet- evitably have to confront it later under even IRACA, N.Y., namese by North Vietnamese or other out- more disadvantageous conditions. This is April 2,1965. side countries (other than the United the clear lesson of history which we can JOSF}'H A.,CA IFANO, Jr,, States), (4) what that proof is. Now, I have ignore only at our peril. Special Assistant to Secretary of Defense, ready at hand and have carefully read all "We may be certain that as soon as they Wasfi.ington, D.C. the releases of the State and Defense De- had established their control over South DEAR Ma. CALIFANO: Again, I have your let- partments; the speeches of Johnson, Ken- Vietnam, the Communists would press their ter of March 24 in reply to,mine of March 5. nedy, McNamara, Rush, and others; the subversive operations in Laos and then in I do' not see how the Defense Department Thailand and we would have to face this 1'. various white papers, including the recent can be so. unconcerned with the public and one. I am particularly interested in the same problem all over again in another place particularly the informed and concerned period from 1955 to 1959. or permit them to have all of southeast Asia public. I would also like you to elaborate a little by default. Thus, the choice is not simply Your letter refers to mine as a "comment" more what your proof is on the subject of whether to continue our efforts to keep South on your letter of March 2. It was not primar- Catholics and our. changes in Vietnam. As Vietnam free and independent but, rather, Ily a comment, but a request for answer of myself a person who fairly regularly attends whether to continue our struggle to halt specific questions, for documentation and in- Catholic retreats, who participated in pacem Communist expansion in Asia. If the choice formation. This, you chose wto ignore. is the latter, as I believe it should be, we wholly g in terris, I , doubt. that I could be thought will be far better off facing the issue in Your total reply is in the form: "If you of as unfavorable to Catholics. But I hap- South Vietnam." have,not yet done so, I recommence that you pen to know the whole story as to Cardinal Let me -assure you again that we were carefully read all the public statements of Spellman and Diem. And I happen to have the State and Defense Departments ? ' ? been all through south Asia and know the pleased to have the benefit of your thinking. -(etc.)." How could you make that sugges- Buddhist situation and what is involved. Sincerely, tion, when the letter to which you are reply- Be assured, that as a scholar I do not take JOSEPH A. CALIFANO, Jr., tog specifically says: "I have ready at hand any unalterable position. I am always open The Special Assistant to the Secretary and have carefully read all the releases of to proof. But I never have, and I shall not and Deputy Secretary of Defense. the State and Defense Departments; the now, take the mere assertion of someone who KEY WEST, FLA., April 2,1965. speeches of Johnson, Kennedy, McNamara, knows less about the facts than I do, as an Hon. SPESSARD L. HOLLAND, Rusk, and others; the various white papers, adequate explanation. Senator From. Florida, the recent one " Sincerel tncl tdtn ours g . y y t , Washington, D.C. I am about tired of this correspondence DEAR SENATOR HOLLAND: I hope that you and about ready to release it to some press will support Senator MORSE and his asso- service as an example of the way in which the WASHINGTON, D.C., ciates in their effort to stop the current Defense Establishment treats an informed March 22, 1965. Pentagon hoodlumism in Vietnam and to Americ n .who is deeply interested- in a cen- HAREOP A. FREEMAN, help President Johnson find an honorable tral pprolem of policy-a matter of life and Professor of Law, solution to the problem inherited from his Americans. Cornell Law School, Very trill Ithaca, N.Y. predecessors by giving Vietnam back to the Y Y Vietnamese. Professor of Law, Cornell Law School, Ithaca, N.Y. DEAR PROFESSOR FREEMAN: Thank you for your letter of March 5, 1965, commenting on my letter to you of March 2, 1965, con- cerning the situation in Vietnam. If you have not yet done so, I recommend that you carefully read all the public state- mento of the State and Defense Departments; the speeches of Presidents Johnson and Kennedy, and Secretaries McNamara and Rusk; the 1961 Department of State report entitled "A Threat to the Peace," as well as the recent State Department pamphlet en- titled "Aggression From the North." My let- ter of March 2, 1965, was merely a summary of these documents, which represent the carefully considered views of the Eisenhower, Kenl}edy, and Johnson administrations on the subject. Sincerely, `JOSEPI A. CALIFANO, Jr., 'he, Special Assistant to the Secretary and Deputy Secretary of Defense. 1 ARROP A. FREEMAN. DEAR PROFESSOR FREEMAN. Secretary I should add that almost 40 years (since McNamara Was grateful for your kind letter 1927) of professional concern with Asia gives WASHINGTON, D .C., and for the copy of your letter to the Vice me the right to an opinion, and that every- March 27, 1965. `President, He asked that I thank you for body I talk to about the matter agrees with sharin our comments with him g y . me. If I may, I would like to take exception to Sincerely yours, several points raised in your analysis. The Vietcong insurgency was never, from its in- ception, an internal revolt. It is and has been an effort closely coordinated, directed and supported from Hanoi and further sup- ported by Peiping. Therefore, we ' did not enter wrongly into an internal struggle, but entered legitimately,' because the govern- ment of South Vietnam asked for our help in burn#ng back a threat to the freedom and sovereignty of the Republic of Vietnam. The Communists have described the Vietcong effort as "a holy war of national liberation that will be a test case for other underde- veloped areas." To allow such an effort to go unchecked would be to open up the en- tire area of Southeast Asia to similar aggres- sion and, eventually, other areas in Africa and Latin America. Our dedication to the principles of freedom and our concern for the fate of the free world demanded our presence. Nor have we been concerned with "Catho- MORTIMER GRAVES. Same to Senator SMATHERS and Represent- ativeDANTE FASCELL. ROBERT L. WOLF & ASSOCIATES, Granite City, Ill., April 2,1965. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I hope you can stand firm in your opposition to the sadly un- worthy course of our Government in South Vietnam. I know you will not share my use of the word "murder" as describing the actions of President Johnson but having searched my conscience I can find no other word. Surely if some friend of the Vietcong would today bomb Scott Field near here there would rise up a great cry. I cannot so close my mind as to fail to see the exact parallel. I find it difficult to be so at odds with the man I just helped to elect but I cannot Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-R'DP67B00446R000300150023-8 7894 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE April 21, 1965 join with Goldwater and Nixon and approve that which I thought the nation had re- jected. We have reached the point where my nation has so abandoned itself that it has left me behind. Now I can only say that humanity requires that the United States be brought to its senses or to its knees.. I sup- pose I am guilty of treason but not treason to the country I loved but only to what she has become. McCarthy, McCarran, all you rightwing , what have you done to my country. Please do what you can. Even now I can- not really understand how we have been brought to the position where the world must unite to bring an end to U.S. aggres- sion against humanity wherever it seeks to change the shameful status quo. How have we come to embrace every shameful dictator and slave owning tyrant and military cabal? At least could we not call them our opposing the enemy instead of de- scribing the wretches as "Freedom Loving." I suppose It is a case of "Those the gods would destroy they first make mad." What have our people done to deserve the horrors that must surely be heaped on on even to our little children. Yes Mr. Llppmann the war hawks are now rejoicing the people shall soon cry. Yours in tears, ROBERT L. WOLF. P.S.-The St. Louis Globe Democrat, a leading antihuman newspaper approves the acts of Barry Johnson or Is It Lyndon Gold- water. I personally voted for Lyndon John- son, advocate of human decency. BARRY-L.B.J.'s MILITARY MENTOR During the presidential campaign of last fall, the Republican candidate for President, Senator Barry Goldwater, was roundly casti- gated by his political enemies as an irrespon- sible warmonger-largely because of the views the Senator expressed on the Vietnam struggle. It might be well now to review a few of the more extreme positions held by the Sen- ator during that campaign. We recall Mr. Goldwater suggested that perhaps the staging areas for North Viet- namese troops in neutral Laos might be bombed. Subsequent to November, Presi- dent Johnson has bombed them repeatedly. Senator Goldwater further suggested that perhaps carrying the war to North Vietnam might serve to induce Hanoi to end its aid and direction of the fighting in the South. Since November, President Johnson has ini- tiated the bombing of North 'Vietnam, not just as retaliatory raids for Vietcong blows against American installations, but as a set policy, the purpose of which is to induce Hanoi to desist its support of the war. Senator Goldwater suggested that it might be beneficial from a military standpoint if America undertook to defoliate areas where trees and shrubbery protected the guerrillas from air assault. Now comes word from South Vietnam that a large forest northwest of Saigon, which pro- vides a canopy of cover for the Vietcong, has been the target of chemical defoliation, to leave the forest dry and dead. Yesterday that forest was set ablaze by Air Force planes. The purpose: Nothing if not defoliation. To find out what the administration plans to do next in Vietnam we suggest rummaging through Senator Goldwater's old speeches. How 1962 CIA SUGAR SABOTAGE WAS NULLI- FIED---PRESIDENT KENNEDY ACTED To DE- TAIN SOVIET-BOUND CARGO (By Max Frankel) WASHINGTON, march 26. Discussions here about the use of nausea gas in Vietnam have brought to light the story of an ingenious scheme by which the White House once nul- lified the use of a different kind of chemical agent on some Soviet-bound sugar. It is the story of how former President John F. Kennedy outraged the Soviet Gov- ernment by conspiring in the detention of a British ship with cargo from Cuba in order to undo a successful sabotage operation of the Central Intelligence Agency. The Caribbean melodrama involved mys- terious shipboard fires and hijacked sacks of sugar, court battles, and angry diplomatic messages, all against the background of the Cuba missile crisis. The story, 30 months old, is not ended. At least one attorney in Puerto Rico still is being sued by Moscow for damages, The story has no direct relationship to gas and Vietnam, but sources have been recalling it as they talk about the various unorthodox weapons that occasionally pose special problems for Washington. It began on August 22, 1962, when the British freighter Streatham Hill, under lease to a Soviet agency, limped into San Juan harbor, Puerto Rico, for emergency repairs after it had damaged its propeller on a reef. The 7130-ton vessel was carrying 80,000 sacks of Cuban sugar to the Soviet Union on one of the then regular commercial runs by Western ships that were infuriating the Ken- nedy administration. Of the sugar aboard, 14,135 bags came ashore, allegedly unloaded to permit the making of repairs. The bags of sugar were placed in bond in a customs house, because Cuban products could not be imported Into the United States. As the freighter lay in port for several weeks, either before or after some of its cargo was taken ashore, one or more agents of the United States managed to get to some of the sugar to apply a substance that would spoil its taste and usefulness. It is said to have been an essentially harmless substance, not likely to inflict injury, but certain to arouse serious dissatisfaction among Soviet con- sumers. How many sacks were tampered with is not known, but subsequent developments indicate that most It not all of the adulter- ated sugar was among the sacks in the ware- house. The purpose of this chemical sabotage is said to have been manifold: to damage an expensive cargo; to rouse Soviet suspicions about the quality of Cuban sugar; to create discord between Soviet and Cuban authori- ties and, possibly, to discourage shippers from providing services that were likely to lead to disputes, recriminations, and perhaps even suspicions of sabotage. KENNEDY ANGERED BY PLOT The operation appeared to have been a success and the Streatham Hill was prepar- ing to reclaim the doctored sugar and resume its journey on September 19 when President Kennedy learned of the sabotage. He. is said to have been angered by the plot and fearful not only of injury to Soviet consumers but also of setting a dreadful precedent in chem- ical sabotage. In early September, therefore, the order went out from Washington: The con- taminated sugar must not leave U.S. terri- tory. Intelligence agents, harbor authorities, customs officials, and Government attorneys were put on the job and thus began the in- trigue to undo intrigue. How it was done is clear from,, the recol- lection of sources here, in San Juan, and Miami and news reports at the time. Exactly who played what role could not be. learned. On September 18, Terry Kane and some associates from Miami appeared in the Su- perior Court of Puerto Rico to contend that the sugar in the -warehouse belonged to Cuba and ought to be seized as compensa- tion for the Cuban Government's debt to them. A year earlier, they had obtained a judg- ment in a Dade County court in Florida that Premier Fidel Castro's regime owed them $833,978 for the seizure of a farm machinery business in Havana. WRIT OF ATTACHMENT Kane said it was his own idea to go after the sugar in San Juan. What encourage- ment he had from Washington is not clear but on September 19, just as the Streatham Hill was about to reload its cargo and de- part, court records show, the Puerto Rican court issued a writ of attachment against the sugar in the warehouse. The next day, with the freighter still in drydock, the remaining sugar on board wits ordered impounded and held for a possible settlement of the debts due Kane and asso- ciates. Apparently President Kennedy's orders had then been carried out. A long series of diplomatic and court bouts followed. CANOGA PARK, CALIF., March 30, 1965. Senator WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I believe it is tim for all countries to consider the needs of in dividuals within other countries before fm posing a foreign will upon them. Only country whose citizens are well fed and we educated, morally and economically strop can approach international crises with suc humanitarianism. No country measures u to those standards as well as our Unite States of America. For that reason, I must protest our tour try's intervention in Vietnam. It is tin for the Vietnamese people to be united an to learn self-government without ouside ir. terference. This can only be done if all foi eign elements leave Vietnam immediatel; Our presence in that country is a detrimer. to the health, welfare and future growth c all concerned, and can only result in hatro and international chaos. I appreciate your efforts on behalf of th people of this country to seek an expedien and peaceful solution to the Vietnam crises and I hope that you and other Members of the Senate will continue to move in that di- rection as long as it is necessary. Sincerely, BERKELEY, CALIF., March 31, 1965. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Enclosed is a carbon of a letter I sent to Senator FuLBRIGHT. I thought that because of your own forthright stand in the Vietnam matter you might be interested in the activities of the group dis- cussed in the letter-a group which has made one of its main purposes the pushing of a hard line in cold war policy. Especially alarming, of course, is the fact that impor- tant public figures, including our Secretary of State, appear to be lending their prestige to this group. P.S. I am sending a copy of this note to your colleague, Senator GRUENING. Yours truly, BERKELEY, CALIF., March 31, 1965. DEAR SENATOR FULBRIGHT: Several years ago, in your excellent study of the influence of the extreme right in our Armed Forces you noted the role of the Institute for Americar Strategy. Shortly thereafter, I was engagec in research for a pamphlet on the far righ published by Norman Thomas' Socialist Part; (The American Ultras, New York: 1962). Ii the course of my research I came across ad ditional evidence of the ties of the IAS-an its director, Frank Rockwell Barnett-wit organizations on the ultraright (ring, Therefore, I was surprised to receive in th mail the other day an advertisement for book to be published by Doubleday Ancho: Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 April 21, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE "Peace and War in the Modern ' Age:" The book is announced as being published by Anchor for National Strategy Information Center, Inc. In case there was any doubt about the identity of the group, Frank R. Barnett's name appears among the con- tributors to the volume. What is dismaying, however, is that the names of Dean Acheson, Mien Dulles, Dwight D. Eisenhower, and Dean tusk also appear. I am not, of course, ques- ioning the right of Mr. Barnett or his group o express their views. But I am wondering rhether the public figures mentioned are ware of the extremist connections of the roup to which they are lending their pres- ge. I should mention that I am a - graduate udent. In political science at the University California, so I assume that the mailing t of the American Political Science Assocla- nn may be being used for the distribution of s advertisement In question. Los ANGELES, CALIF., April 1, 1965. iator WAYNE MORSE. )EAR SENATOR: The stand that 'you have en against the war in Vietnam is the most irageous thing for a man to do. You will ?er know how I appreciate it. And I'm alone. There must be millions who at that war stopped. Seems we are be aing the aggressors. never miss your talks when you come ,e. They are so inspiring. s there anything we can do as American liens to stop that war? If it keeps on we will be destroyed, wish to thank you again for your courage. Sincerely, NEW YORK, N.Y. HON. SENATOR WAYNE L. MORSE: Thank you r the forthright position you are taking . our protestations against our participa- on in the Vietnam civil war. I hope our leaders will "see the light" as 3 you do. Respectfully, REBECCA G. BPSTEIN. NEW YORK, N.Y., April 3,1965. Senator WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I write to thank you with all my heart for your position on the involvement of the United States in South and North Vietnam. I fully support your uosition. You know of course that thousands of knowledgeable Americans agree with you and are horrified at the measures being taken by this Government. I feel that those sur- rounding the President are wrongly advising Iir. Please continue to fight. Can you think of ways that the hundreds of Ameri- ;ans who want our Involvement to cease can nake their objections count? Already the Tnited States has lost the respect of Asians nd many European countries as well as atin America and Africa. I think Senators 114CGOVERN and COOPER }ay agree with you to some extent. Also e must keep Walter Lippmann and James eston at work on behalf of this effort to ad a new and better Vietnam policy. Gratefully, WINNIFFRED WYGAL. LARCHMONT, N.Y., April 2, 1965. S. Senator W. L. MORSE, ashington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I, too, voted for Pres- snt Johnson last November; and I, too, op- se tlae American use of gas, napalm, and mbings in South Vietnam. We have nei- ther the duty or right to tell the people of southeast Asia how to live, what government to have, or to force.freed6ln upon them. I agree with the enclosed ad from the New York Times, A LETTER TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: Last November we cast our vote for you because we were alarmed by the war policies of Barry Gold- water. Today we find your administration is, in Vietnam, following the very policies we voted to reject All this in the name of "freedom." Freedom for whom? There has never been a free election in South Vietnam. The Viet- namese people do not support the "24-hour" governments imposed on them by military coups. They want an end to this fratricidal war. The bombings of forth Vietnam and the landing of the Marines In South Vietnam constitute an open invitation to world war. We join with Pope Paul VI and U.N. Secre- tary General U Thant in urging an Immedi- ate cease-fire in Vietnam, a conference of all nations to negotiate peace. CALIFORNIA Benjamin Bufano, Alden B. Campen, Mrs. Sally Cooper, Charmion Cotton, Mr. and Mrs. B. Druckman, Beverly J. Farquharson, Rev. Stephen Fritchman, Mr. and Mrs. Ben din- den, Dr. Frances Herring, Dr. Bud It. Hutch- inson, Irmgard Lenel, Samuel Levine, Don de Mistral, Mary Louise de Mistral, Mrs. Ruth Orlott, Emmy Lou Packard, Ava Helen Pauling, Dr. Linus Pauling, Dryden Linsley Phelps, Byron Randall, Rob- ert E. Randolph, Valeda Randolph, Alice Richards, Holland Roberts, Helen Sheats, Clara Silverstein, Margaret T. Simkin, Mr. and Mrs. William F. Stanton, E. L. Swallow, Frances Tandy, Frank Wilkinson, James May Zorbas, Anna Dant, Lenore Peters Job, Helen Miller. CONNECTICUT Rabbi Robert E. Goldberg, Anton Selko- witz, Louise Pettibone Smith, Dorothy Stein, Dr. Willard Uphaus, Anita Willcox, Henry Willcox, Lloyd F. Worley. DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA Janet M. Neuman, Leva B. Pillser, Margaret Russell, Joanna Vogelsang. FLORIDA Isabel Smith, Monroe Smith. ILLINOIS William T. Baird, Ernest DeMaio, Alberto Donnells, Gene Johnson, Mr. and Mrs. Leslie 0. Milligan, Mary Phillips, Dorothea Sher- lock. IOWA Prof. Howard L. Parsons. KANSAS L. J. Pritchard. KENTUCKY Anne and Carl Braden, James Gant, Sam and Liz Shirah, Anita M. Smith. LOUISIANA George T. Pappas. MAINE Elizabeth E. Hoyt. MARYLAND -Sylvia Bailey, Jean H. Feinberg, Louise Greenwood, Miriam Levin, Marjorie Soco, Bernice Steele. MASSACHUSETTS Albert Allen, Carl Anthonsen, Cynthia B. Anthonsen, Charlotte Berg, Edmund C. Berkeley, Kay Boyle, May Brands, Edith Carlson, Marion Coden, Melvin R. Cohen, Pauline Dana, Vera Fisher, CharlesGibadlo, 7895 Bernard Edwin Galitz, Mary E. Giffin, Helen H. Gillette, Florence M. Goodell, Sara R. Gordon. Samuel H. Grimspoon, Mrs. Hector M. Holmes, Samuel W. Hurowitz, Ben Kublin, Gertrude T. Lurie, Mrs. Margaret Lynch, Mrs. P. Mayer, Mrs. Phyllis T. MacEwan, Irving Millstein, Joseph H. Nelson, S. Roy Remar, Bertha C. Reynolds, Winifred F. Root, Fred- erick Schuman, Edith Soboff, Pitirim A. Soro- kin, Mr. and Mrs. Philip Stockwell, Robert C. Taylor, Jr., Elizabeth T. Vincent, Rev. Eliot White, Dorothy T. Wilder. MICHIGAN Hymle Cutler, Mary Gentry, Carl Haessler, Mrs. Alice Herz, Morton Leitson, Axel Nielsen, Wanda Pussy, Mrs. Clara M. Vincent, Leroy Waterman. NEW HAMPSHIRE Verne Thomas. MISSOURI Sol Londe, M.D., Prof. and Mrs. Theodor Rosebury. NEW JERSEY Jane Aronowitz, Gerald A. Bertin, C. De- Gregory, Alta Jacobson, Guy Lisa, James Lisa, Jesse Moskowitz, Leon M. Mosner, Rabbi Benjamin Plotkin, Ruth M. Jackson, Harold E. Lippman, M.D. NEW YORK Alvin Abelack, Joan Abelack, Sandra Abel- son, Henry Abrams, Virginia and Stephen Abrams, Rev. George A. Ackerly, Taylor Adams, Don Amter, Vicky Amter, Clara Antin, Eunice B. Armstrong, Gertrude Asher, George Bailin, Elizabeth Baker, David Balfour, Rev. Lee H. Ball, Cleo Banks, Martha V. Bartos, Elsie Baudman, Minna Bayer, Abraham I. Beacher, M.D., Nettie Becker, Paul Becker, Mel Beinart, Ruth Beinart, Dr. and Mrs. Mar- vin Belsky, Adele Berk, Jeannette R. Berne, Dorothy Bishop, Sylvia Bjornson. Milt Bloch, Ruth Bloch, Jules Bloom, Edith Bluestone, Carl Blumenthal, Ethel Blumen- thal, Ruth D. Blumenthal, Mr. and Mrs. Robert Boehm, Vanzetto M. Bowie, Francine B. Bradley, Ph. D., Florence Breuer, Edwin Berry Burgum, Esther Carroll, Clara R. Case, Doris Cattell, Dorothy Chertak, Alice Citron, Clara Coffey, Adele Cohen, Saul Cohen, Mr. and Mrs. Sidney Cohn, Ephraim Cross, Sara Cunningham, Henry DiMare, Alix Dobkin, Elizabeth Duimovich, Miriam Dworkin, Kurt Easton, Dr. F. J. Einstein, Stella Eliashow, Alan Emanuel, M.D., Richard Erle, Ph. D., Harry Epstein, M.D., George Evans, All Fa- temi, Stanley Faulkner, Dr. Leon Feinstein, Irving Feisher, Stanley Finger, Sidney Fin- kelstein, Lorraine Foner, Leon Forer, Ruth Friedman, Saul Friedman, Ruth Gage-Colby, Annie Gaston, John C. Gebhardt, Lester A. Gelb, M.D. Miriam Gill, Helen Ginsburg, David Glaser, Irving Glusak, Larry Goldberg, Paul Goldberg, Morris Goldin, J. Goldstein, Nina Goldstein, Sam and Joan Goldstein, Herman Gordon, Ceil Gross, George M. Hall, Eileen Halpin, Louis Harap, Margaret L. D. Hatch, Jane Ben- edict Hawley, Peter Hawley, Dr. Mary Alice Hilton, Jane E. Hodes, Dr. Robert Hodes, Bernice Holland, Samuel J. Holland, Frank Ilchuk, Grace Cohen Ilchuk, Clara Isquith, Corinne Jackson, Eugene Jackson, Robert E. Jackson, Irma Jaffe, Jack Jaffe, Mrs. M. L. Jaffe, Terre Johnson, Steve Jonas, M.D., Mr. and Mrs. Jules Kabat, Martha Kahn, Tillie Kahn, Samuel Kamen, Peter Kaminski, Rabbi Mordecai M. Kaplan, Maude W. Katz, W. C. Kelly, Walter Kendra, Floryence It. Kennedy, Rockwell Kent, Dr. and Mrs. David Kimmel- man, Bernard L. Klein. Fred Koury, Eileen Krieger, Dr. Louis Kroll, Burton Lane, Corliss Lamont, Helen Lamont, Virginia M. Lerner, Robert Lehrer, Regina Lerner, Jo Ann Levinson, Dr. and Mrs. Frank Levy, Sylvia C. Levy, Meryl Lewis, Rudolph Lindenfeld, Vera List, Adele Lithauer, Donah B. Lithauer, Sara Anne Naddell, Lucy Oren- stein, Dr. I. J. Panken, Barbara Parker, MSW, Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 7896 Georgia V. Parker, Richard Pastor, Roberts Penziner, Dr. and Mrs. Irving Peress, Sam Pevzner, Cyril Philip, David Platt, Sarah Plotkin, Cecelia Pollack, Mildred Price, Sid- ney Price, Dr. and Mrs. Samuel J. Prigal, Esther T. Rand, John Randolph, Anita Rate- ner, Leo Ratener, Ella Ratner, Luna Reich, Ph. D., Dr. Irving W. Reid, Sylvia Reiderman, Al Resnick, Fannie Resnick, Frances Keswick, Philip Reisman, Jerome Robbins, Mr. and Mrs. Paul Robeson, Jr., Peter Rosano, Pauline R. Rosen, Irwin Rosenhouse, Dorothy Monet Rosenwald, Joel Rothman, David L. Rubin- fine, M.D., Mary Russak, Maud Russell, Lil- lian Ryckoff. Joan Saltzman, Morris Salz, Esther San- ders, Rose Savage, Morris Sc]aappes, Robert N. Schneider, Mildred W. Schoenberger, Rose Schuyler, Caroline Scollen, John Scudder, Claire Serchuk, D. A. J. Shapiro, Gerald I. Shapiro, Leo Shapiro, Ralph Shapiro, Dr. and Mrs. M. B. Sherman, Jean Shulman, Florence Siegel, Mike Siegel, Dr. Samuel Siegel, Harold Silverstein, Mr. and Mrs. Abbott Simon, Dr. and Mrs. Sidney Socolar, Ruth Spain, Joseph Spencer, Rudolph Steiner, Stan Steiner, Dr. Clifford N. Stern, Mr. and Mrs. H. Stolley, Dr. Arthur Stulbaum, use Suckerman, Nat Suckerman, Isabelle Suhl, Jack Sutton, Jer- ome Tanklow, Harry Tarr, Wilbert A. Tatum, Dr. H. J. Tennen, Fran Tepper, Dr. and Mrs. N. Thaler, Erling Tholfsen, George Tichenor, Janet M. Tilney, Elizabeth Tiimberman, Na- omi Unger, Semah Unterman, Francine Val- lario, Lee Waldstein, Samuel Wallach, Flor- ence Wallerstein, Herbert Wasserman, H. M. Wasserman, Bernard Wein, Janet B, Wein- blatt, Frieda Weisberg. Abe Weisburd, Nat Werner, Margaret Werthman, Joel White, T. E. Wilson, Arthur Wyrob, Mr, and Mrs. Jack Yellin, David Young, MSW, Ellen and Leonard Zablow, Susan Litlefield, Doris Loewi, Sylvia Lopez, Dr. Helen Merrell Lynd, Mrs. George Mack, E. Louis Mally, Doris Mann, David Mann, William I. Margolies, Herta Mayer, Ellen Mc- Catty, Georgio McMurray, M.S.S. William Howard Melish, Rev. John Howard Melish, Mr. and Mrs. H. Meyerson, Betty Millard, Abe Miller, Cecile Miller, Mildred Miller, John P, Mills, Aileen H. Morford, Elizabeth Moos, Anna E. Morgenstern, Aurelia Morris, Alex and Marion Munsell, Marjorie Murphy, MSW, Miriam Zelnick, Allen Zigareli, Abraham Zit- ron, Celia Zitron, Lea Avigdor, Joan Barnard, Mr. and Mrs. J. Bauman, Robin W. Briehl, M.D., Dr. and Mrs. Desmond Callan, Henry Clayton, Rose Gershon, Thelma Kaga, Shirley Kreger, Henry L. Klein, Lena Levine, Anton Refregier, Simon Ross, Don Schoolman, Morris Seltzer, Dr. and Mrs. Mark Silvan, Gladys Skidell, Sarah Smith, Miriam Urdang, Helene S. Zahier. OHIO Prof. Elizabeth Kresky, Francis Loud, Richard Meisler. PENNSYLVANIA Derk Bodde, Galla S. Bodde, Mrs. William Dobkin, John R. Keisler, Mr. and Mrs. Jack Lesnik, Mildred Scott Olmsted, Ida Pruitt, Judith Shouse. RHODE ISLAND Harvey O'Connor. TENNESSEE Dr. and Mrs. F. A. Blossom, Roxie Wood. VERMONT Irving and Ruth Adler, Elsa Golben. VIRGINIA Thelma C. Dulinage, Belle W. Schulz. WISCONSIN B. D. Bushee, Mrs. Esther I3ushee, Frances H. Bushee, Walter B. Rideout. WYOMING Grace Anderson. What you can do to stop the war in Viet- nam: CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE April 21, 1965 Reproduce this advertisement in your local newspaper. Write to President Johnson and send copies to your U.S. Senators. Write to U.S. Senators WAYNE L, MORSE, ERNEST GRUENING, FRANK CHURCH and GEORGE S. McGovERN endorsing their posi- tion for negotiations. BROOKLYN, N.Y., April 1, 1965. Senator WAYNE L. MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I fervently endorse your position for negotiations for ending the war in Vietnam. I think that the time has come for us to stop talking about saving face and to start talking about saving lives. Men cannot resolve differing ideologies by plunder or mass murder-that can only lead to heavy loss of life, property, and esteem on both sides. And in the end, nothing perma- nent, i.e., this homogeneous ideology, can be effected. In addition, we are losing face among our allies and other free nations Of the world for our current "walk softly, carry- ing a big stick" policies. It would seem self-evident that people would realize that nuclear war-and the threat increases every hour, every day-would be disastrous. Indeed, it would be annihilat- ing, for as there is no such thing as one drink for an alcoholic, there. is no such thing as a localized war. The way things are develop- ing now, it is almost a matter of time before this universal dread becomes a reality. I repeat, I heartily endorse your policies and hope that as a strong voice in our Gov- ernment, you can somehow further make clear the need for negotiations. Are we, in the final analysis, a nation of mice or men? Is our hoped for Great Society all for naught? Must we throw sticks and stones like chil- dren at play (albeit, alas, we are not at play) or can we sit down at the conference table and discuss our fundamental differences? I have just turned 21, and am looking for- ward to legally adding my voice to govern- mental policies, I shall vote, not for the war for destruction, but for peace. Sincerely yours, ELLEN- GARDINER. SCARSDALE, N.Y., March 31, 1965. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: As a former west coast resident, perhaps I can get your ear. Please do not cease in asking that the United States heed world opinion, U Thant, and Pope Paul- and stop bypassing the U.N. in Vietnam. Thank you for being a voice of moral in- tegrity over the years. What "democracy" are American boys fighting for in Vietnam. I'm ashamed that we are tearing up that country with bomb- ings. We should use the U.N to develop the Mekong Valley; thus help them achieve a stable government. This isn't giving them a stable government. I feel my country is betraying its humanitarian ideals. 1984 is indeed here, if all contrary opinion is silenced by Johnson, as it indeed seems to be. He has been so fine on Alabama, I'm dis- traught that his international advisers have been so military in the old-fashioned pre- nuclear sense. I voted against Goldwater because of his warlike stance; but now Johnson is doing precisely what the electorate repudiated. BEVERLY NYGREEN. SCIENTIST OPPOSES WAR WOODS HOLE, MASS, March 24,1965. To the EDITOR: In the last election we scientists stood as one man behind President Johnson, being afraid of what Mr. Goldwater, as President, might do. Now President Johnson does in Vietnam what we feared. He made no prom- ises to us scientists. Nevertheless, I feel dis- appointed, alienated, if not betrayed. I am sure many of my fellow scientists feel as I do. We are deeply concerned because it was our work which opened the way both to a better future for mankind or its final catas- trophe. We are going the wrong way, and it is time for scientists to get together once more, this time to sound a warning. As an American I am deeply concerned also because this is more than a war. It if a moral issue from which we can onl? emerge with our name badly tarnished Even victory must mean a defeat. The ad ministration.'s policy is contrary to the prir ciples for which this country has alwa: stood:. If a war can be conducted, our trea urea spent on it, our boys taken to far-( countries to kill and be killed, all witho asking the people or their representativ then democracy becomes a hollow word. The great majority of the American peo] is opposed to this war that also scuttles f U.N., on which mankind pinned its hoi and which we promised to support. ALBERT SZENT-GYORGYI, M.E (NoTE.-The writer was awarded the No Prize for Medicine in 1937.) ORLANDO, FLA., April 2,196: Hon. WAYNE L. MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I endorse your pl tion relative to the hostilities in Vietnai I do not believe the issues involved such as to require U.S. participation In actual fighting. I hope you will contil to work for immediate withdrawal of i forces. Sincerely yours, A LETTER TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNIT STATES DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: Last November cast our vote for you because we were alarm by the war policies of Barry Goldwater. Today we find your administration is, Vietnam, following the very policies we votc to reject. All this in the name of "freedom." Freedom for whom? There has never bee a free election in South Vietnam. The Viet namese people do not support the "24 hour governments imposed on them by militar, coups. They want an end to this fratricida war. The bombings of North Vietnam and tht landing of the Marines in South Vietnar, constitute an open invitation to world wa. We join with Pope Paul VI and U.N. Sec retary General U Thant in urging: An immediate cease fire in Vietnam. A conference of all nations to negotiat peace. What you can do to stop the war in Vie nam: Reproduce this advertisement in your loc newspaper. Write to President Johnson and send copi to your U.S. Senators. Write to U.S. Senators WAYNE L. MoR ERNEST GRUENING, FRANK CHURCH, a GEORGE S. MCGOVERN endorsing their positi for negotiations. VIRGIL CONNER INSURANCE, Inc., Apopka, Fla., April 1, 196: Senator GEORGE S. MCGOVERN, Senator JOSEPH S. CLARK, Senator ERNEST GRUENING, Senator WAYNE MORSE, DISTINGUISHED GENTLEMEN: Am enclo: copy of my letter of February 24 to Presic Johnson to which I did not receive a re Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300.150023-8 April 21, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE Am taking the liberty to send copies of this letter to you. My reason for doing so is because from Reading the papers I get the idea that the"thinking of you four distin- guished gentlemen is not completely condi- tioned by the interests of the economic-mil- itary complex warned against by retiring President Eisenhower. Am not sending the letter to the Senators from my own State. With them the ideas here expressed would likely fall on stony ground. My information is from the same source as that of the late and lamented Will Rog- ers. To me the situation in Vietnam is mad- ness. If we were to hire really smart men to .study the problem with the purpose of coming up with the worst plan for its so- lution-for the one most inhuman, most neatly completely against the public interest, the one most expensive and most danger- ous-could these said smart men find a worse way than that the United States has drifted Into, and into which it seems bent on drift- mg further? For one, like me who feels helpless against this dangerous trend, do any of you gentle- men have any suggestions? Any informa- ,ion will be received with thanks. Yours truly, VIRGIL CONNER. LAWRENCE, KANS., April 1, 1965. VIr, WAYNE MORSE, of Oregon. DEAR SIR: I believe this trouble in Vietnam ihould be settled by conferences. Do what you can to get this done. Please. y~ PESRUARY 24, 1965. HOI1. L. ..JOHNSON, President of the United States, Washington, D.C. DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: I think you are do- ing a good job. I realize that the State Department, the military, the CIA, and even the White House I ttzeif are oolor*d more or, less with the Dulles policy of overcommitment throughout the world. Even an able and conscientious loran like you, and a really good politician be- sides, will have to have some time to clean the mess out. Of course, being a small businessman in a country community, and having interests that coincide with the interests of nearly all the American people, I am for pulling the United States out of southeast Asia and using the money to start a new schoolhouse or student dormitory every day for the next year. I suggest this in defense of freedom. Incidentally, I do not believe that the leaders of the Republican Party, nor any of the groups mentioned above are capable of making -decisions in the public interest. I believe any decision that they influence would by that much be slanted contrary to the public interest. In a previous letter I told you I was born a Southern Democrat. The precinct in which I live and the one in which I have my office went for Johnson in a county that gave Goldwater 76 percent of the votes cast, Of this I am proud. Yours very truly, VIRGIL H. CONNER. SYRACUSE. N.Y., April 1, 1965. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I Wish to express my support for your stand on Vietnam. I urge a cease-fire and conference to negotiate peace. .Sineerely yours, RUTH FLEISS. DEAR SENATOR: Maybe it would be a good idea for you and fellow Senators who are against what the United States is doing in Vietnam to call on the wife of the President and explain the situation to her. Perhaps she will see the folly of the President's ad- visers and use her influence. She ' looks to me as a woman with a lot of good common- sense. Sincerely, APRIL 1965. DEAR SENATOR: I am grateful for the effort you have made to get us out of this crazy, cruel war in Vietnam. I read that 80 per- cent of American citizens are against it, too. Could you get a bill passed so that we peo- ple who foot the bills and bear the moral shame could have a plebiscite on war? More power to you. WILHELMINA TAGGART. Senator WAYNE MORSE, The Capitol, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Allow me to add my name to your growing number of admirers. It is heartening to see that honor and dignity still exist (especially in the face of such over- whelming odds) in our Government. Sir, I am speaking, of course, on your refusal to fall in line with the administration an the Vietnam question. Whether our policymakers have been seized with madness is hard to tell, but, more important, it remains within the power of persons such as yourself to make every effort to bring such shameful hypoc- risies into public view. I am not too certain, that if the American people knew what was really going on in Vietnam, they would be willing to support our suicidal policies with such docility. Senator, I am almost sick with horror at the thought of such wholesale public irre- sponsibility. The world saw the gathering clouds of two World Wars and, during all the months that preceeded both, nothing was done by any of the nations which could have done something. The same situation exists today. Britain complains with a weak voice. France does nothing, no one puts any pres- sure on our Government-which seems to be perfectly oblivious to any opinion Outside of the borders of the continental United States. When our own State Assemblyman John L. Burton took an initiative (he sent a letter of appeal to the heads of state in Great Britain), he was shouted down in the San Francisco Chronicle-the most widely read daily in the bay area. At the same time, this worthy journal of public information relegates news releases from Vietnam to mere one-column blurbs, while it titilates a sensa- tion-hungry public with front-page. scandal. Mr. Senator, what are we to do? It is im- possible to surrender myself over to such stupidity and injustice. Perhaps you know of some way in which I can direct my ener- gies so that I may do what I can to avert another senseless slaughter. Certainly, let- ter writing is some help, but it is not enough. With the full realization that you are a very busy man, and that you may not be able to reply to me personally, I eagerly await your reply and possible suggestions. Keep up the good work and count me on your side. Sincerely, .Senator WAYNE MORSE, Oregon. DEAR SIR: I write you to encourage and support your position on Vietnam. I think it's quite clear that the day we bomb Hanoi, the United States will be involved in a total war. I cannot understand how our roads of suppression and exploitation of underdevel- oped areas can continue without an expres- sion of concern from the Congress. And how can we be at war without the consent of All these questions and more continue to go unanswered, yet Hanoi approaches us 7897 quite rapidly. Americanism begins to be a very dirty word around the world, and we know all too well, that our only allies are the fascist dictatorships and racist countries. Respectfully yours, ROBERT KEFFKE. NEW YORK CITY, N.Y. MORRISVILLE, PA. Senator WAYNE MORSE, DEAR SIR: I heartily approve of your stand on Vietnam. Have courage and stick by what you know is right. FRED GOLDMAN, DDS. WARRINGTON, PA., April 12, 1965. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: We want to let you know that we are grateful for your honesty and integrity as shown by your position in the Senate in opposing our Government's policy in Vietnam. It is our concern that we will continue to have outstanding statesmen such as you speak forth on issues that affect the welfare of our country and the rest of the world. Let us know what we can do to help you. Sincerely, Mr. and Mrs. J. REED SUPLEE. BENSON, ARIZ., March 31, 1965. DEAR SENATOR: I beg you to rise and make a major address denouncing our whole inde- cent adventure in Vietnam. It is your duty since only you and Senator GRUENING seem to have the knowledge and the courage to say what the majority of Americans are think- ing and saying. Goldwater lost the election but Goldwater- ism goes clomping on in military boots. It's the old story-first you build up a military force for defense then you use it for aggres- sion. You are one of my few long enduring heroes since I have for years followed your career. Congress is always hopelessly "dated" but I nearly always find you correct and stimu- lating. Please talk long and often and please de- nounce this war from the Senate floor. I have written Johnson and HuMPHREY crying "shame." Sincerely, Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR: Enclosed please find a copy of a letter I have written to the President. I hope it has not been an exercise in futility. I heard your speech at Johns Hopkins Uni- versity on March 15. Thank you for your courage and effort to educate the public. I only hope that you will continue to speak out against this Vietnam policy. Sincerely, Mrs. CATHERINE L. MINK. BALTIMORE, MD. APRIL 1, 1965. President LYNDON B. JOHNSON, 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue, Washington, D.C. MR. PRESIDENT: I write to register my dis- approval of our actions and policy in Viet- nam. I have read and heard your statements on the subject. I am familiar with the last white paper released by the State Depart- ment. I an} saturated with all the justifica- tions put forward by, our Defense Depart- ment, Members of Congress, and various and sundry advocates of this course. But I also have researched the history of that area and our involvement there. Approved For Release 2003/10/14 :`CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 7898 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -- SENATE April 21, 1965 What a tragic story it is: From the unen- lightened French colonial exploitation, to the rise of the nationalist movement under Ho Chi Minh, to the Japanese occupation, to the duplicity of the British General Gracey after World War II, to the vain efforts of the French and their duplicity in trying to re- place the yoke of colonialism on Vietnam by means of puppet regimes-yes, right down to our fanatical anticommunism as espoused and promulgated by John Foster Dulles. His was the warped view of the world which put us into a struggle on the wrong side with the French and their puppets and it has been the political cowardice of three Presidents which has kept us there. I wonder if you, Mr. President, and the pol- icymakers ever bothered to read the history of the Vietnamese struggle to rid themselves of the exploitation of Western man. If we had more historians and fewer CIA people and State Department "hard nosers" making policy we might not find ourselves the "last French colonialist in Indochina." I heard your press conference on Saturday March 20, and your reiteration of policy on Vietnam and I can only say that whether it was started 10 years ago or 110 years ago, whether it was the policy of 3 Presidents or 33 Presidents, and whether you repeat it 47 times or 147 times-it still doesn't make it right. The people of this country do not support this hideous little war of napalm and massive bombardments and U.S. official propaganda, but they have become so intellectually le- thargic with affluence that they cannot bestir themselves to give loud voice to their dis- approval. They assuage their consciences with the balm of anticommunism. Have we come to the point where anything is justifiable in the name of anticommunism? When I consider that after World War II and just prior to it's ending, Vietnam was a unified and independent nation from north- ernmost to southernmost boundaries-when I consider that Bao Dal had relinquished his throne in support of Ho Chi Minh and the Vietminh government and wrote De Gaulle asking that the French not persist in re- claiming these colonies; then I go on to find that the United States came into this strug- gle on the side of the French, then the Diem regime, and that it was officially stated pol- icy during Dulles' secretaryship to back Diem's refusal to hold elections in accord with the 1954 Geneva agreements-that we built up Diem's army again in violation of the 1954 Geneva agreement-and now we have to listen to our officials saying that North Vietnam must show it's willingness to live up to those 1954 agreements- I can only say, what hypocrisy. Why should the Viet- namese respect the artificial 17th parallel imposed on them by others, yes, even Russia and China along with the Western Powers. In closing let me say I am ashamed of my Government. I do not support the President. I believe we shall fail in this effort because we do not have right on our side. With regret, Mrs. CATHERINE L. MINK. BALTIMORE, MD. BRIARCLIFF MANOR, N.Y., April 2, 1965. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I am writing to tell you I endorse your position on 'Vietnam and have written to the President urging negotia- tion or failure in this to withdraw our troops. With deep concern and best wishes, Sincerely, HOLLIE D. STADTFELT, Mrs. Nicholaas T. NEW YORK, N.Y., April 4, 1965. Senator WAYNE L. MORSE, Washington, D.C. DEAR SIR: Tonight I have written to Presi- dent Johnson urging that he help bring about a cease-fire in Vietnam and get all na- tions to sit down at the conference table to negotiate a peace. I endorse your, position for negotiations and will do all in my power to continue sup- porting you. Very truly yours, EDWIN GREENBLATT. APRIL 5, 1985. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I would like you to know that I endorse your position for nego- tiations (after cease=fire) in Vietnam crisis. I have just written the President asking that he take a strong step forward and call for cease-fire and negotiations. Sincerely and respectfully, Mrs. F. BERMANN. Senator WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SIR: We ask for an immediate cease- fire in Vietnam and immediate use of U Thant's formula for negotiations. Yours truly, TORRANCE, CALIF., April 1, 1965. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I would like to take this opportunity to congratulate you and urge you to continue your positive stand in- sofar as Vietnam is concerned. Although those of us who want a disen- gagement in Vietnam are in the minority we are growing each and every day. It is my personal thinking that we will be able to stop the war in Vietnam only if we act quickly, hard-headedly (in the sense that we seek peace) and together. The world is looking at southeast Asia today and so are many Americans. We must show them that the present U.S. position in Vietnam can lead to nothing else but war unless and only if it is stopped now. You are to be commended for your stand and you have my continued -support and admiration. Sincerely, G. D. WIEBE. N.B -I am wondering if we could have a copy of the RECORD where you, according to the Saturday Evening Post, I believe, called the Vietnam fiasco McNamara's war? G.W. BROOKLYN, N.Y.,- April 4, 1965. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: The news of the last few days are most alarming. What can a lone citizen do to express his fear and anger at the ever increasing war which our Gov- ernment is waging in South Vietnam? It is wrong, terribly wrong. We are so fortunate to have you in the Senate and we beg you to continue your utmost efforts to arouse the American people to an understanding of what is really hap- pening. Our Government is playing with high stakes. The worst thing is that we may lose-if not already-control of our maneu- verings and find ourselves in an inextricable position escalating into a large terrible war. We support you-we beg you to continue your strong efforts and keep speaking out. Our gratitude to you. Sincerely yours, FAMILY OF Loins J. LIFSHEY. NEW YORK, N.Y., April 4, 1965. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR: We wanted to tell you how immensely grateful we are to you for your fight against our involvement in Vietnam. We only hope that it leads to an early cease fire and negotiations. Even if it is Very little, we will do our ut- most to uphold your position among our friends and acquaintances. Respectfully yours, PAUL RONALD. MIRIAM RONALD. NEW YORK, N.Y., April 3, 1965. Senator WAYNE L. MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR: I fully endorse your posi- tion on Vietnam-an immediate cease-fire in Vietnam and negotiation to begin at once. BROOKLYN, N.Y., April 2, 1965. Senator WAYNE MoRSR, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SIR: We ask for an immediate cease- fire in Vietnam and immediate use of U Thant's formula for negotiations. Yours truly, MIDDLETOWN, PA., March 25, 1965. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I'm a busy house- wife with five children, but I must take time out to let you know how much I appreciate and respect you for speaking out against the terrible situation in Vietnam. It's wonderful to know that there are today in 1965 courageous men such as you, who are comparable to the few who spoke out 200 years ago, and 100 years ago. I sincerely hope that you are receiving much mail supporting your position and viewpoint on the Vietnam Issue. As you know, very little appears in print concerning those of us who don't support the administration on their Vietnam policy, so if you have any printed material available (speeches, et cetera), I would very much appreciate your sending me anything at all that I could use on radio programs such as "Voice of the People," "Open Mike," et cetera. Thank you very much for taking time to listen to me; and above all thank you for "speaking out," so that I could and can listen to you. Gratefully and sincerely, LILA H. BRETZ. Mrs. Harry W. Bretz, Jr. PONTIAC,. MICH., March 25, 1965. DEAR SENATOR: I am deeply troubled about many things that are going on in our coun- try which seems to me that you able men in Congress seem to have nosay into whatever. What has happened to our trusted Con- gressmen? Why is it the Congress has noth- ing to say about Vietnam? Why that Dean Rusk, McNamara, McGeorge Bundy, seem to be the only ones calling the shots in Vietnam? Why is it our allies are sitting on their hands and having nothing to do with us as far as Vietnam is concerned? What has happened to the United Nations? No help. Why must we send the cream of over into the jungles to be shot cold blood far away from home against godless, heartless, people? the crop down in to fight Senator, down deep in your heart do you think we will ever receive any thanks from it all? Do you really think we can police the whole world? What about the billions of taxpayer: money that is handed out year in and yea: out? As a Christian I feel very sure that yoi people whom we trust will some day hav Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 Approved For Release 2003/10/14 CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 April 21, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE A stand before God with the blood of every >oy who is killed in that ugly war and give .n account. Why is it we can't mind our own business? Are we so desperate, Mr. MORSE, that we gave to induct young men with only one ye into the Army? Please tell me. Do you remember Korea? I do. Why, oh, why can't our Congressmen stand p and be counted? Whom are we afraid of anyway? We have many problems right here at home to Sep us all busy. I know, Mr. MORSE, that your thoughts are ;e many Americans on this Vietnam mess, say let all Americans protest. Why should these mothers and wives carry rdens on their hearts, day in and day out, something not of our own making? vhy should we buy savings bonds to sup- t wars? We are selling ours. .hese are some of the questions that .sble me greatly. s this the Government of all the people, .or just two or three? et those in Washington who are anxious 'et us "involved in a big war change places i. the. ,service len for a few days. Thank Very ;much, Mr. MORSE, for listening to pleas, I 'am concerned. We can't end e wars. od has promised to end all wars. - He , I know, for I have him in my heart. Let have your views. Yours very truly, Mrs. GEORGE MCGLATHEN. CHARLESTON, W. VA? March 26, 1965. 1.'WAYNE MORSE, Senator, .ate Office Building, shington, D.C. )EAR SENATOR MORSE: I had the pleasure of sting you many years ago while I was a mber of Chapman Revercomb's staff and .ave always admired your honesty and In- 'rity. Last month I attended the Convocation on cern in Terris given by the Center for the udy of Democratic Institutions in New )r'k and was impressed by what was said at ds meeting but I didn't hear any reference the reasons you have given for the United bates being in Vietnam rather than having .ie United Nations settle the dispute. 'Based on my very limited knowledge of our thoughts on the above subject, I am in- lined toward and interested in your position. fowever, it sems that you ,are cut off from. \irtually all the news media in this area and wish to know more about the reasons for itur opinion thereon. Would you be kind enough to have one of our staff send me any speeches you have lade on the subject either contained in the ONGRESSIONAL RECORD or any other available riting concerning your views on the subject our participation in the war in Vietnam. Thanking you in advance for this favor id trusting your staff will have time to do is for a nonconstituent, I remain Sincerely yours, E. FRANKLIN PAULEY,' Attorney at Law. COLUMBUS, OHIO, March 24, 1965. DEAR, SENATOR ,oRSE; I wanted to Write you short note exp"essing my appreciation at ir. existence, It would seem that on the is of your position on Vietnam you are only honest man left in Washington. It you have the courage to pronounce obvious is one ray of light on a dark sea ties and abysmal stupidities which pass a Ll,S ?policy in Vietnam. have a heartfelt question: What can I to end my govern4nent's hopeless and gerous policy against the North Vietna- mese Government? I have written to Sen- ator LAUSCHE, a' warhawk; to Congressman DEVINE, almost as bad; to Senator YOUNG who is not quite so bad. If there is some- thing more tell me. If you run for President I'll vote for you. Had not even one Senator raised his voice, I would be a sad man indeed. I would be very grateful for any informa- tion you might be able to send me on the subject of Vietnam policy. Local papers and newscasts are understandably quite chary with meaningful Information. A gratified admirer, JOHN H. FRYE. WATERTOWN, MASS. March 25,19-65. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Let me congratulate you and shake your hand for your coura- geous and unfailing stand on the Vietnam crisis and for your farsighted criticism of U.S. foreign policy. I regret that, as a Mas- sachusetts resident, I cannot express my fundamental beliefs at the ballot by voting for you. For years I have been frustrated while try- ing to understand how a great nation can tie itself down to untenable situations, assume without hesitation or a moment's thought, the role of setting things straight around the world and of policing and guiding other nations; or how people like McNamara, Tay- lor, Mr. McGeorge Bundy, and other able ad- ministrators do not hesitate to adopt brutal- ity in foreign policy and commit a great country to a cause utterly in opposition to its basic interests and to the concepts on which it was founded. The United States are not historically re- sponsible for what is happening in Asia or Africa. Why should they be so eager to shoulder the colonial heritage when the former colonial powers themselves, by force or reason, find it advantageous to adjust to the realities of the 1950's and 1960's? In order to clear up the mess and fill the power vacuum? But what mess and what vacuum? No power vacuum can be filled from the outside and any such attempt smells very much like the old, cherished colonial policy tantamount to unrestricted interven- tion. Neither can the aim of scaring the Vietnamese into withdrawal be considered any more realistic or historically justified. Unlike individuals, nations, no matter how small, are very rarely scared when attacked, as evidenced by the valiant fight put up by Greece, Yugoslavia, Norway, etc., against the Nazi aggressors. Such policies have been ruled out and rendered ineffective by the realities of the nuclear age. This may be frustrating to certain policymakers in Washington, who would rather change reality than their views, but the truth is that people the world over prefer to live, compete, and prosper rather than die for somebody else's frustrations. No amount of American force or anti-Commu- nist propaganda would persuade Africans or Asians to do otherwise. As a matter of fact, some of them, and'I-mean Nasser, fioure, Ben Bella, etc., are resisting communism much more effectively than any American suggestion would have accomplished. Wishful thinking or the attitude of good- doing may produce some interesting plots in the movies or television, but the foreign policy of a great nation should be guided by far deeper and more realistic motives. It often appears to me, however, that this is the only reason that can be offered, officially or otherwise, in support of many recent Washington policies. The overthrow of Castro or Mao may seem to many a good cause to fight for, but none of them ever felt obligated to offer an alternative jo these established and organized states. Does any- body seriously believe that the United States has the answer to China's problems and can feed the Chinese millions after Mao's over- throw? 'Unless the U.S. obligation stops right there, after millions of dead and with- out any hope that a new and more fanatical Mao will not reappear in a few years. Another incomprehensible attitude, at least to me, is that of Senator F. CHURCH. He lost his voice as if the reasons for his initial criticisms have disappeared or ex- plained away. If the explanation offered in Time magazine, that the President threat- ened withdrawal of his political support in the Senator's home State, is true, his silence seems even - more ominous to me. If this kind of pressure can silence beliefs and con- victions of such fundamental importance to the interests of this country, I wonder about the strength of Senator CHURCH's convic- tions or his motivation in expressing them in the first place. He did, in my opinion, a disservice to his initial beliefs by expressing them without being prepared to defend them vigorously. I would very much appreciate any litera- ture on your views and your general political philosophy that you would care to send. Respectfully, JOHN G. FIKIOUS. DEAR SIR: Today as I read my newspaper, I was stunned to learn that'the United States and South Vietnam are employing gas in this war. Lethal or not, I fail to see why we must use it with all the other types of weapons found in our arsenals. It appears to me that the "war" is being escalated while the administration says that it is not closing the doors to negotiation. I can well understand that the President is waiting for the right moment to head for the tables but are they not pushing the date further into the future with this new tactic? And have we not given Hanoi, Peiping, and Moscow some great material for propaganda in this undeclared war? I hope you will write me and try to ex- plain what the administration is doing be- cause I cannot make heads or tails of it and especially this unwarranted and grossly non- humane mode of battle. Thanking you in advance, I remain, Faithfully yours, JAMES E, NEWTON. Senator WAYNE MORSE, `Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SIR: We were thrilled with the mes- sage over KVOM you gave at Cooper Union. If you have the script for that speech, we would be happy to distribute printed copies in our State. We'd do our best to get at least 1,000 copies to voters, and try to get it into printing in county papers as much as possible. Does this seem good to you? Deep appreciation, VERA STEPHENS. BIG TIMBER, MONT. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. MY DEAR SENATOR: Would you send me a copy of your views and reasons for our with- drawal from Vietnam? Our aggression against South Vietnam is unforgivable. This should be handled by the only force with a jurisdictional right to arbitrate dis- putes. The American taxpayers never gave any President a mandate to police the world. The U.N. must have its forces and power in- creased so it can deal with such messes as those in Vietnam and try to find what the Vietnamese want, not what the Pentagon thinks it should have. I admire your courage and statesmanship when it is so sorely needed. Mrs. MABEI,.BRENDLEN. Approved For. Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 7900 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE FISHER'S ISLAND, N.Y., March 31, 1965. Senator WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR MR. MORSE: It would give me great pleasure to be able to think that yours was not a voice in the congressional wilderness crying out against the policy of power-mad brutality and recklessness now being pur- sued by America in Vietnam. Are you alone In your clear-cut condem- nation? Or is it simply a matter of the radio and press not reporting your unpopular views anymore, thereby proving your early contention, that 85 percent of the informa- tion was being withheld from the American people, correct in more ways than one? Since that statement of yours I only once more heard that you had said (in Tulsa, Okla.) that "the United States is waging an undeclared war in Vietnam, and this country is an aggressor Nation." I would certainly appreciate copies of any other statements you have undoubtedly made (several copies, for distribution to friends). For that matter of fact, if you know when and where Mr. Eisenhower ad- mitted that he "had never talked or corre- sponded with a person knowledgeable in Indochinese affairs who did. not agree that had election been held in 1954, possibly 80 percent of the Vietnamesewould have voted for Ho Chi Minh," I would like to suggest that you have it entered Into the CONGRES- SIONAL RECORD. To quote the poet Leigh Hunt: "May your tribe increase." Sincerely, RASTER F. MEYEROwrrZ. MARCH 26, 1965. FIOn. WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I have just heard a rebroadcast of a speech you gave at Cooper Union entitled "That Mess in Vietnam." You gave one of the most helpful presenta- ' tions I have heard or read on the history and solution of our envolvement there. I would like very much to have a copy of it, if this is still possible. Several people here would like to make our concern about U.S. action in. Vietnam felt in Washington. Where do you think letters should best be sent? We assume that we start with our President and our own Sena- tors and Representatives. We would also like to raise the issues for discussion in groups in our community. If your speech is not available in quantities of 50 to 100, can you suggest any other brief presentations which we could order to use as a background of reading before group discussions? Thank you very much for the job you are doing In questioning present U.S. policy of unilateral action in South Vietnam. We are very proud to call you a former Minnesotan. Sincerely, LANELLE OLSEN Mrs. Kenneth Olsen. NORTHFIELD, MINN. BERKELEY, CALIF., March 29, 1965. Hon. Senator MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Please accept our ap- preciation and gratitude for your efforts to end our participation in the war in South Vietnam. I want you to know that both my wife and I fully support your position. We read about your speech at Stanford Univer- sity a couple of weeks ago, and if possible would like a copy of it. Could you also fur- nish us with a copy of the State Department white paper including all of the appendixes? Thank you very much for your considera- tion, attention, and efforts. Sincerely, Los ANGELES, CALIF., March 31, 1965. Hon. WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I was sitting here at the typewriter when I heard your speech on the radio concerning Vietnam. I was un- aware that any of our legislators were against the policy of the Government in Vietnam, and it does my heart good to know that you feel the way you do. Of course, I might have known from your past record, but there has been so much silence from any opposition (either accidental or planned) that I thought that I was alone. Then I heard Senator GEORGE MCGOVERN, of North Dakota, on "CBS Reports," and I wrote him commending him on his stand. He replied stating that he had received thousands of letters like mine. I would like to suggest, Senator, that the legislators who feel like you and Senator MCGOVERN, get together and speak to others. I am sure there are many who are either wavering, or afraid to speak out. I would like to have a copy of your speech. Keep up the good work. Respectfully, Mrs. ROSALIE SHENEFIELD, Mother of two boys. SAN JOSE, CALIF., March 4, 1965. Senator MORSE, State Capitol, Sacramento, Calif. YoUR ExoELLENCY: Your address to the Young Democrats at Stanford University was quoted on the 8 a.m. KABL broadcast. Sen- ator MORSE, I love you. You are expressing the concept held, I feel, by the majority of U.S. citizens, not only in California, but across the Nation. How else was President Johnson elected by so overwhelming a vote? The issue uppermost in the minds of the voters was, I believe, not so much race relations, educational aid, war against poverty, as it was the sharp de- markation between President Johnson's and Mr. Goldwater's foreign policy in regard to Vietnam. Now that the former is firmly en- sconced is he about to be pressured into adopting Goldwater's stand? I voice the feelings of the mothers in my neighborhood and among my friends. It is not (as yet) so much the knowledge that we have sons of military age as it is the horror of knowing that American bombers are wiping out defenseless jungle villages, maiming, blinding, and burning infants and children such as we have cradled and nursed. Why is this problem not placed before the U.N.? Do we only refer crises to the U.N. If we are sure of a pro-United States decision? Most respectfully yours, MARIE E. CURRY. Ron. WAYNE L. MORSE, U.S. Senate. SIR: It is not surprising, but still reassur- ing, to find you continuing to fight for what you believe in. Your stand for negotiations in Vietnam 'is something which I am sure has the support of most Americans. Thank you for your courage and best wishes for your success. Sincerely, NANCY FREDERIKSEN (Mrs. Nils). BROOKLINE, MASS. April 21, 1961 KEY WEST, FLA., March 31, 1965. Senator WAYNE MORSE, . Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: With great apologh for the low quality of the reproduction (Ke West weather has not been good to my gels tines). I am sending you for your archive a rewrite of my March 14 sermon to tb local Universalist-Unitarian Fellowshi+ The after-sermon discussion which is usu in this gathering was enthusiastic ax wholly favorable. The only criticism was the effect that I was too obviously pulli my punches. I think that I meet a fair sample of liter; Americans of varying shades of political s philosophical opinion and allegiance, any find them pretty much in agreement a you on the matter of Vietnam, the more the more that they know the full story; principal trouble is that too few of tl really know many of the facts. It is difficulty that I am trying to do someti to cure. Our media of Information have us down. Sincerely yours, M0RTIMER GRAVI (NOTE.-I should add that almosi years-since 1927-of professional cor. with Asian matters, gives me some rigi opinions. MG.) - SERMON By MORTIMER GRAVES Now that the Department of State's v paper on Vietnam has made us the laug stock of the civilized world, it is perhaps for us to chide the news media for their n tance to- keep the American public infoi about how wegot this way. It is true finding a news commentator or edit writer who has not overnight become an thority on the subject is an almost im sible feat and that reports of weekend 1 pers to Saigon, military and civil, jostle r responsible news in print and on the waves. But almost universally the auti of such comment consider themselves pi ing the limits of entiquity if they meni President Eisenhower's October 1954 lette: Ngo Dinh Diem and regard anything t happened before the Geneva agreements earlier in that year as prehistory. The f is that it is quite impossible to have an telligent concept of the present mess withc going back in relevant history at least as as 1940. American involvement in Indochina in present unfortunate state is the result of t, magnificent historical stupidities. The III was President Truman's acquiescence in ti mad idea of forcing French colonial rule be( upon the Indochinese without consultif them at the end of World War II. The secc. was Secretary Dulles' equally foolish ohs sion that Indochina might be made, howe! unwillingly, to fight his undeclared a against China for him. The first took plr in 1945; the second seems to have been f mulated sometime around 1950, when : Dulles was an adviser to Secretary of St Dean Acheson. Pearl Harbor and American entry i World War II came at the end of 1941. that time Japan had been at war with Chiang Kai-shek Chinese for a decade, a full partner with Nazi Germany, and well started toward conquest., of south Asia; indeed, the Japanese interpreted retary of State Hull's note of late Noven 1941 as an ultimatum precisely because ii pressed American disapproval of this ven toward the south. President Roosevelt his advisers felt that Vichy France's readi to cooperate with Japan's control of I china was a disservice to the anti-Nazi , ers in Europe and expressed their objet in statements to the effect that "if J wins, she will take over Indochina; 11 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67BO0446R000300150023-8 April 21,-'1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE 7901 lases, we will." In any event France was But by the time of the events recounted in majority of the politically conscious Viet- never again, in their minds, to have Indochina the preceding couple of paragraphs, Roose- namese support Vietminh which is fighting olo as a c ny. Once the United States was in the war, our allies in the Pacific were Chiang Kai- shek China and the British Empire. Mili- tary jurisdiction between them was fixed at the, 16th parallel of north lattitude, which happens approximately to divide Vietnam in half. The'Pacific war lasted until August 1945 and the defeat of Japan. Meanwhile, here grew up Vietnamese nationalist re- ,istance to the Franco-Japanese government f Vietnam, aided, and in some cases led, y dissident French and by the American ftice" of Strategic Services military operat- ig from and with the help of China. In :ay 1941 the Vietnamese formed the Viet am Doe Lap Dong Minh Hoi (League for the .dependence of Vietnam), which we now 11 the Vietminh, under Ho Chi Minh; 3 are later it proclaimed the Provisional publican Government of Vietnam in Liu- ow, China. In the summer of 1944 France was freed the Nazis; the Free French replaced the shy Government. The Japanese in Viet- n then turned on the French there and March 10, 1945, declared Vietnam an .ependent state under the Emperor of nam, Bao IJai.