THE WAR IN VIETNAM

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 86
• Document Creation Date: December 15, 2016
• Document Release Date: September 25, 2003
• Sequence Number: 23
• Publication Date: April 21, 1965
• Content Type: OPEN

`' A proved For'Release 2003/1b'4?`=CIA-RDP61B00446R000300150023-8
April 21 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD SENATE 7837
JOas H , LEVY DES-WEOTE,FO TIMES-W i
CogR To my dying day, I shall applaud his Johns Hopkins a short time ago. While
r Ponvngr, 64, WAS, LEGI9X or HONOR great courage in moving into this matter the talk goes on, the bloodshed also goes
OFFICER with the resolution that he did. on. The bleeding is not being done in
Joseph M. Levy, former New York Times The editorial is further testimony to the capitals of the world. It is being
war corespondent in the Middle East, died the fact that he will have been instru- done in the rice fields and jungles of
yesterday of a Hospital. cerebral
He was in the
New dark hosp old mental in clarifying a situation which, Vietnam-in North and South Vietnam
as 64 years old
and lived at 461 West End Avenue, pray God, we shall never have to en- alike. It is being done by Vietnamese
Mr. Levy, after retiring from the Times counter again. and Americans. It is being done by Com-
in 1947, served as public relations counsel Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent munist and anti-Communist Vietnam-
to the French Epibassy in Washington, More to have the editorial printed in the ese and, mostly, in all probability, by
recently he had been a press liaison repre- RECORD., simple peasants who cannot distinguish
sentative of the House Judiciary Commit- There being no objection, the editorial the one from the other, and whose great-
tee. was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, est wish is to be spared the ravages of
Mr. Levy was fluent in eight languages, in- follows: eluding Hebrew and Arabic. Born in New as war. In all probability, these people
Brunswick, N.J., he was taken to Jerusalem EXTREMES, EXTREMISTS MEET watt peace and a minimum of contact
as an infant. He attended the University Shocking was the disclosure this week with distant Saigon and distant Hanoi,
of Beirut. of the cruel ordeal to which Senator THOMAS not to speak of the places which they
As a young man he served as private. and H. I uCHEL, of California, has been subjected have, scarcely heard about-that is to
'political secretary to Sir Ronald Storrs, Gov-
er for the last several months. The Senator, say, Peiping, Moscow, or Washington.
ne o4 Jerusalem under the British man- a moderate Republican, has been the target That, it seems to me, is the funda-
date. In, his twenties, he spent 7 months of lewd accusations supposedly proved in
with a Bedouin tribe in, the Transjordan an affidavit. Copies of the alleged affidavit mental reality of the situation in Viet-
desert, studying its customs. were circulated by the thousands in various nam. It is grasped, in part, but only in
JOINER THE TIMES IN 1828 parts of the country. Several rightwing part, when it is declared that all would
He was engaged by the Times as a foreign , publications spread the charges through their be well if North Vietnam would only leave
correspondent in 1928 and made his head- columns. An investigation has established its neighbors alone. It is grasped, in
quarters in Jerusalem. The following year that the accusations are utterly baseless, part, but only in part, when it is con-
his articles about Arab outbreaks against the and a grand jury has indicted four men on tended that all foreign troops must be
Jews and British in Palestine began to . ap- a charge of conspiracy to commit criminal withdrawn forthwith from Vietnam. It
pear. libel. One of the four was, until last week, is grasped, in
From. 1935 on, he was more frequently a public relations man for the Eversharp- part, but only in part,
based in, Cairo. Be made. excursions to Da- Schick Co. when it is argued that the bombings of
anasput, Baghdad, and Amman as the news The attempt "maliciously [to] defame the North Vietnam must continue indefinite-
required. Many of his stories, were about 'honesty, integrity, virtue, and reputation" ly until a solution is reached. It is
archeological discoveries, economics, and of the Senator and to bring "public hatred, grasped, in part, but only in part, when
peaceful pursuits. contempt, and ridicule" upon ilim is vile. it is argued that the bombings must
Increasingly his work dealt with riots, But quite as significant is the political bent cease before even an effort to reach a
combat, and war. In 1940 he reported the of the people who gave the charges currency, solution can begin.
Royal Air Force strikes at Italian Africa, and, They are extremists who profess to be pas-
with the British forces in the Western Des- sionately concerned for the American free- It is grasped fully; it was grasped fully
ert, covered Anglo-Italian hostilities. In doms and the rights of Americans. They when President Johnson called for un-
1941-42 he reported the back-and-forth declare themselves the only genuine op- conditional discussions, with the object of
movement of the North African battle. ponents of communism, and label as Com- restoring a decent and honorable peace.
In 1943 he left Cairo, because of ill health, munists or the dupes of Communists any- Those words do not need interpretation.
and was assigned to Ankara, Turkey. From one who disagrees with their ideas and is They say what they mean. They mean
there he sent many stories of the effect of critical of their methods. what they say.
the war In the Balkans. Just how American are their tactics as The situation has gone so far that
After he retired from the Times, Mr. Levy disclosed in this instance? Is it the Ameri-
worked privately and through organizations can way to try to ruin an upstanding and superficial truisms which seize upon only
to help the Jews living in Arab countries outstanding public servant by circulating one or another aspect of the problem do
-outside Palestine, loathsome lies about.him? Is this American not offer any key to its resolution. It
ESERVED THREE AMSdssAD.oES freedom, or the proper means of defending does not much matter whether these
As public relations counsel to the French American freedom? Does it indicate due truisms originate in Hanoi or Saigon,
Embassy he re laud Amou s loto the Bon- concern for the rights of an American, or a Peiping, or Washington. All would not
sensible and honorable approach to protec-
net, Maurice Couve de Murviue, and Herv6 tion of those rights? And what does it say well if the bombing of North Vietnam
Alphand, explaining the French point of of the perpetrators' real attitude to the moral ceases today, and it will not be well if it
view on international problems to Govern- concepts and practices of the Communists? continues for months or years. All would
ment leaders. These people credit themselves with a pro- not be well if the United States were to
For his services he was made an officer of found horror of Communist immorality, and withdraw tomorrow, lock, stock, and
th French Legion of Honor. tax anyone differing from them with Indif- barrel. All would not be well if North activ
in the Cosnznitdeband waver memAme ricf Over- ann e Jewish ference to, or even tacit approval of, Com- Vietnam on today, tomorrow, or the day
munist immorality. Yet they themselves .after, ceased to send weapons, men, and
seas Press Club and the Society for the Ad- employ the very abuses which the Communist
vancement of Judaism.` code canonizes-deceit, misrepresentation, even words across the 17th parallel.
Surviving are his widow, the former Esther calumny, obloquy, reckless disregard of the The United States is in Vietnam, and
Levine; two sons; Fred and Robert, and three
grandchil rights and the good name of a person whose whatever the circumstances which led to
dren; views do not perfectly coincide with theirs,
A funeral service will be held at 11:30 and a ruthless determination to destroy its projection into that situation, that
a.m. today " in_ the Chapel of the Riverside him, commitment is now in great depth. Any-
Funeral Home, Amsterdam Avenue and 76th Extremes meet, and so do extremists. The one who assumes that this projection is
Street. extreme rightist Is the twin of the extreme reversible before an ordered and accept-
" leftist in-his abando
x1}xient of ratlpllal argu- able peace can be obtained assumes in
ANOTHER TRIBUTE TO SENATOR ment and7hi' resort to violence against truth error. Indeed, it is far more likely to be
KUG=5 GREAT COURAGE and decency. Both are far removed from the increased.
American ideal, and both are equally inimical
Mr, DDRKSBI. , Mr. President, there to the preservation of the American way. The Saigon government and South
was published in the Bridgeport, Conn.,
Catholic Transcript, on' March 4, 1965
,
an editorial entitled "Extremes, Extrem- THE WAR I
it neais .w1Gi ..hasty situation which it is time for some blunt words on Viet- of Hanoi, Peiping, Moscow, or even Wash-
deve oiled .in connection with our dis- nam. There is a great deal of talk in ington, tomorrow or the day after. They
tinguishgd friend and colleague, the mi- Moscow, in Peiping and, in all honesty, will not throw away their weapons and
n oritywhip, the Senator from California in Washington on what the President place their heads on the block of those
[Mr. KUCHEL]meant or did not mean by his speech at who have hunted them for so long.
No. 70---8
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Vietnamese military and bureaucratic
structure which surround it and the tens
 7838
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE April 21, 19'65
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The sharply changed from those of a decade Those people over there, I suppose,
time of the Senator from Montana has ago. are not in a mood to negotiate when they
expired. It does not much help to pay lipservice see everything they have worked for be-
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I from afar to this agreement, as Peiping ing blown to pieces by a huge air fleet.
ask unanimous consent that I may pro- and Hanoi have done, and then reject any Instead of capitulating they seem to be
ceed for an additional period of time. consideration through discussion of its consumed by greater hatred for the
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without practical application in today's circum- United States.
objection, it is so ordered. stances. And the longer this confronta- For the life of me, I cannot understand
Mr. MANSFIELD., Mr. President, tion is put off, the more the people of what we are doing by sending those tre-
North Vietnam, too, is deeply involved North and South Vietnam pay for the mendous air armadas to do the work
in South Vietnam, and when all the ra- delay, the more the likelihood that the which normally, I understand, can be
tional air and naval targets have been present limited conflict will spread into done equally well by a small force even
exhausted, it is likely still to be involved. a general war in Asia. if were desirable to invade North Viet-
The fact is that there are both historic That is why it seems to me that those nam at all.
and modern ties between these two areas who seek peace in Vietnam will be well- I realize there is wrong on both sides.
which can be ignored or obscured in the advised to note the President's willing- Who started this trend toward human
flames of the present military and ide- ness to enter into "unconditional discus- catastrophe will probably always be de-
ological conflict but which are not likely sions," and respond to them. Those are batable. Whether the North Vietna-
to be severed in any permanent sense. his words and they do not require Inter- mese or the South Vietnamese or no
Even if It were possible to perform this pretation from Peiping, Moscow, or, in all Vietnamese started it is not a question
radical cultural surgery, the fact still honesty, from anonymous bureaucrats in that I can answer. However, I believe
remains that tens of thousands of Viet- this city. I repeat: "They say what they it is plainly evident now that unless this
namese in the south,. who have been in mean. They mean what they say." conflict is stopped, whatever history there
active or sympathetic revolt against Sai- That is why, too, the Soviet suggestion will be left to record will show a very
gon for years under the general corn- of a few days ago that the Geneva con- black page.
mand of the so-called National Libera- ference be reconvened on the question of I say again that I hope the world-and
tion Front, are not going to put aside guaranteeing Cambodian neutrality is, as that includes Russia and the United
their weapons and fears and placidly I have noted previously, worthy of the States and everybody else-will read and
accept the dominationof those who have most serious consideration. Cambodian heed what the Senator from Montana
hunted them for so long. neutrality is a matter of the utmost im- has said. [Applause.]
It is significant and ironic that on all portance, in itself, if the present conflict The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
sides in this dispute there is reference to is not to spread. And the need for a con- occupants of the galleries are advised
frontation on a situation in which none that demonstrations are not permitted,
the need to return to the Geneva agree- is involved so directly may indeed be a Mr. MORSE. Mr. President-
ments as a basis for pee.
OFFI ments, at least, did recognize the basic preliminary to a second and separate tune he the SIDIN has expired.. The
factors in the Vietnamese situation and confrontation on Vietnam in which the Mr. MORSE. I ask that additional
were in harmony with the realities of it. involvement of all is direct. Such a con-
The agreements would have been ex- ference may, indeed, be the beginning of time The be p granted.
rated. VG OFFICER. With-
sides difficult of achievement had all the road not only to an assured Cam- out objecRES it N so ordered.
sides sought to carry them out faithfully bodian neutrality but to peace in Viet- Mo. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I
nam and the stability and development
for the past decade. The fact is that of all of southeast Asia. thank the Senator from Vermont for his
all sides did not work to carry them out. if the desire for a bona fide peace takes remarks. I reiterate that I believe what
Hanoi did not work to carry them out, precedence over face on all sides, then the President said at Johns Hopkins on
except as parts could be interpreted to the convening of a conference might be the question of unconditional discussions
advan to them out e. except as as one did not aspect work or another accompanied by a cease-fire and stand- held out the possibility that reason might
of the agreements iided fast throughout Vietnam-north and return to the conference table, especially
witone h might have faction or an- south. That is a goal which, it is to be in view of the invitation issued by the
other what Saigon interp a fdas to or an- hoped, the 17 nations, the Secretary Soviet Union for a reconvening of the
Saigon the people as Vietnam, a General of the United Nations, and the Geneva Conference of 1954, a conference
vantage. h a It is the people pay the etpam, cochairmen of the Geneva Conference which, incidentally, has never gone out
North and South, who now eu eri g price and the diplomats of every nation might of existence.
expediency. blood for this past maneuvering of well bend every effort to achieve. I recall that some weeks ago the Brit-
eMr. AIKEN. Mr. President, will the ish suggested that the Geneva Confer-
The situation in Vietnam is now im- Senator yield? ence be reconvened. At that time the
mensely more complex than in 1954. It Mr. MANSFIELD. I yield. Soviet Union showed no interest what-
now Involves the United States directly Mr. AIKEN. I hope the world will read ever. In the meantime Norodom Siha-
and increasingly with major military and take note of what the majority lead- nouk, the Chief of State of the Kingdom
forces and may soon involve other out- er has said this morning. I particularly of Cambodia, has renewed his plea that
side powers clearly and directly with hope that the leadership of our Armed the conference be held for the purpose
major military forces. It now involves Forces and the leadership of the U.S. of guaranteeing the neutrality and terri-
North Vietnam and tens of thousands in Government will read and take note of torial integrity of Cambodia.
South Vietnam in active military effort what he has said. On this occasion the Soviet Union
to overthrow the Saigon government. It It is plainly evident now that unless came forward with the suggestion that
involves a 10-year crescendo of fear, hos- reason returns to the world, we will be the Geneva Conference be reconvened.
tility, and terror. headed into the most devastating con- This time it is the United Kingdom that
Yet, the Geneva agreement achieved in flict the world has ever known, and we does not come forward to accept the in-
1954, after much discussion, still remains will not come out of .it covered with glory, vitation.
the touchstone of the policies-at least no matter who wins, because no one can I mention these two z.ations because
of the pronounced policies-of all the win that kind of war. both the United Kingdom and the Soviet
,nations significantly involved in Vietnam. It is difficult for me to understand what Union are cochairmen of the Geneva
It offers the last slim hope of peace before our Armed Forces, our Defense Depart- Conference, and at any time that they
events move beyond the reach of hope. ment, and our executive branch are desire, the conference can be reconvened.
It is, therefore, of the utmost impor- thinking of when they send 200 planes I believe that the reconvening of the
tance that the question of how to apply to blow up a bridge. Is it simply brag- Geneva Conference, to consider the ques-
the principles of the Geneva Agreement gadocio, our way of saying that this is tion of the neutrality of Cambodia, would
of 1954 be faced as soon as possible. That what we are" doing as an example, and it be in the best interest of all concerned.
question, moreover, must be faced, inall. is nothing at all to what we will do if I feel that if it were spread out to
realism, in the circumstances which exist those people of North Vietnam do not other areas of southeast Asia, it would
today which, as I have noted above, are yield. be meritorious in itself.
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'-Alpril 21, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
I emphasize again that what the Pr i- the carrying out of the,Geneva, Agreements
dent said at Johns Hopkins about un- of 1954.
conditional discussion 1s still tale order of If both sides were in fact prepared to abide
the day, and that the President in that a st and enforce Areements,
ongegal basis for aGeneva
settlement would
speech laid down a dictum which I hope exist. But the fact is that neither we nor
will reach into Peiping and Hanoi and they are willing to settle for the Geneva
Moscow and into the capitals of the 17 Agreements.
uncommitted nations and into the caps- These agreements stipulate that North and
tals . of the 114 nations represented In South Vietnam are not two separate nations
the United Nations. but two temporary zones of the same nation,
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I rise, and that 2 years after the armistice which
filled with admiration for the leadership demarcated the two zones, "the settlement
respect problems, effected of on the basis
of my majority leader, the Senator from respect for r the the principles tifope
Independence,
Montana (Mr. MANSFIELD], whose head unity and territorial integrity, shall permit
reasons through the Vietnam crisis that the Vietnamese people to enjoy the funda-
. confronts this Republic. His mind is mental freedoms guaranteed by democratic
never brainwashed by his adrenalin Institutions established as a result of free
glands. Senator MANSFIELD.. has made general elections by secret ballot." As Hanoi
here today one of the most powerful has never held anything resembling a free
speeches on the Vietnam crisis that has election in North Vietnam, there is little
reason to believe that it is prepared to have
ever been given in the historic debate on free elections in both zones of Vietnam. As
the Asiatic crisis during the past several for the United States, while our Government
months. endorsed the Geneva Agreements, and es-
. I rise also to pay my respects and to pecially the provision for free elections, it
express my admiration for the Senator opposed free elections when it realized that
from Vermont [Mr. AWN]. He and I, Ho Chi Minh would win them. General
Eisenhower as members of the Foreign Relations oirs. Since Snstates this frankly his
Committee, have listened to all the brief- Sce that time have in insisted ted t ha-
South Vietnam is an Independent nation.
ings that we have received from the And so, in spite of the apparent agreement
State Department and the Pentagon in on the "essentials of the Agreements of 1954,
regard to our program. in Asia, neither side has as yet adopted a credible and
I can best express myself on this crisis genuine negotiating position. This country,
at this time by asking unanimous con- at least, should do so. Our policy since
sent to have published at this point in February has been to attack, to make war
my remarks an article by Walter Lipp- upon, North Vietnam in order to compel it
to negotiate a settlement that we approve.
mann published in the Washington Post Therefore, it matters a great deal that we
of the 19th of April, and an article by adopt a negotiating position which we are
Walter 7,,lppmann published in News- able to defend clearly and openly.
week for this week, in which Mr. Lipp- A cardinal weakness of our diplomatic po-
mann makes the major points that the sition today is the President's statement at
Senator from Alaska [Mr. GRUENIND] Baltimore that "the first reality is that North
and the senior Senator from Oregon has attacked the independent na-
and tics of South Vietnam." This was not our
have made' for more than a year in original position. It has been called the first
speech ' after speech 'on the floor of the reality only in the most recent phase of the
Senate, We have pleaded for a change war, the phase which began in February.
In America's involvement in South Viet- Our present position is contrary to the in-
nam by returning to our treaty obliga- dubitable essentials of the Geneva agree-
tions which our warmaking acts in Asia ments of 1954, that North and South Viet-
have violated time and time again. nam are not two nations' but two zones of
one nation.
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I ask It is argued by some, though not yet by
Unanimous consent that certain other the State Department explicitly, that the
editorials and newspaper columns and 1954 agreements have been overtaken by his-
correspondence that I have received on tory and that de facto,, as things have actu-
the So}1th Vietnam and. Asiatic crisis. be 'ally been for 10 years, there are now two sepa-
printed at this point in my remarks. rate and independent nations. But if this
There being no objection, the material is our official position, how then does the
State Department explain why we ignore the
was.or'dered to be printed in. the REco$p, charter of the United Nations, especially ar-
as follows, tides 59 and 51, and declared on our own say-
[From the Washington (D.C.) Post, so that North Vietnam was the aggressor
Apr. 19, 19651 against an independent state? Had we gone
VKatrrroxm Dwaoa 4cv to the Security Council for such a determi-
nation, we would, of course, have collided
(By Walter Lippmann) with a Soviet veto. But we would at least
in the wake of President Johnson's Balti- have proved that we believed what we were
more speech of April 7 and of the appeal of saying and perhaps we might have gotten a
the 17 unaligned countries, which preceded few votes to support us.
it by about a week, discussions looking to- As a matter of fact, the argument that we
ward an eventually negotiated settlement are now using, that the two Vietnams are
have actually been underway. Some of the Independent because they have 'been sepa-
discussion has been public and har consisted rated for 10 years, is a very embarrassing
of exchanges of statements by Washington principle for the State Department to rely
and Tani, some of the discussion is private on. It would mean, for example, that there
through the various intermediaries who are are two independent German states because
conce'ned,.to prevent the spread of the war.
Acurious, yet important, fact about the
public discussion Is that Washington and
Hanoi start from the same legal basis. The
Pregide. t .p . 10. rch 25 _declaressi that "we
seek lac more theca, areturn to the essentials
Of the -G nova Agreements of 1954." On
April 19 Premier Pharr Van Dong of North
Vietnam made a policy, declaration which
said that Hanoi's fundamental war aim is
7839
Soviet Union and Japan in the north, Paki-
stan and India in the south. With the pos-
sible, though only apparent, exception of
Japan, we are embroiled with all the powers
of Asia. The bitter truth of the matter is
that we can search the globe and look in
vain for true and active supporters of our
policy.
That is how successfully the State De-
partment has planned our diplomatic policy
and has argued the American case.
[From Newsweek magazine, Apr. 26, 1965]
THE TEST IN VIETNAM
(By Walter Lippmann)
The President's Baltimore address on Viet-
nam marked a certain change in our official
policy. For the first time he offered to en-
gage in discussions with Hanoi without re-
serving the right to refuse discussions unless
certain conditions (which were not specifical-
ly stated) were met first.
Although this opened the door a little for
discussions, there is no reason to expect a
diplomatic settlement of the Vietnamese war
in the near future. For the time being the
outcome in Vietnam is being determined by
the course of the war itself, and there is no
disposition as yet on either side to avoid a
military showdown.
The scene of the showdown has been and,
it seems certain, will continue to be in South
Vietnam. It will be a showdown between
the government in Saigon which we are sup-
porting and the Vietcong which Hanoi is
supporting. The issue hangs on whether
there can be a government in Saigon which is
able to subdue the Vietcong rebellion, pacify
the countryside, and get itself accepted by
the preponderant mass of the people in the
greater part of South Vietnam. There is now
no such government in Saigon. As a matter
of fact, the Saigon Government is in a critical
position, having lost control of a large part
of the countryside by day, of an even larger
part at night.
The United States has been committed,
and never more strongly than by the Presi-
dent at Baltimore, to reversing the military
trend in South Vietnam. The President has
'undertaken to make the Saigon Government,
which is near to defeat and collapse, into the
victor in the civil war. This will take a
lot of doing, but the administration has de-
cided that it will be possible to defeat the
Vietcong in South Vietnam if it is deprived,
as the President put it, "of the trained mqn
and supplies, orders and arms," which "flow
in a constant stream from north to south.
This support is the heartbeat of the war."
THE OFFICIAL THEORY
This is the basis of the policy adopted in
early February, of putting increasing pres-
sure on North Vietnam by bombings which
creep nearer and nearer to the highly popu-
lated and industrialized centers around Ha-
noi and Haiphong. The official theory is that
by these bombings we can deter Hanoi from
supporting the civil war in the south and
even force Hanoi to force the Vietcong to ask
for peace, especially since we are offering an
attractive economic future if they do this.
We hope also that the bombings in the north
will inspire and enable the Saigon Govern-
ment to rally the people and to win the
war.
We are now embarked on a crucial test of
this theory. Can the Saigon Government win
the civil war while we attack the Hanoi Gov-
ernment? The outcome of this test de
ends
p
Germany has been partitioned for 10 years. in the first place on whether the govern-
I am well aware that.to be. concerned about ment in Saigon can acquire the military mo-
our legal and moral position is regarded by kale and muster the national support to put
the new school of superrealists as unworthy down the rebellion. It depends in the second
of_a proud and tough nation. But I think place on whether our bombing can hurt or
we have,- something to be very much con- frighten the North Vietnamese sufficiently to
cerned about when, we look about us and see cause them to stop supporting the Vietcong
how we are drifting into an icy isolation. rebellion and indeed,, to tell the Vietcong to
On the continent of Asia there are besides desist. The official policy assumes that they
Red China four major Asian powers, the will do that when they are hurt more than
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE April 21, 1965
.they can endure. Looking at it in a cold-
blooded way, this is a test of a military
theory. For my part, I am inclined to think
that Hanoi will endure all the punishment
that we dare to inflict.
BOMBING CAN'T WIN
I am assuming that we dare not and will
not devastate the cities of North Vietnam
and kill great masses of their people. I am
assuming that we shall not do this because
we are too civilized, and also because the re-
action to such cruelty, would be incalculable
in every continent.
The relatively moderate punishment we
are inflicting we shall probably continue to
inflict. I believe it will not force the North
Vietnamese to their knees. They are, we
must remember, a country of peasants. Their
industries are comparatively primitive, and
their capacity to do without the products of
their industries is quite different from that,
let us say, of a well-to-do, middle-class
American community in an affluent suburb.
Provided they get some food., which they
can from China, they are not likely to quit
and to do what we might want because their
powerplants and bridges and factories are
demolished. What they are likely to do if we
make the north increasingly uninhabitable is
to go south into South Vietnam.
So, experience may show that our official
theory of the war is unworkable. If it does,
we shall have to do what we have already
done several times in the coure of our en-
tanglement in southeast Asia. We shall have
to change our minds. This is always a pain-
ful process, especially in a big, proud coun-
try. But it may have to be done, and it
will be done best if we keep the problem
open to free and resolute public debate.
[From the St. Louis (Mo.) Post-Dispatch,
Apr. 1, 1966]
SOUTH VIETNAM CONSIDERS WEAKENING LAND
REFORM BY BOOSTING LIMIT ON ACREAGE
OWNERS CAN HOLD-STIPULATION WOULD BE
THAT THEY Hucs OUTPUT WITH MODERN
METHODS-REACTION BY UNITED STATES Is
MIXED
(By Richard Dudm.an)
SAIGON, SOUTH VIETNAM, April 1.-The
Government of South Vietnam is consider-
ing weakening a key provision of its land re-
form program. United States officials here
are thought to be giving the controversial
proposal some encouragement. They con-
sider it premature but believe it has some
merit.
The provision in question is the current
limit of 100 hectares (247 acres) on what a
single landowner may hold. Holdings be-
yond that amount are supposed to be sold
to the government and then sold to landless
peasants on a time payment plan in plots of
three to five hectares.
The Minister of Rural Affairs, Nguyen
Ngoc To, told the Post-Dispatch he thinks
it may be advisable to increase this limit to
200 or even to 1,000 hectares. He said that
the higher limit would apply only to the
owners who agreed to use modern machines
and fertilizers to increase their crop produc-
tion.
Some Americans and Vietnamese familiar
with the land problem here are outraged
over the proposed increase. They contend
that it is given in to pressure by the big
landowners, who have been powerful in
every regime since Vietnam won its inde-
pendence 11 years ago. Critics argue that
the Vietcong always poses as the protector
of the peasant and would capitalize on the
change in propaganda.
Asked about the origin of the proposal,
To said that many farmers had asked that
the limit be increased because they wanted
more land for cultivation. He said it would
be politically useful to satisfy these land-
owners. He observed that the big landown-
ers are better educated than the .peasants the use of American jet bombers against tar-
and thus can adopt modern methods and gets in South Vietnam and the sending in
produce better crops more readily. of the. first big units of American ground
American officials have learned of the pro- combat forces.
posal only informally. Their reaction has The justification is that infiltration from
been mixed. " the North to help the Vietcong has made the
"That's about the last thing we need-to conflict more of a North Vietnamese war and
satisfy a few big landlords in a country of less of a civil war.
16 million people who are mostly peasants." Little is said here, however, about legal
Another contended, however, that land or moral aspects of the new strategy. The
hunger was not the imposing political prob- United States has expanded its own violation
1em here that it is in some other countries. of the Geneva agreements of 1954, which pro-
He said that the Vietcong had been trying hibited "the introduction into Vietnam of
to raise a- false issue without great success. foreign troops and military personnel as well
As concerns land reform, he said, they are as of all kinds of arms and ammunition," any
"rebels without a cause." foreign military bases in either zone, and the
Aside from self-serving pressure by land- participation of either zone in any military
lords, the controversy is between economics alliance.
and politics. Large areas can be farmed The United States now has abandoned
more economically, as French rice planters all pretense of abiding by the 1954 agree-
demonstrated, but most observers agree that ments. It refused at the time to sign the
-the Vietcong have had considerable suc- accords, stating merely that the United
cess in stirring peasant resentment over high States would "refrain from the threat or
rents charged to sharecroppers and unfair the use of force to disturb them."
practices under the 1956 land reform law. Officials whose advice Mr. Johnson now
Land distribution under that law is less at last is taking are largely those who fa-
than half accomplished although in January vored American armed intervention in 1954
1962 President Ngo Dienh Diem announced to help the French. They disapproved of
that it already was completed. the Geneva Conference from the start and
The regime of Gen. Nguyen Khanh eased considered the accords a major diplomatic
the burden on the peasants by doubling the defeat for the West.
6-year repayment period and halting the ex- For them, stepped up infiltration and Viet-
pulsion of squatters from government land. cong raids against American Installations
But Khanh rejected a proposal by his was a powerful argument, but did not change
Deputy Prime Minister for Pacification, Ng- the essentials of the situation. They denied
yen Ton Hoan, that the top limit on land this was a civil war when that was more
holding be reduced to 10 hectares. Nguyen nearly true than today.
Gong Hau, then Minister for Rural Affairs North Vietnam continues to maintain
and a big landowner himself, opposed the the fiction that it. is abiding by the agree-
plan. - ments, just as did the United States until
Leroy S. Wehrle, assistant director of the the last few months.
American aid mission, reported last Novem- There are other perhaps more significant
ber that the present retention quota of 100 signs of moral change in the war.
hectares still left the majority of farmers The American Embassy in effect gave its
in tenant status. - blessing to the recent forced exile to North
He quoted a study in a typical delta vil- Vietnam of three signers of a petition call-
lage that showed the people "were bitterly ing for peace negotiations. The Embassy
disappointed by the land reform, which left is understood to have advised against an
nearly all of them tenants." original plan to dump the three civilians out
Recommendation by Wehrle and others of a plane and let them parachute into North
that a land reform expert be sent to Vietnam Vietnam. As long as they were merely
has not been adopted. Officials give the land shoved across the international bridge at
problem little concentrated attention. They the 17th parallel, the United States had no
are stronger in their opposition to proposals objection.
for tightened land reform than in heading The predominant view among American
off the plan taking shape in the Quat govern- officials seemed to be that this was a rela-
ment loosen the program. tively humane solution, even though there
V I
h
[From the St. Louis (Mo.) Post-Dispatch,
Apr. 4, 1965]
A NEW VIETNAM STRATEGY-R$SULTS OF IN-
CREASED BOMBINGMAY NOT BE KNOWN FOR
MONTHS-PRETENSE OF OBEYING 1954
GENEVA AGREEMENTS Is ABANDONED
at ie -
was no trial and it was not clear w
namese law the three men had broken. A
Vietnamese Government spokesman, asked
why there was no trial, said "we didn't have
enough proof."
Nor was there any sign of U.S. objection
when Vietnamese bombers attacked a school-
house taken over by the Vietcong. A South
SAIGON, April3.-President Johnson's new Vietnamese report estimated that 20 to 30
bomb-until-they-give-up strategy in Viet- children were killed. The pilot was said to
nam is a gamble against odds that can only have seen either gunfire from the school or
be guessed. These unknown odds will have a Vietcong flag on the flagpole. The village
much to do with whether the United States was described as Vietcong infiltrated but not
is heading toward something that can be Vietcong dominated. More and more, the
called a victory or toward obvious and hu- United States is declaring "free strike zones"
miliating disaster. and warning the innocent to get out before
Resort to the new strategy came as this unrestricted bombing begins. The United
undeclared war was taking an abrupt turn States tried an attack by forest fire this
for the worse. It had been a gradual loser week in an effort to clear Vietcong from a
from the start, despite official statements ex- 48-mile square forest stronghold.
pressing standard "cautious optimism." The U.S. Military Assistance Command re-
Then in recent months a big increase in ports meticulously each day how many of
men and arms from Communist North Viet- the Vietcong are said to have been killed in
nam helped the Vietcong guerrillas attack the day's air attacks in South Vietnam. But
in larger units and come close to cutting the there is no such reporting system for the
country in half. men, women, and children being killed,
Everyone here is actually aware that Mr. -burned, and maimed by rockets, napalm, and
Johnson's new strategy has made this a new white phosphorus from American and Viet-
war--a bigger war and to a greater extent, an namese planes. Hundreds jam civilian hos-
American war. That was an obvious result pitals in Hue. Danang, Qui Nhon, and other
of the air raids against the North (in which cities throughout South Vietnam. Medical
Americans pilot their own planes as well as teams from the United States and allied na-
some of the Vietnamese air force planes), tions help treat the patients with makeshift
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(By Richard Dudman)
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April 21, 1965 .CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE 7841
equipment, two or three to the bed. Success of ground-to-air missiles, air assistance, vol- that would appear reasonable. And this
of the, new strategy will be determined on a unteers or regular troops. process alone has inevitably narrowed the gap
strategic rather than a moral level, however. What if the response is the hoped for an- between the two sides.
It will be determined by the composite an- nouncement that Hanoi is closing down the insisting that there be
sorer to some. questions that are not now war? Whether Hanoi is
answerable, prior agreement in principle an the nature
The question then is how to tell whether of the settlement is not yet clear. But it is
How painful to the regime in Hanoi are the the guerrilla war is really being ended or intriguing that American withdrawal from
raids north of the 17th parallel? whether the Vietcong is merely going under- South Vietnam and even cessation of the
There is no expectation here that the at- ground, hiding its weapons and melting into bombing of North Vietnam now seem to be
tacks in themselves can-come anywhere near the population to wait for an opportunity listed as objectives rather than preconditions
stopping the infiltration. There is hope- to start over again. That is What the Viet forsuchaimnegotiationportant.pointsIt asmustthesebewillhopedclari
but only a hope-that they will persuade Minh did in 1954.
bethat-
Hanoi to abandon the war. In either case-whether the Communists fled when Hanoi replies formally to the pro-
The belief here is that it may be weeks step up the pace or whether they make mo- posal for unconditional negotiations made by
or months before any effect of the raids can tions to close it down-the likelihood is that 17 nonalined chiefs of state, a proposal Presi-
be observed, either in reduced infiltration American troops must remain here on the dent Johnson has already accepted.
or in a change in North Vietnamese policy. ground indefinitely. Their mission would be Both Hanoi and Washington seem to agree
The further belief here is that the United in one case to defend against new Commu- on restoring the 1954 Geneva agreements-
States would not consider it sufficient if nists moves, in the other to police whatever in itself enough of a basis for at least ex-
Hanoi merely halted the infiltration, but agreement is reached. The United States ploratory talks. Both agree that reunifica-
would insist also on clear orders being Issued has shown little enthusiasm thus far for the tion of Vietnam is for a later day and that
to the Vietcong to end the war. Weather alternative of a United Nations peacekeeping the first task is to end the, war and assure a
sometimes makes targets hard to find and force. neutral South Vietnam. ,
damage hard to photograph. Current esti- The present course is quite different from seems prepared even to accept the principle
reported The Navy has been making return raids on been agreed upon last December here and in be North as well from South Vietnam must
some radar stations hit earlier. Despite all Washington. That plan called for small un- e neutral, free from any military alliance
the attacks on radar stations in recent weeks announced raids, all south of the 19th p-aral- or foreign military bases, troops, or military
the North Vietnamese are always out of their lei and thus well south of Hanoi combined peThe goal Hanoi sets for a Vietnam solution
buildings and into trenches and bunkers with certain incentives. These would include is hardly one, of course, that would recom-
and manning antiaircraft guns by the time offers of economic aid to North Vietnam mend itself to Saigon or to Washington. It
the high level American jets appear over the through the American food for peace program provides that the internal affairs of South
target, and through international development as- Vietnam be settled in accordance with the
How much are the stepped up raids in sistance. Broadened diplomatic recognition program of the Vietcong's National Libera-
South Vietnam hurting the Vietcong?
Vietnamese and expanded foreign trade. ties Front.
who fought with the Viet Underlying that plan was the thesis that But no one has ever claimed that nego-
Minh against the French In the war of inde- North Vietnam could serve its vital inter- tiations, once engaged, would be easy or that
pendence sometimes say that the French ests-avoid domination by Communist China, they would lead quickly to agreement. It
bombs and napalm were effective at first, but resume its normal trade with South Vietnam took President de Gaulle 18 months to get
became much less so when the Viet Minh and continue its industiralization=-all by the Algerian guerrillas to the conference
learned, how to disperse itf men and sup- discontinuing an increasingly costly war in table.
plies and use jungle cover and camouflage. the south.
American officers who have studied the
It The problem is Vietnam now to to find a
French war here recall that French planes ciple was that an intended to follow the cloven a way forum for talks and to get segos
destroyed many bridges each day in an effort out. The y resembled bl be given ay stage to started. It t is as at t irrelevant needle-
to block the flow of arms and supplies proposal from made last summer by D Dr r. . Bernard B B. . Fall, , an point oint of f a settlement as it would be to dis-
China to the siege of Dlenbienphu. The authority on North and South Vietnam. Of- pute how many angels can dance on the
Chinese kept a gang of coolies and a supply ficials here doubt that the plan ever won point of a needle.
of timbers beside each bridge. In 24 hours administration approval. In any event, it
a bombed bridge generally was back in serv- now has gone out the window. The raids [From the Champaign-Urbana Courier,
ice, have been bi hi hl
.There are offsets to whatever positive effect g` g y publicized, and north Apr. 11, 196b]
COI from the increased use of eve efffe aswell as south of the 19th parallel that was AN OPEN LETTER TO PRESIDENT JOHNSON ON
It ie making the Vietnamese of airpower.
overly supposed to be their northern limit. VIETNAM FROM MORE THAN 200 MEMBERS OF
dependent ng tair h support, which will be less Indications here are that the United States THE CHAMPAIGN-URBANA UNIVERSITY COM-
depen ent When clouds sport, targets for l is thinking entirely in terms of increasing MUNITY
u f' time n the approaching punishment, not at all in terms of positive
rainy season. incentives. (Paid advertisement, prepared and paid for
The raids also can make recruits for the In the embattled northern region of South by ad hoc faculty committee)
enemy as well as inflicting damage on him. Vietnam, two middle-grade American advis- We, as members Of the academic commu-
Some officials fear that many may be driven err had just finished briefing a reporter on nity, feel impelled to raise publicly with you,
Into the Vietcong when American bombs de- their difficulties in trying to break the tight- Mr. President, the question of our Govern-
stroy their villages or kill or maim their rela- ening Vietcong noose around their provincial ment's present policy in Vietnam.
tives, Propaganda efforts to blame the Viet- capital.
Gong for attracting the bombs have only Neither the latest American decisions to
success, it is felt. The reporter asked: "If you were Ho Chi escalate the war in Vietnam nor the future
limited Even when leaflets and loudspeakers warn Minh, would the air raids make you decide course of American action has been openly
that
a village has been ndclared a "free strike to quit the war?" The major replied: "Would and freely discussed in this country. We are
that a vi run from been declared bombs "free smay trike
be I quit when I was wining? Don't be silly." deeply disturbed by the managed silence con-
to e,"te a Vietcong bullet, cerning both the extent and the direction of
How strongly does North Vietnam want to [From the New York Times, Apr. 15, 1965] our involvement In Vietnam. In our belief,
continue the war that it is sponsoring? THE HANOI COUNTERPROPOSALS the choice is now between a return to the
"Those people in Hanoi are tough and The most important thing about Hanoi's discussion free flow of information as a basein
s for open
won't give up easily," says a diplomat who counterproposal for a Vietnam settlement is permanent esan public
damage issues, or the 2 years there. Wishful thinking some- not what it says but that it was said at all- tions m . Therefore to democratic i you, Mr.
times causes Western officials to exaggerate after Peiping's violent rejection of Presi- tess at home. Therefore m urge yam a-
the effectiveness of bombs or economic pres- dent Johnson's peace plan. President, to encourage domestic exain
.Sure to force Nations to abandon their The exegetists undoubtedly can find in- tion of kuy cuto co policy u Vietnam.
cherished plans. The bombing of London numerable traps in North Vietnam's state- We ask you to consider our present course
and Berlin during World War II and the pres- ment. But the fact that Hanoi felt com- We are m
of action m vilittew of the following facts:
ent economic squeeze on Cuba are examples. pelled within a week to make a serious reply arily intervening g support h
As the bombing raids against the North con- to the Baltimore speech demonstrates drah succession of undemocratic regimes which
tinue, as the targets creep farther northward matically that a political offensive can be no have not won the support of the South Viet-
Viet-
and perhaps shift from military to industrial more ignored than a military one. naW e are a peopleemploy instal1atigns, there mist come a time of ap- Nothing about the Hanoi declaration is means of attai in g ourre profess inhumane
graisai",g off the Communist response. more interesting than Its tone. Invective is Vietnam, which have aroused s oncernl and
The response can range from a big increase absent, apart from a single passing reference moral indignation even among America's
in terror along the lines of the bombing of to American aggression. President Johnson's closest allies.
the t yerican Embassy, through invasion by proposals are called nothing stronger than Our expanding air attacks on North Viet-
the North Vietnamese Army?the strongest in inappropriate. The need to appeal to world nam and our introduction of American com-
southeast Asia, to intervention by China or opinion has forced both Washington and bat troops in large numbers intensify the
the Soviet Union .or both through supplying Hanoi to spell omit their objectives in a form danger that a local conflict will develop into
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 7842
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE April 21, 1965
berg, Psychology; Corrinne Gunt- Miriam Sperber, Student Counseling;
zel, Economics; Ronald O. Haak, An- Albert Steiner, Mathematics; Donald
thropology; Santosh Haider, Psychol- C. Stewart, English; Ruth Stillwell,
ogy; Charles Hamm, Music; David Har- Rhetoric; Leon Swartzendruber, Psy-
vey, Sociology; Allan J. Harrison, chology; Donald R. Taft, Sociology;
Institute of Labor and Industrial Galsi Takeut, Mathematics; Daniel P.
Relations; Edward W. Haurek, Soci- Testa, Spanish, Italian, and Portu-
ology; Jaquelin McGrath, Sociology. guese; Erich K. Thomanek, Psychology;
Charles S. Thomas, University Press;
James R. Hawker, History; Joseph M. Howard I. Thorsheim, Psychology;
Heikoff, Bureau of Community Plan- Harry M. Tiebout, Philosophy; H. Y.
Ring; Maurice Heins, Mathematics; Tien, Sociology; Stewart L. Tuckey,
Martin O. Heisler, Political Science; Helen W. Tuttle, Library; Preston H.
Alex Heller, Mathematics; Ernest O. Tuttle, English and Speech; Paul Ula-
erreid, Food Science; Louise Herz- nowsky, Music; McCay Vernon, Insti-
berg, Institute for Research on Excep- tute for Research on Exceptional Chil-Pay- c o to Children; HPaul ewitt, Herzberg, Speec, Speech and dren; William J. Wainwright, Philoso-
Theateh eats; r; Barnard George L. . Hicks, Jr., Anthro- phy; Douglas C. Wartzok, Biophysics;
pology; L. A. Hiller, Jr., Music; Hugh Richard H. Wasson, English; Gregorio
K. Himan, Economics; Jack Hudson, Weber, Chemistry; Ronald C. Weger,
Chemical Engineering; Janette Hud- Mathematics; Allen S. Weller, Art; Paul
son, German; Llyod G. Humphreys, Wells, Economics; Robert F. Welsh,
Psychology; Rodger Jacobsen, Fine English; Paula Westerlund, Physical
Art; Joe W. Jenkins, Mathematics; Education for Women; Conrad Wetzel,
William C. Jenne', Institute for Re- Psychology; R. A. Wijsman, Mathe-
search on Exceptional Children; B. matics; Nathan Wiser, Physics; Carl
Connor Johnson, Animal Science; R. Woese, Microbiology; Sharon Wolfe,
Keith H. Johnson, Bureau of Economic Institute of Communications Re-
and Business Research; Ben B. John- search; Bing K. Wong, Mathematics;
ston, Jr., Music; R. Stewart Jones, Ed- Robert W. Woody. Chemistry; Ray-
ucational Psychology: Bernard Karsh, mond Yeh, Mathematics.
Sociology; U. Milo Kaufmann, English; (This advertisement has been paid for by
Scott Keyes, Bureau of Community individual contributions of the signers. De-
Planning; Kurt A. Klein, Slavic Lan- partmental affiliations are listed for identifi-
guages and Literatures; John W. Kro- cation purposes only.)
nik, Spanish, Italian, and Portuguese; To ad hoc Faculty Committee on Vietnam.
Norris G. Lang, Anthropology; Byron JACQUELINE FLENNER,
G. Larson, Sociology; Bernard Lazer- Secretary-Treasurer,
witz, Sociology; Robert B. Lees, Lin- 902 West California, Urbana, 111.
guistics; F. K. Lehman, Anthropology W. ELLISON CHALMERS,
and Linguistics; John Levee, Art; Chairman.
Solomon B. Levine, Center for Asian E. E. DAVIS,
Studies; Harry Levy, Mathematics; Executive Secretary.
Lucretia Levy, Mathematics; Michael JACQUELINE FLENNER,
Lewis, Sociology; Oscar Lewis, Anthro- SHARON WOLFE,
pology; M. Lieberthal, Institute of Secretary-Treasurer.
Labor and Industrial Relations; D. H. ^ You may call on me for further support
Lindley, Physics. of this appeal.
Richard J. Loftus, English; Royal B. Mac- - ^ I enclose a contribution of $,- toward
Donald, Music, Richard Malter, School further publication of'this advertisement.
Psychology; David R. May, Psychology; Name -----------
J. P. McCollum, Horticulture; Warren Address -_-______-.
L. Meinhardt, Spanish, Italian, and -?
Portuguese; Steven P. Meshon, Lin- SOUTHAMPTON MONTHLY
guistics; Milton O. Meux, Bureau of MEETING Southampton, Pa.
Educational Research; Charles W. Mig-
non, English; David Mills, Psychology; The Southampton Monthly Meeting of the
Nancy M. Minahan, Psychology; Mar- Religious Society of Friends authorizes Nor-
jorie Moretz, Mathematics; David E. man E. Polster to present his deep concern
Muller, Mathematics; Bruno Nettl, that the destruction of life and property in
Music; Leonard N. Neufeldt, English; Vietnam cease and the tasks of rebuilding
Kennalee Ogden, Educational Psychol- and healing envisioned by the President be
ogy; George H. Orland, Mathematics; taken up without delay.
C. E. Osgood, Institute of Communica- Minute from the meeting of the Southamp-
tions Research; M. H. Pahoja, Agricul- ton Monthly Meeting held in Southampton,
a major war. The possibility of a nuclear war
cannot be ignored.
Our present policy, instead of preventing
the spread of communism, has bad the effect
of alienating the people of South Vietnam
and of other southeast Asian countries.
Mr. President, we urge you to halt the war
in Vietnam by initiating the following
courses of action:
The United States should cease its attacks
on North Vietnam.
A conference of all parties to the conflict
in Vietnam should be convened to negotiate a
political settlement in Vietnam.
To prevent a repetition of the tragedy of
Vietnam, an international conference should
develop guidelines for the peaceful settlement
of disputes throughout southeast Asia.
Oliver Aberth, Mathematics; Gary Adel-
man, English; Eqbal Ahrnad, Political
Science; Joseph A. Albert, Psychology;
Thomas J. Anton, Institute of Govern-
ment and Public Affairs; Mark Appel-
baum, Psychology; Suzanne Appel-
baum, University Press; David E. Asp-
nee, Physics; Joyce Aspnes, Physics;
K. C. Atwood, Microbiology; Terrance
Auger, Education; James S. Agars, Bo-
nita S. Baker, English; Sheila Baker,
Psychology; V. Lewis Bassle, Bureau of
Economics and Business Research; Ed-
win G. Belzer, Jr.; Health and Safety
Education; Howard J. Birky, Psychol-
ogy; Lindsay M. Black, Botany; Rich-
ard J. Bloesch, Choral Music; Victor
Bloomfield, Chemistry; Van Bluemel,
Physics; Robert Blum, Music; Thomas
L. Bohan, Physics; Kenneth A. Bowen,
Mathematics; Niels W. Braroe, an-
thropology; Herbert Brun, Music;
Edward M. Bruner, Anthropology;
Geoffrey Bruun, History; Mary M.
Burdette, Music; Robert Carroll;
Mathematics; W. Ellison Chalmers,
Institute of Labor and Industrial
Relations; Lee Chesney, Art; Milt
Cloud, Computer Science; Carl Cohen,
Philosophy; Anthony J. Conger, Psy-
chology; Daniel Curley, English; Philip
W. Curry, Institute of Labor and In-
dustrial Relations; Lawrence J. Daley,
Music; E. E. Davis, Psychology; James
D. Davis, Mathematics; Natalie H. Dav-
is, Botany; D. G. Bourgin, Mathe-
matics; Sylvia Dugre, Microbiology;
Phillips L. Garman; Institute of Labor
and Industrial Relations; J. Goodis-
man, Chemistry.
Mahon M. Day, Mathematics; John J.
DeBoer, Education; Milton Derber, In-
stitute of Labor and Industrial Rela-
tions; Robert Dippner, Psychology;
James A. Donaldson, Mathematics; Ben
E. Drake, English; Don E. Dulany, Jr.,
Psychology; Elizabeth G. Dulany, Uni-
versity Press; Murray Edelman, Politi-
cal Science; Jonathan Eisen, Institu-
tute of Labor and Industrial Relations;
Mary Nell Eldridge, Student Counsel-
ing; David R. Ewbank, English; Peter
S. Farrell, Music; Marianne A. Ferber,
Economics; Marian I. Fertik, Speech
and Theater; Ross Figgins, Division of
General Studies; Morris W. Firebaugh,
Physics; Jacqueline W. Flenner, Com-
puter Science; Roderick G. Forsman,
Psychology; Robert M. Possum; Mathe-
matics; Merlin J. Foster; Computer
Science; Dale Franzwa, Communica-
tions; Helen Franzwa, Speech; Ken
Garrison, Mathematics; John G. Gaz-
ley, History; Gene Gilmore, Journal-
ism; Eleanor Gilpatrick, Bureau of
Economics and Business Research;
Betty Glad, Political Science; Edwin
L. Goldwasser, Physics; Fred M. Got-
theil, Economics; Norman Graebner,
History; John W. Gray; Mathematics;
R. Jeffery Green, Bureau of Economics
and Business Research; Allan C.
Greenberg, History; Gordon Green-
matics; Sherman Paul, English; Claude
Penchina, Physics; Donald R. Peterson,
Psychology; Joseph D. Phillips, Bureau
of Economic and Business Research;
Norman Potter, English; Robert J.
Pranger, Political Science: Mary B.
Price, University Press; Richard H.
Price, Psychology; Alexander L. Ringer,
Musicology; T. Thacher Robinson,
Mathematics; Philip Rogers, English;
Walter Roosa, Music; Joseph W. Rud-
min, Physics; Betty Lynn Rueckert,
English; William H. Rueckert, English;
Yohko Sano, Institute of Labor and
Industrial Relations; C. B. Satterth-
waite, Physics; Herbert I. Schiller, Bu-
reau of Economic and Business Re-
search; Robert L. Schneider, English;
E. J. Scott, Mathematics.
Joan E. Berber, Psychology; W. H. Shoe-
maker, Spanish, Italian, and Portu-
guese; Art Sinsabaugh, Art; Harry J.
Skornia, Radio and Television; Thomas
0. Sloan, Speech; David Q. Smith, Eng-
lish; Sherre Owens Smith, Fine Arts;
ANNA S. MORRIS,
Clerk.
CONCERN ON VIETNAM OF MEMBERS OFSOUTH-
AMPTON MONTHLY MEETING OF FRIENDS
In his speech of April 7 our President has
pointed out certain goals of our presence in
Vietnam with which we are in cordial agree-
ment. He has stated that, in that country,
we seek nothing for ourselves--only that the
people of South Vietnam be allowed to guide
their own country in their own way. He
has, furthermore, mapped out a great pro-
gram of development in southeast Asia which
might permit us, in close cooperation with
the other nations of the world, to heal the
scars of war, to improve the conditions of
life, and to replace enmity with cooperation
for the common good. He has, finally, an-
nounced our readiness for "unconditional
discussions" as a way toward terminating
the bloodshed and destruction which are
now engulfing not only South Vietnam but,
through our bombing forays, North Vietnam
as well.
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April 21, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
I
We are in full agreement with these ob-
jectives and this approach and urge our rep-
resentatives in Congress and the departments
of our Government to give them their un-
stinting support. However, we submit that
not only our declarations, but also our ac-
tions, must change if the desired goals are to
be realized. Specifically,
1. We. must halt our bombing raids on
North Vietnam, which have been extended
increasingly to civilian objectives-roads,
railroads, powerplants, bridges-with a hu-
man toll which is unknown to us. The
wanton destruction of the fruits of hard
labor in a country which is not rich will
not convince its inhabitants of American in-
terest in their welfare, but only spread the
notion that "the American invader is the
enemy of the people."
2. We must include the National Libera-
tion Front or the Vietcong in our openness
for unconditional discussions. Whether it
is a creature of North Vietnam, as our State
Department has contended, or a broadly
based nationalist movement comparable to
the French resistance in the Second World
War, as Shunichi Matsumoto, investigator
for the Japanese Government, a firm sup-
porter of our policies, has found, the immedi-
ate conflict in South Vietnam is between the
National Liberation Front and Vietcong on
the one hand and the South Vietnamese,
Government and American forces on the
other. If the killing in South Vietnam is to
stop, a cease-fire must be arranged by con-
sultation between these two groups. A final
settlement will without doubt have to be
reached by negotiations which would in-
clude North Vietnam and the broad range
of nations with interests in southeast Asia.
Our goals in these negotiations have been
spelled out by the President. Presumably
they would include the withdrawal of out-
side military forces from South Vietnam, and
the holding of elections under the supervi-
sion of International Control Commission or
United Nations teams to ascertain the man-
ner in which the people of South Vietnam
desired to be governed. We must contem-
plate the possibility that, if these elections
are truly free, they may express the desire
of the people of South Vietnam to be re-
united with their brothers in North Vietnam
under a government with primarily Com-
munist orientation. The force of nationalism
would seem to render such an outcome prob-
able unless Vietcong terror has alienated the
people even more than American bombings,
burning s, and gas. Yet, if we are true to our
word, we must abide by the outcome, what-
ever it is, Doing so, we will support the
cause of law in the world, enhance confidence
in American motives, and strengthen our
sense of national purpose and leadership.
We shall have demonstrated that respect for
the dignity of the human person which we
seek to have acknowledged everywhere.
Shirley Garth, Marlies Harper, Robin
Harper, Robert Horton, Anna S. Mor-
ris, Elliston P. Morris, Elizabeth Pols-
ter, Norman Polster, Edward Ramberg,
Sarah Ramberg.
SOUTHAMPTON, PA., April 15, 1965.
FRESNO, CALIF.,
April 16, 1965,
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Washington, D.C.
HONORABLE SIR: I deeply appreciate your
opinion on the war in Vietnam. And I feel
that the Nation owes you a debt of gratitude
for daring to state-It in the face of almost
unanimous opposition.
I am a registered Republican because I
think we,need.an opposition party. But alas,
on at least three major issues that are de-
stroying our Nation, and our civilization
(war, liquor, and finance) there is no longer
any difference between the two parties. This
means that we are fast becoming a one-party
government. And one-party government in-
evitably becomes a dictatorship.
What to do about it? If reactionary Re-
publicans continue to rule the party, the die
is already cast. An effective coalition of con-
servatives and liberals is impossible. This
seems to leave a new party, with new leader-
ship, as the only hope. The last election
showed that the voters no longer merely rub-
ber stamp the party label. So I am convinced
the time for an independent party is now.
But the fiction is out which says "third
parties cannot win." In 1860 the Republi-
cans won as a third party. With intelligent
leadership it might happen again in 1968.
The need is fully as great as in 1860. I be-
lieve all we need is leadership. But time is
running out. So hurry.
Sincerely yours,
Rev. W. R. WILLIAMs.
FIRST METHODIST CHURCH,
DES PLAINES, ILL., April 17, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I am counting on
you to step up your pressure against our
stupid policy in Vietnam. I do not in any
way wish to be classed as being the same
group as the so-called leftist student demon-
stration, but someone must try to bring
some sanity to our foreign policy, Let us stop
bombing North Vietnam. Let us defend
South Vietnam so long as necessary, but by
all means let us avoid the possible confron-
tation with Russia in North Vietnam. We
should rather be weaning Russia away still
farther from China, not throwing them in
each other's arms.
Also may request your concern over the
possible strike. One more problem would be
too much. May I urge Federal intervention
if necessary.
Sincerely,
WOODLAND HILLS, CALIF.,
April 14, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I Support fully your
position on the war in Vietnam. Continua-
tion of the war is not only destroying life
and'property in Vietnam, and turning peo-
ples in the underdeveloped nations against
the United States, but is also eroding democ-
racy here. It is becoming commonplace
for the Government to manage and distort
news, and lie to the people. Your efforts to
penetrate the blanket of mass media distor-
tion are a great service to the preservation of
peace and democracy around the world.
Sincerely,
ST. Louis, Mo.,
April 15, 1965.
DEAR MR. MORSE: You are putting your fin-
ger on the meaningful point when you say
that the war in Vietnam is not the American
people's war. We were given a choice only
between Johnson and Goldwater by the pro-
fessional political organizations financed by
big business which choose the candidates.
This is little choice, and I frequently heard
the opinion expressed during the campaigns
that it was choice between the lesser of two
evils.
It turned out that the candidates were per-
fectly agreed on foreign policy, or more
likely, that both were committed to the
same foreign policy laid down for them by
the big business men who financed both
campaigns. Goldwater Said frankly that he
intended to escalate the Asian war, while
Johnson kept his mouth shut except to chew
barbecue, and the result was that Goldwater
was buried for his frankness. He said John-
son was the biggest phony in Washington,
and now we know in our hearts that the
general was right about that, anyway.
The hot and cold wars through which the
taxpayers have been bilked of huge sums
annually for years are for the financial bene-
fit of big business thriving on Government
contracts. It is the representatives of big
business who really run this country because
they support both political parties. Their
greed for profits has increased our national
debt to topheaviness dangerous to our econ-
omy, and has destroyed our freedom under
the pretense of protecting it from commu-
nism. The American voters no longer have
much say about how their country is run, as
witness the war.
Johnson ought to be impeached for the
Bobby Baker affair.
COLUMBIA, MO.,
April 13, 1965.
Hon. SENATORS CHURCH, GRUENING, MCGOV-
ERN, and MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATORS: Although I am not one of
your constituents I wish to commend the
strong stand you have taken against the of-
ficial policy on Vietnam.
It seems that the preelection talk of being
a "peace President" has been replaced by
acquiescence in the plots of our military es-
tablishment. Instead of a sane, realistic,
compassionate policy toward the people of
southeast Asia, we have regressed into a sav-
age play for power, which will make us the
most hated nation on earth, if indeed, the
whole earth is not destroyed as the result
of our cruel stupidity.
The $3 billion spent fQr war in that area
should have been used for the Mekong River
development and other such projects. It's
not too late to admit our mistakes, and call
on all concerned to meet under U.N. super-
vision to work out a humanitarian settle-
ment.
Maybe China needs help with a hydroelec-
tric project, too.
I feel that what we do in the next few days
will ruin or strengthen the U.N. depending
on whether we act outside or inside its
"good offices." The press of many countries
reflects a loss of faith in our integrity, and
fitness for leadership.
May you continue your good work.
Sincerely and respectfully yours,
LENA GREENLAW (Mrs. J. P.).
LONG ISLAND CITY, N.Y.,
April 17, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: May I please ask
you to consider the letter to President John-
son which appears below. If you feel that
you can support the suggestion contained
therein, a formula for ending the fighting
in Vietnam, won't you please detach the
letter, sign it, and mail it to the President?
I should also be most grateful to get your
considered reaction to the proposal.
Yours most sincerely,
IRviNG AMDUR.
P.S.: A number of foreign policy specialists
have been of help to me in formulating this
proposal. Won't you please take a hard look
at it and do something with it if it makes
sense to you?
Date :
President 'LYNDoN B. JOHNSON,
The White House
Washington, D.C.
DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: Although your recent
offer to negotiate unconditionally with North
Vietnam was one of the most morally im-
pressive utterances ever made by an Amer-
ican statesman, it is now apparent that we
must go further if we want to end the
destruction of human lives and the possibil-
ity that the conflict might escalate beyond
control.
The proposal outlined below could further
strengthen our moral case, prevent further
damage to the Soviet-American rapproache-
ment, reinforce the U.N., shift the struggle
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in Vietnam from the battlefield to the ballot
box, and yet safeguard our aims, interests,
and friends in Asia and elsewhere.
I propose that we induce the Saigon gov-
ernment and the Vietcong to agree on the
following terms:
1. An immediate cease-fire;
2. Temporary occupation of South Viet-
nam by a neutral force, assembled either by
the U.N. or by an ad hoc grouping of neutral
.powers and consisting of troops and general
officers from countries acceptable to both
the government and the insurgents;
3. Surrender of all arms by the govern-
ment and the insurgents to the occupying
command;
4. Withdrawal of all American, Soviet,
Chinese, and North Vietnamese personnel to
points outside the borders of South
Vietnam;
5. Assignment by the Saigon government
and by the Vietcong of their fighting men in
equal numbers to the occupying command
which would proceed to form mixed mili-
tary units consisting half of government and
half of Vietcong personnel;
6. The gradual phasing out of troops
from the neutral countries and the replace-
ment of them by the mixed units which
would operate under either a Neutral or a
U.N. Command and retain an absolute
monopoly on military equipment;
7. Division of Vietnam into electoral dis-
tricts equal in population for the election of
delegates to a constitutional convention
which would frame a constitution stipulating
that there shall be: (a) elections every 2
years, (b) guarantees that all parties are to
have complete freedom to participate in elec-
tion campaigns, (c) a provision similar to ar-
ticle 9 of the Japanese Constitution, an ar-
ticle which would renounce war as an instru-
ment of the foreign policy of South Vietnam
and would prohibit government authorities
from ever raising an armed force exceeding
that required for legitimate Internal police
functions (which would continue to be sub-
ject to supervision by the U.N. or the ad hoc
grouping of neutral powers) ;
8. Massive economic and technical aid to
South Vietnam, and possibly also to North
Vietnam, through the joint efforts of the
United States, the Soviet Union, and perhaps
the United Nations.
I beg you prayerfully to consider this pro-
posal which might conceivably end the dan-
ger of the eruption of World War 111.
Yours most sincerely,
For additional copies of this appeal write
to: Dr. Irving-Amdur, 2115 84th Avenue, Long
Island City, N.Y., 11106.
FLUSHING, N.Y.,
April 13, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I am a resident of the
State of New York and so I did not have the
opportunity of casting a vote for you.
However, I feel that you are representing
me.
I have written to my New York Senators
urging them to speak out in opposition to
the present policy on Vietnam. I shall con-
tinue to express my belief that our present
policy is a wrong and dangerous one.
However, I felt that I did want to express
my gratitude to you for your forthright posi-
tion. You are really acting in the beat in-
terests of all the American people, as well as
for the Vietnamese and all the peoples of
the world. All of us have cause to be glad
that you are in the Senate of the United
States.
Sincerely yours,
Ms-s. MARIANE KULICK.
SEATTLE, WASH.,
April13, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAa SIR: As our son goes to Washington,
D.C. to visit you with a number of like-
minded young people, I thought of'asking
you again to discontinue the U':S. self-sub-
scribed role in Vietnam, that of fighting.