` The United States, domi- ;ed by Roosevelt's distrust of the French ler either Petain or De Gaulle and his ermination not to reestablish French 4niallsm in Indochina, refused help to French though the British did aid them aewhaj-desultorily. In any event, August 1945 brought the final defeat of the Japa- ie, the abdication of Bao Dai, and the ablishment of the Democratic Republic Vietnam under the great Vietnamese hero Chi Minh to which Bao Dal was attached "counselor, Ho was, and still is, a Vietna- sse nationalist who is convinced, that a Anamese communion is the only kind of verhmeht appropriate to his country. When. Gen, Douglas MacArthur, upon the rrender of the Japanese, became Supreme e disarmament of the Japanese south of to 16th parallel to the British, and of those 3rth to the Chiang Kai-shek Chinese, in cordance with the earlier division of mili- try responsibility. The British committed ae operation to General Gracey, an Austral- in in command of Indian troops. Under his divided command the disarmament of he Japanese was turned into a war against he new Vietnamese state, carried on with an )bscene ferocity and rapacity disgraceful to :tiny nations claiming to be civilized. Ameri- cans had no part in this disgusting episode; General MacArthur said it made his blood boil. It ended with the arrival of a highly ,intelligent and sympathetic French com- in.issioner, Jean Sainteny, a hero of the French resistance, who on February 26, 1946, igned with Ho a pact recognizing the Demo- ratic Republic of Vietnam as a free state Titliin the French Union. A French politi- al figure was to comment later that by 1953 3e French had performed this gesture no ss than 18 times, but never fulfilled it once. If France had .honored this agreement, the hole story from here on might have been fferent. But unfortunately France was at .e moment in one of those fits of political [d constitutional disarray chronic to her for e next decade or so. Sainteny was de facto pudiated; the new French Constitution atained,io,provision for associated or in- pendent states within the French Union. From at least 1943 on, President Roosevelt d committed himself to a postwar inter- tional trusteesh)p for Indochina. At the lro-Tehran Conferences in 1945 he had evinced Stalin and Chiang Kai-shek and ieved that Churchill had come around, )ugh reluctantly. Secretary of the Navy rectal wanted to be assured that the ted States would have naval bases there. No. 70-11 velt had been dead for a year or more and for the independence of the country." Mr. President Truman had succeeded him. Melby did not last very long In the Depart- For some reason or other, Truman scrapped ment of State after that. Meanwhile, Presi- the Roosevelt policy and committed himself dent Truman-as he states later in his and the United States to the reestablish- memoirs-was directing "acceleration in the ment of French control of Indochina. The furnishing of military assistance to the result is history; a decade of American effort French In Indochina and the dispatch of a to reestablish the French, followed by a military mission." The U.S. Military Assist- decade of American effort to replace them, ance Advisory Group (USMAAG) reached neither a howling success. Vietnam in July 1950. On November 8, 1946, the democratic Re- It is worthwhile to point out here that the public of Vietnam adopted its first constitu- Chinese Communists did not have effective Lion. Hanoi was full of favorable American control of China until 19.50. Hence, it is im- observers, the new Truman doctrine not yet possible to blame much of what has been having penetrated; there were French mili- recited to this point on the wicked Mao Tse- tary forces arriving in Haiphong, Chiang tung. Kai-shek's troops were just across the Chi- There follows increasing American sup- nese border, and Mao Tse-tung and his Com- port and control of the war and increasing munists were holed up in Yenan, whence deterioration of the Franco-American-Bao nobody but the best China service in the Dai military position. The French-includ- world-the American-predicted their escape ing ex-Nazis and African troops-were doing for a decade. But by now the French had most of the fighting; the Bao Dal Vietnamese accumulated enough military force in Viet- were not much help. By the end of the Tru- nam to launch a new offensive against the man administration we find Secretary Ache- democratic Republic. They succeeded in son complaining that the United States is securing by force a rather precarious hold on carrying almost half the cost of the French the ports and some of the more industrialized war in Indochina but that the French are centers but they made no headway at all already defeated psychologically and the na- among the general population in the hinter- tive population is "sitting on the fence." land villages. These remained committed to The Eisenhower-Dulles regime began on the Vietminh and No Chi Minh, who were January 20, 1955. Secretary of State Dulles indeed giving them a taste of better popular who had, indeed, been an adviser to the De- government than they had ever had. Paul partment of State during the Acheson tenure, Mus, the eminent French authority on Indo- continued this disastrous policy with almost china, could write even so late as 1949 that fanatic zeal. As succeeding French govern- "the French have succeeded in establishing ments attempted to discover honorable ways themselves in certain of the cities of Viet- out, Dulles found ways of pressuring them to nam, but not in the interior of the country, persist. When, in the spring of 1954, the the stronghold of the villages. Large areas French position at Dienbienphu was seen of the country have resorted to armed resist- to be precarious, Dulles succeeded in getting, ance under leftist leadership. * * * This in spite of Eisenhower's better judgment, is 'an organized popular movement (not, as some support in Congress for the idea of a the French claim) a mass of apathetic heavy American bombing operation. Fortu- peasants who have been terrorized by their nately too many Congressmen went home for leaders." their Easter vacations and found, as one of Five years thereafter Joseph Alsop could them put it "no disposition among constitu- find himself surprised at the democracy and ents to fight and die for dear old Dong-Dong popularity of this "Communist" village rule. at the other end of the earth." One Senator Neither of these, of course, could possibly be named Johnson asseverated that he was identified as a Communist before any con- "against sending American GI's into the mud gressional committee or anywhere else. The and muck of Indochina on a bloodletting dirty, destructive, expensive little war then spree to perpetuate colonialism and white resumed was to last under changing auspices man's exploitation in Asia." Senators named down to the present day. Kennedy and DIRKSEN seized the opportunity As the United States began to realize that to express much the same sentiments and to this costly French venture was devouring re- reveal a rather confused ignorance about sources which might better have been used Indochina, so that fortunately this folly was to rehabilitate European France-an Ameri- averted at that time. One can but wonder can concern of the impending Marshall whether the Easter vacation idea might not plan-American missions to Vietnam began be a good one for 1965; the U.S. News & to proliferate. William C. Bullitt is usually World Report's survey of congressional mail credited with first proposing that some of indicates that it would. the unpleasant odor of French colonialism By this time even Bao Dai was beginning might be relieved by the creation of an in- to be restive under French control. He com- dependent Vietnamese Government under menced fighting the French politically; the Bao Dai. Late in 1948 the French "recog- _Vietminh was doing pretty well militarily, nized solemnly" such independence within as was exhibited when General Giap de- the French Union. This Bao Dal regime was stroyed the French Army at Dienbienphu. dominated by southern landowners and the Early in 1954 the Four Power Foreign feudal sects. It was never recognized by any Ministers' Conference in Berlin decided to considerable portion of the Vietnamese peo- sponsor a Conference in Geneva of the nine ple and was the target of constant demon- powers concerned with Indochina (United strations. The French never realy consum- States, U.S.S.R., Britain, France, Laos, Cam- mated its independence; it was a French bodia, Vietminh, the Bao Dai government, puppet. The United States and Britain rec- and China). Mendes-France became Pre- ognized it In February 1950; the Soviet bloc mier of France with a promise quickly to end had recognized the Democratic Republic of the Indochinese war. The Conference con- Vietnam a week earlier. vened. Dulles tried to sabotage it in ways In 1950 there were three formal American for which Anthony Eden never forgave him. missions to the new Bao Dai government: The victorious Vietminh, held somewhat in Jessup, Griffin, and Melby. This last is the check by the conciliators of the Conference, most interesting. John Melby was a U.S. Molotov and Chou En-lai, agreed to settle- Foreign Service officer in the Department of ments less than they might have considered State. He reported (paraphrase) "there Is themselves entitled to. The Geneva agree- no evidence that the French forces will sue- ments, concluded in August, established a ceed for many months or even years. * * * cease-fire line at approximately the 17th French efforts to gain the support of the parallel behind which both sides were to people are a complete failure. An , absolute withdraw their military forces, the French Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 `7902 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE April 21, 1965 to the south, the Vietminh to the north. ance. A series of repressive decrees made The French were to regroup for eventual about 80 percent of the population oteouth- complete withdrawal, upon which by 1956 a ern Vietnam subject to arrest. This kind general election over the whole country was of nonsense sealed Diem's doom. From to decide upon a unified government. In about 1957, opposition was active though other words, the 17th parallel did not more or less clandestine; by 1960 it was constitute a division of the country into two vocal and organized for resistance by force. parts. Unfortunately some matters were left unclear. Since the Bao Dai regime did not sign the agreementor even accept them, it can have no standing under them. Ap- parently the French considered that they were still responsible for the region south of the 17th parallel because Mend@s- France immediately airlifted reinforcements into the area and ordered two French divi- sions in Germany prepared for tropical serv- ice, at the- same time appointing Gen. Paul Ely High Commissioner. The United States refused to sign the agreements but formally and solemnly promised to abide by them. This promise was not kept. A funny thing happened on the way to the Geneva agreements. Ngo Dinh Diem suddenly replaces Buu Luc as Bao Dai's Prime Minister. There seems some question as to how he got into the act; Drew Pearson blames it on Francis Cardinal Spellman. Bao Dai was persuaded to abdicate practi- cally all his powers to his new Premier and was restrained from returning to Vietnam from Europe, where he was waiting out the conference. This was accompanied by a strange campaign of denigration of Bao Dai in American newspapers which was some- thing less than deserved. A month after the agreements, the United States notified the French that all American military aid would henceforth go directly to the Indochinese native states (Laos, Cambodia, and Ngo Dinh Diem) instead of to the French as hitherto. In October President Eisenhower wrote his famous letter to Ngo Dinh Diem, now usually quoted as the foundation stone of the Amer- ican commitment to Vietnam of the south. It did, indeed, confirm Diem's status as a complete American puppet. The suspicious French, not unreasonably, have always con- sidered these moves just the last steps in ousting them from Indochina with a view to replacing French control by American. In accordance with the agreements the Vietnam military withdrew north of the 17th parallel, but much of the area south of that line remained under Vietminh civil control. The new Saigon Government of Ngo Dinh Diem was dominated by the Central Viet- namese and the close to a million northern Vietnamese Catholics who flooded into the Saigon area and then on provided the hard core of Ngo Dinh Diem's political support. This Government hardly existed anywhere except in Saigon and the coast cities and certainly never gained the acquiescence, to say nothing of the affection, of much of the South Vietnamese population. Until Oc- tober 1955 it functioned under the name of Bao Dei, but on that date a "popular refe. erendum" disposed of the latter; 5.7 million votes were alleged to have been cast, 88.8 percent for Diem, 63,017 for Bao Dai. Enough said. On April 26, 1955, the last of the French military left the country somewhat mitigat- ing the Franco-American hostility which had distinguished the last months of their stay. In July the deadline for the plebiscite which was to unite Vietnam under one govern- ment passed. Diem refused to cooperate with the Vietminh in making arrangements for it on the grounds that his government was not signatory to the Geneva agreements. The real reason, of course, was that the Vietminh was certain to win in a free election. Instead of a plebiscite, Diem instituted a persecution. This was aimed not only at the Vietminh pockets in central and South Vietnam but at a number of nationalist and religious groups who became the object of Diem's witchhunting and religious intoler- North Vietnamese Government was induced to take cognizance of its struggling southern compatriots. More American missions, more American military help simply accelerated Diem's deterioration. The appointment of Gen. Paul Harkins as head of a high com=mand for the Thailand-Vietnam theater sig- naled direct and patent American interven- tion. Diem was overthrown by his own milt"- tary and then murdered in November 1963; the nature and extent of American implica- tion- in Diem's political and physical extinc- tion is still something of a mystery. - The 7 years of Ngo Dinh Diem's etoogery and the 18 months of his even less effective successors are a recital of the same story, perhaps at increasing tempo. The American puppet regime, under whatever military or civil head, has been little more than the local government of Saigon, and nothing to boast about even in that function. After $7 billion, more than 300 Americans killed (not many, considering that the French killed were 60,000, and the Vietnamese killed and homeless'must run into the millions or more) the southern part of Vietnam is a shambles and shows no signs of being anything else for a long time. It is proposed to remedy this situation by reducing northern Vietnam to this same condition. In all of this it is difficult to find any of that "peace and freedom for Vietnam" with which Government officials are accustomed to decorate their public pronouncements. Quite the reverse. While the first phase, the attempt to reestablish French rule, may be attributed largely to ignorance, the sec- ond, that of trying to get the Vietnamese to fight our undeclared war against China for us, is simply hoodlumism on an interna- tional scale. This is especially heinous be- cause it has involved constantly recurring violations of our most solemn commitments under the United Nations Charter, a species of wickedness of which we are never hesitant to accuse other less-powerful nations. One must feel very sorry for Americans who are proud of this record. Some facts stand out. We were not, as Walter Lippmann suggests, "sucked into" (his words) this situation in an innocent fit of absence of mind. Surely there can hardly be a more premeditated, deliberate, intentional operation in all our history than Dulles' conversion of southern Vietnam into an American satrapy. The Saigon Govern- ment is a purely American creation, estab- lished and maintained by American Armed Forces. If it had been a good Government for its own people or even served some over- riding international purpose, one might find grounds for condoning its illegality, but it has done neither. The Vietnamese Govern- ment of Hanoi, on the other hand, Whatever else may be said of it, is Vietnamese, and, if for no reason other than that it signed the Geneva agreements of 1954, has a greater claim to international legality than the for- eign-supported dissidents of the south. If there is any reason for calling either side "rebel," the title should be awarded to the south. It should give us pause that no other sub- stantial nation shows such disposition to provide anything but token support to our Vietnam venture. Only some assurance of moral rectitude, quite impossible to anyone who knows the facts, could make palatable the immense Asian hostility which our Viet- nam policy is engendering. This is very sorry preparation for entering what promises to be an Asian century. President Johnson deserves all the sym- pathy and help anyone can give him in his ordeal of asking decisions with respect to as awesome problem bequeathed to him b; earlier administrations. This sympath might well include a certain restraint in crit ical comment but it should not invoiv sweeping any facts under the rag. Presider. Johnson's testy characterization of critics s people "who do not know the facts" hardl encourages such sympathy, for if American do not know the facts, the major blame rest upon the administration. If the time h: come when Americans are supposed to a. quiesce in national policies ignorant of tl facts because the Government has shirked; responsibilities, we had better stop talki about our democracy. The Department State's recent "Aggression from the Nort compounds this dereliction, for its to do not support its argument. It is, ind an insult to American Intelligence. If sistance to one's compatriots struggling free themselves from an externally domino bad government is to be called aggress what name is to be given to the activitie 25,000 foreign troops from half way are the world imposing that government? It Is in President Johnson's interest Americans should know all the facts, knowledge of the facts will determine spirit in which the search for an he able settlement is made. If we go into n tiations in any spirit other than a sir. desire to redress two decades of wrong which we have as much responsibilit; anybody, and probably more, negotiat can be only acrimonious and fruit President Johnson's main defense against resentment of his fellow citizens, and inc the rest of the world, at the unpalatable c lions which he has to make alone can onl more general knowledge that the probl he faces are none of his making. If must be called seeking scapegoats so m the worse. Finally, it is folly to expect China to quiesce in the creation of hostile st: on its borders; that day is over. We pride ourselves on our Monroe Doctrine the Americas are in now position to cavil a Chinese desire for a similar barrier to ext continental interference in eastern Asia. BROOKLYN, N.Y., March 31, 1965 DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I heartily suppc your position on a negotiated peace in Vic ham. I respectfully urge you to raise your voi again and again on this issue. Respectfully yours, EUGENE GOLDSTEIN. HAGERSTOWN, MD., March 31, 1965. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: It seems to me r, evidently have very incompetent men charge of our Vietnam venture. Recently when an outpost was badly hw we called it "a sneak attack." Did they e peat to be notified in advance? Recently a hospital in Saigon was bomb( How do you. account for the failure to he our Embassy well guarded after the two abc mentioned experiences? What we need are keen alert men who ready for any emergency. I wonder what people of Asia think of us. We evidently pear very foolish to them. We had better get out of Vietnam as qui ly as possible. I appreciate your readiness to speak Sincerely yours, J. C. FULD WALNUT CREEK, CALIF., February 28, 196 TO PRESIDENT JOHNSON. DEAR-SrR: Why Is the United States fl! ing in South Vietnam? Supposedly, to tect the people of South Vietnam from b deprived of their human rights and t democratic right to choose their own gov Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 April 21, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE 7903 ment. But these are rights which the South Vietnamese Government, with U.S. support, has already taken away from the people of South Vietnam. None of the governments of South Vietnam during the past 9 years has been representative of the wishes of the people, and none of them has been elected by a free democratic process. Human rights? We read accounts and see (color) pictures every day of the torture and murder of Viet- cong prisoners, of the involuntary relocation of peasants into strategic hamlets; of indis- criminate napalm bombing of entire villages which are suspected of harboring a few Viet- cong; of religious persecution; of arbitrary arrests, and bans on newspapers and political activities. Every day that we pursue the war in Viet- nam, we help convince them that we are ruthless and inhuman, and we make a mock- iry of our voiced concern for humanity and lemocracy. Every day we stay in Vietnam, ve convince more Vietnamese that the Viet- ong are a lesser evil. If we had insisted on a true democracy then South Vietnam was created, if we had Lot supported the Diem dictatorship and its ruelty, corruption, persecution, and oppres- ion, if we did not support the recent "mu- ical chairs" succession of councils and antas, irregardless of their concern for emocracy and humanity, then we might ave saved South Vietnam from the Com- iurilsts. It is much too late to deny the lessons hat the Vietnamese have learned at our Lands over the past years. It is said that we nil lose prestige if we admit defeat. Per- taps. 'But how much prestige will we lose f we continue to deny our defeat when the ituatign Is perfectly clear to the rest of the vorld?'We once loudly criticized the French 'or pursuing a hopeless war in Indochina, snd now we pursue a hopeless war on- the same ground. It is unpleasant to lose a battle, but it is a virtue to realize that one has lost, and not compound the loss by attempting bull- lose even more. The lesson we must learn from Vietnam is the lesson we should have learned from Cuba: that if the United States supports corrupt and inhuman dictatorships because they are "anti-Commu- nist," then all the suffering and misery that exists under that dictatorship will bear the label of "democracy." The people of that land will learn'to fear and hate us, and we will have made another opportunity for the Communists to convince them that they can offer something better. If we do not learn this lesson now, we shall have other oppor- tunities, when people rise up against the other dictators whom we now support. If we refuse to learn this lesson, we will be forced, by our own stupidity, to lose again. We can- not afford many more losses. We must get out of Vietnam where we have already lost, and put our effort into places where we can still win by insisting on democracy and human rights as well as anti-Communism from governments that we support. Sincerely, JOHN 0. STEVENS. WALNUT CREEK, CALIF., March 26, 1965. Senator WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I want you to know how very much I appreciate your outspoken views on the abominable situation in Viet- nam. I wonder' if you are aware of the half- truths and lies about Vietnam that the State Department is sending out in answer ;o letters written to the President? I enclose *pies of some of this State Department rropaganda. 'G'ith it are copies of my orig- nal letter to President Johnson and a copy If the cover letter from the State Depart- Approved For Release went Assistant Secretary on which I typed an answer which ' I sent back to him. Keep up the flight for honesty, democracy, and humanity. Sincerely, JOHN 0. STEVENS. DEPARTMENT of STATE, Washington, March 15, 1965. DEAR MR. GREENFIELD: I want you to know that I consider your enclosures to be propa- ganda of the simplest and most inexcuseable kind, and I am ashamed that I am a citizen of a government that is forced to distortion of the facts in order to justify and unjusti- fiable war. For instance, regarding circular "4/34a- 1064BT" which says, "The Communists have worked ceaselessly to prevent the success of the treaty" (the 1964 Geneva Accords). It was Diem, supported by the United States who canceled the elections that were to be held in 1956 at the latest-not the Com- munists, because they would have won that election. President Eisenhower has been quoted as saying that in 1954, 80 percent of the Vietnamese supported Ho Chi Minh- which is not surprising. No matter what his ideology, he was the leader against the corrupt French colonial government, which the United States supported to the extent of $4 billion. If we are so sure that the people of South Vietnam will gladly choose us, then why not call in the U.N.? And why, if we are so completely correct, are our allies not supporting our stand? Even Eng- land, our stanchest ally. is not enthusiastic. Do you sleep well at night Mr..Greenfield, alter being paid to mail out lies? Lies that do nothing to support democracy and human rights; but lies to support inhuman dictator- ship like Kahnh. I hope not. Mr. JOHN Q. STEVENS, Walnut Creek, Calif. DEAR M. STEVENS: The White House has asked me to reply to your recent communi- cation regarding Vietnam. We appreciate your taking the time to send us your views. Perhaps you will find the enclosed ma- terial useful. I hope you will write again if you desire additional information. Sincerely yours, JAMES t. GREENFIELD, Assistant Secretary. NEUTRALIZATION OR NEGOTIATED SETTLEMENT IN VIETNAM Your concern over the situation in Viet- nam is understood and shared. At this time, no issue commands more of the time, energy and attention of the President and his senior advisers. The United States desires no permanent military presence or base in Vietnam. Noth- ing would please us more than the creation of a situation in which American soldiers could be withdrawn from a peaceful, secure, and independent Vietnam. That is, in fact, precisely the situation we are struggling to bring about. Suggestions for solving the Vietnam prob- lem by neutralization or negotiation have come from several quarters. A negotiated settlement of hostilities in Vietnam was the intention of the Geneva Accords of 1954, but the Communists have worked ceaselessly to prevent the success of the treaty. Although the situation in Vietnam is a complicated one, the cause of the crisis is not. It is caused by the simple fact that the Com- munists in North Vietnam are attempting to conquer South Vietnam. It Is Communist aggression which makes a negotiated settle- ment in Vietnam impossible. at the present time. As of now, the Communists are not interested in a neutral Vietnam. Hanoi has specifically rejected neutrality for itself. Their rule for negotiation is "What's mine is mine, and what's yours is negotiable." Neutralization would simply' be a way sta- tion on the road to a Communist Vietnam- and after that a Communist Laos-and after that a Communist Thailand-and ultimately a Communist dominated southeast Asia. As President Johnson said: "No negotiated settlement in Vietnam is possible, as long as the Communists hope to achieve victory by force. "Once war seems hopeless, then peace may be possible. The door is always open to any settlement which assures the independence of South Vietnam, and its freedom to seek help for its protection." VIETNAM: BASIC POLICY So many conflicting statements are being made about Vietnam that I think it is use- ful to restate the bedrock truths about the situation there. First, the problem of Viet- nam is Communist aggression. We are cer- tainly there in force now, but the South Vietnamese asked for our assistance only when the Communist assault reached such proportions as to imperil the very existence of South Vietnam. Second, we have no de- sire for a military presence or base In Viet- nam. Our goal is precisely to create a situ- ation in which we can withdraw from a peaceful, secure, and independent South Vietnam. That will be possible whenever the Communists decide to leave their neighbor alone. Third, until the Communists call off their assault, our withdrawal would simply mean turning over 14 million people to the Communists. A political settlement is possi- ble only when the Communists are convinced they cannot win by force. Finally, the situ- ation in Vietnam cannot sensibly be isolated from the general world situation. Vietnam is not the end of Communist ambition, After Vietnam there is Laos, and Cambodia, and Thailand, etc. And if we permit Com- munist armed subversion , to succeed in southeast Asia we will surely see it again- and soon-in Africa, in the Middle East, and in our own hemisphere. It is certainly true that Vietnam is not an ideal place for a test of American determi- nation. That is why the Communists choose it for the test. And it is true that there is much in South Vietnam and in the war there that is not as we would wish it to be. Your concern with the situation is under- stood and shared at all levels of this Gov- ernment. No issue commands more of the time and energy of the President and his advisers. Our policy has been examined and reexamined and is kept under constant re- view.. As a result of this study it is the rooted conviction of this Government's policymak- ers that our involvement in Vietnam is es- sential to our security. I am enclosing ma- terial which explains why Vietnam is im- portant to us and contains other information regarding that area which may be of interest to you. WITHDRAWAL FROM VIETNAM First, I want you to know that your con- cern over the situation in Vietnam is under- stood and shared at all levels of the U.S. Government. No issue commands more of the attention and energy of the President and his advisers. Our policy has been examined and reexamined untold times and is under constant review. We are involved in Viet- nam because it is the deep conviction of the policymaking officials of the Government that our involvement is essential to American security. I am enclosing material which ex- plains why Vietnam is important to us and contains other information regarding that area which may be of interest to you. You suggest that the United States should withdraw from Vietnam. South Vietnam is literally under a siege mounted by the North Vietnamese Communists. Without our as- sistance South Vietnam would quickly be overrun and conquered by the Communist terrorists. 7904' Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE April 21, 1965 I agree with you that Vietnam is far from the ideal fighting ground from our point of view. I agree that there is much in the situation in Vietnam which we would have different, if it were our choice. But I can- not agree that we should abandon 14 million people who need our help, asked for our help, and cannot withstand the" Communist as- sault without our help. The situation in Vietnam is tragic-but it will become even more so if we find our responsibilities too heavy to carry. After Vietnam, there is Laos--and Thailand-and Malaysia, etc. And if armed Communists subversion suc- ceeds in southeast Asia, we may well see it again-and soon-in Africa, in the Middle East, and In our own hemisphere. NEW YORK, N.Y., March 28, 1965. Hon. 'WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR MR. MORSE: I am writting to compli- ment you on the courageous position you have taken with regard to the situation in Vietnam. I wish to express by concurrence with your views and to state that I whole- heartedly support your intelligent and sane proposals. The United States involvement in Viet- nam is constantly increasing. Because of this a vigorous' and continued campaign must be carried on in order to eliminate this dangerous threat to world peace. My support and agreement are with you. for your continued attempts at ending the war in Vietnam. Yours very truly, WILLIAM J. BENHKEN. MOUNT VERNON, OHIO, March 31, 1965. Hon. WAYNE MORSE, Washington, D.C. DEAR MR. MORSE: I read with pleasure some time ago your stand regarding the un- declared war over in Vietnam. My wife and I want to commend you for your courage in taking this noble stand. Your prediction that this uncalled-for war would worsen is being borne out in the series of happenings which are occurring from day to day. Un- less it Is brought to a speedy end, it will probably develop into a world holocaust. Why continue to have the flower of our Na- tion and also many innocent Vietnam peo- ple slaughtered in this frightful inferno? We were wondering if you might not do something more to awaken the American people and Government as their duty at this time. Perhaps you could make one or more of your stirring appeals from the floor of the Senate. I am convinced that the fathers and mothers and all of the American people appreciate what you have done thus far in behalf of our people. We know that the good Lord will strengthen you for all of your efforts in the future. With our very best wishes, we are, Yours sincerely, Mr. and Mrs. F. GUY CORDER. [From the Vancouver (Wash.) Sun, Mar. 27, 1965] UNITED STATES TRAMPLES EDIToR, the Sun, Sir.-Are not the bombings by the Americans of the military and civilian populations of North Vietnam and Laos, de- liberate war crimes in retaliation for alleged help to the South Vietnamese National Lib- eration Army just as was the massacre of the populations of and destruction of villages by the Nazis in the U.S.S.R., in retaliation for the successes of Soviet guerrillas against the Nazi invaders? Should not L.B.J., Rusk, McNamara, Max- well Taylor, all be denounced like the Nazis as war criminals? By the use of terror weapons and by the language used by American military person- nel describing the results obtained by the use of these terror weapons, it is shown that the Yanks are out-Running the Huns. See what John Kirkwood, your special cor- respondent in South Vietnam, reported. As Brig. Gen. Hugh B. Hester, of the Amer- ican Army (retired), states in an article in the U.S. Farm News: "The United States has no respect for in- ternational law, and its arrogance has no lim- its. It is trampling on the rights of defense- less people everywhere." ARTHUR STRATTON. ATLANTA, GA., March 31, 1965. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I wish to encourage you in your effort to have the United States pull out of Vietnam. I plan to participate in the coming march on Washington concerning this problem and would like some material to supplement my views. If at all possible I would appreciate a copy of the white paper on Vietnam. Sincerely, PENTICTON, BRITISH COLUMBIA. Congratulations, Senator MORSE. Your ef- forts to get America out of its murdering muck are most praiseworthy. The odds against you by those who like to kill, and to push others around are great. Keep on try- ing. America believes in self-determination if that determination is as America wants it. A nation that has corruption everywhere should clean itself up and show the way. It has so much abundance that it could do this. Unfortunately it has- so much selfishness as well. For its own greed it prefers to back Fascist dictators everywhere, those who be- lieve in privilege for the favored few. Believe me, I am not In any sense com- munistic or socialistic; but I can observe. A nation that could contribute so much to man's well-being has become the world's most hated. [From the Ottawa Citizen, Dec. 19, 1964] AN OPEN LETTER TO PRESIDENT JOHNSON TORONTO, ONTARIO. DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: Canada is an ally of the United States and a partner in what are termed defense arrangements: NATO, NORAD, the DEW Line. U.S. bombers have rights on some Canadian bases and U.S. nuclear warheads have been placed on Canadian missile bases. Therefore it is reasonable that Canadian citizens should raise their voices against cer- tain policies and actions of your Government which may be considered as unrealistic and dangerous to the peace of Canada and the world. END THE WAR IN VIETNAM Of supreme importance is the necessity to end the war in Vietnam. Commonsense, justice, and a decent regard for the opinion of mankind require that the 1954 Geneva Conference be reconvened and a reasonable political settlement be made. You cannot win the war against the people of South Vietnam. In spite of all the terror- ism of your puppet regimes, the National Liberation Front government controls and governs almost 80 percent of the country. WHAT IS THE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN YOUR "SPE- CIAI, WARFARE" AND HITLER'S WARFARE? We have recently had a representative in Vietnam. We are shocked and horrified to learn at first hand of the brutal, inhuman and criminal nature of your so-called special warfare. Thousands of villages have been burned with napalm gas, and huge areas drenched with poison chemicals, killing hundreds of thousands of men, women and children, as well as domestic animals. You have elevated the. bestialities of Auschwitz and Buchen- wald into a science of "Special warfare." The toll of dead, wounded, and burned is now I million. The vast majority of people in Asia and Africa are being graphically informed. Hun- dreds of delegations go to see for themselves. You are creating a huge tide of hatred and loathing for the United States of America. This open letter is published to commemo- rate the fourth anniversary of the founding of the National Liberation Front govern- ment. These heroic men and women really represent 80 percent of the people and the territory of South Vietnam. They have earned the right to be the government of their people just as surely as did George Washington and his supporters during the grim winter of Valley Forge. In the name of our common humanity, Mr. President, end this inhuman war, reconvene the 1954 Geneva Conference and negotiate a reasonable and just settlement. CANADIAN PEACE CONGRESS. NORTH HOLLYWOOD, CALIF., March 30, 1965. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. SIR: May I respectfully offer a bit of am. munition to use in your courageous figh against this Government's policy in Viet. nam? Administration spokesmen haverepeatedl3 stated that the war in Vietnam is "orderec and directed and masterminded by Hanoi. If this be true, the orders and direction? must be communicated to the hundreds of Vietcong units, many of them isolated, operating all over South Vietnam, How is this being done? What means of com- munication is being used? Telephone? Telegraph? Personal letter? Hardly. Messengers? How long does It take a man to walk or bicycle the thousand miles between Hanoi and the southern part of the Mekong Delta? This leaves us, if we are willing to reject jungle drums and carrier pigeons and clair- voyance, only radio. But consider: This Nation, as the Japanese learned to their sorrow more than 20 years ago, boasts the finest code breakers in the world; we can crack a complicated code in a matter of hours. Further, all radio messages between Hanoi and the Vietcong are surely being monitored by our experts. We must know, then, exactly what orders and direc- tions are being transmitted by Hanoi to the Vietcong. Therefore, If Johnson and Rusk and Bundy and McNamara are telling the truth, if in- deed that war is being "ordered and directed and masterminded by Hanoi" how is it pos- sible for us to be surprised day after day after day by the "sneak" attacks" of the Vietcong? To get down to one final specific: if the attack on our embassy was ordered by Hanoi, why didn't we take steps to thwart it? Sincerely yours, WHITMAN CHAMBERS. ANN ARBOR, MICH., March 31, 1965. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I Would like to take this opportunity to indicate my support for the position you are advocating re: South Vietnam. We haven't the moral right to be there mil- itarily and, whether we act out of ignor- ance or out of aggressive desires (and I sin- cerely believe and hope it is the former) when our policy yields death and destruc tion to innocents, then this act is morall; Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 lpril 21, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE 7905 3prehenslble. Moreover, it is not even effec- HILLTOP STUDIO, President himself has declared such criticism ve-tor t1ose who advocate realpolitik. Harpursville, N.Y., March 31, 1965. to be unhelpful and even damaging. A My Senators seem impervious to the pleas Senator WAYNE MORSE, former President has, him, and ' reason on this tssue. At least let me in- Washington, D.C. many eminent men interviewed on television iaate, then, my support for you. Please DEAR SENATOR MORSEL I want to commend and elsewhere have at least implied that to mtinue to sounds the alarm of conscience, you for standing against our involvement support these policies was the only decent id reason. In Vietnam. I hope many will rally to your thing to do under the circumstances. This Sincerely, side and get our men out of Vietnam and position is incompatible both with the prin- NATHAN SORKIN. prevent a disastrous war. ciples of democracy and the requirements of P.S.-If the New York Times article of- Yours truly, sound policy formation. ring continued and expanded economic GENEVIEVE KAREN HAMLIN. The Constitution assigns to Congress the 3 after the war is won (sic) is a trial bal- right to declare war. How can Congress dis- >n, yes; but this can be done even if we JAMAICA, N.Y., charge this function if its Members and the thdraw militarily. We can offer eco- March 31, 1965. citizens who have elected them are precluded -mic aid to the people through Communist Hon. WAYNE MORSE, from discussing the merits of the issues vernments as weld as (or sadly even better Senate Office Building, which might lead to war? The Constitution an) some of the rightest governments wp Washington, D.C. implies that Congress has a choice in the ve supported. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: It is indeed reas- matter of war. How can it make that choice N.S. - suring to hear your voice calling for an end if neither it nor the people it represents to the war in Vietnam, I and most of my have the right to debate the issues? To say Los ANGELES, CALIF., friends support your call for the United that the most momentous issues a nation March 31, 1965. States to get out of the fighting. must face cannot be openly and critically 1EAR SENATOR MORSE: Your courageous It is quite clear that the post and present discussed is really tantamount to saying that .e raised against the madness in Vietnam governments of South Vietnam do not rep- democratic debate and decision do not apply is strength to us who are appalled by the resent the people of South Vietnam, but to the questions of life and death and that, sman bombing of schools and hospitals, rather whatever military clique happens to as far as they are concerned, the people have shameless use of gas and the false justi- be in power. given carte blanche to one man. ions offered by the Government. I beg Please keep up your honorable fight for Not only is this position at odds with the to keep up your splendid opposition. the U.S. withdrawal from Vietnam. principles of democracy, but it also removes Yours gratefully, Sincerely, a very importantcorrective for governmental JULIET GREEN. STANLEY OFSEVIT, misjudgment. Would Great Britain have -- been better off if in the months preceding CARBONDALE, ILL., WEST WEBSTER, N.Y. and following the outbreak of the Second March 3,9, 1965. March 31, 1965. World War Churchill had kept quiet .and tor WAYNE MORSE, DEAR SENATOR: We commend the enclosed ' rallied behind Chamberlain, however dis Ite office Building, hington, D.C. Y DEAR SENATOR MoasE: I hope you will tinue your role as an active critic of our tary misadventure in Vietnam. Today, few voices are heard in public debate on uation of this American involvement. believe the President should ask im- liately for a meeting of the Security incil of the United Nations to consider problem of Vietnam-and we should 'r to withdraw our troops. 'hosphorous bombing, napalm, and ques- aable use of gas shall not bring peace. e equation "war equals peace" is a dream madness-one wholly unbefitting the editions of our country. Let your voice, Senator MORSE, be heard id and often on Vietnam. Yours respectfully, ROBERT J. BROOKS. article from the current New Republic to your close attention, and urge you to con- tinue your efforts to secure agreement to negotiate now on Vietnam, before further escalation makes it Impossible to avoid full scale war. We have already caused untold suffering in both North and South Vietnam, among friends and foes alike, with our napalm bombs, our nausea gas, our approval of native torture tactics. Further such policies will only multiply suffering and harden more hearts against the cruel aggressors we must appear to be. We will inevitably drive what's left of this poor country into the arms of China, which she fears and distrusts, but which will look like the only refuge if this continues. We also urge investigation of the bombing of our embassy in Saigon. News reports tell us this scheme had been known for 3 weeks, yet not even the ground floor offices SANTA BARBARA, CALIF., March 31, 1965. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: This is a letter to lank you for your realistic and forthright ews on South Vietnam, and to encourage as to continue doing all you can to make Ir leaders sqe how awfully wrong they are. Dbert M. Hutchins said a few weeks ago: "The bankruptcy of American policy is )w so clear that even the administration ust be ready for a new start. "The essential element of the ol(j, tired )licy is the containment of communism. rerybody in the world is supposed to be terested primarily in containing commu- sm. The people of Vietnam and the Congo not permitted to say whether they would ;her die than see communism rear its id in their country. It is assumed that 3ry Asian or African peasant knows that nmunism is worse than death and that should be delighted to have his country troyed in the effort to repel it. " The obvious substitute for containment is United Nations. By working out the thgds-Wn,__thgy must eventually be kei Qu ,by which the United Nations. 7 maintain order during revolutions, we r obtain, peace with justice. That should the aim of the foreign policy of the ted States," M seeius, to me , that this 20th century ?h bunt has, lasted long enough. Respectfully yours, immediately next to the public street had been evacuated. It almost seems as if an "incident" were desired-certainly no steps were taken to prevent the loss of life or to remove offices to a safer area. Do not allow yourself to be silenced by the concept of "consensus" or the call to "patriotism." You will serve your country far better if you continue to stand up and speak against further fruitless and damaging displays of "strength" on our part, and in favor of negotiation now. Sincerely yours, ETTA RUTH WEIGL JOHN W. WEIGL Dr. and Mrs. John W. Weigi. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Please forgive the carbon copy. We are deeply grateful for your courage and persistence in fighting for the recognition of human values over empty military objectives-particularly in Far East- ern affairs. Best wishes to you, THE WEIGLS. I WAR WITH CHINA? (By Hans J. Morgenthau) (Hans J. Morgenthau is director of the Center for the Study of American Foreign and Military Policy at the University of Chicago.) It illuminates the many misunderstand- ings that beset our Vietnam policy that in order to criticize ,that policy in public one has first to justify one's right to do so. The astrous he thought his policies to be? The Chamberlain government was driven out of office in the midst of war; was It the duty of the opposition to keep quiet and rally be- hind it? Should the German Reichstag have kept silent in 1917 instead of passing, a reso- lution asking for a peace without annexa- tions? The German Government of the day indeed thought so, but history showed that the parliamentary opposition had better judgment than the government. In the years preceding Pearl Harbor, this country engaged in a great debate about the best foreign policy to follow. Did the country not benefit from this clarification of the issues and was its later unity not in good measure founded upon it? Two main arguments are advanced in favor of the proposition that the people should rally behind the President and not criticize his Vietnamese policies. One is that only the President has all the facts and therefore only he has the right to judge. The truth is that nobody has all the facts and nobody needs them all. What both the President and his critics need and have are the relevant facts, and what they need more than any- thing else is sound judgment. No one man can have a monopoly of that judgment. More particularly, the President cannot have it under present conditions. It must be obvious to anyone who is ac- quainted with the President's principal ad- visers that the most powerful advice he gets seeks the extension of the war, and that it is hardly anything more than his innate good sense that has thus far prevented these advisers from carrying the day completely. The President ought to welcome, rather than regret, those voices from Congress and the public at large which give arguments and support to his sound Instinct. The President would no doubt have personally an easier time of it, but only in the short run, if his Vietnamese policies were not exposed to criti- cism. Yet what the President must seek is not the convenience of 1 day but the ap- probation of history for all time to come. President Johnson is as conscious of his historic mission and of his place in history as any of his predecessors. Why, then, does he in this instance not practice what he knows to be right? The answer to this question is to be found in the other argument in favor of silently rallying behind the President. It is the con- ception of consensus. Certainly the political Approved, For Release 2003/10/14. CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 7906 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE April 21, 19t health of the Nation and the effectiveness of Government are greatly enhanced when the policies of the Government are supported by the great mass of the people. But consensus is a means to an end, not an end in itself. Here is one of the differences between a totalitarian and a democratic society. In the former, dissent is a moral vice and a political crime by definition and, conversely, consensus is the ultimate good. In a de- mocracy, the ultime standard is the sound- ness of policy for the support of which popu- lar consensus is sought. The democratic statesman is faced with an inevitable dilemma if he cannot get pop- ular support for the sound policies he would like to pursue. He will. choose the easy disastrous way out if he sacrifices sound policies on the altar of a fleeting popularity. If he chooses to pursue the policies he deems to be right against the opposition of the popular consensus, he must seek to change the consensus in favor of his policies in order to be able to pursue them. Doing this, he risks domestic political failure, but If he suc- ceeds domestically, he will gain the immor- tality of a great statesman. George Washington knew how to resolve this dilemma of democratic statesmanship. He proclaimed the neutrality of the United States in the War of the First Coalition against revolutionary France in 1793, while the popular consensus fervently wanted him to join France in that war. For weeks, crowds roamed the streets of Philadelphia clamoring for Washington's head, and John Marshall reports in his biography of Wash- ington that if a motion for Washington's im- peachment had not been tabled in Congress, it would have passed with an overwhelming majority. Yet if Washington had made con- sensus the ultimate yardstick of his policy, he would have gone down in - history as the wrecker, not the Father of his Country. TWO DIFFERENT ANSWERS A critical assessment of our involvement in Vietnam must start with the question, Why are we involved in Vietnam? Spokesmen for our Government have given two different answers. One answer is implicit in the Sec- retary of State's often repeated statement that our military mission in Vietnam will end when North Vietnam leaves its neighbor alone. In other words, we are in Vietnam in order to protect the independence of a sover- eign state. Once that sovereignty is assured we Can go home. It follows from this posi- tion that we would not presume to control the way in which that sovereignty might be exercised. If, for Instance, the Vietcong should take over the government in Saigon without support from the North or if a South Vietnamese Government shouldcome to an understanding with the North through which thecountry would be united under Ho Chi Minh, we would not intervene. The other answer to our question has been most clearly formulated by the Secretary of Defense when he said on February 18 that "the choice Is not simply whether to con- tinue our efforts to keep South Vietnam free and independent but, rather, whether to continue our struggle to halt Communist ex- pahsion in Asia." It is the same answer Senator Door) has given at length in his Senate speech of February 23. This answer is tantamount to saying that we shall oppose communism In South Vietnam or wherever else we find it in Asia, by military means if necessary. In other words, we shall contain communism in Asia, as we have contained it in Europe. Other official spokesmen, such as Undersecretary of State Ball in his speech of March 16, have expressed the same thought less concisely by defining our mis- sion in Asia as the defense of freedom, that is, of non-Communist governments, against communism. It is obvious that these two positions are irreconcilable. For if one takes the Secre- tary of State at his word, then we are en- gaged In a limited undertaking which could , Union, China, North and South Vietnam be liquidated through a negotiated settle- order to see how self-defeating this d ment without too much difficulty. If Hanoi made a gesture toward noninterference in the affairs of South Vietnam, we could find a formula which would allow us to disengage ourselves from South Vietnam. If, on the other hand, one takes the Secretary of De- fense at his word, then we are engaged in a global crusade against communism which we must fight wherever we find it. Consequent- ly, there is no possibility for a negotiated set- tlement, and we shall stay in South Vietnam as long as communism threatens to expand in Asia, that is, indefinitely. There can be no doubt, on the basis of ex- ternal and internal evidence, that the posi- tion of the Secretary of Defense Is at present in the ascendancy in our Government. It is with that position, therefore, that I am here concerned. I am emphatically opposed to it on two grounds: because of the in- tellectual errors from which it derives, and because of its likely consequences, The intellectual errors of that position are two: misunderstanding of the nature of con- temporary communism; misunderstanding of the policy of containment. We are in Asia in order to contain commu- nism. But what do we mean by commu- nism? To answer that question we must take a critical look at the two equations that provide the implicit foundation for our Asian policies. On the one hand, we have equated communism with the power of China; on the other hand, we have equated communism anywhere in Asia with Chinese communism. Yet what has been true of the Soviet Union in Europe has proved to be true also of China in Asia: that the basic direction of her policies is determined pri- marily by her traditional national interests, and that communism only adds a new dy- namic dimension to the means by which those policies are to be achieved. In other words, the fundamental fact in Asia is not that China has a Communist government but that she has resumed her traditional role as the predominant power in Asia. That that power has been restored under Communist auspices is the only relevant fact for our anti-Communist crusaders. Yet it is but of secondary importance to the nations of Asia which, from Japan to Pakistan, behold with awe and admiration the new Chinese power and try to come to terms with it. The identification of Asian with Chinese communism Is similarly the result of the crusading opposition to communism as a political philosophy and a way of life. Such identification Is justified in philosophy and ethics, but it has no place in foreign policy. For it is an obvious fact of experience that in the conduct of our foreign policy we are faced not with one monolithic communism, but with a number of different communisms whose character is determined by the char- acter and the interests of the particular na- tion embracing it. Thus we find in Asia, as elsewhere, different kinds of communism whose relations to China and the Soviet Union range all the way from complete independence to complete subservience. To treat all these communisms alike on the as- sumption that they are all equally sub- servient to either China or the Soviet Union or to both is the height of doctrinaire folly. In its intellectual debility, it is no different from the doctrinaire excesses of a vulgar Marxism which sees the capitalistic world as a monolithic monster bent upon the, de- struction of communism. Not only is such an attitude of indiscrim- inate hostility intellectually untenable, but it also precludes any possibility at diplo- matic maneuver, subtle bargaining, and tolerable accommodation. In other words, it renders impossible the conduct of a for- eign policy worthy of the name. One only needs to consider in the light of such oppor- tunities for creative diplomacy the present relations among the United States, the Soviet nism is. Instead of bombing North Vietn because we don't know what else to do, would at least have a chance at bending situation in southeast Asia to our ration defined interests if the President were vised by a Richelieu, a Talleyrand, a 1 mark or-why go abroad-a Hamilton. FOREIGN POLICY CURSE Alas, the President of the United St has no such advisers. Instead, he Is adv "to continue our struggle to halt Commu expansion in Asia," regardless of its cha -ter, its aims, its relevance to the interest the United States. For such simple-mir conception of the enemy, the comple} and subtleties of diplomatic maneuver no promise. It needs an instrument as ple, indiscriminate, and crude as itself it has found such an instrument ir policy of the peripheral military con ment of China. Here we are in the pre of the other intellectual error that domi our Asian policy. It seems to have been the curse of ou eign policy since the end of the Second War that it has become the victim own successes. The Marshall plan wa: nently successful in Europe, and so wi fashioned a global policy of foreign the assumptions of the Marshall plan. policy of containment was eminentll cessful in Europe, and so we have ext it to the rest of the globe. Yet the factors which made the pol containment a success in Europe are p nowhere else and least of all in Asia. a line could be drawn across the Eur Continent which clearly delimits the ern borders of the Soviet Empire. Sc two armies face each other across that 1 demarcation, which is guaranteed syn cally by the presence of American troop actually by the nuclear power of the U States to which the Soviet Union is vu able. Third, to the west of that bout there lies an ancient civilization whict but temporarily in disarray and proved capable of containing Communist sul lion. These factors add up to a threat w is primarily military in nature and to countered primarily by military means. I of these factors is present in Asia. The threat here is not primarily mill but political in nature. Weak governmt and societies are exposed to Communist s version, which may or may not be an exi Sion of Chinese power, as Chinese power ; or may not be carried abroad by coin: nism. Military containment has no b ing upon such a threat. Thus SEATO been irrelevant to the expansion of Chi influence into Indonesia and Pakistan. I particularly, China can, in the present E of her development, be hurt but not stroyed by nuclear weapons. But even if the threat emanating f China were primarily military in natur could not be contained through- the def of accidentally selected local outposts al periphery of China. For since the asc ancy of China In Asia Is due primarily i cultural and political predominance, futile to think that one can contain that dominance by militarily defending Vietnam or Thailand. That Chinese dominance is as much a fact of life American predominance in the WE Hemisphere, and our attempts to co Chinese predominance in Asia through military operations is about as sensil would be China's trying to contain the, lean predominance in the Western : sphere by committing her military for defense of one or the other of the American countries. Whoever wants to contain America: dominance in the Western Hemisphere strike at the very sources of American Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 Approved For Release 2003/1.0/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 1pril 21, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE e must destroy that power itself, The same )nclusion applies to the containment of hina. Thus the policy of the peripheral Lilitary containment of China leads with 1gical necessity to war with China. Such war. cannot be fought with even a remote lance for success from the air and the sea; must be fought and won where the sources Chinese, power lie, that is, on land. It ust be fought as Japan tried to fight it, om 1932. to 1945, without ever coming close winning it. It is beside the point that all our leaders, tat and present, even those who' have erred a war with China inevitable, have oiled from the idea of sending millions of herican soldiers to. the mainland of Asia fight. President Eisenhower said on Feb- iry 10, 1954, that he "could conceive of greater tragedy than for the United States become involved in an all-out war in In china," and General MacArthur, in the .gressional hearings concerning his dis- ' sal and in personal conversation with sident Kennedy, emphatically warned tnst sending American soldiers to the to mainland to, fight China. We are here erred not with the intentions of states- brut with the inevitable consequences their policies. None of the statesmen made'the fateful decisions in July and ust, 1914, could have looked back in No- ber 1918, on the European scene and said, tanned it that way." Yet what happened lurope during the First World War was inevitable result of what statesmen de- d at its beginning, without wanting or i imagining the consequences. As jhistopheles said to Faust: "At the first you are free, at the second you are a 1 Vietnam today, we are in the process of In.g that fateful first step.. At the mo- it of this writing, at least, our policy is t ambiguous. On the one hand, it seeks ,reate a. position of strength from which negotiate. There is an ominous similar- between this attempt to fashion somehow of the wreckage of a lost war a favorable 'otiating position, and the French policies ding to the surrender at Dienbienphu. neral Navarre's last. offensive also sought to ;ablish favorable conditions for a nego- ited French withdrawal, and the concen- ation of the French forces in strong points re Dienbienphu was to serve the protection those armed. forces from uncontrollable xerrilla, actions. Xe Danang destined to be- ane the American Dienblenphu? And if is, shall we follow the French example and tthdraw, or shall we go forward until we icounter China? It is here that the am- .gutty of our present policy comes into .ay. The extension of the war. into North Viet- Im can be interpreted as an attempt to eate in Hanoi the psychological precon- tion for a negotiated settlement. But it n also be interpreted as an attempt to ange the fortunes of war in South Viet- ,11i by rupturing the assumed causal nexus tween the policies of Hanoi and the vic- 'les of the Vietcong. This causal nexus a delusion, which has been given the very nsy appearance of fact through the White per Of February 28. A policy derived from ;h delusion is bound to fall. Yet when it ; failed and where failure approaches ca- trophe, it would- be consistent in terms that,del{dsspnary logic to extend the war 1 farther. Today, we are holding Hanoi )onsible for the Vietcong; tomorrow we ht hold Peiping responsible for Hanoi, the first step you are free, at the second are a. slave." D call attention to these implications of present policies has nothing to do with Ssm, isolationism, appeasement, , and ness on communism. The difference, 'eep calling attention to these implica- a now, when we, have still. the freedom of choice, and of stumbling unawares deeper and deeper into a morass from which there is no retreat, is the difference between pru- dence and recklessness; between a rational, discriminating understanding of the hier- archy of national interests and the power available for their support, and a doctrinaire emotionalism which drowns all vital dis- tinctions in the fervor of the anti-Com- munist crusade, France owes more to Mendes-France who liquidated the Indochinese War, and to De Gaulle who stopped the fighting in Al- geria, than to those who wanted to continue fighting without regard for the limits of their country's interests and power. Those few who warned Athens against the Sicilian expedition, which was to become the grave of Athens' greatness, were better patriots than its promoters, To point to the likely consequences of present policy is, then, not only a right, which ought not to require apologetic assertion, but it is also a duty, burdensome yet inescapable. BALDWIN PARK, CALIF., April 13, 1965. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I know I speak for thousands and thousands of American citi- zens who are most grateful for your coura- geous stand against the abominable business in Vietnam. I speak also for those who write in protest and whose protest is ignored. Enclosed is a copy of a letter I sent to President Johnson March 31. Its receipt was not even acknowledged. Heretofore when I have written the President or the State De- partment, back comes a letter. Perhaps now there are so many protests about his Vietnam policy he is simply provided with extra waste- baskets. I would be delighted if you get a chance to show it to him, or you might like to put it in the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD. There is still some hope for our country when the Senate has in it a man like you. Sincerely, JOHN MANNING.. .-President of the United States of America, Washington, D.C. DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: Like thousands and 1 .1 thousands of the American people, I believed that what you said in your campaign ex- pressed your real meaning and purpose; that you were against any widening of the war in Vietnam; that you would work for peace; that a vote for you was a vote for peace. While a vote for Goldwater meant increase. and expansion in that "dirty war" in Viet- nam, on which course he was verbally in- sisting. I supported you strongly in the 1964 Cam- paign and urged everyone I knew to do like- wise. I will not forgive you for allowing your administration to use the vast resources of our country, its manpower, its influence- not only to continue the "dirty war," but to promote and accelerate it with ever-increas- ing savagery. Just as the Buddhists in Saigon are op- posed to anyone who doesn't stand for peace, I am opposed to you or anyone who is pro- moting or endorsing this gigantic evil. How long it will take to get out, I do not know; but out is where we belong. Every successive day and hour American forces are in that unhappy country, devastating the land, murdering its inhabitants, is one more day and hour of disgrace-indelible disgrace for our beloved country. Yours truly, JOHN MANNING, Former member Democratic State Com- mittee of California. I enclose a brief account of earlier activi- ties for our Democratic Party which, I feel, 7907 give me a right to object as forcibly as I can to the disastrous course along which you are leading this country. BALDWIN, CALIF. Re John Manning, former member Demo- cratic State Committee of California. Since 1932 I have worked. intensely for the success of the Demorcatic Party, out here in California. As soon as Garner won in the primaries and "had" the California and Texas delega- tions, being convinced that a Roosevelt- Garner ticket would carry the Democratic Party to victory, I went about the country urging Garner for Vice President; Went down into Texas. Texas was poor then. Everybody was poor. Texas couldn't even get 10 cents a pound for its cotton. "Look here," I said, "Gar- ner never could win as President but he'll make a corking Vice President. 'Roosevelt and Garner,' is a ticket that will sweep the country." With the bonus marchers from Texas, I traveled from Texarkana to Louisville, Ky. and campaigned all the way for Roosevelt and Garner. Also I sold them on the idea of making their camp on lower Pennsylvania Avenue. "Don't let them shove you boys out to Quantico," I said, "where no one in Washington will see you. There are empty buildings about to be demolished there on lower Pennsylvania Avenue, why not use them?" They did. And stayed there until MacArtht* and his lieutenant, Dwight Eisen- hower, drove them out. I continued my campaign until reaching Washington, D.C., buttonholing everyone who counted in behalf of the Roosevelt-Garner ticket. After the convention, I returned to Pasadena and took charge of the campaign at the East Pasadena headquarters. We suc- ceeded in getting the Catholics to go along for the whole ticket. Including McAdoo. In election districts that never before in Pasa- dena history had been carried for the Dem- ocratic Party, we carried for the Roosevelt- Garner ticket. After the election, Senator McAdoo offered to have me appointed as an appraiser for the farm loan bank. I turned down the job because I knew that if I was to be useful to the administration, it would have to be is the Labor Department. Texas has gone a long way since those days when I was working indefatigably to convince the Texas voter that the winning ticket was Roosevelt-Garner. No longer is Texas poor. Yet, for all the wealth amassed by Texas since 1933, if John Garner had not been elected Vice President in 1932, you today, Mr. Lyndon Johnson, would not be President of these United States. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR: I have read and heard many of your strong criticisms of this country's policy and actions in Vietnam and I want to state my support of your position. I am very much opposed to what our country is doing in southeast Asia. We are losing friends and gaining more enemies. Each bomb creates more Communists than it kills. I hope you will continue to speak out against our country's present policies and work for a peaceful solution to the problems of southeast Asia. Sincerely yours, DETROIT, MICH., April 14, 1965. Hon. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Oregon Senator, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I am with you whole- heartedly on your Vietnam views. Your courage has been well demonstrated in standing up and speaking out against Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 7908 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE April 21, 196 what you, and others, consider a useless and terrible war in Vietnam. We are spending millions of dollars and sacrificing thousands of lives for what and whom? We were wrong to have entered Into this In the first place and I feel, as a Nation, we should admit our mistake and get out now before it is too late. Our so-called American image is getting worse day by day and personally I can see why. Thank you for speaking up, against all the odds, and trying to give truth to your fellow Americans. Sincerely, Miss CARYL MASSERMAN. TOLEDO, OHro April 12, 1965. Senator WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR: We wish to congratulate you on your fine- speech at Athens, Ohio, condemning the Vietnam war. President Johnson's lack of experience is leading us deeper into this conflict and action should be taken at once by our senior Senators to terminate this war. This war is hopeless and In my opinion it cannot be won. The most we can hope for is a stalemate. We didn't win the Korean war and this one is much more difficult considering the location. Its extremely hard for me to understand why the Unite. Nations is not involved. We! talk about opposing communism but there: isn't one Russian soldier Involved. Why? There weren't any Russians in Korea either. Why? This indicates that Russia is much smarter than we are as they get other people to do their fighting. This is a bad reflection on Mr. Rusk and Mr. McNamara. Why Isn't Australia and New Zealand afraid of south- east Asia going Communist and furnishing fighting men. This Is a very unnecessary war and if it spreads -we will lose all our resources; the most valuable-our young men-and every- thing possible should be done to get it stopped. Yours truly, RICHMOND HILL, N.Y., April 14, 1965. V. E. STACY. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Washington, D.C. DEAR SIR: We wish to express our deepest gratitude to you for your continuing efforts to bring about an the war in Vietnam. Sincerely, ETHEL C. NAGEL, CARRIE NAGEL, FLORENCE MASON. stead of just their selves. May God help YOU Vietnam Government-Or any governmer and others that are carrying the burden of for that matter-then under the preceden trying to bring peace to mankind. existing in international law and expand Sincerely yours, at the Nuremberg trials, those American of R. L. RAMSEY. teals who were involved in the episode a guilty of murder. A situation raising paral GOLETA, CALIF., questions existed in Laos in 1960 and 19 April 15, 1965. when the Ur;ited States equipped and pE SENATOR WAYNE MORSE; I am in total sup- the salaries not only of the armed forces port of your stand on the war in Vietnam. the duly constituted and elected governmc Keep up the good work. Hope you can speak but of the insurrectionist group ghat v In Santa Barbara at our "teach in" on Viet- pitted against it. nam May 8. We have made it clear to ourselves that I would greatly appreciate your sending presence In Vietnam is in our national some of your recent speeches on the war. terest. But we haven't made it clear to Peace. Vietnamese that our presence there is PETER RELrs. their national interest. If this failure shoe persist, then why are we any better than Mircuan, CONN., French in Algeria or the British in India April 14, 1965. the Portuguese in Angola? The whole thi Senator WAYNE MORSE, of the 20th century is to keep the sepa, Senate Office Building, national interests in check and to substi' Washington, D.C. peacekeeping machinery for unilateral act DEAR SENATOR MORSE: The President's fine no matter how great the provocation or recent statement on Vietnam is helpful in gent the problem. providing alternatives to the present policy In any case, when the United States of continuing to escalate the war. today it is undertaking military action a+ However, more dialog Is necessary to get request of the South Vietnam Governmel helpful suggestions toward a sound, bal- is not clear which government it is tal anced, and more effective policy in southeast about, or whether any genuine governi Asia. does in fact exist. The repeated change Enclosed is a reprint of an excellent article In the Vietnam Government indicate tha that contributes significantly to this end, problem of stability is not represented s It is entitled "How America Can Help Viet- by subversion from the North. One w: nam" and was written by Norman Cousins, another, the principle of self-determina editor of the Saturday Review, and appeared at, the core of historic U.S. foreign policy in the March 20 issue as an, editorial, traditions, does not now exist in Viet It would be most appreciated if you would The full implications of this fact may read this article and send me your consid- a greater bearing on America's postue ered reaction, world leadership than any military rave Very sincerely yours, in Vietnam. ROGER W. BURNHAM. The related question that has yet t answered is: What lies beyond the bomi How AMERICA CAN HELP VIETNAM of North Vietnam? Let us assume that (By Norman Cousins, editor, Saturday Re- bombings do not lead to a wider war. Le view of Literature) also assume that they accomplish their The problem in Vietnam is clear enough, pounced purpose of destroying the mill P installations of North Vietnam and parse What is not so clear is whether American lug the Hanoi Government to cease its policy and action in Vietnam are meeting versive activities against South Vietn the problem or whether they may be creating This still leaves a large part of the probe a larger one. Most of the arms used by the guerrillas The original problem in Vietnam is repre- undercover fighters in South Vietnam do rented by an unremitting Communist cam- come from Hanoi but from the United Sta paign of terror, assassination, and brutality The arms are captured by the Vietcong or against the South Vietnamese people and turned over to it. And even if the Vietcc Government. The campaign has its origin retires altogether, what about the large n in North Vietnam but many South Viet- jority of the Vietnamese who by this ti namese are part of the undercover army, have become bitterly opposed to the Uni known as the Vietcong. What concerns the States and to any government that would United States at least as much as the dis- responsive to American will? How is stabil orders in South Vietnam is the spread of to be defined? Chinese Communist influence or dominion It ought to be the first fixed rule of r in southeast Asia. foreign policy never to go into a country w NEw YORK, N.Y., The reason it is not clear whether the guns for the purpose of creating stability i April 10, 1965. United States knows how to meet the prob- less we also have an idea about makini DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Last night I was lem is that the more deeply the United States better life for the people. Nothing could able to hear your speech on film that was becomes militarily committed in South Viet- more naive or ineffectual in the modern we made before the Yale Law School. nam, the greater its apparent difficulty in at- than the notion that we can combat cc I would like to say, sir, that I support your tracting the support of the people it is at- xnunism without a fully formed ideology views I10 percent and I only wish that my tempting to save. Popular demonstrations our own, an ideology that doesn't speale own Representatives would have the courage of a non.Communist nature against the freedom in abstract terms but relates it c to stand up and speak the truth. United States are mounting. In private cretely to a specific program for figh I am writing to ask you for more facts briefings U.S. officials concede that the large hunger, disease, indignity, and joblessness concerning the situation since I find the majority of South Vietnamese are opposed to The United States did and does have daily press more concerned with Pentagon the U.S. presence. economic program in Vietnam and Laos press releases. Inevitably, this raises the question of the that program lacks grandeur. It is good If you would tell me of what way I can legal or political basis for American military not good enough. It doesn't begin to c help you I would appreciate it. action in the area. When the United States pare in scope or depth with the military Sincerely yours, went into Vietnam in 1955, it said it did so gram. It doesn't sing out. It is the old s uc n 1 to t b b t re s u at the request of the Vietnamese Govern- of ready dollars for bom then headed by President Ngo Dinh lars for a better world. In any event, th ment , APRIL 12, 1965. Diem. But that government has long since and bulging fact about Vietnam is tha 1Hon. WAYNE MORSE. been violently overthrown. What makes the policy there has not worked. Instead of DEAR SENATOR: I want to tell you of what matter even more pointed and portentous is ognizing that there may have been somel I think of the cause you are fighting for. that, according to Frederick E. Notting, Jr., inherently wrong with the policy to If only there were more good men like you. former U.S. Ambassador to South Vietnam, with, we have allowed our exasperation There wouldn't be the worry of war and the the United States was directly engaged in the frustration to push us even further dot suffering they cause. Greed and pride guide plot to subvert and overthrow the Diem re- impassable road. But policy-by-exaspee too many of our elected Senators. I guess r gime. Whether that government was good or is no substitute for vision. shouldn't say "pride" for there couldn't be bad or in-between is irrelevant; if the United Another question that has yet to be any if they just could think of others in- States was in fact engaged in subverting the fled concerns SEATO. Why has the S Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 A ved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 April 21, CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE 7909 east .Asia Treaty Organization been absent it would generate hydroelectric power for be proved, without proving it. In all hon- from South Vietnam? In, taking leadership the entire basin. Most important of all, it esty, the United States cannot support the Iii the formation of SEATO, _ the United could shift the focus of attention to the claim that our military aid is a noble de- 'States said its purpose was to create a col- constructive possibiliies of joint action in fense of freedom while North Vietnam's is ieotive military mechanism for underwriting the common good. And if offers the United a reprehensible act of aggression. That may the security of that area. A threat to the States an outlet for those things we know be why our Government has never presented security of that area now exists. The United how to do infinitely better than superim- the case to the United Nations, the proper States has. said it exists. Where, then, is posing a military presence. We could help and lawful body to decide when aggression SEATO? Have the other governments de- develop the natural resources of the area has been committed and how it should be re- cided that the central problem in Vietnam in a way that would give the people some- sponded to. In candor, the United States cannot, be met by military means? Or is thing to excite their imagination and enlist shares responsibility for the conflict in South the operation of SEATO so amorphous that their passions in the making of a finer Vietnam and must end its own intervention there Is no way of knowing in advance what tomorrow. as a part of any peace settlement. the circumstances are that would produce These things are vital-not just because The President and Mr. Rusk speak as if joint decisions and joint action? It is necessary to bring peace and purpose no peace settlement is needed, but only a More important still: The United States to a pockmarked land but because it is high wtihdrawal by North Vietnam. The fighting has said that the world's best hope for peace time that American actions in Vietnam came will not be ended by flat, however. There -lies in, the United Nations. The past four into harmony with American traditions. will have to be a settlement in some form, ? t,S. Presidents have all gone before the In a totalitarian society,. the government and the best basis for it remains the princi- United Nations to proclaim American sup- demands that its citizens take pride in their ples of the 1954 Geneva accords, which the 'port for the objectives of the United Nations nation whether it deserves it or not. The Johnson administration so righteously ac- `and to do everything possible to promote the uniqueness of a free society is that the citi- cuses Hanoi of violating. development of the U.N. into an agency with zens have it within their means to shape the Those principles were: an immediate cease- the elective powers of law. How, then, can kind of nation In wihch honest pride is fire, an immediate freeze on the levels of 'we reasonably go outside the United Nations possible. So far, there is little warrant for foreign troops and military aid, followed by if Vietnam constitutes a threat to the peace? pride in Vietnam. But a combination of gradual withdrawal; no foreign military bases True, one reason it may be difficult for the objective thinking and moral imagination to be permitted anywhere in Vietnam; re- United Nations to act effectively in Vietnam might yet save Vietnam and provide a tonic spect by all concerned for the "independence, is that all the parties involved in the conflict for both the national pride and the national unity and territorial integrity" of Vietnam; do not belong to the United Nations. Even conscience. unification to be achieved within 2.years un- Iso, U Thant, Secretary General of the United der a government chosen in free elections, !Nations, has proposed a way of starting nego- [From the St. Louis Post-Dispatch, Mar. 9, internationally supervised; protection for tiations looking to a possible solution. He 1965] persons and property, and no reprisals for has done so because the military actions in OFFICIAL HYPOCRISY AnouT VIETNAM past activities in the civil war. Vietnam could erupt into a world war in The main lines of these accords still hold which the full destructive power of nuclear One unpleasant side effect of the kind of weapons would come into play. But the policy our Government is pursuing in Viet- good, though of course they would have to be 'United States has not accepted the recom- nam is the moral deterioration that attends adapted to meet changed circumstances. 11 mendation and good offices of the U.N. Sec- official efforts to justify it. Truth is an early Unification, for example, may now have to be !retary General. What would the United victim in such circumstances, as U.N. Secre- delayed until passions of the civil war cool. States say if another nation acted in this tary General_U Thant has observed. And But military neutralization of the whole of manner? the moral slippage is progressive. Little Indochina could be established, with more In 1956 President Eisenhower condemned white lies have a way of rapidly giving way direct guarantees by all interested parties the military action of the French and British to whoppers; fraud and hypocrisy gain as- than in 1954. Under such terms American in Suez. He did not doubt.. that French and cendancy over candor; doubletalk becomes troops could be gradually withdrawn and the British interests were being jeopardized by habitual, future of Vietnam left to the decision of the Egypt, but he believed that the proper way to President Johnson and Secretary of State Vietnamese people. pursue such questions was through the ma- Rusk exhibit the classic symptoms of this The Johnson administration keeps con- chinery established for that purpose. And ailment as they strenuously seek to convert tending these are its only aims-that the even If. the machinery was inadequate, the Members of Congress, the diplomatic corps, United States covets no territory, no mili- interests of world peace came first. He said and the public to their point of view on tary position, no bases, no political gains. that the biggest need of our time was for Vietnam. The best, and the most honest way to real- the development of principles of world law. The President, for example, keeps telling ize such aspirations-if indeed we entertain And he said that the United States could not his visitors that there has not been a single them-is through an honorably negotiated maintain a double standard, inv9king world sign of any interest in negotiation from peace settlement. law against its, foes and by passing it for its Hanoi, as if this were the major obstacle to friends, Appropriately, the United States diplomatic efforts to end the conflict. He ON THE WAY TO THE BRINK turned to the United Nations to eliminate has, however, demanded that North Vietnam (By Walter Lippmann) the threat to the peace in Suez. "end its, aggression" as a precondition of any The war in Vietnam has reached the point The question, therefore, emerging from negotiation. Would we negotiate if talks where the President is wrestling with mo- Vietnam today is whether the United-States hinged on our first withdrawing from South mentous and fateful decisions. For what has has a double standard by which it judges Vietnam? Of course not. The obstacle to happened is that the official theory of the others and exempts itself. Do we support the diplomacy, therefore, is quite as much the war, as propounded by Gen. Maxwell Taylor principle of world law through the United precondition set by President Johnson as it to President Kennedy and by Secretary Mc- Nations in all cases except those in which is unwillingness in Hanoi to talk. The Namara to President Johnson, has proved to we feel It is to our national advantage to do United States should stand ready to nego- be unworkable. The government in Saigon otherwise? tiate whether Hanoi does or not, has not been able to pacify South Vietnam We say again, as we said in this space 2 Nowhere does truth take so much punish- even with the help of American munitions, weeks ago, that the choice in Vietnam is ment as in Secretary Rusk's repeated descrip- money, and 25,000 military advisers. The cru- not between total victory and total with- tion of the Vietnam conflict as a simple case cial fact today is that for all practical pur- drawal. It is late but not too late to do of aggression across national frontiers-like poses the Saigon government has lost con- the things that might yet serve the purposes Korea, like Hitler's invasions, and so on. If trol of the countryside, and its followers are of stability in the area. First, we can wel- this were the simple truth, as the Goldwater increasingly holed-up in cities. come the good offices of the United Nations extremists have always claimed, then our The roads and the railroads connecting in exploring the possibilities for effective , moral posture in Vietnam would be defensi- the cities have been cut by the Vietcong. negotiation or settlement. Second, we can ble. But the complex truth is that national The cities now have to be supplied in great ,call upon the United Nations to concern it- aggression and support of a native revolution measure by air and by sea. This condition self with the general threat to regional and are not the same thing; that the great ma- of affairs has been well reported by Mr. world peace represented by terrorist actions jority of Vietcong guerrillas are natives, not Richard Dudman in a series of reports to the in South Vietnam. Third, we could propose outside infiltrators; that the 1954 Geneva St. Louis Post-Dispatch, and his findings are that the United Nations proceed immediate- accords did not establish South Vietnam as confirmed in all essentials, though not yet ly withi the lower Mekong River Valley de- a nation, but on the contrary clearly in- publicly, in the well-informed quarters in velopment project recommended s years ago tended all of Vietnam to be unified under a Washington. by the United Nations Economic Commission government chosen in free elections; that The surest evidence that Mr. Dudman's for Asia our own Government supported South Viet- reports are substantially correct is that in The lower Mekong affects the lives and nam in refusing to hold those elections, and the Pentagon, and the State Department well-being not just of the Vietnamese but of has done as much as anybody to destroy the there is mounting pressure for the commit- 3naliy millions of people in Laos, Thailand o , military neutrality that the 1954 accords ment to southeast Asia of American infantry. and Oameodia. The possible project would make sought to establish for the whole of Vietnam. The current estimate is that the President a sec ond crop in vast areas t tha now When Mr. Rusk says we are only repelling should be prepared to send 350,000 American have only one crop because of the dry season, aggression, he is stating the proposition to soldiers, even though this would compel him Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R0003001500'23-8 7910 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67? 446R00030015 )p 821 ~ 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -- SEN to order a mobilization of reservists and draftees. This call for American ground forces is the logical and inevitable consequence of the virtual collapse of the Saigon government in the villages. Having lost the countryside, Saigon has lost the sources of military man- power. This deprives it of the means for winning the war. The official estimates to- day are that the Saigon government com- mands forces superior to the Vietcong by a ratio of not quite 5 to 1. Experience shows that no guerrilla war has ever been subdued with such a low ratio of superiority. It is estimated that in Malaya, the British and the Malayans, who were fighting the indigenous Chinese guerrillas, reached a superiority of 50 to 1. In Cyprus, which they gave up, the British had overwhelming force. In Algeria, though the French army had unmistakable superiority, the country became untenable. It is the deficiency in South Vietnamese mili- tary manpower which explains why the pres- sure is now on to put in Americans to fill it. After 2 months of bombing North Vietnam, it has become manifest also that the bombing has not changed the course of the war. As a result of this disappointment, the President is now under pressure to extend the bomb- ing to the populated centers around Hanoi and Haiphong. There is no doubt that American air power can devastate North Vietnam and, if China intervened, could do great damage in China. But if we had an American army of 350,000 men in South Vietnam, and extended the war in the air, we would have_ on our hands an interminable war without the prospect of a solution. To talk about freedom and na- tional independence amidst such violence and chaos would be to talk nonsense. In order to rationalize, that is to sell, the wider war, we are being told by Secretary McNamara and others that this war is a de- cisive test for the future. It will decide the future of wars of liberation. This is a pro- foundly and dangerously false notion, and it shows a lamentable lack of knowledge and understanding of the revolutionary up- heavals of the epoch in which we live. It assumes that revolutionary uprisings against established authority are manufactured in Peiping or in Moscow, and that they would not happen if they were not instigated, sup- entangled ourselves in one of the many up- heavals against the old regime, and we shall not make things any better by thrashing around with ascending violence. the Eugene (Oreg.) Register-Guard, Apr. 8.19651 LIMITED WAR A funny thing has happened between November and April. Those who were most critical of Barry Goldwater last fall because of his tough line on southeast Asia are now President Johnson's principal critics in the Vietnam dispute. Conversely, those who thought Johnson was too wishy-washy then are in his corner now. The President finds a champion in Nixon, a foe in MORSE. But the whole thing is not so topsy-turvy as a first look would make it appear. The difference between the Goldwater and John- son approaches is explained in part by the Riverside (Calif.) Press-Enterprise. Senator Goldwater said he would try to win the war in Vietnam. President Johnson doesn't want to lose it, but doesn't think, as we get it, that a people can be won over by annihilation. Nor does he want to carry the war so far that it could erupt into a general, global fire-storm. The President says he will negotiate at any time the Communists feel the burdens of war intensely enough to buy a compromise which, from this country's point of view, would be honorable and en- ,forcible. Senator Goldwater and his ad- mirers scoffed at the idea of negotiations. The idea of limited war, a war that would be neither lost nor won, was at the heart of the Truman-MacArthur controversy. Yet, it is a concept that was not foreign to our an- cestors. In the colonial age and the age of rising nationalisms, many wars were fought less to attain a new objective than to main- tain a status' quo. The idea of uficondi- tional surrender, winner take all, is relatively new-with only such ancestors as Carthage. VIETNAM: AMERICA MUST DECIDE BETWEEN A FULL-SCALE WAR AND A NEGOTIATED TRUCE A spiraling exchange of blows and counter blows in Vietnam can lead to a major war involving the United States and China-a war nobody wants and no one can win. The present tragic conflict can only be resolved by political, not military means. Join with us in asking negotiations to end the war in Vietnam. Help mobilize public opinion to stop the widening of the war. Bombing North Vietnam will not stop the conflict in South Vietnam. Widening the war only serves to invite the intervention of the North Vietnamese regular army, the U.S.S.R. and China. SEEK A CEASE-FIRE brew Congregations; James Farmer, national director, CORE; Jules Feiffer, cartoonist; W. H. Ferry, Center for the Study of Democratic Institutions; Rabbi Leon I. Feuer, president, Central Conference of American Rabbis; D. F. Fleming, professor emeritus, Vanderbilt University; Harry Emerson Fosdick, minister emeritus, the Riverside Church, N.Y.; Jerome D. Frank, M.D., Johns-Hopkins Medical School; Erich Fromm, psychoanalyst, author; William Gibson, playwright; Rabbi Roland B. Gittlesohn, Temple Israel, Boston. Nathan Glazer, University of California; Bishop Charles F. Golden, chairman, Division of Peace and World Order, Methodist Board, Christian Social Concerns; Patrick E. Gorman, secre- tary-treasurer, Amalgamated Meat Cutters; Rev. Dana McLean Greeley, D.D., president, Unitarian Universalist Association; Nat Hentoff, writer; Wil- liam A. Higinbotham, Brookhaven Na- tional Laboratory; Hudson Hoagland, Worcester Foundation for Experimen- tal Biology; David R. Inglis, Argonne National Laboratory; Herbert C. Kel- man, University of Michigan; Jerome B. King, Williams College; Rabbi Ed- ward E. Klein, Stephen Wise Free Syn- agogue; Mrs. Robert Korn, New York; Mrs. Philip Langner, New York; Mrs Albert D. Lasker, New York; Chauncey D. Leake, University of California Abba P. Lerner, Michigan State Uni versity; David Livingston, president district 65, Retail Wholesale Depart ment Store Union, AFL-CIO; S. E Luria, Massachusetts Institute o, Technology; Rollo May, New Yorl University; William H. Meyer, formes Congressman, Vermont; Mr. and Mrs Frederick Morgan, New York; Hans J Morgenthau, director, Center fol Study, American Foreign and Military Policy, University of Chicago; Stuart Mudd, M.D., microbiologic research; Lewis Mumford, writer. Gardner Murphy, Director of Research, Menninger Foundation; James R. New- man, Editor; John H. Niemeyer, Presi- dent, Bank Street College, N.Y.; Robert Osborn, Artist; A. H. Parker, Chair- ported, and directed from one of the capitals of communism. If this were true, the revo- lutionary movements could be suppressed once and for all by knocking out Peiping or Moscow. They little know the hydra who think that the hydra has only one head and that it can be cut off. Experience shows that there is no single central source of the revolutionary upheavals of our epoch. there that is common to the Irish rebellion, to the Jewish uprising in Palestine, to the civil war in Cuba, to the Arab rebellion in Algeria, to the Huk revolt in the Philippines? What is common to them all is violent discontent with the established order and a willingness of a minority of the discontented to die in the attempt to over- throw it. What has confused many well-meaning Americans is that in some of these rebellions, though not by any means in all of them, Communists have become the leaders of the rebellion. But that does not mean that they have owned the rebellion. The resistance to the Nazis in France and Italy contained a high proportion of Communists among the active partisans. But 20 years later it is Gen- eral de Gaulle who presides over France. It would be well to abandon the half-baked notion that the war in southeast Asia will be decisive for the future of revolutionary up- heavals in the world. Revolution is a home- grown product, and it could not be stamped out decisively and once for all-supposing we had such delusions of grandeur-by stamping out Red China. In southeast Asia we have No issues will be decided by prolonging the bloody and fratricidal conflict in South Vietnam. The fighting must be brought to a halt so that the devastated nation may re- cover. NEGOTIATE AN INTERNATIONAL SETTLEMENT Now, before the war escalates into a major disaster, means must be found and found urgently to take the issue from the field of battle to the conference table. Michael Amrine, editor, author; String- fellow Barr, author and lecturer; John C. Bennett, theologian; Robert S. Browne, Far- leigh Dickinson University; Stuart Chase, economist, author; O. Edmund Clubb, East Asian Institute, Columbia University; Alexan- der H. Cohen, producer; Benjamin V. Cohen, former counselor, U.S. State Department; Edward U. Condon, University of Colorado; Charles D. Coryell, Massachusetts Institute of Technology; Edwin T. Dahlberg, Crozier Theological Seminary; William C. Davidon, Haverford College; Mrs. Valerie Delacorte, New York; Martin Deutsch, Teachers College, Columbia University; Rabbi Maurice N. Ei- sendrath, president, Union of American He- man, Old Colony Trust Co.; Hildy Parks, Actress; James G. Patton, Presi- dent, National Farmers Union; Eleanor Perry, Writer; Frank Perry, Film Direc- tor; Darrell Randall, American Uni- versity; Tony Randall, Actor; A. Philip Randolph, President, Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters; Anatol Rapoport, University of Michigan; John-P. Roche, National Chairman, Americans for Democratic Action; Frank Rosenblum, Secretary Amalgamated Clothing Workers Union AFL-CIO; Bruno Rossi, Massachusetts Institute of Technology; John Nevin Sayre, Nyack, N.Y.; Dore Schary, Writer, Director; James T. Shotwell, President Emeritus, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace; Jack Schubert, Radiation Chemist; Theodore Shedlovsky, Rockefeller In- stitute; J. David Singer, University of Michigan; B. F. Skinner, Harvard Uni- versity; Pitirim A. Sorokin, President, American Sociological Association; Edward J. Sparling, President Emeri- tus, Roosevelt University; C. Maxwell Stanley, Stanley Engineering Co. Albert Szen.t-Gyorgyi, M.D., Marine Bio- logical Laboratory, Woods Hole, Mass.; Harold Taylor, educator, author; How- ard Thurman, minister at large, Bos- ton University; Louis Untermeyer author; Mark Van Doren, writer; Mau. rice B. Visscher,'University of Minne? sota; Jerry Voorhis, executive director Cooperative League of the U.S.A. Bryant Wedge, director, Institute in the Study of National Behavior; Ber Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 April 21 Am rd For Relea ONGRESSION TL RECORD044SENATE 150023-8 hard S, Weiss, Jenkintown, Pa.; pawl Weiss, Yale University; Quincy Wright, University of Virginia. .1: Board of directors: cochairmen: BENJAMIN $s? csc, M.D., Prof. It. Srtm er HUGHES, Vice chairmen: STEVE ALLEN, -. , >. Dr. M. STANLEY .LIVINGSTON. Treasurer: William J. Butler; Roy Bennett; Norman Cousins; Helen Gahagan Douglas; Rabbi Isidor Hoffman; Homer A. Jack; Walter Lear, M.D.; Lenore G. Marshall; Stephanie May; Prof. Seymour Mel- man; Orlie Pell; Victor Reuther; Rob- ert Ryan; Robert J. Schwartz; Norman Thomas; H. B. Allinsmith, New Jersey; Robert D. Bloom, New York; Mrs. Jeanne Coggeshall, New York; Norman Hunt, Connecticut; Mort Junger, New York; Dr. John A. Lindon, California; Frank McCallister, Illinois; Dr. Paul Olynyk, Ohio; Gilbert Seldes, Pennsyl- vania; Snowden Taylor, New York; Samuel Tucker, New Jersey; Clayton Wallace, District of Columbia. MARIE RUNYON, SANDFORD GOTTLIEB. Wire or write President Johnson today about the war in, Vietnam. . Ask your friends to write to him, too. You. can send a 15- Word Western.Union public opinion message for 99 cents. Published as a public service by SANE, National Committee for a Sane Nuclear Polcy, Inc, 14a lox}al Cgnunittee fora Sane Nuclear 'Policy, 17 East 45th Street, New York, N.Y., 10017. ^ I have written the President and asked my friends to write. 0 I enclose $-_-- to help publish this ad in othercommunities. Please send SANE's background material On Vietnam (35 cents): Name------.._____________________________ Address ---------------------------------- City ---------------- State ---- ZIP ---- .. IT's STILL GAS One of the most disturbing bits of news from the disturbing battle zone in Vietnam Is the announcement that South Vietnam's troops are using nonlethal gas. This Is not the mustard of World War I memory, but a kind, of gas that makes victims temporarily ill. it can be argued that this is really humane, as the work of war goes, because the victim soon recovers. But it's still gas. The danger is that in using, this gas one side, our side, has pulled the, plug out of the bottle,. If one side can fight with such a weapon, the other side can retaliate with such a weapon or a ,better one... How big a step is it from nonlethal gas to gas that might be lethal under just the right circum- stances? And. ,then how big is the step to the real thing? What next? Germs? Will this lead to an. "escalation'' of a new and terrible kind? There wasn't much humane about World War II. But no major power used poison gas, although, all were probably prepared to--If the other side did first, The belliger- ents In World War II were not being polite. They were scared, each worrying about the new kind of gas the enemy might have and e ch esitating to risk haying its own troops afld c ties usedd as targets. It was this bal- anc O.f terror hat saved us. The first usg of a humane, little nonlethal gas is like the first use of a humane, little, low-yield atomic bomb. The important thing is not what that first bomb does, but what it could lead to. The United. States_canrlot,wash its hands of such decisions in Vietnam. The world holds us responsible for what South Vietnam does, and the chances are the world is right. We lament both theuse of the gas and the fact that it was our side that started it. [From the St. Louis (Mo.) Post-Dispatch, Max. 14, 19661 THE AMERICAN MISSION Apologists for the war in Vietnam argue two ways. On the one hand they say we face there an entirely new kind of warfare which we must learn and master lest we perish; on the other, they say the conflict is nothing new, but simply another chapter in a long struggle that began when doughty Harry Truman stopped the Communists cold in Greece and Turkey with the Truman Doctrine. The arguments are contradictory, and illus- trate why the Vietnam crisis has called into question the whole muddy philosophy of "containment," which has served all too long as substitute for a sane and balanced Ameri- can foreign policy. The flaw in "contain- ment" is that it makes no distinction be- tween restraining the power of a hostile na- tion to injure our vital interests, and under- taking as a kind of world policeman to inter- vene in other nations' lives and beat down revolution wherever it appears. The first is necessary, the second is folly. The Truman Doctrine did Indeed have something in common with the "Dulles doc- trine" now being followed in Vietnam, but not to the credit of either. In Greece as in Asia we intervened unilaterally in a nation's internal affairs to help the Government fight a Communist Insurrection. Fortunately the Communists were beaten in Greece without need for large-soale mili- tary operation by our forces as in Vietnam. They were beaten, however, not by the Tru- man Doctrine but by Tito's closing of the Yugoslav border, the main route for infil- tration into Greece, after his split with Mos- cow. U.S. power did not "contain" the Soviet thrust into Greece; it was contained by the divergence of national interests within the Communist camp. It was Mr. Truman's Marshall plan, rather than his venture in Greece, that proved to be our great success in helping free nations stay free, and thus restrain the undue expansion of Soviet national power. In Western Eu- rope we gave massive economic aid; we held intervention In. Internal affairs to a mini- mum; we helped rebuild an already viable society whose people knew how to govern themselves; we were fighting economic dis- tress rather than political revolution, hunger rather than communism. The principles of the Marshall plan, of Mr. Truman's point 4 technical assistance, of the Alliance for Progress, economic development aid, the Peace Corps-these and not the doc- trine of military containment ought to gov- ern our policy toward underdeveloped lands emerging from colonialism, such as Vietnam. Only by building social and economic condi- tions that undercut the incentives for revolu- tion can free peoples stay free-and then only if they want our kind of freedom badly enough to sacrifice for it. Instead of pouring futile billions into a senseless Vietnam war, we should be invest- ing millions in the U.N. plan for Mekong river development. There will be occasions when judicious military aid may help a beleaguered govern- ment stave off revolution long enough to ef- fectuate needed reforms itself. A strong and vital government with the confidence of its ,;people can win a civil war, even when the rebels are getting outside support. But when a government loses the elementary power to preserve order-when armed troops success- fully challenge its authority-revolution is often inevitable. It is then uttermadness for 7911 the United States to take over a war which the people themselves will not wage. Any victories are bound to be temporary, and can gain us only hatred by oppressed peoples elsewhere. Our country has a long history of armed intervention in Latin America's internal poli- tics-the latest venture being the Bay of Pigs invasion of Cuba in 1961-and not once has the policy well served our own interest in the long run. It cannot serve our interests in Asia or Africa either. We do not have the right, or the power, to decide for any nation what kind of society, economy or government it shall set up. Must we then reconcile ourselves to tri- umph after triumph for communism, until at last America itself is conquered? The Birch- ites and other fanatics with little faith in the power of democratic ideas hold this out as the only alternative to a holy war against the Reds. Neither history nor commonsense sup- ports their view. National identity and the love of freedom are stronger than any ideol- ogy. Yugoslavia, Eastern Europe generally, even Ho Chi Minh in North Vietnam, all discredit the fears of a monolithic world rev- olution controlled by Moscow or Peiping. What Americans must understand is that revolutions will occur so long as social injus- tice endures. Some revolutions will take a Communist form or be exploited by Commu- nists. But this does not mean they will be- come mere agents of Russian or Chinese na- tional power, nor does it mean that the United States has a messianic mission to suppress revolution everywhere in the world. The American mission is to develop our own society into the best of many in a diverse world; to aid peoples, not governments, in the struggle for a better life; to live at peace and unafraid alongside systems of which we do not approve. [From the Oregonian, Mar. 13, 1965] MORALE BOOSTED The use of U.S. jet bombers against Viet- cong concentrations within South Vietnam, starting less than 3 weeks ago, has brought no conclusive evidence of turning the tide of war. But evidence is hard to come by. It requires ground observation of the results of strikes and this is difficult in jungle and mountain areas. One of the purposes of the United States and South Vietnamese air strikes across the 17th parallel, in North Vietnam, and of the employment of U.S. bombers and crews with- in South Vietnam, was to strengthen the will of the South Vietnamese ground forces to resist the Communists. Military and civilian sources report that the strikes have, indeed, encouraged the South Vietnamese. After all the talk in the United States of negotiation, withdrawal, and neutralization, this show- ing of U.S. determination to fulfill Presi- dent Kennedy's and President Johnson's promise to go all the way to help South Vietnam remain independent has bolstered the morale of the military and of those civil- ians in South Vietnam who care. The war in South Vietnam, of course, can- not be won by air strikes alone. As time goes on, however, positive results of this aerial support of the ground forces should become evident. Those who say the war is already lost may have to revise their opinion. The Vietcong are not supermen. PENTAGONIAN PUSSYFOOTING (By Richard Starnes) Scarcely a month ago as the truth-seeking hindsight flies, U Thant stirred up the con- ditioned reflexes that lurk in all editorial pages when he said the American people "if they know the true facts, will feel that fur- ther bloodshed is unnecessary and that ne- gotiations alone can create conditions which would enable the United States to withdraw gracefully" from Vietnam. ApprovedFor Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 JeTE46R00030015Apr3il 21, 1965 Approved 18S e sSetONAL RECORD RDSENB A lot of chronically short fuses sputtered angrily at the suggestion -the American peo- ple are not being told the score in Vietnam, and poor Uncle T. was compelled to issue a statement that appeared to disavow what he'd said the day before. Close reading (a dying art in our soap-selling culture) dis- closes that the Secretary-General didn't really recant at all. But he seemed to and thus honor was saved. Now we find that U Thant was uttering prophetic truth of a high order. The American people are not being told the truth about the clandestine wax that is being carried out against North Vietnam. American reporters have been arrested by U.S. troops (a circumstance that would have caused an outraged cry in a more vigorous day) and they have been denied access to news, at its source in Vietnam. Reporters have been forbidden access to officers' clubs and mess facilities at the Da Nang Air Base and In the city of Da Nang. This sort of totalitarian abuse never oc- cured in the blackest days of World War It. The theory in that war was that the people who were paying for it and sending their sons to die in it were entitled to know about it. Rump-sprung old correspondents flew combat missions, landed on beaches, shared the dangers, with the tough young kids who did the fighting. Ray Clapper and Ernie Pyle, to name just, two of a gallant and tragic company, died in combat--armed with nothing but their determination to see the truth and write it. There is no security consideration in the news controversy in Vietnam. War report- ers exercise built-in precensorship; indeed all willingly submit to more formal censor- ship when circumstances demand it. But pruning potentially harmful facts from copy and choking news off at the source are two vastly different things. In the first instance, the enemy is properly deprived of informa- tion that might help him. In the second, it is the American people who are kept in shameful ignorance. Defense Secretary Robert McNamara, who once shuttled between Saigon and Washing- ton like an optimistic yo-yo, has long been displeased by the nature of the reporting from Vietnam. Some weeks ago Mr. McNamara instituted a dangerous innovation by offering selected stateside journalists free 10-day junkets to Saigon, where they, were to be met by mili- tary shepherds and shown any aspect of the war they wanted to see. I have been unable to learn if this determination to show every- thing to these U.S.-subsidized reporters in- cluded the air base. at Da Nang, or in any event if it still includes it. The official rationale of this experiment in news management was in exquisitely poor taste. It was to the effect that the arrival of handpicked squads of fresh-and inex- perienced-reporters in Saigon would en- courage resident correspondents to go more into the field and see what the war was really about. This, to be sure, was a thinly veiled libel of a courageous group of news- men. Some (including Scripps-Iioward's Jim Lucas), have spent far more days in combat than many American troops now in Vietnam. These circumstances bring into sharp ques- tion the reliability of the accounts of the war that are being made available to the American people. Many air raids against North Vietnamese targets are now recounted only by Radio Hanoi-a bitter commentary on the present Pentagonian view of the peo- ple's right to know. [From the Oregonian, Apr. 1, 19651 issue," claimed Dr. Han Suyin in talks at Willamette University, Tuesday.. Dr. Han, a doctor of medicine and suc- cessful novelist who knows many of Asia's leaders personally, criticized U.S. policy and actions in Vietnam and said "you're not re- assuring your friends, you're frightening them and consequently losing them." Dr. Han, who lives In Malaya, backed Morse's position calling for United States withdrawing a solution that she feels is necessary to achieve the ends which the United States claims to be seeking in Viet- nam. Her comments came during informal talks to students following a morning address on "The Many Faces of Asia," as part of the Willamette lecture series. UNITED STATES SAID MISINFORMED Dr. Han indicated that the United States is sadly misinformed on the Vietnam situa- tion and that citizens in general are trying to take a short cut to knowledge on the basis of mass communication that still doesn't present the whole situation. In speaking on the many faces of Asia, Dr. Han stated that the "bedrock problem of Asia today is that it did not invent the steam engine." "While the western world has been in- volved in an industrial revolution for the past 400 years, only in the last 100 years has Asia begun to emerge from the feudal age in a struggle to assume its identity in the world." POVERTY PREVALENT Dr. Han indicated that 80 percent of the Asian population lives in the countryside, where peasants stagnate at the level of poverty. "But," she added, "the peasant no longer accepts the problems of poverty as God- given; he knows they are from the hand of man." Land reform was seen as a necessity before any industrial revolution and "we cannot look forward to anything but change and turmoil for at least the next two decades." TRADE, NOT AID "Trade, not aid," is the motto of Asia she declared. Restrictive tariffs have hindered external markets for Asian goods and poverty hinders internal markets. , She said any form of government that offers some measure of security, some meas- ure of prosperity to the many people who are starving, will have the people's support. "It is good for Americans to talk of free- dom and democracy, but the word freedom is unknown to the peasant-it is not even in his language. He has only the freedom to starve," she said. There has to be an overwhelming drastic reform in Asia from the bottom up. And it's not going to be attained by means of arms or might, according to Dr. Han. [From the Sunday Oregonian, Mar. 21, 1965] WHOM To BELIEVE? The U.S. State Department's so-called White Paper on Vietnam sought to document with records, reports, interviews and photographs its charge of "a brutal cam- paign of terror and armed attack" in South Vietnam "inspired, directed, supplied and controlled by the Communist regime in Hanoi" (capital of North Vietnam). The document was unconvincing to Miss Angela V. Lane, whose letter appears on this page, and to some others who have com- municated with the editor. Their general view appears to be that the United States has no businessin South Vietnam; that the trouble is domestic, without proof of North Vietnamese aggression, and would be settled by the South Vietnamese themselves if the United States got out. The State Department's report, the second on Vietnam, employs the usual strong state- ments of government propaganda support- ing the government's position. But it also includes specific evidence to back up its charges. We see no reason to accept the doubts of the pacifists or the charges of anti-American propagandists as more valid than the evidence submitted by our own Government. Miss Lane cites appendix D and her tabula- tion of 179 Communist-made weapons cap- tured from the Vietcong. This was a list of weapons submitted to the International Control Commission by the government of South Vietnam on January 29, 1964. She does not document her statement that the reported weapons were only 21/2 percent of the captured Vietcong weapons "during the same period." But the State Department reports elsewhere in the paper, for example, the capture of approximately 100 tons of arms, ammunition and supplies brought into South Vietnam by a single trawler. The White Paper gives examples of infiltration, of which appendix D is a sample. Reports from correspondents, American and others, and from military personnel in the field support the statements of the White Paper in section II (to which appendix D refers, incidentally). These are, in brief, that the Vietcong relied chiefly on weapons and ammunition left by the defeated French when the V-C campaign began in 1959, and that Ho Ch Minh's troops in North Vietnam were sup- plied mainly from the same source. "As the military campaign progressed, the Vietcong depended heavily on weapon: captured from the Armed Forces in Soutl Vietnam," the White Paper continues. "This remains an important source of weapon; and ammunition for the Vietcong. But a: the pace of the war has quickened, require- ments for up-to-date arms and special types of weapons have risen to a point where the Vietcong cannot rely on captured stocks * * *. Large and increasing quantities of military supplies are entering South Viet- nam from outside the country. The prin- cipal supply point is North Vietnam, which provides a convenient channel for materiel that originates in Communist China and other Communist countries." The White Paper may be subject to criti- cism-it does give evidence of having been thrown together in a hurry to meet a de- mand throughout the country for justifica- tion of the U.S. presence in Vietnam. But we see nothing in it to support Miss Allen's assertion that it is a "white-wash of the real facts." On the contrary, more recent evi- dence from the field is that the movement into South Vietnam of North Vietnamese soldiers and weapons has been greater than the State Department charged. [From the Oregonian. Mar. 22, 1964] DOWN THE ESCALATOR As U.S. persecution of the war in Vietnam moves up the escalator, public knowledge of what is going on moves down. At the very time information is most important to the American people, U.S. officials in the Pen- tagon and in Vietnam clamp tighter the lids on such information. Public knowledge of the course develop- ments are taking at this critical stage de- pends on the 115 accredited correspondents in Vietnam. Time and again it has been proved that their reports have been more reliable than those channeled through self- serving military and diplomatic sources. In the past few days correspondents have been arrested for venturing into sensitive areas. Each of the 115 has been subjected to a babysitting procedure-one information officer per correspondent. In effect, every source of information is screened. Not even in World War II was official monitoring so tight as it has become at some points in Vietnam. The U.S. operation in Vietnam needs all the public support it can muster in America ASIAN NOVELIST CRITICISES UNITED STATES VIETNAM POSITION WILLAMETTE UNIVERSITY, SALEM.-United States action in Vietnam is promoting com- munism and "you should ' pay attention to your Senator, WAYNE MORSE, on the Vietnam Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 April 21, roved For Rel(/~1 A1~B00g4fnqg300150023-8 and throughout the world. It will not get that support by treating U.S. news corre- spondents in Vietnam as spies. [From the Oregonian, Mar. 26, 1965] RED CHINA'S THREAT 11 Should Red China carry out its threat to send its troops into Vietnam it could not expect to be granted, as in the Korean war, a privileged sanctuary in ' China. Yet the U.S. Government would be fat-headed, in- deed, to disregard the threat. U,S, bombers could wipe out 100 million Chinese and there still would be 450 million or more to con- tend with. What Mao Tse-tung may be considering this time is not the potential of a privileged sanctuary, but the possibility that the United States would not again, as it did at Hiro- shima and Nagasaki, resort to nuclear bombs. Of course, the United States has no desire o bomb Red China even with conventional xplosives. And almost certainly the use of uclear weapons, which might bring the oviet Union into a world catastrophe, could aly be justified by a desperate menace to Ie United States or its principal allies. Red China, qualified its threat by saying would send a land army when requested r the Vietcong (not by President Ho Chi inh of North Vietnam). This may not eaix anything. If Red China decides to ove, it will not be governed by the wishes the 'Vietnamese either north or south of to 17th parallel. It would be fatuous for consider this an idle threat, we tended to do when Mao said hewould a fend l4orth' Korea if U.N. troops crossed ie'38th parallel. But the Vietcong's plea for world support ainst "American aggression," the Soviet Muttering about "volunteers" and the Red hinese threat may be evidence that U.S. olicies of bombing the North Vietnam sup- ly lines are bringing matters to a head. .'he prospect of a far bigger and meaner war ould lead more quickly to a ceasefire and he conference table. AN FRANCISCO, CALIF., March 26, 1965. FIon. WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senator. DEAR SIR; I have written the Senators who do represent me but they have not chosen to take 'a stand against the criminal policy we are persuing in Asia. I appreciate the daily argument you present from the floor of d the Senate. You are acting from a moral standpoint and you are interested in estab- lishing the basis for a world in which inter- national law is regarded. I have no knowl- edge of the number of treaties the Soviets and Chinese have broken, but I do know that by our unilateral intervention in South Viet- nam which violates the 1954 Geneva agree- ments and by our intervention in Laos which is in violation to accords to which we were a party, we are doing all we can to encourage, through our example, similar violations on the part of the states we normally accuse of being the ones most likely to violate inter- national treaties. But the problem is how do we get out of the present morass. Perhaps the President could make a statement to the.effect that the Information reaching him in the past was in error and that lie has since found out the ;rue nature of the Vietnamese situation and ,hat hapin so become aware of true facts Ie nowealizes just in time the best hing for the people of Vietnam is a U.S. vithdraw_ a1 .under the condition that the oimtry be unified under the leadership of he north and that the further aid we would end would be in the form of materials to ebuild the country we have destroyed. This mulct be a voillntary reparation; it would ive us Ore "face`" than any other plan of isengagement T can think of. It sounds absurd for many reasons but what other way out is there for us now that the war is on the brink of a full-scale limited action. The point of this is that we 'are now in too far for the north to back down. That is, of course, making the assumption which is probably in error that the North Vietnamese have the power to stop the guerrilla war in the south. Perhaps what we need around the Capital is a bunch of lobbyists whose vested interest is the establishment of new relations between the states so that the developing countries would become customers of our factories who sell the means of production instead of just the product. If there were some voice other than the interests of those who stand to gain by the continuation of our present relation- ship with the underdeveloped world, that is, where we buy the primary products, then perhaps there would be enough steam for us to lead in decolonization instead of allowing the Communists preempt the field. Sincerely, DONALD R. WASKEY. THE CONGREGATION MISHKAN ISRAEL, Hamden, Conn., February 22, 1965. President LYNDON B. JOHNSON, The White House, Washington, D.C. - DEAR PRESIDENT JOHNSON: I am enclosing a reproduction of an advertisement which appeared on Friday in the New Haven Jour- nal Courier, the New Haven Register, and today in the Yale Daily News. This petition was circulated within only 3 days' time and yet it represents a group of prominent New Haven citizens, all of whom voted for you in the last election. In November, I departed from my own usual practice and publicly endorsed your candidacy from my pulpit, even though I had heretofore never used the pulpit for partisan politics. I spoke on your, behalf because I believed that you represented the voices of sanity and decency in our Nation. I still feel this way and I am proud of your many achievements. At the same time, like so many Americans, I deplore the military approach that our Gov- ernment is using to solve the problems of Vietnam. Only today, Senator Goldwater complimented you on our recent bombing raids and went even further, suggesting the bombing of Hanoi but the American people voted for you and not for Senator Goldwater. Had they wanted his policies to prevail, they had the opportunity to elect him. May I respectfully request that you recon- sider our present actions in Vietnam and be willing to negotiate, in or outside of the United Nations, to make peace in that un- happy country and to secure an enduring peace among the nations. Sincerely, RABBI ROBERT E. GOLDBURG. AN OPEN LETTER TO PRESIDENT JOHNSON "We will never negotiate out of fear, but we will never fear to negotiate." -President JOHN.F. KENNEDY. We support the appeal of the Secretary General of the United Nations U Thant, call- ing on the countries involved in the conflict in Vietnam to move "from the field of battle to the conference table" in or outside the U.N. We believe that the military approach can- not lead to a real solution or serve the best interests of our Nation and that expansion of the war by any party threatens the peace of the world. Merton C. Bernstein, Yale Law School. Brereton W. Bissell, Human Relations Council. Walter Brooks, New Haven. Roger Burnham, Milford. Rev. David Byers, Wider City Parish. Mrs. Margaret Casanova, Hamden. Dr. Arthur D. Chiel, Rabbi, Cong. B'nai Jacob. Mrs. -Shulemith Chernoff, New Haven. Rev. 'William C. Coffin, Jr., Chaplain, Yale University. Edward W. Cohen, Woodbridge. George Conklin, Woodbridge. Prof. Robert Dahl, Yale University. Mrs. John B. Dick, New Haven. Rev. Wade Eaton, Christ Church, New Haven. Rev. Dr. Erwin D.- Edmonds, Dixwell Con- gregational Church. Prof. Thomas I. Emerson, Yale Law School. Mrs. Ruth C. Emerson, North Haven. Dr. Estelle E. Feldman, New Haven. Dr. and Mrs. Stephen Fleck, Hamden. Mr. Florence Frank, New Haven. Laurence R. Freedman, M.D., Hamden. Mr. and Mrs. Saul Friedler, New Haven. Rev. Robert Forsberg, Wider City Parish. Rabbi Robert E. Goldburg, Temple Mish- kan Israel. Paul Goodwin, Woodbridge. Prof. Robert L. Jackson, Yale University. Harry Klein, M.D., New Haven. Mr. and Mrs. Bernard P. Kopkind, New Haven. Rev. Robert W. Keeling, Spring Glen. Kathleen and Kenneth Kuenster, New Haven. Robert La Camera, M.D., New Haven. Joseph Lalor, New Haven. Prof. Paul Lavietes, M.D., Yale Medical School. Prof. Robert Jay Lifton, M.D., Yale Uni- versity. Mrs. Betty Jean Lifton, Woodbridge. Dr. and Mrs. Milton Lisansky, Hamden. Rev. Sidney Lovett, Chaplain Emeritus, Yale University. Prof. Stoughton Lynd, Yale University. Rabbi Jordan F. Ofsayer, Congregation Beth-El. Edward M. Opton, Woodbridge. Herbert Paris, North Haven. Mrs. Anita Pepper, New Haven. Rev. William M. Philpot, Community Baptist Church, Hamden. Irwin H. Pollack, New Haven. Rev. Dr. Liston Pope, Yale Divinity School, Mrs. Miriam Pouzzner, Hamden. Prof. Charles A. Reich, Yale Law School. Mrs. Celia D. Rostow, Hamden. Mr. and Mrs. Leonard E. Sampson, Wood- bridge. Mrs. Shirlee Schaffer, Woodbridge. Dr. and Mrs. Jerome M. Serling, Hamden. Prof. Albert J. Solnit, M.D., Yale Medical School Mrs. Martha Solnit, Hamden. Mr. and Mrs. Robert C. Spodick, Wood- bridge. Jody Stadler New Haven. Dan Stewart, New Haven. Prof. Clyde W. Summers, Yale Law School. Earl F. Vaughn, Hamden. Rev. Wallace T. Viets, First Methodist Church. Mrs. Laurel F. Vlock, Woodbridge. Richard Weinerman, M.D., Yale Medical School. Prof. Paul Weiss, Yale University. Donald Wendell, Human Relations Council. Hubert C. H. Woodward, New Haven. Prof. Arthur C. Wright, Yale University. Prof. Mary C. Wright, Yale University. Ronald Zimmerman, Woodbridge. We urge all like minded people to write or wire their views to President Johnson, Secre- tary Rusk and Senators DODD and RIBIaoFF. Organizations or titles listed are for pur- pose of identification only. Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I -should like to say to my friend, the Senator from Montana, that there is no ques- tion that an international conference has to be held to stop the war in Asia. To be effective it must have a third pow- er force at the head of the table. Let us Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 7914 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-$ CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE April 21, 1965 face it. Although the President talked ernment of South Vietnam. There has about unconditional discussion, he really never been an independent government talked about bilateral discussion. There in South Vietnam. Since the Geneva is no hope of settling the war by bilateral Accords there has been a series of Amer- discussion. Does any Senator believe Ican puppet governments. That is why that North Vietnam and Red China we have stood in violation of the Geneva would come to a conference table with Accords from the very beginning, as has their diplomatic tails between their legs? North Vietnam and, in my judgment, The very sitting down at such a confer- Red China, too, as well as the South Viet- ence under the proposal of the President namese and the Vietcong. In fact, most would require first a surrender, and those people still do not seem to know that countries have no more intention of the International Control Commission surrendering than we or the South Viet- has so declared. namese do. Are we going to be big enough as a For that reason, the majority leader is Nation to recognize that we have com- sound when he calls attention to the fact mitted wrongs in South Vietnam? Are that Russia and Great Britain have the we going to be big enough as a Nation authority to reconvene a Geneva Confer- to return to our ideals and say to the ence. I point out most respectfully to world that we are now ready to sit down our foreign allies that our allies have the at an international conference table, not authority under the United Nations controlled by the United States, not con- Charter also to bring the third party trolled by Red Russia and North Viet- force of the United Nations to the head nam or Red China, or the Vietcong, or of the table. the South Vietnamese but a conference We shall have to come to such a proce- table at the head of which sit the repre- dure under international law unless we sentatives of the noncombatants? are going to lead mankind into a massive In my judgment, that is our only hope war. I say, with all solemnity, that the to avoid a war, because we are about to senior Senator from Oregon is satisfied, escalate it now by sending over there from what he has heard within the ad- increasing thousands of American men. ministration, that if we follow our pres- We shall leave the Asiatics no choice but ent course of action in southeast Asia, to respond. I fear that we shall be 12 months from today there will be sev- bogged down there for 10, 20, or 25 years, eral hundred thousands of American and then there will be no victory, be- troops in Asia and there will be thou- cause a military victory will not produce sands of them coming back in coffins. a peace. That is how serious I think: the situation The PRESIDING OFFICER. The is. time of the Senator from Oregon has My plea-and I am not ashamed to expired. plead for peace-is a plea for an honor- Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I ask able peace under the application of the unanimous consent that I may have 1 rules of international law. We cannot additional minute. apply those laws while making war. The PRESIDING OFFICER. With- We cannot apply those rules of inter- out objection the Senator from Oregon national laws while at the same time we is recognized for 1 additional minute. resort to the law of the jungle. I would Mr. MORSE. We have reached the have the representatives of my Govern- time in the history of mankind when ment read Lippmann, for Llppmann wars can no longer produce peace, be- makes a devastating case against the ad- cause new modern weapons are so devas- ministration's policies in the two articles tating that they are bound to entrench that I have asked to have printed in the people for hundreds of years in hatred RECORD and the one by him that I had for those who they will feel are the cause inserted last week. of the war. Senators talk about the Geneva Ac- Let us face up to it today. The Asiatic cords. As Lippmann has pointed out, People will hate the United States for is it our argument now that there is a centuries if we continue our course of de facto government in South Vietnam? action in Asia. I have never advocated, "Watch out", says Lippmann, "for that and do not now advocate, the United argument, for if you are going to argue States getting out of Asia. I am plead- that there is a de facto government in ing for others to come in. I say to the South Vietnam, then East Germany is Prime Minister of Great Britain, "It is a de facto government because it, too, has nice to have your words." existect for over 10 years." I say to the Prime Minister of Canada, No, Mr. President. The Geneva Ac- "It is nice to have your words." cords did not set up a government in I say to the Prime Minister of Italy, either North or South Vietnam. The who is now in this country, "It is nice Geneva Accords set up two zones-no to have your words. But where are your government, North or South. The men?" United States set up a puppet govern- Where are the British soldiers, the ment In South Vietnam. The United Canadian soldiers, the Italian soldiers, States took a Washington-trained South and the soldiers of all the other coun- Vietnamese by the name of Diem to tries that are patting us on the back, South Vietnam and put him in power, egging us on? But their soldiers are not financed him, militarized him, and then, dying in South Vietnam. I am calling when he blew out as far as his leadership not for them to come in to make war; I was concerned, we proceeded to support am calling them to come in to keep the another puppet, and then. another pup- peace, as we keep the peace, through the pet, and one puppet after another. United Nations, in the Gaza strip, in We talk about having been invited into Cyprus, and have kept it in the Congo. South Vietnam by an, independent gov- I have been pleading for an end to war- making in Asia and the substitution of peacekeeping. I am calling for as many divisions of men from as many countries as necessary to enforce a cease-fire order in Asia. Mr. President, I am pleading for Amer- ica to rededicate herself to the great ideal that Franklin Roosevelt set out in Cairo and Teheran 20 years ago-an ideal. that was blocked from implemen- tation by Great Britain-when Franklin Roosevelt called for an international trusteeship of Indochina. I am calling for an international conference with noncombatants sitting at the head of the table and the combatants on the two sides to try to see what we can do to set up a rule of law in Asia-honorable in its implementation to both sides-under which the third party force, through tll United Nations, would maintain t1- peace in Asia until the happy day corn( when the combatants can lay down the arms and there will be war no more. am pleading for the nations of the wor to all work together in trying to establi the seedbeds of economic freedom Asia, so that the people can themselvt of their own volition, develop politic freedom over the years. That means that the nations of t world must maintain a peacekeepi force there-I care not how many di, sions-so that there will be no massac of human beings on either side of t dispute. The senior Senator from Or gon pleads for an honorable negotiat treaty whereby the South Vietname will not be massacred by the thousanc or the Vietcong by the thousands. Let us not forget that the Vietcong a a party to the dispute. They happen be the controlling force in much of Soul Vietnam, controlling more than 75 pei cent of the land area. I am advised the if an election were held in South Viel nam today, Ho Chi-minh would un doubtedly be elected president of bot: South and North Vietnam as would hav been the case in 1956 when the Unites States prevented the very election caller for by the Geneva Accords of 1954. Let us extricate ourselves from this situation by insisting that others come in and establish the international con- ference for which I have pleaded for more than a year and a half on the floor of the Senate. The PRESIDING OFFICER. The time of the Senator from Oregon has expired. Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that I may have ar additional 30 seconds. The PRESIDING OFFICER. With out objection, the Senator from Ore gon is recognized for an additions minute. Mr. MORSE. I introduced certai material in the RECORD today, for it my answer to reactionary columnis such as Mr. Chamberlain, whose colun has charged me in effect with aiding an abetting the Communists. To those us who raise our voices for peace I shou like to say, "You must get ready f that kind of castigation." It consl tutes a resurgence of McCarthyis Mr. Chamberlain has not pointed c that the material I have introduced cited in the free press of the free cou Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 ved For Rele A 004 0150023-8 April 21, ~4rs4~4v c ~ 7915 tries of the world; of course, it will be time that discussions, be had so, that [From the Washington (D.C.) Post, Apr. 21, cited in the Communist press. .But my reason and the rule W- law might be al- 19651 voice will continue to be raised, no mat- lowed to prevail over the warhawks who, MINIMUM WAGE IN D.C. ter how much castigation I.receive from, reactionaries and warmongerers such as the Chamberlains in this,, country and others of his stripe. I shall con- tinue to plead for an honorable peace before it is too late. I shall continue. to try to help lead my country to a peace- ful solution of this war crisis which, in my, judgment, if it is escalated, can threaten the future of all mankind. OUR MAJORITY LEADER MQVES FOR SANITY IN SOUTHEAST ASIA Mr. GRVENING subsequently said: Mr. President, earlier today. our distin- guished majority leader, the senior Sen- ?ator from Montana [Mr. MANSFIELD], a noted expert on the Far East, made an Important declaration on a subject which should be in the minds of all. Ameri- cans-the undeclared war in southeast Asia. I commend the Senator from Montana for bringing up the subject, be- cause there has been great need for de- bate in this body and elsewhere in the Nation. Debate has been going on in various colleges, but so far it has been conspicuously absent from the place where it really belongs-in the Congress of the United States. Senator MANSFIELD began by say- Ing: It is time for some blunt words on Viet- nam. I agree. He went on to say that while there is a great deal of talk about what the President meant or did not, mean by his speech at Johns Hopkins University, on April 7, the bloodshed goes on, and peo- ple in both North and South Vietnam are dying. He called for a cease-fire, for which the ,Senator from Oregon [Mr. MORSE] and I have been asking for over a year, so that there would be a reasonable chance of a peaceful settlement and a cessation of the slaughter. He suggested that the conferences suggested for Cambodia might very well be extended tp a discussion of the Viet- nam situation. Certainly, all rationally minded peo- ple should want to find a peaceful solu- tion to a s eadily escalating conflict which is on the eve of involving us in a major war possibly a thermonuclear holocaust. Every suggestion to prevent this should be gratefully received. The Senator from Vermont [Mr. AiKsN] has rightly expressed the hope that the,, world will read and take note of what our distinguished majority lead- er [Mr. MANSFIELD] has said. Senator AIKEN correctly stated, in his comment, that it was plainly evident that unless reasst returned, we would be headed into the most devastating conflict the, world has ever. known,,. and that we will not come out of it covered with. glory be- cause no one can win that kind of a war. I fully agree with the able Senator from Vermont coXriplimerit the majority leader [Mr. MANSk'IEI,D]. join the Senator from Vermont [Mr, AIKEN] and the Senator from Oregon [Mr. MORSE], who also. thinks, as he long has, that it is high as the advisers to.the President to whom . It is easy to get lost in the complicated he listens, seem to be in charge of our details of the minimum-wage legislation for national destiny. the District on which a House District sub- MINIMUM WAGE IN THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA- Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, there ap- .peared in the Washington Post this morning a_ very fine editorial entitled, "Minimum Wage in D.C." I certainly share the opinion of the Washington Post that minimum wage and hours leg- islation is a very necessary ingredient to the District of Columbia antipoverty program. I ask unanimous consent that this excellent editorial be printed in the RECORD at the conclusion of my remarks. As one who has, supported minimum wage legislation fora good many years, I am pleased and gratified with the tre- mendous general public support which exists in this city for improvements in minimum wage and hours conditions in the Nation's Capital. My colleagues will be interested to learn, I am sure, that the Washington Metropolitan Board of Trade recently withdrew its opposition covering a good many years to minimum wage and hours legislation. I am pleased that the Washington Board of Trade has seen fit to change its position on this very important matter and I wish to commend it for taking such action. My colleagues will recall that I intro- duced S. 3233, a bill to improve wage and hours conditions in the Nation's Capital on May 1, 1962. I reintroduced the bill, S. 860 on February 19, 1963. My Subcommittee on Public Health, Education, Welfare, and Safety, of which I have the privilege of being chairman, held public hearings on S. 860 on October 1, 4, and 8, 1963. The Senate passed S. 860 on August 21, 1964, exactly as it was reported by the Senate Committee on the District of Co- lumbia. I have reintroduced the bill, S. 19, this year and plan to hold public hearings on the measure as soon as my schedule per- mits. The District of Columbia Board of Commissioners in recent weeks have had a minimum wage and hours bill in- troduced in the House of Representatives which is my bill with a few minor and technical changes in it. I wish to commend Congressman MUL- .TER and his subcommittee for the thor- oughness in which his subcommittee has gone into this subject in recent weeks. As I mentioned earlier, it is heartening to see the tremendous public support in the District of Columbia for new mini- mum wage and hours legislation. I wish to commend the Washington Metropoli- tan Board of Trade, organized labor, the District of Columbia Board of Commis- sioners, U.S. Department of Labor, League of Women Voters, religious and neighborhood organizations and the press for supporting much needed im- provements in. existing minimum wage and hqurs conditions in the District of Columbia. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to he printed in the RECORD, as follows: committee has been conducting hearings. But the principle behind these bills seems to us both simple and clear. A large num- ber of people in this Capital City are work- ing for less than a minimum,living wage. That condition should not be allowed to continue. The country is now thoroughly committed to minimum-wage laws. Four years ago Con- gress fixed the Federal minimum wage at $1.25 per hour, although some of the groups covered by that law will not reap the full measure of its benefits until the coming fall. In these circumstances it would be highly unreasonable to talk of a lower minimum in this center of high living costs. On the other hand, it is estimated that at least 100,- 000 employees in the District are not covered by any minimum wage law at present and the wages of some are far below the $1.25 figure. In these circumstances, a figure above $1.25 per hour for local industries would seem to be premature. Both the Multer bill and the District Com- missioners' bill would, therefore, accept the $1.25 figure as the goal to be attained. As previously amended by the subcommittee, however, the Multer bill would exclude from -coverage more than 50,000 hourly employes and delay the full effectiveness of the $1.25 floor for some until 1968. Far more desir- able is the Commissioners' plan of compre- hensive coverage and adjustment to the Fed- eral minimum within 6 months. The Commissioners' recommendation is similar to the bill passed by the Senate last year. It cannot be regarded as drastic. If the net result Is to increase the cost of serv- ices now being rendered in hospitals, nursing homes, some educational institutions and so forth, the recipients of such services will have to make the necessary adjustments. It is not sound policy to subsidize such agen- cies through the payment of less than a liv- ing wage. Another important provision of the Com- missioners' bill would allow them to adjust the $1.25 minimum wage to keep abreast of living costs, fair compensation and com- parable work standards. Minimum wages should not be static while prices and eoo- nomic conditions are constantly changing. It is necessary of course to relate the changes that can be made to specific finding on the part of administrative officials, but allow- ance for improvement as the economy itself improves should be regarded as vital. This bill is a necessary part of the Presi- dent's antipoverty program. It would be Ironic indeed if a Congress which seems de- dioated to the elimination of poverty else- where should remain indifferent to the pay- ment of starvation wages in the Nation's Capital. "WATER-THE ULTIMATE RE- SOURCE"-ADDRESS BY SENATOR LEN B. JORDAN, OF IDAHO Mr. KUCHEL. Mr. President, . no Member of the Senate is more experi- enced in the important field of water and water development than the distin- guished junior Senator from Idaho [Mr. JORDAN]. Senator JORDAN has had a long lifetime of active interest in water problems, questions of reclamation, and reclamation development. He served as ,a distinguished Governor of his State. He graces this Chamber as an able mem- ber of the Committee on Interior and InsularAffairs. Approved for Release 2003110/14 :.CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 7916 Approved CONGRESSIONAL ORECORf RDSE left46R00030015~p 3.~8 21 1965 Mr. President, you will recall with me that during the administration of Presi- dent Eisenhower, Senator JORDAN's serv- ices were used in Afghanistan with re- spect to that country's urgent problems of water development. On April 13, 1965, Senator JORDAN spoke before the Pacific Northwest Trade Association at Portland, Oreg., on the subject "Water-The Ultimate Re- source." It is an extremely thoughtful address. Senator JORDAN devotes him- self to a number of specific questions that are of concern not alone to the Pacific Northwest but to each State in the American Union, as well.. I ask unanimous consent that the en- tire text of the address be printed at this point in the RECORD. The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. MORSE in the chair). Without objec- tion, it is so ordered. The address is as follows SPEECH BY SENATOR LEN B. JORDAN BEFORE THE PACIFIC NORTHWEST TRADE ASSOCIATION PORTLAND MEETING ON "WATER-THE ULTI- MATE RESOURCE," APRIL 13, 1965 I am pleased to participate with the mem- bers of the Pacific Northwest Trade Associa- tion In this, your 53d conference, on the im- portant subject of water. Your fine organization is commended for the excellent public service it has rendered -back through the years in providing a forum for discussion of current problems. This is the third time I have been priv- ileged to speak to you and I sincerely hope that my remarks here today will be of inter- est to you. Water is more than a natural resource-it is a necessity of life. Here in the United States we have lived more than 200 years before the water problem became generally acute. But the uses we make of water in modern society are so tremendous that they stagger the imagination. The coming of our industrial era, the raising of our living standards, and the in- creased application of water to land have now highlighted the problems until in much of the Nation there is grave and increasing concern over water resources. Planning for the development of water re- sources has undergone a marked evolution during the past 50 years. At the turn of the century the use of water resources was planned largely on a single-purpose, single- project, single-agency basis. Too frequently other equally important uses of water were overlooked. This was because no agency was authorized to plan for comprehensive devel- opment. Each carried out its specific func- tion as prescribed by law. The local people, through established agencies, such as State water resource boards and/or interstate compact commissions should have an effective voice, along with the Federal agencies in this planning which would recognize and properly weigh all the varied and sometimes contrary programs af- fected by the proposed development of water resources. Here in' the Northwest we are especially favored with an abundance--sometimes a superabundance-of potable water. This is not to say that our water is always available in the right place at the right time. The problems of distribution are always with us. How to capture nature's rainfall on our watersheds and then by proper storage and supply management mold this water resource to best achieve its multipurpose benefits is a real challenge, but one that Is richly re- warding. These multipurpose benefits must include domestic, industrial, reclamation, power, navigation, recreation and fish and wildlife. No longer can we tolerate single purpose planning. One basic point I wish to emphasize early mittees indicates that some 13 million aver- in this statement is the interdependence of age kilowatts of hydroelectric power can be land and water. Any serious study or plan- developed in the U.S. portion of the Colum- ning for one must necessarily and inevitably bia River Basin that will be cheaper than an involve the other. Sound water resource de- alternate source. Most of this power de- velopment depends first of all on a healthy, velopment will be in the State of Washington well-maintained watershed. This is of pri- or on its boundary. Yet the watersheds of mary Importance. the State of Washington will supply but a Afghanistan investigating the economic feas- ibility of a large reclamation development. There I found that centuries of watershed abuse had first removed all of the timber from the slopes and the higher elevations. Overgrazing had contributed to the destruc- tion of the brush and grass cover, leaving in- sufficient vegetation to retard the runoff. Erosion was inevitable and devastating al- most beyond belief. Soil movement had bared the hillsides to berdock so that there was little more runoff retardation than from the_roof of a building. Masonry arched bridges perhaps a quarter of a mile long stood stark and desolate in the desert, mute evidence to the fact that a rampaging river had dammed its own chan- nel by lodging debris against the bridge piers and then cutting a new channel as if in defiance of man's effort to contain it. At flood stage the river was a monster out of control. In the heat of summer when water was most needed the river would shrink to a docile, sluggish stream, an altogether inade- quate fraction of its flood stage. In Afghanistan I have seen drifting sand dunes uncover the houses of a village that was once the center of an irrigated agricul- tural community. Here are the ghosts of a civilization that perished for lack of water- a silent indictment of man's refusal to ob- serve sound conservation practice. This is where I learned more of the im- portance of watershed protection against complete ruination. Here it was indelibly printed in my mind that we cannot take for granted that water will always be available downstream, no matter how we abuse the watershed upstream. In the Columbia basin most of the water- shed is federally owned. This poses a real problem because ,the funds available for Watershed protection on public lands are not adequate. Moreover, funds which provide technical assistance to private landowners for soil conservation have been substantially reduced in the administration's budget. In order to protect our watersheds, some- time in the not too distant future, it may be necessary to levy against power sales for headwater conservation purposes, Including additional storage. A very small assessment per kilowatt-hour on all power sold, public, private, Federal and non-Federal alike could provide a fund to keep the watersheds healthy. A prudent businessman employs similar methods to protect his long-range interest. No less prudent should be our approach to sound conservation and water- shed protection. A second point I wish to make is that there is no single uniform policy, no magic formula relating to water resources which can be ap- plied to all parts of the country at all times and in all places. The problems Involve par- ticular needs and uses of water from State to State, from basin to basin, and from region to region. While it is generally sound to plan coordi- nated development of water resources by large river basin areas, it is possible to place too much importance on this concept with- out giving full consideration to the States as small part of the water that passes through these main-stem turbines, Washington watersheds contribute less than 3 percent of the water at Grand Coulee, 8 percent of the water at Chief Joseph, and 13 percent of the water at McNary. Thus, most of the water originates on upstream watersheds, but the downstream reclamation projects receive a lion's share of the benefits. Simple equity would call for a sharing of downstream benefits with upstream States which supply the water. Insofar as upstream Canada is concerned the United States-Canada treaty gives rec- ognition to the contribution that will be made by yet-to-be-built Canadian storage. A cash payment of more than one-quarter- billion dollars has been made by the United States to Canada. This will pay for Canada's entitlement to a share of increased produc- tion at U.S. plants downstream made pos- sible by Canadian storage for a 30-year peri- od. Bear in mind that not 1 gallon of new water will be added to the Columbia. What will be accomplished is a partial regulation of the streamfiow, storing the flood peaks, and releasing the water when normal stream flows are lowest. In addition Canada wil receive $64 million for flood control benefit to the United States. This treaty is a great step forward it river basin planning. As a former Chairmar of the U.S. section of the International Join Commission, I was privileged to work on tht early stages of the Columbia Treaty and know first hand the months and years of as- sembling the basic data which preceded the additional months and years of hard bargain- ing. The significant fact is that an accord was reached and consummated in a treaty thus indicating, at the international level, a meeting of trained minds as to the value of upstream watershed and storage resources. Likewise the upstream watershed and stor- age resources of Montana, Idaho, Wyoming, and Oregon make a contribution similar to, and perhaps even greater than, that to be made by Canada. Now someone will probably challenge this comparison on the basis that much of the U.S. headwater storage is for reclamation and that part of this water is consumptively used. The answer is that the purpose of upstream storage is to capture the floods or at near the source and to release the stored waters as needed. Irrigation accomplishes this purpose ad- mirably. Even the water that is lost by transpiration or evaporation is returned in the form of added precipitation. Only that small part which becomes a part of the plant Is truly lost. In Idaho, on the Snake River alone, we have between 8 and 9 million acre-feet of storage now through reclamation projects. Two-thirds of this water returns to the Snake River during its low flows. Thus, by shap- ing and improving the runoff pattern, rec- lamation contributes substantial flood con- trol benefits and hydropower benefits as well. At the present time no provision is made for upstream States to share in downstream benefits and there is no provision in the law for such a sharing. Nor is there any provi- sovereign units in basin complexes because sion in the law that would prohibit some the larger river systems have no respect for such arrangement as a Columbia Basin proj- State lines. For example, basin planners ect account through which upstream recla- must concede the validity of water rights mation projects might share in the down- that are protected under State law. stream power revenues as an aid to reclama- Too often the upstream States of a river tion beyond the ability of the water users basin are short changed in the allocation of to pay. This is not an unreasonable arrange. benefits derived from main-stem plants ment. downstream. A case in point is the Columbia Let us review briefly, the evolution o Basin. Testimony before congressional com- reclamation law. The basic reclamation lam Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 Approved For Release 2003/10/14 ,: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 A191? CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX April 21, 1965 to establish the headquarters of the orga- nization in the United States. 7 /lost specialized agencies of the U.N. are headquartered elsewhere. The International Court of Justice is at The Hague; UNESCO is in Paris; WHO is in Geneva; FAO is In Rome; and so on. The original buildings of the League of Nations in Geneva are now extensively used by the United Nations for a variety of meetings. Several years ago the Soviet Union suggested. moving the U.N. Headquarter to Moscow because of.some in- cidents, of discrimination. against several African Ambassadors in New York. The U.N. could establish its headquarters outside of the United States. There are those who Would not only move the U.N. out of the United States but who would have ug get out of the U.N. and construct a. solid wall between ourselves and the peoples of the Communicst -world. They want a wall of implacable hostility and rigidity, a Berlin wli in rever'se', g a e an Obviously, this is impossible in the 20th cans go there by day and leave at sundown. fear, where the children are sullen and silent. century. cannot stop the world and get Saigon, which hasn't been painted in years, Air strikes against North Vietnam have off. A major effort of our foreign policy is retains an aura of seedy elegance. Coupled raised the morale of American and Arvin to carry into world affairs what we have with the bustle of a booming black market forces. What glse they have accomplished is learned here at home; how men and women and 'a vigorous night life, this dulls the at this point a matter of conjecture. of rneci entnationaI backgrounds, of differ- sense of danger. Most Americans check their ent religions, of different regions, of different guns when they come to the city. [From the Gleaner-Journal, Henderson, Ky., cultures and colors, and of different politics, WAR IS EVIDENT Apr. 3, 1965] can somehow manage their lives without But everyone is very conscious of the war, "WE'RE HOLDING OUR OWN" IN VIETNAM murdering each other most of the, time, which can be grim. In the north, for ex- (By J. A. Dear) T{ie existing international organization ample an army officer with the Special Forces KIEN BINH, VIETNAM.-Far below, the clus- througgli which we seek these,objectives is the was caught by the Vietcong, who skinned ter of steaming hamlets fade into the same- United Nations. These are the purposes him. ness of the landscape, a blur of delicate spelled out in the U.N. Charter. The Pre- At the lonely outposts of the Special Forces green, sluggish rivers, and countless canals. amble and the first two articles of the life is Jiff cult a.n r3 danger us m, e A vwn Declaration of Independence. That is why such an overwhelming number of Americans are "proud of the fact that no `nation in the world has given more positive leadership or greater support to the U.N, than has our own country. Most human beings prefer peace to war, and practically all of them would rather be alive than dead. Yet in every part of the world, men and women have been brought ' .p to regard war between nations as some- thing inevitable. But was is obsolete. Nuclear war, if it is ever waged, may prove to be Incompatible, not only with civiliza- tion.,. but perhaps with human survival. Yes, we could move the U.N. out of the United States, but we.. cannot move the United States out of the U.N. Like it or. not, we.are1i the world to stay. It is the one existing international organization where men of all nations can ,meet and talk and disagree, ,,but where hopefully they can finally resolve their differences without a war that nobody wants. EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. JOHN SHERMAN COOPER series of articles from the Henderson through the Rand Corp., to see what moti- Gleaner-Journal, Henderson, Ky., for in- vates the Vietcong.) - sertion in the RECORD. In some areas the Vietcong governs. Our There being no objection, the articles grip on the central highlanders is tenuous. were ordered to be printed in the RECORD, threatenedThe coastal areas dwthe hand has hamlet hamlets as follows: are out off, thousands of refugees flee to the VIETNAM: THE WAR WITHOUT FRONTLINES Coast. (By J. A. Dear) We budgeted enough-money to care for EDITOR'S NOTE.-J. A. Dear, president of 100,000 refugees this year. Already the Dear Publication & Radio Inc., is on a tour camps are bulging with nearly 200,000 of of the Far East. This dispatch is the first f the them. Vietcong Whether this a expression s p of ious to ple of a special series on Vietnam where Dear ware voting ng with their ssion people observed the war first hand. who feet, no one knows. SAIGON, VIETNAM.-Almost every night the REFUGEES POUR IN heavy air of this hot city throbs with the With increasing frequency refugees of an- sound of artillery and mortar fire in the other category are stumbling to our lines. suburbs. Mostly old men, women, and children, some Due Hoa, only 12 miles from the center of horribly wounded, they are the survivors of the city, is thought of in Washington as a American jet strikes against targets in Viet- striking example of how successful the pact- nam south of the 17th parallel. These are fication program can be. But in fact Ameri- the villages that are hummin with h t d rmy men serving as advisers to the regional - aaau geuaoy and good luck and popular forces of Vietnam-our fellows American aadvisoraara, leader of the five man group Binh. This call them Roofpoofs-is no better. There is is delta count t i n ry, o ne of th e grre at Asian more safety at the larger installations,-per- breadbaskets, whose people eat better than haps, but everywhere outside Saigon the the Chinese, the Koreans, the Filipinos, the paraphernalia of war is visible. Japanese. Yet the delta is a stronghold of Not counting the men of the 7th Fleet, the Vietcong, and some areas, Ca Mau, the American forces in Vietnam total about 27,- Yumin Forest, the Plain of Reeds have never 000. We have never fielded a finer team. Al- been under the effective control of the Saigon most without exception they are optimistic, government. and take the view that withdrawal would When a helicopter drops down at Kien be an unmitigated disaster for the United. Binh side gunners hunch over their machine States. Incidentally, personnel of the State guns. "Yes," said Major Waara, "it's not so Department and information Service are bad now." Gesturing toward a scratchy equally competent and dedicated, and for patch of land, "they used to shoot at us the most part, as optimistic, from there." Armed men stand But all are baffled. This is a war without the plane. guard over frontlines. The enemy, until he chooses to Some nights the Vietcong fire mortars show himself, is indistinguishable from at Major Waara's command compound. But friend. Arvin troops-American argot for gradually Government forces are pushing out the regular Army of Vietnam-are brave and from their shaky toehold. Their aim is to endure high casualties without flinching. pacify the region by the end of the year. (Their losses, until recently, averaged more than 1,000 weekly.) CAPTAIN GETS CREDIT RED. STOQL PIGEONS Capt. Nguyen Van Huynh, a babyfaced Beyond doubt, however, Arvin . riddled officer of 32, who was deflected from his with Communists who tip off the Vietcong get studies for the priesthood by war, should before offensive strikes get underway. It is a the credit for whatever success the Gov - before having, according Major Waara. rare occasion that we get advance warning "He's s a having, a remarkable e man," said Waara. of Vietcong operations. "Without him I don't think we'd be here. Moreover, we have to do everything at once. Puts out patrols at night. You know, they Government stability in Saigon is a precon- have a price of 500,000 piasters on his head:" dition for military success, which in turn de- (That's about $3,600 at the black market pends.on active assistance from the peasants, rate.) whose support hinges on the reintroduction T he 55,000 people of Kien Binh live in an OF KENTUCKY of effective local government and a viable area of about 20 by 12 miles that is divided IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES local economy. Of course that is an impos- into 55 districts-10 of these districts are sibility without military success and sensible Wednesday, April 21, 1965 guidance from Saigon. controlled by the government, 24 by the Vietcong, and 21 by no one. To conduct this Mr. COOPER. Mr. President, I ask American Economic Aid (Eusom) is than- campaign, Captain Huynh has 780 men, 200 rinted 01 tile Y p -, States commits to regional force, and 580 of them village vo every dollar the United the Appendix of the RECORD a series of support the government of Vietnam i lun- f n act teers of the popular force. articles on Vietnam by J. A. Dear, who supports the Vietcong. For example, avfa- "We're holding our own and maybe better," has been onthe ground in South Viet- tion gasoline is transported to Pleiku, head- said Major Waara. That's the assessment of nam "and"in the'ares of operations. Mr. quarters of the Arvin 2d Corps and a base most American officers everywhere in Viet- Dear is president, of Dear Publication for American helicopters, via highway 14 nam. They note that the Vietnam, after & Radio, is a distinguished correspond- from Saigon. The commercial contractors getting clobbered in several engagements, is ent and his reports will be of great who haul this gas pay a road tax imposed ducking set battles. But everyone agrees the ent, t and hi report S still the great by the Vietcong, which controls the high- Vietcong has the capability of strikihard. ways. A study to determine how much help The question is when, and one theory is that mittee.. The reports have appeared in the Vietcong gets from us has been under- the tempo of the war will increase with the many papers. I send to the desk the taken. (We have also begun a study, advent of the rainy season. Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 ft Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 April 21, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX A1909 does authorize the President to detail Armed understanding among nations and people. tain responsibilities set by UNICEF, including Forces personnel to serve in a noncombatant if these objectives are un-American or freedom of the UNICEF staff to check on the capacity, but sets a ceiling of 1,000 as the against our national interest, then we do not distribution of supplies within the country, number of ouch personnel that might be de- understand the spirit or basic philosophy of then assistance is forthcolriing. It is given tailed at any one time even for such purposes. our country. without regard to race, or religion, or politi- "TOWARD WORLD UNDERSTANDING" cal belief or national status. CHARGE-A U.S. ND U.S. MIL DDICTATOR IS ARY FORCES EMPOWERED TO Now what kind of a Communist takeover DISBAND One of the publications of UNESCO 15 conspiracy is that? In 1961, the Congress of the United States entitled "Toward World Understanding." THE POPULATION EXPLOSION VERSUS creatd an agency called the U.S. Arms Con- This booklet is alleged to contain the master YOUNG DEATH trol and Disarmament Agency. The Agency plan for domination of American schools. is in part under the direction of the State The volume is a collection of views of par- We hear much about the population ex- Department, but also reports to the Congress ticipants in education seminars. The charge plosion and dangers therefrom are alarming. and to the President. Its Director is Wil- that this booklet serves to foster "world The statistics of newborn life are startling. liam C. Foster, a distinguished American government" in any way in the United It has been estimated that three children are industrialist. States could not possibly be deduced from a born into the vast human family every sec- The Agency is to seek agreements under reacting of it by any reasonably minded per- and of the day. By midnight tonight, more which nations could safely reduce arma- son, It is true that the phrase, "world un- than 260,000 children will have come into ments. The United States has proposed that derstanding," appears frequently. This being. armaments be reduced in graduated stages phase, of course, refers to a better mutual But the statistics of young death are under strict international supervision and understanding of the peoples of other lands. equally startling. There are more than 1 bil- control, while at the same time the peace- Certainly such understanding is greatly lion children alive in the world today. Of keeping machinery of the United Nations be needed in the world today. It is hard to that number, 850 million are faced with the built up. Although the law authorized the conceive in what way it is inconsistent with evils of hunger, of poverty, of ignorance, of Disarmament Agency to negotiate disarma- the American way of life or the teaching of fear, of disease. In most families of man- ment agreements, it did not give the Dis- American citizenship. kind, childhood is not a time of play. It is armament Agency or the U.S. President or Such a furor was raised over this particu- a time of premature suffering and dying. anyone else blanket authority to reduce U.S. lar booklet that a special committee of the In the new countries half of the children die Armed Forces or to place the security of the American Legion undertook a study of it. before their fifth birthday. They are victims United States at the disposal of the United it reported that it was about "as subversive of what; we would consider as anachronistic Nations. as the tales of Hans Christian Anderson." scourges such as leprosy, yaws, trachoma, and Section 33 of the Arms Control and Dis- UNESCO'S charter, like that of the U.N. malaria. In our own country these diseases armament Act provides: "That; no action itself, specifically prohibits the Organization have become medical curiosities. It is said shall be taken under this or any other law from intervening in matters which are essen- that there are very few doctors in the United that will obligate the United States to dis- tially within the domestic jurisdiction of its States that have treated or even seen a case arm or to reduce or to limit the Armed Forces member states. Accordingly, UNESCO re- of smallpox. or - armaments of the United States, except stricts itself to providing assistance only The U.N., through UNICEF, seeks to im- pursuant to the treatymaking power of the upon a direct request from the government prove these miserable conditions. It Is for President under the Constitution or unless of the member state concerned. The United this purpose that UNICEF has carried on authorized by further affirmative legislation States has never requested any UNESCO as- the trick-or-treat fundraising program on by the Congress of the United States." sistance for its public educational system. Halloween and has raised money through Thus, any disarmament treaty negotiated In the field of education, UNESCO's assist- the famous greeting card and note paper by the President could become effective only ance is concentrated in the newly developing program. through congressional action or Senate rati- countries. CHARGE-THE U.N. IS ATHEISTIC AND fication, as required by the U.S. Constltu' UNESCO publications (there are over 3,000 OPPOSES ALL RELIGIONS tion. Even the limited treaty banning the of them) are for sale in this country as in any The members of the U.N. include repre- atmospheric testing of bombs came into force other member nation. Any teacher, like any sentatives of all the major religions on the only after approval by a two-third vote of private citizen, may buy them. But no at- face of the earth. No one is required to prefer the U.S. Senate. tempt has been made by UNESCO to force its materials on any teacher or any school board observe any religious por to prefer over another. practice r ac. U.N. meetings r SOVIETS CONTROL THE U.N. which, in.our country's tradition, is responsi- one religion wit1 minute of silence for prayer or SECRETARIAT ble for the selection of any Classroom mate- open The ke osition of the Secretary General meditation. It is true that the U.N. Charter y P rims. So far as can be determined, these does not mention God. But neither is God has been filled by a Norwegian, Trygve Lie; materials have never been so used in the mentioned in our own U.S. Constitution. a a e, Dag Hamm skjold; and now by United States. Like the United States, the U.N. permits a Burrmmesese, U U Thant. . UNICEF every man to be guided by his own con- As of May 1, 1964, there were 19 posts in The attacks on UNICEF, the Children's science. the of compaiat parable me Under Secretary 1, 1 Fund, have always been beyond comprehen- Perhaps the best response to -this charge is r n di ; 1importance. U.S.S.R.; the 19, are sion. The organization was originally cre- is the extensive support of the U.N. by the from from India; 1 it from the 4 are ated upon Herbert Hoover's recommendation. major Christian churches, Protestant and United Arab the United is States; 1 is ance the is from He had gone to Europe immediately after Catholic, as well as by Jewish congregations. Yugoslavia; Republic; 1 is from France; 1 is from World War II to survey the needs of the Over 30 religious organizations, representing Greece; is from Nigeria; 1 is from people in the war-ravaged countries. It was all faiths, maintain permanent observers ac- Greece; 1 is from New is from m 2 are from apparent that the children were the war's credited to the U.N. fro United Kingdom; 1 is from Brazil; l; 1 is worst sufferers. To meet the emergency The support of the Catholic Church has i m Cz urma; I is from 1 from is Chfrom ina na (Taiwan). 1 needs of children, the special agency, been widely publicized by the late Pope John As of the same date, May :1, 1964, there UNICEF, was created within the U.N. of its existence, XXIII in his universally proclaimed encyeli- is s from Burma; is was a total of 1,389 professional and execu- In the first few years cal, "Pacem in Terris." Recently, Pope Paul tive positions at the U.N. Of that total, UNICEF concentrated its aid to the children appointed Msgr. Alberto Giovannetti as the Americans held 255 or about 18 percent plus. of the European countries that were most Vatican's permanent observer to the U.N. He If clerical staff is counted, the proportion is cruelly devasted in the war. headquarters at the Holy Family United Na- much of these countries eventually fell be- tions Parish, 324 East 47th Street. The Pro- was tizens less than n hind the Iron Curtain. In 1950 UNICEF testant Church Center for ecutive higher. pro The fessional U.S.S.R.position:; citizens 6cpercent. rce orpro moved its emphasis hasis from the war emergency Street t the U.N. is at 44th 6 and U.N. Plaza, directly across the areas to meeting the long-term health and street from the U.N. The Jewish Center for CHARGE-UNESCO IS A PART OF THE WORLD nutrition needs of children in the under- the U.N. is being constructed at the Sutton COMMUNIST CONSPIRACY developed countries, in Africa, in South Place Synagogue and will complement the Since its founding 19 years ago, UNESCO America and in the Far East. Holy Family Parish. has been a favorite target for those attack- Are there children in Communist countries AND THE STATES THE U.N. UNITED OUT STATES OF OF THE OUT UNITED ing the U.N. The most frequently repeated helped by UNICEF? Yes, of course. Children "GET THE charge that UNESCO is part of the world are children, including children in Poland Communist movement is through interna- and Yugoslavia, the two remaining European One of these days some major issue before tional control of education in the United countries whose babies and mothers are re- the U.N. is going to be resolved in a manner States and elsewhere. UNESCO is charged ceiving such aid. Should infants be required unsatisfactory to this country. It is then with infiltrating and influencing U.S. public to take loyalty oaths? Ridiculous, that the hue and cry to "Get the United schools by brainwashing children and teach- UNICEF believes, and the United States States out of the U.N. and the U.N. out of ing "one worldism." endorses this principle, that children who the United States" will again be heard. Ever since World War II, heroic efforts are starving or ill because of lack of medicine New York City may not be the most logical have been made to teach the whole world or medical care are entitled to help regard- place to house the organization. It,was due how to read. UNESCO was created to ad- less of what kind of a political regime under to the generosity of the Rockefeller family vande education throughout the world; as which they happen to live. If a government in making the valuable tract of land in New well as to further a better and more tolerant requests assistance, if it agrees to accept cer- York available that served as an inducement Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 A oved For ReIa se2pp 3/1 /1~4 C 760 gp~p 0150023-8' ''April 21, 1 YR5 C(TGRESSISNA~, # E8&S 40f Rffl A1911 SAFER IN LARGE TOWNS The legitimacy of the present government equation changes every day. So much for Life in the larger towns where corps head- is questionable, but American officials are the assumptions. quarters are set up-Vietnam is divided into not anxious to explore this murky area. An- Hanoi's support of the Communists in the four military districts-is easier and safer. other violent coup might destroy our excuse war here is no longer disputed, even by Helicopters and advisory officers, are con- for being here. We are here at the invita- Hanoi. But the amount and importance of centrated around the headquarters. But tion of the Vietnam Government; there must the aid received from the North is a matter nobody's living it up, exactly. be a government to be the guest of. of dispute. Asian cities are poor, dirty, and disease MANY POLITICAL FACTORS The Ho Chi Minh trail., so called, traverses ridden. (Many cases of the plague have been The political factors of immediate conse- difficult terrain. It has not been photo- reported.) Since dependents were sent home quence in Vietnam are generals, Buddhists, graphed for television because cameramen life goes on without women, for the most Catholics, and two other religious sects, the cannot get equipment to it. part. (Queenie's and the place next to it Hoa Hao and the Cao Dai. The Cao Dai, The triple-ply jungle-there are trees, are off limits.) which venerates Christ, Buddha, and Victor with secondary growth above them, and be- But even at headquarters area there is Hugo, once fought Diem and the Commu- yond that an additional growth that is danger. At Pleiku, headquarters of the 2d nists. Fortunately, the Communists assas- rooted in the trees themselves-cannot be Corps in the central highlands, about 100 sinated its leader, and now the Cao Dai is penetrated more than 75 yards in one day by Vietcong slipped through the scrub to attack with the Government. a young man in excellent physical condi- Camp Holloway on February 7. Prime Minister Quat is confident that only tion. An athlete would be hard put to make th I 'l d k t it more an m e a a n n ra Apparently every native in and around the camp knew the attack was coming, but we were unwarned. One Informant from the Montagnard village where the Vietcong set up its mortars would have prevented the sur- prise. Local help at the base left promptly at sundown, and the cyclo drivers in Pleiku refused to take personnel back to the base. "The apathy of the people is more of a problem than the Vietcong," one officer rue- fully admitted. And after 20 years -of war it does seem to be true that a majority of the population of Vietnam is uncommitted to either side. This adds to the strain and perhaps the danger. But where there are as many guns as"there now are in Vietnam, there is danger. On a passenger flight from Danang to Saigon there was only one item of cargo: a dead marine in a green sack off my left boot. He was shot and killed as he returned to his lines in the hills above the airbase by a fellow marine.. [From the Gleaner-Journal, Henderson, Ky., Apr. 4, 1965] VIETNAMESE ARMY NOT STRONG ENOUGH To COPE WITH VIETCONG (Third of a series) (By J. A. Dear) SAIGON, VIETNAM.