The 1954 Geneva Conference held the an-
swers for today's conflict there. Initiate an
official cease-fire there now, to reduce the
present tension there, here, and abroad.
Promote a plebescite in Vietnam under V.N.
auspices.
Pave the way for worldwide disarmament
achievement, and withdraw all foreign troops
everywhere.
I am glad to see the growing number of
Congressmen in favor of withdrawing men
and materials from Vietnam and looking to-
ward a peaceful solution.
Thank you,
Sincerely,
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: In my ninth grade
social studies class, we have been discussing
the crisis America faces in South Vietnam.
I favor military withdrawal from this na-
tion with continued economic aid. From our
discussion, it has become apparent that
Americans must think it a sacrilege to ques-
tion their Nation's actions in a conflict that
theoretically could become global. It is a
frightening thought to think that the United
States may be precipitating a far greater war
by carrying the conflict across South Viet-
nam's border.
Another thing that makes this war an
enigma is its nondeflnition. Although Presi-
dent Johnson delivered an address to define
the war in Vietnam, I feel certain that his
nebulous terms and assorted tangents did
not placate the parents of those who have
been lost or killed, nor did his speech en-
lighten the public greatly. The talk only
reiterated the American obligation and
Ideal.
I commend your efforts and ideas concern-
ing America's policy in southeast Asia. I
hope you, your associates, and interested
Americans can make a case for withdrawal
and perhaps for a conference of nations to
conclude fighting and launch a program to
rebuild wartorn South Vietnam.
Sincerely,
SANTA BARBARA, CALIF.,
April 13, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MossE,
Senate Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I would like to ex-
press my approval of your stand on the
U.S. position in Vietnam, and urge you to
continue speaking out on important issues.
It was a statement of yours that sent me
to the library to read all I could find on
southeast Asia and to inquire as to how
this country became involved there. All the
information that I could find leads to a
confirmation that our country's position Is
morally wrong. President Eisenhower's posi-
tion was wrong, President Kennedy's posi-
tion was wrong; President Johnson's position
is unconscionable. We who lov?'our country
would, as Dr. Pauling said, like to see her
near the top in the listing of moral nations
instead of near the bottom of the list.
Judging from the letters to the editors in
our local newspaper, there must be many
more people than myself who feel that our
policy in Vietnam Is shameful and should
April 21, 1965
be altered. An editorial in support of Gov-
ernment policy on Vietnam brings a spate of
letters lucidly spelling out our errors in that
area.
It seems to me that a foreign policy that
isolates our Nation from contact with up-
ward of a billion people (i.e., China and
Russia) and seems to depend more and more
on warlike actions and Intimidation by
threats of nuclear war to maintain it's posi-
tion, needs to be reviewed.
Please do continue to speak out on vital
issues. Your speaking out not only chal-
lenges one to search out the truth or error
of your premise, but also gives aid and com-
fort to citizens who sometimes view Govern-
ment actions with uneasiness of conscience
and even alarm, but feel that they are un-
able to truly justify their views in opposi-
tion of the learned columnists and editorial
writers.
Yours truly.
SAN CLEMENTE, CALIF.,
April'8, 1965.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: It is heartening to
hear your voice raised against the policy of
our Government in escalating the war in
southeast Asia. The increased bombings
were supposed to bring the hostilities to
an end in perhaps less than 2 months. In-
stead, they are threatening to bring China
and perhaps Russia into a war. When can
we learn that retaliation only brings on more
countermeasures and solves nothing?
Keep up your good work in protesting and
publicizing our continued use of violence
and threats. Let us try to reach a civilized
settlement before it is too late.
Sincerely,
Los ANGELES, CALIF.,
April 16, 1965.
President LYNDON B. JOHNSON,
White House,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: We are appalled at
the contradictions between your statements
and your actions. How can you say you are
for independence and freedom in southeast
Asia and yet deny the Vietnamese the right
to determine their own affairs by free elec.
tions, under international supervision, as
promised in the Geneva Convention?
How can you say you want peace, yet or-
der the dropping of bombs on North Viet-
nam? How can you offer "unconditional
negotiations" to North Vietnam and Red
China-knowing full well that by omitting
mention of the ones who are actually wag-
ing this war, the South Vietnamese NLF, you
are thus creating not only a "condition" but
an impossible obstacle.
We agree with the 2,700 ministers, priests,
and rabbis who, in a full page ad in the New
York Times of April 4, pleaded with you to
stop it in the name of God. The longer
your present policy of brutal military assault
on the Asians continues, the more will you
drive them into the arms of the Commu-
nists-thus creating the very situation you so
dread. Your daily escalation of the war will
win you the hatred not only of the Asians,
but all the peoples of the world-including
the Amelcan people, as our youth is slaugh-
tered so needlessly.
We urge you to stop doing the bidding of
those war hawks who are advising you, or
you and your family will wind up in an
early grave, together with all the American
people. Listen, instead, to the counsel of
Senators GRIIENING, MORSE, MCGOVERN, and.
CIIVRcss. Stop this murder before it is too
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April 21, 19 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SATE?_
Date. , Leave. Asia to the. Asians and-tend our
own problems here at home. Lock iinowa..we
have enough of them; overcoming poverty
and unemployment; reconversion of industry
from war to peace (so that our economy won't
depend on maintaining wars to keep from
crumbling); guaranteeing equal rights to our
Negroes and other mixiorities; spreading our
affluence around among our own people, as
well as the world, and showing, by example,
not bombs and death, that democracy can be
better than communism.
Please, Mr. President, do not bring the
judgment of God upon our Nation. Put an
end to war, or it will pirt an end to us.
Very sincerely concerned,
;,Mr..and Mrs. S. EHRLICH.
P.8,-Pleaae do not send me any more ex-
planations from the State Department. We
are sick of these rationalizations for meting
out death. Notht g short of stopping-the
war will satisfy us.
NATIONAL COUNCIL OF THE
CHURCHES OF CHRIST IN THg U.S.A,
New York, N.Y., March 31, 1965.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE.
DEAR SENATOR MoasE: Impressed with the
growing gravity of the Vietnam situation,
leaders in the National Council of Churches
have taken two actions and we share them
with you in view of your responsibilities
along with the President for U.S., foreign
policy.
Among our constituency across the coun-
try, increasingly strong and insistent con-
cern is being expressed about Vietnam de-
velopments. Many questions are being
pressed as to the direction and decisions o3
our Government, and whether they mean a
drift toward war, Now, special importance
and encouragement are being attached to
the statement of President Johnson on March
25, emphasizing again the principle of
restraint and the willingness for honorable
negotiajion, and indicating the possibility
of a peace offensive in terms of new initia-
tive for economic, political, and social devel-
opment which can help to make viable,
Stable, independent nations in that whole
area. We hope that such initiatives will
find a real response. among peoples in Other
parts of the world and among all in our own
Nation having responsibilities in developing
and carrying through such an imaginative
program for peace and human betterment.
The deep concern of our constituents
across the Nation is clear. On the basis of the
meaning of religious faith and ethics for
events in Vietnam, Insofar as facts, could
be known to us, our president, Bishop Reu-
ben H. Mueller, telegraphed President John-
son, February 15 copy enclosed. This was
also sent to the UN.. Secretary General and
the Secretary of State. Further concern was
expressed by church leaders gathering from
all parts of the country and meeting of the
west coast in our policymaking body, the
general board. After - deliberation, they
adopted the February 26, resolution, enclosed.
For your information reviews aoout Viet-
nam among church leaders In other parts of
the world are enclosed: the World Council of
Churches' statement from its commission of
dom, affecting the lives of our people and
others around the world.
Sincerely yours,
KENNETH L. MAXWELL,
Director.
The PRESIDENT,
The White House,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: In pursuit of policies
long advocated by the National Council of
Churches, we welcome your repeated state-
ments that the purpose of the U.S. Gov-
ernment in actions in Vietnam is not to
escalate war but to open the way for negotia-
tions and peaceful settlement.
We realize something of the tremendous
complexity and the awesome significance of
the situation. We are concerned that con-
tinuing efforts be made to create conditions
for honorable and effective negotiations, We
feel it is Imperative that all parties involved
live up to international agreements already
entered into conducive to peace with justice,
and that they exercise the utmost restraint
by ceasing infiltrations and subversion and
deeds which threaten to escalate the military
action Into a wider war which would benefit
none and do vast harm to all.
We would urge, too, that all nations seek
peaceful means for settlement of conflict and
the development of that area, as in the Me-
kong River project, making use of the United
Nations and other channels as will be most
effective, for the sake of the people of Viet-
nam, the best national interests of all, and
the peace of the world-hopes which we, as
Christians, share with people of other faiths
and men of good will everywhere.
Be assured of our appreciation for your
seeking to exercise restraint and your earn-
est efforts to find peaceful ways to deal with
this extremely complex and critical set of
issues. You and other leaders in our land
and in other countries involved are in our
prayers that you and they may be enabled to
lead us all into the paths of peace with jus-
tice and freedom.
Sincerely yours,
I REUBEN H. MUELLER,
President, National Council of the
Churches of Christ in the U.S.A.
RESOLUTION ON VIETNAM ADOPTED BY THE
- GENERAL BOARD FEBRUARY 25, 1965
,Recognizing the concern of the United
States for the freedom and independence of
all peoples;
Acknowledging our responsibility to the
people of South Vietnam who have been de-
pending upon our aid;
Expressing our distress at the continued
violence, war, and loss of life of all the peo-
ples involved;
Believing that mankind must learn to set-
tle its disputes around the conference table
rather than on the battlefield;
Welcoming the initiative taken by the Sec-
retary General of the United Nations in the
present crisis and sharing his conviction that,
"only political and diplomatic methods of
negotiation and discussion may find a peace-
cooperate, they being worldwide and we a Conscious that there are many difficulties
national organization, but we are not ox- and dilemmas facing our country in negotia-
ganioally related. tions_ for political settlement, but mindful
We have appreciated the debate of, issues also of the seriousness of prolonged military
re Vietnam in the Senate and we trust that conflict, the danger of escalation of hostili-
there will be continuing fulfillment of this ties, and the possibility of a third world war.
important function, the expressing of vaxi- The General Board of the National Council
ous views on this critical issue in the high- of Churches urges the U.S. Government:
eel deliberative body in our Government. To engage in persistent efforts to negotiate
Be assured of our prayers and appreciation a -cease fire and a settlement of the war
for your services in your critical role in our which will attempt to achieve the independ-
national lee as dgeieions, Are made toward ence, freedom, and self-determination of the
7S4
To utilize United Nations assistance in
achieving a solution and in seeking to reduce
the area of conflict by effective border con-
trol and internal policing; and
To give bold and creative leadership to a
broad international development program for
the Mekong region and to continue full-
scale U.S. economic and technical assistance
where necessary.
The general board pledges support and co-
operation in the urgent tasks of reconcilia-
tion and reconstruction in Vietnam.
SOUTH VIETNAM
(A statement on certain lines of action by
the chairman and director of the Com-
mission of the Churches on International
Affairs, Sir Kenneth Grubb and O. Fred-
erick Nolde)
In the complex and explosive situation of
Vietnam today, where precise information
Is not at hand, caution must characterize
both appraisal and public utterance. As
officers of the CCIA, we have been in touch
with a number of our regional and national
commissions of the churches on internation-
al affairs, particularly those of the East Asian
Christian Conference and of the National
Council of Churches of Christ in the United
States, and thereafter have issued an in-
terim report on South Vietnam. In speaking
now more specifically, we do not seek to
pronounce judgment but rather to voice the
deep concern of millions of Christians in the
World Council of Churches; to identify our-
selves with the tragic lot of the people of
Vietnam; and to suggest certain lines of
action which we believe merit consideration.
The effort to solve the problem of South
Vietnam by military measures to offset acts
of calculated Infiltration or subversion is
bound to prove futile. While conceivably
results of a temporizing nature may thus be
achieved and the stage set for negotiations,
the risk of escalation is an ever-present dan-
ger, and critical world public opinion espec-
cially among the peoples of Asia will inevi-
tably increase in depth and volume.
Our commission has over the years held
that justice will be more fully served and
world order under law better advanced by
processes of peaceful change and peaceful
settlement. We believe we reflect a widely
held conviction In calling upon all parties
foreign to South Vietnam to exercise the ut-
most restraint by ceasing on the one hand
acts of infiltration and subversion and on
the other consequent military measures
which may result in enlarged conflict. This
is a first requirement, and if it is not met
negotiation for a solution will become in-
creasingly difficult if not impossible.
The United Nations Secretary-General has
said that means must be found urgently,
within or outside the United Nations, of
shifting the quest for a solution away from
the field of battle to the conference table.
We are convinced that this can be done and
that it can be done honorably, but only if
false pride in facesaving is abandoned and
there appears a readiness to take necessary
risks without guarantees of success in ad-
vance. The shift from the battlefield to the
conference table will not be facilitated if
the United States awaits a clear signal from
North Vietnam, or if North Vietnam awaits
the withdrawal of. U.S. forces from active
participation. A new attitude of cautious
venturesomeness is needed if catastrophe is
to be averted.
Various suggestions have been made as to
how the parties concerned could be brought
to the conference table and all should be
looked into carefully. They include re-
course to the United Nations, recognizing the
disadvantage that the Peoples Republic of
China has not been seated; response to initi-
atives of the United Nations Secretary Gen-
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE April 21, 1965
era.l; utilization in some form of the 14-
Power Conference, realizing that the com-
mitments made in 1954 have not been suffi-
ciently honored and that the machinery
there set up has proved ineffective; the use
of ad hoc representation by great powers-
notably the U.S.S.R., the United Kingdom,
and France-in whom the interested powers
may `have sufficient confidence. We see in
addition to these yet another 'possibility
which should be adequately explored. While
the whole world is concerned with the prob-
lem of South Vietnam, governments in the
area who are not involved in the conflict are
nevertheless most immediately and vitally
involved in the total situation. Their good
offices might serve to bring into negotiation
the parties in conflict or responsible for the
conflict.
The objective which we believe should be
sought by all is a situation where the people
world--Christ-what a joke, freedom, an-
other joke. This economy is dead, dead,
dead. 'People borrowing money to pay their
income taxes. We have a tax curtain.
It makes sense-that if we had a sound
monetary system, the Communist system
won't get nowhere in this country-but why
are we so afraid? It is because our political
system'ls rotten. How did Ike get his farm?
I have always admired your work.
No use writing to these nincompoops in
California-one thinks he can dance and
sing. I don't know why, he never proved it,
now he wants to live on tax money.
Thanks,
C. MACOMBER.
LrrrLE SILVER, N.J.
Senator MORSE,
The Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: You are no doubt
in my mind the greatest Senator in our
times. From your brave stand in the early
1950's opposing Senator McCarthy (and you
almost stood alone then and as now) to the
present stand in Vietnam you deserve my
heartfelt thanks.
The cry over the entire country must be
"We should not have gotten in, we should
not have stayed, we should get out."
of South Vietnam are permitted to seek
what seem to them to be the best solution
for their problem, and one which satisfies
the demands of peace and security in south-
east Asia. The expressed will of the people
of South Vietnam or the decision of a gov-
ernment freely chosen by them-taking into
due account the common concern of all peo-
ples-is the essential justification for the
presence of foreign forces on their territory.
We know how difficult it will be to insure
that all foreign intervention based on force
or the threat of force shall be removed and
that the people begievn an opportunity to
express their desires. It may be that here
again governments in the area who have
much at stake could provide the manpower
for observation and direction on the scene
whereas , other governments proceeding
through Impartial channels could contribute
to the financial costs.
We cannot overlook two factors of long-
standing concern which play adversely into
the present -situation in Vietnam. In the
first place the inability of the United Nations
to deal with the problem as it should is in no
small measure attributable to the absence of
the Peoples Republic of China from its de-
liberations and decisions. The continued
artificial isolation of some 700 million people
is a dangerous situation and may well aggra-
vate the intransigence of the government in
effective power-an intransigence which has
thus far made peaceful solutions in the area
difficult or impossible. In the second place,
peace will be endangered or only precariously
maintained so long as one side supports wars
of liberation and the other side provides
military support for the defense of freedom.
A frontal approach to these two problems
may well at this time result in failure.
However, ingenuity motivated by good will
should be able to create a situation in which
there emerges a coincidence of interests and
it becomes possible to override hostile atti-
tudes and conflicting ideologies.
In this troubled world, Christians as well
as all men of good will can find their obliga-
tion and opportunity, in the struggle to con-
vert_,evil into good and to make what is
potentially destructive redound to the bene-
fit of mankind. We pray Almighty God who
rules and overrules our tangled history that
such may be the course of events in South
Vietnam.
DEAF SmR: Am writing you in regard to
the disgraceful way we are bombing in Viet-
nam. I guess the United Nations don't
apply to us, it makes one ashamed to be
born in America.
Where we bomb women and kids and
schools, maybe someday we will get it back,
then what?
Are we always going to bully the rest of
the world to our way of thinking? Which
I don't think is so hot. We are taxed to
death and still in debt up to our eyes, free
Los ANGELES,
April 15, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I enclose a Drum-
mond column from the Los Angeles Times of
the 13th and a Chamberlain column from the
Herald-Examiner of the 12th, aimed at you
particularly-a nasty slur or two.
Have answered sharply both gentlemen-
and they will not be happy with my letter.
When even Senator JAVrrs says his mail is
running 50 to 1 against our role in Vietnam
am afraid its the columnists who are misled
as to popular feeling. Regarding the Cham-
berlain statement on the use of private letters
in the CONGREssIONAL RECORn, I assured him
I am certain most writers would be happy to
have their Vietnam views publicized par-
ticularly because the press has failed to
carry the bulk of the criticism but is con-
ducting a virtual campaign to escalate a
real war.
The "polls" are very unreliable as we
know-especially since they are not truly
representative and they are belied by the
evidence on every hand-I have yet to talk to
anyone who approves Vietnam-not all write
letters.
ERMA DUTTON.
actions which Mr. Johnson has taken in the
last 2 months to show Hanoi that aggression
will not pay.
There is no weakness, no vacillation any-
where in the address In which he expounded
those actions.
His message is clear. To our beleaguered
ally, South Vietnam, to our adversaries in
Hanoi and elsewhere in the Communist
world to the American people who bear much
of the pain and cost, he made this total
commitment: "We will not be defeated. We
will not grow tired. We will not withdraw"-
until the aggression ceases.
I believe that the Nation will be over-
whelmingly relieved that he said It.
But the President made it equally clear
that the United States does not put one
single condition, one single barrier, not even
one diplomatic breath in the way of our
willingness to discuss an end to the war.
In his Johns Hopkins speech he told every-
body that the United States stands uncon-
ditionally ready to begin "unconditional dis-
cussions." To the 17 neutral nations he said,
in effect: Yes, we will talk; see if Hanoi will,
too.
This is a crucial clarification of Johnson
policy.
The President is saying that we will talk
with the aggressor even while the aggression.
persists, that we will talk with Hanoi even
if the infiltration of men and arms from,
North Vietnam continues, that we will nego-
tiate and defend--simultaneously.
Does this mean that the United States is
going to negotiate away the independence
of South Vietnam? Does willingness to un-
dertake "unconditional discussions" mean
that there would be no conditions on the re-
sults of such discussions?
I can say with knowledge that it means
no such thing. It means that nothing will
keep the United States from the confer-
ence table except the absence of Hanoi. It
also means that we will have only one ob-
jective to take to the conference table: the
Independence of South Vietnam and its free-
dom from future attack.
Mr. Johnson makes this vital point: If
Hanoi wants to talk and continue the ag-
gression, we will talk and continue the pres-
sure until the aggression is ended either by
negotiation or by any other means.
He assures Hanoi-and the world-that we
seek no overthrow of the North Vietnamese
regime, no military base in South Vietnam,
and that we stand ready to give enlarged
assistance to any cooperative effort in which
the nations of southeast Asia would collec-
tively join.
The President is saying that defending
South Vietnam successfully is not a road to
war; it is the road to peace.
[From the Los Angeles Herald-Examiner,
Apr. 12, 1965]
U.S. LETTERS HELP Sovxxrs
(By John Chamberlain)
(Calif.) Times, Apr.
[From the Los Angeles
1ge1 s6
No FURTHER DOUBTS ON VIETNAM
(By Roscoe Drummond)
President Johnson's strong and lucid re-
port on Vietnam to the Nation-wand to- the
world-leaves nothing 1p doubt.
Three consequences flow from it:
It will, I am certain, decisively unite the
American people behind what Is being done
and whatever still must be done to success-
fully defend South Vietnam from aggression.
It puts the onus totally on Hanoi for
refusing to seek a peaceful settlement by
opening talks with the United States.
It will enlist for the United States mount-
ing support from world opinion-particularly
the 17 unalined nations which have appealed
for negotiation. It will do so because the
President says that he will talk with the ag-
gressors or other nations any time under
any circumstances without any conditions.
I am convinced that only weakness and
vacillation on the part of the President in his
commitment to defend South Vietnam could
divide the Nation.
There is no weakness, no vacillation in the
Do you want to know how Moscow's Prav-
da, the official news organ of the Soviet
Communist party, is'dealing these days with
American attitudes toward the Vietnam
crisis?
The Issue for April 2 is an astounding eye-
opener, and it makes one wonder about the
naivete of Oregon's off-beat Democratic Sen-
ator, WAYNE MORSE, in presenting the Soviets
with opportunities for scoring a major
propaganda triumph.
What has happened is that a number of
letters to Senator MORSE from his admirers
and, supporters have turned up in Pravda
as grist for the Communist peace propa-
ganda mill. The letters are from all over
the United States.
A man from San Francisco writes Morse
that today the "supreme manifestation of pa-
triotism Is to be in opposition to the Govern-
ment." Someone from Detroit accuses Lyn-
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.April 21, .T y6~5 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD = SENATE
don. Johnson of following the policy of that
Maniac,. Goldwater, in southe"tt.4sla.
PREFERS IMPRIS9NMF?NT
An abject fellow from a town in Indiana
Writes that "if.. my country demands my
service in this war, I would prefer imprison-
ment. tnever thought that the day would
come when I would have to say that I am
ashamed of being an American. But that
day has arrived."
Pravda has printed the names of Senator,
MORSE'S correspondents. I refrain from pass-
ing them along because I assume that most
of the letter writers would, on due reflection,
be ashamed of the. anti-American use to
which their words have been put, (He as-
sumes too much.)
The Russian reporter who has used the let-
'ters to Senator MORSE is S. Vishnevsky, That
Mr. Vishnevsky is a partisan distorter of the
worst order is proved by the use he has made,
in the same Pravda Issue of April 2, of a
column written by my colleague, William S.
White,
In the particular column in question Mr.
White poured scorn on the handful of pro-
fessionally anti-American Americans who
continually run down their country, calling
it "ugly America," "guilty America," and so
on. But Mr. Vishnevsky, ignoring the whole
thrust and meaning of the White column,
quoted selected bits from it to prove that
America is indeed a guilty nation.
True enough, Senator MORSE did not hand
the correspondence directly to the Russian
-reporter. 'The letters may be found in the
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD.
It is one thing to carry on a campaign
against White House policy as part of a great
debate over the issue of American interest in
southeast Asia, but isn't it something else
again to make presumably private letters
available for use by anybody?
U,S. POPULAR FEELING
Can, you imagine the embarrassment that
Would have been caused back in 1940 to
patriotic members of the America First Com-
hlittee if their letters to Congressmen had
found their first news exploitation in Dr.
Goebbels' press in Berlin?
We may be sure that Senator MORSE
wanted his mail to make an impression on
the White House, but S. Vishnevsky stresses
the point that none of these letters have
be= published in local papers.
I am sure that many Americans, including
Oregonians who voted for him, are ashamed
of Senator MORSE'S naivete In permitting
Itussins to be misled about popular feeling
in the United States,
The polls indicate that a majority of
Americans have , backed Lyndon Johnson's
policy of standing by our promises to the
South Vietnamese.
In helping to pass along to the Russian
YORBA LINDA, CALIF., - April 16, 1965.
DEAR MR. MoRsg.: I (10,40t wish to smother
you with stupid and vain compliments, but
I do wish to commend you.
I support you 100 percent on Vietnam. I
wish to express my appreciation for the won-
derful job you and Mr. GRUENING are doing
in fighting the war hawks. Whether you
succeed or not, I know you will know you
have fought the good fight.
Yours truly,
BOB BLAIR,
CLEARWATER, FLA.,
Senator WAYNE MORSE, April 16, 1965.
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.:
I have written the President about bomb-
ing in North Vietnam.
Please keep up your opposition.
Mrs. ISABEL S. CLARK.
APRIL 17, 1950.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Again I wish to ex-
press my appreciation of your strong stand
against our military policy in Vietnam and
your comments on the President's speech at
Johns Hopkins.
I am glad to have heard your excellent
speech on the same campus several weeks
earlier.
Very sincerely,
LILLIAN M. KLOPPEL.
APRIL 14, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR: By passing the Vietnam
resolution, Congress abdicated constitutional
responsibilities, and gave President Johnson
power greater than De Gaulle's or Khru-
shchev's.
When people protest Johnson's war, Con-
gress replies it has no further control over
the ..situation and Washes its hands of it.
Who then, are the people to petition?
A mounting disaster, the foolish work of
President Johnson, appears irreversible un-
less Congress acts to take back the powers
so casually handed over.
Yours,
PORTLAND, OREG.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: We make an urgent
plea for your continued effort for United Na-
tions intervention in Vietnam.
LESLEY MCCORMACK.
Tom RossEN.
We support a cease-fire in Vietnam and
immediate application of U Thant's formula
for negotiations.
NINA GRABOI.
MICHAEL GRABOr.
people the palpable lie that America as a DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Thank you so much
Whole is ashamed about honoring its com- for the support that you have on the war
mitments Senator MORSE may be doing his in Vietnam.
own cause of peace a great disservice. Please continue to uphold peaceful means
For wars are most likely to come when to avoid a nuclear war. We need more peo-
great powers misread each other's minds. ple like you that want to see worldwide peace.
I appreciate your interest very much.
GREELEY, COLO., Sincerely
April 17, 1965. Mrs. CHARLES MEADE.
Senator W4Ya MORSE,
Senate Office Building, TEANECK, N.J.,
Washington, D.C. - April 17, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR. MORSE: I have,the honor to Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
receive your regular newsletters. I wish to Washington, D.C.
commend you for your stand on the Vietnam DEAR SENATOR: May I express appreciation
situation. I am dismayed at what is going of your efforts to clearly reflect the Viet-
on there, and reel that our Government's namese situation to the American people.
position and actions are reprehensible. The After studying the facts leading up to to-
Idea of our bombing raids with numbers of day, I am really appalled and ashamed of
planes against a nation, which by .news ac- American foolish and harmful policy. I did
counts has almost no fighting air force. Our think President Johnson would see the light,
punishment of North Vietnam it seems to me but apparently if he does he's hiding it.
is out of proportion to what they have done I only hope that his leadership is gaged
and will be useless. y to draw the greatest backing, to enable him
Yours very truly, to guide our
policy in a more intelligent and
E. JACOBS. humane way.
I know that you and other Government
leaders will do everying in your power to
have the United States adopt policies de-
signed to lead us into more idealistic action
than we sometimes follow, in particular
strengthening the UN.
Sincerely,
GROVE CITY, OHIO.
Senator WAYNE MORSE.
DEAR SENATOR: We appreciate the stand
you have taken on the war in Vietnam.
We have been a savior in times past for
many small nations I know, and sometimes
I wonder if the war is justified in Vietnam.
Communism is a terrible thing if the re-
ports are true, but we must work for peace
sometime, so why not now.
ALMA E. TAYLOR.
TANNERSVILLE, N.Y.,
April 15, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Please accept my
cordial good wishes for a blessed Easter.
They are accompanied by the hope that you
will continue to speak and act against pro-
longation of the war in Vietnam. My friends
and I are with you wholeheartedly.
Sincerely yours,
MARIQUITA PLATO V.
FEMININE TOUCH
Editor, The Hackensack (N.J.) Record:
To all American women under 40 and
over, married or single, with children or
without, housewives, or jobholders, organized
or unorganized, churched or unchurched,
plain or fancy: we have something valuable.
Social scientists are saying that we have
qualities superior to the male's-intuition,
adaptability, resourcefulness, ingenuity,
peacekeeping and negotiating ability, pa-
tience, tact, understanding, and compassion.
They are even saying that women should be
represented in the councils of decisionmak-
ing, since men have brought the solution
of conflict by war to Its limits.
If President Johnson happened to be
Madam President, his intuition (defined by
H. L. Mencken as a sharp and accurate per-
ception of reality) would have told him that
chemicals are being used to gas innocent
villagers in Vietnam. It is quite clear that
the President needs an overwhelming dose
of feminine persuasion to counteract the
effect the warhawks have had on him. He
finally identified himself with those try-
ing to put Negroes on a par with whites;
he could finally identify himself with the
majority of Americans who are appalled
at our militant action in Vietnam.
United States officials even admit that most
Vietnamese people don't want us in their
country. We certainly aren't making the
world a better place for them. And we are
defying the United Nations, our own re-
peated verbalizations that the. best hope
for peace lies in the United "Nations, and
the urgent pleas to negotiate coming from
Secretary-General U. Thant and countless
other statesmen and leaders.
President Johnson will listen if hundreds
of women will take the time to write a short
but urgent note expressing their concern.
When casualty lists start coming in together
with other evidence that we are involved in
a brutal war-worse than the suffering going
on down South-damage will be great. For
years we shall have to compensate for
our foolish and harmful ways.
MRS. RENA KAMENA.
TEANECK, N.J.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Easter
you-a man, of peace. Please
greetings to
continue to
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE April 21, 1965
resist the insane and criminal policy of the
"war howls" in our Government in the war
in Vietnam. Your recent piece in the New
York Times was the most intelligent and
humane article by anyone in the Govern-
ment.
The eyes of the whole country are on you
and mothers like me look to you as a leader
out of this terrible, cruel war we are sacri-
ficing otir sons to in Vietnam.
Help sanity to prevail.
NEW YORK, N.Y.,
April 18, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: We have written to
tthe President asking for the immediate
cease fire negotiations on Vietnam and the
adoption of U Thant formula in further
talks.
It seems logical that the cessation of our
air raids on North Vietnam should be the
logical prerequisite to any meaningful diplo-
matic activity.
Sincerely yours,
BERKELEY, CALM,
April 16, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C. -
DEAR SENATOR: I have just written to
President Johnson the following letter:
"DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: As a loyal taxpayer
and registered Democrat I 'wish to protest
your action in Vietnam. Please stop the
bombings and killings. Only you can stop
the war and I pray that you will have the
courage to do it immediately.
"In protest.
"P.S. To Presidential staff : Do not bother
to acknowledge this letter but instead mail
It on to Mr. McNamara or Dean Rusk to
read."
My letter to you is to thank you for your
clear stand on Vietnam and to let you know
that I. am a solid supporter of yours here
in Berkeley. I am writing to you to urge
you, to .continue your very line work in the
Senate and to tell you that many are begin-
ning to, take notice of your views here in
Berkeley because the national syndicated col-
umnists (for and against you) are mention-
ing you. More power to you.
Please let me know if there is anything
I can do here in Berkeley to help you. If
letters help I will gladly write to congres-
sional members, etc. Do protest marches
around the White House do any good?
What can the concerned citizen do that will
help stop all this Vietnam madness?
Yours truly,
BABRARA LEIGHLY,
Mrs. John B.
NEW YoRK, N.Y.,
April 16, 1965.
CLEVELAND, OHIO,
April 17, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: The world already
knows our military strength. Now let us
show our moral strength by (1) immediate
cease-fire in Vietnam; (2) immediate use of
U Thant formula for negotiations.
HOn. WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
MY DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I recently came
across some historical material about the ori-
gins of World War II which I think are ex-
tremely topical in our own times. The en-
closed article, -which appeared In the Port
Clinton, Ohio, Daily News,, resulted from this.
I should point out that I was one of those
who' thought that Sir Robert Vansittart was
right, that the free world should rearm
against nazism. But until now -I had no idea
that Sir Robert's thinking was so far off base,
so impractical, so useless. In our own era,
Sir Robert would be a "hawk."
But, I think, a "hawk" should do more
than to lead his people to war-he should
weigh the consequences of his advocacy. Sir
Robert, obviously, did not.
As to the sorry role played by Ian Colvin,
"the man who started the war," one cannot
help but wonder if we don't have his likes
whispering into the ears of our "hawks" to-
day. If the quality of the information he
gave in 1939 had not been so completely
wrong, the mutual defense pact with Poland
might not have been concluded. Yet, I ask
myself, was this bad? It was, after all, the
only morally correct step taken by the
Anglo-French entente in those dismally im-
s
-
r
l da
.
y
a
mo
Still, it is hard to say that our own politi- curity under the League. But Vansittart was
cal calculations in southeast Asia are based the man who destroyed the League by being
on firmer ground. the real brains behind t he Hoare-Laval
Yours sincerely, Treaty. The idea behind this treachery
STEPHEN G. ESRATI. against Ethiopia was that it could buy the
friendship of Mussolini.
[From the Port Clinton-Oak Harbor (Ohio)
Daily News, Apr. 14, 19651
STEVE LOOKS AT THE NEWS
(By Steve Eerati)
What might be called "The Secret History
of the Origins of World War II" is still being
written.
With each publidation of memoirs, each
new snippet of previously unknown infor-
mation, the jigsaw puzzle slowly falls into
a discernible whole.
But the entire story remains to be told as
the governments release their official papers
in drips and drabs.
One man who played a large role in at-
tempting to rearm Britain throughout the
period of Hitler's ascendancy was Sir Robert
Vansittart, a man who performed as a 20th
century counterpart of Rome's Cato (who re-
peatedly told the Roman Senate, , Delenda
est Corthago," or "Carthage must be de-
stroyed").
Vansittart was permanent undersecretary
of the Foreign Office from 1930 to 1937. He
clearly saw the threat of German rearma-
ment and, as captured German records now
show, repeatedly exaggerated the actual Ger-
man state of preparedness.
tarized zone in Germany's favor. And I
would restore her colonies to Germany. In
return for these offers we should extract
from Germany a return to Geneva disarma-
ment and a formal renunciation of any ter-
ritorial designs in Europe, including aims of
at absorptions of Austria and Czechoslo-
vakia."
Commented the British historian A. J. P.
Taylor: "This was curious advice. _ Great
Britain and presumably France were to give
way to Germany over the colonies, where they
were comparatively strong, and were to re-
sist her over Austria and Czechoslovakia,
which they had no means of doing."
And so the Germans remilitarized the
Rhineland without objection from the British
or French. Next, they forced the unification
of Austria with Germany. You know the
And so Britain ended up fighting alone.
Playing a peculiar part in all this was a
British newsman stationed in Berlin, Ian
Colvin. Sir Winston Churchill pinned ever-
lasting fame on Colvin by calling him "The
man who started the war."
The time was 1939. British ministers con-
sulted Colvin before the conclusion of the
British guarantee to defend the borders of
Poland against German aggression (a moral
guarantee that could not be exercised though
the Rhineland could have been defended.)
The Polish Pact was made known March
31, 1939. The invasion of Poland began
Sept. 1, 1939.
Here is what Colvin told the British minis-
ters in March:
"'rhe Germans may attack the Poles to-
morrow, the next day, the day after, in a
week." (He gave March 28 as the most likely
date.)
Colvin is said, by Taylor, to have told the
ministers that Hitler was unpopular in Ger-
many because of his persecution of the Jews
in the synagogue attacks of Nov. 9, 1938.
Many German officers were. said to have been
eager to overthrow Hitler.
"A British guarantee to Poland would help
Hitler's opponents within Germany. The
duly given. It committed
arantee
make bleating sounds. He warned. He 5-
Great
But he had no plan with Great Britain and France to fight for a
prophesied doom. country which they could not aid; it de-
which the free world would defend itself stroyed such slight chance as there was of
against the threat of Nazi supremacy. alliance with Soviet Russia. Yet therehad
In fact, Vansittart was the godfather of been no German preparations for an attack
the Hoare-Laval Treaty which helped doom on Poland; there had not even been a deci-
the the free world had t defend sion by Hitler to go against Poland; there was
iteelf against f nchance
ts Nazo-Fascist threat. no effective movement against Hitler in
The time was when the Fascists invaded Germany," Taylor writes of Colvin's advice.
Ethiopia. Forty-two nations agreed to con- Why write about these almost forgotten
demn Mussolini's aggression and to apply today?
sanctions under the League of Nations evenWe, ts too, have our hawks and our doves.
Covenant. We have our foreign correspondents who re-
writ lsh a foreign famous speech, Sir Samuel Hoare, port what one side or the other wants to
secretary, pledged that hat Britain read. We have highly placed officials who
would standby the convenant. But, instead, have been predicting the withdrawal of
he had come to an agreement with French Americans from Vietnam after a victory that
Premier Pierre Laval to do nothing of the recedes further into the future every day.
sort. Sanctions were not applied the and poison Who will earn the title as "the man who
then pass
Canalgas, was then still owed e British, in through unlimited quan- Suez started World War III?"
tity.
By May 1936, the Italians had captured
Addis Ababa and the world had stood by as
Emperor Haile Selassie had appealed in vain
to the League.
What Hoare and Laval had agreed to was
predicated on Vansittart's theoretical and
completely impractical theory that the great
democracies could stop Nazi conquests in
Austria and Czechoslovakia.
In 1936, Vansittart wrote: "We should do
all we can to secure better treatment of Ger-
man minorities (in non-German countries).
And I would certainly dispose of the demili-
ARLINGTON, VA.,
April 16, 1965.
Hon. Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MoasE: For the past few
months I have followed your statements over
television and in the newspapers, regarding
our presence in Vietnam. I feel that your
position is correct and that we should not
be there, and want to encourage you to con-
tinue to express your views.
VFry truly yours,
GLENNON N. MESNIER.
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,..HARWICH PORT, MASS? ,
April 17,1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Thant you for your
courage and initiative in asserting your con-
gressional prerogative. to point out the dan-
gers and immorality of our war in Vietnam.
May you press on with all vigor to halt
these bombings before we have reached the
"point of no return."
Sincerely,
IONA S. FIIzGERALII,
Mrs. H.S.
April 15, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I support you and
Senator GRuzNING in your opposition to the
war in Vietnam. We should never have gone
in, we should not have stayed in, we should
get out. Like it or not, there can be no peace
unless we agree to leave. If we refuse, the
fighting will continue until we either escalate
the situation into a major debacle or a major
catastrophe. We cannot win. I oppose the
bombing of North Vietnam because. (1) it
won't have the intended effect; (2) it's in-
humane; (3) It could lead to World War III.
In general, am highly critical of our foreign
policy and most unhappy with the Presi-
dent's advisors..
Sincerely,
WOODY BANES.
P.S.-I call your urgent attention to 'the
April 12 issue of the Nation pertaining to
the appalling scandal in foreign aid to Iran.
BALTIMORE, MD.,
April 19, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Thank you for your
forthright, courageous, and thoughtful com-
ments and statements on Vietnam. Power to
you.
Sincerely,
ELEANOR ANI1 BILL BRAINARD.
A. STATEMENT BY THE IOWA YEARLY MEETING
OF FRIENDS (CONSERVATIVE)
We are deeply concerned by the develop-
ments in South Vietnam. The increasing
casualties of Vietnamese on both sides and
of Americans fill our hearts with sorrow.
The cruelty of using incendiary bombs in-
discriminately over a whole region causes
anguish, horror, and shame.
These methods of warfare, the enlarge-
ment of United States combatant forces, and
bombing of North Vietnam seem to us
breaches of international law, the United
Nations Charter, and especially of the Ge-
neva accordgf 1954 which the United States
promised to respect.
'We urge our Government and our coun-
trymen to reconsider their present attitudes,
to ask for an immediate ceasefire, and to
start negotiations toward a coalition gov-
ernment on a broad popular basis with mu-
tual guaranty of amnesty to members of the
previously warring factions. We hope for
neutralization of the whole area of the
former French Indo-Chinese Federation un-
der the guaranty of all the states which
signed the Geneva accord of 1954, the United
States and the United Nations. We also urge
generous support of far reaching regional
development plans by all the powers, dip-
lomatic recognition of North Vietnam, and
close economic association between North
Vietnam and a South Vietnamese state, in-
dependent from, but friendly to her neigh-
bor to the north.
If peace is our goal we have to realize
that true peace can never be reached by vio-
lence.
Even an almost impossible victory in the
civil war by our present and extended bomb-
ings of North Vietnam, and the employment
of large American. land forces could only
bring about an. insecure. absence of open
hostilities, Also there is the threat of al-
most certain intervention of North Viet-
namese and Chinese armies if we extend the
war too far.
True peace can only be achieved through
understanding and cooperation toward goals
which. further the interests common to all
concerned. The United Nations' secretary
general's proposal for a Vietnamese peace
conference included plans for utilizing the
United Nations' Special Fund project for the
Lower Mekong River Basin as one of the
bases for opening negotiations. It is not too
late yet to accept this suggestion, and to use
our money, influence and technical skill Lot
the benefit of the whole Indo Chinese re-
gion and Thailand, instead of squandering
them in a lost civil war.
On behalf of Iowa Yearly Meeting of
Friends (Conservative),
SARA EMMONS,
Interim Clerk.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
OXFORD, OHIO,
April 15, 1965.
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR Sm: I have followed with consider-
able interest in your pronouncements on the
situation in southeast Asia. I agree with
your sentiments In many instances and offer
my support for you. Certainly something
must be done at the earliest moment.
I am wondering if you maintain a mailing
list for newsletters to your constituents. If
so, I would greatly appreciate having my
name placed on such a list so that I may fol-
low your views on Vietnam and other issues
more closely.
My sincerest best wishes for continued suc-
cess in representing your State and the Na-
tiop.
Sincerely,
DAVID JEROME REITH.
CAMBRIDGE, MASS.,
April 16, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: As a concerned Amer-
ican citizen, I would like to express my sup-
port for your courageous and perceptive op-
position to the present policy in Vietnam.
Your presence in the Senate is a heartening
comfort to those who feel the present mili-
tary involvement both unjust and inhumane.
With sincerest respect,
COURADE JAFFE,
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR MR. MORSE: Just a word of encourage-
ment to let you know that I am in complete
agreement with your views on the Vietnam
struggle.
I believe that the vast majority of our
people, though inarticulate, share these views.
May we soon see an end to this murderous
business Which has brought unspeakable
havoc to a long-tortured people and which,
if unchecked, can involve all of us in ruin.
Thank heavens, we have a few men in Con-
gress who, like you, are not afraid to take a
stand. I predict that as the chorus of oppo-
sition to present policies swell (and it Is
swelling) you will find yourselves joined by
some of the more timid who perhaps feel as
you do but lack the courage to say so.
Sincerely yours,
HERMAN W. RICHTER.
CLAREMONT MEN'S COLLEGE,
Claremont, Calif., April 18, 1965.
MY DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Like a good many
of my friends I find myself wondering if
our behavior in Vietnam is really in the na-
tional interest. If the United States is in
danger, is this place the most advantageous
place to make a stand against our attackers?
If, as some allege the troubles in Vietnam are
7849
in the nature of a civil war is it in our in-
terest that we should be intervening on one
side or the other of a civil war in a small
country several thousand miles away?
I am not in the least anxious for us to be
in a war but if it is in the national interest
to be in one should be not go through the
formality suggested by our Constitution in
regard to such matters; i.e., have Congress
declare war?
Much general discussion of the incredible
news about what we are doing in Vietnam
ends on a note of uncertainty because many
of us feel uncertain about the accuracy and
completeness of the news we are receiving.
Should not Congress ask for more news and
more complete news and share it with the
public?
Sincerely,
WALTER B. SMITH.
WABAN, MAss.,
April 18, 1965.
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Applaud your efforts
in our behalf and in behalf of world orga-
nization and peace.
May you continue your effort with in-
creased support for your views from your
colleagues.
Very truly yours,
RAYMOND B. ROBERTS.
Hon. R. VANCE HARTKE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR HARTKE: Since receiving your
letter and speech concerning Vietnam, I have
been intending to write. The news broad-
c?sts about more than 20,000 students dem-
onstrating in Washington against the Viet-
namese war pushed me into expressing my
agreement with their viewpoint.
I hope that my beloved country will aban-
don this cowardly policy of bombing Viet-
namese. Surely there can never be any
worthwhile objective gained from such ac-
tions. Our children and grandchildren will
have to reap the hate from this as surely
as Americans today reap the hate sowed
by slavery and serfdom in our own country.
Furthermore, the military superiority that
enables us to attack Asians with no fear of
retaliation upon our homeland will not last
forever. Already the Chinese test nuclear
weapons.
I believe I speak for many who voted for
you when I say that the various viewpoints
Of Senators MORSE, GRUENING, MCGOVERN,
and FULBRIGHT (to a lesser degree), are more
to our liking than those expressed on the
Senate floor by yourself and Senator BAYH.
In fact your position, and that of the
President, remind me of ex-Senators Jenner,
Capehart, Goldwater, and ex-Congressman
Bruce. I believe that both Indiana and
the Nation have progressed to a point where
we see the fallacy of negotiation with bombs
and bullets. May I take this opportunity
to compliment you on your attempts to
strengthen the voting rights bill.
My wife agrees, generally, with my
opinions.
Sincerely,
STEPHEN OLIKER.
P.S.-I belong to no radical organizations,
hold a white-collar job in private industry
and am a Democrat generally. This is my
own letter.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
BRONX, N.Y.,
April 16, 1965.
DEAR SIR: As one, of many Americans, who
is becoming more and more alarmed by the
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE April 21, 1965
scientific communication (Korzybski). See
my "plaint," "Interpersonal Relationships-
Sadness, Alarm, and Chagrin," published by a
crusading editor, John H. Tobe, in the Pro-
voker, copy of which is enclosed. A state-
ment of my background is also enclosed.
I hereby volunteer my services (and I
would refuse payment) in any manner what-
soever to assist you in making a contribu-
tion toward world tranquillity.
Respectfully,
JAMES EDWARD HUGHES.
P.S.-I repeat my offer of volunteer service.
J.E.H.
policy of escalation in Vietnam, I feel the
policy you have been advocating is the only
one that can bring peace to area and avoid
another world war. I have written to the
President, my Senators, and Congressman,
asking them to adopt the policies you have
been stating.
You have my full support in the stand you
are taking to prevent another world war.
Sincerely yours,
ANTONIO L. BEONIO.
HOUSTON, PA.,
April 13, 1965.
HOD. WAYNE MORSE:
You are to be commended for opposing
escalation of war in Vietnam. Thinking
Americans are dismayed. We cannot under-
stand that the President honestly believes
he is doing right.
I can imagine you are discouraged and
think you stand alone, but remember God is
always on the side of right and peace.
Neither are you as alone as you may
think. The Korean war is still in our mem-
ories. We were afraid of an atomic war
then-we are afraid of one now.
We have written to the President asking
him to turn away from military advisers.
Will you keep trying to show him your con-
viction in this matter? -
Mr. and Mrs. HOMER H. WAGNER,
SACRAMENTO, CALIF.,
April 15, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
MY DEAR MR. SENATOR: I thank you sin-
cerely for continuing to speak out in the
Senate and elsewhere about our indefensible
policy in southeast Asia.
Since there are so few voices to oppose
that policy, we urge that you not become
discouraged, but continue your active op-
position to our strikes against nations with
whom we are supposedly at peace. We pray
that you continue to hammer away on this
every Week or every day. Each time some
few Americans may begin to think and to
question. This Is our only hope.
With heartfelt gratitude, I am,
Yours sincerely,
MARY GOODWIN DANIELS.
WASHINGTON, D.C.,
April 16, 1965.
BOOKS--To MAZE You THINK, To BRING
You HEALTH, To ENLIGHTEN AND ENTER-
TAIN
INTERPERSONAL RELATIONSHIPS-SADNESS,
ALARM, AND CHAGRIN
Any conscionable person who meditates on
current interpersonal relationships cannot
but be sad-and alarmed. And one who is
familiar with the work of Alfred Korzybski
and Sigmund Freud must also feel chagrin
that much of so-called man's inhumanity to
man therein might be due, in. large measure,
to the ignoring of their concepts.
Millions have known about Freud's basic
contribution as to tricks played by the sub-
conscious, although few are aware that in
his "Civilization and Its Discontents," pub-
lished in 1930, he then thought man
had discovered the means of destroying him-
self "to the last man" and decision rested on
"struggle between Eros and Death, between
the instincts of life and the instincts of
destruction."
Probably fewer are acquainted with the
-communication concepts of Count Korzybski.
He came to this country prior to the Second
World War, did work with patients at St.
Elizabeths Hospital and wrote extensively
about our errors in the transmission of
thought, including "Science and Sanity" of
over 1,000 pages.
As Freudian ideology furnishes guides to
greater individual insight, such as in aware-
ness of projection, identification, and trans-
ference, new ideas on communication are
made available by this Polish mathemati-
cian aimed at avoiding statements which are
not in accord with the facts of reality, which
can cause illness, and which facilitate de-
tection of such errors in others. It was his
opinion that If statesmen had understood
the utterances of Hitler the carnage wrought
by that sick person might have been avoided.
It would be futile herein to attempt any
summary of Korzybski's formulations. Man
does not readily change his heritage of val-
ues and any attempt to explain his work
meets withsome of the same errors in think-
ing which he tried to eradicate. But one
of his most important contributions was his
emphasis on unwitting piling of abstraction
on abstraction until there is such polarity of
words in communication that group conflict
Is almost beyond man's ability to under-
stand, let alone settle. Such either/or ap-
proach, whether it be in terms of liberal/con-
servative, Negroes/whites, freedom/slavery,
et al., harms the health of humanity and re-
Hon. JACOB K. JAvrrS, -
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR JAVITS: Please add my name
to those who concur In the appeal of the
Clergymen's Emergency Committee for Viet-
nam of the Fellowship of Reconciliation as
published in the New York Times on April 4,
1965. I would change the address thereof
to Mr. President: In the name of the people
of the world, stop it.
Months ago President Johnson said he did
not want to get us into war with 600 million
Chinese, but sometimes the right hand does
not know what the left hand is doing. As
of this moment, Senators MORSE and McGov-
ERN are the true statesmen of this Nation
and in the pattern of the greatest world
statesmen of my time-the late President
Kennedy.
Several years ago in a letter published in
'' local newspaper; I could have been the first
to speak of an accidental war, quoting from
Dr. Freud's "Civiliation and Its Discontents,"
published more than 30 years ago, in which
he mentioned man's ability to wipe out the
human race. Now the theme is common-
place.
In the last analysis, the murder of inno??
cent people, including Americans, in Vietnam
is but a war of words-the battle of capital-
ism versus communism. This tragedy could
be generated only by unconscious motivation
(Freud) and high-level abstraction or un-
tards the beneflctent evolution of culture.
Notwithstanding the immensity of scien-
tific achievement in other fields, there ap-
pears to be, indeed, cause for sadness, alarm,
and chagrin about man's relationships with
his fellow man. Unscientific communication
could be the most important factor in a
"struggle between Eros and Death"
JAMES EDWARD HUGHES.
JAMES EDWARD HUGHES
Entered Federal service as stenographer
and (following graduation from Georgetown
University Law School) advanced to classifi-
cation of trial attorney. Fifteen years with
Navy Department as head of correspondence
section (including mail for signature of
Franklin Delano Roosevelt, ghost writer, and
auditor. Ten years with Division of Mental
Hygiene, U.S. Public Health Service, doing
State law compilations -- and medico-legal
writing (including brochure on eugenic-
sterilization laws and decisions), admission
of first narcotic-addict patients to hospitals,
and as Legal Adviser. Twenty-three years
with Solicitor of Labor on Davis-Bacon,
Walsh-Healey, Fair Labor Standards, and
Longshoremen's and Harbor Workers' Com-
pensation Acts. Author of articles, letters,
and book reviews.
Admitted to practice before U.S. Supreme
Court, but not in practice.
Office activities-: Elected member, U.S.
Civil Service Appeals Board; president (two
terms), American Federation of Government
Employees lodge; delegate, two national con-
ventions and District of Columbia Depart-
ment, A.F.G.E.; president, relief association;
chairman of supervisory committee (audit)
and member of board of directors, Federal
Credit Unions; charter president, bridge
club.
Other activities: Instructor in social legis-
lation, Washington School of Psychiatry;
Advisory Board, Santa Barbara Socialization
Institute; courses in WSP, General Semantics
at Department of Agriculture Extension
School, Public Service Broadcasting at
American University; board member, Na-
tional Committee Against Fluoridation; pres-
ident (two terms) Capital City Chess Club
(duplicate bridge); vice president, Rock
Creek Golf Club.
Former member: American Bar Associa-
tion, National Lawyers Guild, American
Judicature Society, Institute of Criminal Law
and Criminology, American Academy of
Political and Social Science, American Acad-
emy of Political Science, American Associa-
tion for Social Psychiatry, Beaver Dam (now
Prince Georges) County Club, Manor Coun-
try Club.
Member: Federal Bar Association, National.
Lawyers Club, Georgetown University Alumni
Association of Washington, D.C., Interna-
tional Society for General Semantics,
(Friend) the Minority of One, the World
Peace Broadcasting Foundation (participat-
ing), Washington Educational Television
Association (sponsoring), the American Irish
Historical Society (life), Soil Association
(London), Washington Natural Hygiene So-
ciety, National Kidney Foundation, National
Travel Club, Boys Club of Metropolitan Po-
lice, District of Columbia, Honorary Citizen
of Boys Town, American Federation of Gov-
ernment Employees, District of Columbia
Association for Mental Health, Committee
for a Sane Nuclear Policy, American Contract
Bridge League (master), Brooke Manor
Country Club, Hook and Slice Club, Rock
Creek Golf Club, Capital City Chess Club.
ALHAMBRA, CALnp.,
April 17, 1965.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Having been a long-
time admirer of your political actions and
utterances, particularly an the Vietnam war,
I felt constrained to write you and give you
some of my Ideas on the problems perplexing
our Nation and the world. There is no doubt
the world is going through one of those
cataclysmic changes that have marked the
history of mankind since the beginning of
recorded time. Babylonia, Persia, Greece,
Rome, Spain, Great Britain, and now the
United States have and are still trying to
rule the world. Slavery, from absolute
through serfdom and chattel to economic or
wage, has been the lot of the workers through
all history. The right of the strong and
cunning to exploit the weak and simple has
always been part of the law and morality of
all ruling nations and peoples. We are now
going through an era when the workers and
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April 21, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
little people of the, world are demanding a
change. They insist that their labor be ap-
plied to the natural resources of the earth
for the general welfare of all, instead for the
private profit' of those who have in some
manner taken possession of the wealth of
the world. I am enclosing herewith some
verses that I believe tells the story; "The
March of the Hungiy Men."
In, view of your expressed views on the war
in South Vietnam, I am also enclosing my
observations on the speech made by Presi-
dent Johnson on the subject before the
Johns. Hopkins Hospital group. I contend
they are based on facts and the logical con-
clusions arising from them. It is appalling
that more people do not see where we are
heading and what is being done to us under
the guise of seeking peace and freedom. We
are so brainwashed that most of us freeze
into spells of fear and hatred at the men-
tion of the word "communism." It is thus
our rulers keep us quiet while they borrow
and tax us into insolvency, waste the money
on unnecessary military splurges. We are
told we now' have enough atomic weapons
to kill every person on earth 25 times, but
we are spending` $56 billion this year for
more military might. Perhaps that is why
we are spending more billions on space ex-
ploration; we must find some other people to
kill in order to keep our military production
going.
Doesn't the present military, economic,
and political program of our rulers give one
the Impression we are a nation of fools gov-
erned by a bunch of imbeciles? How else
car we account for the low standards and
ethics of our principles? The motivation of
economic and political activities is competi-
tion. This is the law of the jungle. Only
the strongest and most cunning can succeed.
All of our businesses and professions are oper-
ated on that basis. "Caveat emptor," let the
buyer beware is the rule. The Federal Gov-
ernment, every State, county, city, borough,
or other municipal unit has inspectors, in-
vestigators, and examiners employed to keep
the operations of free enterprise merely legal.
There is no attempt to keep them moral or
ethical. This causes operation by the rule
of the four B's: bull, bluff, bribery, and bru-
tality. Think it over; isn't this the way
things are generally done under our system?
I am also enclosing some verses on the
kind of political campaign we are inflicted
with these days. Each side tries to outdo
the other in its denunciation of communism;
or tries to convict the opponent of friend-
ship or softness toward Communists. In the
present mental and emotional condition of
our people that is usually sufficient. But
the fact that you and some other Members
of the Senate and Congress are telling the
truth gives us hope that sense and reason
may be restored to our people. Then we can
have a Government ruled by truth and jus-
tice unclouded by a fog of fear and hatred.
But I am afraid as long as we are trying to
mix economic royalty with political democ-
racy, the ferment caused, as in all ferments,
will bring a scum to the top, with notable
exceptions, of course. Thank you for letting
me bother you. With all good wishes, I am,
Respectfully yours,
Cvaus A. DAVIS.
COMMENTS ASQUT PRESIDENT JOHNSON'S
SPEECH By Cysus A. DAVIS, ALHAMBRA, CALIF.
Whoever wrote the President's speech on
the var in ~lietnamfollowed.closely the pre-
cepts of MachiaveYi's political doctrines and
Hitler's, big' lie. it was a magnificent exhi-
bition of concealing intentions with words.
First; North-Vietnam, which is not attacir-
ing the United States, but being bombed by
U.S. planes, can have peace any time it ac-
cepts the U.S. terms. These are uncondi-
tional surrender of the right to give or allow
the transportation of any and all assistance
to the people of South Vietnam, who are
rebelling against the puppet government we
imposed on them, in violation of the Geneva
Conference agreement. He made it clear and
emphatic that we are going to maintain our
fight to impose a government favorable to us
on the nations of southeast Asia if we have
to fight an atomic war to do so. The rest
of the speech was an offer of bribes to those
who will accept that kind of government.
This is an example of imperialist tactics
since the beginning of history. As long as
the weak accept the domination of the strong
on the strong's terms, they. can have peace.
This is known as Roman peace as it was first
named during the reign of that rapacious
empire. It is the k+d of peace experienced
by a man who is prostrate, with a robber
sitting astride his body ransacking his pock-
eta. As long as he submits peacefully he
will not be injured. In fact, he may have
some of his possessions returned to him as
charity. Charity is a salve concocted to ease
the conscience of those inflicting and the
pangs of those suffering injustice.
When Vietnam was divided into north
and south nations, by the Geneva Confer-
ence, it was agreed that no foreign govern-
ment should interfere with them. They
were to form their own governments and in
1956 held a plebiscite election to decide if
they desired to unite. Foster Dulles, the
U.S. delegate at the Conference, refused to
sign the agreement and immediately, with
the assistance of the CIA, of which his
brother Allen was the head, installed a pup-
pet dictator as the head of South Vietnam
and moved in our financial and military
power to support him. This is the modern
form of imperialism. Hitler used it in his
attempt to conquer the world. In fact, the
name of his Norway puppet, Quisling, is the
contemptuous title applied to such charac-
ters. The people of South Vietnam rebelled
against the dictator and the war started to
dislodge him is still going on. The original
dictator was ousted and murdered by a pal-
ace revolution and military junta installed,
which we immediately recognized. This in
turn has been followed by several other
palace revolutions installing other dictators
and military juntas, all of which we rec-
ognized and accepted, despite the demand
of the people to elect their own ruler. These
dictators and military juntas are the peoples
governments the President said the Com-
munists were trying to overthrow and we are
going to maintain if it starts an atomic war.
It has already cost us billions of dollars and
hundreds of American lives with no observa-
ble benefit, but the President says that un-
less the people of Asia, and the world, agree
to accept and endure this kind of imperial-
ism, we will force it on them or destroy the
world in atomic horror. In other words, we
intend to rule or ruin the world. It is our
way or none at all.
The President stated all he wanted was to
establish peace and freedom in the world.
We have already described the kind of peace
he wants to impose on the weaker nations.
Let us examine the kind of freedom the
United States is supporting all over the world.
Every dictator in the world, upholding capi-
talistic economy, is on our payroll. Most of
them were installed by overthrowing a people
elected government with a U.S. organized and
financed revolution. Guatemala, Panama,
Venezuela, and lately Brazil. All these coun-
tries are recognized and supported by us.
Chiang Kai-shek helped take over Formosa,
where he slaughtered 65,000 of the. leading
citizens in so doing. The people of Formosa
had no opportunity to accept or refuse him.
They have never had a chance to vote in a
free and fair election ,whether they want to
live under Chiang or join the Communist
mainland. Yet under_.the pretense of pro
tecj!ing their freedom, we are supporting their
dictator financially, and keeping the 7th Fleet
of the U.S. Navy between Formosa and the
7851
mainland to keep the Communists from re-
moving him. We have even coerced the
United Nations to seat him as the real China,
while inducing it to refuse to admit the real
China. The President's freedom is on a par
with Roman peace. More submissiveness for
the victim and more freedom for the robber.
Suppose the Bay of Pigs invasion had been
successful and the so-called freedom fighters
had one-half of the island in their, possession.
Suppose the Russians were helping Castro
with air support, including the use of na-
palm bombs, gas and corrosive acid to de-
stroy villages, farms and vegetation held by
the invaders; that the Russian navy captured
or destroyed all the ships supplying the in-
vaders with arms and supplies and finally
started to bomb bases in Guatemala and Ni-
caragua, would we accept their claim that
they were doing so to bring peace and free-
dom to Cuba? Our blockade of Cuba and the
threat of atomic war on the importation of
guided missiles into Cuba is the answer. How
hypocritical can we get?
In surveying conditions in our country
and the attitude of the President, one is in-
clined to wonder if we aren't in a throw-
back to ancient times, and using the meth-
ods of these days to solve our difficulties.
Bread and circuses of the Roman empire
are copied by welfare and pageants; queens
are crowned for all kinds of public spec-
tacles; games and parades, radio and TV
programs keep them entertained and amused.
Doles maintain our unemployed and subsidies
our industries. Lately automation has taken
the place of millions of workers, both skilled
and unskilled, It is estimated that 40,000
workers are replaced weekly by automation.
Big corporation profits increase as their
labor cost decreases. The result is we have
a rapidly increasing army of unemployed.
They must be taken care of someway.
In olden days when rulers were affected
by such problems they declared war on each
other and had the surplus populations killed
off. That was easy for old absolute rulers.
But in modern times different tactics must
be employed, so the people affected will
think the war is for some high and noble
purpose, or to defend against aggression.
Thus we are steeped in false and hypocritical
propaganda about peace and freedom and
resistance to aggression in order to brain-
wash us into approving and supporting the
war. The President's speech was a fine ex-
hibition of that system in action.
First, he butters up the people generally
by announcing a program of welfare cov-
ering social security, medicare and educa-
tion. He will probably get it through the
Congress and Senate, by assuring the spon-
sors of the Members, that it will not be in
effect long, if at all, by telling them of his
plan to start an atomic war, which will re-
duce the population to manageable propor-
tions. This is like giving a condemned man
a wonderful meal before his execution. So
eat, drink, and be merry for tomorrow you
may die.
Then he has secret meetings with those
members, who are in on the deal, and dis-
tributes brochures to them showing how the
contemplated war will work. It will dimin-
ish the population of both Russia and the
United States by from 100 to 150 million each.
The extermination will be greatest in the
large cities and urban areas where most of
the indigent and unemployed live. (See
Pearson's column in the Los Angeles Times,
Apr. 9, 1965). The President and those in
the know will hide in specially prepared
bombproof shelters in the mountains in
Maryland until the holocaust is over. (See
Pearson's column at the time war threatened
over Russian missiles in Cuba). Then the
President and his cortege will emerge and
compel the survivors to clean up and re-
build the shattered cities for the privilege
of living. This is the Fascist dream,
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All this could be averted by allowing the
people of each country to have a free and
fair election in which they could choose their
own rulers. If they wish to go Communist,
it should betheir privilege. If they do not
wish to remain Communist, they can revolt
against that regime as well as they can
against puppet dictators. Then we can help
the people instead of the puppets. It is
as simple as that. No rigged or ex parte elec-
tions will do. They should be conducted by
the league of nations through a committee
composed of members of every economic and
political belief. No election under the super-
vision of the army of a supposed neutral
nation will do. The election in Greece under
the British Army supervision was rigged to
return 70 percent for the royalty ticket,
according to the officer in charge as related
in Reynolds News. Then after a free and
fair election, the chosen leader should be
protected against any machinations to start
a revolt against him, no matter what ideo-
logical group seeks to remove him. It should
be lawful to remove him by a vote of the
people or the organization authorized to do
so; like the vote of no confidence in England,
or the vote of the politburo in Russia. The
people of every nation should be allowed and
protected in advocating and voting for any
political or economical party or program
they desire. And each party should be given
equal and protected time to expound the
tenets of their doctrines. That is real democ-
racy.
Two world wars in which hundreds of
millions were slaughtered and trillions of
property destroyed hasn't taught us any-
thing. Three-fourths of the world's popu-
lation live in poverty, including one-third
of our own. Our Nation and all of its mu-
nicipal parts are in debt up to their ears
and going deeper. Crime and unemploy-
ment are Increasing daily. Most of our agri-
culture and industries are maintained by
subsidies. The only remedies we are offered
is more borrowing and spending and war on
cominuntsm, which wants only to take and
use the natural resources and industries of
the world and operate- them, not for the ac-
cumulation of individual wealth but for the
general welfare. They want to substitute
cooperation for competition in the economic
affairs of the world. We are taught that
makes them our enemies, even of our religion.
I wonder if those who recite the Lord's
Prayer "Thy Kingdom come, Thy Will be
done on Earth as it is in I-leaven" do hon-
estly believe that God concessions out the
properties and services necessary to the oper-
ation of Heaven to His favorites to exploit
the population generally; or do they think
He throws such concessions up for grabs so
the strong and cunning can get control of
them and use them to get wealthy at the
expense of others. Don't you think we
should reexamine our political and economic
programs?
N
POLITICAL SESAME: A LA NIXON
(By Cyrus A. Davis)
It used to be a problem in this great
Democracy, - -
To acquire success in politics or fame of a
degree,
As a radio purveyor of scandal, news and
such,
For as columnist or writer it required a cer-
tain touch.
There was need of education and an under-
standing mind,
With a wide vocabulary of a strong convinc-
ingkind. -
There Were many weighty issues; many ques-
tions were involved,
And political aspirants were assessed on how
they solved
These ever pressing problems in the political
lists,
But all they need today is curses for the
Communists. -
The old time politicias who made the welkin
ring,
With their mighty perorations of the good
their rule would bring,
Now are stilled; for none will listen to the
issues of the day, -
Though the Elephant may trumpet and the
Donkey loudly bray,
From the sun of California to the rock bound
coast of Maine;
Prom the mountains to the oceans; from the
city to the plain,
Every platform, stage and pulpit, business,
labor, racket, farm,
Sounds and echoes to the clamor of the un-
ending alarm,
Of our self appointed Saviors grinding propo-
ganda grist,
Like a broken record playing, Communist,
Communist.
Wesometimes miss the glamor ofthe old red
light parade,
And the old spell binding speakers who their
eloquence displayed.
As they extolled their virtues and denounced
opponents claims;
Pointed to their deeds and honors and ex-
posed their rivals shames.
But today the politicians are more sinister
and sly,
And conceal their real Intentions in a
patriotic lie.
They canont expound a thesis in which they
are so unversed,
So they just repeat a slogan in which they
have been rehearsed.
To hide their lack of learning they scream
and shake their fists,
And denounce all their opponents as a bunch
of Communists.
If you seek for fame and fortune in the varied
ways of men,
There is one unfailing system to extoll your
tongue or pen.
You don't even need to spell it or define or
understand;
No one asks for explanations; all debate on
it is banned.
You can charge, accuse, and slander; disre-
garding truth and facts,
Without fear of an accounting for the re-
sults of your acts.
All your writings will be published; your
opinions hailed as wise,
Even though they lack coherence-Heaven
help him who denies.
Tame as a news commentator or note as a
columnist,
Waits for him who tries to teach us how to
hate a Communist.
Let us do away with wisdom, all the arts and
liberty,
Lest they delude and lead us into true democ-
racy.
What's the use of constitutions or the broth-
erhood of man,
When they provide protection for the com-
munistic clan?
Who depend upon our justice and rely upon
our truth,
Till we destroy our heritage in fighting them
forsooth.
For despite all our denials, here's a fact that
still persists,
We are losing truth and freedom in our war
on Communists.
THE MARCH OF THE HUNGRY MEN
(Blessed are the poor for theirs is the
kingdom.)
"The lowly of earth are stirring,
Like a giant aroused from sleep.
As the host of a storm advancing;
The rumble grows steady and deep.
Give heed to the crowding masses-
From desert, dungeon, and den;
The tramp of the earth's forsaken;
The march of the hungry men.
"For the promise of old they gather;
From the jungle and cave they came;
Crawling, falling, and struggling;
Through slaughter, famine, and flame.
Theyfollow their crucified leaders
To battle with tongue and pen-
For the heritage God has promised
The army of hungry men.
"In the ease of their downy couches-
Through the dreams of their pampered
sleep;
The Lords of the World are tossing,
As terrors upon them creep;
The clamor of starving millions
Is ringing from crag and fen;
While the city canyons echo
The tramp of the hungry men.
"in vain are the pleas to Jehovah;
In vain the diversion of war;
The people ere girding for battle
Ask-'What are we fighting for?'
For quarrels and spoils of the Masters,
They will not be puppets again;
But march now as brothers united;
The legions of hungry men.
"Through the fear of created darkness,
As the dawn invades the night;
They are coming, as it is written;
Their banners ablaze with light.
Tomorrow-as God has promised,
Will come the fulfillment; when
The kingdom will be given
To the hands of the hungry men."
They ask for bread and we give them bul-
lets; for the wounds of oppression we offer
the salve of charity. But eventually and
inevitably, individually and collectively, we
must account to and settle with eternity on
the basis of truth and justice.
NAPA, CALIF.,
April 11, 1965.
Hon. ERNEST GRUENING,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR GRUENING: Our heavy hearts
were eased by your informed and concerned
plea for a cease-fire in Vietnam, at the San.
Francisco Masonic Auditorium Sunday, April.
4. We indeed share your view that this is
the most rational and feasible means of
creating the proper climate for realistic
negotiations. The American Friends Service
Committee and other sponsoring groups, felt
that the very responsive audience of over
2,000 was the largest peace meeting they
could recall here.
The periodic standing ovations must have
convinced you of audience support and deter-
mination to pursue every channel to per..
suade our Government to reverse its blindly
dangerous military policy in Vietnam.
While the President's address at Johns
Hopkins University, had some hopeful as-
pects, the consensus here was that the ad-
ministration's position was too self-righteous
and we were still pugnaciously assuming the
role of "world policeman"; that those even
slightly informed on the background of Indo-
china simply cannot accept the dishonest
propaganda reiterated so blatantly to sell
our war strategy; that it is demeaning to
one's intelligence.
' A large group here met Saturday night,
April 10, to hear a radio rebroadcast of
Steve Allen's objective coverage of the Viet-
nam dilemma. Their expressed hope was
that such rationality as you and he detailed
should be acessible to all the Nation and
that our policymakers ponder and imple-
ment this wisdom even at this late hour.
Again, we greatly admire and respect the
effort, traveling-strain and time involved,
which you have contributed so generously
for our country and the world. We earnestly
-pray for your continued health and strength.
Gratefully,
Mrs. GRETA SLATER.
P.S.-There are many antiwar projects
scheduled throughout the bay area for all
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the coming weeks and
are expressing marked
ticipate.
Hon. THOMAS KUCHEL,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
all those around us "Whereas the presence of United States
enthusiasm to par- forces in Vietnam is in defiance of the
NAPA, CALIF.,
April 13, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR KUCHEL: In response to your
letter received today on South Vietnam en-
closing your views as outlined in speeches
to the Senate, I am enclosing copy of my
letter to Senator GRUENING. This expresses
generally the feeling of all those we know
and that of the various groups to which we
belong.
In fact, the opposition to, our Govern-
ment's military policy in South Vietnam is
so general it is noticeably uniting the com-
mon voter of both parties in this shared
protest., This feeling has been so predom-
inant that many have expressed loss of con-
fidence in achieving world peace through
political channels and are delving into the
potentials of a genuine people to people's
movement.
Qualified authorities on southeast Asia
have made frequent references to the book,
"The Battle of Dienbienphu" by Jules Roy
(Harper & Row); also to "France Against
Herself" by the Swiss author Herbert Luthy
(Praeger, New York). It is planned by many
interested here to have these books reviewed
shortly at a,meeting concerning our Govern-
ment's most unpopular military policy in
Vietnam.
In conclusion, the common comment is
that one can not recall a situation where
opposition to Government policy has ever
been so unequivocal, articulate, and wide-
spread as their position on South Vietnam.
Sincerely yours,
MIS. G. M. SLATER.
(Senator WAYNE MORSE, we were not eased
much by President Johnson's speech at
Johns Hopkins University. Everyone is ter-
ribly frightened at his adamant stand to
pursue the killing policy.)
CLEVELAND, OHIO,
-April 15, 1965.
SENATOR WAYNE MORSE:
[From the Cleveland Plain-Dealer,
Apr. 14, 1965]
IT'S UP TO CONGRESS
The language of the President's speech on
Vietnam was eloquent, but unrelated to the
realities of the situation, If a resolution
were introduced in Congress to declare war
against North Vietnam, the American people
would overwhelmingly oppose It.
The Congress of the United States has no
right to place the responsibility or authority
for this conflict upon the President. The
Congress has no right to pass resolutions giv-
ing the President the equivalent of the power
to declare. war.
The Vietnamese want the Americans to
get out of Vietnam, and that is what we
should have done long ago. France won't
support the United States position and other
NATO allies have given at most token sup-
port. It is not our responsibility to go it
alone in Vietnam, . If we continue to do that,
we shall be embroiled in wars all over the
world.
Sincerely,
UNITARIAN UNIVERSALIST FELLOWSHIP.FOR So-
CIALJUSTICE, Los ANGELES CHAPTER, Los AN-
OELES, CALIF, RESOLUTION ON VIETNAM,
APRU,6,1965.. _.
"Whereas President Johnson was elected on
a peace-mandate and should respect the opin-
ions of those who elected him;
Geneva agreements;
'"Whereas we are shamed by the actions of
our country in Vietnam and revolted by the
dishonest excuses and pretexts for this ag-
gressive foreign policy;
"Whereas the North Vietnam Government
does not control the National Liberation
Forces which are a legitimate and real move-
ment of the South Vietnamese people;
"Whereas our involvement in support of
military dictatorships is indefensible;
"Whereas the killing of men, women, and
children and the use of chemical warfare on
the false and arrogant assumption of defend-
ing democracy outrages our moral senses;
"Whereas the bombing by the United
States of a sovereign country could very well
end in a nuclear holocaust for all of us;
"Therefore, We demand of our Government
an immediate cease-fire in Vietnam and
withdrawal of United States forces from that
country."
This resolution to be mailed to: President
Lyndon B. Johnson, Vice President HUBERT
H. HUMPHREY, Senator J. W. FULBRIGHT
(chairman of Foreign Affairs Committee),
Representative THOMAS E. MORGAN, (chair-
man of Foreign Affairs Committee), Secre-
tary Robert S. McNamara, Secretary Dean
Rusk, Senator THOMAS H. KUCHEL, Senator
GEORGE MURPHY, Representatives of southern
California and other leaders in our Nation.
FLUSHING, N.Y., April 17, 1965.
President JOHNSON,
The White House, Washington, D.C.
DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: I agree with Senators
GRUENING and MORSE that the war in South
Vietnam is a civil war, that America has
flaunted the Geneva Convention of 1954 and
that we are aggressors.
With this concept of the actual condi-
tions, "unconditional discussions" merely
sounds like a maneuver to shift world public
opinion away from them toward us.
Unless your humanitarianism and com-
passion, so magnificently demonstrated in
your struggle for the Great Society and civil
rights extends, not only to all Americans,
but to all the world, you and your adminis-
tration will be condemned now and in the
future, if there is any, by enlightened man-
kind.
I urge an immediate cessation of the
bombings. I urge an immediate reevalua-
tion of our policy in South Vietnam. I urge
you to focus your compassion, humani-
tarianism, and great powers of leadership
on a genuine struggle for peace in that area
of the world.
Sincerely,
LANSDOWNE, PA.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I am very much in
opposition to the President on his Vietnam
policy. I think the bombing should stop
at once and all policy should be taken to
the United Nations. There shouldn't be
unilateral action in such a matter-that is
for the body that represents the people of
the world.
Even more am I in opposition to those
who would start a preventive war-who will
use some excuse to bomb China.
Johnson's blank check to use force in Asia
should be revoked. I'm glad you and GRUEN-
INo voted against it but am frightened that
everyone else went along.
Sincerely,
CHARLES BUTTERWORTH.
PETERBOROUGH, N.H.,
April 12, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Thank you for your
courageous stand against our present policy
in Vietnam. I agree with you and support
your ideas wholeheartedly, Do please con-
7853
tinuePreto press your points until we persuade
our sident to order cease-fire.
Most sincerely,
EMILY B. ANABLE.
SENATOR MORSE: I am fighting this battle
until' somebody like you tells me that it is
in the national interest to desist.
KEY WEST, FLA., April 15, 1965.
Hon. SPESSARD L. HOLLAND,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR HOLLAND: I have the greatest
sympathy for those of you up on the Hill
who have to find "yes or no" answers to such
awesome questions. I would do nothing to
make your task more difficult. I also appre-
ciate highly the gracious manner in which
you express your dissent from me in the
matter of Vietnam, and hope that I am
reciprocating.
Like you I deplore foreign aggression, in-
ternational illegality, terrorism, hoodlumism,
and the violation of solemn commitments
by anybody, but I deplore them most when
they are perpetrated in my name by my
Government.
The most honorable commitment we made
with respect to Vietnam was the promise not
to interfere in the implementation of the
Geneva agreements of 1954. This promise
was not kept. For details I refer you to the
enclosed document, which I have hesitated
to send you because the reproduction is so
bad. Key West weather, perfect for most
purposes, is not very friendly to gelatine
sheet duplicating machines.
My concern is that Americans know all
the pertinent facts. In this matter both
the administration and the news media have
been remiss, and we cannot have democratic
solutions to problems on these terms. To
anyone aware of the facts, the President's
recent presentation must seem something
less than completely straightforward; this
opinion seems to be shared by the most per-
ceptive of our news commentators.
Of course we have the power to destroy
Vietnam, and we probably shall. But we
shall live to be sorry.
Sincerely yours,
MORTIMER GRAVES.
NEW YORK, N.Y.,
April 15, 1965.
The Honorable Senator MORSE,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: We are all for you
against U.S. policy in Vietnam. We pray
every hour that the bombing and killings
be stopped immediately.
We appeal to your influence to stop the
war in Vietnam.
Sincerely,
SANTA CRUZ, CALIF.,
April 12, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: This is to extend
to you my most deep gratitude and support-
as one of the pitifully few voices of society
in our legislative body-on the subject of
Vietnam-in the past as well as in the recent
escalation of our war there. Since the
mandate given to Mr. Johnson by thousands
of us, particularly women, last November,
we have to stand by and see the very policies
we thought we were voting against, in the
period of the (undoubtedly) Mr. Goldwater,
being followed by what we now realize was
the very directives from the military-CIA-
industrial complex of which even Mr. Eisen-
hower was moved to rebel against, as he was
leaving office as President. There are thou-
sands of others, unquestionably loyal, well-
informed, and courageous citizens who also
have been speaking out as groups and indi-
viduals for a reappraisal of our whole foreign
policy, but their real power is as nothing,
compared to a small, powerful group in the
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE April 21, 1965
State Department, and related governmental
departments, who arrogantly take into their
own hands, and successfully, perhaps, the
fate of the whole universe Itself. As you
said at Stanford recently, we are entering
the stage of intensified war propaganda.
Thank you for thinking for ourselves.
[From the New York World-Telegram and
Sun, Mar. 15, 1965]
VIETNAM ANALYSIS: MAJOR WAR Is NEAR
(By Richard Starnes)
The imminence of a major war in southeast
Asia 1s now generally assumed throughout
the Government and diplomatic' establish-
ment in Washington.
Reco ltion of the war threat has grown
that, the continuing success of the Vietcong NEFFSVILLE, PA., April 14, 1965.
testifies to the measure of support it finds DEAR SENATOR MORSE: It is heartening that
among the peasants of South Vietnam-sup. you are working for the beginning of nego-
port that no guerrilla war can do without. tiations in Vietnam.
In contrast, none of the clandestine Thankfully and prayerfully,
ayeLEFEVER.
forays by which CIA-trained infiltrators have Mrs. sought to turn the tables on Hanoi has borne SPRINGFIELD
OHIO.
,
any fruit. This fact Is as eloquent as itis
cheerless. SIR: I would like to commend you
.
Like the rest of the truth about the war in for taking the stand you took in South
southeast Asia it cannot be obscured by any Vietnam, and how much courage you, took
State Department preachment. It belongs it with.
among the realities that Americans ought As of a 14-year-old boy if my prayers mean
to be asking questions about, but apparently anything to you, they are always behind you.
aren't. I do know our God.
Write President Johnson, your Senators, Please as you make decisions think of
Congressmen, and your newspaper today. peace.
Join the demonstration for peace in Viet- God bless you.
nam, Saturday, April 10. Yours truly,
5- -
with the silent speed of a malignancy, until AN APPEAL TO THE CONSCIENCE of AMERICA
it has invaded every Chancery and quasi- FOR PEACE IN VIETNAM BALTIMORE, MD.,
official listening post in the Nation's Capital. With the Easter-Passover season at hand, April 16, 1965.
The same alarms have been sounded before, the world finds itself on the brink of a major DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I just heard your
but never with the urgency that has fol- war in Vietnam. The escalation of the war Speech at the Johns Hopkins the other week,
lowed the ominous events that have taken has brought destruction and death to count- and I would simply like to reinforce the bal-
place in the fortnight since the State De- less Vietnamese men, women, and children, ance of your mail in favor of your courage-
partment's "white paper" sought to justify as well as many Americans. World opinion ous and circumspect position. (I agree with
war against North Vietnam. cries out against this brutal and senseless you on a good number of issues at any rate.).
The white paper itself was regarded as a war-a war that cannot be won with napalm, That a man like yourself can continue to
fateful portent, at least partly because of the bombings, and gas. A spiraling exchange of be elected to the National Government
obvious haste with which it had been cobbled blows and counterblows in Vietnam can lead strengthens my faith in the system,
together. Reasoned analysis of the docu- to a nuclear war involving the United States, God help you, though, if you must rely
ment shows that it actually proves the China, and the Soviet Union. The present on an insignificant few million Vietnamese
reverse of what it set out to prove. The tragic conflict can only be resolved by politi- peasants to get a new dam for the State of
magnitude of the civil war In South Vietnam cal, not military, means. Join with us in Oregon.
simply cannot be made to parse with the calling for an immediate cease-fire and nego- Sincerely yours,
white paper's account of North Vietnamese tiated settlement of this war. We fathers, ANTHONY M. PAUL.
intervention-even accepting the State De- mothers, and children, from all over the New -"'
partment document at face value. York area are walking with this world- EVERETT, WASH.,
The reality, which is no secret to anyone famous pediatrician-dedicated to life and April 15, 1965.
M
who has taken the trouble to tote up ad- peace-to make our voices heard for peace
mitted weapons losses by South Vietnamese in Vietnam.
units is that Vietcong guerrilla. forces are We start our walk from Columbus Circle
largely equipped with captured U.S. materiel. at 1 p.m., Saturday, April 10. We walk to
Even accepting the white paper's wholly un- the United Nations, 47th Street and 1st
substantiated reckoning of the total number Avenue.
of North Vietnamese guerrillas who have Hear Dr. Spock and other speakers.
been sent to the south, it is plain that the Pope Paul VI appeals for "Use of the
Vietcong guerrillas-like their weapons- United Nations in promoting mediation of
originate largely in South Vietnam. disputes and restoration of peace."
This reporter recalls sharing a helicopter U Thant calls for "Discussions and negotia-
mission in the Mekong Delta with a pilot tions which can create conditions which will
whose plastic crash helmet had been neatly enable the United States to withdraw from
holed by a direct hit from a Vietcong sniper that part of the world."
a few days earlier. The young man's head Senator JAVITS says his mail is running 15
was still intact because in that day the Viet- to 1- against our policy in Vietnam and that
cong was still using homemade weapons of most Congressmen's mail opposes continua-
short range and low velocity. They grad- tion of the war.
uaily upgraded their arsenal by capturing Senator FRANK CHURCH, Idaho: "We lost
(or otherwise obtaining) U.S. weapons, and 157,000 dead and wounded in Korea. It cost
nothing in the State Department's long- us $18 billion. But, in the end, we had to
winded indictment can shake that fact. go to the conference table for a political
(NoTE.-In this connection it is worth re- settlement. So it is with southeast Asia."
cording that the U.S. white paper, which Defense Secretary Robert McNamara said:
listed captured supplies of Communist origin "120 to 149 million Americans would be
down to 18 sweaters manufactured in Ha killed in a nuclear war."
Dong, North Vietnam, does not list items of Walter Lippmann: "If the warhawks pre-
U.& origin recaptured from Vietcong units. vail and we become involved in a big war, they
ORSE,
Senator WAYNE
U.S. Senate.
HONORABLE SIR: We have admired you and
Senator GRUENING for your outspoken efforts
to get the United States to hand the prob-
lem of Vietnam over to the United Nations
and to get our troops out of there.
However, Technocracy Inc. informs us that
in the past 25 years, the United States has
spent $980 billion, $973 million, for war, and
preparation for war.
Technocracy Inc. has suggested that if war
seems to be such a necessity to our economy,
that we should declare war on the millions
of square miles of the Pacific Ocean, as this
would be an area that could never surrender,
nor fight back, and it could absorb all of our
production for many years to come.
Having peace would make it imperative
that we solve some of our domestic problems,
perhaps this would involve social change,
and we could start creating a civilization
that would be worthy of man's intelligence.
Enclosed please find some of our literature
for your earnest study, and comment.
Please continue your efforts to get the
Vietnam war stopped.
We thank you in advance, for your reply
The reason is clear-the ratio of recaptured will rejoice. In the end the people will Very truly yours,
U.S. arms and captured Communist arms weep.,, DAVID E. LIVINGSTON.
would accurately reflect the actual equip-
ment ratio of the guerrillas. It would show cuing of the war, seek a cease-fire, negotiate [From the Technocracy Briefs]
what every expert knows to be the case-the rn- an international settlement. SABOTAGE BY PLANNED APATHY
ments war against the Saigon
ents is self-supporting to an overwhelming Sponsored by: New York and New Jersey For many years Technocracy has warner
degree.) Council for a Sane Nuclear Policy, 17 East the people of North America that the arro-
This is a tedious recital, to be sure, but 45th Street; Women Strike for Peace, 151 gant disregard for basic social and physical
it is a vitally important one, for it peels away East 50th Street; Metropolitan Branch, trends, at home and abroad, by the front
the veneer of sham that seeks to justify the Women's International League for Peace and men for the North American price system
expansion of the war in southeast Asia. Freedom, 37 Washington Square West; Stu- would jeopardize the security and welfare of
There is no basis in objective reality for be- dent Peace Union, 5 Beekman Street, New North America.
lieving Hanoi could stop the war in the south York City. Since the launching of Russia's sputnik vae
even if it wanted to. - have suddenly heard a great deal about sci-
There is, on the contrary, ample reason to NEFFSVILLE, PA., April 14, 1965. ence and technology, and their fundamental
believe that the mass of Vietnamese on both DEAR MR. MORSE: Wish to commend all importance to this continent.
sides of the 17th parallel fervently wish the who are putting forth an unending effort Thirty-seven years ago Howard Scott, di-
round-eyed warriors would pack up and go toward negotiations in the trouble spots of rector in chief of Technocracy, Inc., was in-
home, our war weary world. terviewed by Charles H. Wood, associate edi-
Buddhists, who make up 70 percent of the "War never settled anything." tor of the New York World, on the subject
population of South Vietnam, have ex- Prayerfully yours, of the social effects and importance of tech-
pressed this wish forcefully. More than MARY M. PFOLTZGRAFF. nology on this continent. During that inter-
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view, on February 26, 1921, Mr. Scott out- inferior dwelling, most of which aren't paid
lined the key to the unique social problem for now and probably won't ever be paid for
before North ,Axperica., The Technical Al- in full. All of those hours in a semistupor
fiance, of which Mr, Scott was the director, before the television set don't seem to have
was composed of leading 'technical person- been wisely spent either. The past critical
nel of 2Torth America, and had, by 1921 years have been marked by a succession of
developed a clean technological perspec- mistakes, individual and national. They add
tive of social and physical trends in this up to an extremely high social price for this
civilization, Mr. Scott's technological views of continent. It's pretty hard to pin the re-
social affairs astonished. Mr. Woods; for ex- sponsibility for the sabotage of this civiliza-
ample, that North America's problem was tion on any particular group of individuals,
really an engineering problem, not a political Too many people have welcomed it, and
or financial. one, much astonishment was not participated in it.
justified by the facts that were available even A SCIENTIFIC INTEREST
37 years ago; it was the measure of how far
ahead of social thought Technocracy has al- If, today, we are to consider ourselves in
ways been in its views of social affairs. Time scientific competition with the Soviet Union,
and events have vindicated Technocracy's we are in pretty sorry straits, for we are
position and original statements. pitted against a people in whom a lively
Technocracy, Inc., since its inception as a interest in science has been generated. These
field organization, formed to carry on the people are moving collectively to accomplish
certain national research-educational program that was be- ports st to o objectives. be egetting According rof
gun in the winter of 1918-19, has continued , they seem ee a kick out of
to convey an accurate what they have done and are doing. What
picture of developing we think about their brand of politics
trends affecting this continent, More than couldn't matter less under the circumstances.
that, Technocracy, Inc. has given the people On the other hand, we of North America
of North ,America the organizing vehicle to are about as unorganized for any social ob-
do soaletl~ing about their problem. jective as we can be and, furthermore, we
The central problem before North America are without any evident desire to get orga-
is the conflict between, science (and the re- nized. Technocracy, for years, has been
quirement of scientific social operation) and addressing with telling effect only a minority
the obsolete methods of the price system.. of the citizens of this continent. We are
At an, incalculable cost, which is ,only now just beginning to emerge from a period of
becoming ,apparent, _ politics and business years when it didn't make the slightest dif-
have 'kept-
ept the price system afloat for the ference to more than 95 percent of the pop-
past 20 years-years in which a new social ulation how correct an analysis one might
system should have been born and flourish- present; people weren't interested, Never-
ing. The measures which have been taken theless, Technocracy, Inc., has built and
in the framework of the price system to pre- maintained under the most difficult condi-
vent the arrival of. a technological social tions for its type of thought a nucleus of
control in North . America constitute the personnel to whom nothing that is occur-
worst example of calculated, sabotage against ring on the North American scene is a sur-
a social area in recorded history. At no time prise. What some people are becoming
in history has so much,been. at. stake for alarmed about is "old stuff" to Technocracy
so many people. and Technocrats.
A succession of, arms programs and wars, In less spectacular, but more socially im-
which have-proved useless, and were de- portant, ways than by beating the United
Glared so by Technocracy before we became States in the ballistic missile field, the Rue-
involved ir}. them, gave temporary relief from sfans are acknowledged to be forging ahead of
the depression. These moves to preserve the United States. While the social system of
the price system have kept people fat, dumb, the United States has been making salesmen,
and happy for the past few years. And the Russians have been making scientists.
though many of them l new
l
d
p
ea
ing ignorance. At
any rate, all of us now are reaping the fruits
of price system sabotage and the social emer-
gency that has been created.
Now, that some of the arrogance has been
knocked out of us by current events on the
international scene, some people are giving
pause to look at. our social circumstances a
little more objectively than in recent years.
Outstanding is the total lack of a national
objective of any kind. There is_ no social
unity, and little national pride except in our
bigness and in certain philosophic words,
phrases and ideas .that no longer apply in
this age of science. These things aren't
reason enough in a world that is moving as
fast as this one. The cult of individualism,
which we think we believe in, but which in
fact we can't evenpractice, dominates the
social attitude required to survive and pro-
gress upward and forward in this scientific
era.
We are finding that it was most unfortu-
nate to allow reactionary minorities to in-
timidate and belittle those individuals who
could appreciate and work with science;
and to make science almost a dirty word to
citizens ofthis continent, especially the
youngsters. It is,._ tpo bad that the social
consciousne,-s of -the average youth is at the
moronic level of burning rubber from the
tires of. ,his'"hotrod" or listening to "rock
'n' roll."
Among the older generations, it
can't seem to. be so smart any more to have
"sold out" to the price system in an attempt
to amass a few pieces of shoddy goods and an
7855
rendered obsolete the social attitude and the
price system of the continent. But that oc-
currence has not stopped us from continuing
to use the old system. Therein lies the cru-
cial conflict. It is a battle to the death for
one or the other. No one can say with abso-
lute certainty what the final outcome will be.
We do know that we live by science and tech-
nology; therefore, the decision of each North
American had better be in favor of these
social forces. Our utter failure, as a people,
to recognize the problem and to act is push-
ing us into the category of a second-class
power, with the prospect of much worse social
consequences to come, unless there is a wide-
spread revival of social consciousness.
Since the North American Continent is
without a governing mechanism that is capa-
ble of supplying the leadership and direction
required to guide us out of the present mess,
the question arises: What can anyone else
do about it?
At some point in time in the future, prob-
ably all too soon, the mass of people on this
continent is going to be jolted into action by
the pressure of events. When this mass
movement begins, it had better be directed
by an organization that knows the score.
As conditions become more intolerable, a
social ferment will develop, producing the
mass movement which will be largely de-
void of intelligent understanding.
While Technocracy, Inc. Is not designed to
be a governing mechanism, Technocracy, the
method, is so designed. When we consider
that 40 years of engineering and scientific
research have gone into Technocracy, we be-
gin to understand why it is qualified to dis-
cuss comprehensively, and with the correct
insight, problems before North America.
What we are attempting to make clear is that
we North Americans have a course of action
to take to solve our problems. Technocracy
is born of science, it is being presented in
an organized way, and its organization has
'the leadership to see us through social
change on this continent. What more do we
want?
SO WHAT? HERE'S THE ANSWER
America, the greatest potential on earth.
America menaced by inefficiency at homn
has been on business enterprise, ww o Americans can and will solve this riddle
In comment on international affairs more of disaster and inefficiency on this continent
than 20, years ago, Howard Scott told an of abundance.
audience in New York, and since then he has America is in the midst of a struggle to
repeated it many times at public meetings fulfill its social destiny-a destiny made pos-
across the continent, that: "If the United Bible by its wealth of resources and tech-
States, in the conduct of its foreign affairs, nology. We are in the midst of a battle be-
continues to be dominated by the policy of tween the old and the new-scarcity versus
business expediency, the day will come in the plenty; hand tools versus technology; the
next three decades when the United States status quo versus social change. Political
will be compelled to eat international dead bungling must be replaced by flow-line social
crow served with Russian dressing and Tartar control. Confronted by this battle, every
sauce." We are now being forced to eat a American sooner or later must make the
liberal serving of this international dead choice of either futile apathy or active as-
crow. It doesn't taste very good. sistance-or America will go under.
ARROGANT DISREGARD BUILDING THE NEW AMERICA
Collectively, North Americans have looked Only Americans under American leadership
upon their great land area, which they have can build the new America. No importations
regarded as their birthright, only as a won- of European social philosophy-communism,
derful opportunity to exploit for their per- socialism, fascism, clericalism, or any other
sonal benefit. This idea has been hammered "ism" can be permitted to retard America's
into them by the educational system, politics, progress. A new technique of social opera-
business, and numberless other sources from tion is required. North America alone has
the time they were first able to read and the tools and the trained men for this tech-
understand words. For a time this continent nique. Technocracy lays the issue squarely
was able to tolerate such, a social attitude, upon the American people. You cannot
despite the damage that it inflicted upon na- escape responsibility.
tural resources. A loose political control fa- TECHNOCRACY
vored and rewarded the most adept chiselers. Technocracy had its origin in the Technical
Graced with a great wealth of natural re- Alliance in 1919, when prominent technolo-
sources and an accommodating climate for gists, scientists, educators, and engineers un-
t
he white man, North America has fostered der the leadership of Howard Scott, chief en-
the
whi growth of a mighty industrial civilization, gineer, began the study of the impact of
grew at a tremendous rate with the technology on our social structure. The
application of technology by technically method of social analysis and research
trained personnel. The rate of growth soon founded at that dime ha made many Sm-
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7856 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE April 21, 1965
portant contributions to the design of the bility. There will be a vertical alinement has to say on this situation. There are
new America. To enable the expansion of of functional capacity in all branches of so- many others who feel the same way and I
its work, to make possible a general under- cial service and for the first time in history expect to join some of them (my Quaker
standing of its principles and purposes, the individuals charged with responsibility friends) on April 17 on the protest march
and to guard against distortion and subver- will continue to hold their positions only in Washington to end the war in Vietnam.
sion by abortive organizations its leaders or- on their demonstrated ability to serve their uncI am o mitglad that the President the is offeerinI on m. ganized Technocracy Inc., with Howard Scott fellow citizens.
as director in chief. Utopia? Sounds like it; but technocracy hope that the aid we give will not be uni-
Technocracy, on the basis of exact scien- does not guarantee to make people happy- lateral and that the goal will be to seek a
tific data, projects the operating design for only to provide abundance, security, and reunification of Vietnam through a United
the new America. This is the first time in freedom from toil through an efficient op- Nations trusteeship.
history that such a design has been projected. erating design. If withholding tax money would help I
This planned social operation is technologi- THE TECHNOCRACY ORGANIZATION think I would have the courage to take this
step, but I know that the money would be
cal in structure and will replace political and Technocracy states that a social transition taken from my bank account with an addi-
monetary methods with a system in which of such a magnitude and of such a nature tion for interest, so that in the end the
the design itself will be the determining neither requires nor permits of a revolution Government would have more money.
factor. Technical achievement will be raised or a coup d'etat, but must proceed within the I applaud the Government's efforts in edu-highest al the itize s in level and used to serve enannels of a planned and orderly progres- cation, medicare, etc? but not war and de-
alt citizens n an adequate and impartial sion-that progression which is unique to struction.
our modern technology, coupled with the
vast resources of this continent, makes it pos-
sible to increase production so that we can
provide an abundance of goods and services
to meet all the requirements of each and
every North American.
Technocracy builds on the solid rock of
fact and is not involved in emotional vagaries
or political chicanery. It invites sincere
individuals to make an earnest study of its
factual approach to America's social problem.
Technocracy's social design includes the
entire North American continental area, with
its enormous wealth of physical resources,
advanced technology will bring chaos to the
North American Continent.
Technocracy, Inc. is building a trained and
disciplined organization capable of meeting
the demands of the march of events. This
organization-the technological army of
the new America--is designed to show
the people of this continent how to assure
the continued functioning of the equipment
on this continent. A severe break in the
continuity of our physical processes would
spell chaos. Such an organization requires
the participation of all types of people. In-
dividuals who are citizens may obtain mem-
bership. Aliens and politicians are barred.
,V .h.,nrtrar.v Inc.. at its continental head-
Mrs. MARY C. FOSTER.
P.S.-In checking last year's income tax
form I discovered this 1963 withholding
statement which supposedly had been sent
with my form and check last year. I also
have the copy for my records. Perhaps it is
a duplicate.
Copy to Senator MORSE.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I was thrilled with
your speech (on film) shown at this rally
at Swarthmore College. I admire your con-
tinued courage to speak out. There are
many who feel strongly against our Govern-
ment policy on Vietnam.
P.S.-I carried this with me to Washing-
ton yesterday when I went on the protest
march on Vietnam (but didn't pass a mail
box). It was thrilling to be a part of such
a large gathering but today I wonder, How
can we really make our voices heard and
have-things changed? God forgive us for
what we have done and are doing.
MARY FOSTER.
Some of the children in our group said
the police tore down the message that the
leaders of the March posted on the doors of
Congress but a wire was also sent to the
President.
operated and defended as one unit. publishes several periodicals and a variety of
EVERYTHING TO GAIN standard official literature; these are avail-
Here are some of the results to be realized able to interested persons.
by operating this continent on the basis of a Read. Learn. Participate. There is no
planned, technological social design: time to be lost. The battle of America-
Standard of living: A higher standard of the battle against poverty, malnutrition,
living for everyone--highest in the world. scarcity, and disease-Will have a greater ef-
All productive capacity would be released fect on history than all the battles of
from artificial restrictions. A maximum, un- Europe. Enlist now before you are drafted
restricted distribution would be made to all by the march of events.
citizens without differentiation in incomes, To: All North Americans.
based on the total goods and services avail- Subject: Information On Technocracy.
able in any given time period. Greetings, fellow North American, Tech-.
Housing: Redesigned housing--machines nocracy is receiving the attention of an ever
for living-for the entire population, measur- greater number of citizens of North America
ing up to the standards of modern technol- as the trends today bear out Technocracy's
ogy. There would be no mortgages, taxes, or observations of many years ago.
financial assessments. There is a growing apprehension among
Hours: Reduction of working hours in di- North Americans concerning what the future
rect ratio to the diminishing total of man- holds for them. You may recall that Tech-
hours required. Ultimately, under planned, nocracy was first by many years to point out
operation, hours could be reduced to 4 hours the fundamental conflict between North
per day, 4 days out of 7. America's growing technology and its price
Retirement: Full income, after retirement, system. This conflict now has assumed the
until death. This is not an old-age pension, proportions of a death struggle as to which
but continued participation in the abun- will survive, with the life of every citizen of
dance of available goods and services. this continent at stake.
Production: Capacity operation of physical Technocracy, your convenience in attaching to this bout
equipment on a balanced-load basis.
Education: Education of a new, high stand- a subscription order to Technocracy field
and for all up to-the age of 25 with specialized magazines.
training for all in chosen fields. We trust that you will appreciate the lit-
Health: Full medical and dental attention erature enclosed on Technocracy, and we
for everyone as a compulsory service through suggest that you contact this organization
the continental public health sequence. for more information without delay. Tech-
Freedom: Full opportunity for everyone to nocracy plays North America to win. How
spend leisure time in any manner desired. about you?
Freedom from restraint in religion, speech. Very truly yours,
culture, sports, and hobbies. TECHNOCRACY, INC.
Opportunity: Equal opportunity for every
boy and girl, every man and woman, to take
his or her place in society to the degree of
his or her attainments and ability.
Charity: Elimination of the necessity for
public and private charity handouts and
poorhouse methods of subsistence.
Money: Elimination of money and conse-
quently of debts, taxes, insurance, etc.
Politics: Elimination of the inefficiency of
politics through replacement by a system of
operation based on the ability of the citizens
to perform and to accept social responsi-
SWARTHMORE COLLEGE,
April 1965.'
Contradiction and confusion have been the
norm of the war in Vietnam. There is hope-
ful talk of negotiations from both sides, but
there has been in recent weeks a steady ex-
pansion of the war by the United States.
We must assess events of the past months
and closely examine the directions of coan-
fliting policy. We must, as citizens deeply
concerned about peace, consider possible
courses for the future.
Therefore, while registering our protest of
present policy, we are following the examples
of the University of Michigan, Columbia,
Temple, and the University of Pennsylvania
by calling for a teach-in at Swarthmore on
April 7 from 8 p.m. to 3 a.m. The proposed
program includes speeches by professors and
outside experts and general discussions
in which all may participate.
Solomon E. Asch, psychology; Robert Barr,
dean of men; Carl Barus, engineering; Mon-
roe C. Beardsley, philosophy; George T.
Beech, history; Andrew Boeleskevy, German;
William C. Denison, biology; John R. Dixon,
engineering; Lewis R. Gaty, economics;
Walker Gibson, English; Mark A. Heald,
physics; Olga Lang, modern languages; Erika
A. Mares, mathematics; David Wiesen, cLtis-
sics.
John A. Nevin, psychology; Clair W. Niel-
son, physics; Martin Ostwald, classics; Ken-
neth S. Rawson, biology; Hedley H. Rhys
fine arts; David Rosen, mathematics; Albur
M. Rosenberg, biology; Charles J. Seigman
economics; Gilmore Stott, philosophy; George
Von der Muhll, political science; Robert M
Walker, fine arts; James F. Wanner, astron
SWARTHMORE, PA.,
April 11, 1965.
DIRECTOR, BUREAU OF INTERNAL REVENUE,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SIR: I am enclosing a check for my
1984 income tax (balance due). As I wrote
last year, I have strong feelings about so
much of our tax money going for the mili-
tary. In particular I wish to register my
objections to the Government foreign policy
on South Vietnam, which seems very wrong.
I support Senator WAYNE MORSE in all he
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April 21, AN CONGRESSXONAL RECORD -SENATE
7857
omy "Clair Wilcox, economics; M. Joseph Wil- ALLEN
115, J. REINER & Co., INC., There was one crucial missing ingredient in
engineering. Hicksville, N.Y., April 13, 1965. the President's speech-he did not say he was
(Our apologies to all faculty members who Senator WAYNE MORSE, suspending air bombardment of North Viet-
wanted to sign, but whom we did not have U.S. Senate,
a nam in order to facilitate the negotiating
chance to contact.) Washington, D.C.
At process. Indeed, the continued and intensi-
. 8: Introductory remarks DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Although not from fied U.S. military action may well be an-
At 8:15: Helen Lamb, spent 2 years in Viet- Oregon, I am writing to you to express my swered by increased Vietcong and North
nam, now writing a book, formerly a faculty complete agreement with your views con-- Vietnamese military action, rather than by
member at Smith College. cerning the Vietnam crises. It seems to us steps to the negotiating table.
At 8:45: Paul Booth, cocoordinator of the that almost everybody in Washington must
peace research "and education project of have completely lost their sense of perspec- SOME COMMENTS ON THE PRESIDENT'S
SDS, tive or just be reluctant to speak out. SPEECH
At 9: President Johnson's speech on Viet- Today I have written again to Senators 1. The proposal for a greatly expanded co-
nam policy from Johns Hopkins University. KENNEDY and JAVITS (as I am a New Yorker), operative economic development effort by the
At 9:30: Franz Gross, head of Political I have also written to Senators AIKEN and countries of southeast Asia including North
Science Department at Pennsylvania Military COOPER. Vietnam was most welcome. The President
College. If you could give us some suggestions as pledged to ask Congress for a billion dollar
At 10: Clair Wilcox, head of Swarthmore to how we might make our opinions known American investment in this effort when it is
'Economics Department. and felt to the right people then I would be underway. He hoped other industrialized
At 11: Break for seminars and discussion. happy to make these suggestions known to a countries, including the Soviet Union, would
At 11:30: Film Of WAYNE MORSE speaking great many people who feel as we do. join in the effort. He called on the U.N. Sec-
on Vietnam. Yours truly, rotary General to help initiate such a plan.
At 12: Folk sing with Nick Warren. ALLEN J. REINER. This proposal was along the lines urged by
Jesse Allen, presently on the staff of Newark -Gilbert White and others for the develop-
community project, may speak. LONDON, ENGLAND, ment of the Mekong Basin.
Wednesday, April 7, 1965, Friend Meeting April 14, 1965. 2. The President's statement that the
House. Senator WAYNE MORSE,. United States is prepared for "unconditional
discussions" now was urgently needed, but
The Senate,
BOSTON, MASS., Washington, D.C. an important limitation was added.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I hope that you will President Johnson indicated that there
April 14, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: The issue is no not be fooled by President Johnson's Johns might be many ways to peace: "in discussion
longer war or peace in Vietnam. The men Hopkins speech. It does not offer uncondi- or negotiation with the governments eon-
who are advising the President want war tional negotiations, but only conditional the reaffirmation in large groups or in small ones; In
..with China, quickly, before they get atomic ones: that the Vietnamese National Libera- the reaffirmation of old agreements or their
weapons. This is the policy we must chal- tion Front give up all that they have been strengthening with new ones."
lenge and appose. fighting for for 20 years, before beginning to This broad statement, however, was im-
We'wih. not, build the Great Society on talk. Even Ho'Chi Minh does not call for mediately modified by Government spokes-
'the corpses of half a billion, Asians. L t us withdrawal of U.S. troops before the opening men who noted that the National Liberation
' for God's sake hold our of negotiations (New York Times of today) . Front (Vietcong) which controls well over
hands from a crime Please keep speaking out vigorously for real half the territory in South Vietnam is merely
worse thn anything Hitler ever dreamed negotiations an agent of North Vietnam and is therefore
of, I wonder if and peace' in South Vietnam. not entitled to sit at the conference table.
Sincerely yours, you would be so kind as to
pass this message on to your colleagues, Sen- Senator ERNEST GRUENING, of Alaska, charged
JOHN Hoar. ators GRUENING S4id k1IcGOVERN? April 9 that "the e refusal to concede that the
Thank you very much. fighting in South Vietnam is essentially a
STORKS, CONN., Sincerely, civil war and that to bring that fighting to a
April 13, 1965. STEVEN JONAS, M.D. halt it is necessary to discuss the issues with
Senator WAYNE MORSE, the principals-the Vietcong-is tantamount
Washington, D.C. [From the Friends Committee on National to retaining a precondition to' our willing-
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Please accept my Legislation, Action, Apr. '14, 1965] ness to negotiate." It is interesting to note
long ovedue thanks for your vigorous quarrel that the appeal of the 17 nonalined nations,
with the administration policy in southeast VIETNAM CRISIS MOVES TO NEW, MORE DANGER-
Asia. I disagree with y OUS PHASE to which President Johnson was responding
you on a couple of in his Johns Hopkins speech, was delivered
important points, but if it weren't for peo- President Johnson's speech to the Nation, to the National Liberation Front as well as
ple like you and Senator GRUENING there's April 7, marked a watershed in American North Vietnam, China, and others, thus indi-
no telling what would have happened to the public opinion on the war in Vietnam. cating a neutral view that the NLF is a real
entire body of dissenting opinion. Thanks Whether it will have any real effect in alter- party in interest.
again, and please keep it up. tag the escalating course of the war there 3. The President's proposal for an "inde-
Sincerely, remains to be ,seen. - pendent South Vietnam" clarified U.S. .goals
JAMES BAKER HALL, In past military-political crises,._the figure but does not make a settlement easy to
of the American eagle with- a bundle of ar- achieve. In his speech he suggested the
RANCOCAS, N.J., rows in one claw, and an olive branch ,la essentials of a final settlement: "an inde-
April 14, 1965. the other has symbolized the national policy pendent South Vietnam-securely guaran-
Senator WAYNE MORSE, of arming to parley, of negotiating from teed and able to shape its own relationships
Senate Office Building, strength, and preparing for war In order to to all others, free from outside interference,
Washington, D.C. secure peace. - tied to no alliance, a military base for no
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Ever since having What has so distressed many in the pub- other country." \
heard the commencement address you deliv- lie, in Congress, and in the press is that The goal of an independent South Viet-
ered at, "George School, Pennsylvania, back in since February 7 when the policy of retalia- nam is not consistent with the Geneva Ac-
1961 (if my memory is accurate) I have been tion and escalation in North Vietnam began, cords of 1954. Those accords referred to the
impressedwith your ability as a statesman. the United States has emphasized military 17th parallel as a provisional military de-
Let me now tell, you how grateful I have policy in Vietnam almost exclusively. Only marcation line and contemplated general
been for your opposition to the adminis- after 2 months of strong and increasing pub- elections in 1956 to bring about the uniflca-
tration's course in, Vietnam. Surely your lie pressure, plus adverse reaction to the use tion of North and South Vietnam. Those
story should be"added to the other "Profiles of gas and the loss of much support from elections were opposed by the United States
in Courage." It does seem incredible that, allied and nonalined nations, did President and South Vietnam and not pressed by North
in this nuglear age, war is still used as an Johnson come to the traditional "arrows Vietnam. They were never held. Former
instrument of policy. Aren't there enough and olive branch" policy. President Eisenhower states in his book,
thinking people in this Nation to change The President's comments on U.S. willing- "Mandate for Change," that Communist Ho
our present collision course? Or must we ness to negotiate and to aid the region eco- Chi Minh was a popular national leader who
just sit back -and aWait the holocaust., nomically drew the applause of many of his would have received 80 percent of the vote
,You avg expressed so well the fact, that previous critics, such as the New York Times; in Vietnam during the war with the French.
our presence in this area is wrong, that the Senator FRANK CHURCH, of Idaho; and Sen- On the timetable for withdrawal of U.S.
whol@ arell shguJ
p0rvision. I 4 be,under,internatlonal su- ator GEORGE McGovERN, of South Dakota. At troops, President Johnson said in his formal
be,l evy,? most Americans agree. the same time they drew the fire of some who reply on April 8 to the 17 nation appeal that
'What can y+e, do further to -help? had Supported his nn-negotiae ,,
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7858 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE April 21, 1965
the people of South Vietnam can determine that it can overthrow, by. covert means, a
their own future free from external interfer- non-Communist government of an emerging
ante .. nation even when the United States aids that
4. The President indicated the United government. ,
States will continue its policy of bombard- Senator WAYNE MORSE has charged that
ment of North Vietnam without letup. He there are those in the Pentagon who propose
thus rejected the advice of Canadian Prime that the United States bomb Chinese nuclear
Minister Lester Pearson who had urged a installations and he has predicted this may
pause in the air attack, and of Senator happen within 4 months. Such a step would
GEORGE MCGOVERN, of South Dakota, who had be a, moral and political catastrophe of im-
urged a 2-week moratorium. manse proportions for the United States.
Since the President's April 7 speech, U.S. Lasting peace in Asia can only be promoted
air attacks on North Vietnam have con- by intensive and direct negotiations between
tinued and increased in intensity. Over that the United States, China, and other involved
2-month period these attacks have escalated parties to achieve political settlements, a
In the sense that more and more vital targets comprehensive test ban treaty and major
such as bridges and roads are now being hit steps toward world disarmament. The Viet-
and the bombs are falling closer and closer to namese war only makes more difficult and
Hanoi. While this policy was supposed to postpones the day when these wide-ranging
bring the North Vietnamese Government to talks between the United States and China
the conference table, indications are that must begin.
there is even less willingness to negotiate now 7. Although the President suggested that
than 2 months ago. U.N. Secretary General U Thant could play
U.S. military policy In Vietnam has seemed a useful role in initiating the economic de-
to be a military juggernaut inexorably gath- velopment program, he did not call upon the
ering speed. There seems to be no readiness Secretary General, or the U.N., or other third
within the administration to halt this esca- parties for their mediating service or other
lating bombardment, even briefly, in order good offices.
to create an atmosphere in which Hanoi In this difficult Situation, the intercession
could indicate a readiness to talk. and mediation by third parties ought to be
5. Continued U.S. bombing of North Viet- sincerely welcomed and actively encouraged
nam violates the United Nations Charter, ac- by the United States. All the countries of
cording to Senators WAYNE MORSE, JOSEPH the world have a direct and immediate in-
CLARK, and ERNEST GRnENrxc. Article 2, sec- terest in restoring peace and stability in
in their international relations from the
threat or use of force against the territorial
integrity or political independence of any
state, or in any other manner inconsistent
with the purposes of the United Nations."
Article 33 states: "The parties to any dis-
pute, the continuance of which is likely to
endanger the maintenance of international
peace and security, shall, first of all, seek a
solution by negotiation, inquiry, mediation,
conciliation " * ? or other peaceful means
of their own choice." This section, which
the United States has signed, would clearly
seem to require negotiation before bombing,
not after.
Under article 51, the United States re-
ported to the Security Council on February
7 that the bombing raids on North Vietnam
were "defensive action." Article 51 provides
that: "Nothing in the present Charter shall
impair the inherent right of individual or
collective self-defense if an armed attack
occurs against a Member of the United Na-
tions, until the Security Council has taken
measures necessary to maintain interna-
tional peace and security. Measures taken
by Members in the exercise of their right of
self-defense shall be immediately reported to
the Security Council."
South Vietnam is an observer, but not a
Member of the United Nations. The impli-
cation of United States -reporting to the Se-
curity, Council is that it feels the United
the United States could make which might
brighten the prospects for a settlement in-
cluding, for example:
(a) An end to the bombing of North Viet-
nam and U.S. troops movements to South
Vietnam;
(b) A willingness to negotiate with the
NLF;
(c) A readiness to abide by the results of
a free and supervised election in South Viet-
nam and to support moves toward a reunified
Vietnam as proposed in the Geneva Ac-
cords of 1954; and
(d) Some indication that the United
States is prepared to begin extensive nego-
tiations with the People's Republic of China
on a broad range of issues.
There are difficulties involved in all courses
of action, but is it not better to come to
the conference table before rather than after
widespread violence and war?
CROWN POINT, IND.,
April 12, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE : Thank you for your
courageous stand on Vietnam.
Respectfully,
Mr. and Mrs. DAVID GRATNER.
APRIL 12, 1965.
HONORABLE SIR: May God's blessings be
upon you, for informing your people, on the
wrong being committed in Vietnam and the
threat to all mankind if this war is not con-
trolled. Peace, through negotiation is our
only hope. For it is only in peace can a war
against poverty and other ills be most ef-
fective. I fervently pray that our Nation
will take the lead in seeking peaceful solu-?
tions, as not only would we gain honor and
dignity-but all of the peoples on this earth
would be forever grateful. It could begin
with this Easter week-calling for a mora-
torium, as suggested by Lester Pearson
(Prime Minister of Canada). In the mean-
time-above all else-please keep on talking.
could he be expected to at this stage, the
amount of Vietcong participation in an in-
dependent South Vietnam Government.
Would the United States and South Vietnam
agree to NLF representation in the Cabinet?
If so, how many would there be? in what
posts? If South Vietnam Is to be an inde-
pendent country, would the United States
be prepared to see South Vietnam move, over
the course of a few years, to union with
North Vietnam-as envisaged by the original
Geneva accords of 19547 Would the United
States be prepared to support a Titoist type
government in Vietnam? These questions
ought to be faced and discussed openly in
the United States if there is to be any hope
for a negotiated solution in Vietnam.
On the Senate floor March 25, Senator
GEORGE AIxEN, of Vermont, stressed that
North Vietnam does not want to be a Chinese
satellite. Senator MIKE MANSFIELD, of Mon-
tana, noted that there has been more than
1,000 years of enmity between the Viet-
namese people and the "Chinese colossus to
the north."
In a little-noticed speech at Johns Hop-
kins, March 12, Senator J. W. FULBRIGHT, of
Arkansas, made a general remark relevant
to the situation in Vietnam: "I think we
ought to ask ourselves, hypothetically,
whether a Communist regime that loans
away from China is worse or better from the
viewpoint of our political and strategic in-
nam.- But since the beginning of the year, terests than a non-Communist state, such as
the United States has done nothing to can Indonesia or Cambodia, that leans toward
a session of the Security Council as is im- China."
plied in article $1. WHAT Of THE FDTUI1E?
6. President Johnson for the first time put Many close observers feel the U.S. posi-
his prestige behind the view that Mainland. tion in Vietnam is deteriorating rapidly.
China is a major party in the war in South In this situation it is felt that moves either
Vietnam. The President said: "Over this (a) to the conference table, or (b) toward
war-and all Asia-is another reality: The a major U.S. military involvement in Viet-
deepening shadow of Communist China, nasn will take place in the next month or
The rulers in Hanoi are urged on by Peiping. two. Military involvement could mean 300;
This is a regime which has destroyed freedom 000 to 1 million U.S. servicemen in Viet-
in Tibet, attacked India and been condemned nam, according to Hanson Baldwin of the
by the United Nations for aggression in New York Times, vastly increased draft calls,
Korea. It is a nation which is helping the huge new military appropriations, and a
forces of violence in almost every continent. possible spreading of the conflict to other
The contest in Vietnam is part of a wider areas such as Korea and even beyond.
pattern of aggressive purpose." Given the current position of the Viet-
For some time, Secretary of Defense Robert tong, Hanoi and Peiping, the steps to the
McNamara has been arguing publicly that conference table are not easy and the nego-
Communist China is the real enemy and tinting process may be difficult, frustrat-
that China is seeking to prove to the world ing and complex. But there are moves which
MY DEAR
your stand
nam war.
KALAMAZOO, MICH.,
April 13, 1965.
SENATOR: I certainly agree with
against escalation of the Viet-
Further, any talk of bombing China would
be sheer folly. It would be an open act of
war.
Keep up the good work.
Respectfully,
HERBERT A. TOMPKINS,
Secretary, Michigan Fellowship
of Reconciliation.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
New Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Thank you for your
stand for peace in Vietnam. In order for a
nation to stand there must be some righteous
and peace-loving people in its land. Again
my prayers are with you and thank you for
your efforts.
Sincerely,
Los ANGELES, CALIF..
April 10, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR Moass: You, singularly, de-
serve the thanks of your fellow citizens for
a valiant and effective battle against foreign
aid-that coercive taxation which is pro-
liferated upon barren foreign fields, their dic-
tators and tribal chiefs.
We admire your courage in challenging the
epileptic policy in southeast Asia. Truly, it
is an American tragedy when a President
arrogates the power of Congress to wage wax
in order to mask his blunders in foreign pol-
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Icy.. Can we or will the history tell a boy, If so, I certainly would like to receive one.
Whose father was sent to ,Korea or .South Thank you.
Vietnam, to dle, that his father trp,ly died for Yours truly,
his country and that he did not die in vain? MANVEL PEDRO GONZALEZ.
Senator MoRs;, it appears to me that the
only way to check the warring power of the ELMONT, N.Y.
executive Is .to Introduce a constitutional Senator WAYNE MORSE.
amendment to limit the President's term of HONORABLE SIR: As a loyal and Government
offlee to the terln._in which, he, Wages war. employed citizen, I wish to express my deep-
Sincerely yours, est admiration for your views on the present
MICHAEL VERSA, Jr.. Vie nam crisis.- The, little amount I have
d
rea
of your attitude about the above has
APRIL 13, 1965. given me great satisfaction in that our coun-
DEAR SIR: Although I am not one of your try is blessed in having you as a representa-
constituents,I admire keenly your stand on tive in our Government.
the Issue of Vietnam, In reading the newspapers I find very little
And I urge you to keep up the good work. information about your speeches and views.
I have wired and, written the President, It seems to me that since you advocate a
protesting his heedless course, and, of course, more sensible and logical approach to many
have received no acknowledgment. things your avenues of making your views
Is the
e
sibil
, any pos
r
ity 'that the whole publicly aired by all mediums of information
issue could be put to a popular referendum? is held to the barest minimum. Even the
I'm asking the same question of my Con- great New York Times gives very little at-
gressman, GEORGE BROWN, JR. I believe the tention to your views or other similar at-
results of such.a referendum would be very titudes.
revealing. According to what I read, public I am most interested in reading all about
opinion is running high against not only this your speeches, views, and other points that
reckless, ruinous escalation, but involvement will give me great pleasure in knowing you
at all. We should get out. better. May I please request material about
Sincerely, the. above or Information where I might at-
JACQUELINE D. TuNBERG. taro then}.
Very truly yours,
JAMAICA, N.Y., BENJAMIN HOCH.
April 13, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building, Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Washington, D.C. Senate Office Building,
DEAR SENATOR: It seems that you and a Washington D C
I thing if, the people who elected the Presi-
dent, myself included, were to vote today,
handful of other,. Senators are the only sane We support the ceasefire Vietnam and im-
people in Washington these days with regard mediate application of U Thant's formula for
to our Vietnam policy. negotiations.
Keep up the pressure on the administra- Dr. IRwIN HOFFMAN, M.D.
tion.
We're behind you INn.
Very truly y 100 percent. -
ours, Thank you and the few others who are
try- ARTHUR EDELSTEIN. lug to extricate?ls.frgm thecrazy Vietnam
war, WQ are', dead wrong over there and
SILVER STRING, MD. could weln.use ail ouravallable funds for bet-
April 13, 1965. ter purpose than establishing fake govern-
HOri
WAYNE MOR
.
SE, ments in other lands.
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
he Would be in_for a surprise.
Sincerely yours,
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: We have read in the SANTA MARIA, CALIF.,
Baltimore Sun A portion of your April 8 April 9, 1965.
speech on the Vietnam crisis, and want to Senator WAYNE MORSE.
tell you how much we agree with your views- DEAR SIR: Thank you for your courage in
Yours sincerely, keeping up the tight to get out of Vietnam.
ALICE M. ALT.
BOLTON, MASS.,
April 13, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C. _ M
DEAR SENATOR ORSE: I heartily support
your stand against the war in Vietnam.
Legally and morally, our position there is
indefensible,
I am going to Washington this weekend
with thousands of. others from all over the
country, to try to make my protest against
Pentagon madness visible.
Sincerely yours,
WILLIAM H. CARY, Jr.
WELLESLEY, MASS.,
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Permit me to con-
gratulate you. Your courageous campaign
against our cruel, immoral, and disgraceful
yrar, against a s}nu,l country located 10,000
t11iles away, is most commendable, and worthy
of admiration and support.
Today, the_NeW ,York Times devotes only
four inches of. ;ong, gplumn to your speech
of day ' before, yesterday In Ohio. Do you
have copies of this speech for distribution?
DEAR SIR: It is with great admiration and
hope that I was privileged to listen once again
to your words of reason and logic concern-
ing our unwarranted military presense in
South Vietnam.
You and Senator GaUENLNG, of Alaska, give
courage to all those of us who believe that
might is not always right.
I am speaking for myself and family, am
.78 years of age and believe In peace.
Sincerely yours,
.......Mrs.LUDMILLAO. SALK.
APRIL 10, 1965.
DEAR MR. MORSE: You're fantastic in urg-
ing the United States to get out of Vietnam.
Don't give up. Keep trying, even if our
cause might be hopeless.
I read your statements in printed material
published by the War Registers League and
the American Friends Service Committee.
The United States is not humane while
we remain in Vietnam.
Respectfully,
MISS ROBIN VELTE,
Uniyer ity,,o/California, Santa. parbara._
7$59
WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY,
St. Louis, April 9, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I want to thank you
from the bottom of my heart for your
courageous stand on our Government's Viet-
nam policy. I am convinced that if our
foreign policy was made by men like yourself
it would be a far better world for all of us.
Your courage in speaking out again and again
despite the pressures you must feel to change
your views or remain silent is an example for
all-of us and a reminder that there is hope
for democracy.
Sincerely yours,
WILLIAM M. BOOTHBY.
NEW YORK, N.Y.,
April 9, 1965.
DEAR MR. MORSE: Thank you for fine efforts
for a cease-fire in Vietnam.
Negotiations--not war.
Thank you.
PEARL A. LAFORCE.