-NO American out here faults the fighting spirit of Vietnamese Army troops (Arvin). on more than one occasion Arvin troops have continued attacking until wiped out. And remember, this is an army that is under- fed, underled, seldom, paid, gets no leave. Its nine regular divisions are served by 500 doctors; that means there are only 200 doc- tors to care for a civil population of 16 million. 13aving said this, the truth can be set forth. Arvin is riddled with Vietcong agents; staff work is very poor; there is no personnel setup at all except for the bureau of psychology warfare, which should be con- cerned with the enemy. Some political gen- erals are incompetent,. but the most serious shortage is of qualified junior officers. Ap- proximately one-third of the companies composing Arvin are shaky. Above all, there Simply are not enough government troops In theileld to cope with the Vietcong. REPLACEMENTS WERE FEW Part of the trouble has its origin in Saigon. As a result of the coups and demicoups, Arvin received almost no replacements until recently. Because about 40,000 men were lo ge in ,operations, this means a badly wfSUi'Itled, Arvin had to face an enemy that has been' continually nourished by supplies and men from the North. The first coup, which led to the murder of Diem, had the greatest impact. During the sorry interval between Diem's death and the present regime of Dr. Quat, effective govern- ment came to a stop. Since. this is a politi- cal wai' for the hearts and inds of people . effective government at every level is essential. s y o own s a few dissidents in the religious groupings oppose his government. He is also confident through this growth. And a trail unused ram has been for 6 days disappears. romisin economic ro that a g p p g evolved, and he is sure military leaders ap- preciate the importance of governmental stability. At present there is no single military strong man on the scene. Big Minh of the first coup may return, but a five-member armed forces council now advises Dr. Quat. KY IS COLORFUL COMMANDER General Ky, colorful commander of Viet- nam's air force, is one of the most important members of the council. General Thi, com- mander of I Corps, is an influential general though not a member of the council. Gen- eral Co of II Corps, called "dancing master" because of his fondness for this pastime, is another name to remember. Incidentally, Co's acute criticism of the deployment of the Special Forces led to the development of new tactics. The traditional enmity of the Vietnamese and Montagnard has caused serious trouble in the central highlands. Saigon has made concessions, but not before Y B'Ham Enoul, former Saigon deputy in the highlands, skipped to Cambodia after fomenting an abortive uprising. Most encouraging of all, said Dr. puat, is that "your country has settled on a policy for Vietnam, for a month ago you had none." ASSUMPTIONS ARE PLAYING THEIR ROLE IN SOUTHEAST ASIA BATTLE (Fourth of a series) (By J. A. Dear) SAIGON, VIETNAM.-What are the consid- erations and thinking on which our policy here is based? These are the assumptions: Southeast Asia is vital to American security. If Vietnam falls to Communist aggression, southeast Asia is lost. In spite of obvious apathy to the war, the people of South Vietnam are by no means committed to the Communist regime in the north. There are hostilities between these regions we can exploit. Likewise, there are differences between the Tokinese and Chinese that can be exploit- ed. Even the most ardent Communist in Ho Chi Minh's government probably hopes North Vietnam can escape Chinese occupa- tion. Ho Chi Minh is indeed dependent on Red China. But to give his regime room for maneuver he plays Peiping against Moscow. If we hit him too hard, we push him into the hands of the Chinese. If we don't hit him hard enough, he has no incentive for easing his campaign against Vietnam. If we threaten the destruction of Ho Chi Minh, we practically assure intervention by the Russians and the Chinese. Because of the parities of the situation, Moscow can- not stand on the sidelines if a Socialist state is threateded with destruction. EQUATION CHANGES EVERY DAY Thus, the air strikes against North Viet- nam involve nice calculations. Further, the TRIP TAKES ABOUT 60 DAYS It is agreed that a Communist trooper from the North will not reach I Corps or II Corps, the northern military districts of Vietnam, in less than 30 days. Probably the trip takes about 60 days. Now, what is the capacity of the Ho Chi Minh trail? One estimate is 1,000 men and 40 tons of equipment per month. Consider- ing the nature of the country, this does not seem unreasonable, though some say it is too low by half. It is admitted that anyone who has trav- eled the trail must rest up before combat. Also, Communist arms and men reach Viet- nam by sea. But this aid-and here we are back to as- sumption-is crucial. Without it the Viet- cong would lose vital momentum and the Saigon Government would triumph. That is the rationale underlying our policy, THERE IS A WEAPON WE HAVE YET To USE IN VIETNAM: FOOD (Fifth of a series) (By J. A. Dear) SAIGON, VIETNAM.-Nothing is lost until it is lost, in my opinion, unless you walk away. In a nutshell, that's my thought about the miserable war. Also, the other guy has real problems. Suppose you had to group 1,000 men for a battle 100 miles away, knowing that your communications were poor, that'you didn't control the roads or the air, that your only transport was manback, that equipment had to be toted piecemeal, that your secur- ity hinged on the silence of everyone in vil- lages your men had to sleep in, that your enemy could mobilize murderous firepower in minutes, and that you would face anni- hilation if caught in the open country?. Well, that's the way it is for the Vietcong. PROBLEMS OF OWN MAKING For all that, we have problems too, and some of them of our own making. The most serious is that which results from our decision to embrace a strategy of terror. That's what bombing is. It doesn't dis- criminate between soldiers and/or women and children. Especially, I have in mind American air strikes in South Vietnam. We are killing innocents almost every day. (Twenty-three structures and five water buf- falo were destroyed, etc.) Morality aside, can you think of a worse way to win the hearts and minds of people in a political war? Neither can I. If we must be terrorists, let's be effective. And there is a weapon at hand we have not touched. Food. NO WHEAT WITH A-BOMB The technical achievements of the Com- munist world, including Red China, are im- pressive. But you can't grow wheat with an A-bomb. Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 A1912 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX April 21, 1965' Red China has the A-bomb, but not the wheat. At least she wouldn't have the wheat if Australia and Canada didn't sell it to her. Why not stop this trade, if necessary by buying the entire wheat surplus of these allies? An accommodation with China might then be possible. And we could abandon the strategy of ter- ror that manufactures islands of humanity humming with hate and fear of Americans. COULD HELP ECONOMY At the same time, we could be breathing life into the economy of Vietnam, which is a surplus food country. Through Hong Kong, the showcase for Red China, go the water chestnuts, bamboo shoots, and so forth, that Chinese expatriates everywhere love. Viet- nam could fulfill this need, given the chance, We could do ourselves a good. turn in Viet- nam. by becoming interested In education. That is what brought us victory in the Phil- ippines, but the lesson has been forgotten. In Danang I saw a French Lycee. But no- where in Vietnam did I see an American school. If our interest is long term, why don't we think about schools and teachers? SCHOOLS IN SAIGON At the moment it would be impossible to establish American schools In the hinter- lands. But a start could be made by bring- ing bright teenagers, with their parents' per- mission, to a first-rate academy in Saigon. Though it will go against our Army's grain, we should consider lengthening the tour of our personnel here to 2 years. As I have said, we have never fielded a finer team than that we have in Vietnam, But consid- ering the time for phase in and phase out, personnel spend only 9 months in action. By the time they have a grasp of the situa- tion, they're up for reassignment. True, this system spreads counterinsurgency experi- ence through the services. But it's victory, not experience, that we're after. Finally, a word about the posture of the West in the Far East. Resorts in Formosa and South Korea. citadels we created, en- joyed a reputation that would attract the court of Elagabalus. CALL GIRLS ON SCOOTERS The playland of South Korea is closely guarded by house detectives who are charged with seeing to It that every room with a man has a woman in it before midnight. In the paradise of Formosa call girls arrive by motor scooter. Journalists of the Philippines paint a different picture of Red China. It is a moral country, and its cities are unbelievably clean for Asia. In the battle for minds and hearts, this counts. It would be a pity if our great country gets lost in the thoroughfares of life by forgetting this simple fact. [From the Gleaner-Journal, Henderson, Ky., Apr. 11, 19651 TO VIETNAMESE FARMER, WAR IS BELL (By J. A. Dear) ToKYo.-One reason so many Japanese are so critical of our Vietnam policy is that our effort to save the Saigon government from Communist aggression is not saving the peo- ple and their society from destruction. The likelihood that what is to be saved by war will be destroyed in the process is a favorite irony of history. England entered the Second War to save Poland from Nazi Germany with the result that Poland became a fief of Moscow. To understand what the war is doing to Vietnam, it is first necessary to consider the economy of the rural areas. About 70 per- cent of the farmers in Vietnam work hold- ings, which they do not always own, of less than 12 acres. Of the farmers who do own their lands, about 65 percent own less than 12 acres. In the delta, the richest agricultural area of Vietnam, between 60 and 70 percent of thefarmers are now in debt, and probably are falling deeper in debt every month. The plight of Farmer Tran Vannam, cited by. Kenkichi Konishi of the Mainichi newspapers is typical. The Tran family of six owns a delta farm of about 5 acres. They once owned a much larger farm, but gave it up because of the Vietcong. About 3 acres of the present farm are under rice. The other 2 acres had flourishing fruit trees, but these were cut down to enable Government forces to protect a bridge more easily. Farmer Tran was not reimbursed by the Government for the loss of these trees. His family is able to live off the land, he sells the balance of his rice crop, and ekes out his existence in the off season by working as a laborer in the village. His total effort pro- duces a yearly cash income for the family of 18,000 plasters-about $122. INFLATION HURTS PIASTER At this point it must be noted that in theory $230 is the dollar equivalent of 18,000 piasters. But inflation-war-has destroyed the integrity of the piaster. During the time I was in Vietnam the dollar equivalent value of the piaster decreased 7.8 percent. For families that must limit monthly purchases to an average of $4 this is murderous. But the picture really is worse than painted thus far, for Tran's princely income of $122 yearly doesn't come in at the rate of $10 per month. In most months the income is about $2.25. So he has to borrow, and the going interest rate is from 5 to 10 percent a month. He is already in debt to the Government and to other members of his family. Thus the prospects of additional debt is frighten- ing, so frightening in fact that he often sells rice futures to escape the high interest rate. But he is caught, anyhow, because he can't get a decent price on these sales. FACES FINANCIAL DISASTER Of course, any serious sickness is cata- strophic to a man as close to the cloth as Tran, and he has tuberculosis. The medi- cines he must buy drive him nearer financial disaster. Still, he Is an optimist. He dreams of another orchard that will make his small farm profitable again. In 5 or 6 years he hopes to be out of debt. He is hard working, literate, anxious that his chil- dren be educated, in every way a worthy man. In happier times he might make it. Times being what they are, he will die. Tran is tough. Many others have long since succumbed to despair. Remember, the Delta is a fortunate region. PEOPLE ARE WELL OFF Parts of it are controlled by the Viet- cong, and have been for a long time. But the people of these areas cannot be better off. Government forces, backed by Ameri- can personnel and technology, are powerful enough to destroy the economic viability of any Vietcong area. Thus all of rural Vietnam is an area where the forces of the government and the Vietcong wage a fero- cious war in a sea of human misery. Every day wavelets of misery wash into the over- crowded villages and cities, multiplying the danger of epidemic disease, drowning hope. If the Communists win Vietnam, Red China. will be encouraged to go after Laos, Cam- bodia, Siam, Burma, and . Indonesia. And what is to stop them? Surely no national leader in his right senses will ever again be anxious to save his country from Communist aggression by fighting a war in his country that will destroy it. Not after the lesson of Vietnam. That is one reason why the airstrikes against North Vietnam make sense. The Communist leaders will not be as ready to embark on their adventures if it is brought home to them that all the damage will not be confined to the country in which they choose to wage war, that their own lands will be devastated. For too long now Red China has been per- mitted to forget a simple fact: War is hell. EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. J. ARTHUR YOUNGER OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, April 19, 1965 Mr. YOUNGER. Mr. Speaker, on April 2, former Vice President Richard M. Nixon addressed the Commonwealth Club of California on the subject of "Vietnam." Excerpts from that speech, as published by the Commonwealth, fol- low: "STOP REDS IN VIETNAM OR FACE BIG WAR FOR PHILLIPPINES 4 YEARS HENCE," SAYS NIXON (From address by Hon. Richard M. Nixon, former Vice President of the United States) Today the most difficult decision facing President Johnson is South Vietnam, the most difficult decision he will make during his Presidency, I believe, at home or abroad. And it is the most important decision for the United States and the free world. There are times when the loyal opposition should support an administration. Lyndon B. Johnson needs this support not only be- cause of the validity of his policy but be- cause there is a deep division in his own party. Our greatest danger to the future of our policy on Vietnam is because the Democratic party is divided. Forty-five Democratic Sen- ators have indicated opposition. - UNITED STATES DEFENDS WORLD-AGAIN The interests of America, the free world and of South Vietnam are being served by the present policy. Some claim the United States has no legal right in South Vietnam and that we are in- volved in a civil war. Some say the war will not be won because the Vietnamese are not willing to do what is necessary. Others believe that, even if the war could be won, the risks are too great. Many sug- gest another way out-negotiation-neu- tralization. Lyndon Johnson should answer each of these objections now. He might well have done this before now. Not enough people know why we should support the South Vietnamese. First, who is responsible for the war? If it were not for support of the Guerrillas by North Vietnam there would be no war; no war, at least, which would require our sup- port. If it were not for Chinese support for North Vietnam there would be no war requiring American support. COMMUNIST CHINA THE REAL FOE This is a confrontation-not fundamentally between Vietnam and the Vietcong or be- tween the United States and the Vietcong- but between the United States and Com- munist China. This must not be glossed over because if we gloss it over we underestimate the risks and do not understand the stakes. Those, who question our presence ignore certain facts. In 1954 a convention was signed in Geneva guaranteeing South Viet- nam its independence. The North Viet- namese are there as lawbreakers. We are Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 `April 21, AP-oved For R tI g ~QR I~O/1AL R CORD - 7BOO APPENDIX 0150023-8 there as law enforcers, by invitation of the South Vietnamese Government. What are the risks, the stakes? First, the fate of 15 million Vietnamese. Two hundred thousand Vietnamese casualties in the fight against communism over the years, prove they have the desire and will to keep their country free and independent. NEED FUNDAMENTALS In Vietnam today there is determination of the people to save their freedom-provided they have the conviction they will win. These are fundamental reasons the stronger course of action will be more effec- tive than may seem today. Fifteen million people are worth saving but many argue that this is not enough to risk major confrontation and Chinese Com, munist intervention. If South Vietnam falls, through U.S. with- drawal,. political settlement, or neutraliza- tion (which is surrender on the installment plan) , there is no doubt that Cambodia (already` on the, brink) will go; that Laos, practically gone now because 'of our gulli- bility, will go; that Thailand (which wants to be on our side but has held her inde- peridence by being on the winning side) will go; that Burma, an economic basket case; and that Indonesia will go. SUKARNO'S OVERRIPE MELON Indonesia will follow Sukarno and Sukarno once 'said that because of the American fail- ure in Asia, the Communists were the wave of the future and he would be on the win- ning side. Indonesia has half the world's tin, half the world's rubber. It is only 14 miles from the Philippines where guerrillas and Huk activity have begun again-guerrilla activity easily supported by Indonesian Commu- nists. In 3 or 4 years, then, we would have the necessity of saving the Philippines. Could we avoid a major war to save the Philippines? Japan is the biggest prize in Asia, a miracle of-economic recovery, the only pos- sible economic counterpart to China. Strong neutralist forces are now growing in Japan. If southeast Asia goes Communist, Japan will eventually be pulled irresistably into the Red orbit. If the United States gives up on Vietnam, Asia will give up on the United States and the Pacific will become a Red sea. These are the stakes. And this is the reason the Johnson administration has decided to win in Vietnam-no more, no less. AGAINST RED COLONIALISM The possibilities of winning? How could it be possible that, where 300,000 French- men on the ground failed, 25,000 Americans can expect success? But when the French were in Vietnam they were fighting to stay in-while the United States is, fighting to get out. The Vietnamese had very little interest in fighting to preserve French colonialism. The Vietnamese have a very great interest in fighting against Communist colonialism. That's why they fight with a will today. THAT RISK OR GREATER RISK? Risks must always be weighed. There is a risk of Russian intervention. This risk is small due to the logistic problems involved, and because the Soviets are not, particularly interested in seeing the Chinese Communists succeed in their foreign policy objectives for Asia. A greater risk is Chinese Communist inter- vention. Some say this is inevitable, that the Chinese Communists would come in to save North. Vietnam from defeat. That is subject to serious question. Comparing the situation now with Korea in 1950, there are major differences. Now Russia and Communist China are opponents. Then they were allies. China without Russia Is a fourth-rate military power. And that is the situation China must confront-if it decides to inter- vene. That. is probably the reason Commu- nist China. Is talking big but acting little, without risking a confrontation with the United States, at this point, over Vietnam. Adding it all, we must assume that Com- munist China might intervene. What should our decision be, weighing that risk and that possibility? It must be the same, because it is a choice not between that risk and no risk-but that risk and a greater risk. NINE PINS IF UNITED STATES PULLS OUT In the event that Vietnam falls, and in the event that the balance of southeast Asia falls, in 4 to 5 years, ties United States would be confronted inevitably with a war to save the Philippines or in some other area in Asia and we would be confronting a China stronger than she is now. China today is diplomatically and militarily weaker than she will ever be in the future. Today China has a minimal nuclear ca- pability but that capability increases daily. It is a risk we must weigh. Do we stop Chi- nese Communist aggression in Vietnam now or wait until the odds and the risks are much greater? The United States must make a decision as to what our goals are to be. Our goals are presently limited to winning the war, without unconditional surrender, without destroying North Vietnam, without destroy- ing Communist China. It is a limited ob- jective but one which must be achieved. ROAD OF "GOOD INTENTIONS" What are the alternatives? Many well- intentioned people have suggested, Why not negotiate? Negotiation is a good word. All wars are endet by negotiation. But to nego- tiate now wound mean that the United States could negotiate only surrender, coalition government, a division of South Vietnam or neutralization, which is surrender on the in- stallment plan. Negotiating with the Communists now would be like negotiating with Hitler when he had France practically occupied. We must negotiate independence and freedom for Vietnam. We cannot do that now. Once we have gained the military ad- vantage, once North Vietnam and Commu- nist China are convinced they cannot take over South Vietnam, then we can negotiate the freedom and independence of South Vietnam. Until then, we cannot. Neutralization? Neutralism, where Com- munists are concerned, means only three things: we get in, we get out; they stay in, and they take over. That is why we can't agree to a neutralization of South Vietnam. The choice we have is to get out completely or to stay in until we achieve freedom and independence for Vietnam. The future is our main problem. The world has been given the impression that this is our war; that we are there unilater- ally for our own selfish purposes. We are there for our purposes, true, but we are there because the freedom of all Asia, not just Vietnam, is involved. NIXON PROPOSES ASIAN COUNTERFORCE Several suggestions can be made for fu- ture policy. Once "the war is won in Viet- nam, we must recognize that it will only be the winning of a single battle as far as the Communists are concerned. It took Mao 20 years to conquer China. This is Mao Tse-tung's theory of a long war. He lost many battles, but he won the long war. If Vietnam is lost to Communist China, the long war will be stepped up in Indonesia or somewhere else. There must be a counterforce, an alterna- tive to Mao's long war. Let me make sev- eral suggestions. There is no question as to Communist China's purpose and plan. A1913 They have one, and they are determined. But free Asia does not have a plan. It does not, have- a purpose. It is necessary to mo- bilize free Asia's economic and military re- sources so there will be the lasting alterna- tive of peace under freedom as against the long war of communism. JOHNSON PROPOSAL INCOMPLETE President Johnson started down this road when he suggested an Asian economic plan. Let's go further; we need a conference of free Asian nations, including South Viet- nam, Cambodia, Laos, Thailand, Malaysia, Burma, Indonesia, Taiwan, the Philippines, Japan, South Korea, and possibly Australia and New Zealand. Such a conference would have three major objectives: One, economic development-a Marshall plan for Asia; a Marshall plan in- volving industrial development, free trade areas, and all other aspects which mean economic development for the whole area. Thee difficulty is in stopping there and that is all that is suggested by the ad- ministration. Economic strength alone is not enough to stop communism, for in South Vietnam, economic conditions are much better than in the North. Second, in Europe, the Marshall plan could not have succeeded economically unless it had the NATO military shield. There needs to be a military alliance of free Asian na- tions to stop any Communist aggression against freedom. The third step is to meet the problem of indirect aggression. There should be something like the Caracas resolution of 1954 that in event of a revolution with Commu- nist-support from abroad (as in Vietnam), all nations involved would band together to resist conquest by indirect aggression. Now that we've stepped up military ac- tivity in Vietnam, we need to step up our diplomatic offensive in all of Asia. We need a charter for freedom for the Pacific-an alternative to the seeming in- evitability, at least to many in Asia, of Chi- nese Communist domination. MOBILIZE FREE ASIA'S ECONOMY Often overlooked today is the fact that the economic power of the nations cited Is twice as great, as that of Communist China today-if it can be mobilized, if it can be united; if the United States can support it. There is no question but that this could be the great step forward which would stop Chinese Communist aggression and the in- evitable takeover of the heartland and pe- ripheral areas of Asia as well. I spoke of the stakes-southeast Asia, Ja- pan, the Pacific-but they're much greater than that. A great debate is going on in the Communist world and what happens in Vietnam will determine its course. The de- bate is between the hardliners in Peiping and the so-called softliners in Moscow. The _softliners (oversimplified), because of a risk of confrontation with the United States, are not supporting revolutions to the same extent that they did. The hardliners say "we must step up our tactics and support of revolution all over the world." In the event the hardliners succeed in Viet- nam, that will be the green light for aggres- sion in Africa, Latin America-all over the world. If they are stopped in Vietnam, that will be a lesson just as Korea was a lesson on the use of overt aggression. It will be a lesson to the Communists at- tempting to take over a nation through in- direct aggression that the United States and the free world have an answer to it. So what is involved here is not just Asia, but a battle for the whole world and because that is so, risks must be taken-risks which, I believe, in the long run will bring peace and freedom. But the alternatives could be war and loss of freedom. In 1938, immediately after Munich, Win- ston Churchill said: "The belief that you can Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 A1914 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX April 21, 1965 gain security by throwing a small state to the wolves is a fatal delusion." He was right about Czechoslovakia in ' 1938. And today, with regard to Vietnam, the belief that we can gain security by throwing a small state to the wolves is a fatal delusion. In this year when we honor Churchill the man, we will do well to heed Churchill's principles. ANSWERS TO WRITTEN QUESTIONS FROM FLOOR Question. Will you be a candidate in 1968? Answer. The Republican Party must get off the floor fighting. But Republicans must fight Democrats and not each other. To win in 1966 the party must be unified. Un- til we get the party off the floor, don't talk of-1968. Question (William Nigh). Use of gas in Vietnam? Answer. Under the circumstances it was proper. But when the President said he was not aware of its use he gave impression we were wrong to use it, and that field com- manders could make decisions of this conse- quence without his knowledge. He should have said: (1) This was not gas used in World Wars I or II which nations have opposed; (2) it was used not by United States, but by Vietnam; (3) it was used in attacks on vil- lages In which Vietnamese could not tell who were guerrillas and who the guerrillas' vic- tims; (4). so instead of blasting out friends and foes indiscriminately, Vietnamese used tear gas so they could separate guerrillas from loyal citizens. It was humane warfare and President should have said so. Question. (W. F. Bramstedt). Can we win without a major land war? Answer. Depends on the extent to which the Chinese Communists choose to inter- vene. They are basically cautious in military policy-=e.g., could have taken all India but they stopped. I don't believe the Chinese will intervene. Strategically and logistically, this is no Korean type of war. We must as- sume the risk. Some think China should be recognized and taken into the U.N. Chi- nese communism is in its aggressive, virulent stage. The Soviet Union was not tempered in its foreign policy by entrance into the U.N. It has been tempered only by the power of NATO and the U.S. confrontation in Cuba. Question. (J. C. Russell). Johnson admin- istration now doing what Goldwater advo- cated? Answer. It's easy to say "I told you so." Johnson needs Republican support, he has been learning a lot since the campaign-but we don't want him to learn so much he gets reelected. Question. (R. J. Jajalich). What if the United States asked to leave? (Col. James S. Hughes). Effects of Diem's murder? Answer. If any future government gets in through a coup or anything but as repre- sentativesof the people--and if it's pro-Com- munist-we should stay in. Murder of Diem was a major U.S. mistake. Diem and his family were sometimes crosses to bear but since 1956 he had stood strongly with the United States. We supported the coup but did not expect him to be murdered. You can't set such things in motion. A free Asian leader told me shortly after Diem's death: "It is dangerous to be a friend of the United States-it pays to be a neutral and some- times helps to be an enemy." U.S. policy- makers must understand that American-style Cemocracy is not necessarily the answer where traditions are different. Question. (Ivor R. Parrott). De Gaulle's attitude on Vietnam question? Answer. De Gaulle's attitude is first French and then European: (1) If you were French would you want to see the United States suc- ceed where you had failed? (2) Europeans see clearly the Communist danger in Europe but have a blind spot on Asia. In the East particularly we are afflicted the same way. Question. (Stanley Brooks). Proposed changes in the new civil rights bill Answer. When faced with a volatile situa- tion you can't delay action over 7 years for an amendment to the Constitution. There shquld be action but action of right kind. Voters should be literate but literacy test should be fair. Republican platform of 1960 considered a sixth grade education as suf- ficient qualification. The present law ap- plies only in those States won by Repub- licans in 1964-bill should be extended to all the country. Abuse of the Sick Aged. EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. CHARLES S. GUBSER OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, April 19, 1965 Mr. GUBSER. Mr. Speaker, a series of articles written by Lisa Hobbs re- cently appeared in the San Francisco Examiner which comprise a shocking ex- pose of the treatment of our sick and elderly citizens in some convalescent and nursing homes In California. Because I believe these articles should be brought to the attention of the leader- ship in this Congress and the executive branch, I am inserting them in the REC- oRQ as separate extensions of remarks. I am not including the third article in the series since it deals primarily with State legislation. I am indebted to my constituents, Miss Violette Hofmann and Mrs. Frank H. Schryver, for bringing these articles. to my attention. I sincerely hope the ap- propriate individuals will consider the possibility of corrective legislation. The first article follows: [From the San Francisco (Calif.) Examiner, Mar. 14,19651 BUREAUCRACY'S VICTIMS: ABUSE OF THE SICK AGED (By Lisa Hobbs) Scandalous abuses are being heaped on the sick aged of California by a multimillion-dol- lar bureaucracy. The powers of this bureaucracy have be- come so diffused in the mass of related and unrelated Federal, state, and county reg- ulations that gross abuses of the aged are now inherent in the system's functioning. The rise of California's newest Industry- the nursing and convalescent homes-is an offshoot of this bureaucracy's attempt to deal with one facet of the problem of an aging population. In a 3-week survey of nursing and con- valescent homes in the city and East Bay, the Examiner found: Elderly persons, unheeded, crying to be turned over. One aid doing all the household cleaning, 'cooking, and nursing for up to 10 bed patients. Grease encrusted stoves and filthy kitchen floors. Constant reference to the sick aged as be- ing like children. Total lack of privacy for those paying up to $500 a month. Debasing humiliations for lower economic aged. These abuses are widespread throughout the State but the most scandalous fact is that for years the city of San Francisco has been dumping its sick aged into State mental asylums to die-whether mentally ill or not. According to the department of mental hygiene's report to the legislature in 1963, the city's rate of commitment to a State mental hospital was 600 per 100,000 popula- tion. Eighty percent of these persons died within the first 3 weeks. While San Francisco was committing 600 per 100,000 population, Los Angeles was com- mitting only 54 per 100,000 and Alameda 300. Eighty percent of those committed were over 65 and were being committed for the first time. Bureaucracy-the same style bureaucracy that controls the nursing-convalescent home situation today-not only allowed this but actually condoned it. Purely economic reasoning lay behind the dumping of these aged persons into mental hospitals to end their days. By removing them from the county hospital where they were receiving medical assistance to the aged (MAA) under the Kerr-Mills bill, the city of San Francisco was freed of its 25 percent share of MAA costs for that patient. It is an old solution, however, being used long before the Kerr-Mills bill was intro- duced. The procedure involved was a brief court commitment proceeding while the words "with psychosis" were added to the doctor's original diagnosis of "chronic brain syn- drome." This syndrome covers everything from confusion to senility. Officials of the department of mental hy- giene are forced to play their part in the scandal, because the law requires them to accept into mental hospitals all patients committed by the court, whether mentally ill or not. Dr. Robert Hewitt, chief deputy director of the department in Sacramento, said there are a substantial number of people in our State hospitals who do not require hos- pitalization, who are not mentally ill, and some of whom should never have been com- mitted to our care. This solution was practiced for years with the knowledge and tacit approval of the city and county of San Francisco, county hos- pital authorities, State mental hospital authorities, and the State department of mental health. By setting up a honeycomb of regulations governing building and architectural re- quirements of housing for the aged, the State has paid a ritualistic tribute to the physical well-being of the aged. Yet in those areas where the aged can be most easily victimized-all those areas in which they struggle to maintain a sense of value and dignity as human beings-the State has done nothing to protect them. Instead, with slipshod regulations and ineffectual controls, the State has left the aged sick to suffer countless indignities at the hands of unskilled guardians, called nurse's aids, vocational nurses, or practical nurses. Just as victimized are the families of the sick aged, in those cases where families exist. The expense is crippling, the load of doubt and guilt devastating. I visited scores of homes where the price of a room for "a loved one" was plucked from the air. Only twice was I given a printed card with rates. Elsewhere, a score of little feelers as to the "loved ones" means-whe- ther she was receiving old age assistance social security, a veteran's pension, a rail- road pension-always preceded the final figures. And the final figure was never cheap. No home will accept a patient receiving medical assistance to the aged if there is a change of selling the bed for a higher, private fee. Twice it was intimated that if the "loved one" came in on MAA rates (which pay a maximum of $9.10 a day) a subsidy pay- ment to bring the rate to $350 a month would have to be made privately to the nursing home operator. Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8