APRIL 1, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR WAYNE MORSE: I join with
Pope Paul VI and U.N. Secretary General U
Thant in urging:
An immediate cease-fire in Vietnam.
A conference of all nations to negotiate
peace.
Please continue to work toward these ends.
Yours truly,
CHICAGO, ILL.,
April 13, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: In refusing to rec-
ognize the war in Vietnam as a civil war, our
Government is committing the same error
as the racial bigots in this country. Unless
the people of South Vietnam have a real voice
in their government, no amount of military
or financial aid can bring about peace.
Sincerely yours,
Mrs. RAMONA SCHUTT.
ENUMCLAW, WASH.,
April 5, 1965.
DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: Our presence in Viet-
nam has neither moral nor legal justifica-
tion.
Our actions there are contrary to all our
declared principles.
We should get out.
C. K. STEDMAN, Ph. D.,
Research Consultant.
OconOMowoc, WIsc.,
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: The press, and the
younger Members of Congress tossed-their
hats in the air over a few crumbs of peaceful
talk from the President's table at Johns Hop-
kins, but I am pleased to see that you re-
mained calm amid the tumult. The refusal
of the United States to face the fact that
this is a civil war which in fact has been
lost, not by us, but by the 21-odd Saigon
governments we have leagued ourselves with
leaves things pretty much the way they were
before the President launched his equivocal
peace overtures.
I'm enclosing a news article which ap-
peared in French in the Paris paper, Le Fig-
aro Litteraire, written by Max Clos. It is
not that Clos has said anything that has
not been reported before in the better news
media here and abroad, but he does say
it pungently, and also throws some light
on how the Saigon government's defeat has
come about, and what program and future
the Vietcong are holding out to the people
of Vietnam.
The guerrilla war professionals in the U.S.
Government have spent so much time por-
ing over the propaganda of Mao and General
Clkap that they have: swallowed the Commu-
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7860 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE April 21, 1 V 65
Hit line that South Vietnam represents a X used his fingers to show the number of off the This of course was not company
rs particularly
model for Communist insurgency against dead, saying, "This was the result." girls.
counterinsurgency, and that if a Viet- "The truth is," he said, sipping a cup of decent, but n decenconnection and a' is there any-betw cong government comes to power in Saigon, coffee, "That the game is up. We are fed up The Amen dece, on the other hand, have
shaky governments all over the world will with this war now, and no one wants to pro-
topple. Shaky governments don't need a long the kiiliag. Take me. I've been in the tried to introduce puritan morality in Viet-
domino to push them over. They all will army for 20 years. If I were given a choice nam and the American way of life. At the
fall of their own weight without popular between stars and a discharge, I'd take the doors of hotels restricted to Americans there
support and a sound domestic program. discharge without a moment's delay. You are signs reading: "Women are forbidden to
The flames of war inevitably and tragically know wars are not won with men who think enter." Their food comes directly from the
osealed ne of pac ag . Ameec
can only leap higher and higher unless Wash- of only one thing: to become civilians smites written In by better
Ington will start base its on a againn."
mental image of of the e South Vietnam of 1965 The relations between Vietnamese and war correspondents describes the Vietnamese
mental
that has some basis in reality. It would be American officers are cool, not to use a worse war. It is all a matter of bad odors, of food
nice if we could go back to 1954 and have term. The Vietnamese are critical of the contaminated by the natives, and of the re-
another go at it, but unless we think we - Americans for understanding little or noth- sulting stomach aches. In short, it is a hell
are some kind of gods this faculty is not ac- ing about this war. The Americans often from which each American is eager to escape. in m corded us in either our private or our public a als, find their officers tmedioce,aand their silk jackets on which youtcan reads mbroi--
lives. dered in yellow letters: "When I the I shall, go
I think Clos' piece and Stanley Hoffman's soldiers without stomach for combat.
letter in the New York Times of April 10 But it is certainly not a matter of the straighthtoheaven. I Camau have put the send.
complement each other nicely. They are Vietnamese lacking physical courage. At the ~ ohs peninsula a another at the south
tt nd
both charming and lucid, qualities which end of the first Indochinese war, practically didn't like Vietnam . I asked him
seem hard to come by in discussions of Viet- all of the French units were half "yellow," that
where he a dids' ke b .
Ham. We can only hope that the still small and most of the officers would agree that "At Were was stationed
voices of reason heard here will gradually combat operations were first rate. The Viet- "Were things better there?"
swell to a mighty roar which will make the cong who attack well-defended positions, are awhile. "You
know, things frowned andd thoughougrht for here than in the
Selma uproar seem like only a mild breeze. exposed to heavy artillery fire and to the He
MOLLYSEALY. government's air power, undergo at times States."
P.S: Please give Clos' article what circu- frightful ordeals, and always display real Viet-
Ham " 25,like000 0 Ammeericacan n ad advisers At live ive in, o, et-
lation you think it merits. courage, if not fanaticism. Their opponents The
admire them for their courage. And these example, the in ."
headquarters for one of the
VIzrNAm men, with the exception of a small majority four military districts, it's like this, At staff
(By Max Clos) who have come down from the North, are peasants of Indochina who have got their headquarters every Vietnamese office is dup-
(Translated from Le Figaro Litteraire, No. training at places only miles from the Amer- licated by an American opposite number.
984, Mar. 3, 1965, M. Kealy) lean training centers In South Vietnam. At 5 p.m. it's closing time, and the Americans
The bar on the fifth floor of the Hotel What then is the explanation of the com- return immediately to their compound at the
Majestic in Saigon overlooks the harbor. At bat inefficiency of the government forces? edge of the city. It is a big camp ringed
with barbed wire and protected by Vietnam-
of the in t a few years tn this war will be over, ese guards. The lowest private is entitled
can from time to time muffled explosions
ran . heard from the other er side the will be seen the American defeat in t, of his own furnished with a re-
shoots From time to time a brilliant t flare Vietnam was caused sed by two things. First, to frigerator quarters and air conditioning. He has a
shoots up and glitters for some minutes. the guerrillas depend not merely on military - Shower with hot air conditioning.
A PX suppers him
What we have again Is a probe by a Vietcong training and professional skill, but also on shoe all that t cesire, from supplies him
patrol. the creation of warm personal ties between cream all record he can players n with whiskey is shaving
Some young American officers with crew- their men. Second, they make a detailed c e m to at ridiculously with skey be--all low .
cuts and with the red patch of their Viet- and exact analysis of the political and so- bar o30 brands to choose from. Every
a
namese parachute battalion tilted over the vial setting and climate in which the war is a new movie shown Eve
ear are drinking whiskey amid peals of carried on. In these two areas the second night offers r wide 8 screen there is color at a theater furnished
laughter. They are charming and just like Indochinese war is ending In an American with lounge chairs.
the French officers who 10 years ago were defeat. Vietnamese not tear they must eat American
exploits in the rice paddies and in the job, or, 13 YOU prefer, they perform their essey, but Americans and Vietnamese do
jungles. duty With conscientiousness. They serve not enjoy one another's company. I went to
Don't they know that this war is. lost, that with devotion and competence. But all the compound at Cantho with Colonel X
their deaths will accomplish nothing, that this is not enough. They are merely guerrilla whom I mentioned before. On leaving, he
their hardships are useless and their sacri- warfare professionals. The French when "I have a feeling these Americans
flee without point, that we have seen the they were here made of the Indochinese war said have to come me: "f"Im another planet"
start of the usual comedy of threatening a sentimental and romantic adventure. Then he tom no: eWhan I came out of
statements which are the prelude to settle- French officers and men fell in love with school in 1948, I was assigned to a French
meat talks? Probably not. It' is no doubt the country, infected with what Larteguy port unit. The first night at table I was
part of the charm of young officers that to aptly calls "the yellow sickness." They a little shy. I didn't know how to use a fork
the very end they do not realize that their played their part in a stirring adventure, very well. The CO was a naval lieutenant.
death in Vietnam will be futile. which, it is true, ended badly, but which He said to me: `Tell me, X, do you eat with a
The Cantho area 75 miles southwest of gave them a sense of glory. It was because fork, or a pitch-fork?' Afterwards, we made
Saigon is one of the most far gone of the of this that they were able to make con- the rounds of the girls together. With the
delta. A night operation Is in progress. For tact with the Vietnamese, to form emotional Americans there is no danger that anyone
3 days the Vietnamese battalion has ties with them, and to draw them into that will talk about anything of this kind. No
slogged through the mud without finding cruel adventure. Contrary to appearances, one goes to the girls anymore."
anything. Some villages were burnt, some there exist few peoples more passionate, more Now there is no objection to movies, hot
hundreds of seared peasants were terorrized, sentimental, and more sensitive than the
peoeratorsp. le Ex jcept oin this: is: If s ydou;
and to vary the menu a certain number of Vietnamese. They have a need to be loved, waterwant, to persuade and refrigerators.
u
chickens and black pigs which squeal unbe- The stiff ways of the American military, its Its not a good ito set up what your the
In n to
lievably shrilly have been commandeered. love for formality, its taste for following mill- eyes of a good idea ds Vietnamese soldiers appears
And then just when everyone thinks that it tary regulations to the letter greatly upset eyes luxury.
is all over the leading company is ambushed. the Vietnamese. The Vietnamese can't excessive confused, Nguyen, a Vietnam-
In a flash: 8 dead and 30 wounded. Night understand how a military- order can be 'Afore or less s the second class, tVie him-
has fallen. Nearby the day's dead, already treated as anything else but a topic for de- es e I Joe 's not normal to see people en.-
turned gray, are piled up under canvas. I bate and discussion. In this they found that self e gaged that the same war to se in such an
was seated at the aide of an old friend, a the French often shared their point of view, He not only sthis to
colonel in the Vietnamese army. Let us call This divergence in military philosophy cre- unequal al fashion. . Vietcong tell says to him.
him X. ates problems, and in the case of Vietnam it himself, e but communication is easy. There are women
,,The Americans," he said, "are jaunty fel- is evident that it has taken its toil.
lows, but they are inexperienced. Like a Intimate contact has never been estab- who act as messengers. They are the ones
young dog they wish to dig out everything. lished between the Vietnamese and the who spread the good word. They have only
The sad thing is that here the war does not Americans. The French, spellbound with simple things to explain. This, for example :
obey the rules of the textbooks, and of the the exotic, took up the Vietnamese way of "The Americans. which you see down there
manuals. My last corporal knew perfectly life. They were delighted with Chinese in their well-lit compounds are the masters.
well that if we went in a certain direction soups flavored with exotic ingredients, they As for you, you are poorly fed and poorly
we would find a `bone: My people were not smoked opium, they organized riproaring paid. You are going to die for them-and
eager to go, but the Americans insisted." parties with their yellow friends; and topped for nothing."
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April 21, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
Nguyen gets 1,750 piastres a month, about
$18. His lieutenant receives a salary of $80.
Eighteen dollars is not a small sum in Viet-
nam, but Nguyen thinks he would be more
useful in his own village. Biit, it's not only
a dAestion of this. Theoretically he is
drafted for 3 years, but this is already the
5th year he's been in uniform. The war con-
tinually gets harder. The Vietcong continu-
ally are better armed. Life for him is very
tough. The Vietcong propaganda says: "Why
do you fight us? The war will eventually
,end. The Americans will leave. Go over the
hill now, or do not fight when you are at-
tacked. Keep still, and nothing will happen
to you."
Nguyen, to say the least, is upset. He
knows his village Is controlled by the Viet-
cong. He knows also that if he is wounded,
he will be poorly cared for because there is
a scarcity of doctors and medicine. More-
over, the military hospitals are crowded with
wounded. They are stacked four and five
high under the tarpaulins which extend the
roofs of the hospitals. The wounded pain-
fully line up to go to the latrines which are
always jammed and to get a drink of water
at the scarce fountains. Nguyen knows also
that if he loses an arm or a leg, he will be
left without any chance to make a living-
and he Is not more than 20. So, sometimes,
when he is on guard around the compound
of the big-shot Americans with their laughter
ringing in his ears, he asks himself what he
will do if the Vietcong attack.
The Americans :are bitter. They have been
disillusioned by Vietnam. They say: "These
,,people are incomprehensible. We come here
to save them from Communist slavery, and
they couldn't care less."
The Americans carry with them their al-
-most insane horror of communism. They
apply here all the fatuous ideas they have
on the subject in the States. For them the
problem-is simple: The Vietnamese are di-
vided neatly into two groups, the Vietcong
and the anti-Vietcong, that is, the pro and
the anti-Communists. These two groups, by
t but
c
n
i
an
t
o
a
no
d his
ory,
g
c
the iron law of l
hate each other, and fight each other to the dressed like a peasant, in black calico and
death. with sandals cut from an old tire. He makes
This is unfortunately a mental picture his rounds in his district on foot, walking
which in Vietnam has little basis in reality. along the public roads. You can be sure of
In the first place because the pro- and anti- one thing: he is not on the back of the peo-
Vietcong are not isolated from each other. ple getting rich.
There hardly exists in Vietnam a single fam- When the Vietcong began their revolution
fly which is not divided between the two in 1959 and 1960, it was opened with a wave
ractions. It is rare that a Government minis- of terrorism. In isolated places, in hamlets,
ter or general does not have one or more rela- then in villages and cities, officials and pri-
lives more or less close to him on the other vate persons loyal to Saigon were assassi-
dde. Between the two sides of the family nated. Government propaganda strove
the ties are not out. News is exchanged, and mightily to exploit these facts to arouse popu-
;ometimes, visits. It is necessary also to take lar indignation. This backfired. It was un-
nto account the problem of nationalism derstood too late that in most cases the
rhich complicates things even more. On this peasants had fearlessly helped in the brutal
core ambiguity existed all during the first liquidation of the men on whose death the
Tietnamese war. Large numbers of anti- Saigon Government was basing its case. in-
stead of murderers, the terrorists were con-
ainh nevertheless in order to get independ- sidered dispensers of justice.
nee for,their country. Today there is a 'bit All this was not exactly an unplanned re-
f the same problem. The continuous line of action. The Vietcong do not leave anything
'ietcong propaganda is that the Americans to chance.. The heart of their system is al-
ave stepped into the shoes of the French, ways to explain the reasons for the course of
sat national independence is again in jeop- action they adopt. Before killing a man they
rdy, that the Vietcong fight chiefly to end explain at length, repeating tirelessly the
ie interference of the foreigner. You have same arguments, giving the reasons for which
be pretty ignorant of the Vietnamese to the victim must be punished. And they don't
imagine that this line of argument does not stop there. The population too must repeat
carry weight. the arguments, learn them by heart, and tell
Officially, the American intervention has everyone about them. The Vietcong want
for its objective "the fight against commu- the people themselves to demand the punish-
nism." This is a notion which to the Viet- ment of the guilty. And no one is satisfied
namese peasants means absolutely nothing. with mere lipservice.
The Vietcong never mention the subject of The difference between the two Vietnams,
communism. They don't present themselves official Vietnam, that of the Saigon Govern-
,as the exponents of an ideology. The whole ment, and the real Vietnam, that of the Viet-
thing is infinitely more simple than that. tong, is undoubtedly here. The Vietcong is
Their political staff doesn't hold meetings a great, perfectly oiled machine which or-
of the peasants to conduct seminars In poli- ganizes the people after winning their inner
No. 70-6
tical theory. What they do is propose con-'
crete solutions to. concrete problems. These
problems are not difficult to state. They are,
in the order of their importance, the return
of peace, the reestablishment of law and
order, and better management of public
affairs.
What the Vietcong leaders say to the peas-
ants, and what all the officials down the line
repeat, is this:
"You have nothing to pay to the landlords
who have taken refuge in Saigon. The land
belongs to the man who farms It. Don't
worry, if someone tries to persecute you,
we will protect you."
. When, under Diem, the program of stra-
tegic hamlets was tried, the Vietcong argued:
"Don't let yourselves be locked up in dis-
guised concentration camps. No one has
the right to force you to leave your homes.
Resist. We will help you. If you can't help
it, cooperate, but help us later to destroy the
hamlets."
When the Government tries to draft, the
Vietcong tells the parents: "Don't let your
children go. The Saigon government wants
them to be killed to advance the objectives
of the Americans. Hide them. In an emerg-
ency, send them to the areas we hold. We
will make use of them."
The families with boys in service are told:
"Have them desert, and no harm will come to
them. If they don't we will be forced to kill
them."
In a revolutionary period, propaganda is
worthless if it does not put out a concrete
--a.ction program. The Vietcong tells the
population: "You are oppressed by corrupt
men representing a government which has
sold out to a foreign country."
On hearing this the peasants look around.
The chief of the province appointed by the
Saigon Government lives in a big house,
drives a Mercedes, and loads his wife with
jewelry. The Governor is a man of impor-
tance who is approached with deference, pro-
tected by police, soldiers, and assistants. His
Vietcong opposite number can be seen every
day. He Is out among the people. He is
7861
conviction, after becoming master of their
heart and head. The Saigon Government also
has tried to win over the people. This was
under Diem, but it was all a matter of exter-
nals. I was well acquainted with Ngo Dinh
Nhu, the brother of the dead President. He
was the regime's man of theory. He was
obsessed with the idea of having at his com-
mand, as the Vietcong does, an army of fanat-
ical partisans who would go from village to
village, from man to man, doing the kind of
work the Vietcong has done. He never could
develop a corps of this kind, however, because
there are no competent people of this kind
who side with the Saigon Government, and
he didn't have time to create them.
With the fall ofiDiem the Vietcong machine
preempted this field of activity. One Saigon
government after another fell. There was a
confusing succession of heads of state and
commanders in chief. There was a con-
tinual turnover of important civil and mili-
tary officials who were killed, jailed, silenced,
fired, and recalled.
The people have this picture to look at.
On one side there is a real government, law
and order, and responsible people. On the
other side, chaos, anarchy, and disorder. The
people chose those who had won the contest.
Against this bombs and strafing mean
nothing.
If the National Liberation Front imposed
itself by clever propaganda and by profes-
sional leadership, it also offered a political
program designed to win adherence.
The Vietnamese are by nature distrustful
and sensitive to possible trickery. They
don't swallow naively the arguments of the
Vietcong leaders. They know perfectly well
what they have to fear from the installation
in South Vietnam of a government compar-
able to the one imposed by the Vietminh on
North Vietnam. They don't want a govern-
ment of that kind at any price. They pas-
sionately want two things: First, not to be
subjected to the North Vietnamese Govern-
ment which they detest, and second, not to
see installed in the south a political and
economic system less humane than that of
Hanoi.
The National Liberation Front, with the
approval of Hanoi, gives pleasing assurances
on all of these different points. First, it
stresses that it is a question of a front, and
not of a single party. It's not the Marxist
Party alone, but the Popular Revolutionary
Party-a party made up of 20 other groups.
It is therefore necessary to make out the
Popular Revolutionary Party plays an essen-
tial role in the conduct of the struggle, but
it is known that neither the president nor
the secretary of the front are members of the
Popular Revolutionary Party, and that only
one of the front's five vice presidents is
affiliated with the Popular Revolutionary
Party.
The program of the front is one that could
not be more reassuring. To read it, it is
for a sort of liberal Socialist government.
It is precise in providing for the retention
of the right to private property, that private
industry and commerce will be encouraged,
that the property of French citizens will be
protected. In foreign affairs, diplomatic re-
lations will be established with all countries
"without distinction as to political system."
Economic, cultural, and technical aid will
be sought from countries "having different
political systems." It is the same as saying
that Vietnam will be a friend of the United
States. Lastly, the separate existence of
South Vietnam is promised. On reunifica-
tion of the two Vietnams the program says:
"The question will be determined by the two
parts * * * subject to the proviso that one
part will not swallow up the other."
All observers are in agreement on one
point: The program and the conduct of the
National Liberation Front have won it the
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD SENATE April 21, 1965
adherence, enthusiastic or resigned, of a
very large part of the Vietnamese population.
This is a fact which becomes particularly
clear when one interviews middle class and
intellectual people in Saigon. One of them
summarizes the problem in this way: "We
have a choice between two solutions: to wage
an endless war while every day placing our-
selves more at the mercy of the Americans,
and without any guarantee that this will
end in aelearcut victory, or categorically to
demand the end of the war and trust to the
good faith of the National Liberation
Front's leaders and to their willingness to
carry out a program which to us appears
acceptable."
Before that vast majority who above all
want peace and the fulfillment of their
hopes, there is one minor obstacle: some
generals who command troops ready to die
like the troops of all ages. There is also
a major obstacle presented by the open
intervention of the United States in the
Indochinese war. One thing at least is sure:
the fiction that American military power
has been introduced upon demand of a
people fighting communism no longer holds
today.
Senator MORSE, as Senator from Oregon
and a welcome critic of the official policy in
Vietnam, I particularly want you to read a
copy of my letter to the President:
SAN Jost, COSTA RICA,
April 11, 1965.
President LYNDON B. JOHNSON,
The White House,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: I want to thank you
for your on-the-whole, excellent speech at
Johns Hopkins offering a new resolution to
the Vietnam crisis.
I am thrilled with the offer of an extensive
development plan for southeast Asia which
is to be cooperative in nature and to be ad-
ministered by the U.N. The sum of $1
billion seems adequate to do the job and is
certainly generous. I approve of your nam-
ing Secretary of 'the U.N., U Thant, as a man
who would be in a particularly good posi-
tion to know the problems and to bring a
peaceful solution to this strife-torn area. I
was very pleased to have you call upon all
the countries of the U.N. to participate in
the plan, including Russia.
However, I was not entirely pleased by all
of your speech, by any means. You stated
that U.S. forces will remain in South Viet-
nam so that the people of that country will
be governed as they wish. I believe that
until the whole Vietnam area is neutralized,
both North Vietnam and South Vietnam,
and all foreign soldiers and equipment are
removed from the area--which means Ameri-
can, as well as other-then there will be no
hope for a democratic government there.
There certainly is not such a government in
South Vietnam-now. Walter Lippmann has
pointed out that even the military dictator-
ship which is now functioning in South
Vietnam only counts the large centers of
population under its control and not the
open countryside. When we examine Ameri-
can reasons for being in Vietnam, we find
them full of superficial thinking and con-
fusion.
I believe that your insistence in the Johns
Hopkins speech of continuing air raids
against North Vietnam is part of the con-
fusion of U.S. policy toward Vietnam. You
offer peace and bountiful self-development
with one hand and armed destruction with
the other. Which policy is the real policy?
Which is what you really paean?
It is time to decide for the peaceful policy
of construction with the help of U Thant and
the U.N. It is time to face the futility and
foolishness of continuing an aggressive mili-
tary policy in southeast Asia. Such a policy
can only stave off the day when you have to
come to terms with mainland China on a
live-and-let-live policy for southeast Asia.
Very truly yours,
Mrs. CHESTER M. PATTERSON, Jr.
SAN DIEGO, CALIF.,
April 13, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senator ERNEST GRUENING, -
Senator FRANC CHURCH.
DEAR SENATORS: You deserve the deep ap-
preciation and utmost support from every
citizen, for your efforts to end the disgraceful
war in Vietnam. If only the true facts could
be presented to everyone, through our mass-
communication media, then the war would
end tomorrow. Forgive me for not writing
three separate, individual letters to each of
you, but there are so many letters of protest
(not commendation), that I must send to
those who favor the administration's insane
"escalation" policy.
No doubt your mail is heavy, so I will be
brief. I am enclosing a copy of a letter which
I wrote to President Johnson (before his re-
cent double-talk speech). Part of his speech
seemed conciliatory, but his actions show
that he is still following the advice of Gold-
water and the military strategists.
I am writing this letter while in a mood of
despair and near desperation. Many of my
friends say I am just wasting time, sending
protest letters to President Johnson, Dean
Rusk, McGeorge Bundy, etc., that the ball is
rolling too fast now towards big general war
for everyone to stop it. If President Johnson
will not listen to the advice of wise, principled
statesmen such as MORSE, GRUENING, and
CHURCH, then there is no chance that an
ordinary citizen can make his voice heard.
But, somehow the voices of protest must
not be silenced. I have never before taken
part in any demonstration, or march for
peace or civil rights or anything. But now-
now perhaps there is still time for me to take
a plane to Washington and join those who
will be marching to end the Vietnam war, on
April 17.
Please do not allow the war hawks to
silence you and I pray that the list of legis-
lators who support your views will grow big-
ger and bigger. Now I must hurry. I will
write protest letters while in Washington.
Most sincerely,
SAN DIEGO, CALIF.,
April 4, 1965.
President LYNDON B. JOHNSON,
The White House,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: It is not easy for an
American citizen who loves his country
dearly, to speak out critically against actions
taken by his President. Yet I cannot keep
silent about the horrifying, impractical, and
indefensible (both morally and legally) ac-
tions which are now being carried out in
Vietnam by the U.S. Government.
Last fall I was one of many trusting citi-
zens who really believed that you fully in-
tended to take positive steps toward dis-
engagement in South Vietnam, just as soon
as the elections were over. Yes, millions of
us ordinary citizens believed your campaign
statements and we gave you the "mandate
for peace" that you asked for. But now-
now you are embracing, and carrying out, the
worst aspects of Goldwaterism.
Why, just think how terrible-to be sucked
into a long, hopeless war such as France
tackled for 8 years? What if our casualties
should equal those suffered by France? Also
the end result- would be the same. Are we
in South Vietnam at the request of a freely
elected and popular government? We do not
need a beachhead in southeast Asia anymore
than we need a beachhead In Korea, as the
advent of nuclear power and ICBM's has
made such beachheads obsolete. We have
had about 55,000 soldiers guarding the 38th
parallel for 15 years. It would take three or
four times that many soldiers to guard the
frontiers of South Vietnam, if we should win
and then would the Pentagon be satisfied?
And would the South Vietnamese people
then be allowed to have the free elections
that were promised them in the Geneva
agreements, or would we find another Diem?
Then the military strategists would increase
pressure on Cambodia and Laos, saying that
we must make the "domino theory" operate
in reverse. Then Russia and China would
patch up their differences and we would face
worldwide nuclear war.
Mr. President, I sincerely believe that you
really want to be a good President and to be
remembered in our history books as a man of
peace. But you are under tremendous pres-
sure. As Columnist Marquis Childs wrote it
the Republican. San Diego Tribune on Apri:
1, 1965:
"While he [Goldwater] approved the step,-
taken to carry the war to North Vietnam, h(
went on to say he had a terrible feeling that
turning tail and coming home is what tht
Johnson administration has in mind. It
short he [Goldwater] was identifying th(
political trap, and if his opponent of las
November should fall into it, he will is
heard from loud and long."
Mr. President have you forgotten that thin
man's views were repudiated at the poM
overwhelmingly, just last November?
Yes, the Goldwaterites will howl loudly (ii
you turn away from suicidal war), but not
for long. A few Gallup polls will show that
the millions who voted for you will applaud
your courage, and will reelect you again, and
even more overwhelmingly. The moderate
Republicans would also applaud and only
the Goldwaterites would say you were turn-
ing tail but, if you continue to appease the
Goldwaterites then you will be handing them
a campaign issue on a silver platter. The
Republicans will soon begin to talk and act
like a peace party saying: "The Democrats
always get us into war. Eisenhower stopped
Truman's Korean war and now we must elect
Gov. George Romney as President so he can
stop Johnson's war in South Vietnam."
Mr. President, please listen to wise states-
men like Senators MORSE, GRUENING, and
CHURCH.
Sincerely,
J. L. MINER.
CLEVELAND, OHIO,
April 11, 1965.
To SENATOR WAYNE MORSE:
Re Vietnam.
THE PLAIN DEALER, CLEVELAND, OHIO,
To the EDrroR:
The President's speech re Vietnam we
eloquent but unrelated to reality.
If a resolution to declare war again=
North Vietnam were introduced in Congress
the American people would overwhelming)
oppose it.
The President is responsible for the deat
of every American boy killed in Vietnam i
his illegal, undeclared war there. Furthe
more the U.S. Congress has no right to plat
either the authority, or responsibility for w;
through resolutions, which give the Presidei
the equivalent of the warmaking pow(
which is granted only to the Congress by tl
U.S. Constitution. Granting the altruis
which prompts us to want to aid others, I
us not destroy our country in the proce;
For that is whatwe shall do, if we allow the
President to declare war.
By and large the Vietnamese people want
the Americans to get out of Vietnam. If we
virtually continue to go it alone in Vietnam,
for we are not a world police force, we shall
become embroiled in wars all over the world,
to the private delight of our allies, who
chuckle at our stupidity in sacrificing our
men for them in distant parts of the world.
We have no foreign policy except force. We
delude ourselves in thinking there Is no alter-
native. The first thing we should do is to
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April'2, x96G`OU~RESNECO $EN
get out of Vietnam forthwith and stop sacra- We have long come to expect courage and
acing the_ lives of our boys needlessly. By sanity from you on such vital matters as
getting out we shall not lose face, but we war and peace, and we are fortunate, indeed,
shall gain the respect of our allies. What our to have a man like you in the Congress,
enemies will say is meaningless and so much Sincerely yours,
tripe to be ignored. It is what we do that is JEROME ENNIS.
important.
We should certainly give our surplus food WESTPORT, CONN.,
and more to the hungry peoples of the world. April 5, 1965.
We should not force our presence where we' Senator WAYNE MORSE,
are not wanted, we with our high standard Senate Office Building,
:)f living, while they struggle to keep body Washington, D.C.
and soul together with their rice plantings. DEAR SENATOR MORSE:' I support your post'-'
Our first line of 4efense is not a battle line. tion on Vietnam most heartily. Negotia-
ill nations, wake up before we destroy the tion, through the U.N.,' and eventual with
world. All peace-loving nations join hands drawal of U.S. military'forces from-Vietnam
and work , , together, not just the United are policies for the long range-but an im-
States. mediate stop, in the escalation into North
$AaRY A. BLACIMAN, Vietnam is essential.
CLEVELAND, OHIO. I recently received a'copy` of .a Senate
speech from Senator Dono,' which, t believe;
ROSEVILLE, CALIF., completely distorts the Pacts of the situation.
April 8, 1965. Would, you please send ine material, 'such as
Senator WAYNE MORSE, articles you have written, or speeches you
ienate, Office Building, have given, with 'which to counter Senator
Vashington, D.C. DODD'S statements?
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I hope you will per- Sincerely yours,
alit a Californian to congratulate you on GERALD HARRISON,
tour consistent opposition to President John-
ion's policies in South Vietnam. I have just DEAR SENATOR: I fully support your views
,witnessed your reply to the President's speech on the Vietnam tragedy and have written
it John Hopkins University last night and letters to Senators CHURCH, GRUENING, and
Nish to state-for whatever It is worth-that MCGOVERN as well as President Johnson to
[ find myself in complete agreement with this effect. What else can one too?'
your remarks. Please send, if' possible, a copy of your
California would be fortunate jo have such, speech last week In Portland.
a main as you representing her in the Senate; Truly,
we have, unfortunately, no such man of your
yaliber. I have written my Representative
(HAROLD JOHNSON], and both my Senators
MAC WADDELL,
Naples, Fla.
about the, atrocities being carried out in MARSHALL, VA.,
the name of,democracy in' Vietnam; but all, April 2,1965.
=apparently, subscribe to the falling dominoes Senator WAYNE MORSE,
fallacy, U.S. Senate,
.Both, my wife and I want to express our Washington, D.C.
appreciation of your efforts and to beg you DEAR SENATOR MORSE: It has been some
to continue in your search for a foreign policy time now since I have heard your firm voice
which, approaches decency or, at least, on TV and I hope I can rouse you on this
eschews the. near-genocidal crimes America Vietnam holocaust. The 'policy this admin-
Is responsible for in Vietnam. Istration has indulged in is progressing from
Respectfully yours, bad to the ludicrous. The people here at
DOUGLAS DAVIDSON. home have, been advocating our, withdrawal
from the very beginning and urging it every
Los ANGELES, CALIF:, way we know how but still we are ignored.
April 2, 1965. You know, as we all do, that the mess in
DEAR SENATOR: Just want,you to know how
Tery much I admire your courage to speak
>ut on war in Vietnam and the many other
;pings you stand for. Why can't we have
pore honest men to represent us in Govern-
vent. When those leaders in Washington
ay they are speaking for the masses of this
ountry they are sadly mistaken. I get heart-
ick when I hear those Democratic Senators
ay they are for extending the war in Viet-
am. Wish I had the words to express my
me feelings toward you few Senators that
Land up for justice. I pray for your contin-
ed good health and courage.
Sincerely yours,
MERRIMAC, MASS.,
April 6 1965
Vietnam is far more important than voting
rights in the South and yet Martin Luther
King is actually dictating to the President
and furthermore getting away with it. Just
what is our form of government coming to
when one black man can say what he wants
and gets it and the billions of us who have
been pleading for the President to get us out
of the mess in Vietnam have made no head-
way at all. This I cannot understand and
I have been asking everywhere what can we
do to make ourselves heard.
There's a very intelligent article in the
April issue of Pageant called "A Program for
Winning the War in Vietnam." I hope you
will read it and present it to Congress. This
is the way I have alweays believed freedom
should be won; and not by combat. `As I
have said many times before, wars have never
won anything and whatever the outcome we
are still the losers. We never have .peace
but only a lull until we can raise more sons
to go at it again. To force us here at home
to sacrifice our boys for peace and freedom Is
indeed the most ridiculous command I have
ever heard of. We are not stupid although
the administration assumes we arecompi`ete
mater WAYNE L. MORSE,
.S. Senate,
'ashington, D.C.
IDEAR SIR: I support your views on the Asian
situation end commend you for your efforts
for peace. I hope you continue. With my
thaxil,,
Sincerely,
April 5, 1965. ammunition to carry on my crusade for a
Senator WAYNE L. MORSE, settlement In Vietnam more effectively and
Washington, D.C. that you will read the article I mentioned
DEAR SIR: May I express my endorsement and get In there and fight for us..
and appreciation for your position on Viet- ' Yours truly,
dam?, Mrs. PRANCES,P.,AirxLgY,,.
7863
PASADENA, CALIF.,
March 23, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
C.S. Senate,
Washington,D.C:
DEAR SENATOR: t wish to express myI full
sympathy with your remarks, as reported by
the press, on American involvement in Viet-
nam and American foreign policy in general.
I would-be most appreciative if you could
send me full texts of pertinent statements
made by you during recent months.
Sincerely yours,
.... .. .~ . GEORGE AID.
WESTWOOD, N.3?,
March 31, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I strongly support
your position on Vietnam and I regret that
there are so few men of your moral courage
and in'tellietual' honesty in American public
life today.
There was mention in the press of your
intention to make a detailed critique of the
State Department's White Paper. ~ Iave you
made such an analysis? If so, could you
tell me now I might obtain a copy of it?
I would, of course, be interested in reading
any of your other analyses of the situation
in Vietnam.
Thank you for keeping up the good fight.
Sincerely,-
.
RAPHAEL.1. ETIGSON.
MARCH 31, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: With greatest grati-
tude 'for your stanch and continuing fight
for sanity and for constitutional govern=
ment.
Very sincerely,
L. T. WYLY.
P.S.-Please send me any available copies
of your speeches on Vietnam; one each of
what you can.
P.P.S.-I welcome any suggestions for any-
thing I can do.
.WILMETTE, ILL., .....
March 31, 1965.
The PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES,
The White House,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR MR;. PRESIDENT: On March 5 ]: Sept
the following Western Union public opinion
message to President Lyndon B. Johnson,
Vice President HUBERT' H. HUMPHREY, Senator
EVERETT.M. DIRIcSEN, Senator PAUL H. DOUG-
LAS, and Congressman DONALD RUMSFELD,
Washington, D.C.:
"I urge you support position 400 professors
from 20 universities, New York Times, Feb-
ruary 16.
"L. T. WYLY. "
In addition to the carefully weighed and
convincing reasons which the 400 professors
gave in support of their position I urge, also,
the following:
1. Our country was founded on the prin-
ciples expressed in the Declaration of Inde-
pendence.
12. The meaning of the Declaration of Inde-
pendence: The first obligation of govern-
ment is the protection and preservation of
the personal security and liberties of the
individual.
S. The Constitution and its amendments,
the supreme law of the land, was planned
and written to implement the Declaration
of Independence, to insure a rule of law
based on justice and liberty, responsible to
the people.
4. Our relations to other nations should
be based on justice to all. In the long run,
only such a policy will serve our own best
Interests.
5. All justice is founded on the search
for truth.SOCRATES.
6. The'search for truth can be conducted,
with hope' of success, only by the methods
of ,scientific inquiry.
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"It is the progress which has been made
in physics, chemistry, and experimental biol-
ogy which gives everyone confidence in the
procedures of the scientist." Conant, "Sci-
ence and Common Sense," (1952, p. 45).
7. The search for truth by the methods
of science is an intellectual operation. The
following do not enter into this search for
truth:
Authority, power, force, belief, hope, pub-
lic opinion, official opinion, personal opinion,
propaganda, public relations, vote of legis-
lative body, vote of committee, wishes of a
man- or group, policy of any nation, or self-
interest of any nation.
EXAMPLES: AUTHORITY TRIES UNSUCCESSFULLY
TO DECIDE TRUTH
Galileo: Church tried to decide cosmic
truth by authority, 16331
Dayton: State tried to decide evolution by
authority, 1925.2
Russia: State tried to decide genetics by
authority, 1936.3
PETINENT COMMENT
Trial by ordeal was forbidden by church
in 1216
Trial by combat was outlawed in England
in 1819.5
Duels were outlawed in England in 1879.c
Attempts to obtain court evidence by tor-
ture were outlawed in the United States after
the Revolution?
8. Roadblocks to search for truth are the
following:
(1) Any deceit or falsehood in evidence.
(ii) Any secrecy or suppression of evi-
dence.
(iii) Any ex parts evidence.
(iv) Any bias, prejudice, or conflict of in-
terest on part of judges, witnesses, jurors.
(v) Any attempt to prevent the giving of
testimony by harassment of witnesses, coer-
cion, bribery, or undue influence.
(vi) Any attempt to interfere, by force, or
otherwise, with freedom of speech, thought.
press, Investigation, peaceable assembly, or
communication.
.9. In attempting to solve international
controversies truth should be sought in a
court of justice; by methods of science as
provided by and safeguarded in the U.S. Con-
stitption and its amendments, implemented
by modern court procedure.
Wigmore: "The Science of Judicial Proof,"
1937.
10. An idea cannot be killed by force.
Witness: Christianity and the Roman Em-
pire.
.11. Justice between nations, as between
men, must conform to Cicero's natural law;
"the law of right reason-which is in accord-.
ante with Nature."
Hutchins and others: "Natural Law and
Modern Society."
Montagu: "On Being Human," 1950, Sci-
entific basis for Cicero.
PERTINENT COMMENT
Cicero's natural law is consistent with and
has been embodied in the doctrine of the
Christian church.
Montagu's book furnishes a scientific
basis for the interpretation of Cicero.
The above two books may easily be the
most important to appear in the past cen-
tury.
EXAMPLES
Three times within the past half century
we have seen great dynasties or reichs,
1 Britannica.
2 Britannica.
8 Zirkle: "Death of a Science in Russia,"
1949.
4 Radin; Anglo-American Legal History, pp.
35-36.
5 Radin, pp. 227-228.
6 Britannica.
1 Radin, pp. 244-246.
planned to endure 1,000 years destroyed
apparently by the natural revulsion of man-
kind against aggressive war.
Plainly, the leaders who planned and di=
rected national policy in these-relchs did not
understand life, or natural law.
12. It is seldom safe to attempt firm con-
clusions regarding interpretation scientific-
ally of historical events. However, answers
to the following questions, if available,
would be pertinent to our situation in Viet-
nam:
(i) Why were the Romans, despite the use
of terrible tortures of thousands of Chris-
tians over long periods, unable to stamp out
the new religion?
(ii) Why, after nearly half a century of
planning, with meticulous attention paid
to everything, except human nature, did the
Kaiser and his war party lose the Battle of
the Marne, and hence lose the war and the
Second Reich?
(iii) Why, with the great advantages of
arming, initiative, and overwhelming nu-
merical superiority, did Hitler and his war
party lose the Battle of Britain, and hence
lose World War II and the Third Reich?
(iv) Why, despite the very great amount
of arms and money poured by the United
States into the support of Chiang Kai-shek's
regime, were the Communists able to take
over all of China?
(v) Why did the French lose the Battle of
Dienbienphu and with it lose Indochina?
(vi) Why, despite the very great amounts
of money and armament poured by the
United States into Vietnam, have we not won
the war?
COMMENT
Mr. President, you have inherited in Viet-
nam a problem and a policy. The policy has
not worked and the problem has steadily
worsened. An Asian war now threatens.
Why not work out and establish a new
policy? It has been said that the proper sub-
ject for the study of mankind is man. Why
not study man?
SUGGESTION
(A) Set up at once a high-level Presiden-
tial Advisory Committee to seek answers to
the questions on page 3 of this letter, and
to recommend a policy on Vietnam, with time
limit set.
Suggested personnel: Ashley Montagu,
Martin Luther King, Jr., Sergeant Shriver,
Robert M. Hutchins, Virgil M. Newton, social
scientists.
(B) Refer to the World Court, via the
United,,Wations, for adjudication, the prob-
lem of Vietnam, together with your proposed
new policy: the Johnson policy.
(C) Accept the World Court verdict and
implement it wholeheartedly.
NoTE.-The above suggestion is entirely
consistent with the recommendations of the
400 professors from 20 universities in the
New York Times of February 16.
Sincerely yours,
L. T. WYLY,
American Citizen.
MARCH 30, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I had, in the past,
written my approval of your attempts to
encourage negotiations in Vietnam.
On March 20, the western edition of the
Christian Science Monitor carried an article
entitled "Air Raids: U.S. Lid on Debate."
The sense of this article along with others
point to a movement toward ever greater in-
volvement in a questionable war without
even considering alternative solutions.
Since even consideration of alternatives
seems to be successfully squelched by pro-
ponents of further escalation in official cir-
cles, it is more important than ever that al-
ternatives be examined in the light of day
by the public. I can think of no greater
tragedy than a deepening involvement
merely because we didn't think the issue
through.
In line with this feeling I would like yo
to send me some copies of your speech deal
Ing with Vietnam. These will be placed o:
the social concerns committee table of m',
church.
Sincerely,
SUSQUEHANNA UNIVERSITY,
Selinsgrove, Pa., April 5, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I was very pleased i
hear a portion of your public statement I.
March 30 in which you so courageously calle
for an end to warmaking by our Governmel
and a beginning of peacemaking in Vietnar
In this you certainly have the support
more Americans than you may be aware.
hope that this note may be some support
you in your efforts to put a stop to the cu
rent illegal and immoral activities being ca
ried out in the name of "freedom" and "ju
tice." It is becoming increasingly clear th
the only sensible solutions to the Vietna
impasse are economic and social. If prese:
policies are continued, the results can only)
political and moral disaster at home and lo
of any semblanceof justification abroad.
Yours very truly,
ROBERT G. MOwRY.
CHAMPAIGN, ILL.,
April 5, 1965.
Senator WAYNE L. MORSE,
The Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I am horrified by th
position and the actions of the administra
tion in the war in.-Vietnam, and believe tha
all warlike procedures should be canceled im?
mediately.
I wish to encourage your position on Viet-
nam and ask you to use any possible influ-
ence or powers to bring about:
An immediate cease-fire in Vietnam.
A conference of all nations to negotiate
peace.
Sincerely,
Mrs. BARBARA BRANDT CHEM.
HEMPSTEAD, N.Y.,
April 4, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORRIS,
Washington, D.C.:
Feel present Vietnam policy too dangerol
for expected benefits. Recommend immed
ate institution of negotiations steps throui
and if possible or other available channe
ARNOLD FRANCO.
THORNE, STANTON, CLOPTON, HERZ, &
STANEK,
San Jose, Calif., April 5, 1965
President LYNDON B. JOHNSON,
The White House,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: Those of us w
supported and worked for you in the electi
did so because we felt you would do yc
utmost to stop the killing of one hurr
being by another anywhere in the world,
pecially where it involved our own citizen:
Polls of all kinds can be taken to give 3
any answer you might desire, but let
assure you that a poll of the entire Amerii
population would undoubtedly overwhelm.
ingly endorse the idea of our getting out o:
Vietnam.
I think a most effective step that yot
could take at the present time would be tc
meet with Senator GRUENING, of Alaska
and Senator MORSE, of Oregon. These an
fine Americans with the best interests o:
their country at heart, and I do believe the3
have something to say which has the sup-
port of the vast majority of their fellow
Americans.
I think the gesture of your meeting with
them to discuss the situation in Vietnam
could have great impact, not only here in the
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United States, but ;around the world. Per-
haps it could be the start of getting to a
conference table where negotiations for end-
ing the senseless. war can be_culminated.
Very truly yours,
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Washington, D.C.:
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I commend you for
your customary high purpose and honesty
with regard to public criticism of the brutal
aggression by our Government in Vietnam.
,gincerely yours,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
HONORABLE SIR: Although not a constitu-
ent, I have thought for some time to write to
commend you, and to express my apprecia-
tion, for your courageous, unswerving, and
But as those responsible for American
policy seem determined to pursue their folly
to the ultimate folly of nuclear confronta-
tion, if not disaster, it behooves one to en-
courage those who seek to enable rational
resolutions of the conflict in southeast Asia.
To that end, I hope this letter will let you
know that a great many of us look to you
for the spark of leadership to crystallize and
,.effectively make known our opposition to the
present course of events.
Yours sincerely,
PALO ALTO, CALIF.,,..
Urging you to Implore Adlai Stevenson
resign as protest of 'administration's insane
escalation of Vietnam war.
OLIVER, HENDERSON, M.D.
Psychiatrist.
SANTA BARBARA, CALIF.,
March-27,1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE.
DEAR SENATOR: 4t.a speech at the Univer-
sity of California last night by Kenneth
Armstrong, of the Cleveland Plain 1 ealer, he
referred you as a "Ninny" for your stand
an Vietnam, to a group of students dis-
,ussing the situation after his talk.
It would interest me greatly to know
rho paid his fare out here and if the Plain
)ealer paid his fare, why? And/or who paid
;hem?
Did the USIS maybe pay him, or the Plain
)ealer, or a nominee, under a new direc-
ive I read about lately by which they are
low allotted money to propagandize us do-
aestically as well as our overseas brethren?
Very truly yours, -
ARLI13GTON, VA.,
Marci 26, 1965.
who oppose the administration policy and see
around us the' signs of a war escalating up
and up with no foreseeable end.
It l qa4 tg s e pngejree and independ-
ent ppress towing the line of McNamara and
the. Buztd boys. More and more columnists
are SOundixlgg like Defense Department press
releases (Wi'lliara S. White, Alsop, etc.).
buy cxii111na1. of so-called nonlethal gas
is just one more sign of our desperate situa-
tion in Vietnam and of the hard-headed
RoLArio. it.,.AvSTIN.
TORRENCE, CALIF.,
April 2, 1965.
JELINEK & GLICKMAN,
1. 1 COUNSELORS AT LAW,
New York, N.Y., March 29, 1965.
President LYNDON B. JOHNSON,
The White House,
Washington, D.C.
H,OxORARI,E SIR;- Since xz ylast' letter, you
have received the.dualifled endorsement of
the National Review, that well-known pro-
ponent of Barry Goldwater and all that he
stood for. combine with those of U Thant Mr. Lester
In the issue dated March 23, 1865, the fol-"Pearson, President 'de Gaulle, and other
lowing was written:
"Are these just isolated incidents, of no
importance? Do they portend a major stra-
tegic turn in U.S. foreign policy, a decision
to take a hard line against aggression of all
sorts and to protect every last acre of the
free world? Probably not. Certainly it's too
soon to pronounce the verdict, one way or the
other, But these are signs of at least a tem-
porary tactical turn, of a coolheaded effort
to test out the will of our own people, of our
allies, and of the enemy."
Although one should never be judged by
the company one keeps, it should be little
source of comfort to you to know that your
activities in Vietnam are approved by that
voice of extremism.
We can only guess what their reaction will
be to the use of gas warfare by the United
States for the first time in five decades.
Once again, I join with many in strongly
hoping that you will Immediately negotiate
our. withdrawal from Vietnam.
Respectfully yours,
DONALD A. JELINEK.
(Copies to Senator McGovEaN, Washing-
ton, D.C.; Senator WAYNE MORSE, Washing-
ton, D.C.)
BR INGTQN, VA.,
March 29,.1965,,
MY DEAR SENATOR MORSE: While not a con-
stituent of yours, I feel impelled to write to
express, my admiration and support for your
courageous and outspoken stand on the sit-
uation in Vietnam, and to urge you to con-
tinue to press for negotiations. Our "save
face escalation','.-In tlkat unfortunate. little
country seems to have cost us the support
of the world. The support which we claim
to have front the British Government seems
to be most reluctant and uneasy. I am en-
closing a troubled editorial from the March
10 edition of the Manchester Cauardl`an.
I hope that those of you in the Senate who
support a sane, humane, and constructive
policy will exert all your influence to change
the perilous course upon which this Nation
has almost unwittingly embarked under the
urging of our overzealous military estab-
lishment.
Very respectfully,
ELIZABETH NORTH.
Whether or not the Prime Minister's state-
ments on Vietnam in the -Commons yesterday
satisfy his Labour critics they are probably
as good as we can expect. Disingenu-
ous, of course-particularly the quick ref-
erences to-the 1954 agreements (a very com-
plicated story), and to, the change which
he sees in the war in recent months. It was
not to be supposed that in present circum-
stances he would flatly contradict the Amer-
ican line. Nor would it have done any good
if he had. In fact, his only harsh words
were directed neither at Mr. Rusk nor at
the critics of hij own attitude in the Labour
Party, but at Tory attempts to exploit the
disagreement between these critics and him-
self.
Moreover, he did give an impression of
activity-talks with Mr. Gromyko next week,
the Foreign Secretary's journey to Washing-
ton the week, after. Probably these efforts
will have only, a marginal effect on the course
of events; the end of the war will almost cer-
tainly bedetermined more by what happens
in South Vietnam than b what happens in
London, or even in Paris,' Peiping, Moscow, or
Washington. So it has been throughout;
what Mr. Wilson"thinks matters less (as no
doubt he realizes) than what a handful of
Saigon . generals and monks and a whole
countryful of other Vietnamese think. That
is an additional reason for not wanting to
offend'the'U.S. Government pointlessly. But
statesmen to create an atmosphere in which
negotiations come to seem natural and in-11 evitable. Here again it is important that
some of those adding their mediatory pies-
sure on President Johnson should seem sym-
pathetic to his dilemma.
There are, of course, limits. Washington's
good opinion is not the sole factor in our
foreign policy. It is deeply disturbing that
a report has been circulated giving the im-
pression that the British Government sup-
ports the U.S. air strikes against North Viet-
nam. This report has been printed in for-
eign newspapers and broadcast in the United
States. It naturally shocked Mr. Vladimir
Dediler, as he made clear in a letter to the
'limes yesterday and it must have shocked
many others whom we like to feel well dis-
posed toward us. Apparently it arose from
a misunderstanding of something a Govern-
ment spokesman said. It must be untrue;
when Mr. Wilson was asked yesterday by a
Conservative Member of Parliament for an
assurance that the Government was "sup-
porting the U.S. Government in the actions
which they have taken;" it was noticeable
that he evaded a direct answer. Instead, he
took refuge in the truism that "if, the 1954
agreements were observed, there would, be
no problem." But a more definite denial of
the harp ul report is needed. The British
Government may not feel able to condemn
the raids, but it is not called upon to ap-
prove them.
NEw YORK, N.Y,
? March?29,1965.
Senator WA_YNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
.D ii SE}YATOI{ ,Moses :. , It becomes increas-
ingly clear that our Vietnam policy is lack-
ipg_ any kind, of moral or ethical base and I
know I speak for many friends when I ask
for an immediate cease fire in Vietnam and
immediate use of U Thant's formula for
negotiations.
Sincerely,
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SIR: I . appeal to you Ito urge the
President to replace Gen. Maxwell Taylor
with a civilian representative as envoy to
Vietnam. His (the General's) questionable
advice and statements seem to have out-
raged public opinion-both home and
abroad, have escalated the war tremendously
and dangerously, and created distrust of our
declared policy of negotiation in Vietnam.
A military mind can furnish only a military
solution to a political problem.
Sincerely yours,
Hon. LYNDON B. JOHNSON,
President of the United States,
The 'White House, Washington,D.C.
DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: The strafing' and
bombing of installations in North Vietnam
and Laos can be interpreted only as another
serious step in the escalation of `the war in
southeast Asia. In this thermo-nuclear age,
such an action by the U.S. Government must
be termed highly dangerous. Given the
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE April 21, '1965
harsh realities of the South Vietnamese con-
flict-the indigenous nature of the Vietcong
troops and the authoritarian and unpopular
character of the Saigon ruling clique 4t
seems to be a desperate and futile measure as
well.
As a group of Syracuse area faculty mem-
bers who have studied the growing American
involvement in what was :formerly Indo-
china, both in terms of America's moral
posture and American national interest, we
urge you to consider a solution to the crisis
which will involve an end to the unilateral
U.S. military presence and. an effort to
neutralize the area under international con-
trol.
Very truly yours,
Elias Balbinder, Irwin Deutscher, Joseph
Julian, Keith Olsen, Arnold Honig,
Harry Sehwaylander, J. W. Trischka,
Roland E. Wolseley, Seymour Bellin,
Stewart Kranz, Reginald Manwell, Earl
George, Louis Skoler, Byron Fox, Henry
Woessner, Klaus H. Heberle, David H.
Bennett, George Moutafakis Nanava-
tie, R. James A. Smith, Gordon Kent,
William W. West, Robert H. Hardt,
James L. Brain, Louis Krasner, David
Dobereiner, Robert Root, Peter G.
Bergen, Erich M. Harth.
CLEVELAND, OHIO,
March 27, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Of ice Building.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Keep up the good
work you are doing in trying to help us stop
this war in Vietnam. My husband and I are
100 percent behind your efforts.
Sincerely,
Mrs. ELMER S. NEWMAN.
WILLOWS, CALIF.,
April 2, 1965.
HONORABLE SIR: I have been thinking how
stupid it is for us to be bombing North Viet-
nam. It would be just as logical for us to
bomb Canada or Mexico to make Cuba sub-
mit. The 'old proverb if you build a better
mousetrap they will beat a path to your
door. Well we have had a better trap for
years. But I have begun to wonder if the
spring hasn't been broken. If the right bait
Is in the trap the mouse will come-get in by
himself. But you can set a trap and try to
drive the mouse in It--it is impossible.
Seems we are trying the latter. I admire you
very much.
Respectfully,
SILVER SPRING, Mn.,
April 3, 1965.
NEW Yom, N.Y.,
April 4,1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Just a note to let
you know that I agree with your position
on Vietnam.
I have written to this effect to the White
House, especially pointing out my agreement
with the ad in today's New York Times, "In
the name of God, stop it."
Very truly yours,
Anousvus. MORRIS.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
NEW YORK, N.Y.,
April 3, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: We thank you for
your stand demanding negotiations in
Vietnam.
We hope you will continue to speak up
in this cause. We belive that American
withdrawal from Vietnam will have to be
part of the most satisfactory possible
solution.
Respectfully,
Mr. and Mrs. HERBERT MENZEL.
NEWTON, MASS,
April 3, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: My daughter who
is in sixth grade came home a few weeks
ago in a rush of resentment and chagrin.
Only she and a few others had taken the
position after a class debate on Vietnam
that we should get out of the place and out
of Asia as well. What particularly disap-
pointed her was that some of the smartest
kids in the class were for keeping it up in
Vietnam.
Well, sixth graders don't have much power,
but people in high places do, even the
smartest ones. We know people like your-
self have a tough position to maintain. We
want you to know we're all for you. We
have written to President Johnson and our
Senators expressing our firm opposition to
our dangerous policy in Vietnam.
Sincerely yours,
MIRIAM SIPERIN.
P.S.-My daughter has not given up try-
ing to convince the sixth grade of their folly.
She, as well as our junior high daughter,
say you're "cool.
BROOKFIELD, Wis.,
April 3, 1965.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
MY DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I read with a
great deal of Interest the report in today's
Milwaukee Journal of your debate with Sen-
ator PRoxmiaE at Portland: I heartily ap-
prove of your position. The situation, a mis-
take from the beginning, is worsening all the
time with a useless outlay of billions. We
must get o(ut for the sake of erasing the nega-
tive Image and the charge of imperialism
which is arising In so many countries, espe-
cially in Asia and Africa. Some way must be
found through the mediation of the U.N. or
some Other peaceful means of "saving face"
it that is necessary. But we must get out.
Congratulations to you. Keep up the
good work. I have expressed my disappoint-
ment over his stand to Senator PRoxsmE; and
I did it with a great deal of real regret as I
agree with him on more issues than I dis-
agree. But this time he is just on the
wrong side.
Sincerely yours,
JOHN C. LAZENBY,
Professor Emeritus,
University of Wisconsin.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I want to thank you
for representing us so well in your coura-
geous stand on Vietnam.
Several weeks ago I was asked to spend a
Saturday afternoon passing out leaflets urg-
ing negotiations on Vietnam for the Wom-
en's Strike for Peace. I was about to say no
when I heard on the radio that you were
urging the same course of action. Your
statement made me feel that if someone
as respectable and prominent as you took
such a stand it certainly must be OK to
follow my own inclinations on the matter.
I passed out the leaflets.
I cannot help but feel that the horrors we
are perpetrating in Vietnam will eventually
be visited on us and, as a mother, I thank
you for your effective leadership on behalf of
sanity.
Sincerely,
Mrs. MARGARET BONNEFIL.
LAGUNA BEACH, CALIF.,
April 1, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR: I strongly admire the stand
you take against the American war hawks.
President Johnson preaches peace and
practices war to the utmost.
I hope sanity will return to the White
House in time to save the world from utter
destruction by the war lords.
More strength to you and those like you.
Respectfully,
FOSTER WILLHIDE.
MARCH 31, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I thank you from the
bottom of my heart for your courageous posi-
tion on Vietnam. If we do not get out now,
It will be to our eternal shame and the world
will not forget. We brandish our powerful
arsenal like any bully on a street corner. If
we live, you will soon be in the majority.
The American people's hearts are not in this
burning and 'bombing of peoples even
though they may not be too clear on where
the truth lies. Goldwater is gloating.
Again I thank you.
Sincerely,
NEW YORE. Crrr,
April 3, 1965.
Senator JACOB JAvrrs,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR JAvrrs: Heartfelt congratu-
lations to you, Senator CooeER, Senator
Aix w, for blending into a responsible voice
demanding more than news management bl
the President to explain the use of power
without policy in southeast Asia.
Your 4-point "general principles for hon
orable negotiation" (cease-fire * * * super
vision thereof * * * a South Vietnam wit]
free institutions * * * and normalization
of * * * economic relations between Nort]
and South Vietnam), though 11 years late, i
of course the sine qua non of preventing fur
ther escalation.
However, I predict, based on my analysis a
the situation (you may not be willing to pub
licly admit your concurrence), that the fol-
lowing will ultimately be proven correct:
1. As price for election support Johnson
agreed to permit Goldwater escalation cam-
paign planks to go into effect if elected:
a. Pentagon would practice--policy state-
ments, or managed rationalizations would
follow:
b. Weapons testing (gas, etc., what next?)
In South and North Vietnam and neighbor-
ing countries would be a purely military de-
Senator WAYNE MoRSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Congratulations on
your firm stand for negotiations to end the
Vietnam fighting.
You have demonstrated tremendous cour-
age in bringing the real issues to the atten-
tion of the American people. Please con-
tinue your good work.
Cordially,
JEROME OELBAUM.
EL CERRITO, CALIF.
DEAR Zia: I would like to congratulate you
for your stand on Vietnam. That this hoax
is being perpetrated in the name of freedom
.and democracy Is Incredible. The accept-
ance of this hoax by the American people is
saddening. The platitudes voiced by the
bulk of the U.B. Senate are sickening. Your
voice is refreshing. I thank you.
Sincerely,
DENNIS C. WRIGHT.
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April 21, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
cision, and Johnson would voice no protest if
used;
c. The consensus of American opinion ex-
pressed to House and Senate Members, if
against escalation and testing above, would
be an exception to Johnson's obedience to his
politics of consensus rule.
2. An agreement exists with Chiang, made
God knows how long ago, pledging United
States might to risk and if necessary
fight China (and any allies) in his inter-
est, regardless of changing world situa-
tions or justice to Asian peoples. This agree-
ment also provides that United States will
(would) never sit down in the same U.N. w)th
representatives of the 700 million real Chi-
nese. And it provides (a later codicil in a
world suicide, pact?) for the earliest possible
nuclearization of Japan-.
3. That in the 1950's American economic
policy (the National Economic Council ab-
negating world leadership by example) sub-
verted civilian economic and human produc-
tivity (butter) to military overkill stockpil-
ing and space programs-a parasitic growth
profiting the few via incredible waste of tech-
nical human manpower and hardware at the
-expense of domestic nonhardware industry
and the use of America's productivity of real
humanly needed'goods and their distribution
around the world.
In short, by economically planning the
parasitic, wasteful, growth in hardware and
space industry, America in the 1950's and
1960's became in all major civilian indus-
tries a second-rate producer in world mar-
kets * * * ruined its banking and gold stand-
ing in the world * * * and caused the fol-
lowing:
Two-thirds of America's paycheck dollar
earned by working for Overkill and space-
racing;
Only token funds available for domestic
programs to create better than 97 physicians
per 100,000 population (1963 figures)
for new teachers and new schools to replace
firetraps * * * for nursery schools * * *
for programs against pollution of air and
water, waste and plunder of our natural re-
sources * * * for the rebuilding of civilian
industries like shipbuilding (we built 40 in
1964, while Russia built over 600, and Japan
captured the free world markets), like fish-
ery technology (we are 20 years behind, hire
foreign advice),-like railroads (the mayhem
here needs no comment), like housing (out-
moded building designs and--methods-and
outrageous graft-keep building down, and
so make slums of old and new the source and
result of our rapidly increasing fihpoverish-
ment and demoralization of fully one-third
of 'our citizens, black and white), like ma-
chine tool a}ic) printing equipment companies
(lack of economic planning has forced these
to produce overseas, or import, in epidemic
proportions) * * * and so on ad nauseam.
The export to the developing nations
around the world of similar parasitic growth,
he, subversion of their populations' energies
i,nd budget to similar economic planning,
vhich"their economies can even less endure
Ilan our, and the creation around the world
if an i16,age of United States pursuing mili-
ary power and space technology out of all
proportion to human needs, morals, and
alues.at.honle and abroad.
*The, above analysis, from a variety of
sources and researches far_ superior to my
humble, same, will appear increasingly in
the near future, in a variety of forms. I
send it to, you now in hopes it will stimu-
late your more careful analysis of the Viet-
nam situation and its sinister implications,
and open up your mind to the larger picture
of the depletion at epidemic rate of Amer-
ica.',a...resolirces aliSt _ people in the service of
"guns" at the expense of "butter."
I am sending copies to my friend JOHN
LINDSAY, as well as to Senator KENNEDY (ROB-
ERT) and Senator ' WAYNE MORSE. I Would
welcome any communication supporting
weakness in any part of my argument.
Respectfully yours,
HOWARD PLUMMER.
Copies, per above final paragraph.
NEW' YORK CITY, N.Y.,
April 3, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR WAYNE MORSE: Realizing full
well the probability of its quick trip to the
wastebasket, I send you the enclosed com-
ments on the Vietnam situation, its political
preelection background as I feel forced to
view it, and an overview of the depletion and
subversion of the real human and economic
strengths of our country.
All for your consideration In depth, com-
ment welcome of course.
All presented with the utmost dedication
and skill of which I am capable, and hoping
against hope someone will prove I am wrong
or, if I am right, set partisan politics and
greed aside long enough to commit them-
selves to the revolution necessary in Ameri-
can military and economic policies to alter
our suicide course in both areas.
Publication will result, in time I trust,
from a more careful presentation of the
above. Your comments now will be of course
extremely helpful in making that piece true-
to-fact and well-balanced. However, the
briefest of comment will be profoundly ap-
preciated.
Respectfully yours, -
HOWARD PLUMMER,
Enc.: copy, letter this date to Senator
JAVITS.
NEW YORK, N.Y.,
April 3, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
The U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR: You have consistently
spoken out against this deplorable war in
Vietnam, correctly foreseeing our increasing
involvement and the Impossibility of our
goals there. Unfortunately, most others in
public office are unwilling to discuss openly
the issues involved, and the premises upon
which our policy is based. We are grateful
for your outspokenness. You inspire in us
a mighty urge to move to Oregon.
Your admirers,
CAROL and ANDREW DUNCAN.
WELLESLEY, MASS.,
April 4, 1965.
Senator WAYNE L. MORSE,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Your courageous
fight for negotiation and peace in Vietnam
has my wholehearted support. Many others
I know who are not writing you also support
your stand.
Sincerely yours,
TOWARD FREEDOM,
CHICAGO, ILL.,
April 3, 1965.
Senator WAYNE Moser,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Congratulations on
your continuing fight against our Vietna-
mese adventure. The prospects for negotia-
tions look slightly better now-probably due
in large part to the efforts of you and your
colleagues of like mind-but there is still a
long way to go.
I am enclosing back copies of "Toward
Freedom" which illustrate our long-time
interest in giving the Vietnamese people a
chance to determine their own fate. In ad-
dition, your name is on our regular list and
you should have received our January issue
with a main article by Hosing Van Chi, an
anti-Communist - Vietnamese, who courage-
ously examines American misconceptions and
mistakes about his country. If your copy
7867
of this issue has been" misplaced we will be
glad to send you another on request.
Permit me to call your attention particu-
larly to our suggestion of a "pro people"
swap agreement: we would accept popular
elections in all Vietnam in return for Soviet
acceptance of all-German elections. Elec-
tions may seem a long way in the future In
the present excruciating Vietnam situation,
but I feel that we must envisage and plan
for a turn toward ballots instead of bullets
unless we are to make a mere propaganda
pitch out of democracy. After all we con-
nived in depriving the Vietnamese of the
chance to use ballots in 1956, so it's not too
surprising that they turned to bullets in-
stead. We certainly must have proposals for
going back and taking the ballot way.
The British were the first to push the par-
tition idea in 1954, and now they have come
up with something almost equally poison-
ous: the garrisoning of Vietnam by Red Chi-
nese and American troops to maintain or-
der. How can it be called a peace move
to bring United States and Chinese troops
face to face? India provided 6,000 troops
for the prisoner exchange supervision in Ko-
rea, and neutral troops could also be found
'for Vietnam-say a combination of Philip-
pines, Burma, Malaysia, Ethiopia, and Ghana.
I believe that constructive moves on Viet-
nam are of the utmost importance. Let me
know if there is anything I can do to help.
Sincerely yours,
WILLIAM B. LLOYD, Jr.,
Editor.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SIR: I wish to thank you for the
courageous stand you have been taking in
opposing American escalation of the war in
Vietnam. In doing so you are performing
a great service for the people of your State
and the entire United States. If there were
more men of your caliber this would be a
safer, more prosperous, and happier world
to live in. Keep up the good work.
Cheers,
APRIL 3, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I only wish we had
more people like you in important places
who would speak out against the folly of
southeast Asia. People who do not have to
worry about what may happen to them in
the future for speaking their piece.
May God give you the grace to keep up
the good work. There are not enough like
MESQUITE TREE RANCH,
THERMAL, CALIF.,
April 1, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: My reason for tak-
ing your time with this letter is the serious
dilemma of Vietnam and your interest in
finding a way out. I want to suggest a pos-
sibility, based on "War, Revolution-or Co-
operation on the Mekong," the main article
heading the Wells "Between the Lines" News-
letter of March 1, 1965.
Walter Lippmann, in his March 19 column
says our present policy will not work and
will lead to disaster, either by military defeat,
escalation of the war, or our expulsion from
the area by a Vietnamese deal with the Viet-
cong. Mr. Lippmann says our policy is all
stick and no carrot. The missing ingredient
is a sketch of the settlement our bombing is
designed to bring about.
Quoting the March 1 Wells Newsletter:
The most tragic shortcoming of U.S. policy
in southeast Asia has been the failure to
cooperate with and use the great Mekong
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delta development program as a means for
curbing and defeating communism. * * *
This is an immense and bold plan for land,
agriculture, water, and power * * * that
unites all factions in the four nations of the
delta, Cambodia, Laos, Thailand, and South
Vietnam. * * * This imaginative project
provides a framework in which all free na-
tions could join under the U.N. but with very
little U.N. expenditures, * * * It could be
supported by only a small fraction of the
cost of the war.
Instead of bombing the fragile industries
of North Vietnam we could be offering them
incalculable benefits for cooperation. * * *
The United States could use the project as
a basis for a negotiated peace:, withdrawing
our military and substituting a new free
Asia, emergency peace force--troops from
Thailand, India, Japan, the Philippines-
while concentrating all strength and energy
on the development program. The Commu-
nists would not dare alienate all Asia by at-
tacking such a representative peace force,
nor would they dare to sabotage the Mekong
project.
Mr. Wells lists reference articles on the
Mekong project. Before we destroy Hanoi
or bomb Red China, why not explore this
possibility? If you do not read the "Wells
Newsletter" and desire a copy of the March 1
issue, I could have one sent to you.
I am a conservative Republican.
Very respectfully,
HORACE HAGERTY.
NEW YORK, N.Y.,
April 4, 1965.
Hon. Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: May I express my
gratitude for your courageous and con-
scientious effort for negotiations in the Viet-
nam war. I wrote to President Johnson in
support of the pleas by the clergymen's
emergency committee on Vietnam "In the
Name of God, Stop It" (New York Times of
April 4, 1965).
This urgent plea by the thousands of men
of God deserves the support of every humane
Senator, and thank God that we still have
a Senator like you in these critical days.
Respectfully,
I. A. BRUNSTEIN.
(P.S.-The tragedy of it all: We defeated
Goldwater only to see Goldwaterism trium-
phant.)
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR: May I express my sincere
support of your courage and consistency in
calling for U.S. withdrawal from South Viet-
nam and the placement of the problem be-
fore the United Nations.
Sincerely,
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.:
actions have unmasked us as a naked aggres-
sor in a land thousands of miles from our
borders. Any justification for this must go
down in history as a rebirth of the Nazi
Weltanschauung.
It is impossible for me as an American,
who has been brought up in the traditions
of equal rights before the law, self-detemina-
tion, and fair play, to accept that for the
first time in our history the rest of the world
can justifiably label us as an out-and-out
aggressor in a foreign land.
I fear that If things continue as they have
in Vietnam the "war hawks," who seem to be
controlling the, situation, will resort to nu-
clear weapons and probably bombs in des-
peration. Our action over there must be
stopped before its too late.
Sincerely yours,
WILLIAM T. ANDERSON.
APRIL 3, 1965.
SENATOR MORSE: This is to endorse your
position regarding the peaceful settlement
of the war in Vietnam.
Respectfully,
HERBERT E. ISAACSON.
PAULA D. ISAACSON.
BRONX, N.Y.,
April 3, IJ65.
SENATOR WAYNE MORSE,
Washington, D.C.:
I wish to state my support of your op-
position to the administrative policy in
Vietnam.
. Yours truly, _
Los ANGELES, CALIF.,
April 2, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: While I am not
one of your constituents and will probably
never be able to cast a vote for you as Sen-
ator, still I find that you most frequently
speak for me on a majority of issues. For
this reason I am writing you today to urge
you to continue your efforts to conclude our
involvement in Vietnam.
This situation may already have gone too
far to avoid general war, but so long as
there is any hope, do please use all your
powers of persuasion not only to prevent
further spread of the fighting, but also to
end our military participation in the affairs
of Vietnam.
It does not seem to me the proper way
to correct an old mistake by making new
blunders.
Sincerely yours,
ROSEMARY It. DAVIS.
Senator WAYNEMORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR Sin: From time to time, I have been
reading your anxious views on the conflict
in Vietnam. I am interested to know what
you think of President Johnson's offer (April
7, Johns Hopkins University) for uncondi-
tional talks to end the dreadful war in Viet-
nam. Mr. Johnson said the United States
would not leave South Vietnam until the
country has secure peace free from outside
interference. Are we to assume from this
that the President has not changed the U.S.
position? I thought his ideas for recon-
struction in southeast Asia excellent. How-
ever, if the United States remains ready to
carry on its military effort in South Viet-
nam and against the north, in the final out-
come will there be anything left to recon-
struct? Make no mistake, we in this coun-
try share your grave concern over this costly
war.
I would sincerely appreciate hearing your
views on the latest development.
Yours truly,
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA,
BERKELEY, CALIF.,
April 14, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I heartily endorse
your stand on Vietnam and am quite thank-
ful that there is still a visible, vocal and in-
telligent opposition in the Senate. I sincere-
ly hope and pray that you and others like
you have some effect on U.S. policy in Viet-
nam.
I would appreciate any material or liter-
ature, including the State Department's
white paper, on the Vietnam situation.
Sincerely yours,
ARTHUR LIEBMAN,
MANSFIELD, OHIO,
April 13, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Many thanks for
your service to the people in giving much
needed information on the war in Vietnam.
-It is hoped that your voice will never be
stilled by the threat of dams or any other
favors to your State, for if the present policy
is pursued to its ultimate conclusion there
will be no need for dams or anything else
anywhere.
In all wars of history, religion has played
its part either in instigating or blessing the
participants and there are vague hints that
there are religious issues at stake in Vietnam.
Otherwise, it doesn't seem that those Bud-
dhist monks would seek to publicize their
side of the controversy by such violent means
as burning themselves to death. Such be-
havior suggests that a way of life is being
forced upon them that is inimical to their
sense of justice.
I am wondering if you could give me in-
formation or suggest reading material con-
cerning this phase of the war.
Again thanking you for your almost Single-
handed fight in the Senate and urging you
to remember, in lonely moments, that there
were "7,000 in Israel who had not bowed
the knee to Baal." All people of good will
will be grateful to you for your fearless ad-
vocacy of a more lenient policy in Vietnam.
Very sincerely,
ALICE G. BEER.
SACRAMENTO, CALIF.,
April 16, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I have recently read
an article by Bertrand Russell entitled "Free
World Barbarism: The War of Atrocity in
Vietnam" (Minority of One, December 1964)
which has left me seriously disturbed and
anxious to discover additional and reliable
information on the political nature of the
struggle in South Vietnam.
Russell and others have described the na-
tional liberation front as "indigenous" and
have asserted that the uprising in Vietnam
against the Diem and subsequent govern-
ments is a national one. It seems to me
critical that one know the truth of thi:
assertion for the reason that one cannot pass
judgment on the political validity of the
U.S. role in the suppression of the Vietcong
(NLF) without understanding just what and
who our Government has determined to
crush.
A document that would indicate the origins
of the front, its leadership and their back-
grounds, and the nature and source of its
support is sorely needed. This kind of in-
formation is simply not available (as far as
I have been able to discover) in the Amer-
ican press. I cite to you David Halbertram's
article in the January edition of Commen-
We encourage your efforts to bring respon-
sible discussion of the Vietnam war before
our Nation.
MENNONITE CONGREGATION OF BOSTON.
POMONA, CALIF.,
March 23, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: As an American citi-
zen I am firmly behind you in your fight to
find a better solution to Vietnam than the
one the present administration is now
following.
I believe our actions over there have erased
all of the good will our country has won
throughout the world. Unfortunately our
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April 21, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
tary magazine, "Getting the News Out of
Vietnam," as illustrative of the, distortion
and unreliability of American news coverage
In Vietnam in most recent years.
I would be most appreciative of any refer-
ences you are able to suggest that report a
comprehensive and reliable description of
the national liberation front. Foreign peri-
odicals, (British, French, or German) would
be most acceptable. In addition, I would
like a copy of the U.S. white paper on
Vietnam.
I know, that you for one have been most
critical,of,our r?Qle in Vietnam, and I assume
that your position is based on information
and facts ,that do not give credence to our
present Vietnam strategy. The abysmal hor-
ror and destruction of fellow human beings
in that far off land by Americans does not
rest easy on this citizen's mind. I would
appreciate any information you are able to
provide.
Sincerely yours,
DAVID M. BLICKER.
Los ANGELES, CALIF.,
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE; A friend has lent Ine
a copy of the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD for the
Senate for April 1, 1965, and.I want to con-
gratulate and commend you on your cou-
rageous stand demanding a United Nations
cease-fire.ordef as,.the beginning of a nego-
tiated peace in Vietnam.
However. I. have not been able to finish
all the excellent statements which you suc-
ceeded in getting printed in the RECORD for
April 1, since I had to return the copy, and
I would like If it is possible to have this
issue of the RECORD for my flies.
You probably don't remember me but if
you think back to the days when you were
dean of the University of Oregon Law School
And an arbitrator . for the longshore union
you may remember a young United Press
correspondent going to the university in Eu-
gene and working on the Eugene Register-
Guard who used to pick up copies of your
decisions. I ,was that reporter and it was
my job to digest the decisions and wire over-
head to Portland a 100- or 150-word version
for news, stories that went up and down the
Pacific coast, and I suppose also to, the east
coast if the. dockside issue was important
enough.
Now >;, have my own news agency in Los
Angeles, serving weekly neighborhood papers
with reports on local government. The pub-
lishers
who buy my service are almost uni-
formly conservative and would not print any
column of ir4ne stating my views pointblank
about our aggression in Vietnam, But I am
enclosing a column which contains one single
paragraph which compares the Asian situa-
tion to -George Orwell's predictions of "1984"
so you can see how I feel.
Without voices such asyours and Senator
GRUENING's the United States would be in
a sorry State. The conservatives, control the
pipelines of news and opinions and those
of us who feed material into these pipelines
are often foreclosed from warning our read-
ers and listeners of the dangers of nuclear
disaster. But I at least write the truth as
I see it and if I. can't take,,a stand against
would never write a word apologizing for
what I think is ingrally wrong and stupid In
the bargain.
S wlsh,youu well I've followed your career
for more tharn, 2 years, and you are a credit
to Oregon, the Senate, and. your country.
Very' cordially yours,
$ID0ELY. S"i.VMbIINCS.
P.5.7$'ou, are tree to. insert this into the
CONGRF85IQI?IA}'... ECORD if you think it would
RIDGELY CUMMINGS,
CIVIC CENTER SPOTLIGHT
(By Ridgely Cummings)
Phase II Includes animal exhibit groups
in five continental areas with each area
planted with trees and shrubs native to that
continent. Actually there are six continents
if my grade school geography was accurate
but Europe and Asia are being combined into
one, Eurasia. This for some reason reminds
me of George Orwell's "1984" and the con-
stant wars between three world powers, two
of them ganging up on the third, then
switching sides and rewriting history to
make it appear they had always been allies
with their present partners. This may come
to pass yet in our time with Red China,
Soviet Russia, and the United States and
its economic dependencies as the three, but
I had better get back to the subject at hand,
the safer subject of animals and my little
daughter's reaction to same.
Senator W. MORSE,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SIR: Every U.S. Senator should read
Hans Morgenthau's article in the April 18
edition of the New York Times magazine sec-
tion. His analysis of the course of our
present policy and actions in Vietnam are
terrifying and foreboding.
The President should be urged to revise
the present policy to conform with a prag-
matic political policy suggested by Mor-
genthau, otherwise an ensuing Asian war
could have catastrophic consequences for
us and the rest of the world.
SOL SCHIFF.
BERKELEY, April 18, 1965,
SENATOR MORSE: Many of us are with you
in your struggle to stop the senseless killing
in Vietnam in the name of what has been
called the big lie.
President Johnson Is branding the world
with his deadly L.B.J. In the name of "peace,
freedom, and America." Immune to words
of sense, of mercy, of humanity, he would
use those instead and profane their mean-
ing. Like the King of Lilliput, he makes a
benevolent proclamation and proceeds to his
dastardly deeds of bombing.
I have marched, I have written, and will
continue although it sometimes seems futile.
We cannot give up-yet, I wish I could be
more effective-have you any suggestions?
15,000 march on the White house and
President Johnson refuses to stop bombing
as he speaks of peace.
Please, please continue your heroic and
sensible efforts-shout the truth as loud as
you can, for as long as you can-I, we, see
it is our only hope in a world rapidly heading
toward its own destruction.
Sincerely,
SEATTLE, WASH.,
April 18, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE:. AS Johnson's War in
Vietnam is escalated toward a global con-
flict, we are ever more grateful that you and
Senator GRUENING continue to speak otit
against this shameful action by Our beloved
country.
More and-more Americans join you in ef-
forts to achieve a cease-fire and negotiations.
Yesterday 200 of us marched in a peace wit-
ness in Bellingham instituted by the Ameri-
7869
We work for peace here and know you
will continue to do the same in the Senate.
For peace.
OSWEGO, N.Y.,
April 17, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Keep up the fight
against our murderous activity in Vietnam.
We are proud of you for your courage. Hope
you can get through to the President and
Dean Rusk but it seems hopeless.
We are with you. Wish there were direct
aid to give. Is there?
Sincerely,
WARREN E. STEINKRAUS.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: As a graduate of the
University of Oregon, I feel that I am an
Oregonian. I have long supported your
courageous stand on South Vietnam, that
the problem should have long since been
submitted to the United Nations. Such
action would not only have demonstrated
our genuine willingness to preserve world
peace, but would have branded the Com-
munists as aggressors in the eyes of the
world. Our continued support of a corrupt
regime which lacks the moral and material
support of its citizens seems destined to
failure. At best all we can hope to create
is an artificial situation which will collapse
soon after our troops are withdrawn.
McGeorge Bundy, on a press interview
Sunday, April 4, 1965, appeared to evade
directly answering questions posed to him
on American opposition to our policy in
South Vietnam. Bundy's remarks on tele-
vision seem to lend support to former State
Department adviser Owen Lattimer's charge
that the State Department "hushes everybody
up by saying, 'we know all the facts."'
I feel that such State Department high-
handedness is doing Irreparable harm to our
democratic institutions. It seems that our
State Department officials are presuming to
act for the American people without con-
sulting the very people whom they profess
to represent. Perhaps the present admin-
istration should be reminded that the Con-
stitution was created by and for the Ameri-
can people.
Yours truly,
APRIL 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Without fail-every-
time we hear on the radio-what you have
to say on any Issue-and particularly Viet-
nam, we are overwhelmed with gratitude
that you are there and saying what you are
saying.
BELMONT, MASS.;
April 7, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
'DEAR SENATOR MORSE: We ask for an im-
mediate cease fire in Vietnam and for prompt
application of the U Thant formula for
negotiation.
Sincerely,
can Friends Service Committee. We heard President. JOHNSON,
two University of Washington professors talk The White House,
on the right to protest and the wrong of Washington, D.C.
VALLEJO, CALIF.,
April 8, 1965.
the U.S. war in Vietnam. One used much DEAR PRESIDENT JOHNSON: We want you to
of your argument in calling for an end to know that we are against the war in Viet-
our shameful participation in this civil war. nom. We support Oregon Senator WAYNE
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P
MORSE and his views on the terrible things
that the U.S. Government is doing in Asia.
Stop this dirty, unjust war against people
of Vietnam. --
Yours truly,
cc: Oregon Senator WAYNE MORSE.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: We have also writ-
ten this same letter to California Senators
GEORGE MURPHY and KUCHEL.
IRENE BYERS,
WARREN BYERS.
SANTA BARBARA, CALIF.,
April 7, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: As I recall it, the
Constitution says Congress has the right to
declare war. Of course, it did not define war
exactly; but it seems to me that bombing an-
other country every day regularly might well
be considered a state of war.
It seems to me there might be considerable
mileage in some Senators or Representatives
attempting to assert the ancient rights of
Congress at the present time?
Best wishes,
IRVrNG F. LAUcxs.
JERSEY CITY, N.J.
April 8, 1965.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
Senator from Oregon,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: It was mentioned
over the air Saturday Morning, April 3, that
you had a discussion or debate with Wiscon-
sin Senator PROXMIRE in San Francisco or Los
Angeles, on our private undeclared war on
the Vietnam people who are fighting for
freedom from their oppressors, the rulers we
in the United States are forcing on them in
the name of preserving democracy for the
freedom-loving people in South Vietnam,
and that our democratic and :freedom-loving
warmongers in Washington will fight for that
freedom even if they have to kill every non-
combatant man, woman, and child living
in North or South Vietnam by incendiary
bombs, napalm bombs, gas bombs, and ordi-
nary dynamite bombs dropped by the tons
by our men serving as consultants or advis-
ers to the Vietnam armed forces we are cre-
ating, training, supporting, and paying for
With our sons' lives and with our own tax-
payers' money in the billions.
It's our men, planes, and ships that are
doing most of the killing and committing
wanton murder like Hitler did to the Jews
and,to all others who opposed his Ideas of
solving the race problem.
I believe that we are committing, a greater
crime against humanity than Hitler because
it was the United States that plunged into
World War I and II, which wars took over 75
million lives and property destroyed worth
hundreds of billions of dollars to make the
world safe from future wars and hatred and
to penult self-determination of governments
by the people and for the people-not gov-
ernments forced on them by outside powers.
Colonization and slavery was supposed to be
out.
What are we doing in southeast Asia?
What kind of an example for freedom and
peace are our ruling clique In Washington
displaying for the newly created govern-
ments?
How can our President, and my friend,
Lyndon B. Johnson, who is lighting so hard
,for rights and improvements to our people
in our United States criticize and condemn
the crimes and shameful acts committed by
our own extreme right group, yet permit the
shameful crimes we are committing in Africa
with the Tshombes and in southeast Asia
with the gangster rulers whom we have put
in a position to rule their people by oppres-
sion and mass murder. These rulers are
sitting on top of a government supported by
our bayonets, money and military might-
not by the wishes of the great majority of
their citizens.
Dear Mr. Senator, what can we do here in
the United States to arouse the conscience
of enough Senators and Congressmen to stop
this shameful undeclared wanton murder of
innocent people who are paying the supreme
penalty for something they don't know what
it's all about.
Does our war clique In Washington really
want to bring this undeclared private war to
an atomic war climax? What then?
I am certain that there are enough de-
cent and liberal thinking Senators and Con-
gressmen in the Senate and House, and
many millions of citizens in the United
States who are willing to support them mor-
ally, and financially if necessary, to stop this
shameful undeclared private war which is
being pursued under the guise of saving
democracy for the freedom-loving people.
Why the hypocrisy? Why not have the
United Nations take over the responsibility
of handling this situation as proposed by
U.N. Secretary U Thant?
Smart people are those that admit their
mistakes and try to make amends without
face saving and schemes.
Please mail me a copy of your recent debate
with Wisconsin Senator PROxMIRE (in San
Francisco or Los Angeles) who was elected
on a liberal platform of the LaFollettes but is
now singing a different song.
Very truly yours,
SAMUEL KIPNxs.
DAYTONA BEACH, FLA.,
April 6, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR MR. MORSE: I am so disgusted with
the stand our Florida Senators take on the
war in Vietnam, that I am writing to you.
The U.S. image is being blackened by bomb-
ings, strafings, and burnings of peasants and
homes in Vietnam. This is in direct opposi-
tion to our policy at home-where we op-
pose such acts on a lesser scale by the KKK,
White Citizens Council, etc. If we oppose
terror at home, why should we not oppose it
in Vietnam?
From what I can understand the people
of Vietnam want to be left alone-and only
a few Vietnamese plus military personnel
want the war to continue.
My plea to you-please do all you can to
stop this war.
Sincerely,
BROOKLYN, N.Y.,
April 8, 1965.
HOD. WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I am glad to see the
beginnings of a change in our Vietnam pol-
icy and I must commend you on your stand.
I must add, however, that I would like to
see an immediate cease-fire there and use of
U Thant's formula for negotiations.
Sincerely yours,
PAULA JHEWIN.
APRIL 8, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: You may feel very
much in the minority but I know many
Americans support your conscientious stand
on U.S. Involvement in Vietnam. Stay strong.
Sincerely,
WILLIAM M. HODSDON.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SE'NAfit1t: I wish that, if possible, you
would get time for a national broadcast in
reply to President Johnson's message to be
delivered tonight. I believe "our action" in
Vietnam are uncalled for. I have protested
to the President and to some of the Senators
about U.S. action there. I consider it an
invasion of North Vietnam.
I may not have agreed with you on any
other controversial question, but I am glad
you have spoken out against our war there.
When "our" approved rulers had charge there,
there were murders, I believe, until they were
slain.
Yours for a responsible America,
FRANK REEDER.
SEATTLE, WASH.,
March 5, 1965.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
The Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C..
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: You have honestly
and fearlessly voiced your opinion to some
of the gravest issues facing the world today.
I fully share your views and pray, the
Lord may give you strength and time,
strength enough and time enough for your
noble efforts to make this world a better
one.
I pray for you, and I thank you from the
bottom of my heart.
Sincerely yours,
I most heartily commend your stand re-
garding Vietnam. Many of us are definitely
opposed to present administration policy
there. In my opinion our tactics there-just
plain war-are dangerous, illegal, and expen-
sive in life and - money.
More power to you.
Very truly yours,
SAN FRANCISCO, CALIF.,
April 5, 1965.
Once again I heartily agree with your re-
marks re Vietnam. It seems to get us no-
where-but don't stop hollering. Will you?
K. H. BALD.
APRIL 8, 1965.
DEAR -SENATOR: I agree that peace cannot
be bought in Vietnam.
The first "condition" of peace is a stable
regime-on the ground-and this seems to be
what the NCF has.
General, world reaction will be-beware of
Greeks bearing peace in bombing planes.
STATE UNIVERSITY OF NEW YORK
BUFFALO, N.Y.,
April 7, 1965.
Hon. WAYNE L. MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I wish to let you
know that I have the highest respect and
admiration for your position on Vietnam and
on the other issues of international policy.
I admire your honesty, integrity and cour-
age. You are serving America, Americans,
and mankind.
God bless you.
Sincerely yours,
KAREL HULICKA,
Professor of History.
ST. PETERSBURG, FLA.,
April 6, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Again weare grate-
ful to you for your courageous efforts to op-
pose the majority opinion in Washington-in
this instance, our failing policy in Vietnam.
We are appalled at the methods of warfare
being tried against the Vietcong and North
Vietnam, and' at the unwillingness of our
policymakers to see the immorality of our
position and the frightful danger of an ex-
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panded war. Please continue to make every
effort,,to, get us into negotiations,
Thank you for representing a saner point
of view,
"Yours sincerely,
Florida Presbyterian College.
ST. IELENA, CALIF.,
tlprtl 5, 1965.
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SE.pTQR MORSE: I wish to tell you
that I am in wholehearted accord with the
views you recently expressed over the radio
concerning the Vietnam situation. Why we
are there I cannot quite understand. I do
hope you will continue to express your views.
Thank you.
Very truly yours,
Wn,HELMINA M. COT,LENBURG.
FRESH MEADOWS, N.Y.,
April 7, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: As longtime admirers
of your, valiant and lonely stand against the
administration's policy in Vietnam we hope
you might, if at all , possible, and in some
way, participate in the march on Washington
to protest the war in Vietnam., on April 17,
sponsored by sane, Women's'Strike for Peace,
and Students for a Democratic Society. You
have earned the praise of all thinking Ameri-
cans for your persistent dissent in this mat-
ter.
Sincerely,
Mr, and Mrs. JOHN KAUFAQANIf.
OAISLArrD, CALIF.,
April 7,1965.
Senator WATNFI,MORSE.
SENATOR: t am deeply concerned over the
Vietnam situation and alrl Wilting you in
the hope of a brief explanation for our
presence there. You happen to be my fa-
vorite Senator and that is nay, reason for
directing this letter to you..
There appears to be much confusion and
diversity of opinions, reports and explana-
tigns for our, involvement in Vietnam. My
quettions are as follows: Did, the United
States enter into the 1954 Geneva. Agreement
as a formal party? It is frequently reiterated
that a breach of the Agreement is the sole
reason for our intervention in, Vietnam, Are
the North Vietnamese directly and solely
responsible for the civil and political dis-
turbance in South Vietnam? I have not read
or heard of any North Vietnamese troops or
aircraft being employed in the south.
Finally, if our presence and objective in
Vietnam is as vital as generally alleged, I am
extremely curious to know why our allies are
not rendering us any assistance. Would not
the outcome in Vietnam affect their as dras-
tically as the United States?
Is it true that the European nations are
trading and selling goods to the North Viet-
namese while we, are engaged in military
conflict with them? If true, this situation
appears' ridiculous.
Needless to..state I am quite confused
with. ,respect to Vietnam and would inded
welcome even the slightest clarification.
Sincerely yours,
I Mr. WALTER DUDA,
NEW YORK, N.Y.,
DEAR .SEIATOR, MORSE: I'm much heartened
always by your readiness and willingness to
"speak truth to pomposity."
As'for Mr.. J9hnson's speech last night-
which did not answer world .criticism of
`CTnited States havoc ip Vietnan},. North ,and
pout - j iltl point it's as though he's try-
ing to let the world to chip in on what, is
all clearly our reparations bill there for
10 years of dislocation, devastation, death,
and destruction, Is there any unscorched
earth left? Are any villages left? Did
Operation Sunrise ever realty end?
Above all, though, Mr. MORSE, is our con-
tinued, pledge to force North Vietnam into
the war. How the .,Pentagon must be vexing
at .the, North's xefll,sal to -rise to our bait.
And we continue to bomb and, burn. with
.impunity
A Japanese report earlier this week, liken-
ing the NLF of South Vietnam to the French
resistance movement of World War II. seems
to best state the situation. This Washing-
ton can never, concedg.forwithIt would have
to die our lie of the NLF a Red. subversive,
outside-directed group. It would also reveal
that'there is no substantial government in
South Vietnam except the NLF.
Negotiations, then with. whom?.The
United States and North Vietnam?
No. Rather the NLF. in, conference with
all southeast Asian governments.
Again, thanks for your strength which
gives so many of us strength tynd courage
and determination to do,-something every
-
day
even if it's only letterwriting.
Yours devotedly,
VALLEY STREAM, N.Y.,
April 7, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
fire and immediate application of U Thant's DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: These days when let-
formula for negotiations, ters from friends say "Thank God I did not
We strongly urge you,. Senator, to continue vote for Johnson, I am sad that I did not
your fight to prevent the escalation of the have the same kind of insight last November,
Vietnam war, by giving your support to U for I did vote for you.
Thant's call for negotiation to settle this Many, many people who voted for you did
n
li
co
f
ct.
Yours truly,
JOSEPH SCHACIINER.
CHARLOTTE SC IACHNER.
CARoI, ScHACHNER.
JEFF,SCHACHNER,
CHICAGO, ILL.,
April 7, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,.
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SINATOR: L.B.J. just finished his
speech on, Vietnam. He gives his views on
this conflict and he still gives a stance that
hasn't changed.
He speaks of the adversaries' atrocities, but
doesn't mention the atrocities committed by
the regimes we support.
The newspapers have been full of pictures
of how the South Vietnamese torture cap- force Senators and Representatives as well
tives, as governors and mayors to back your policy
If you were to go through the "letters to in Vietnam. Our minister and best rabbi
the editor" columns of all the Chicago papers friend call the present policy illegal, in-
in the last couple of months you would judge humanitarian, stupid, and immoral. Per-
L.B.J..as akin to Goldwater. sonally, I agree with Senators MORSE and
Senator, what recourse do 40 million dis- GRUENING.
franchised voters have? The ordinary person feels so helpless and
I recommend peaceful negotiations, imme- cynical about the lies we get from our high-
diateiy, under international supervision. est officials and the talk about "freedom" for
Respectfully yours, the people of South Vietnam. You and all
TpxY MALLIN., the war hawks know the United States . has
not, been willing to have free elections in
NEWTON, MASS., Vietnam. The United States has violated
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
,PEd, i ,SET &TOR MORSE; We ask for an. im-
mediate ceasefire in Vietnalil.n d f prompt
application of the U Thant formula for
.,negotiation,
Yours truly,
MAURICE J. SILVER.
NEW BRUNSWICK, N.J.,
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SIR: Although I am not a member of
your constituency, T .feel compelled to voice
'7$71
support for your efforts to uphold the validity
of international agreements in the face of
such transgressions as the advisory action of
the United States in Vietnam. I feel that
negotiations must be undertaken im-
mediately or we risk nuclear destruction. It
has been a sad, time in world history. We
speak Of democratic government and do such
things as attempt to assure the civil rights
of minority Americans and we conjure up a
consensus foreign policy which acts against
the interests of democracy and civil rights in
Vietnam. Despite the legal arguments
against United States actions in Vietnam,
there has long been substantial evidence that
the Saigon governments which we have sup-
ported work against the people of Vietnam.
There is also the obvious and apparent cen-
sorship of the, American press representatives
in Vietnam, I feel that this acts to deceive
the American people and further injure the
interests of the Vietnamese people. Again,
I must congratulate you on the position
which you have defended in the face of
gross unreason in the Congress of the United
States of America,
Very sincerely,
JAN PHILIP BRAVERMAN.
NEW HAVEN, CONN.,
April 5, 1965.
President LYNDON B. JOHNSON,
so because Barry Goldwater said he would in-
crease military aid to Vietnam. Of course
you can say you did not say, as President
Eisenhower did about Korea, what you would
do but you know you gave the impression
you could be trusted to decrease rather than
increase military activity there.
You talk about "democracy and freedom,"
What does democracy mean for the ordinary
person? Mail against the present policy in
Vietnam is running up to 500 to 1 against
what is being done now. Senator JAvrrs'
mail is 50 to 1 against. I have not been to
Washington recently but,friends who have
come back sad and discouraged. These peo-
ple are not Communists, either. Those who
knew Germany best under Hitler say Wash-
ington reminds them of early Hitler Germany
propaganda about aid and aggression from
the North, you and the Washington war
hawks know, as do many, many of us ordi-
nary people, that it is the United States that
is really providing most of the arms for both
sides and that in the truth the United States
is the aggressor half a world from home,
The dear lady who made a torch of her-
self in Detroit trying to awaken you barely
escaped Hitl.er's gas chambers. Your orders
to burn helpless people, including babies,
with napalm are just unbelievable. This
Nation that claims to be Christian is about
the most barbaric in the world now-terrible
bombs, napalm, gas, etc., etc. I hope you
cease using the name of God. He can have
nothing but condemnation fgr_us, It seems
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD --SENATE April 21, 1965
to me. Certainly a loving God would never,
never do what our soldiers are being ordered
to do in Vietnam.
I know the pressures on you are great.
World opinion is against us and we are hated;
but because we are rich we have power to
be used for good or evil. Most people at
home think our foreign policy is .wrong.
Many are terribly confused and afraid. They
want to live and fear you are rushing us to-
ward the complete destruction of the world.
Please bring military men home instead of
sending more and lose all the face necessary
to stop the war. Stop unilateral action and
ask the United Nations to take over the job
in Vietnam.
I am thankful for every speech you make.
Copies have been made of the tape you made
for Yale students and is being widely used.
Sincerely,
(Mrs. W.) OLA 11. UPHAUS.
CONCORD, CALIF.,
April 6, 1965.
Mr. MCGEORGE BUNDY,
Special Assistant to the President, The White
House, Washington, D.C.
DEAR MR. BuNDY: Your appearance on
"Meet the Press" telecast last Sunday in-
spired me to write this letter. You rather
indicated that your mail regarding Vietnam
was not being counted, and I do not expect
this letter to be counted, either. I do not
know when I have heard such a weasel
worded conversation as you put on. My wife
said, "Well, at least he didn't tell any out-
right lies." That may be so, but neither do
I recall you telling any outright truths. The
nearest to an outright lie was your conten-
tion that we are not aggressors In Vietnam.
I doubt that the majority of the people of
the world would agree with you, and perhaps
not even a majority in this country.
I say that you have a lot of blood on your
hands, and I should imagine psychiatrists
are wondering how you can sleep. There
will undoubtedly be a lot more blood on your
hands, unless and until, the President gets
rid of advisers such as you.
Very truly yours,
M. C. BELKNAP.
cc:- Senators ERNEST GRUENING, WAYNE
MORSE, MICHAEL J. MANSFIELD, and THOMAS
H. KUCHEL.
APRIL 6, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I want to let you
know that I support you and you are speak-
ing for me when you urge that we negotiate
over the Vietnamese situation.
The area should be neutralized and we,. as
a nation, should get out. Morally, we are
all wrong, and politically, we are cutting our
own throat before the world.
Keep up the good work.
Sincerely, -
Los ANGELES, CALIF.,
April 6, 1965.
President L. B. JOHNSON,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR PRESIDENT JOHNSON: Recent events,
taken in conjunction with the evidence sum-
marized below, have forced me to come to the
reluctant conclusion that you are taking the
United States down a path which bears a
terrifying similarity to that taken by pre-
war Germany.
The evidence forcing me to this conclusion
follows,
1. The U.S. Government claims that the
present war is an instance of Communist
aggression is authoritatively refuted by the
noted historian Devillers in the China Quar-
terly for January-March 1962.
2. The U.S. Government states that ac-
tions of the Vietcong are only made possible
by the infiltration of personnel and equip-
ment from North Vietnam and that the Com-
munists in North Vietnam are attempting to
conquer South Vietnam.
Data obtained from the recent White
Paper, and from the Pentagon, indicate that
Communist-made weapons constitute less
than 21/2 percent of the weapons used by the
Vietcong.
The White Paper names only six native-
born North Vietnamese who have infiltrated
into South Vietnam In the 5-year period
prior to and including 1964.
Therefore, the Government's own figures
contradict its claims of significant infiltra-
tion from the north.
The above items indicate that the U.S.
Government has deceived the American pub-
lic. This is corroborated by the New York
Times editorial of July 29, 1964, which states
that "unpalatable facts were suppressed and
the truth subverted" and also by an Amer-
ican in Saigon who is quoted in Newsweek
of February 10, 1964, as saying, "Washing-
ton repeatedly lied to the American people
during the last 3 years."
3. The use of torture, poison chemicals,
and gas, the leveling by bombing of villages
suspected of containing a few Vietcong, the
willingness to inflict a horrible death by
burning through our extensive use of napalm,
and the bombing of North Vietnam on the
false pretext that significant quantities of
arms and men have been infiltrated, are con-
trary to morality and international law and
have caused death and misery to countless
innocent people. Many American boys have
been killed and maimed in carrying out the
Government's policy.
4. Foreign policy has apparently been
taken over by the military. Except for a
few courageous Senators such as MORSE,
GRUENING, McGovERN, and CuuacH, Congress
has abdicated its responsibility and goes
along with the actions by which we are
being led deeper into an immoral war which
will kill and maim millions, if not hundreds
of millions, of human beings.
When a government deceives its people
and uses methods which have shocked the
world to gain its ends, it does not deserve the
respect of its citizens.
If the American people do not demand
that their Government tell them the truth
about our actions in southeast Asia, we are
going to reap the nuclear holocaust which
you seem determined to bring about.
The crimes tried at Nuremberg were a
Sunday school picnic compared to those of
which these responsible for world war III will
be guilty.
Yours truly,
Care of Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senator
ERNEST GRUENING.
ST. Louis, Mo.,
April 5, 1964.
DEAR MR. MORSE: Big Brother Johnson's
administration is soon going to have
us in an atomic war, as you recently predict-
ed on TV, the way things are going. I have
come to the conclusion that we will be lucky
If we have an economic collapse that will
put us out of the war business before we get
into an atomic war that will end it in an
even more unpleasant manner, and perhaps
the rest of the world as well.
The only people who are satisfied with
this war are the industrialists and military
who have been making huge profits from
the cold war, and never want it to end, ex-
cept by escalation into a hot, or at least
lukewarm war, through which they can make
even more in graft and profits.
These are the people Big Brother is taking
care of, and no doubt it was they who backed
his campaign financially as well as Gold-
water's. Big Brother ought to be impeached
for the administration's whitewash of Bobby
Baker because it is obvious why.
LAWRENCE STRICKLAND.
SAN DIEGO, CALIF.,
April 4, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SIR: This is simply to express my
deep admiration for your stand on Vietnam.
I fully agree with your position.
We are indeed fortunate in having a man
of your courage in the Senate.
Very truly yours,
Ross VON METZKE.
OLD LYME, CONN.
DEAR. SENATOR MORSE: Keep fighting! rWe
don't belong in Vietnam In the first place
and our current effort there is one of simple
brutality Not only is our bombing im-
moral, but it is clearly the one thing that
can make the Indochinese accept the
Chinese protection they fear. You've been a
voice of reason and a tower of strength
throughout this dark time. We urge you
to keep up the good fight.
Sincerely,
WALTER KAYLIN.
BOSTON, MASS.,
April 6, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I Want you to know
that I appreciate your long-time criticism
of our policies In Vietnam. Your article In
"Progressive" plus your CONGRESSIONAL REC-
ORD statements of protest and explanation
following the Gulf of Tonkin business have
been substance for my own debating. .
My reasons for supporting negotiation and
withdrawal of military machinery are, I be-
lieve, substantially the same as yours; we
never belonged there in the first place, and
we've bungled it while we've been there.
I was really disappointed by the recent
"White Paper" which attempted to cover up
the whole fiasco. We are really getting des-
perate. I just hope we can get smart and
get out before bombing Chinese targets be-
comes as accepted as bombing North Viet-
nam and Laos has become.
`Keep up your good work. There are some
of us out here who think you're on the ball.
I'm one of them!
Sincerely yours,
NORTH CONWAY, N.H.,
April 4, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I have always ad-
mired you, but never as much as I do today
when I see you stand against a mob who are
"Hellbent" for war.
I believe that now is the time for all true
patriots to rise and be counted.
Sincerely,
J. HAROLD KLOCK.
SAN FRANCISCO, CALIF.,
April 4, 1965.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C.
DEAR MR. SENATOR: The last line of the en-
closed letter is rhetorical; however, it seems
you and Mr. GRUENINO stand almost alone
in the Senate.
Two aspects of this matter seem to me to
demand much more than a routine protest--
one, the wrecking of the United Nations
spoken of in the attached letter, and two,
the fact that the power of making war now
resides de facto in the hands of the Presi-
dent alone. This is a monstrously revolu-
tionary condition for our country. One-man
war, undesirable any time to our way of
thinking, wolud seem in this epoch to be
simply fantastic.
I suspect the popular protest against our
policy in Vietnam Is enormous, as reflected
in congressional mail. And yet the press as
well as the Congress seem determined to sup-
port this policy, apparently feeling that as
soon as we can get enough Americans killed
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public sentiment will change. A frequent
comment is that the "Government" must
know something we (the people) don't know,
or the Government would not be so persist-
ent in this outrageous course. As a mem-
ber of the Committee on Foreign Relations,
could you make a public statement on this
specific point?
Sincerely yours,
WILLIAM BRANDON.
SAN FRANCISCO, CALIF.,
March 31, 1965.
Hon. J. W, FULBRIGHT,
Chairman, Committee on Foreign Relations,
U,S. Senate, Washington, D.C.
DEAR MR. SENATOR: Ypu state that you be-
lieve it would be unwise to commence nego-
tiations in Vietnam when the prospects for
success are unfavorable-this seems to say
that if we are losing we will throw away the
rulebook. But the oily real test of a set
of rules is to lose under them. Are we to
cripple or even demolish the United Nations
to keep from losing in Vietnam?
if our present policy of stepping outside
a rule of law and pulling a gun succeeds and
gains us a more favorable position, surely
such a fine policy will then be used again
and again in the future? And surely other
nations will follow our winning example? If
our present policy fails, we shall find our-
selves involved in an inexorably widening
war, in either case, the United Nations will
have been most neatly dismantled.
This seems a high price to pay. Is what
we are, "losing" in Vietnam of equal value?
Is it possible that the President's advisers
are laboring under "a profoundly and dan-
gerous" false notion," in the words of Walter
Lippmann, as to what constitutes winning
and losing in Asia?
The unlovely arrogance of our Pentagon
diplomacy in operation in Vietnam is abhor-
rent ,to the whole world. Every village
burne4 creates thous-'nds of new friends for
world communism and thousands of newly
dedicated anti-Americans. The serene cyni-
cism with which we pour out massive de-
struction in "retaliation" for any Americans
killed by underground terrorists makes this
enormous nightmare an enormous Operation
Lidice. The violent brutality toward those
"who threaten the stability" of South Viet-
nam (i.e., those who object to American
policy) ; the "hunting trip" raids of U.S. air-
planes looking for "random , opportunity
targets"; the "experimenting" with splendid
new antipersonnel weapons that cause
"extremely painful burns extremely difficult
to heal"; bombing of a countryside by the
map grid numbers-all these recall Mr. Hit-
ler in his finest hour.
Is the United States to conclude its record
of reasonably civilized leadership of the last
20 years by becoming a Fourth Reich? Are
you yourself willing to cap your heretofore
.distinguished record in foreign affairs by
quietly acquiescing?
There are many Americans who are ap-
palled at being cast in the role of the Nazis
this time around, and are doing their utmost
to make vocal and effective their dissent,
Are there no such Americans in Congress?
Sincerely yours,
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Dice Building,
Washington, D.C.
ESMOND, N. DAK.,
DEAR,.SENATOR MORSE: I wish to congratu-
late you on the stand you have taken on
the Vietnam question, I believe it should
be given to the United Nations. That
would show the world the United States is
willing to abide by the decisions of the
United YNations. It would certainly raise the
prestige of the United Nations and at the
same time I believe the United States would
be leading the world a step nearer peace.
Sincerely yours,
Mrs. LLOYD STADIG.
MIAMI BEACH, FLA.,
April 6, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR: Because of your boldly
stated stand on the Vietnam situation, may
I add my voice to the great masses who
demand an immediate cease-fire.
You are truly a great and fearless leader.
Respectfully yours,
MILTON F. GOLDSTEIN.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
ATTLEBORO, MASS.,
April 3, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I am Writing to ex-
press my appreciation of the stand you have
been taking on the Vietnam Issue. I am
convinced that in the future Americans will
be very ashamed of this period in our history.
There may be some legitimate debate about
whether we should withdraw from southeast
Asia or from South Vietnam, but we cer-
tainly should stop this insane bombing of
North Vietnam.
Yours truly,
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: We strongly urge a
policy leading to a ceasefire in Vietnam and
urge application of the United Nations and
U Thant's formula for negotiations.
Sincerely,
BERT K. LEFFERT,
Counselor at Law.
LOUISE LEFFERT
GRANITE CITY, ILL.,
April 2, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.:
Thank you, Senator, for your speech ex-
pressing your outrage with actions of U.S.
Government in Asia. My native land has
been brought to point where humanity re-
quires the United States be brought to
senses or to knees. Many citizens share
your deep revulsion. I was unable to learn
where and when this speech was made. Can
you furnish me copy so that I can distribute.
Letter follows.
LOUISIANA STATE UNIVERSITY
LAW SCHOOL,
Baton Rouge, La., April 6, 1965.
President LYNDON B. JOHNSON,
The White House,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: I wish to add my
voice as a citizen to those. o; the ministers,
priests, and rabbis who appealed to you to
reverse our course in Vietnam-,,at}d.work for
an immediate cease-fire and self-determina-
tion for the Vietnamese people. There are
disturbing indications that our actions. are
resulting in the suffering of the people of
Vietnam. The. enclosed. photograph from the
Baton Rouge Morning Advocate of March 29,
1965, is one of them.
While expediency may seem to dictate a
different course, God and history teach us
that righteous action is the most expedient
policy-the best policy for securing (1) the
peace and welfare of the United States and
(2) the love and esteem of other countries
7873
and peoples toward the United States and
its people.
Please, Mr. President. The people will
thankfully and joyfully follow your lead to-
ward peace in Vietnam.
Sincerely yours,
BENJAMIN M. SHIEBER.
(Copies to Senators CHURCH, FULBRIGHT,
GRVENING, JAVITS, RUSSELL B. LONG, and
MORSE,)
FLUSHING, N.Y.,
March 31, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I would like to ex-
press my support of your opposition to the
administration's program in South Vietnam.
At this time when it appears that our for-
eign policy is being governed only by rules
of expediency and brutal and unthinking
force, I am thankful that you and some of
your associates have undertaken to represent
the responsible opposition to the administra-
tion policy.
Be assured that you have my support in
every possible way in this matter.
If I can in any way be of aid or assistance
to you in this endeavor, I volunteer my serv-
ices.
Sincerely,
ALAN M. URIS,
Counselor at Law.
(Copies to Senator ERNEST GRVENING and
President Lyndon B. Johnson.)
SEATTLE, WASH.,
April 5, 1965.
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SIR: I wish to commend you on your
position on Vietnam.
You are right and Johnson is following the
policy of the late A. Hitler.
Sincerely yours,
NELS EHROTH.
WINCHESTER, MASS.,
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Please accept my
warmest thanks for your efforts to restore
U.S. foreign policy on Vietnam to the course
of decency, humane behavior, and respect for
international agreements. I hope that you
will be successful in your effort to secure open
debate on our activities in Vietnam, which
threaten the future of our country. Perhaps
such debate might result in the willingness
of the administration to negotiate the issues
of the war in Vietnam.
I pray for the preservation of your health,
energy, and sense of humor that you may
continue this fight with unabated vigor.
Sincerely yours,
RUTH O. TEEZAGHI.
Mrs. Karl Terzaghi.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SIR: I wish to express my gratefulness
and admiration for your consistent, coura-
geous stand against the evil that is contin-
ually occurring in the Government. I follow
your valiant fighting the sinister force (I
read the I. F. Stone weekly and have other
people read it) since 1963, your January 6
speech, June 29, 1964, March 16, 1964, March
4, 1965, and many others. I had the rare
pleasure of hearing you speak at Cooper
Union, New York City (heard it a second time
when. it was broadcast_ on New, Rork,City
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station, in company with friends I had in-
vited to my home to hear you) .
The time is drawing near, very near to a
third world war, really, a world war. In
my 85 years of life I have observed and heard
much. The First World War, World War II,
the Korean war, and yet I continually ask
myself- and (others if they are willing to
listen to me) why this brutal murder of
innocent people? Why this wanton destruc-
tion? I continually talk about the Korean
war, and tell the people how the American
officers were supervising Korean soldiers with
their hands tied in their backs and others
digging their own graves, it told that when
they will. finish digging their graves they will'
have their hands tied also and they will all
jump into their graves, alive. And what was
our gain from the Korean war: 196,000 Amer-
icans dead, the flower of our youth; a cor-
rupt Government and millions of dollars lost,
and millions still give the gangster govern.
ment in South Korea, and what a fiasco.
What is the reason to repeat this tragedy?
DO you know what the name for Americans
is? "The American Killers." This was told
to me by two people of integrity, .one a writer,
woman, the other a publisher. They both
speak -several foreign languages, and their
pleading that they were not American by
birth could not convince the people that
they are not as evil as those Americans who
make wars, directly and indirectly (that was
6 years ago). What a pity. Oh, for those
years when Americans were known the world
over as liberty loving, democracy loving, gen-
erous, friendly people. No more. I have
experienced only disdain (because I did not
speak Spanish) when I was in Mexico in 1954
and again in 1969 (the second time not so
much hatred) it was right after the American
Ambassador who boastfully acknowledged In
speech and print, in the Times, that he came
into the President of Guatemala with two
pistols and so forced him to flee the country.
The Mexicans, and not only the literate; even
the illiterate, the street vendors, wanted to
know why the Americans destroy the Latin
American peoples, Oh, I could go on, but I
know that .you hardly have time to read my
letter. I could say so much more to re-
lieve-my anger and anguish, but I shall close
with my gratitude to God, that there are men
like you even if few in number-very few
indeed.
Gratefully yours,
NEW Yoa1, N.Y.,
March 23, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: We are very fortu-
nate in having at least a few Senators like
you who can be a voice of dissent against
the excesses of the United States in Vietnam.
I do not believe that the administration can
be allowed to conduct a war in any name
without the approval of the legislature and
the populace.
I write this letter as an individual, but I
know I am also representative of most of
my acquaintances. Please continue the work
you are doing.
Respectfully,
BS RRIEN SPRINGS, MICH.,
April 9, 1965,
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: We are very seriously
disturbed at our present policy in Vietnam.
Quite clearly we are responsible for escalating
the war in that sector of the world; this is
fraught with grave dangers militarily and
diplomatically. Once again we present the
picture of the "ugly American" which works
so well to the advantage of the Communists.
We want to commend you for your fore-
sight and courage in this matter and to urge
you to continue to use your influence to dis-
suade us from this path and to recommend
active peace negotiations.
Sincerely,
NEW YORK, N.Y.,
April 6, 1965.
opinion supporting your efforts, and thou-
sands of us who are clergy are doing all we
can to help your cause.
Sincerely yours,
ALFRED B. STARRATT.
NORWOOD, PA.,
April 3, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I would like to ex-
press my gratitude for your firm and cour-
ageous stand against extending the war in
Vietnam.
Sincerely,
ADEL, IOWA,
April 8, 1965.
HoN. SENATOR MORSE: Want to voice my
appreciation for your opposition to the war
in Vietnam.
This war is not only too inhumane but also
too dangerous to continue.
Why not turn this over to the U.N.? This
war must be brought to a close and it seems
to me it would greatly strengthen the U.N.
to allow them to mediate a peace.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: It seems obvious to
almost everybody except Gen. Maxwell Taylor
and the administration that the policy in
Vietnam has gone very sour indeed. Instead
of breaking the resistance of the North Viet-
namese, we are strengthening it, and even
driving them into the dubious embraces of
Communist China. How stupid can we get?
Our whole policy appears to be calculated
to strengthening the Communist world,
pushing Mgscow and Peiping closer together,
turning all of Asia and Africa against "white
lmperialism"-the best weapons in the Red
propaganda arsenal, in addition to actual
military materiel, have been made in the
United States of America. When will we
learn?
Worse than that, the actions of the admin-
istration have sown dismay and distrust in
this country at a critical time when we
should be united. The people have been
lied to and betrayed. After repudiating esca-
lation of the conflict at the polls, we find that
our expressed hopes have been cynically
tossed out. Goldwaterism without Gold-
water. The press releases from the White
House, the white papers of the State Depart-
ment are such obvious lies that it is im-
possible to take them seriously, if it were not
for the fact that they have such serious
results. "
Now is government by the people possible
when the people are misled, bamboozled, and
denied access to information vitally affecting
their safety and welfare? "Big Daddy knows
best" is hardly in the American tradition.
We are not at war with North Vietnam.
Why, then, are we committing acts of ag-
gression on a par with Pearl Harbor? If we
are at war, the Congress should exercise its
constitutional duty of making a legal decla-
ration, and not leave it to the Executive to
wage war unconstitutionally. This tendency
to bypass the Constitution, to me, is a far
graver threat to our Republic than the feeble
efforts of No Chi Minh, The Congress should
reassert its duties as reprehentative of the
people, and not slip into-an emasculated role
of - a rubberstamp, like the Roman senate
under Augustus,
All the way with the --American people.
The President should execute the will of the
people, not impose his own.
Respectfully,
JOSEPH M. SHELLEY.
Wo0DMERE, N.Y.,
April 8, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR- SIR: Please add my small voice to
the many great voices who have called for
cease fire in Vietnam and an application of
U Thant's formula for negotiations.
SUZANNE GELLER.
DANIEL GELLER.
EMMANUEL CHURCH,
Baltimore, Md., April 7, 1965.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Keep up your good
fight against the insane policy being followed
in Vietnam. There is a rising tide of public
LONG BEACH, CALIF..,
April 3,1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I am 100 percent
with you in your opposition to the war in
Vietnam. I believe there is nothing to
and ieverythingmtomake administration's risk position there
Sincerely,
WILLIAM V. MCCAY.
DEARBORN, MICH., '
April 4, 1965.
DEAR PRESIDENT JOHNSON: Our recent
bombings of the defenseless inhabitants
of Vietnam, north and south, are costing us
all of our influence and prestige in Asia, not
to mention American reaction at home and
elsewhere.
You have stated that our purpose is to
end Communist aggression and terror in
South Vietnam. How true is this? Judging
from reports most Vietnamese, except for
Saigons4eem to prefer the Vietcongs.
From almost every viewpoint our position
seems to be coming more and more unten-
able. Let's have a cease fire before the situa-
tion deteriorates still further. Then we
can plan to rebuild and if possible regain
some self-respect.
Sincerely,
Mr. and Mrs. PAUL KERBER.
APRIL 5, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I heartily endorse
your position for negotiation in Vietnam.
ANNE KABACK.
DEAR SIR: You are one of the most coura-
geous and honest men in the United States.
If it weren't for you and men like you I
would lose faith in our Nation. I only hope
that your fervent pleas for peace in Vietnam,
for a halt to the awful horrors which the
United States is perpetrating are answered.
I am thrilled that you will visit my college,
Union, and await your talk eagerly.
Sincerely,
ROBERT S. HOFFMAN.
NEW YORK, N.Y.
April 7, 1965.
Hon. WAYNE L. MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washintgon, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Although I am not a
constituent. I should like to express my ad-
miration for your courageous and far-seeing
position on ending the conflict in Vietnam.
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You may be sure that when you advocate
immediate negotiation to end this unjust
and unnecessary war that you speak for
Americans across the Nation. The fear of
this thing escalating into another Korea-
type conflict or erupting into a major dis-
aster haunts us all.
Very truly yours,
Mrs. EVELYN S. SMITH.
APRIL 7, 1965.
Hon, ERNEST GRUENING,
Member, U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SrR:,I offer my thanks for your patri-
otic efforts to bring about the liquidation of
the stupid adventure in Vietnam.
Every Senator ought to read "Letter from
Saigon" in March 20 New Yorker.
Yours truly,
HENRY W. CHERRINGTON.
THE SAVANNAH SUN,
Savannah, Ga., April 2, 1965.
SENATOR WAYNE MORSE:
Would you read the enclosed and if you
approve of its general content, have it in-
serted in the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD?
I believe the majority of the American peo-
ple are strongly against this increased in-
volvement in Vietnam. Parents of sons who
are now in_Vietnam are especially bitter.
If this war continues another month, we
will have "escalation" of friction in Ger-
many, the Middle East, Africa, all over the
I met Representative JOHN CONYERS yes-
terday (he's in Savannah for a voter registra-
tion drive for the NAACP), and he spoke out
strongly against our involvement in Viet-
nam; he said many Congressmen are strongly
against it.
Thanking you for your continued fight
for world peace and sane government, I
Sincerely,
ARBAM EISENMAN.
P.S.-Sent you my book; you never have
told me whether you read it, liked it, or dis-
liked it.
How To GET OUT OF VIETNAM
Five thousand years ago, Confucius said:
"Easy to save face in Asia-just keep body
in native land,"
Today, I say: "Easy to get out of Viet-
nam-let's become part of the world."
We have no more right in Vietnam than the
Chinese would have had intervening during
our Civil War,
But, there we are in Vietnam, and seem-
ingly hellbent on starting world war III,
if necessary, so that we can save South
Vietnam for Democracy.
But, are we not there to stop communism?
If we don't stop them in Vietnam, what
country is next?
Well, there's communism in Cuba, 90 miles
from our shores, but we don't bomb them.
There, are Communists in Italy, but we don't
bomb them to save them from communism.
There are Communists in France, India,
England, we don't bomb them. There are
allegedly Communists in the United
States-should we bomb ourselves to keep
ourselves safe from communism?
This is the age of geographical schizo-
phrenia: There's a North and South' Korea,
and a North and South Vietnam; there's an
East Germany and a West Germany, a West
Pakistan and an East Pakistan-and the
only reason we haven't got an East Pole and
a West Pole is because we've got a North
Pole and a $oilth Pole.
France moved out of Indochina and Al-
geria, reluctantly, after years of war, and
;ountiess millions of.' dollars of wasted
Honey, and many scores of thousands of
utile deaths, and now France' enjoys un-
arecedented prosperity. Now, we arespend-
ing $2 million a day in Vietnam. The cost
is bound to go up in dollars and lives.
Ask yourself this awful question: If the
Vietnamese Were 'not brown-skinned people
without voting power in the United States,
would we bomb them?
Are we not racists on the world scene?
Governor Wallace sent his State troopers to
whip, cattle-prod, and beat Negroes and their
white friends, trying to march for freedom.
On the world scene, how distinguish between
Governor Wallace's actions and ours? Is not
ours even worse because we use napalm
bombs, gas, and we kill and *kill to save face
to.try and bring about a negotiated peace.
Presumably, the frightened Vietcong will
get down on their hands and knees and say:
Big tall white men, lords and masters of de-
mocracy, stop your bombing and we'll agree
,to your peace terms.
Governor Wallace attempted to horsewhip
freedom into the ground. We are attempting
to bomb out Communist leadership from
Vietnam. And the more we bomb them, the
more Communist we make them. The more
we bomb brown people in Asia the more we
are hated in all of Asia, not only by the
Vietnamese, and the Chinese, but also by the
Japanese, the Burmese, the Indonesians, the
Hindus, and the Moslems. The wild men of
Borneo could truthfully ask: What do the
white savages want?
What do we want in Vietnam? John Foster
Dulles put us in Vietnam with a few hundred
advisers. Look how close we now walk to
the brink of world war III because -John
Foster Dulles put 300 military advisers into
Vietnam to save it from communism.
But, you ask, if we pull out of Vietnam,
what about the rest of Asia? What about
South Korea? What about Formosa or Tai-
wan? What about the rest of Asia?
We do have some historical interests in the
Philippines. Curiously, since Spain settled
so,.. much, ' of Latin America and also the
Philippines, they have the same basic eco-
nomic problems though separated by thou-
sands of miles.
But, we did eventually grant the Philip-
pines their independence, and some of their
30 million people understand and apprecia-
ate the United States and its democratic
potential.
What about the rest of Asia? How about
inviting the Philippines in as our 51st State?
How about offering all-out aid to Japan,
India, Pakistan, Australia, and New Zealand?
How about offering all-out aid to North
and South Vietnam,, North and South Ko-
rea, Formosa, and Red China, too?
Is it possible that we are about to blow
the world to bits because our President has
watched too many westerns on TV and con-
siders himself the good man, and anybody
who opposes him the bad man or men, and
feels entitled to shoot them down if they
disagree with him? Especially ' if they are
short, dark, brown men, Buddhists, who will
travel 7,000 miles across the Pacific to get
us if we don't get them first?
But how does a great power like the United
States extricate itself from Vietnam? Well,
the French just picked up and left. The
British picked up and left Ireland, Israel, the
Middle East, and India. Russia picked up
and left the Congo. The only way to leave
a country where you don't belong in the first
place is just to pick up and leave. It's a
very easy thing to do, much easier than.
fighting the Asian people in a prolonged war
involving billions of dollars and perhaps mil-
lions of casualties,
But you say, "we can stop the Red Chinese
now; 5 years, 10 years from now may be too
late."
History repeats the follies of warriors'who
fought out of fear. Hitler speculated on
a cheap and easy 'victory, too,' but the Brit-
ish stuck it out, the Russians stuck it out,
and in a few years, Hitler was defeated.
7875
Chinese will stick it out? Isn't it possible
that if we use atomic bombs in Asia, the
brown and black men around the world will
rise in revolt against us? Isn't it just pos-
sible that we could lose the world trying
to save South Vietnam?
But what happens to Chiang Kai-shek and
his hundreds of thousands of troops? What
happens to the many millions of anti-Com-
munist forces in Asia if we pull out of Viet-
nam and subsequently from Korea and don't
defend Taiwan?
Look homeward, o angels of mercy. How
about our unemployed in the United States?
How about Latin America which could go
Communist?
But, how about Chiang Kai-shek and the
anti-Communist forces in Asia?
Must we play the part of the eternal coun-
terfevolutionaries, holding back the thrust
of history, whether it be progressive or reac-
tionary, leaving Asia as a dangling participle
in an infinitely unfinishable sentence?
I don't believe the Communists have as
their primary desire the killing off of every-
body in Asia who's against them. What
would be the advantage of ruling over dead
men, women and children? We could offer
Chiang Kai-shek and some of the leaders of
the anti-Communist forces sanctuary in our
country even though there would be a dan-
ger inherent in this act.
I have no illusions about Ho Chi Minh and
his government. Ho Chi Minh has been a
Long-time members of the Comintern-but,
the joker is now whether he wants Chinese
aid, which can gobble him up too in the
process. He probably will not ask for Chi-
nese aid unless we force him to.
We must wonder where all this will end.
For, if we have the right to bomb North
Vietnam, why does not Castro have the right
to bomb a country he considers unfriendly?
Why don't the Communists have the same
right to bomb non-Communist countries?
Where will all this end except in world war
three?
Unfortunately, the classic definition of
capitalist-imperialism as defined by Marx fits
us in this Vietnam venture:
1. We have military weapons; we have a
powerful military force that must be used to
keep the wheels of industry going so that we
can have wealth. .
2. We attack a weak formerly subjected
country.
3. We prevent a nation from self-determi-
nation.
You could put it another way: Bombs and
profits as McNamara beats the band.
That is the heart of this issue: So long as
such a preponderance of our production is
geared for military might and spending, we
are going to be engulfed in destructive wars
not only to destroy people (and prevent the
spread of communism) but to keep our mili-
tary industrial machine humming at profit-
able speed.
If we do not convert 50 percent of our
military spending at once to the construc-
tion of homes, hospitals, schools, roads, and
conservation of our natural resources, we will
have continued unemployment, growing
crime, insanity, juvenile delinquency, and we
will not have enough homes, schools, hos-
pitals, roads and conservation of our natural
resources.
We could win the friendship of the entire
world with our wealth and our hand extended
in friendship and peace. Instead we fritter
away our wealth and the good will of the
world with napalm bombs and incendiary
bombs on the jungles of Vietnam to flush
out a few hundred or a few thousand Viet-
cong.
In Alabama, It was racism that impelled
Governor Wallace to send his armed forces
against the Negro people and their white
allies, who wanted to march peacefully for
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the right to vote. How explain to the brown
and black people of the world that it is not
racism that impels our Government to use its
military force against the brown people of
Vietnam who want the right of self-determi-
nation of government? If the Vietnam peo-
ple choose a Communist form of government
how does that endanger our national se-
curity?
There are more Communists in Italy than
in Vietnam but we don't bomb Italy. There
are more Communists in France than in Viet-
nam but we don't bomb France. There are
more Communists in Cuba than in Vietnam
but we don't bomb Cuba. There are more
Communists in India than in Vietnam but
we don't bomb India. There are more Com-
munists in Red China than in Vietnam but
we don't bomb Red China. There are more
Communists in the Soviet Union than in
Vietnam but we don't bomb the Soviet Union.
Then why does our national security demand
that we bomb Vietnam?
It is evident that Vietnam, like Korea, is
the wrong war in the wrong place. at the
wrong time. But the dangers :now are even
greater than during the Korean war. For
that war came when Red China did not have
the atomic bomb, when the Soviet Union and
the United States had not begun to conquer
outer space. Today, if total war comes, it
can come from nuclear bombs rained down
from up above with space ships zeroing in on
their targets.
So this terrible question arises:
If there were no Vietnam, would we in the
United States have to create one somewhere
to use up our military weapons, to give pur-
pose to our military, to keep the wheels of
much industry going, to keep us affluent?
But France found out that it became richer
once it pulled out of Indochina, and Algeria,
once it stopped spending useless lives and
dollars fighting hopeless wars on foreign soil.
So now we come to the bitter fact that we
have these choices in Vietnam:
1. The present use of American armed
might in the avowed hope of obtaining a
peaceful negotiation;
2. The planned withdrawal of American
military might from Vietnam.
It is strange that we have to fight against
our President on foreign policy since we are
so much in agreement with him. on domestic
issues. It is strange that war, which kept
the New Deal from moving further along with
its domestic revolution, which also inter-
rupted the progressive march of the Fair
Deal, now challenges the Great Society,
which has only begun to fight its war against
poverty, crime, racial intolerance, unemploy-
ment, slums.
Some will counsel us to go along with our
President in this strange adventure in Viet-
nam because he has all the facts, and has
arrived at his position through knowledge.
Some will continue to advocate this war
action in Vietnam, which is bound to create
the conditions for world war three on the
holy grounds that it will prevent world war
three.
But, many of us can not go along with our
President on this brinksmanship diplomacy,
not out of fear alone of world war three but
because we are convinced that we, the United
States, do not have any right at all to be In
any part of Vietnam.
But how do we withdraw from Vietnam?
What about South Korea? What about Tai-
wan? What about the rest of Asia and the
world? We cannot rewrite the history of
the world. We cannot color the maps of the
world's geography to our liking. China has
been, China Is, China will be. China can no
more conquer the world than the Russians
can, than we can, for it is now evident after
World War II that Eastern Europe, the Com-
munist dominated, has certain desires of its
own, too. And the era of Stalinism and
Hitlerisin is dead.
But I do not advocate withdrawing from
Vietnam without offering a world plan of
action. I repeat: We must invite the Philip-
pines to become the 51st State of the United
States; we must offer all-out aid to Japan,
India, Pakistan, Australia, and New Zealand;
We must recognize Red China, and offer all-
out aid to both North and South Vietnam,
.North and South Korea, Taiwan, and Red
China, too.
In addition, we must ask Puerto Rico in as
our 52d State, and extend the invitation to
all the Central American republics to be-
come States of the United States.
We must offer more aid to Latin America.
And we must convert 50 percent of our
military spending to domestic spending for
homes, hospitals, schools, roads, and conser-
vation of our natural resources.
Believe it or not, the only way to win the
war in Vietnam is to withdraw and make all-
out effort to win the war against poverty and
unemployment and race hate here in the
United States, and in our sister republics to
the south of us.
The only way to win the war in South
Vietnam is to quit fighting a war in other
people's lands, and then magnanimously of-
fer the world a share in our limitless bounty
for peace, for trade, for understanding.
For we have nothing to fear if our de-
mocracy is a working democracy, and if its
fruits go down to our people and the people
of the world. We shouldn't fear the bogey-
man of communism so much that we are
willing to forfeit our destiny as world leader
fighting a senseless war in Vietnam. Let us
pull out of Vietnam, militarily, but let us
join the peaceful people of the world even
more.
For the only way to win the war against
communism is to win the people of the world
to our way of life-and our way of life is not
conducive, as now constituted, to winning
the people of the world to a great belief in
our democracy.
ABRAM EISENMAN.
SAVANNAH, GA.
SEATTLE, WASH.,
April 4, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MoasE: Enclosed is a copy
of a letter on Vietnam I recently sent my
two Senators and Representative.
It was heartening to read Walter Lipp-
mann's perceptive column of March 31 in
which he concludes, "In southeast Asia we
have entangled ourselves in one of the many
upheavals against the old regime, and we
shall not make things any better by thrash-
ing around with ascending violence."
This tragic and immoral war must be
stopped. I am encouraged whenever I read
about your penetrating speeches on this
subject on the floor of the Senate.
I would like to receive your newsletter.
Please put my name on your mailing list.
With kindest regards.
Sincerely.
SEATTLE, WASH.,
March 31, 1965.
Senator WARREN G. MAGNUSON,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MAGNUSON: The U.S. Gov-
ernment is guilty ofgross immorality in Vi-
etnam. It is conducting a war of annihila-
tion against the people of that country. It
is bombing, burning, torturing and destroy-
ing without the slightest regard for human
life. The bombing of North Vietnam is
sheer madness.
The story that we are losing the war in
South Vietnam because of North Vietnamese
support and supplies is a myth. The guer-
rillas we are fighting are South Vietnamese
and the greater part of their weapons an
captured U.S.-made weapons.
It is a popular uprising we are trying t<
extinguish in South Vietnam, led by tht
National Liberation Front which has the
support of at least 80 percent of the people
There are Communists within the NLF but
they are in a minority. The objectives of the
NLF are peace, independence, democracy and
neutrality.
In trying to extinguish ,this revolution the
United States-Siagon forces have resorted to
napalm bombing of villages, inhuman tor-
ture, the bombing of hospitals and schools,
the spraying of poisonous chemicals as de-
foliants and now have sunk to the use of
poison gases against both guerrillas and
civilians.
I am shocked and outraged by these ac-
tions. I demand that a cease-fire be called,
our troops withdrawn and international ne-
gotiations begun to establish peace and neu-
tralization'in southeast Asia.
Sincerely,
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
ROBERTA C. HAMMER.
BROOKLYN, N.Y.,
DEAR SIR: We ask for an immediate cease-
fire in Vietnam and immediate use of U
Thant's formula for negotiations.
Yours truly,
COMPTON, CALIF.,
April 5, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I have never written
you before. I deeply apologize for such ne-
glect because I have admired you over a long
period of years. How I do commend you for
your courage in being willing to stand up to
your convictions. Too many people in all
ages and today turn whichever way the wind
blows. I commend you for the stand you
take in Vietnam; namely, the necessity and
urgency of getting out of Vietnam. To me
your arguments are valid and should be
so recognized by all persons with the respon-
sibility of molding and formulating the de-
cision--the President, Vice President, De-
partment.of State, Congress, cabinet officers,
and the general public. When your ideas on
Vietnam become popular enough to be crys-
talized into public opinion if it isn't too late
with world war III with all of its nuclear
destruction (God forbid), your speaking as
a voice in the wilderness will be at an end.
Then will your stanchness pay rich divi-
dends. Keep on "keeping on" with your
cries to awaken the slothful and the indo-
lent, the know-it-all and sophisticated, the
sincere and earnest seekers for truth so that
we can make the slogan of freedom and
justice for all the reality and manifestation
it should be.
Thanking you for attention to my letter.
Cordially,
CHAPEL HILL, N.C.,
April 5,1965.
The Honorable WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR: Although I am not an
Oregonian, I want to tell you what I think
about Vietnam. I have just read parts of
your speech to the Senate from last August
and I agree with it 100 percent. I hope yoi
are continuing to take the same stand.
think the Senate ought to call the adminis
tration to task for fighting a war of its ow
that the Senate never declared. I kno,
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o senate? eve the President the right to reason warranting the bombing of North The reason we are likely to be the wrong
k around on behalf of SEATO countries, Vietnam and fearing the very real possibility side is that we are allied with the status quo
id I. don't think it should have done it. of escalation. Each day we hear that the all over the world, and the status quo in the
,ad no*, I thiltis it should tell. the Presi- United. States is still open to negotiations, underdeveloped countries, at least, is usually
ant that he is going entirely too far. I that we desire no wider war and yet every day wrong.
link that President Johnson stands for so there is some-new aggressive aspect to our We are opposed to those who want to
any `good and excellent things, and I am warfare. This morning it was the first change it unless we can be sure they have
tarry to see him fighting this war that is so bombing of nonmilitary targets. What will the same ideas as the people they want to
seer that objective inquiry by the press is it be tomorrow? displace.
of permitted. If this is not irreverent, I Our adversaries seem to be showing un- For example, we have no difficulty in ad-
ish that Mr. Kennedy were still with us, as usual restraint. They are continuing the justing ourselves to the game of musical
believe he would have been mare Straight- war exactly as they had been fighting It, but chairs as played by military dictators in
n'w4rd with -the press. I think the white are not retaliating for reprisal sake. We Latin America. But we find it almost im-
aper is a bad Job of rationalization and seem to be goading them to see how long they possible to accept a social revolution there
'hitewash. The business of, the Geneva will take it lying down. When we have or anywhere else.
.ccords and t4e International Control Com- angered and frightened and shamed them Any regime, however corrupt or detested,
fission is used to make half-truths, which sufficiently and they lose their caution, we that says it is against communism will have
lave the, same effect as lies-worse, as they will loudy place the blame of the ensuing our instantaneous support. And if anybody
xe more persuasive and harder to fight. As holocaust on them. I don't believe history asks why we should get into a vain, hopeless
graduated from the same college as Secre- will be so kind. war to bolster up such a regime, the great
ary Rusk-Davidson-and once shook his We have so many real problems to be faced. domino theory, the handmaid and companion
land wlien he visited my fraternity house, Your magnificent image of the Great Society of "containment," is invoked. We are told
wld, have heard him give really excellent has to be built. The civil rights struggle is we cannot withdraw because if we do other
ectures in the past (they are getting worse still with us. And all over the world, wher- nations who have relied on us will fall like
.ately; his speech a few months ago at the ever poverty and tyranny are being ignored, dominoes to the Communists.
7niversity of North Carolina was all rhetor- we can fight our ideological battle with the The display we have put on in South Viet-
,C), I am especially disappointed in him. I Communists without futility and rationalize- nam must have alienated the people of
het the impression that State has been fol- tions and loss of life, but with a real cause. southeast Asia. By going into the Congo
lowing the Pentagon very faithfully, and that Please lead us out of the barbarism of war we alienate the people of Africa. How we
the Bundy mythology of counterinsurgency before it is too late. strengthen our position with our friends or
is leading the Pentagon. It is all very Sincerely yours, with neutrals by fighting losing wars In un-
strange. `Please keep fighting against war. LORRAINE P. COHEN, popular causes remains obscure.
Very sincerely, - The obvious substitute for "containment"
TLmOTHY B, RAY. ROCHESTER, N.Y., By ng out the
is the United Nations. B working 5, 1965. methods--and they must eventually be work-
BROOKLYN, N.Y. Senator WAYNE MORSE, ed out-by which the United Nations may
April 5, 1965. Washingtbn, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR: Enclosed is a maintain order during revolutions may
Senator WAYNE L MoxsE, column b copy of a obtain n peace with justice. That should be
Washington, D.C. olu by Robert M. Hutchins. The under- the aim of the foreign policy of the United
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I heartily endorse lining is mine. Unless you have already read States.
your position for negotiations with Vietnam this column, I am sure it will interest you
to stop this frightful was. very much. I, myself, think it one of the
very best on the subject that I have read- MADISON, WIS.
America hag alA ays been strong enough here. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I support your effort
ind humane enough to deal fairly not only anywhere, change America's policy in South Vietnam.
with her friends but with her enemies too. Yours truly, This war must be stopped before we get in-
- Respectfully, H. R. CLARKE, volved in an even greater
conflitIf
IRENERDEDL. c. aal
~SA
FOREIGN POLICY " possible not only continue your present work,
= FUTILE"-NEW START NEEDED but step it up. It is wonderful to know
LOGAN, UTAH, (By Robert M. Hutchins l that there are ., .e.,
f .-
o
bank
S
f
ruptcy o
enate,
American foreign policy
enator WAYNE MORSE, is now so clear that even the administration Sincerely yours,
reshj.agton, D.C. must be ready for a new start. ALAN T. OLMSTEAD.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I support your ac- The essential element of the old, tired
.vlties against the aggression against North policy is the "containment- Of Communism, Los ANGELES ART THEATER,
ietnam, and urge .you to greater lengths. Everybody in the world is supposed to be in- Beverly Hills, Calif.,
think many others have doubts about this. terested primarily in "containing" commu- Marsh 31, 1965.
re may be too far gone, but keep it up. nism. The people of Vietnam and the Congo DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Your
repetitions of
Yours truly, are not permitted to say whether they would reality and law must not stop. Can't you get
BUD 0. WATKINS. rather die than . see. communism rear its head more press for your vital message?
---'~ry in their country. It is assumed that every With gratitude,
STUART, FLA., Asian or African peasant knows that com- DONALD FREED.
April 5, 1965. munism is worse than death and that he
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Please use your in- should be delighted to have his country de-
HAZELHURST, WIS.,
once iii getting our boys out of Vietnam. stroyed in the effort to repel it. April 5, 1965.
It's take care of, our own country first. Of course, we do not really care about the DEAR SENATOR MORSE: This is just to in-
ur President, 4 as the wrong advisers in Asians and Africans. If we did, we would form you that many Wisconsin voters fully
aylor and McNamara, who are getting us ask them what they wanted. - We have not agree with your stand on the Vietnam war.
ito a big war. I agree with your point of let the South Vietnamese vote on joining You are serving this Nation well in this
.ew in every respect, Keep on telling us. North Vietnam or on any related subject, matter.
Sincerely, because we have suspected that the vote Sincerely yours,
-Mrs. THOMAS DASI.ING., would not go our way. The foreign policy PHIL KRONENWETTER.
bf the United States has not been built on
APRIL. 7, 1965. justice; it has been built on the supposed BUFFALO CENTER, IOWA.
DEAR SENATOR: Enclosed is a copy of a let- self-interest of this country. DEAR SIR: Every week brings us into a new
r I have sent to President Johnson. But "containment" is not in the interest phase of the escalation of the war in Viet-
Sincerely yours, of this country. It puts us into every situa- nom with no honest hope for a backdown
LORRAINE P. COHEN. tion anywhere. in the world in which there of North Vietnamese troops and their sup-
are alleged to be any Communist elements, porters.
TEANRcx, N.J., There is no situation in which this cannot World war III will take place unless we
April 3, 1965. be alleged. stop this escalation. We are always led to
DEAR MR, PRESIDENT: Last fall my husband And, in fact, there is no situation in which believe that all our efforts are retaliatory
-1 I alon?p_with millions of other Ameri- the allegation cannot eventually be proved, but the facts do not bear this out. We
1s V,I eil?tilliSi tically for you and what If the Communists are not there to start started it on July 31 when South Vietnam
were 1ec't to believ@ were realistic and hu- with, they will appear sooner or later in re- naval vessels shelled two islands off North
ne policies in foreign affairs, We feel sponse to appeals from elements opposed to Vietnam's shore. Those vessels we supplied.
as If e hayg bgen betrayed, that you are those we are supporting. We armed them and we trained their crews.
usin ornmisintgrpreting the mandate ac- Hence we are committed to get into any We also had ships in the vicinity that was
led you. We are unequivacallyagainst fight going on anywhere, and usually on the a provoking element. CONGRESSIONAL REC-
~ricail action in Vietnam, discerning no wren side.
QRD, August 1964, page 20291.
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2f, 196
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD' SENATE
The North Vietnamese then sent out PT
The
boats. At a distance of nearly 3 miles we
opened fire first. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD,
August 21, 1964, page 20291. We then
bombed four of their bases and destroyed
many of their PT boats.
The escalation has continued. We must
stop it. The lives of all of us are at stake
and it is foolishness to continue the escala-
tion. This is no Pearl Harbor. This is prov-
ocation on our part and our fears, that
continue to motivate us, enable us to con-
tinue such injustices. May enlightened
public opinion bring, pressure to bear on
you and others to change our present faulty
foreign policy before it is too late`.
A concerned citizen,
Pastor WAYNE WASTA,
Methodist Minister.
NATICH, MASS.,
April 5, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MoRsE, I strongly support
your efforts toward solving the Vietnam
crisis.
Sincerely,
iness to negotiate and to accept the good
offices of the 'United Nations Secretary-Gen-
eral in making arrangements for such negoti-
ation to take place.
The Commission of the Churches on Inter-
national Affairs of the World Council of
Churches and the General Board of the Na-
tional Council of Churches have made sig-
nificant statements to which we direct the
attention of Methodists. We agree with the
World Council's Commission that the quest
for a solution must be shifted from the bat-
tlefield to the conference table. We also
support the National Council's General
Board in its request to the U.S. Government:
- "To engage in persistent efforts to nego-
tiate a cease fire and a settlement of the
war which will attempt to achieve the inde-
pendence, freedom and self-determination of
the people of Vietnam;
"To utilize United Nations assistance in
achieving a solution and in seeking to re-
duce the area of conflict by effective border
control and internal policing; and
"To give bold and creative leadership to
a broad international development program
for the Mekong region and to continue full
scale U.S. economic and technical assistance
where necessary."
NoTE.-The Executive Committee of the
Board of Christian Social Concerns of the
Methodist Church speaks only for itself and
not for the Methodist Church as a whole.
?-_ PHILADELPHIA, PA.
We ask for an immediate ceasefire in Viet-
nam and immediate use-of U Thant's for-
Division or PEACE AND WORLD
ORDER, GENERAL BOARD OF CHRIS-
TIAN SOCIAL CONCERNS OF THE
MEr#IODIST CHURCH,
Washington, D.C., April 6, 1965.
MY DEAa SENATOR: In view of the grave
situation in Vietnam I believe you will be
interested in the enclosed statement very
recently adopted by the Executive Committee
of the General Board of Christian Social
Concerns of the Methodist Church.
Sincerely yours,
HERMAN WILL, Jr.,
Associate General Secretary.
MINETTO, N.Y.
Hon. Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I am writing to ex-
press my support of your statements on our
policy in Vietnam and to urge you to con-
tinue in your stand.
STATEMENT ON VIETNAM ADOPTED ON MARCH
24, 1965, BY THE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE OF
THE BOARD OF CHRISTIAN SOCIAL CONCERNS
OF THE METHODIST CHURCH
We are gravely concerned over develop-
ments in the war in Vietnam. We acknowl-
edge the complexity of the situation in
southeast Asia, and we recognize the ex-
tremely difficult problems confronting the
U.S. Government as it seeks to maintain as
much as possible of that area free from Com-
munist domination. Those responsible for
poligy determination deserve sympathetic
understanding as they grapple with the un-
pleasant choices which they confront.
Nevertheless, we firmly believe that citizens
of the United States and of other countries
likely to be affected by the future course of
events in southeast Asia have a right and a
responsibility to study the issues and ex-
press a thoughtful judgment as to the wis-
dom of tpe national policies Involved.
We; therefore, direct attention to the fol-
lowing considerations. The bombing of
North Vietnam at an accelerating pace raises
serious moral questions as to the appropri-
ateness of the means chosen for the Imple-
mentation of legitimate policy objectives. If
the desired response from Hanoi and the
Vietcong is not forthcoming, the present
course of action could well lead to full-scale
war with North Vietnam and possibly Com-
munist China. Such an'eventuality would
be a disaster of world dimensions, and, in
our judgment, out of proportion to the goal
sought.
Accompanying this military course of ac-
tion has been an apparent coolness toward
offers of mediation and toward negotiation
on any- basis other than an unconditional
acceptance of the terms laid down-by the
United States. We believe a proper regard
for world opinion and the role of the United
Nations calls for a clearer expression of read-
ordered*by the President of the United State
Let the impeachment proceedings symboli
the hopes and desires of all peace-lovir
international laws respecting Americas
Let us not be judged at Nuremberg.
Sincerely,
HAL LEVIN.
NEW YORK, N.Y.,
April 8, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Building,
Washington, D.C.:
Warmly support immediate discussion fi
a peaceful settlement in Vietnam.
EMANUEL K"LEIN.
NEW Yoax, N.Y.,
April 9, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I admire you an
have followed closely all you have said an
written about Vietnam. You have, I believe
the support of most Americans on this issue
But do you have to confine yourself t
showing that the present American policy 1
wrong? Can you not go further and tak
the lead in reestablishing Congress' righ
to decide when we shall go to war and whet
we shall not. Article I section 8 clearl,
gives Congress this power in the words "Con
gress shall have power-to declare war, gran
letters of marque and reprisal, and mak,
rules concerning captures on land and water.'
The mere fact that the present war is un
declared does not abrogate Congress' righ~
in this field, it seems to me.
And our representatives in Congress have
a responsibility to stop this un-American ad?
venture on the other side of the world, anc
to prevent the nuclear holocaust which mad
follow.
Again, please accept my thanks for th
many times you have fought against heav
odds for policies which were right.
SAN JOSE, CALIF.,
April 8, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.:
We still support cease-fire and uncond
tion.al negotiations in Vietnam.
EDWARD and JENIFER SCHOENBERGER.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C. --
DEAR SIR: I am writing to you rather than
to my own Senators because more. than any
Member of Congress, you have been a leader
in the fight against our unjust aggression in
South and North Vietnam, and our flagrant
and increasing violations of the Geneva
agreement. President Johnson is getting
more and more brutal and bloodthirsty. He
seems to recognize no moral or legal limits.
Today I read of nonmilitary targets in North
Vietnam being bombed, last week I read
that poison gas attacks will continue, trial
balloons on the use of nuclear bombs and
on attacks on China are being placed in the
press.
With increasing justification, Johnson's
policies in Vietnam are being compared to
those of Adolf Hitler. Public opinion polls,
letters and public officials, statements by
clergy and intellectuals all oppose Johnson's
course. But he has paid no heed to pleas
for peace-neither to our own pleas nor to
those'of international figures like U Thant,
De-Gaulle, Shastri, Pearson, etc.
Pleas, in short, appear to be futile; more
drastic protest action is required. I am writ-
Ing this letter to urge you (the voice of con-
science in the U.S. Congress), to call for
impeachment proceedings against President
Johnson. Although I am sure he will not
at this time be successfully Impeached, let
it be written in history, that a Member
and hopefully Members of the U.S. Congress
attempted to take the course of impeach-
ment if necessary to stop the wanton killing
BROOKLYN, N.Y.,
April 8, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Washington, D.C.:
Urge negotiations in Vietnam. History h
proven war begets only more war. Bible sa
thou shalt not kill. No ifs in Bible. Plea
stop killing at once.
Dr. and Mrs. I. OYLE.
HOLLYWOOD, CALIF.,
April 6, 1965
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C.
DEAR MR. MORSE: Below is the text of
message I have sent to the President
April 6, 1965:
"We ask for an immediate cease-fire
Vietnam and an immediate use of U Than
formula for negotiations."
We wanted you to know of our supp,
for you.
Sincerely,
Mr. and Mrs. LEWIS O. TEAGUI
CHICAGO, ILL.,
April 6, 196
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR: I am very glad that yot
coming to Chicago to take part in the c
memoration of our Jewish martyrs, inclu
my father, mother, and sister, who have'
killed by the German murderers.
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April 21, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD SENATE
Takilig'this opportunity I would like to 'to the to be the case when you spoke Sunday
add a few words that r had in minii to write evening?
to you for a long, long time. It this is true, 3vlr. Bundy, I'am wondering
I am. one of your stanch followers, -and I if the advisers to the President are not doing
appreciate and admire vet deeply your cour- -him and the people of America a serious dis-
age, honesty in your pursuing fight for jus- service in not acquainting him with the facts.
tide, integrity for the whole of humanity. As Very truly yours,
a matter of at I have a great collection FRANCES A. COVEY.
of all your speeches and lectures in which you -
fearlessly speak out your mind and conscious. DETROIT, MICH.,
I know there, are manypeople like I, who April 7, 1965.
are standing on your side, but they are afraid Senator WAYNE MORSE,
to speak out and express their views. Senate Office Building,
I have always voted Democratic and so I Washington, D.C.
did in the last election, but I feel now ter- DEAR SENATOR 1lfoxsE: Tonight I listened
ribly disappointed and misled. I cannot to President. Johnson explaining about our
stand politicians who are breaking promises. war in Vietnam, naturally I was disap-
I like honest, sincere people, men like you pointed.
and your colleagues. I pray that God should I appreciate the difficulty he is in-his
give you health and long life that you should loyalty is to the international financiers,
be able to continue your fight for justice, for corporations, and monopolies, yet he must
the whole of mankind, assure the people of this country to trust
Plea convey my best wishes to your col- him and his cause in Vietnam. This indeed
league the Senators, ERNEST GRUENING, is very hard to do in face of the facts.
FRANK CHURCH, and the others. He as much as bold the people that if all
I hope to see you, please God, next Sunday men cease their Socialist endeavors and sur-
in Chicago, and hear you talk and shake your render to the imperialists life will blossom
hand. anew as never before for all.
Mr. GEORGE BUNDY,
White House,
turles yet the imperialists never took ad-
NoRTHFIELn,MASS., vantage of their opportunities to show mercy,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR MR. BUNDY: In your interview this
'past Sunday evening on "Meet' the Press"
program I had the distinct impression that
You were playing down public reaction to the
administration's Vietnam policy not in agree-
ment with what is presently being done. I
feel sure that you must know the increasing
concern over the attacks on bases in North
Vietnam, bringing with it the' increasing
danger of all-out war.
I am convinced that the administration
is being Strongly influenced by the Pentagon
and that propaganda is now being put out
to condition the American people to the drop-
ping of bombs on targets in mainland
China-which would be an open act of
aggression:
Senator WAYNE MORSE in an address ""in
Cambridge, Mass., on March l stated that
"the Pentagon is deliberately pursuing a
policy of escalation in Asia aimed at the
destruction of Chinese nuclear installations
within 90 to 120, days." He told his audience
that "the failure of the new Vietnamri policy
is frankly recognized in private by adminis-
tr~ation officials, who are now determined to
Ching about mounting, escalation of the war.
:f the American people do not make their
voices heard in support of U Thant, Pope
'aul, and the Council of Churches in their
ails for negotiations." MORSE warned, "We
stand to awaken only when we are being
trenched in b}ood.
"The white paper," MORSE noted, "con-
ains vi~tilaily nothing that was not known
ast summer and fall when the:Pre,ident:was
aying `We are not going north! And both
entagon and State Department Insisted that
io 'useful
p,urpose would be 'served in the
youth by attacking the North., To put the
ld stories in the white paper'and call them
justification for expandingg, the war now
when they weren't before" MORSE charged,
is an llisult to the intelligence,of the entire
vorld` not to .mention the Americans. "
Since listening to the aforementioned Sun-
.ay broadcast I have learned that there, are
sports-to the effect that the President is not
ally aware of the extent of public disagree-
acco
pany our e
orts to bring a cessation
tent with administration policies. Is this in hostilities. Thus we could help to meet
Ctioxbin la ed down to him as seemed
gitimate needs and demands_of
plop e in area I think that the prob-
0 %b
ei fvluoin , "Mass PAX News, ' official lem is ically a military one, and that
an of Massachusetts Political Action for our attempt at a military solution will
'ace-April 1965. greatly lessen our ability to reach a con-
is right now feeling the hard hand of the
same gentleman. ' Asia too has had her share
of the blessings of serving imperialism.
Even If Johnson is sincere does he think for
1 minute that capitalists will change their
ways just to please him-that's wishful
thinking. -
Anyway he assures us that the war will go
on and we shall win-over the dead body of
little Vietnam.
If President Johnson can kill Asians, Afri-
dans, and Latin Americans at will with im-
punity what will stop the racists, bigots, and
fanatics from doing the same to those that
they don't like? What an example for the
world to watch?
How quick our Government responds to
events in far away Asia and Africa, yet how
painfully slow it is to react to injustices
within our own borders.
I am glad that you are against our aggres-
sfan in Vietnam, more power to you.
Sincerely,
JOHN Z. GILSAVAGE.
P.S.-Please, excuse the pencil I'm anxious
to mail this to you.
MANCHESTER COLLEGE,
North Manchester, Ind., April 7, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I am greatly dis-
turbed by, and opposed to, escalation of the
war in Vietnam. I believe that this policy
is more likely to lead to an upward spiral of
retaliation, destruction, and bitterness by
both sides than it is to surrender by the
North Vietnamese Government.
I appreciate your efforts to bring about a
change in our Government's policy.
-I urge that we take the initiative in bring-
ing about a cease-fire in Vietnam through
the United Nations or the powers of the
Geneva Conference of 1954, and in negotiat-
ing an honorable settlement.
.I am encouraged by the President's pro-
posal that we should assist in a comprehen-
sive program of economic development in
Vietnam and elsewhere in southeast Asia,
such as the Mekong River project. I be-
lieve that such a creative alternative should
m
ff
7879
structive resolution of the difficulty and
avoid an all out war.
11 r am aware of the dilemmas in this situa-
tion, and sympathetic to your efforts to meet
the problems. May God give you wisdom.
Sincerely yours,
WILLIAM SCHUHLE,
Professor of Political Science.
TYNGSBORO, MASS.,
April 8, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: This is to say that
as a Christian homemaker, I heartily sup-
port and agree with your position on the
Vietnam situation.
I pray that you and those who hold to
the hope that there must be an alternative
to the escalation 'of the Vietnam war will
soon be heard and headed.
Very truly yours,
CYNTHIA D. MARRINER.
BUFFALO, N.Y.,
April 7, 1965.
U.S. Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR: I have sent the following
telegram to the President:
"As a student and young voter, I was
deeply disturbed by your speech on Vietnam.
Our bombings, brutal atrocities and sup-
pression of truth, are both immoral and in-
defensible. Only an honorable America can
take the first step to end this insanity."
I have remained silent far too long on this
'Issue. I merely wished to inform you of my
feelings in this matter. Your concern and
courage in this, as in so many other national
matters, has been inspiring. Thank you.
Very truly yours,
JOHN D. MARCIANO,
University of Buffalo.
RAVENA, N.Y.,
April 5, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Thank you for being
a courageous man. Thank you for speaking
for the millions of Americans whose voices
go unheard.
What is there left for the moral American
to do? We have written our newspapers,
written our Congressmen, marched in protest
demonstrations-and yet we must go on liv-
ing with our indignation and shame over our
policy in Vietnam, because the voice of the
people no longer counts.
I appreciate your willingness to speak at
a time when other politicians seem to seek
their political -expediency through silence.
Sincerely,
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I wish to extend to
you my heartfelt thanks for bringing to the
attention of the American people the im-
moral war which we are fighting in South
Vietnam.
That a great democratic nation such as
ours can be waging a cruel and atrocious war
in the name of freedom is hypocrisy epito-
mized. But there are many who share our
sentiments and I therefore hope that you
will not give up the fight.
Thank you again.
SEBASTOPOL, CALIF.,
April 4,1956.
DEAR SENATOR: Will you please tell the
President of this United States how he can
get us out of the world war that we are
getting into as sure as God made little apples.
Tell him to instead of putting more troops,
etc., into Vietnam to pull them out, but tell
them we are their friends and will back
them up to the fullest extent with everything
we possess for the purpose of defending
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE April 21, ' 196"r
themselves. That way we can let them take
the rap for war while we will defend them.
And for God's sake, yours, his and mine, to
get them out right now.
Furthermore tell him if by any means he
wants to build some bad fences in Alabama
to have Mrs. Johnson to start a Ladybird
Special to Montgomery and Selma, to have
her select a dozen or so governors' wives and
take them along and call on Mrs. Wallace
for a tea or perhaps she might invite them
to a tea.
I believe that would fix some broken fences
for him because I don't think, according to
the results of the last election, they don't
feel too kindly towards him. But they
would to Lady Bird's Special and, according
to the newspapers, she is a very intelligent
and gifted speaker herself. I am thinking
for this trip an old fashioned campaign train
with speeches off the back end of the train
like they used to do. What do you think
of that?
Now, dear Senator, I have taken too much
of your time already. Forgive, please.
Most sincerely yours,
FLOYD H. H. MEAD.
Ain't I a devil of a politician'? Ninety-nine
years young, voted Democratic my entire life.
Had quite a few winners, eh. Was in Cuba
with Teddy, but wouldn't vote for him.
DETROIT, MICH.,
April 7, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE We just had to write
you and thank you for the stand you have
taken to stop the unnecessary war we are
fighting in far off Vietnam. We are also
happy that Senator GRUENING from Alaska is
helping you to try and stop the war.
We had too many wars already. I have
voted here in Detroit 50 years now. I have
fought; my sons went to Japan to fight for
freedom; my brother's boy was killed in Ja-
pan. So we had our share of wars.
I want to thank you again, Senator MORSE,
and God bless you, Senator.
EDWARD C. MARKS.
And God bless you again, Senator.
SANTA CRUZ, CALIF.,
April 9, 1965.
DEAa S`rs For yesirs I and my friends have
followed your` liberal and commonsense ap-
proach to world and domestic affairs. We
think that you will agree with us that the
U.S. attack against the Vietnamese people is
indefensible on legal, moral, and tactical
grounds. As one consequence among several,
our country is isolating Itself even from its
friends. We urge that you advocate nego-
tiation before there is left no country worth
negotiating about. Why not a new foreign
policy: Asia for the Asiatics?
Yours sincerely,
RANSOM RIDEOUT.
CLEVELAND, OHIO,
April 9 1965.
To the EDITOR,
The Plain Dealer.
The language of the President's speech re
Vietnam was eloquent, but unrelated to real-
ity.
If a resolution were introduced in Congress
to declare war against North Vietnam, the
American people would oppose it overwhelm-
ingly.
The President is responsible for the death
of every American boy killed in Vietnam in
this illegal, undeclared war. Furthermore,
the'Congress has no right to place either the
authority or responsibility upon the Presi-
dent through resolutions which give the Pres-
ident the Congress warmaking power.
By and large the Vietnamese people want
the Americans to get out of Vietnam. They
should have gotten out long ago. France
Won't support the U.S. position in Vietnam.
Other NATO allies have given token support
at most.
It is not our sole responsibility to try and
resolve the situation in Vietnam. We are
not a world police force. If we continue go-
ing it alone. We shall be embroiled in wars
all over the world, to the private delight of
all. of our allies, who chuckle at our stupid-
ity in sacrificing our men in distant parts of
the world.
We have no foreign policy except force,
which will never bring lasting peace.
We should certainly give our surplus food
and more to the hungry peoples of the world.
We should not force our presence where we
are not wanted, we with our high standard
of living, while they struggle to keep body
and soul together with their rice plantings.
The President knows that we certainly do
want something in Vietnam-we want to
dominate and control. So, we had better get
out of Vietnam at once, where the lives of
our boys are being sacrificed needlessly.
Very truly yours,
HARRY A. BLACHMAN,
Attorney at Law.
PASADENA, CALIF.,
April 6, 1965.
READERS' FORUM,
Star-News,
Pasadena, Calif.
DEAR SIR: Vice President HUBERT HuM-
PHREY and other administration lackeys are
showing signs of frustration over their fail-
lire to sell the war in Vietnam. He is quoted
in Los Angeles: "Some people get a little
more concerned about our deeds than Com-
munist terrorism." "I haven't heard of any
demonstration about their blowing up our
Embassy."
There was a time when the United States
was only advising their friends, the South
Vietnamese, on how to deal with restless
elements. This farce was at its peak dur-
ing the regime of that great democrat who
never got elected, Ngo Dinh Diem. Remem-
ber him? Many saw Mr. Diem as a corrupt
and arrogant despot but he was the best
that Mr. Dulles could find to serve as the
cent who could invite the United States
to participate in South Vietnamese affairs-
for a price, of course.
Mr. Diem duty invited the United States
in but it turned out that more than ad-
visers were needed because the Diem poli-
cies were somehow alienating his own sub-
jects. Some left wingers have even sug-
gested that, had the elections of 1956 been
held (as required by the 1954 Geneva Agree-
ment), Ho Chi Minh of the North would
have won handily. President Eisenhower
had this to say: "I have never talked or cor-
responded with a person knowledgeable in
Indochinese affairs who did not agree that
had elections been held as of the time of
the fighting, possibly 80 percent of the popu-
lation would have voted for the Communist
Ito Chi Minh as their leader rather than
Chief of State Bao Dai." This comment
about Bao Dai (long since retired to the
rigors of the French Riviera) has been ap-
plied by spiteful souls to include Diem.
Naturally, Diem, although a great demo-
crat (haven't we been assured endless times
on this count) could not tolerate a demo-
cratic election of He Chi Minh. The result
has been that Diem is gone and was for a
time supplanted by a number of generals,
very democratic ones_ to be sure. Finally,
the generals were effaced and the United
States has stepped in and is running the
show. Everyone knows that nothing could
he more democratic than that. The great-
est irony is that the restless elements in
South Vietnam have come to regard the
United States as fair game for ambushes,
blowing up of embassies, and other deviltry-
all this while their arms bear the signature
"Made in U.S.A." There simply is no grati.
tude left in this world.
Yours,
DAVID B. NIELSEN.
(Copies to HUBERT H. HUMPHREY, Senato:
WAYNE MORSE, and Senator THOMAS KUCHEL.:
SAN FRANCISCO, CALIF.,
April 6, 1965.
SIR: It is a relief to hear some sane voice.
in the Senate about the Vietnam situation
We do believe peace is possible. We also be-
lieve that and end should be brought to the
Vietnam war. This is too much of a threat
to international peace to be playing war and
using torture, napalm, etc.
Peace is possible. It only needs men of
good will to bring it about. Thank you
for being one of them.
Sincerely,
Mr. and Mrs. CLARK DAVIS.
SAN FRANCISCO, CALIF.,
April 6, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: This is just to tell
you that I-and many others like me--sup-
port fully your opposition to our militant
military policy in Vietnam. For the first
time in my life (.60 years), I am ashamed of
my country's actions. I have long admired
you and never more than now-please keep
up the good work, which I realize is most dif-
ficult in the face of the ignorance and
apathy of most people.
Sincerely.
MrS. MARIAN S. PHILLIPS.
Don't bother to answer-you have more im-
portant things to do.
BROOKLYN, N.Y.,
April 11, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Washington, D.C.
HONORABLE SIR: My wife and I are two
Americans who approve of the stand you are
taking on the Vietnam war. We are deeply
concerned about the warlike gestures of the
present administration. We believe that mil-
lions of American citizens disapprove, but we
fear that not enough of them are concerned
enough to do anything about it. Like you
we are strongly convinced that we have no
legal nor moral right to be down there, and
we are not impressed by the President's ex-
cuses for 4is actions.
We call ourselves a nation under God, but
God seems to be completely left out in the
decisions of our leaders. We are acting like
savages with guns. We are incurring the dis-
approval and hatred of the world. We can
not stand against the whole world. We an
courting war with China and probably witl
Russia, which would be disastrous. Nobod
would win. We are bombing helpless people
destroying their land; burning them witl
napalm and poisoning them with gas.
We should negotiate now, and withdraw
with dignity, not necessarily as victors bu
with prudence and the love of God.
Our military seem to be drunk with powee
and the President must be ill advised. His
tort' teaches us that the decline and fall o
empires always ensue when that empire seek
to conquer the world. The peaceful nation
that seek no conquests are the ones that sur
vive.
We hope you will become our Presiders
some day so that we may have peace withou
fear.
Very truly yours,
HERBERT and BEAULAH MORRISON.
BALTIMORE, Mn.,
April 9, 1965.
DEAR SIR: I am a college student who h;
the great privilege to hear you speak on Vie
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April 21, 19 5 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE
naril at Johns Hopkins. It is-reassuring to
rind a person like you in politics.
If only some sort of peace party could be
'ormed with you as Presidential Candidate.
You would have my vote. My esteem for you
!s unbounded.
Sincerely,
Hen. WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senator,
LEESBURG, FLA.,
April 8, 1965.
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Perhaps this is a fan
letter but I cannot resist the impulse to tell
you how much I admire your stand and your
courage to speak out on the issues of our
times. I find myself wishing you represented
my State in Washington.
Let us hope that your voice will be heeded
and not just a cry in the wilderness.
i- - HELENE ST. JOHN.,
HISTORICAL AND RESEARCH COM-
MITTEE, MENNONITE GENERAL
C9NFERENCE,
` Goshen
Ind.
April 8, 1965.
,
,
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate gfce Building,
,Washington, D.C,
PEAR SENATOR MORSE: I Wish to congratu-
late you for the courageous statements you
have made concerning the U.S. Involvement
in southeast Asia, It seems to me that what
we have done there has been simply to
solidify the forces against America and to
turn world public opinion against us. As one
who has lived in the Orient several years and
has traveled in the interior of Vietnam, I
feel convinced that the United States cannot
win a war there any more than France was
able to do it there ar in Algeria. The forces
of nationalism are too strong to allow a U.S.
military victory., Let us not do the things
that we had afraid Goldwater would have
done had he been elected President.
Executive Secretary.
April 1, 1985.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate 6 ce building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Knowing your sensi-
tivlty to this important issue, we have en-
;losed a photocopy of our letter to the Preal-
lent on U.S. policy in Vietnam. We hope
hat you will continue to use your consider-
able influence in the pursuit of a reason-
,ble solution to the Vietnam crisis,
Respectfully yours,-
GRADUATE STUDENTS IN ASIAN STUDIES.
MARCH 24, 1965.
Ion. LYNDON BAINES JOHNSON,
tirely agree with this analysis. Therefore, it
is incomprehensible how the recent drastic
intensification of direct military participa-
tion can attain our professed goals of a stable
and independent Government in a peaceful
South Vietnam.
The increasingly overt U.S. Involvement
and direction of the war can only undermine
whatever remaining support the Saigon gov-
ernment has in South Vietnam by completely
identifying it with a foreign power. Since
Vietcong strategy, following the classical lines
of wars of national liberation, is to mobilize
mass support on a nationalist appeal of re-
sistance to foreign intervention, the Ameri-
can military presence removes any possibility
of the local government gaining the popular
support necessary to defeat the Vietcong.
Simili?arly, the bombing of North Vietnam
cannot win a guerrilla war in South Vietnam.
It can, however, expand the war into a major
conflagration In the. Far East whose ultimate
consequences would be unforeseeable,
That such risks should be taken: in a mili-
tary policy that is self-defeating to our pur-
poses in South Vietnam we find appalling.
Furthermore, the increasing suppression of
information from Vietnam further under-
mines our faith in the wisdom and efficacy
of this policy. We therefore strongly urge
you to reconsider this futile attempt at a
military solution to what is essentially not
a military problem. Since suppression of the
Vietcong now seems impossible, other means
of securing a peaceful settlement in Vietnam
must be explored.
Respectfully,
(Signatures illegible.)
APPLE VALLEY, CALIF.,
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: We would like to
commend you for your stand on the Vietnam
situation. We, the public, need to hear more
words from you so that we have some feeling
of hope. The escalation of the war in Viet-
nam is indeed discouraging. Military in-
volvement cannot settle political and eco-
nomic problems.
We have written to our own Senators
KUcHEL and MURPHY calling for their leader-
ship In urging the United States to negotiate
now.
President Johnson gave us a flame of en-
couragement by his call for economic pro-
grams for Vietnam. Please send us more in-
formation about the Mekong River project
and the proposal that we send surplus farm
goods to Vietnam. What other proposals
have you heard of which we can study and
perhaps urge our Senators and Representa-
tives and President Johnson to support?
Very truly yours,
EDWARD P. FLOWERS.,
PHYLLIS JEAN FLOWERS.
'resident, the United States, EL CERRITO, CALIF.,
'xecutive Mansion,, April 7, 1965.
Vashington, D.C. Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
DEAR MR.. PRESIDENT: Sir, we, the under- Senate Office Building,
Igned graduate students of Asian affairs at Washington, D.C.
be University of California, have with DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I am writing once
counting concern watched the development again to thank you for your unstinting ef-
f U.S. policy in Vietnam. Lacking the de- forts on behalf of humanity-your opposition
Ailed information on the current situation to the U.S. policy in Vietnam. I have writ-
there that is available to the Government, ten letters, talked for hours, helped to pay
7ve do not presume to offer any specific so- for ads, and am helping a little to plan events
utiona. krpAj, ot,},r knowledge of the gen- for April 17, the march on Washington day.
~ral development of modern Asian history, But I felt horribly depressed this evening to
iowever, it is apparent that the recent hear the President say the same things based
rend in U.S. policy can only lead to ultimate on the same false picture of Vietnam-inter-
lisaster, laced with images of the Great Society which
Until recently our own Government hasn't the chance of a snowball In hell while
pokesmer. have repeatedly stressed that any we get nearer and nearer to war with China.
)lutioin t0 the ,civil war in. South Vietnam I know you are too busy to answer mail
'Lust be,9ik. percent political and only 10 per- yourself-I can't even find copies of your
ant miiitiury. If "political" Is taken to in- - speeches, though, of course, some of them are
irde basic socioeconomic reform, we en- in the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-but I have
7881
wondered if you perhaps know whether Mr.
Johnson reads any dissenting mail, and
whether he reads anything but State Depart-
ment handouts about Vietnam. The other
day on CBS television news in the morning,
Johnson was complaining about the press
conjecturing about a disagreement over Viet-
nam policy. He said he had said to his wife,
"0 Lord, forgive them, for they know not
what they do." Now I believe that tradition-
ally people who have delusions of being God
or Christ are considered mentally ill. At any
rate, this remark suggests a frightening ar-
rogance in that "folksy" man-and none of
the humility that marks a scholar of human
affairs. Is there any way to approach the
man? Would letters to Vice President HUM-
PHREY be more useful? I haven't written to
McGeorge Bundy-I started to but his resem-
blance in role and manner to Goebbels put
me off.
What I would like to knew, however, is
whether there are any particular things that
ordinary citizens like me can do that you
would consider especially useful. If there
are, I would like to know about them.
Sincerely yours,
Mrs. M. J. BILLINGS.
BROOKLYN, N.Y.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SIR: I write this letter in support of
your position on the Vietnam situation.
Your reasonable and ethical stand on this
question Is most heartening in the midst of
so much saber rattling and stupidity.
Sincerely yours,
LAURENCE M. OLIVO.
MIDLAND EMPIRE INSURANCE
& REAL ESTATE,
Klamath Falls, Oreg., April 8, 1965.
Sentor WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: The United States
has no business in Vietnam. When the U.S.
Government has to pay an enemy to stop
fighting, after we already have them whipped
to a standstill, which cost us billions of dol-
lars in the first place to do; I, as many other
citizens feel that our representatives are
trying to bankrupt our Nation.
If I should try to run my business on bor-
rowed money that I couldn't pay for, my
complete organization would collapse.
We, as citizens have no complaint when our
tax moneys are spent on the improvement of
our own country; but when we have to sup-
port foreign dictators, large and small, with
our tax dollars, I feel that we have gone too
far.
Please, do everything in your power to cur-
tail this gross sabotage of the American tax
dollar. We, the people, depend on you, as
one of our representatives. You are a cus-
todian of our American heritage. Let's re-
lieve the tax burden at home now, by cur-
tailing all giveaways of any kind to all
foreign nations.
Let's be Americans, let's think American,
and let's take care of America.
Thank you and best wishes.
Very truly yours,
CLEM LESUEUR.
NORTH HOLLYWOOD, CALIF.,
April 7, 1965.
President LYNDON B. JOHNSON,
The White House,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: I have just heard your
speech on the Vietnam problem. I am very
glad you have offered to negotiate with
Russia, China, and North Vietnam. How-
ever, refusing to talk with the Vietcong, I
believe, is wrong, as they are a part of both
North and South Vietnam. I further believe
that the United Nations should handle this
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE AP G 21, '
problem, even if Russia has not paid all its
dues. If we do not support the United Na-
tions, our chance for real and lasting peace
will end.
I believe our intensification of the war in
Vietnam and the bombing of cities in North
Vietnam has only solidified the peoples of
Asia against us. If we spread even further
to the bombing of China, more of Asia will
join against us.
I believe we should be sure that what we
are really doing is right, and, it it is right, it
would be the will of God. So with this in
mind, let us look at all the reasons we are
in Vietnam. If we are wrong in any way,
which Is very possible, let us admit it and ask
the United Nations to settle this problem
now.
In your speech tonight you said you asked
yourself each night if you had done all you
could for peace, etc. You suggested that
each of us ask ourselves the ekme question.
I asked myself tonight, as I have many times
before afid' the answer is "No." That is why
I am writing you. If I did not write you of
my concern, I would not be doing my part'
today. However, if I wrote only to you it
still would be insufficient; so I am sending
copies to some Members of Congress.
May God be with us-all.
Sincerely,
STANLEY K. WEFrKAMP.
NEW YORK, N.Y.,
~y April Z, 1965.
Senator, ?Y AYNE L, MORSE,
t1.S. Senate, ;
Washington; D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I endorse your post-
tion for negotia
tion.
Sincerely,
NEW YoRx, N.Y.,
April 10, 190.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I heard the speech
of our President and I have read it. with
care. I am horrified that it is being ac-
cepted as a peace speech. It is the most well-
thought-out effort to further confuse the
American people and surely anyone who is
knowledgeable about what is going on knows
this well. Our people can all be fooled-
soIetimes--but, as history shows, not for all
time and they are increasingly aware these
days that we have no legitimate business in
Vietnam, that the killing, the burning, the
destruction of food as well as people, has no
justification in the eyes of any but a small,
wealthy, powerful (because U.S. supported)
group who will be overthrown when the Na-
tional Liberation Front achieves victory.
now can we mouth words about loving
people, grieving over the hungry, etc., at the
very moment when we send more soldiers
and planes and arms to this landZ
I hope that people who, like yourself, do
have some vision of a future for the world
other than nuclear destruction, will make
clear that-while the Mekong Delta idea is
line-not new, already underway with many
countries-it is impossible because the
United States keeps the civil war going and
expands-it. First--cease-fire--then begin to
find ways to talk instead of kill. And I hope
too that there will be voices to point out
that it Is as futile and deceitful to talk of
negotiations without the so-called Vietcong
(National Liberation Front) as it would have
been for the British to announce their desire
for peace-but negotiations to be only with
the French.
We need every voice of sanity. Help bring
some to the Halls of the Senate-join Senator
GRUENING who speaks with such a clear and
brave and true voice.
Respectfully yours,
ROCHESTER, N.Y.,
April 10, 1965.
DEAR SIR: I commend your opposition to
the Vietnam mess and to foreign aid.
In paying taxes on April 15 I have urged
taxpayers to write Congress and the Presi-
dent to stop wasting our tax dollars abroad.
If pushed this could be the "ground swell"
needed to stop wasteful "foreign aid."
Yours truly,
HOMER G. WHTrMORE.
LA HABRA, CALIF.,
April 7, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I would like to thank
you for your most courageous stand in urging
a peaceful settlement of the Vietnam situa-
To me, this is the only rational solution,
for further escalation could easily lead to a
nuclear holocaust.
Please, continue to urge this peaceful means
of ending the-Vietnam crisis.
Thank you for your great courage and high
principles.
With greatest gratitude and deepest
admiration,
Es'rHER H. ADLER.
NEW YORK CrTY, N.Y.,
April 9, 1965.
Hon. W. MORSE:
I certainly do agree with Your Honor
that any amount of U.S. money in the way of
promised aid will not buy peace. There must
and should be,. Your Honor, other easier
ways of finding peace. So I close to Your
Honor and yours and those near and dear
to your heart with my highest respect.
sincerely,
GEORGE MCCULLOUGH.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE:
words for peace,
ELIZABETH MOOS.
MALIBU, CALIF.
Thanks for your
APRIL 8, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I just read your
"Senator MORSE Reports" and wish to con-
gratulate you for your valiant, forthright
stand against the brutal and futile war in
Vietnam which has damaged U.S. reputation
and has evoked the just criticism and in-
dignation of heeds of states, churchmen,
and decent people here and the many coun-
tries overseas.
I also fully support your bill aiming at re-
stricting military aid and replacing it with
economic aid to countries developing their
free institutions.
-
Respectfully,
stable government there forever at over a
million dollars a day?
And nowthe President proposes to give a
billion dollars to southeast Asia. For what?
To support more corrupt politicians there.
We should not allow any more American
lives to be lost in Vietnam or in southeast
Asia. Maybe it would stop if we gave each
widow of an American who lost his life there
a million dollars-better that than for for-
eign aid. We cannot buy respect or loyalty-
ask Sukarno.
Yours sincerely,
M. W. GRAYBILL,
U.S. Navy (retired).
[From Time magazine, Mar. 19, 19651
COLUMNISTS--IF GOLDWATER HAD WON
How would the United States have fared if
Barry Goldwater had been elected President?
"The mind boggles to think of it," mused
Columnist Art Buchwald last week in the
New York Herald Tribune. Nonetheless,
Buchwald did his deadpan best to guess how
things really would have turned out under
Goldwater. To begin with, he wrote, "the
Vietcong would have blown up an American
barracks. Goldwater -would immediately
call for a strike on military bases in North
Vietnam and announce a 'new tit-for-tat
policy.' Democrats would make speeches that
Goldwater was 'trigger happy' and was trying
to get us into a war with Red China.
"But Goldwater would ignore the criticism
and continue the raids, using not only Air
Force bombers, but also jets from the U.S.
Fleet. As time went on, he would explain
that, instead of a 'tit-for-tat' policy, we now
intended to bomb North Vietnam in order to
let Hanoi know that they could not support
the Vietcong without expecting retaliation.
"Senators would call for some sort of nego-
tiations. But Goldwater,- with his lack of
restraint, would retort that there is nothing
to negotiate and we would only be selling
out southeast Asia if we sat down at a table
with the North Vietnamese and Red China.
Instead, he would recklessly announce that
he was sending in a battalion of Marines
with Hawk missiles to protect our airfields.
His critics would claim he was escalating the
war, but Goldwater would deny it. Instead
he would bomb supply routes in Laos and
Cambodia.
"To explain these desperate actions, Gold-
water would have the Defense and State De-
partments produce a `white paper' justify-
ing the attacks and proving that Hanoi was
responsible for therevolution in South Viet-
nam."
Of course, wrote Buchwald, Democrats
would hotly insist they had known all along
that Goldwater would plunge the United
States into a war. Republicans would arguf
that Goldwater had no choice, that anywa;
he had merely inherited the Vietnam mes
from the Democrats. "It all seems far
fetched," allowed Buchwald, "and I may havf
let my imagination run away with itself, be-
cause even Barry Goldwater wouldn't have
gone so far. But fortunately, with Presiden,
Johnson at the helm, we don't even have t<
think about It."
APRIL 8, 1965.
MY DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I wish to praise
you for you stand on the southeast Asia
situation. Are we going to have a truce, like
in Korea, and keep U.S. troops there indefi-
nitely?
Harry Truman called the Korean war a
police action, but if - Margaret Truman had
been 2d Lt. Harry Truman, Jr., and in the
Army in Korea in 1950, I'll bet it would have
been declared a war.
I had command of an ammunition ship in
1950-51 delivering bombs to the aircraft car-
riers at sea and we worked long and hard,
but after October 24, 1950, and we saw that
Harry Truman would not let us win the war,
I could no longer tell my crew that we should
be there.
Will we ever get our troops out of Korea
or do we keep supporting a corrupt, un-
[From the Saturday Review, Feb. 27, 1965
VIETNAM AND THE AMERICAN CONSCIENCE
Vietnam is profoundly complex, but it i
not so complex as to defeat the American
intelligence or disable the American con-
science. Some facts and implications are
clear, no matter how murky the general
situation.
The first fact is that the United State:
today does not have the backing of the Viet
namese people in whose name it went int<
Vietnam in the first place and whom it I
seeking to save today. The U.S. militar
forces have had to cope not just with seers
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l pril' 21, I9~ CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
vents from North Vietnam but with th?e nisi Chinese have long argued that the Rus-
.rowing opposition of the populace as a sian idea of coexistence was an anti-Marxist
hole. In briefings of new U.S. military per- and antihistorical notion that could only
)nnel, t.ie point is stressed that most Viet- by advanced by naive sentimentalists. They
amese are either sympathizers with or secret Claim war Is inevitable because of the nature
iembers oJ the Vietcong. The retaliatory of capitalism. As evidence, they assert that
ombing,s by the United States of North the United States, despite its claim that it
tetnam targets do not meet the problem sought only to promote the internal stability
spresented by internal opposition within of Indochina, was actually pursuing a war
outh Vietnam itself. against Asian peoples as an extension of the
The second fact is that most of the mill- very imperialism Asians had fought so hard
fry equipment used against American and to expel. The Soviet Union, which is no less
outh Vietnam military forces has come concerned than the United States about
either from Communist China nor North Chinese expansion throughout Asia, also has
'ietnam but from the United States. It is to be concerned about its standing in the
adicrous to talk about bombing, supply lines world Communist community. It cannot
rom North Vietnam as a means of shutting allow itself to appear indifferent to military
if the flow. According to some estimates, action involving a member of that communi-
ip to 80 percent of the military equipment ty. Any expansion of the war by the United
ised by the Vietcong originates in the United States Into North Vietnam would force the
States. In largest part, it is either captured Soviet Union to identify itself with North
)y the Vietcong or turned over by supposedly Vietnam and thus with China.
oyal South Vietnamese. No one knows how
nuch of the equipment finds its way to
Jommunist China, A Chinese official inter-
viewed in. Peiping several months ago said
lie Was almost reluctant to see the Americans
leave; they had contributed so heavily to the
Chinese a~'senal.
The third fact 1 Is that the legal justifi-
cation invoked by the United States for its
involvement in. Vietnam has long since been
nullified., Under the terms of the 1954 Ge-
neva agreement, all foreign forces and mili-
tary equipment were to stay out of Indo-
china. The United States came with mili-
tary force into Indochina, most notably in
Laos, South Vietnam, and Thailand, declar-
ingit had done so atthe request of the
Governments involved, which was not a vio-
lation , of the treaty. But nothing in the
treaty gave the United States the right to
finance revolutionary movements or to par-
ticipate in undercover subversion. (In Laos
in 1960 and 1961, the United States financed
and equipped the effort of, General. Phoumi
Nosavan to overthrow the only elected gov-
ernment in the history of Laos. At the same
time, the. United States continued to pay
the salaries of loyalist forces and to furnish
their supplies. Thus the United States was. RUTLAND, VT.,
in the astonishing position of underwriting April 9, 1965.
3oth sides of a civil war. Eventually, the Senator WAYNE MORSE,
ituation -was restored to its prerevolution Washington, D.C.
fry status, but only after many thousands DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I would like to bring
,f civilians were killed or became homeless.) to your attention that the Constitution of
I
?REDLANDS, CALIF.,
April 5, 1965.
To the Right Honorable WAYNE MORSE,
Senate of the United States,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I wish the enclosed
clippings might be read into the CONGRES-
SIONAL RECORD.
Your remarks on our foreign policy are
always a great satisfaction to me.
Respectfully yours,
Mrs. ARTHUR M. SARGENT.
BERKELEY, CALIF.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE : For what my sup-
port is worth, I give it to you with great
gratitude and encourage your courageous
campaign for an intelligent approach to our
involvement in Vietnam.
You and Senator GRUENING are worth the
other 98. Senators combined. '
Please continue and I cannot thank you
enough.
7883
issues involved in our current Vietnam
policy. I feel that a sane appraisal of our
moral obligations is very much in order be-
fore we are pushed into a situation where
our national destiny is imperiled by reac-
tions of fear and irrational anger. Please
keep us out Red China and North Vietnam.
Yours truly,
[From the New York Times, Apr. 6, 19651
WRONG VIETNAM POLICY
To the EDITOR:
In seeking to establish peace in southeast
Asia, President Johnson has placed himself
under a severe handicap by taking the ad-
vice of the same men who persuaded Presi-
dent Kennedy to continue the Eisenhower-
Dulles policy of unilateral military interven-
tion in Vietnam, instead of-as in Laos-
seeking to implement the Geneva accords of
1954.
The more this interventionist policy has
failed, the more its sponsors insist upon try-
ing to redeem failure by ever deeper, more
dangerous and more reckless commitment of
United States prestige and power.
It is now evident that the policy urged
upon Presidents Kennedy and Johnson has
failed and will continue to fail if carried
further. When a policy has shown itself in-
capable of achieveing its ends, there is only
one thing to do and that is to adopt a dif-
ferent policy. And when Presidential ad-
visers who have sponsored a bankrupt policy
refuse to recognize the need for changing
course, it is time for the President to seek
other advice.
ECONOMIC COOPERATION
To the outside observer it appears that
President Johnson is about the only "dove"
among the present policyrnakers. He alone
has spoken, vaguely to be sure, of the kind
of economic cooperation with all of south-
east Asia which might bring the warring
factions to the conference table.
Surely there are in Washington men able
and willing to help the President formulate
a clear-cut policy for peace; Walter Lipp-
man's recent articles are an outstanding
example, and there are plenty of leaders in
the world who stand ready to help end an
ill-advised adventure that more and more
threatens world peace and, with it, the Presi-
dent's noble hope of establishing in the
Great American Society an example of what
all men everywhere may hope eventually to
achieve.
JAMES P. WARBURG,
Greenwich, Conn.
.
n South Vietnam, the Inability of the the United States provides that Congress
diem government to maintain the, support shall have power to declare War. This means
f its own people, constituted a severe drag that the President has not got the power to
n the war effort. Eventually, the Diem gov- declare war.
'nment was overthrown and the Premier as-. Therefore, In South Vietnam the United
issinated,. Later, Frederick E. Nolting, Jr., States is carrying on an unconstitutional
firmer Ambassador to South Vietnam, said war.
fie United Stateghas been directly involved I suggest that Congress refuse to appro-
the antigovernment plot, Whether Pre- priate any money for this undeclared war
ter Diem was or'was not authoritarian and or for the aid of South Vietnam. And,
.ckward,it beside, the point; the American I suggest that Congress refuse to confirm
~ople have never given their Government a presidential appointments to men who will
arrant to engage in subversion or murder, not do everything in their power to stop this
nce.Diem, regimes in South Vietnam have undeclared war.
,me and gone; which of them has enjoyed Moreover, neither the people of the United
nuine legitimacy it is difficult to- say, In States nor the people of South Vietnam want
ty case, what i the legal basis for our the U.S. forces in South Vietnam.
,esence now? Our presence was requested Furthermore, the cost of this undeclared
a government no longer in existence, and war and aid to South Vietnam deprive the
fie that our own ex-Ambassador said we people of the United States of their tax
Aped to overthrow, money which they would either like to keep
The fourth fact is that our policy in Viet- themselves or have spent for local improve-
Lam in particular and Asia in general has ment and public benefit. The city of Rut-
ot been of a piece. Basically, an important land needs better schools, better roads, more
bjective of our foreign policy is to keep the sewers, and new sidewalks.
oviet Union and, Communist China from Yours truly,
)wing together in a unified and massive IRVING H. REYNOLDS.
le
lo
i
nd
o
g
cai a
military coalition Bt
.u our
D1icy in Vietnam. is producing exactly the
feet we seeks to vgid. Nothing that has
ippened since the original rupture between
Le' two major Communist powers has done
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
UPLAND, CALIF.,
April 5, 1965.
ore to bring the Soviet Union and,Com-
unist China together again than recent
nerican actions in Vietnam. The Commu-
DEAR SIR: I would like to express my
whole-hearted support of your stand on the
WCRB,
BOSTON, MASS.,
April 8, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR: Please try to seek a peace-
ful settlement in Vietnam and not spread
the war.
Sincerely,
THEODORE JONES, President.
DEAR SIR: I share your misgivings about
the Johns Hopkins speech. Indeed it seems
to me that this might as easily be an at-
tempt to quiet student opposition on cam-
puses, liberal and church opposition and to
lull the consciences of those abroad and at
home, while the aggressive war is continued
or expanded. L.B.J.'s "sons" are not dying-
his daughters are safe and I dare say if Mc-
Namara and Bundy have them, they are safe,
too. The people of South Vietnam are not
allowed to decide-and it is an evil thing we
do to forbid people the right to be free of
foreign troops and intervention, and to take
sides in a civil war, too, when it is Interven-
tion. The "aid" may be a way of purchas-
ing the right to dissent from our policies
from other people by propping up more
puppets. I do not want to feather the beds
of Diems on the Riviera, with our tax dol-
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE April 21, 196
lays. To help the people, yes.-but not to
corrupt, a people.
You are a brave and wise man.
decided to write you as you seem to be one
of the few responsible leaders left in our
great land. Since both of our Senators from
Pennsylvania support the administration in
the Vietnam war, it would be a waste of
time to write them. Who is trigger happy
now?
Being the parent of a son who was shipped
off to Korea in 1950, at the age of 19 years,
with little or no training, to spend almost 2
years in that hole, for what? I do not want
to see this country go down the drain again
in such a war.
Thanking you for any consideration you
may give to my views.
Yours truly,
E. T. MCGUIRE.
SILVER SPRING, Mn.,
April 12, 1965.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
SIR: President Johnson is waging a war
against North Vietnam beyond any power
given him by the Constitution or any Fed-
eral law. Would you help me to commence
an action of mandamus through the U.S.
Supreme Court to stay his hand in North
Vietnam?
Very truly yours,
ARTHUR A. LEVINE.
CAMBRIDGE, MASS.,
April 11, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: A short note of sup-
port for your stand on the present U.S. policy
in Vietnam, and encouragement for your con-
tinued vigorous protests of the administra-
tion's policies there.
I shan't bore you with the reasons I find
present U.S. policies in Vietnam most shock-
ing, and quite frightening; they do coincide
in general with your own views as elaborated
last month at Harvard University, however.
What disturbs me most, though, is the al-
most unanimous accedence of your col-
leagues in Congress with the President's
rather bellicose policy in Vietnam. I have
and shall continue to hammer away at my
own Representatives on the subject. Poor
fellows, they are not blessed with such short
letters.
Best wishes.
Most sincerely,
mental
[From the Pittsburgh (Pa.) Press, Mar. 26, manned space station late in 196
or 1968; will rehearse with a dummy in 1964
1965]
Titan 3-C will take the space heavyweigh
REASON GASSED OUT title from NASA's Saturn 1 rocket whit
(By Richard Starnes) generates 1,590,000 pounds of thrust. Big
B I 1 Curtain be- gest rocket launcher Russians have dia.
e
Th
lesson that the use of gas has brought wii
it.
[From the Pittsburgh (Pa.) Press Mar. 2
1965]
MOST POWERFUL ROCKET
WASHINGTON, March 27.-World's newel
most powerful rocket will be flight tested :
June by the Air Force.
It's the Titan 3-C. It will genera
2,970,000 pounds of thrust-more than fi'
and a half times as much as Titan-2, whic
launched Grissom and Young Tuesday.
June test will be first of 12 designed I
perfect Titan 3-C for operational use- k
July 1, 1966.
Air Force will use it to orbit an expert
e am ooz
WASHINGTON.-
hind which the United States is waging un- played is estimated to have 1,433,000 pound:
declared war against North Vietnam has Core of Titan 3-C will be a Titan 2 rocker
parted ever so slightly and revealed some It win have two giant solid-fueled stage
desperately ugly circumstances. strapped to its sides, and on top will be ;
The vital point has been lost in the con- twin engine which can be fired three time
troversy that has raged since disclosure that in space for orbit-switching maneuvers.
nonlethal disabling gas had been used It will be used as a space truck by th,
against Communist guerrilla forces. Air Force for future military missions. Is
Apart from professional Communist one of its tests-next February-Air Fora
propagandists no one contends the gas is will try orbiting eight specially geared mili-
analogous to chemical-biological-radiOlOgi- tary communications satellites in one shot
cal weapons banned by the Washington Die- Titan 3-C probably will remain world's big-
armament Treaty of 1921-22 or the Geneva gest "thruster" until NASA develops Saturn
Treaty of 1925. 5. That one will generate 8,700,000 pound::
But that, of course, is not the point, the of push-enough to propel a 45-ton, three-
point is that world reaction to the use of man spaceship to the moon.
any sort of chemical warfare agent-but par- Housing and Home Finance Agency ha;
ticularly gas--could have been expected by compiled list of banks, insurance firms, an(
any but the most desperate bitter-end pro- savings and loans asosciations that ar4
fessional soldiers trying to stave off defeat. Negro controlled; will encourage them t4
Failure of the U.S. military technology invest in urban renewal or other federall;
t sponsored construction.
l P
t th
d
l
f
i
ac
o
e
u
a
to defeat the Vietcong
s a
Combined PACHOLKE. in the military mind transcends any ideo- mbined assets of firms on the list is $77?
logical consideration. million, with $298 million in Souther'
PITTSBURGH, PA., The most cogent argument on behalf of State firms-that already have $86 milliol
April 10, 1965. continuing the fight in Vietnam is that in Government-insured mortgages. No,
under consideration are a 17-story ofiic
1
d l
l
titi
t
on
n
ead on
y
o repe
Hon. WAYNE MORSE, defeat there woul
Senator of the United States, Thailand, Malaysia, and the Philippines. building for Negro-controlled Atlanta Lif
U.S. Senate, Thus the ultimate conclusion is the same: Insurance Co., and an 8-acre shopping cen
Washington, D.C. Defeat in southeast Asia is inadmissible; at ter in Mobile to be built by Negro investor
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I aril writing to you whatever cost, the war must be "won." for Negro shops.
in reference to your recent statements re- This has led to desperate adventurism White Citizens Council in Selma is usir
garding our so-called advisory war in Viet- such as the use of gas more poisonous to radio time to urge white persons to sh4
nam. American repute than to the foe, and to a there instead of going to Montgomery. I'
I think our action in Vietnam is a de- news blackout as rigid as any of World War an effort to counteract the Negro boycott
plorable situation and can only result in II. The American people are being denied Selma Stores.
involving us in a major war in Asia. I be- the information they need to reach mature Voice on the air is not identified, but r(
lieve Gen. Douglas MacArthur warned our democratic decision or upon which to base idents say it's one of Sheriff Clark's po&
leaders about involving our country in a land outspoken protest. men.
war in Asia shortly before his death. Who The United States has been using horror NoTE.-When President Johnson briefed
are we to intrude in the internal affairs of weapons in Vietnam almost since the be- governors this week he indicated his cone(
any country? The enclosed newspaper clip- ginning. Napalm is a far more savage in- that Red China may send 350,000 troops it
pings pretty well sum it up:- All of the smart strument of war than nonlethal toxic gas, Vietnam; said negotiations are out of ,
talk by President Johnson, Mr. Rusk, Mr. Mc- but strangely enough it has excited little question since there's no one to negoti4
Namara, and General Taylor won't brush protest. Worse even than napalm is white with.
these facts away. phosphorous-and proxy-American use of Ambassador Maxwell Taylor will reco.
Herewith are some of the things I believe that dreadful chemical passed almost un- mend increased pressure on Hanoi when
has led this country into our present situ- noticed early this month. reports to President Johnson next week.
ation. Projectiles or bombs filled with white He will urge more air strikes with m
1. The CIA and their meddling in the af- phosphorous would win most professional planes carrying heavier bomb loads, aimed
fairs of other countries. Why is this agency soldiers' votes as the most barbarous weapon military, then industrial targets.
not responsible to our Senate and Congress? of modern war-not excepting lethal gas. And he may urge that we hit targets no.
They have assumed an all-powerful position. White phosphorous shells explode in a hell- Of Hanoi, including bridges leading to Chi
wherein they could involve us in a cata- fire that clings to whatever it strikes, and if Chinese Communist troops mass near
strophic war. which cannot be extinguished. border.
2. Has the country been taken over by the Use of these devices is a true measure of Taylor will report that South Vietna
military and is our civil government power- how far we have gone. in Vietnam. Even the morale is up and U.S. position there it
less to exercise control over this group? use of nonlethal gas lets down bars that proved but that Hanoi Is stepping up inflltt
3. Has the Federal Government, along with have been painfully erected over centuries tion of small regular army units and Vii
the Supreme Court, overstepped their pow- of human travail. tong is making a major effort to cut Sou
era in respect to States' rights? What is Napalm and white phosphorous are Vietnam in two. (He doesn't think they c
being done about the enforcement of laws ghastly; so, indeed, are hand-held Weapons do it with present forces.)
for all groups in our society? Or do we only of such tremendous muzzle velocity that Partial blockade of Tonkin Gulf is a
enforce the law of the land for some pressure men are no longer wounded by them, they under study. Carrier jets will continue
group and turn our back when others break are dismembered. be used for raids and ships will bomb
the law? Madness has replaced reason in Vietnam, North Viet coastal installations.
As I am one of the 25 million disappointed and desperation has become the rationale More U.S. troops are not needed now, T
voters in the recent presidential election, I, for all manner of savagery. That is the real for will say.
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April 21, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
Education notes: Wyoming, holdout against
taking Federal school funds, has finally
passed a law enabling it to participate inNa-
tionai Defense Education Act, New survey
of Misaouri.shows it has , at.least' lQ,school
districts operating racially segregated schools.
Connecticut Supreme Court has ruled that
if State law designates teacher retirement
age,`local school boards,can't change it.
Second-term college enrollment at 16 large
State schools shows 9.6 percent increase over
last spring, 5.3 percent decrease from last fall
(due to midyear graduations, dropouts,, and
fiunkoigts.)
Presillent Johnson will not recommend re-
duction in 10 percent auto excise tax. Treas-
ury estimates tax brings in $2 billion in
revenues. And Mr. Johnson, in his budget
message, set $1,750 million limit on, excise
cuts he will propose.
But ~rreasury is beginning to fear Con-
gress will cut the auto tax anyway. Pres-
sure is building up, despite record auto sales.
Some congressional leaders talk about cut-
ting auto tax in half-which would add bil-
lion ,to, overall excise reduction,
Auto manufacturers say they'll pass on
any out, to buyers. Reduction to 5 percent
tax would save buyers an average of $100.
Also, Treasury has agreed that if a cut is
passed by Congress, it may be, retroactive
to date the bill, goes to Capitol Hill. Aim is
to prevent any slump in auto sales while
customers wait for taxes to drop.
? Administration proposals are expected in
about a month. They're likely to ask repeal
of excise on furs, jewelry, toilet articles,
leather goods, and other luxuries.
Theres a chance Alabama may share its
Governor Wallace with the Nation after
1966.
State egnstitution keeps him from running
again for Governor; also has a ban on run-
.ning for any other office, including U.S. Sen-
ate, until he has been in private life a year.
If he wants to run for Governor again, he
may try to have State constitution amended,
but is likely to run into a filibuster in his
legislature. But he may not have to go this
route if he decides to run for the Senate-
Alabame attorney general thinks the Ala-
bama restriction is unconstitutional.
[From the Pittsburgh (Pa.) Press, Apr. 11,
19651
MY TURN
(By John O'Hara)
It was a frightening picture that has
stayed with me, and I am not one to use
that word, frightening, every day.
The taxi drivers of New York City for
years had refused to be organized into a
anion. Back in 1934, for instance, the
drivers had to. fight the goons who over-
turned their cabs and beat them up, but
the hackies remained unorganized. So it
has remained until this. year, and the pro-
fessional unionists did not like that,
There are only 11,000 cabs in the city,
but they are public conveyances and the
public had a constant reminder .of the fact
that in all these years, the organizers had
been unable to compel the hackies to join
up. From the professional unionists' point
of view, that was a disgrace, and it could not
continue.
So this year the unionists went all out.
Although there had just been a fare in-
eretse, that made no difference. They began
workln5 on ihehackies early in the winter,
iinally calling a meeting in Madison Square
Garden, which was attended by several
thousand hackles.
To make sure the meeting would be at-
tended, the unionists announced, that the
hacks were not to roll that day. Some did,
and their tires, were spiked, windshields
smashed, some members of the public and
No. 70-9
image of America as a nation dedicated to
the free expression and self-determination of
peoples, anywhere in the world.
Gratefully yours,
JOSEPH SPARACINO.
DIANE SPARACINO.
EDITH Grrro.
PETE Gn"ro.
some hackies got hurt. At meeting time enlightened stand on Vietnam. It takes
the hacks were not rolling. Political courage to consistently express views
The head of the electrical workers' union that most Americans unfortunately, are not
said It did not matter if some people got yet prepared to accept. You have gained
hurt. What mattered was that the hackles however, the eternal gratitude of many
had to come into the union. among us who wish to see restored, the
- POLITICIANS NEED BIG LABOR
The head of the garment workers screamed
and waved his arms and said his union had
180,000 members who would support the
hackies, and he emphasized the word finan-
cially. The mayor of New York, who will
run for reelection this year, sat there with
the head of the electrical workers and the
head of the garment workers, and thereby
gave quasi-official support to the takeover.
The mayor is not personally popular with
the hackles, but the garment workers and
the electricians are big unions and he needs
them.
You looked down at the first few rows
in the audience, and you saw the new breed
of professional unionists, who obviously had
never driven hacks for a living. And inter-
spersed among them were the union tumul-
ers.
A tumuler is a cheerleader, a master of
ceremonies. It Is a Yiddish word that used
to be applied to the entertainment directors
at the summer hotels in the Catskills.
Danny Kaye, for instance, started out as a
tumuler. But Willkie had his tumulers at
the Republican convention in 1940; Gold-
water had them.
The meeting ended, and the unionists
won. After all those embarrassing years of
shame, all they had to do was smash a few
cab windows, injure a few citizens, spike a
few tires, and get some big union leaders and
Wagner of city hall on a platform, and the
hackles succumbed,
You can buy beer at Madison Square
Garden, but this was not even a beer-hall
putsch.
Well, not quite. But it's the way you get
your message across if you want to organize
the recalcitrant. Some violence, a large
quantity of inconvenience to the public, the
promise of financial support by big labor,
and the active cooperation of compliant
politicians.
TIIE NEW FACE OF FASCISM
A few days later Martin Luther King de-
manded a total economic boycott of Alabama
Industry, and did he not state that he would
enlist the support of the unionists? Had he
not already been photographed with another
Detroit boy, Walter Reuther?. Had not var-
ious Governors sent their representatives to
Selma?
The naive, the outraged, the victimized, the
men and women who loathe the Ku Klux
Klan seem to join with the exhibitionists, the
subverters, the sinister, and decent indigna-
tion reinforces the new fascism.
We are looking in the wrong direction for
the new fascism, which will not be called
fascism and will not be identifiable by swas-
tika armbands. The Hitler-Mussolini kind
began in beer halls and in marches, among
the middle class people who were more or
less committed to some form of socialism.
We saw what happened to them, and to the
rest of the world in the process. The word
"socialist" remains in the official title of the
U.S.S.R., where fascism seems to flourish.
The socialism which Eisenhower saw creep-
SWARTHMORE COLLEGE.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I have just seen your
film (made at Yale) at a teach-in at
Swarthmore, and to make a long letter
short: Keep it up. It must seem kind of
lonely at times to be one voice, but you are
not alone, and we hear you. I, and many
others, will be in Washington to protest our
position in Vietnam, but what we really
need is your voice.
Thank you. -
FIRST METHODIST CHURCH,
North Andover, Mass., April 12, 1966.
The PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES,
The White House,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: I strongly endorse
your initiative for peace made to your ad-
dress on April 7th at Johns Hopkins Univer-
sity.
Both your offer of "unconditional discus-
sion" and the proposal of massive aid to
Southeast Asia were most helpful and com-
mendable.
I know that you are faced with many grave
decisions concerning Vietnam and sense
many conflicting pressures, but I respectfully
urge you to make every possible step to lessen
the liklihood of a direct confrontation be-
tween mainland China and the United States.
I hope that you will give serious consider-
ation tp the suggestion that the air strikes
be called off since they appear only to
strengthen the resolve of the North Viet-
namese.and are likely to drive them further
toward their Chinese and Russian allies.
I heartily support every effort toward peace
and reconciliation in Vietnam.
Sincerely,
NEAL F. FISHER.
Copies :
The Honorable EDWARD M. KENNEDY.
.The Honorable LEVERETT SALTONSTALL.
The Honorable WAYNE MORSE.
The Honorable ERNEST GRUENING.
The Honorable GEORGE McGovERN.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
7885
MILWAUKEE, WIS.,
April 11, 1966.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I wish to commend
you for your stand on our withdrawal from
Vietnam. You seem to be "the voice of one
crying out in the wilderness and I for one
hope you will continue to "cry out".
Most sincerely,
GERTRUDE GOBEL.
Ing into our system of government is now NEW CASTLE, DEL.,
inherent to it (with some help from Eisen- April 10, 1965.
hower himself). U.S. Senator WAYNE MORSE,
The latent evil in goodness is not always Office of Senator,
apparent. Cancer is the life force gone wild. Washington, D.C.
HON. SENATOR Moasz: Knowing that you
APRIL 10, 1965. are interested in seeking negotiations to
Hon. Senator WAYNx_ MORSE, quickly end the conflict in Vietnam, we are
U.S. Senate, asking you to do all you can by vigorous ef-
Washington, D.C. forts for negotiated peace, to end this war.
MY DEAR _SEN4_TOB XQRSE; We hereby ex- This conflict threatens the peace of the world
press ourwhole e
pdoTSelneAL. 4f your and all our security and, if continued, the de-
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE April 21, 1965
struction of all we hold dear, and our little
ones.
There should be a pause in the air attacks
of our country on the North Vietnamese, and
not to invade the territory involving China.
This is a grave mistake. Our President voices
hope and words for peace efforts, but the
next day, papers have great headlines of ad-
ditional troops landing, planes, and heavy
equipment for battle.
This is confusing to many and especially
to an oriental mind who would think we do
not mean what we say. They ate slower
to move and do not think the same as we do.
It is the time not to be too quick. There
must be a pause or cease fire, so to speak, so
that the efforts seeking settlement may have
a chance. Sometimes we must be still, so
God can have the chance to answer the
prayers of many and help.
We feel that the United Nations must play
a vital role in bringing about a settlement.
The pause would help there also.
Through the help of the United Nations,
many think that we should have a contin-
gent of troops together with those from other
U.N. nations-a peace force to see that fight-
ing stops and to police the area of conflict.
This, with an internationally supported
economic and social program of reconstruc-
tion and development many think desirable
to have peace established, then we should
leave the mainland of Asia. It is the land
of oriental peoples.
Protestant clergymen and all their people
ask that "vigorous efforts be made now to
negotiate an end to the war." May God help
us and give you wisdom to help. Kind re-
gards and wishes, I am
Sincerely,
Mrs. E. CALHOUN FARMER.
EAST BOSTON, MASS.,
April 6, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Your speech against
our policy in Vietnam might have been made
not in Athens, Ohio, but over 2,000 years ago
in Athens, Greece, before Greece ruined it-
self in the treacherous and uncalled-for ex-
pedition in Syracuse.
The people are again misled by warmon-
gers and profiteers. Their good sense of self-
sacrifice and patriotism is again being per-
verted to the ruin of all of us.
Thank God for WAYNE MORSE and a hand-
ful of others. I hope for yourself that you
have the highest reward of every honest
man--that you could look back through your
life of honesty and integrity.
Your sincere admirer,
MILTON HEIMLICH.
SEATTLE, WASH.,
April 8, 1965.
WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Will you please do
what you can to get us out of this inter-
national mess and then run for President in
1968? %
RONALD JOHNSON.
INTER-OFFICE TELETYPE,
April 9, 1965.
DEAR SIR: Thank God for brave men like
you. Please continue your valiant efforts in
regards to the Vietnam situation in the face
of all this "sheep-like" opposition.
Respectfully,
My Brothers' Keeper
Mrs. WILLIAM GALLIE.
SANTA CLARA, CALIF.,
April 9, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR: Just a note to tell you that
my wife, my friends, and I think you are a
great statesman. Your stand against our
Government's policy In Vietnam takes a great
deal of courage and we applaud you for it.
Sincerely,
D. LIEBERMAN, M.D.
ANN ARBOR, MICH.,
March 31, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: From 8 p.m., March
24 to 8 a.m., March 25 an all-night teach-in
to protest American policy in Vietnam was
held at the University of Michigan. Two
hundred and fifteen members of-the faculty
and staff of the university sponsored the 12-
hour program of lectures and seminars de-
signed to inform the academic and local
communities on Vietnam and the nature of
the war which is taking place there, and to
search for viable peaceful alternatives to our
Government's present aggressive course. En-
closed is a copy of a petition sent to Presi-
dent Johnson which was signed by 768 of
those who participated in the program.
At the conclusion of the sessions a resolu-
tion was passed to broaden our local action
into a national faculty-student movement
which would engage the active participation
of academic communities throughout the
country in a, continuing program of protest
and constructive criticism. Telegrams of
support have already been received from al-
most 50 colleges and universities across the
Nation with assurances that several have al-
ready scheduled or are scheduling teach-ins
of their own. Plans also are now being made
for a national teach-in.
We wish to thank you for your continuing
efforts against our foolhardy attempts at a
military solution to the problems of south-
east Asia. We will continue to keep you
informed of our activities, and hope, that if
you have any suggestions to make as to how
our group can be most effective, that you
will send them on to us.
Sincerely yours,
WILLIAM GAMSON,
JOEL ISAACSON,
(For the Faculty-Student Committee
To End the War in Vietnam).
nam mess. Please don't ever falter in your
most patriotic fight against what we are
doing there. I recall enough of the 1954
Geneva Conference (when Dulles walked out
in a huff) to know that our policy there is
very wrong. The only people around here
that are for our policy in Vietnam, strangely
enough, are those who supported Goldwater.
When I read this morning's paper about
the mass defoliation and burning out of a
forest there, all I could think of is that Gold-
water is smiling with satisfaction. I am
shocked, sickened, and horrified at the
napalm, gassing, and the wholesale slaughter
going on there. It defies all morals, ethics,
and decency, for I sincerely believe those
people in South Vietnam are fighting a civil
war in which we have no business, except to
help bring it to an end.
I've written President Johnson my views
and also enclosed a clipping quoting Pope
Paul's pleas for a ceasefire before the thing
gets out of hand.
Thank you again and keep up the good
fight.
Respectfully yours,
Mrs. HELEN SPIEGEL.
NEW YaRN, N.Y.,
April 1, 1965.
Senator WAYNE L. MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR MR. MORSE: I endorse 100 percent your
position in seeking a negotiated settlement
for the Vietnam war.
Yours truly,
NEW YoRx, N.Y.,
April 1, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR: I am grateful that we have
you and a few more Senators who see that
the only way out of this horrible war is
negotiation. So many people here and
abroad feel that this is a senseless war. Why
does the President shut his ears? Please
keep talking peace. Thank you.
Yours truly,
UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN ALL-NIGHT PROTEST-
TEACH-IN ON THE WAR IN VIETNAM, 8 P.M.
MARCH 24 TO 8 A.M. MARCH 25, 1965
Mr. PRESIDENT: We, members of the facul-
ty, staff, and student body of the University
of Michigan, and citizens of the local com-
munity, have joined together for an all-
night protest at the university against the
policy of the United States Government in
Vietnam. Our protest has taken the form
of a series of lectures and discussions through
the night, in search of nonmilitary solutions
to the problems of southeast Asia.
We are profoundly concerned about your
present course of military expansion, and do
not believe that it can bring about a perma-
nent and satisfactory resolution of the con-
flict. We call upon you to initiate a policy,
not of intensified war in southeast Asia, but
of an offensive for peace. The conferences
and neogtiations for such solutions are long
and hard, but we urge that they begin now.
Let us begin with constructive initiatives
toward a cease-fire. These must include the
cessation of our unilateral military actions,
including the bombing missions into North
Vietnam, and our introduction of grotesque
weaponry, such as the nonlethal gas recent-
ly tested. It must also include a greater re-
spect for the safety of civilian populations in
both parts of Vietnam. Nothing short of
such a total effort to effect a negotiated set-
tlement in Vietnam will lead our Nation
back upon the path of reason and morality
from which we have so dangerously strayed.
ENDICOTT, N.Y.,
April 1, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: This letter is long
overdue: Thank you for myself and for
dozens of my acquaintances for the very
courageous stand you've taken on the Viet-
SAN FRANCISCO, CALIF.,
April 1, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR: Please accept my heartfelt
congratulations on your courageous speak-
ing out on Vietnam. We in the peace move-
ment take much encouragement from your
sensible stand that we have no business
being there at all. We run the risk of be-
coming involved in a major war.
ALICE HAMBURG.
BRONX, N.Y.,
March 31, 1965.
_'ouR HONOR: I write to express my support
for your opposition to our present policy in
Vietnam. The instigators of this policy are
probably more behind the scene than out
in the open. Your colleagues must be made
aware of this and induced to speak up. Are
they more concerned about their political
future than the potential loss of millions of
lives?
PLAINFIELD, N.J.,
April 1, 1965.
Hon. WAYNE L. MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I am one of, I hope,
millions of ungrateful citizens who have for
many years admired you and enjoyed the
benefit of your selfless service to our country
without ever having taken a few minute:
to thank you for it.
I want to extend these long overdue thanks
to you now and to encourage you to con.
tinue even though we are not writing b
thank you and must seem uninterested an(
completely apathetic.
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April 21, 1965
Particularly today I want to urge you to
continue your, strong stand against our mili-
tary action in Vietnam. I enclose a copy
of a letter I have written. to...the President
about this.
My sincere thanks, admiration, and all
.,good wishes to you.
Sincerely yours,
'MISSRITA CAMPBELL,
? BROOKLYN, N.Y.,
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SIR: We ask for an immediate cease
fire in Vietnam and immediate. use of U
Thants formtlla for negotiations.
Respectfully yours,
Mrs. T. SclsULMAN.
PLAINFIELD, N.J.,
The PRESIDENT,
The White House,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: I read the New York
Times,, every day. I read "The Reporter."
In listen .to radio and television discussions
and try to inform myself as well as possible
on the reasons for our war in Vietnam.
Much of the information heard and read is
contradictory and I realize that you have
more information than the general public,
but for some time now I have had to conclude
that we are greviously wrong In taking part
in the involved politics of that unhappy
country.
I therefore urge you to turn from this
course Immediately and negotiate. I fear
we are wasting men, supplies, and money
and gaining nothing but resentment and Ill
will toward ourselves. I do not care to win
a war, even 6, justified one, which this one is
not, by destroying a people's food supply
and shade trees, by using gas, even a little
bit of harmless gas and by making little chil-
dren squeal on parents. How low can we
sln)e? Shame on, us.
Mr. President, let us discontinue retalia-
tory attacks and cease fire immediately and
begin negotiations now in spite of present
unfavorable conditions.
Respectfully yours,
Miss RITA CAMPBELL.
(Copies to Senator CLIFFORD CASE, Sen-
ator HaaRlsoN A. WILLIAMS, Senator WAYNE
L. MORSE.)
WHITE PLAINS, N.Y.,
March 31, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: We Wholeheartedly
agree with you and support your position
regarding immediate negotiations in the
Vietnam war. .
- Sincerely,
MONROE and JESSE BLUMERFELD,
MIDDLE VILLAGE, N.Y.,
April 1, 1965.
President LYNDON B. JosuesoN,
The White House,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR Ma. PRESIDENT: The.deaths that re-
suited from the. bombing of the American
Embassy in Vietnam underscore. that "We
shouldn't be. there in the first. place."
Neither this administration, nor any other,
has given we American people a justification
for the loss of American life in this area. Our
leaders, axe ignoring the peoples' opinion.
They are responsible for our men being killed
-and for r.sking. the lives of ali of us in a
nuclear war.
This is a matter for the U.N. or other
responsible international body.
Very truly yours,
." _. a AENE A.REEVEs_
(Copies Nto Vice President Huasgy' Huu-
BHREX, 'Senators J. WILLIAM FULBRIGHT,
JACOB JAVITS, ROBERT KENNEDY, and WAYNE
MORSE.) _
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD . SEN4' 'E
7887
LITTLE SILVER, N.J., I want to point out to you the contradic-
March 30, 1965. tion between your domestic policy of de-
Hon. WAYNE MORSE, ploring unilateral violence (as in Selma, Ala.)
Senate Office Building, and of your foreign policy of violence and
Washington, D.C. armed might unilaterally used, as in Viet-
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: }i y own representa- nam. No wonder confusion and growing
,tives in the Congress have been silent on delinquency burgeon among the young in
Vietnam. I write,tQ j lank, you for your the United States when Uncle Sam exhorts
,criticism of the present policy.
TO me, it looks like another Korea--or
worse. All of Indochina would not be worth
it, even if. we could win with the present
.strategy-which seems doubtful. Even the
Pope has asked for peace, and nobody is
more concerned about communism than he
IS.
But you know all of this. I appreciate
greatly the fact that some few-courageous
men have questioned. The great mystery to
inc is why so many are silent at such a
critical time,
I hope you can persuade others of your
peers to represent the interests of this Na-
tion as you have.
Sincerely,
DAVID A. NICHOLS.
PHILADELPHIA, PA.,
April 1, 1965.
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Earlier letters from
_me have told-you how thankful my wife and
I are that you are in the Senate, working for
the reign of reason in Vietnam. I am send-
ing with this note a copy of the Churchman,
on page 3 of which there is a letter quoting
a Vietnam petition which we circulated re-
cently in the Philadelphia Ethical Society.
Over 150 people signed it.
I also enclose a copy of an open letter
to Billy Graham which we are preparing.
How we shall manage to get it published I do
not yet know. If Billy Graham got con-
verted by it he could really help in preserv-
ing the world. Let us hope for the best-
and. keep the peace powder dry-if it is
proper to talk in such terms in this con-
nection.
I don't know why, but I find myself feel-
ing optimistic, today about the future of
the world.
Yours with the greatest admiration.
HENRY S. IIUNTINGTON.
APRIL 1, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE:. As an American
mother I want you to know I appreciate your
logic concerning the Vietnam situation. I
most strongly urge you to advise our Presi-
dent against any further commitment of
American young men to the civil war in
Vietnam.
I shall raise my voice, along with millions
of other American mothers, in objecting to
our sons' participation in an undeclared war
for an undefined cause.
Sincerely,
Mrs. JoIIN J. DWYER,
Resident of California.
SAN JOSE, COSTA RICA,
March 31, 1965.
President LYNDON B. JOHNSON,
The White House,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: I once again implore
you to stop the employment of armed vio-
lence in Vietnam. I urge you to rethink and
redirect the U.S. foreign policy so as to prac-
tice world government under law for all na-
tions and a peaceful settlement of all dis-
putes. Such a policy practiced by the United
States would be to live up to our best tradi-
tions and to help fulfill the hopes of a world
yearning for peace. It would prove that
strength of character and moral strength are
mightier than any strength of arms, which
I fervently believe. We must mature enough
as a nation to come to understanding this.
youth, "Don't do what I do, but only what
I say." Individual violence, whether in a
big city, or by the Ku Klux Klan or by whom-
ever is rightly deplored. But the U.S. Gov-
ernment, like God, exempts itself from all
rules controlling arms and the use of them.
Let us turn urgently -to the use of law,
both at home and on the world scene.
Very truly yours,
Mrs. CHESTER M. PATTERSON, Jr.
MARCH 31, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MO.lSE: I admire your cour-
age in saying on TV that our present policy
in Vietnam is leading us into a large-scale
war in Asia, and I thoroughly agree with
you. You are not second-guessing the Presi-
dent, either, because you said months ago
on TV that we should work this out through
the United Nations rather than to intervene
as we have done, and you were absolutely
right.
Johnson has been acting like a Russian
czar rather than the head executive of a
democracy every since he was elected, but he
has done exactly what the voters rejected
Goldwater for advocating, by escalating the
war in Vietnam.. Furthermore, he ought to
be impeaced for the administration coverup
of the Bobby Baker graft ring, because it is
obvious that to expose Baker would have
been very embarrassing to some much higher
up.
It is unfortunate that you are not in John-
son's job, and if the voters really picked
their elected leaders, you would have been
a much more likely choice than Johnson.
Mr. Johnson and Mr. Goldwater both were
the choices of the people who have been en-
riching themselves at the taxpayers expense
for years with the money from supplying
military materiel and equipment for the
cold war.
The late President Kennedy had thawed
the cold war to the point where China and
Russia had turned on each other, and the
people who are exploiting the cold war didn't
want that. They want the cold war to go on,
but it is turning into a very hot war fast
under Johnson's leadership. We will be
lucky if we have an economic collapse before
we have atomic war.
PITTSFIELD, MASS.,
March 31, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Congratulations on
your fine speech on Vietnam in Cambridge
on March 12. It's almost enough to give one
some, hope for the future, hearing such
honest and courageous talk. You're in-
fluencing many people to ask for debate on
this issue. You make such good sense, and
you bring out so many facts to support
your position.
Thank you for your efforts on behalf of
all of us.
Most sincerely,
WEST TYLER, TEx.,
April 1, 1965.
The Senator from Oregon,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I am 69 years old.
Served 20 months overseas on the western
front in World War I. I am the father of
two sons both of whom served their coun-
try in World War II. The elder in the Pacific,
the younger, 2 months under 20 years of age,
first lieutenant of infantry killed in action
in Germany in March 1946.
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We, the United States, are aiding, abetting,
and committing murder in Vietnam without
(just) cause, and without the sanction of the
people of the United States as provided in
the U.S. Constitution. We are killing and a
party to the killing of an innocent people
against whom we have no just grievance.
Our own innocent sons are making the
supreme sacrifice in an Asian war not of our
making, not of our cause and not of our busi-
ness to commit our sons to the jungle
sacrifice.
President Johnson was elected on a promise
of peace ticket in the sense that the Repub-
lican nominee could only promise a more
vigorous action in the Asian war, which
obviously God loving, God fearing, and merci-
ful people did not want.
The Congress of the United States is the
only constitutional agency, short of an in-
vasion, that has power to make war. My
God, why does it not exert its constitutional
power to call a halt to our invasion of
Vietnam? Our cities and our people should
be spared the deadly destruction now being
poured upon others. Our best security lies
not in making war upon others, and that I
think Senator MORSE, of Oregon, and Senator
GRUENING, of Alaska, have made known to
the American people.
ELM GROVE, WIS., against escalating the war in Vietnam.
April 1, 1965. Keep it up at every possible occasion. You
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: As a citizen of Wis- come right into our living rooms now, you
consin, I have written my congressmen to know, through television, and your please
strongly protest the use of gas and the fire are most effective. We wish there were more
bombing of a forest area in Vietnam. Senators like yourself, FRANK CHURCH, GAY-
There is a most urgent need for moral LORD NELSON, GEORGE MCGOVERN, and WAYNE
justice in today's world. Should not Con- MORSE.
gress, as the representative of a nation that Above all, don't falter now in your cam-
believes in the dignity and equality of man, paign. People almost everywhere now know
speak out against this brutality? There are science has outlawed war as a means of
many of us who admire your courage and settling disputes between nations. Thanks
dedication toward peace. a million for your good efforts on behalf of
Yours truly, peace.
Rs +f11
e
ee u
Mrs. Eric Kneen.
ST. LOUIS, Mo.,
March 31, 1965.
Hen. WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SIR: I could not agree with you more
in your statements about our position in
Vietnam.
We could expend 100,000 men and $50 bil-
lion and then not win the war.
re
CAMBRIDGE, MASS., ey were e g g
March 31, 1965. was only through a leak via television that
Senator WAYNE L. MORSE, the American people really learned the truth.
U.S. Senate, Since then our newspaper reports indicate
- Washington, D.C. very clearly that we are at war.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I am writing to urge In November 1964 you received a mandate
you to continue to support a policy of negoti- from the American citizens, which actually
ation in Vietnam, and to praise you for the drowned out the warmongering Barry Gold-
1 b -11 felt that ou
se
e y
t
stand you have already taken.
Yours respectfully,
MARGARET W. BROOKS.
Mrs. Peter Brooks
GUYMON, OKLA.,
April 1, 1965.
has spread only because the 'respectable'
powers refused to do something about the
burning problems of poverty and oppression."
To hear over our news media that our
leaders think the American people "would
never consent to negotiation on the Vietnam
matter," and that such leaders are afraid
to have Red Chinese delegates come to the
U.N. to discuss our mutual problems because
our people might become screaming meemies
and toss such delegates into the ocean, makes
us ill.
Why not air the causes of our failure to
deal sensibly with the Red China problem
since 1949 and let us see how our McCarthy-
ism and extremist followups have made us
the laughingstock of the world, as well as a
danger to world peace?
Why doesn't this Democratic Administra-
tion enlist the aid of the 1936 GOP presi-
dential candidate, Alf M. Landon, of Kansas,
who makes such good sense now in his plea
for U.S. recognition of Red China and for our
support in getting her into the U.N.; as well
as approaching "Mao's formal proposal to
all the countries of the world (for a summit
conference on nuclear weapons) with cordial-
ity and caution rather than with coldness
and negativity"? That would be a biparti-
san effort and help tQ blunt the opposition of
the far right, it seems to me.
As an American citizen, I am glad that
the world is hearing your continuing pleas
p
Mrs. H. L. CURTIS.
BRONx, N.Y., April 1, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: You with your ener-
gy and ability can bring this to the Senate
floor and end this mess. Since when can
Presidents order killing without consulting
the Senate or the American people?
believe that you axe this man. But how long
is it going to take? The Asiatics, Europeans,
Latin and South American peoples are not
being fooled by us. They know the score
and it is up to you, Mr. President, to nego-
tiate now before it is too late.
We have no business trying to settle the
business of real revolutionaries 10,000 miles
from our shores no more than we would
tolerate interference from other countries
when we so desperately fought the English
in our Revolution. Further, if it is not a
crime for us to bomb incessantly the poor
North Vietcong, then it is not a crime to have
our embassies bombed in retaliation.
Mr. President, I beg of you, let's stop inter-
fering with the affairs of other people. Let's
show them that democracy can really work.
Let's give a brave people the right to over-
throw corrupt 24-hour governments and let's
save our children from being devoured by
insects that will flourish and be the only
gainers.
A line from you is invited.
Respectfully yours,
HENRY H. OELBAUM.
People with feelings for human lives all
over Our land support you fully in your hon-
orable and determined effort to oppose our
cruel and aggressive actions in Vietnam.
Lewis Mumford speaks for me.
ELIZABETH WALDRAN.
BERKELEY, CALIF.
[From the San Francisco Chronicle,
Mar. 3, 19651
PLAYING RUSSIAN ROULETTE IN VIETNAM
(By Lewis Mumford)
(EDrroR's NOTE.-The following letter on
America's role in Vietnam was written to
President Johnson by critic Lewis Mumford.)
Mr. President: The time has come for
someone to speak out on behalf of the great
body of your countrymen who regard with
abhorrence the course to which you are com-
mitting the United States in Vietnam. As
a holder of the Presidential Medal of Free-
dom, I have a duty to say plainly, and in
public, what millions of patriotic fellow citi-
zens are saying in the privacy of their homes;
namely, that the course you are now follow-
ing affronts both our practical judgment and
our moral sense.
Neither your manners nor your methods
give us any assurance that your policy will
lead to a good end; on the contrary, your
attempt-to cure by-military force a situation
that has been brought about by our own ar-
rogant, one-sided political assumptions can-
not have any final destination short of an ir-
remediable nuclear catastrophe. That would
constitute the terminal illness of our whole
civilization, and your own people, no less
than the Vietnamese and the Communists
would be the helpless victims.
In embarking on this program, you are
gambling with your country's future, because
you have not the courage to discard a losing
hand and start a new deal, though this was
the magnificent opportunity that your elec-
tion presented to you. Your games theorists
have persuaded you to play Russian roulette.
But you cannot save the Government's face
by blowing out our country's brains.
From the beginning, the presence of Amer-
ican forces in Vietnam, without the author.
ity of the United Nations, was in defiance o
our own solemn commitment when we helper
to form that body. Our steady involvemen
with the military dictators who are wagin
civil war in South Vietnam, with our ex
travagant financial support and underhande
military cooperation, is as indefensible as of
Government's original refusal to permit
popular election to be held in Vietnam, is
communism should be installed by popul:
vote. Your attempt now to pin the whc
blame on the government of North Vietna
deceives no one except those whose wishf
LYNDON B. JOHNSON,
President, the White House,
Washington, D.C.
My DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: Some time ago
you had taken the position that our Armed
Forces in Vietnam were only advisers, yet
killin and bein killed It
th th
er, on y ecau
w
wa
were a man of keen judgment and would
bring this Vietnam situation around the
conference table for settlement.
Instead of conferences for peace, this hor-
rible war is being escalated daily so that the
danger of a nuclear holocaust is possible
Senator ERNEST GRUENING,
Senate Chamber,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR GRUENING: I have been
listening to your opinions on the Vietnam
matter over television and reading about
them occasionally in my newspaper.
I agree with you completely. As Sidney
Lens said in the January Progressive:
"We have made of communism a cause of
our worldwide difficulties, whereas in reality
it has been an effect of them. Communism
an hour of such hostilities.
Mr. President, your children as well as
mine, and my grandchildren are not being
given a chance to make friends and patch
up the differences that exist and that you
have inherited. Instead of making friends,
we are making more and more enemies all
over the world.
We blundered when we sent our boys to
Korea, and we blundered more when we sent
our so-called advisers to Vietnam. It takes
a big man to say that we erred, and I still
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writ 21, VMS CONGRESSIONAL RECORD SENATE
eking originally committed us to our
h-handed intervention: the same,set of
neles and intelligences that inveigled us
o the Bay of Pigs disaster.
.nstead of using your well-known political
:oitness.to rescue our country from the
litary miscalculations and political blun-
rs that created our impossible position in
stnaln, you now, casting all caution to the
nds, propose to increase the area of sense
as destruction and extermination, without
iving any other visible ends in view than
conceal our political impotence. In tak-
ig this unreasonable course, you not merely
iow a lack of "decent respect for the opin-
>ns of mankiind,"but you likewise mock and
etray all our country's humane traditions.
This betrayal is all the more sinister be-
ause you are now, it is plain, obstinately
.ommitting us to the very military policy
;hat your countrymen rejected when they so
overwhelmingly defeated the Republican
candidate.
Before you go further, let us tell you clear-
ly: your professed aims are emptied of mean-
Ing by your totalitarian tactics and your
afhilistic strategy. We are shamed by your
;actions, and, revolted by your dishonest ex-
cuses and pretexts. What is worse, we are
horrified by the immediate prospect of hav-
ing our country's fate in the hands of lead-
ers who, time and again, have shown their
inability to think straight, to correct their
errors, or to get out of a had situation with-
out creating a worse one.
The Government has-forfeited our confl-
dence; and we will oppose, with every means
available within the law, the execution of
this impractical, and above all, morally in-
defensible policy. There is only one way in
which you can remove our opposition or re-
gain our confidence; and that 1s to turn
back from the course you have taken and
to seek a human way out.
Thank you, for your effort to stop the war
in Vietnam. Please read Hans Morganthau's
afece In the current New_ Republic. This
should be read to the Senate.
May commonsense prevail.
ROBERT M. FINNELL.
MUNCIE, IND.,
April 1, 1965.
on. WAYNE MORSE,
mate Office Building,
ashington, D.C.
DEAR SIR: Indubitably your name will
and in history along with that of Bertrand
issell, of England, Jerome D. Frank, Linus
uling, and others who have devoted so
ich effort toward avoiding a nuclear holo-
ast.
'< sequel to your incisive remarks in the
rate is Bertrand Russell's article, "The
Lr of Atrocity in Vietnam." Lord Russell
!ticulously documented his case and plead-
for President Johnson to listen to reason
her than get us swept up into a nuclear
r. The absurdity of escalation is apt to
.minate in an Armageddon. Why, why,
y will not our President listen to those
o plead for peace rather than those who
all too anxious to beat out the all too
ailiar sounds of the war drums? Lord
;lssell's article appeared in the December
964 issue of "The Minority of One." This
; the one publication which has the cour-
ge to print material on Vietnam that urges
rithdrawal. Senator MORSE, in order that
tore Americans might read your views on
'ietnam, please write an article and mail it
o the following address: M. S. Arnoni, editor,
'he Minority of One, Inc.; 155 Pennington
.venue, 'Post Office Box 544, Passaic, N.J.
'he writer is confident that Mr. Arnonf
'ould be honored to publish an article by
on, You see, sir, most of the population
oes not have the faintest idea that you and
snator GRUENING vehemently denounce our
current policy in Viet n_ am. Thus, if you
were to write, an article ,for the publication,
even more people might join in your plea
for peace.
Personally, sir, it appears that Leonid
Brezhnev is to be commended for being as
patient with us as he has been. No doubt
if Russia tried something in South America
similar to what we are trying in Vietnam,
we would already have been through a nu-
clear war by now.
Sir, please keep up your fight against the
inanities of war. Muncie's population is well
represented in the Birch Society, and nearly`
every day one reads letters to the editor of
the Press that apparently are trying to fo-
ment another Red scare and which demand
escalation, escalation, and more escalation.
If you were to write a letter, even a long one,
to the Muncie Evening Press, Muncie, Ind.,
giving your views on Vietnam, the writer
Is certain that it would be published in full.
Sir, if you would be so kind as to do that,
then people around here who seemingly
have not even heard of the word "negotia-
tion" would be able to at least see, though
perhaps not agree with, another point of
view.
Congratulations, sir, for having the cour-
age to take an unpopular stand on this cru-
cial issue. Thousands will remember you as
a man who did all in his power to avert
World War III. The remaining millions,
perhaps, while the earth is burning around
them, will be consoled to know in their hearts
that they were furthering 100 percent true-
blue pure Americanism.
Sincerely yours,
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.:
NILE SHIELDS.
CHICAGO,
April 2, 1965.
Since 1942 we are in wars and police ac-
tions all the time. In my opinion we are
now involved in the most stupid war of all.
7,000 to 8,000 miles away from our own
shores. Something must be wrong with our
foreign policy.
Dear Senator, please keep up your good
work for our country.
Respectfully,
0. GRIEBEL.
WESTON, MASS.,
March 31, 1965.
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: We strongly dis-
approve of the widening of the war in Viet-
nam. Bombing the north will not alter the
situation in the south and only earns us
bitter hatred around the world.
The use of nauseas gas, napalm, the new
shattering bullet, and other military inven-
tions are self-defeating in a war with racial
overtones: The Pentagon's advice is danger-
ously out of touch with reality in our judg-
ment.
Respectfully yours,
JOHN C. GRAY,
HELEN L. GRAY.
P.S.-We greatly admire your courageous
stand.
OXFORD, OHIO,
April 1, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: We congratulate you
on your support of negotiations to bring
about an end to the, war in Vietnam and
we urge that you do everything possible to
bring about open hearings of the Senate
Foreign Relations Committee on the grave
situation in southeast Asia.
Sincerely,
MEI.vrN BLOOM.
ROSABELLE BLOOM.
LAKEWOOD, OHIO, April 4, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: So glad for your cou-
rageous stand re the Vietnam situation. How
can we continue. use of napalm, that hideous,
devilish weapon, and not be shamed before
the world, and before any God of justice and
mercy?
God's grace and power be with you as you
gather more to the banner of true American-
ism with its concern for humanity-en masse
or as individuals.
With whole-souled appreciation.
HILDA A. FOSTER.
SENATOR MORSE: Just a few words of en-
couragement on your stand on Vietnam- How
easy or much easier it would be for you to
change your stand but thank God for your
not doing so. God loved his people and I am
so thankful there are men around who will
do the same.
God bless you.
Mrs. D. LOWER.
NEW YORK, N.Y.
We ask for an immediate cease-fire in Viet-
nam and immediate use of U Thant's formula
for negotiations.
RUTH BOCOUR AND FAMILY.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate.
DEAR SENATOR: We are in complete agree-
ment with your patriotic and farsighted
stand on Vietnam,
We hope many other members of the Sen-
ate would join you in your courageous ef-
forts.
ANATOL KOVARSKY,
LUCILLE KOVARSKY.
P.S.-We are enclosing the copy of a letter
we've sent to President Johnson.
NEW YORK CITY, N.Y.,
March 29, 1965.
DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: I am writing to you
to express my shock, indignation, and sur-
prise at the U.S. Government's actions in
Vietnam.
Not only is the policy we are following im-
moral in nature, but worse yet, it appears
to be reckless and self-defeating politically.
If, as you stated on March 25, we "seek no
more than a return to the 1954 Geneva agree-
ments," then why have we been consistently
rebuffing General De Gaulle who for the past
2 years has been urging us to seek a nego-
tiated solution on this very basis?
Why is our Government still listening to
thouse who in 1965 are evoking the specter
of "Munich," which took place in 1938 at the
time of England's extreme weakness and has
no relevance to the relationship of forces as
it exists today?
Why do we discard without explanation
Mr. UThant's advice? He spoke to us not
only as the Secretary General of the U.N.,
but as a Burmese citizen whose country has
been experiencing serious problems of civil
strife? Yet, despite her very long border
with China and lack of U.S. military aid,
Burma remains non-Communist and main-
tains good relations with her neighbors.
Are the opinions of Burma, Cambodia, Af.,
ghanistan, Ceylon, Nepal, India, and even of
allied nations like Pakistan and Japan to be
dismissed without as much as an explana-
tion? Aren't these the very countries we are
trying to protect?
Why, inasmuch as the Hanoi government is
desperately trying not to become China's
satellite, do we feel it incumbent upon us
to push it further into China's arms by
threatening it with extinction?
Perhaps the central cause of the danger
in Vietnam is not so much the aggression
.by Communists, but our refusal to see the
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE April 21, 19 (
events, there in any other way and the in-
ability to change our own habits of think-
ing, when it comes to our relations with
China? The purpose of our policy was to
isolate China; instead we are isolating our-
selves as the proceedings at the U.N. and
our lonely role in Vietnam prove.
How can we reconcile our claims to moral
leadership and your own pledges of "seeking
a reduction of tensions" with General Tay-
lor's alarming comment that "there are no
limits to escalation; the pressure stops when
the enemy gives in."
We are no doubt sincere in our belief that
we are fighting communism, not realizing of
course that what we are really fighting Is our
own policy of trying to improve relations
between all nations and of trying to promote
some sort of stability in this dangerous
world.
How can a religiously moral people ignore
repeated appeals by the Pope and Protest-
ant leaders and continue to rationalize our
destructive policy?
It has been said that the Communists
show no interest In negotiations. However,
inasmuch as there were indications to the
contrary, prior to our attacks on North Viet-
nam, should not the cessation of these at-
tacks be the logical prerequisite to any
meaningful exploration of diplomatic alter-
natives?
We have to realize that not only the Com-
munist side but both sides have a great deal
to lose from the extension of this conflict
and act accordingly.
Yours truly,
ANATOL KOVARSKY.
P.S.-One is amazed to read that people
like General Taylor and Mr. H. Cabot Lodge
are still advising our Government. What-
ever their competence in their respective
fields, their advice on Vietnam has led from
one disaster to another. -
A.K.
COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY,
New York, N.Y., March 31, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Please work for a
cease-fire in Vietnam. I know from hearing
you speak on television that you have no
sympathy with those who would extend the
war. There are many who support you.
Sincerely yours,
Mrs. Hn.DA JOHNSTON.
NEW YORK, N.Y.,
April 1, 1966.
Senator WAYNE L. MORSE,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SIR: In recent months I have written
three letters to President Johnson protesting
against U.S. military intervention in Viet-
nam. Ironically, it seems that every time I
write the war tempo is increased as if in
utter scorn of my opinion.
Although you have been courageously
attacking the administration for its danger-
ous policy, please continue to use your influ-
ence to end our folly.
Yours respectfully,
Louis J. KANE, M.D.
SEEKONK, MASS.,
April 1, 1966.
President LYNDON B. JOHNSON,
The White House,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR MR. JOHNSON: First, we bombed a
schoolhouse with children in it, causing the
deaths of 40 youngsters. Then we at-
tacked civilians with poison gas. Now, as if
we had not done enough to "preserve democ-
racy" in Vietnam, we are resorting to burn-
ing the jungles with fire bombs and. fuel oil,
killing people, animals, and vegetation.
The bombing of our Embassy in Saigon
was tragic. It is, however, exactly what we
must expect when we help military dictator-
ship suppress its own population. How
much longer must Americans, Asians, and
wildlife perish to support tyranny?
Are we staying in Vietnam to save face?
My God, man, who cares about prestige when
hundreds of innocent people are dying every
day. Who cares what the world thinks
when Vietnam is being torn apart by fire
bombs, tanks, rockets, and littered with
broken bodies and charred ruins of villages
and cities?
Mr. Johnson, our Vietnam policy is totally
without justification, commonsense, or
reason. It is criminal and hateful for the
United States to be engaged in such crimes
against humanity. The Nazis resorted to any
means to prevail over their victims; the
United States is doing the same thing when
it murders children, gasses civilians, burns
jungle, wildlife, and men, and supports
tyranny.
What more can I say? I am opposed to
your policy (not ours, since most New Eng-
landers with whom I have spoken deplore
your policy). I doubt that it will change
until you have succeeded in drawing China
into the conflict, and have seen millions
of people die. What, Mr. Johnson, will be
left? And, why?
Very truly yours,
W. BRUCE DEAN.
Cc: Senators SALTONSTALL, E. KENNEDY,
GRUENING, and MORSE.
BRONX, N.Y.,
April 1, 1965.
Senator WAYNE L. MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: In order to show you
that we fully appreciate your efforts to bring
about- negotiations to restore peace in Viet-
nam, we are sending you, enclosed, a copy of
our letter to the President.
Our heartfelt wishes for success in this
endeavor to the benefit of our country and
the world are with you.
Respectfully yours,
HENRY and LISI MARX.
BRONX, N.Y.,
April 1, 1965.
President LYNDON B. JOHNSON,
The White House,
Washington, D.C.
MR. PRESIDENT: We share your anxiety
about the dangerous situation in Vietnam
and are fully aware of the tremendous dif-
ficulties confronting you in deciding on a
policy which will bring peace and security to
the entire area of southeast Asia. As citi-
zens of this country we cannot help being
obsessed by grave doubts regarding the role
of our country in the Vietnamese war. We
sincerely believe that force and destruction
will only strengthen the forces we are trying
to destroy, a fact vividly illustrated by the
experiences of the French in the same area.
Mr. President, we believe that immediate
steps should be taken to stop shooting and to
start talking. The offers of negotiations
made by Mr. U Thant should be accepted,
even those of De Gaulle and of our other
friends should be sincerely considered. The
civilian leaders of all factions of Vietnam
should be given a chance to meet with our
civilian representatives and, with our fullest
cooperation, to meet with each other in order
to form a provisional government represent-
ing the people of Vietnamat the conference
table.
If only a small percentage of the money'
spent for war in Vietnam would be diverted
to efforts for peace, the honor of our coun-
try and the freedom of Vietnam could be
advanced immeasurably.
Mr. President, the thoughtful citizens who
elected you are confident of your leader-
ship, not to more bombings, but to immedi-
ate efforts toward peace in Vietnam.
Respectfully yours,
PRAYER-FOR-PEACE PROGRAM,
Farmingdale, N.Y., March 31, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
The U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
YOUR HONOR: I have written to the Pres
dent of the United States this afternoon e)
pressing my views of his great acts of iniquit
in the policy used by his administration re
garding the daft Vietnam situation.
I wrote to him on many other occasion
about this.
I wholeheartedly endorse your position fo:
negotiation over the Vietnam crisis. I pra3
you may have the strength to make other.
realize the same.
Sincerely,
NEW YORK CITY,
March 31, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I heartily endorse
your position for negotiations in Vietnam
and for immediate ceasefire.
Mrs. R. A. MINSTER.
April 1, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I would like you to
know that I am in whole hearted agreement
with your position on Vietnam.
Please continue to fight for negotiations.
cc: Senators
MCGOVERN.
CAROL HIRSCH,
SYDELL HIRSCH,
DAVID HIRSCH.
ROCKVILLE CENTRE, N.Y.,
April 1, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: We urge you to exert
your considerable power to check the esca-
lating war in Vietnam.
We believe that this peace cannot be won
on the battlefield, but must come about
through negotiation, and preferably under
the auspices of the U.N.
We fail to see the rhyme or reason to our
policy on Vietnam, and on the contrary are
struck by inconsistencies, vague assump-
tions, and unfortunately inhumanities that
we attribute to the Vietcong.
Sincerely yours,
HERBERT M. PERR, M.D.
MERIDEN PERR.
BERKELEY, CALIF.,
March 31, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE.
DEAR SENATOR: The following telegrair
which summarized a lengthy letter was ser
at this date to President Johnson:
"Alarmed by Goldwater's military att
tudes, we campaigned for your electio'
NOW the Republicans claim that the Demc
cratic Party is the war party is refuted oni
by men such as CHURCH and MORSE. Plea:
stop the killing in Vietnam."
Dr. and Mrs. EDMUND LEvin.
NEW YORK, N.Y.,
April 1, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: We ask for an in
mediate cease-fire in Vietnam and immedia'
usp of U Thant's formula for negotiation
Mrs. J. BELLFORT.
ROSLYN HEIGHTS, N.Y.,
April 1, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
HONORABLE SIR: As all decent people must
be, I am aghast at the wanton disregard for
human life evidenced by our country's
actions in Vietnam, which are leading to
world war.
The only ray of hope for the salvation of
mankind is the courageous fight you arc
conducting in opposition to the madness of
the administration.
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April 21, 1965
implore you, please
Crease your endeavors to
right way to fight it.
On the contrary, I strongly feel that In
this Way we are only playing into the hands
Pf communism.
We feel reassured, that the Russians did not
interfere up until now, but could it be that
in the back of their mind they are thinking
"give them enough rope, etc."?
As I, see it, we will never be able to stop
communism on the ruins of a devastated
and underdeveloped Asian country, especially
where these ruins are for a great deal caused
by our own intervention.
Having lived in Asia myself for 25 years I
feel strongly on the subject.
Iron. WAYNE MORSE,
Senator, Oregon,
Washington, D.C.
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD SENATE
continue and in- Of course we_ are opposed to communism,
bring about nego- but what we are doing In Vietnam is not the
GLisDY6 , PLUM.
MEDIA, PA., ?.
April 1; 1965.
DEA$ SIR: -Four continuing fight against
the all-pervasive influence of the Pentagon
and big business in the Senate, your forth-
right stand against our involvement in the
civil war in Vietnam-these take courage
and understanding of what is, true repre-
sentation of the people's interests. We all
hope you will continue your good work in
the Senate in the months and years ahead.
Sincerely yours,
-MIcliAEj,, KESSLER.
Hon, WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
SPARTA, N.J.,
April 1, 1965.
DEAR ME. SENATOR: Your stand on the Viet-
nam situation always impressed me.
I take the liberty enclosing copy of my
today's letter to the President, which may
Interest you.
Respectfully,
PETER PRINS.
SPARTA, N.J.,
April 1, 1965.
To TH&PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: I doubt whether you
will be able to read this letter yourself, be-
cause you must be extremely busy.
Nevertheless I take the liberty to give my
views on the Vietnam situation.
I strongly feel that our policy in Vietnam
is completely wrong and utterly deplorable.
In this respect I admire people like Sena-
tor WAYNE MORSE, Senator RIBICOFF, the Sen-
atcr from Alaska (I think it was Senator
GRUENING) Walter Lippmann, and others,
who, have the courage to express their views
freely; warning of the dangers confronting
us, and the, moral angle of the case.
I have the feeling that people in the United
States are not fully informed about develop-
ments in Vietnam and about the real feel-
ings of the majority of the people over there,
who wantus to leave them alone.
On-the other band it seems that the Amer-
ican press Is more or less influenced by
Washington.
We have always abhored this policy in the
Communist bloc, and it should certainly not
be allowed in a great democracy like ours.
In this respect I applaud programs like
yesterday's "Changing World" on TV chan-
nel 13.
We all know that the popularity of the
United States has gone downhill pretty fast
in the world during the last years, which is
regrettable and not always justified.
Our policy in Vietnam, however, is adding
fuel to this consumptive fire, and will be
felt for years to come. .
Even a great nation like ours, can never
stand alone in this world, especially economi-
cally.,
Sure, there are countries who are friendly
towxrd,,j; ,, but we may never lose sight of
the fact that their attitude is often influ-
enCec by financial support we give them.
It we really want to be a leader of the
Western world, we should give moral lead-
ership.
What .we are doing in Vietnam is not a
Let us not fool ourselves by saying "we
cannot pull out now without losing face,"
because as the Senator from Alaska said these
days: "more setbacks are still to come."
Please, do not consider this. a negative
attitude.
We have to face the naked fact that, apart
from the moral angle, the struggle in the
swamps of Vietnam is not our type of war,
and will downgrade the image of the Ameri-
can eagle still further.
Respectfully,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I heartily approve
your efforts to stop the war in Vietnam. I
believe firmly in a negotiated peace and I
have written to President Johnson and other
Senators.
Sincerely yours,
NEW YORK, N.Y.,
March 31, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I wish to register
my support for the positions you have stated
In public concerning the present policy of
the U.S. Government with respect to the Viet-
nam situation. There seems to me no doubt
that the present unilateral action of the
United States poses a threat to world peace.
Any thought that military action is going
to change what is a political issue appears
simplistic to say the least. As a physician
and psychiatrist I am much more concerned
with the possibility of saving human lives-
Americans and Vietnamese-than with prov-
ing points of dubious principle. The issues
presented by the administration as justify-
ing their intervention in Vietnamese affairs
do not appear warranted by the facts. The
American people are being asked to defend
an allegedly anti-Communist regime against
an alleged threat of Communist domination.
There is little evidence that any of the gov-
ernments of South Vietnam enjoy any meas-
ure of public support-there is inadequate
evidence that the Vietcong is actually con-
trolled from Hanoi. There is, on the the
other hand, considerable evidence that South
7891
SUNNYVALE, CALIF., April 1, 1965.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SIR: Just a note to let you know that
we strongly support your stand in behalf of
a negotiated peace in Vietnam. We go
further, we are for pulling out of Vietnam.
I commend you on your good activity In that
regard.
I am sure that the great majority of silent
Americans feel the same way. For reasons of
job and other pressures they hesitate to say
so. I sincerely hope that you keep up the
good work.
Respectfully yours,
PETERSEN ENGINEERING CO., INC.,
GERALD A. PETERSEN, President.
P.S.-It was only last November that
President Johnson won by a landslide and
was a very popular man in the United States.
He is losing his popularity rapidly and unless
he changes his tactics he is likely to become
the most despised President we ever had,
that is, if his actions lead us to the point of
no return so that we don't live to arrive at
that or any other decision.
Senator WAYNE L. MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: We are writing to
support your views on Vietnam. We think it
is urgent to stop the North Vietnam bomb-
ings, withdraw U.S. troops and begin nego-
tiating for peace there immediately.
We urge you to continue your efforts to
convince your fellow Senators and President
Johnson of the futility of the present U.S.
policy in Vietnam.
Sincerely,
Mr. and Mrs. LENNY ALMELEH,
BERKELEY,
April 1, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Congratulations on
your right and eloquent attack on the cur-
rent U.S. policy in Vietnam.
There is widespread support for those-un-
fortunately-few Senators who are talking
sense about the blundering, illegal, destruc-
tive, criminal, and atrocious U.S. military in-
tervention in Vietnam.
Eventually, you and GRUENING and the
others will be proved right. Something must
be done soon, before we permanently alienate
all of Asia.
I am informing President Johnson of my
concern. In continuing and extending the
American war in Vietnam, he must be rely-
ing on evil counsel. I trust the President has
not lost his mind.
I want my country to do the right thing-
also the sensible thing.
We must get out of Vietnam now.
Keep up the attack.
Sincerely,
Vietnam is in the throes of a civil war being NEW YORK, N.Y.,
waged by dissidents within the country. it V April 1, 1965.
Would appear Sean. WAYNE MORSE,
ppear that we have little justifica= Senate Office Building,
tion for being involved in this. Washington, D.C.
When I voted for President Johnson in DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I am writing this
November it was largely because he appeared letter (the first of its kind in my 24 years)
less likely to involve us in ill-considered out of emotion; a feeling of frustration and
war. It is indeed disheartening to see us helplessness over what our country is doing
drifting in this direction at the present in Vietnam, and a feeling of thankfulness
time-particularly when clear reasoning re- that there is at least one voice, one con-
veals no necessity for this. I hope that you science, in a place where its uterances mean
will have the strength to persist in bringing something, that speaks out against our be-
to the America"
_
-'
'" - -
peep
the f
of
w .? ~..a~ -y miay De axle to im- My wife and I would jump at the chance
only satisfies the "hawks" in Washington press the administration officials with their to speak out in favor of the U.S. actions
anti elsewhere, and I am sure that the ma- repugnance for the present policies being someplace in the world. After all, it is our
jority of our people do not agree with this followed in South Vietnam. country. But we cannot. When I read even
policy, regardless of the outcome of so-called Sincerely yours, the slanted and softened news realeses that
reliable opinion polls. LEONTI H. THOMPSON. we are given I cannot help but feel anger,
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE April 21, 1965
sorrow, resentment, and alienation from this
country. I am angry that we pursue such a
course of action. I am sad that the Govern-
ment should be deluded with a sense of self-
righteousness and self-protection that it
justifies any means to any end it so de-
clares. I resent being forced to pay taxes
from my labor, a portion of which sup-
ports our immoral actions. But most tragic-
ally, I feel alienated from this country,
alienated to an extent that I would sit in
jail rather than fight for the United States
in any such action anyplace, at any time
during my life.
Please sir, continue speaking against these
outrages of morality and justice. There are
precious few left with the principles, guts,
and position to do anything about it.
At this time of national hypocrisy, I am
grateful to be able to look at my Govern-
ment and say "at least there is one who can
see and does speak."
Sincerely,
JOEL P. BAUMWOLL.
OAKLAND, CALIF.,
April 2, 1965.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
Washington, D. C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I have been a teacher
and occupational therapist for the past 15
years having worked with the disabled in-
cluding the disabled veteran and I am dis-
turbed about the situation in Vietnam as one
issue that must be arrested, if at all possible,
for better solution for world peace.
I am strictly opposed to the decisions and
actions to allow the U.S. troops to engage
in combat in this country of Vietnam to say
nothing of the use of gas warfare. This is a
definite act of aggression by the United
States and should immediately cease.
As a member of the Women for Peace
of Oakland and the First Unitarian Church
of Berkeley, Calif., I will continue to give
my wholehearted support to proselytize for
cease-fire and withdrawal of the U.S. troops
promptly.
Sincerely yours,
DOROTHY L. 13OHLMAN.
Citizen.
just one sheet, but two or three saying the
same things in a different arrangement. If
we read it often enough are we supposed to
believe it?
This solid front propaganda is deeply dis-
turbing to me, apart from the fact of half-
truths and lies: It is handed out like the
party line for all good comrades to read,
swallow, and repeat. I think that Washing-
ton should be aware that the elections last
November clearly went against this way of
doing things (it's the Birch way), and
against the belligerence in Vietnam advo-
cated by Barry Goldwater. Do we have a
two-party system or don't we? If we are
a free country, why can't we get what we
voted for, not what we voted against?
The Office of Public Disservice of the Bu-
reau of Public Affairs, Department of State,
tells me that "at this time, no issue com-
mands more of the time, energy, and atten-
tion. of the President and his senior advisors
(than Vietnam)." Perhaps they should be
spending more time, energy, and attention
on what we the people voted for. Then they
might find that Vietnam solved itself quite
easily.
Peace Is "face" enough.
Senator WAYNE MORSE.
MY DEAR SENATOR: Excuse the impulse to
economy that behooves me to use up old
campaign stationery but it's the L.B.J. tradi-
tion of turning off the lights in the White
House.
Only he shouldn't turn off the lights all
over the world.
For your genuinely effective efforts to stay
his hand as it reaches to flip off mankind
In order to appease the light company of the
Macs, thanks so great no words approach
the extent of my appreciation, respect,
reverence.
Devoutly,
MARK KNOX NICHOT.S.
stand the tragedy
Vietnam?
I hope you are no longer a lone voice cry-
ing in the wilderness in the Senate. We
need more courageous leaders like you and
Senator FULBRIGHT.
My cousin, who lives outside of Boston,
wrote me that she had just heard you speak
and that you said you had been told in brief-
ings that the United States hopes to bomb
Chinese nuclear bases in 90 to 120 days. Is
this true? If it is, how terrifying. Are we
inviting a nuclear war? Where is our com-
passion? Where is our integrity? And we
claim to be a Christian nation.
Is there anything we can do to help change
our unimaginative foreign policy other than
writing to our Representatives?
The irony of our present foreign policy it
Vietnam is that it is so staunchly backed b}
the Dirksens and Goldwaters.
I hope every Senator has read Normal
Cousin's editorial in the March 27 Saturda
Review.
We seem to be going through an interna
tional McCarthyism today with our fear c
communism making us perform wit
totalitarian tactics. Haven't we learne
that war doesn't stop the spreading of a
ideology?
But this is more dangerous because we a7
playing with the lives of the entire world.
Thank you for all you are doing.
Sincerely,
MISHAWAKA, IND.,
March 30, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Technically you d
not represent me in the Senate but you d
represent my thoughts on foreign affairs an
bless you for that.
Referring to the bombing of North Viet
nam of course. If it wasn't for you an,
Walter Lippman I would be sure that eithe
the entire United States had gone mad o
that I had slipped off the deep end myself.
With the notable exception of yourself anc
Mr. Lippman I I have looked and listenec
in vain for any responsible person, in or out
of Washington, to even question these un-
precedented attacks on another country
much less condemn them.
Please keep speaking up as you have been
and perhaps some of your colleagues will be
inspired to stand up on their hind legs. I
pray so, for the sake of the greatness of
our country.
Respectfully yours,
JOHN D. MARSHALL.
(Copies to Senators HARTKE, BAYH, and
Representative BRADEMAS.)
THE TOBACCO SUPPLY CO., INC.,
Springfield, Tenn., April 3, 1965.
HOIl. WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE :1 am quite disturbed
about the war situation in Vietnam. I be-
lieve we should pull out of there one way or
another.
If we should get in a war with China, I am
told they could march a line six men wide
and unarmed from now on and still if we
killed them as fast as they walk in, that their
population would not decrease. I think that
they would welcome anything that would
destroy about 50 to 100 million Chinese.
In my opinion, we have no chance what-
ever of winning a wax that close to China
unless we should go in immediately with
atomic bombs and I think that would be too
risky, for Russia would no doubt bomb us out
as soon as we have weakened.
At the rate we are going, this country will
soon go bankrupt and all the fine things we
have fought for, produced, and developed
will go to naught.
Please use your great influence to get this
trouble settled.
Thanking you in advance, I remain,
Yours very truly,
MARVIN L. SMITH,
Chairman of the Board.
BELLINGHAM, WASH.,
March 31, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE.
DEAR SIR: Keep up the fight to stop the
war. In Vietnam. I'm with you all the way,
and so are some others in this town. They
had a peace march, 40 people, and all were
arrested for parading without a permit, but
today, because of the pressure, the judge
threw the case out of court. I am wonder -
ing what can be done by me, or just the little
people. Writing letters to our Congressmen
and the President don't phase them, they
don't even have the courtesy to answer.
My hat is off to the pastor who is re-
fusing to pay his income tax because the
money is being used to fight a war. He can
do this and I know that if enough of us
did this the war would stop overnight. It
is impossible for some whose employer has to
withhold ours. For us we have no choice.
Maybe we can figure out some way to help
you in your uphill fight. Our town paper
gives us no coverage of what Is being said
against the war.
Sincerely and hopefully,
WALNUT CREEK, CALIF.,
March 26, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I do want to thank
you for alerting people to the war propa-
ganda, but I think that I am probably writ-
ing this letter to you in part so that I can
write one letter to Washington without get-
ting back a deluge of that propaganda-never
NEW SMYRNA BEACH,-FLA.,
April 1, 1965.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: May I Congratulate
you on all the energy you are expending in
an endeavor to arouse the American public
from their stunned apathy to better under-
STEPHEN WISE FREE SYNAGOGUE,
New York, N.Y., April 2, 1965.
Hon. WAYNE L. MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I send this letter to
express my concern and dismay over the war
that is presently being fought in South Viet-
nam. There is no question that we are pre-
sently engaged in a war in Vietnam which
is being escalated at a frightening pace. It
is a war without purpose or meaning. The
Vietnamese people do not wish us to be there.
South Vietnam has no strategic military im-
portance to us and there is every possibility
that a compromise government can be estab-
lished in Vietnam which in time will act im-
dependently of the Chinese Government.
I personally know of no one who wants thi
war. Therefore, it seems to me, that re
sponsible representatives of the people an(
leaders in Government must put a halt t
this senseless slaughter.
1I delete CHURCH and MCGOVERN becaue
they condoned the raids in their Senal
speeches. -
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April 21, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
Urging your best efforts in this matter, MARCH 5, 1966, lics rather than people." While assisting the
I remain JosEPrx.A. CALiFAno, Republic of Vietnam to build an armed force
Sincerely, Secretary ROBERT MONAMARA, capable of deterring Communist aggression,
Rabbi GERALD A. GOLDMAN. Office of Secretary of Defense, Washington, wehave been equally interested in helping
- D.C. the people develop a government truly re-
ITHACA, N.Y., MY DEAR MR. C +LIFANO: I have your letter sponsive to the needs of all the people and
April 2,1965. of March 2 in reply to my thoughts on the dictates of the revolution of rising
Senator WAYNE MORSE, settlement of Vietnam. expectations.
Senate Office Building, I assume you are a bright and coming On the basis of the evidence now piling
Washington, D.C. young man, but please don't try to just up, it will be very difficult for the Com-
DEAR WAYNE MORSE; You will recall I sent make assertions as though you know all the munist bloc to continue their claims of not
you, and you very kindly had published in facts and no one else does, to an old scholar, aiding external aggression, but only internal
the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD, some proposals ? * ? ? * liberation. For Vietnam is a very definite
for negotiation in Vietnam. I also sent a Now, you say, "The Vietcong insurgency case of Communist assistance to external
somewhat shortened version in the form of was never, from its inception, an internal aggression-
a copy of a letter to the Secretary of Defense. revolt", as a correction of one of my points. As Secretary McNamara said in his recent
Enclosed is the correspondence with the De- Will you please document: (1) the earliest testimony before the House Armed Services
tense Department which may Indicate how date for which you have proof of other than Committee:
little they care for informed public opinion. American or local weapons being used in "The road ahead will be difficult and con-
Make such use of this as you deem wise. South Vietnam, (2) the earliest date for tinuing sacrifices will be required of our
Cordially, which you have proof of North Vietnamese people, both in money and in lives. But
HARR6P A. FREEMAN, participating as combatants in South Viet- the challenge must surely be met. If we
Professor of Law, Cornell Law School. have (3) the earliest date for which you fail to meet it here and now, we will in-nam, proof of"any training of South Viet- evitably have to confront it later under even
IRACA, N.Y., namese by North Vietnamese or other out- more disadvantageous conditions. This is
April 2,1965. side countries (other than the United the clear lesson of history which we can
JOSF}'H A.,CA IFANO, Jr,, States), (4) what that proof is. Now, I have ignore only at our peril.
Special Assistant to Secretary of Defense, ready at hand and have carefully read all "We may be certain that as soon as they
Wasfi.ington, D.C. the releases of the State and Defense De- had established their control over South
DEAR Ma. CALIFANO: Again, I have your let- partments; the speeches of Johnson, Ken- Vietnam, the Communists would press their
ter of March 24 in reply to,mine of March 5. nedy, McNamara, Rush, and others; the subversive operations in Laos and then in
I do' not see how the Defense Department Thailand and we would have to face this
1'. various white papers, including the recent
can be so. unconcerned with the public and one. I am particularly interested in the same problem all over again in another place
particularly the informed and concerned period from 1955 to 1959. or permit them to have all of southeast Asia
public. I would also like you to elaborate a little by default. Thus, the choice is not simply
Your letter refers to mine as a "comment" more what your proof is on the subject of whether to continue our efforts to keep South
on your letter of March 2. It was not primar- Catholics and our. changes in Vietnam. As Vietnam free and independent but, rather,
Ily a comment, but a request for answer of myself a person who fairly regularly attends whether to continue our struggle to halt
specific questions, for documentation and in- Catholic retreats, who participated in pacem Communist expansion in Asia. If the choice
formation. This, you chose wto ignore. is the latter, as I believe it should be, we
wholly g in terris, I , doubt. that I could be thought will be far better off facing the issue in
Your total reply is in the form: "If you of as unfavorable to Catholics. But I hap- South Vietnam."
have,not yet done so, I recommence that you pen to know the whole story as to Cardinal Let me -assure you again that we were
carefully read all the public statements of Spellman and Diem. And I happen to have
the State and Defense Departments ? ' ? been all through south Asia and know the pleased to have the benefit of your thinking.
-(etc.)." How could you make that sugges- Buddhist situation and what is involved. Sincerely,
tion, when the letter to which you are reply- Be assured, that as a scholar I do not take JOSEPH A. CALIFANO, Jr.,
tog specifically says: "I have ready at hand any unalterable position. I am always open The Special Assistant to the Secretary
and have carefully read all the releases of to proof. But I never have, and I shall not and Deputy Secretary of Defense.
the State and Defense Departments; the now, take the mere assertion of someone who KEY WEST, FLA., April 2,1965.
speeches of Johnson, Kennedy, McNamara, knows less about the facts than I do, as an Hon. SPESSARD L. HOLLAND,
Rusk, and others; the various white papers, adequate explanation. Senator From. Florida,
the recent one
" Sincerel
tncl
tdtn
ours
g
.
y y
t
, Washington, D.C.
I am about tired of this correspondence DEAR SENATOR HOLLAND: I hope that you
and about ready to release it to some press will support Senator MORSE and his asso-
service as an example of the way in which the WASHINGTON, D.C., ciates in their effort to stop the current
Defense Establishment treats an informed March 22, 1965. Pentagon hoodlumism in Vietnam and to
Americ n .who is deeply interested- in a cen- HAREOP A. FREEMAN, help President Johnson find an honorable
tral pprolem of policy-a matter of life and Professor of Law, solution to the problem inherited from his
deatll.to Americans. Cornell Law School,
Very trill Ithaca, N.Y. predecessors by giving Vietnam back to the
Y Y Vietnamese.
Professor of Law, Cornell Law School,
Ithaca, N.Y.
DEAR PROFESSOR FREEMAN: Thank you for
your letter of March 5, 1965, commenting
on my letter to you of March 2, 1965, con-
cerning the situation in Vietnam.
If you have not yet done so, I recommend
that you carefully read all the public state-
mento of the State and Defense Departments;
the speeches of Presidents Johnson and
Kennedy, and Secretaries McNamara and
Rusk; the 1961 Department of State report
entitled "A Threat to the Peace," as well as
the recent State Department pamphlet en-
titled "Aggression From the North." My let-
ter of March 2, 1965, was merely a summary
of these documents, which represent the
carefully considered views of the Eisenhower,
Kenl}edy, and Johnson administrations on
the subject.
Sincerely,
`JOSEPI A. CALIFANO, Jr.,
'he, Special Assistant to the Secretary
and Deputy Secretary of Defense.
1 ARROP A. FREEMAN. DEAR PROFESSOR FREEMAN. Secretary I should add that almost 40 years (since
McNamara Was grateful for your kind letter 1927) of professional concern with Asia gives
WASHINGTON, D .C., and for the copy of your letter to the Vice me the right to an opinion, and that every-
March 27, 1965. `President, He asked that I thank you for
body I talk to about the matter agrees with
sharin
our comments with him
g y
. me.
If I may, I would like to take exception to Sincerely yours,
several points raised in your analysis. The
Vietcong insurgency was never, from its in-
ception, an internal revolt. It is and has
been an effort closely coordinated, directed
and supported from Hanoi and further sup-
ported by Peiping. Therefore, we ' did not
enter wrongly into an internal struggle, but
entered legitimately,' because the govern-
ment of South Vietnam asked for our help
in burn#ng back a threat to the freedom and
sovereignty of the Republic of Vietnam. The
Communists have described the Vietcong
effort as "a holy war of national liberation
that will be a test case for other underde-
veloped areas." To allow such an effort to
go unchecked would be to open up the en-
tire area of Southeast Asia to similar aggres-
sion and, eventually, other areas in Africa
and Latin America. Our dedication to the
principles of freedom and our concern for
the fate of the free world demanded our
presence.
Nor have we been concerned with "Catho-
MORTIMER GRAVES.
Same to Senator SMATHERS and Represent-
ativeDANTE FASCELL.
ROBERT L. WOLF & ASSOCIATES,
Granite City, Ill., April 2,1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I hope you can stand
firm in your opposition to the sadly un-
worthy course of our Government in South
Vietnam. I know you will not share my use
of the word "murder" as describing the
actions of President Johnson but having
searched my conscience I can find no other
word. Surely if some friend of the Vietcong
would today bomb Scott Field near here
there would rise up a great cry. I cannot
so close my mind as to fail to see the exact
parallel.
I find it difficult to be so at odds with
the man I just helped to elect but I cannot
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE April 21, 1965
join with Goldwater and Nixon and approve
that which I thought the nation had re-
jected. We have reached the point where
my nation has so abandoned itself that it
has left me behind. Now I can only say that
humanity requires that the United States be
brought to its senses or to its knees.. I sup-
pose I am guilty of treason but not treason
to the country I loved but only to what she
has become. McCarthy, McCarran, all you
rightwing , what have you done to
my country.
Please do what you can. Even now I can-
not really understand how we have been
brought to the position where the world
must unite to bring an end to U.S. aggres-
sion against humanity wherever it seeks to
change the shameful status quo. How have
we come to embrace every shameful dictator
and slave owning tyrant and military cabal?
At least could we not call them our
opposing the enemy instead of de-
scribing the wretches as "Freedom Loving."
I suppose It is a case of "Those the gods
would destroy they first make mad." What
have our people done to deserve the horrors
that must surely be heaped on on even to
our little children. Yes Mr. Llppmann the
war hawks are now rejoicing the people shall
soon cry.
Yours in tears,
ROBERT L. WOLF.
P.S.-The St. Louis Globe Democrat, a
leading antihuman newspaper approves the
acts of Barry Johnson or Is It Lyndon Gold-
water. I personally voted for Lyndon John-
son, advocate of human decency.
BARRY-L.B.J.'s MILITARY MENTOR
During the presidential campaign of last
fall, the Republican candidate for President,
Senator Barry Goldwater, was roundly casti-
gated by his political enemies as an irrespon-
sible warmonger-largely because of the
views the Senator expressed on the Vietnam
struggle.
It might be well now to review a few of
the more extreme positions held by the Sen-
ator during that campaign.
We recall Mr. Goldwater suggested that
perhaps the staging areas for North Viet-
namese troops in neutral Laos might be
bombed. Subsequent to November, Presi-
dent Johnson has bombed them repeatedly.
Senator Goldwater further suggested that
perhaps carrying the war to North Vietnam
might serve to induce Hanoi to end its aid
and direction of the fighting in the South.
Since November, President Johnson has ini-
tiated the bombing of North 'Vietnam, not
just as retaliatory raids for Vietcong blows
against American installations, but as a set
policy, the purpose of which is to induce
Hanoi to desist its support of the war.
Senator Goldwater suggested that it might
be beneficial from a military standpoint if
America undertook to defoliate areas where
trees and shrubbery protected the guerrillas
from air assault.
Now comes word from South Vietnam that
a large forest northwest of Saigon, which pro-
vides a canopy of cover for the Vietcong, has
been the target of chemical defoliation, to
leave the forest dry and dead. Yesterday
that forest was set ablaze by Air Force planes.
The purpose: Nothing if not defoliation.
To find out what the administration plans
to do next in Vietnam we suggest rummaging
through Senator Goldwater's old speeches.
How 1962 CIA SUGAR SABOTAGE WAS NULLI-
FIED---PRESIDENT KENNEDY ACTED To DE-
TAIN SOVIET-BOUND CARGO
(By Max Frankel)
WASHINGTON, march 26. Discussions here
about the use of nausea gas in Vietnam have
brought to light the story of an ingenious
scheme by which the White House once nul-
lified the use of a different kind of chemical
agent on some Soviet-bound sugar.
It is the story of how former President
John F. Kennedy outraged the Soviet Gov-
ernment by conspiring in the detention of
a British ship with cargo from Cuba in order
to undo a successful sabotage operation of
the Central Intelligence Agency.
The Caribbean melodrama involved mys-
terious shipboard fires and hijacked sacks of
sugar, court battles, and angry diplomatic
messages, all against the background of the
Cuba missile crisis.
The story, 30 months old, is not ended.
At least one attorney in Puerto Rico still is
being sued by Moscow for damages,
The story has no direct relationship to
gas and Vietnam, but sources have been
recalling it as they talk about the various
unorthodox weapons that occasionally pose
special problems for Washington.
It began on August 22, 1962, when the
British freighter Streatham Hill, under lease
to a Soviet agency, limped into San Juan
harbor, Puerto Rico, for emergency repairs
after it had damaged its propeller on a reef.
The 7130-ton vessel was carrying 80,000 sacks
of Cuban sugar to the Soviet Union on one
of the then regular commercial runs by
Western ships that were infuriating the Ken-
nedy administration.
Of the sugar aboard, 14,135 bags came
ashore, allegedly unloaded to permit the
making of repairs. The bags of sugar were
placed in bond in a customs house, because
Cuban products could not be imported Into
the United States.
As the freighter lay in port for several
weeks, either before or after some of its cargo
was taken ashore, one or more agents of the
United States managed to get to some of the
sugar to apply a substance that would spoil
its taste and usefulness. It is said to have
been an essentially harmless substance, not
likely to inflict injury, but certain to arouse
serious dissatisfaction among Soviet con-
sumers.
How many sacks were tampered with is
not known, but subsequent developments
indicate that most It not all of the adulter-
ated sugar was among the sacks in the ware-
house.
The purpose of this chemical sabotage is
said to have been manifold: to damage an
expensive cargo; to rouse Soviet suspicions
about the quality of Cuban sugar; to create
discord between Soviet and Cuban authori-
ties and, possibly, to discourage shippers
from providing services that were likely to
lead to disputes, recriminations, and perhaps
even suspicions of sabotage.
KENNEDY ANGERED BY PLOT
The operation appeared to have been a
success and the Streatham Hill was prepar-
ing to reclaim the doctored sugar and resume
its journey on September 19 when President
Kennedy learned of the sabotage. He. is said
to have been angered by the plot and fearful
not only of injury to Soviet consumers but
also of setting a dreadful precedent in chem-
ical sabotage.
In early September, therefore, the order
went out from Washington: The con-
taminated sugar must not leave U.S. terri-
tory. Intelligence agents, harbor authorities,
customs officials, and Government attorneys
were put on the job and thus began the in-
trigue to undo intrigue.
How it was done is clear from,, the recol-
lection of sources here, in San Juan, and
Miami and news reports at the time. Exactly
who played what role could not be. learned.
On September 18, Terry Kane and some
associates from Miami appeared in the Su-
perior Court of Puerto Rico to contend that
the sugar in the -warehouse belonged to
Cuba and ought to be seized as compensa-
tion for the Cuban Government's debt to
them.
A year earlier, they had obtained a judg-
ment in a Dade County court in Florida that
Premier Fidel Castro's regime owed them
$833,978 for the seizure of a farm machinery
business in Havana.
WRIT OF ATTACHMENT
Kane said it was his own idea to go after
the sugar in San Juan. What encourage-
ment he had from Washington is not clear
but on September 19, just as the Streatham
Hill was about to reload its cargo and de-
part, court records show, the Puerto Rican
court issued a writ of attachment against the
sugar in the warehouse.
The next day, with the freighter still in
drydock, the remaining sugar on board wits
ordered impounded and held for a possible
settlement of the debts due Kane and asso-
ciates.
Apparently President Kennedy's orders
had then been carried out. A long series of
diplomatic and court bouts followed.
CANOGA PARK, CALIF.,
March 30, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I believe it is tim
for all countries to consider the needs of in
dividuals within other countries before fm
posing a foreign will upon them. Only
country whose citizens are well fed and we
educated, morally and economically strop
can approach international crises with suc
humanitarianism. No country measures u
to those standards as well as our Unite
States of America.
For that reason, I must protest our tour
try's intervention in Vietnam. It is tin
for the Vietnamese people to be united an
to learn self-government without ouside ir.
terference. This can only be done if all foi
eign elements leave Vietnam immediatel;
Our presence in that country is a detrimer.
to the health, welfare and future growth c
all concerned, and can only result in hatro
and international chaos.
I appreciate your efforts on behalf of th
people of this country to seek an expedien
and peaceful solution to the Vietnam crises
and I hope that you and other Members of
the Senate will continue to move in that di-
rection as long as it is necessary.
Sincerely,
BERKELEY, CALIF.,
March 31, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Enclosed is a carbon
of a letter I sent to Senator FuLBRIGHT. I
thought that because of your own forthright
stand in the Vietnam matter you might be
interested in the activities of the group dis-
cussed in the letter-a group which has made
one of its main purposes the pushing of a
hard line in cold war policy. Especially
alarming, of course, is the fact that impor-
tant public figures, including our Secretary
of State, appear to be lending their prestige
to this group.
P.S. I am sending a copy of this note to
your colleague, Senator GRUENING.
Yours truly,
BERKELEY, CALIF.,
March 31, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR FULBRIGHT: Several years
ago, in your excellent study of the influence
of the extreme right in our Armed Forces you
noted the role of the Institute for Americar
Strategy. Shortly thereafter, I was engagec
in research for a pamphlet on the far righ
published by Norman Thomas' Socialist Part;
(The American Ultras, New York: 1962). Ii
the course of my research I came across ad
ditional evidence of the ties of the IAS-an
its director, Frank Rockwell Barnett-wit
organizations on the ultraright (ring,
Therefore, I was surprised to receive in th
mail the other day an advertisement for
book to be published by Doubleday Ancho:
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April 21, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
"Peace and War in the Modern ' Age:" The
book is announced as being published by
Anchor for National Strategy Information
Center, Inc. In case there was any doubt
about the identity of the group, Frank R.
Barnett's name appears among the con-
tributors to the volume. What is dismaying,
however, is that the names of Dean Acheson,
Mien Dulles, Dwight D. Eisenhower, and Dean
tusk also appear. I am not, of course, ques-
ioning the right of Mr. Barnett or his group
o express their views. But I am wondering
rhether the public figures mentioned are
ware of the extremist connections of the
roup to which they are lending their pres-
ge.
I should mention that I am a - graduate
udent. In political science at the University
California, so I assume that the mailing
t of the American Political Science Assocla-
nn may be being used for the distribution of
s advertisement In question.
Los ANGELES, CALIF.,
April 1, 1965.
iator WAYNE MORSE.
)EAR SENATOR: The stand that 'you have
en against the war in Vietnam is the most
irageous thing for a man to do. You will
?er know how I appreciate it. And I'm
alone. There must be millions who
at that war stopped. Seems we are be
aing the aggressors.
never miss your talks when you come
,e. They are so inspiring.
s there anything we can do as American
liens to stop that war? If it keeps on we
will be destroyed,
wish to thank you again for your courage.
Sincerely,
NEW YORK, N.Y.
HON. SENATOR WAYNE L. MORSE: Thank you
r the forthright position you are taking
. our protestations against our participa-
on in the Vietnam civil war.
I hope our leaders will "see the light" as
3 you do.
Respectfully,
REBECCA G. BPSTEIN.
NEW YORK, N.Y.,
April 3,1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I write to thank you
with all my heart for your position on the
involvement of the United States in South
and North Vietnam. I fully support your
uosition. You know of course that thousands
of knowledgeable Americans agree with you
and are horrified at the measures being taken
by this Government. I feel that those sur-
rounding the President are wrongly advising
Iir. Please continue to fight. Can you
think of ways that the hundreds of Ameri-
;ans who want our Involvement to cease can
nake their objections count? Already the
Tnited States has lost the respect of Asians
nd many European countries as well as
atin America and Africa.
I think Senators 114CGOVERN and COOPER
}ay agree with you to some extent. Also
e must keep Walter Lippmann and James
eston at work on behalf of this effort to
ad a new and better Vietnam policy.
Gratefully,
WINNIFFRED WYGAL.
LARCHMONT, N.Y.,
April 2, 1965.
S. Senator W. L. MORSE,
ashington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I, too, voted for Pres-
snt Johnson last November; and I, too, op-
se tlae American use of gas, napalm, and
mbings in South Vietnam. We have nei-
ther the duty or right to tell the people of
southeast Asia how to live, what government
to have, or to force.freed6ln upon them. I
agree with the enclosed ad from the New
York Times,
A LETTER TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED
STATES
DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: Last November we
cast our vote for you because we were
alarmed by the war policies of Barry Gold-
water.
Today we find your administration is, in
Vietnam, following the very policies we voted
to reject
All this in the name of "freedom."
Freedom for whom? There has never been
a free election in South Vietnam. The Viet-
namese people do not support the "24-hour"
governments imposed on them by military
coups. They want an end to this fratricidal
war.
The bombings of forth Vietnam and the
landing of the Marines In South Vietnam
constitute an open invitation to world war.
We join with Pope Paul VI and U.N. Secre-
tary General U Thant in urging an Immedi-
ate cease-fire in Vietnam, a conference of all
nations to negotiate peace.
CALIFORNIA
Benjamin Bufano, Alden B. Campen, Mrs.
Sally Cooper, Charmion Cotton, Mr. and Mrs.
B. Druckman, Beverly J. Farquharson, Rev.
Stephen Fritchman, Mr. and Mrs. Ben din-
den, Dr. Frances Herring, Dr. Bud It. Hutch-
inson, Irmgard Lenel, Samuel Levine, Don de
Mistral, Mary Louise de Mistral, Mrs. Ruth
Orlott, Emmy Lou Packard, Ava Helen
Pauling, Dr. Linus Pauling, Dryden
Linsley Phelps, Byron Randall, Rob-
ert E. Randolph, Valeda Randolph, Alice
Richards, Holland Roberts, Helen Sheats,
Clara Silverstein, Margaret T. Simkin, Mr.
and Mrs. William F. Stanton, E. L. Swallow,
Frances Tandy, Frank Wilkinson, James May
Zorbas, Anna Dant, Lenore Peters Job, Helen
Miller.
CONNECTICUT Rabbi Robert E. Goldberg, Anton Selko-
witz, Louise Pettibone Smith, Dorothy Stein,
Dr. Willard Uphaus, Anita Willcox, Henry
Willcox, Lloyd F. Worley.
DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA
Janet M. Neuman, Leva B. Pillser, Margaret
Russell, Joanna Vogelsang.
FLORIDA
Isabel Smith, Monroe Smith.
ILLINOIS
William T. Baird, Ernest DeMaio, Alberto
Donnells, Gene Johnson, Mr. and Mrs. Leslie
0. Milligan, Mary Phillips, Dorothea Sher-
lock.
IOWA
Prof. Howard L. Parsons.
KANSAS
L. J. Pritchard.
KENTUCKY
Anne and Carl Braden, James Gant, Sam
and Liz Shirah, Anita M. Smith.
LOUISIANA
George T. Pappas.
MAINE
Elizabeth E. Hoyt.
MARYLAND
-Sylvia Bailey, Jean H. Feinberg, Louise
Greenwood, Miriam Levin, Marjorie Soco,
Bernice Steele.
MASSACHUSETTS
Albert Allen, Carl Anthonsen, Cynthia B.
Anthonsen, Charlotte Berg, Edmund C.
Berkeley, Kay Boyle, May Brands, Edith
Carlson, Marion Coden, Melvin R. Cohen,
Pauline Dana, Vera Fisher, CharlesGibadlo,
7895
Bernard Edwin Galitz, Mary E. Giffin, Helen
H. Gillette, Florence M. Goodell, Sara R.
Gordon.
Samuel H. Grimspoon, Mrs. Hector M.
Holmes, Samuel W. Hurowitz, Ben Kublin,
Gertrude T. Lurie, Mrs. Margaret Lynch, Mrs.
P. Mayer, Mrs. Phyllis T. MacEwan, Irving
Millstein, Joseph H. Nelson, S. Roy Remar,
Bertha C. Reynolds, Winifred F. Root, Fred-
erick Schuman, Edith Soboff, Pitirim A. Soro-
kin, Mr. and Mrs. Philip Stockwell, Robert C.
Taylor, Jr., Elizabeth T. Vincent, Rev. Eliot
White, Dorothy T. Wilder.
MICHIGAN
Hymle Cutler, Mary Gentry, Carl Haessler,
Mrs. Alice Herz, Morton Leitson, Axel Nielsen,
Wanda Pussy, Mrs. Clara M. Vincent, Leroy
Waterman.
NEW HAMPSHIRE
Verne Thomas.
MISSOURI
Sol Londe, M.D., Prof. and Mrs. Theodor
Rosebury.
NEW JERSEY
Jane Aronowitz, Gerald A. Bertin, C. De-
Gregory, Alta Jacobson, Guy Lisa, James Lisa,
Jesse Moskowitz, Leon M. Mosner, Rabbi
Benjamin Plotkin, Ruth M. Jackson, Harold
E. Lippman, M.D.
NEW YORK
Alvin Abelack, Joan Abelack, Sandra Abel-
son, Henry Abrams, Virginia and Stephen
Abrams, Rev. George A. Ackerly, Taylor
Adams, Don Amter, Vicky Amter, Clara Antin,
Eunice B. Armstrong, Gertrude Asher, George
Bailin, Elizabeth Baker, David Balfour, Rev.
Lee H. Ball, Cleo Banks, Martha V. Bartos,
Elsie Baudman, Minna Bayer, Abraham I.
Beacher, M.D., Nettie Becker, Paul Becker,
Mel Beinart, Ruth Beinart, Dr. and Mrs. Mar-
vin Belsky, Adele Berk, Jeannette R. Berne,
Dorothy Bishop, Sylvia Bjornson.
Milt Bloch, Ruth Bloch, Jules Bloom, Edith
Bluestone, Carl Blumenthal, Ethel Blumen-
thal, Ruth D. Blumenthal, Mr. and Mrs.
Robert Boehm, Vanzetto M. Bowie, Francine
B. Bradley, Ph. D., Florence Breuer, Edwin
Berry Burgum, Esther Carroll, Clara R. Case,
Doris Cattell, Dorothy Chertak, Alice Citron,
Clara Coffey, Adele Cohen, Saul Cohen, Mr.
and Mrs. Sidney Cohn, Ephraim Cross, Sara
Cunningham, Henry DiMare, Alix Dobkin,
Elizabeth Duimovich, Miriam Dworkin, Kurt
Easton, Dr. F. J. Einstein, Stella Eliashow,
Alan Emanuel, M.D., Richard Erle, Ph. D.,
Harry Epstein, M.D., George Evans, All Fa-
temi, Stanley Faulkner, Dr. Leon Feinstein,
Irving Feisher, Stanley Finger, Sidney Fin-
kelstein, Lorraine Foner, Leon Forer, Ruth
Friedman, Saul Friedman, Ruth Gage-Colby,
Annie Gaston, John C. Gebhardt, Lester A.
Gelb, M.D.
Miriam Gill, Helen Ginsburg, David Glaser,
Irving Glusak, Larry Goldberg, Paul Goldberg,
Morris Goldin, J. Goldstein, Nina Goldstein,
Sam and Joan Goldstein, Herman Gordon,
Ceil Gross, George M. Hall, Eileen Halpin,
Louis Harap, Margaret L. D. Hatch, Jane Ben-
edict Hawley, Peter Hawley, Dr. Mary Alice
Hilton, Jane E. Hodes, Dr. Robert Hodes,
Bernice Holland, Samuel J. Holland, Frank
Ilchuk, Grace Cohen Ilchuk, Clara Isquith,
Corinne Jackson, Eugene Jackson, Robert E.
Jackson, Irma Jaffe, Jack Jaffe, Mrs. M. L.
Jaffe, Terre Johnson, Steve Jonas, M.D., Mr.
and Mrs. Jules Kabat, Martha Kahn, Tillie
Kahn, Samuel Kamen, Peter Kaminski, Rabbi
Mordecai M. Kaplan, Maude W. Katz, W. C.
Kelly, Walter Kendra, Floryence It. Kennedy,
Rockwell Kent, Dr. and Mrs. David Kimmel-
man, Bernard L. Klein.
Fred Koury, Eileen Krieger, Dr. Louis Kroll,
Burton Lane, Corliss Lamont, Helen Lamont,
Virginia M. Lerner, Robert Lehrer, Regina
Lerner, Jo Ann Levinson, Dr. and Mrs. Frank
Levy, Sylvia C. Levy, Meryl Lewis, Rudolph
Lindenfeld, Vera List, Adele Lithauer, Donah
B. Lithauer, Sara Anne Naddell, Lucy Oren-
stein, Dr. I. J. Panken, Barbara Parker, MSW,
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7896
Georgia V. Parker, Richard Pastor, Roberts
Penziner, Dr. and Mrs. Irving Peress, Sam
Pevzner, Cyril Philip, David Platt, Sarah
Plotkin, Cecelia Pollack, Mildred Price, Sid-
ney Price, Dr. and Mrs. Samuel J. Prigal,
Esther T. Rand, John Randolph, Anita Rate-
ner, Leo Ratener, Ella Ratner, Luna Reich,
Ph. D., Dr. Irving W. Reid, Sylvia Reiderman,
Al Resnick, Fannie Resnick, Frances Keswick,
Philip Reisman, Jerome Robbins, Mr. and
Mrs. Paul Robeson, Jr., Peter Rosano, Pauline
R. Rosen, Irwin Rosenhouse, Dorothy Monet
Rosenwald, Joel Rothman, David L. Rubin-
fine, M.D., Mary Russak, Maud Russell, Lil-
lian Ryckoff.
Joan Saltzman, Morris Salz, Esther San-
ders, Rose Savage, Morris Sc]aappes, Robert
N. Schneider, Mildred W. Schoenberger, Rose
Schuyler, Caroline Scollen, John Scudder,
Claire Serchuk, D. A. J. Shapiro, Gerald I.
Shapiro, Leo Shapiro, Ralph Shapiro, Dr. and
Mrs. M. B. Sherman, Jean Shulman, Florence
Siegel, Mike Siegel, Dr. Samuel Siegel, Harold
Silverstein, Mr. and Mrs. Abbott Simon, Dr.
and Mrs. Sidney Socolar, Ruth Spain, Joseph
Spencer, Rudolph Steiner, Stan Steiner, Dr.
Clifford N. Stern, Mr. and Mrs. H. Stolley,
Dr. Arthur Stulbaum, use Suckerman, Nat
Suckerman, Isabelle Suhl, Jack Sutton, Jer-
ome Tanklow, Harry Tarr, Wilbert A. Tatum,
Dr. H. J. Tennen, Fran Tepper, Dr. and Mrs.
N. Thaler, Erling Tholfsen, George Tichenor,
Janet M. Tilney, Elizabeth Tiimberman, Na-
omi Unger, Semah Unterman, Francine Val-
lario, Lee Waldstein, Samuel Wallach, Flor-
ence Wallerstein, Herbert Wasserman, H. M.
Wasserman, Bernard Wein, Janet B, Wein-
blatt, Frieda Weisberg.
Abe Weisburd, Nat Werner, Margaret
Werthman, Joel White, T. E. Wilson, Arthur
Wyrob, Mr, and Mrs. Jack Yellin, David
Young, MSW, Ellen and Leonard Zablow,
Susan Litlefield, Doris Loewi, Sylvia Lopez,
Dr. Helen Merrell Lynd, Mrs. George Mack,
E. Louis Mally, Doris Mann, David Mann,
William I. Margolies, Herta Mayer, Ellen Mc-
Catty, Georgio McMurray, M.S.S. William
Howard Melish, Rev. John Howard Melish,
Mr. and Mrs. H. Meyerson, Betty Millard, Abe
Miller, Cecile Miller, Mildred Miller, John P,
Mills, Aileen H. Morford, Elizabeth Moos,
Anna E. Morgenstern, Aurelia Morris, Alex
and Marion Munsell, Marjorie Murphy, MSW,
Miriam Zelnick, Allen Zigareli, Abraham Zit-
ron, Celia Zitron, Lea Avigdor, Joan Barnard,
Mr. and Mrs. J. Bauman, Robin W. Briehl,
M.D., Dr. and Mrs. Desmond Callan, Henry
Clayton, Rose Gershon, Thelma Kaga, Shirley
Kreger, Henry L. Klein, Lena Levine, Anton
Refregier, Simon Ross, Don Schoolman,
Morris Seltzer, Dr. and Mrs. Mark Silvan,
Gladys Skidell, Sarah Smith, Miriam Urdang,
Helene S. Zahier.
OHIO
Prof. Elizabeth Kresky, Francis Loud,
Richard Meisler.
PENNSYLVANIA
Derk Bodde, Galla S. Bodde, Mrs. William
Dobkin, John R. Keisler, Mr. and Mrs. Jack
Lesnik, Mildred Scott Olmsted, Ida Pruitt,
Judith Shouse.
RHODE ISLAND
Harvey O'Connor.
TENNESSEE
Dr. and Mrs. F. A. Blossom, Roxie Wood.
VERMONT
Irving and Ruth Adler, Elsa Golben.
VIRGINIA
Thelma C. Dulinage, Belle W. Schulz.
WISCONSIN
B. D. Bushee, Mrs. Esther I3ushee, Frances
H. Bushee, Walter B. Rideout.
WYOMING
Grace Anderson.
What you can do to stop the war in Viet-
nam:
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE April 21, 1965
Reproduce this advertisement in your local
newspaper.
Write to President Johnson and send
copies to your U.S. Senators.
Write to U.S. Senators WAYNE L, MORSE,
ERNEST GRUENING, FRANK CHURCH and
GEORGE S. McGovERN endorsing their posi-
tion for negotiations.
BROOKLYN, N.Y.,
April 1, 1965.
Senator WAYNE L. MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I fervently endorse
your position for negotiations for ending the
war in Vietnam. I think that the time has
come for us to stop talking about saving
face and to start talking about saving lives.
Men cannot resolve differing ideologies by
plunder or mass murder-that can only lead
to heavy loss of life, property, and esteem on
both sides. And in the end, nothing perma-
nent, i.e., this homogeneous ideology, can be
effected. In addition, we are losing face
among our allies and other free nations Of
the world for our current "walk softly, carry-
ing a big stick" policies.
It would seem self-evident that people
would realize that nuclear war-and the
threat increases every hour, every day-would
be disastrous. Indeed, it would be annihilat-
ing, for as there is no such thing as one drink
for an alcoholic, there. is no such thing as a
localized war. The way things are develop-
ing now, it is almost a matter of time before
this universal dread becomes a reality.
I repeat, I heartily endorse your policies
and hope that as a strong voice in our Gov-
ernment, you can somehow further make
clear the need for negotiations. Are we, in
the final analysis, a nation of mice or men?
Is our hoped for Great Society all for naught?
Must we throw sticks and stones like chil-
dren at play (albeit, alas, we are not at play)
or can we sit down at the conference table
and discuss our fundamental differences?
I have just turned 21, and am looking for-
ward to legally adding my voice to govern-
mental policies, I shall vote, not for the war
for destruction, but for peace.
Sincerely yours,
ELLEN- GARDINER.
SCARSDALE, N.Y.,
March 31, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: As a former west
coast resident, perhaps I can get your ear.
Please do not cease in asking that the
United States heed world opinion, U Thant,
and Pope Paul- and stop bypassing the U.N.
in Vietnam.
Thank you for being a voice of moral in-
tegrity over the years.
What "democracy" are American boys
fighting for in Vietnam. I'm ashamed that
we are tearing up that country with bomb-
ings. We should use the U.N to develop the
Mekong Valley; thus help them achieve a
stable government. This isn't giving them
a stable government. I feel my country is
betraying its humanitarian ideals. 1984 is
indeed here, if all contrary opinion is silenced
by Johnson, as it indeed seems to be.
He has been so fine on Alabama, I'm dis-
traught that his international advisers have
been so military in the old-fashioned pre-
nuclear sense.
I voted against Goldwater because of his
warlike stance; but now Johnson is doing
precisely what the electorate repudiated.
BEVERLY NYGREEN.
SCIENTIST OPPOSES WAR
WOODS HOLE, MASS,
March 24,1965.
To the EDITOR:
In the last election we scientists stood as
one man behind President Johnson, being
afraid of what Mr. Goldwater, as President,
might do. Now President Johnson does in
Vietnam what we feared. He made no prom-
ises to us scientists. Nevertheless, I feel dis-
appointed, alienated, if not betrayed. I am
sure many of my fellow scientists feel as I
do. We are deeply concerned because it was
our work which opened the way both to a
better future for mankind or its final catas-
trophe. We are going the wrong way, and it
is time for scientists to get together once
more, this time to sound a warning.
As an American I am deeply concerned
also because this is more than a war. It if
a moral issue from which we can onl?
emerge with our name badly tarnished
Even victory must mean a defeat. The ad
ministration.'s policy is contrary to the prir
ciples for which this country has alwa:
stood:. If a war can be conducted, our trea
urea spent on it, our boys taken to far-(
countries to kill and be killed, all witho
asking the people or their representativ
then democracy becomes a hollow word.
The great majority of the American peo]
is opposed to this war that also scuttles f
U.N., on which mankind pinned its hoi
and which we promised to support.
ALBERT SZENT-GYORGYI, M.E
(NoTE.-The writer was awarded the No
Prize for Medicine in 1937.)
ORLANDO, FLA.,
April 2,196:
Hon. WAYNE L. MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I endorse your pl
tion relative to the hostilities in Vietnai
I do not believe the issues involved
such as to require U.S. participation In
actual fighting. I hope you will contil
to work for immediate withdrawal of i
forces.
Sincerely yours,
A LETTER TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNIT
STATES
DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: Last November
cast our vote for you because we were alarm
by the war policies of Barry Goldwater.
Today we find your administration is,
Vietnam, following the very policies we votc
to reject.
All this in the name of "freedom."
Freedom for whom? There has never bee
a free election in South Vietnam. The Viet
namese people do not support the "24 hour
governments imposed on them by militar,
coups. They want an end to this fratricida
war.
The bombings of North Vietnam and tht
landing of the Marines in South Vietnar,
constitute an open invitation to world wa.
We join with Pope Paul VI and U.N. Sec
retary General U Thant in urging:
An immediate cease fire in Vietnam.
A conference of all nations to negotiat
peace.
What you can do to stop the war in Vie
nam:
Reproduce this advertisement in your loc
newspaper.
Write to President Johnson and send copi
to your U.S. Senators.
Write to U.S. Senators WAYNE L. MoR
ERNEST GRUENING, FRANK CHURCH, a
GEORGE S. MCGOVERN endorsing their positi
for negotiations.
VIRGIL CONNER INSURANCE, Inc.,
Apopka, Fla., April 1, 196:
Senator GEORGE S. MCGOVERN,
Senator JOSEPH S. CLARK,
Senator ERNEST GRUENING,
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
DISTINGUISHED GENTLEMEN: Am enclo:
copy of my letter of February 24 to Presic
Johnson to which I did not receive a re
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April 21, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
Am taking the liberty to send copies of
this letter to you. My reason for doing so is
because from Reading the papers I get the
idea that the"thinking of you four distin-
guished gentlemen is not completely condi-
tioned by the interests of the economic-mil-
itary complex warned against by retiring
President Eisenhower. Am not sending the
letter to the Senators from my own State.
With them the ideas here expressed would
likely fall on stony ground.
My information is from the same source
as that of the late and lamented Will Rog-
ers. To me the situation in Vietnam is mad-
ness. If we were to hire really smart men
to .study the problem with the purpose of
coming up with the worst plan for its so-
lution-for the one most inhuman, most
neatly completely against the public interest,
the one most expensive and most danger-
ous-could these said smart men find a worse
way than that the United States has drifted
Into, and into which it seems bent on drift-
mg further?
For one, like me who feels helpless against
this dangerous trend, do any of you gentle-
men have any suggestions? Any informa-
,ion will be received with thanks.
Yours truly,
VIRGIL CONNER.
LAWRENCE, KANS.,
April 1, 1965.
VIr, WAYNE MORSE, of Oregon.
DEAR SIR: I believe this trouble in Vietnam
ihould be settled by conferences.
Do what you can to get this done. Please.
y~ PESRUARY 24, 1965.
HOI1. L. ..JOHNSON,
President of the United States,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: I think you are do-
ing a good job.
I realize that the State Department, the
military, the CIA, and even the White House
I ttzeif are oolor*d more or, less with the Dulles
policy of overcommitment throughout the
world. Even an able and conscientious loran
like you, and a really good politician be-
sides, will have to have some time to clean
the mess out.
Of course, being a small businessman in
a country community, and having interests
that coincide with the interests of nearly
all the American people, I am for pulling the
United States out of southeast Asia and
using the money to start a new schoolhouse
or student dormitory every day for the next
year. I suggest this in defense of freedom.
Incidentally, I do not believe that the
leaders of the Republican Party, nor any of
the groups mentioned above are capable of
making -decisions in the public interest. I
believe any decision that they influence
would by that much be slanted contrary to
the public interest.
In a previous letter I told you I was born
a Southern Democrat. The precinct in which
I live and the one in which I have my office
went for Johnson in a county that gave
Goldwater 76 percent of the votes cast, Of
this I am proud.
Yours very truly,
VIRGIL H. CONNER.
SYRACUSE. N.Y.,
April 1, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I Wish to express my
support for your stand on Vietnam. I urge
a cease-fire and conference to negotiate peace.
.Sineerely yours,
RUTH FLEISS.
DEAR SENATOR: Maybe it would be a good
idea for you and fellow Senators who are
against what the United States is doing in
Vietnam to call on the wife of the President
and explain the situation to her. Perhaps
she will see the folly of the President's ad-
visers and use her influence. She ' looks to
me as a woman with a lot of good common-
sense.
Sincerely,
APRIL 1965.
DEAR SENATOR: I am grateful for the effort
you have made to get us out of this crazy,
cruel war in Vietnam. I read that 80 per-
cent of American citizens are against it, too.
Could you get a bill passed so that we peo-
ple who foot the bills and bear the moral
shame could have a plebiscite on war?
More power to you.
WILHELMINA TAGGART.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
The Capitol,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Allow me to add my
name to your growing number of admirers.
It is heartening to see that honor and dignity
still exist (especially in the face of such over-
whelming odds) in our Government. Sir, I
am speaking, of course, on your refusal to
fall in line with the administration an the
Vietnam question. Whether our policymakers
have been seized with madness is hard to tell,
but, more important, it remains within the
power of persons such as yourself to make
every effort to bring such shameful hypoc-
risies into public view. I am not too certain,
that if the American people knew what was
really going on in Vietnam, they would be
willing to support our suicidal policies with
such docility.
Senator, I am almost sick with horror at
the thought of such wholesale public irre-
sponsibility. The world saw the gathering
clouds of two World Wars and, during all
the months that preceeded both, nothing was
done by any of the nations which could have
done something. The same situation exists
today. Britain complains with a weak voice.
France does nothing, no one puts any pres-
sure on our Government-which seems to be
perfectly oblivious to any opinion Outside of
the borders of the continental United States.
When our own State Assemblyman John L.
Burton took an initiative (he sent a letter of
appeal to the heads of state in Great
Britain), he was shouted down in the San
Francisco Chronicle-the most widely read
daily in the bay area. At the same time,
this worthy journal of public information
relegates news releases from Vietnam to mere
one-column blurbs, while it titilates a sensa-
tion-hungry public with front-page. scandal.
Mr. Senator, what are we to do? It is im-
possible to surrender myself over to such
stupidity and injustice. Perhaps you know
of some way in which I can direct my ener-
gies so that I may do what I can to avert
another senseless slaughter. Certainly, let-
ter writing is some help, but it is not enough.
With the full realization that you are a very
busy man, and that you may not be able to
reply to me personally, I eagerly await your
reply and possible suggestions. Keep up the
good work and count me on your side.
Sincerely,
.Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Oregon.
DEAR SIR: I write you to encourage and
support your position on Vietnam. I think
it's quite clear that the day we bomb Hanoi,
the United States will be involved in a total
war. I cannot understand how our roads of
suppression and exploitation of underdevel-
oped areas can continue without an expres-
sion of concern from the Congress. And how
can we be at war without the consent of
All these questions and more continue to
go unanswered, yet Hanoi approaches us
7897
quite rapidly. Americanism begins to be a
very dirty word around the world, and we
know all too well, that our only allies are
the fascist dictatorships and racist countries.
Respectfully yours,
ROBERT KEFFKE.
NEW YORK CITY, N.Y.
MORRISVILLE, PA.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
DEAR SIR: I heartily approve of your stand
on Vietnam.
Have courage and stick by what you know
is right.
FRED GOLDMAN, DDS.
WARRINGTON, PA.,
April 12, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: We want to let you
know that we are grateful for your honesty
and integrity as shown by your position in the
Senate in opposing our Government's policy
in Vietnam.
It is our concern that we will continue to
have outstanding statesmen such as you
speak forth on issues that affect the welfare
of our country and the rest of the world.
Let us know what we can do to help you.
Sincerely,
Mr. and Mrs. J. REED SUPLEE.
BENSON, ARIZ.,
March 31, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR: I beg you to rise and make
a major address denouncing our whole inde-
cent adventure in Vietnam. It is your duty
since only you and Senator GRUENING seem
to have the knowledge and the courage to say
what the majority of Americans are think-
ing and saying.
Goldwater lost the election but Goldwater-
ism goes clomping on in military boots. It's
the old story-first you build up a military
force for defense then you use it for aggres-
sion.
You are one of my few long enduring heroes
since I have for years followed your career.
Congress is always hopelessly "dated" but
I nearly always find you correct and stimu-
lating.
Please talk long and often and please de-
nounce this war from the Senate floor. I
have written Johnson and HuMPHREY crying
"shame."
Sincerely,
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR: Enclosed please find a copy
of a letter I have written to the President. I
hope it has not been an exercise in futility.
I heard your speech at Johns Hopkins Uni-
versity on March 15. Thank you for your
courage and effort to educate the public. I
only hope that you will continue to speak
out against this Vietnam policy.
Sincerely,
Mrs. CATHERINE L. MINK.
BALTIMORE, MD.
APRIL 1, 1965.
President LYNDON B. JOHNSON,
1600 Pennsylvania Avenue,
Washington, D.C.
MR. PRESIDENT: I write to register my dis-
approval of our actions and policy in Viet-
nam. I have read and heard your statements
on the subject. I am familiar with the last
white paper released by the State Depart-
ment. I an} saturated with all the justifica-
tions put forward by, our Defense Depart-
ment, Members of Congress, and various and
sundry advocates of this course. But I also
have researched the history of that area and
our involvement there.
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -- SENATE April 21, 1965
What a tragic story it is: From the unen-
lightened French colonial exploitation, to the
rise of the nationalist movement under Ho
Chi Minh, to the Japanese occupation, to the
duplicity of the British General Gracey after
World War II, to the vain efforts of the
French and their duplicity in trying to re-
place the yoke of colonialism on Vietnam by
means of puppet regimes-yes, right down to
our fanatical anticommunism as espoused
and promulgated by John Foster Dulles. His
was the warped view of the world which put
us into a struggle on the wrong side with the
French and their puppets and it has been the
political cowardice of three Presidents which
has kept us there.
I wonder if you, Mr. President, and the pol-
icymakers ever bothered to read the history of
the Vietnamese struggle to rid themselves of
the exploitation of Western man. If we had
more historians and fewer CIA people and
State Department "hard nosers" making
policy we might not find ourselves the "last
French colonialist in Indochina."
I heard your press conference on Saturday
March 20, and your reiteration of policy on
Vietnam and I can only say that whether it
was started 10 years ago or 110 years ago,
whether it was the policy of 3 Presidents
or 33 Presidents, and whether you repeat it
47 times or 147 times-it still doesn't make it
right.
The people of this country do not support
this hideous little war of napalm and massive
bombardments and U.S. official propaganda,
but they have become so intellectually le-
thargic with affluence that they cannot bestir
themselves to give loud voice to their dis-
approval. They assuage their consciences
with the balm of anticommunism.
Have we come to the point where anything
is justifiable in the name of anticommunism?
When I consider that after World War II
and just prior to it's ending, Vietnam was a
unified and independent nation from north-
ernmost to southernmost boundaries-when
I consider that Bao Dal had relinquished his
throne in support of Ho Chi Minh and the
Vietminh government and wrote De Gaulle
asking that the French not persist in re-
claiming these colonies; then I go on to find
that the United States came into this strug-
gle on the side of the French, then the Diem
regime, and that it was officially stated pol-
icy during Dulles' secretaryship to back
Diem's refusal to hold elections in accord
with the 1954 Geneva agreements-that we
built up Diem's army again in violation of
the 1954 Geneva agreement-and now we
have to listen to our officials saying that
North Vietnam must show it's willingness to
live up to those 1954 agreements- I can only
say, what hypocrisy. Why should the Viet-
namese respect the artificial 17th parallel
imposed on them by others, yes, even Russia
and China along with the Western Powers.
In closing let me say I am ashamed of my
Government. I do not support the President.
I believe we shall fail in this effort because
we do not have right on our side.
With regret,
Mrs. CATHERINE L. MINK.
BALTIMORE, MD.
BRIARCLIFF MANOR, N.Y.,
April 2, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I am writing to tell
you I endorse your position on 'Vietnam and
have written to the President urging negotia-
tion or failure in this to withdraw our
troops.
With deep concern and best wishes,
Sincerely,
HOLLIE D. STADTFELT,
Mrs. Nicholaas T.
NEW YORK, N.Y.,
April 4, 1965.
Senator WAYNE L. MORSE,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SIR: Tonight I have written to Presi-
dent Johnson urging that he help bring
about a cease-fire in Vietnam and get all na-
tions to sit down at the conference table to
negotiate a peace.
I endorse your, position for negotiations
and will do all in my power to continue sup-
porting you.
Very truly yours,
EDWIN GREENBLATT.
APRIL 5, 1985.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I would like you to
know that I endorse your position for nego-
tiations (after cease=fire) in Vietnam crisis.
I have just written the President asking
that he take a strong step forward and call
for cease-fire and negotiations.
Sincerely and respectfully,
Mrs. F. BERMANN.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SIR: We ask for an immediate cease-
fire in Vietnam and immediate use of U
Thant's formula for negotiations.
Yours truly,
TORRANCE, CALIF.,
April 1, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I would like to take
this opportunity to congratulate you and
urge you to continue your positive stand in-
sofar as Vietnam is concerned.
Although those of us who want a disen-
gagement in Vietnam are in the minority
we are growing each and every day.
It is my personal thinking that we will
be able to stop the war in Vietnam only if
we act quickly, hard-headedly (in the sense
that we seek peace) and together.
The world is looking at southeast Asia
today and so are many Americans. We must
show them that the present U.S. position
in Vietnam can lead to nothing else but war
unless and only if it is stopped now.
You are to be commended for your stand
and you have my continued -support and
admiration.
Sincerely,
G. D. WIEBE.
N.B -I am wondering if we could have a
copy of the RECORD where you, according to
the Saturday Evening Post, I believe, called
the Vietnam fiasco McNamara's war?
G.W.
BROOKLYN, N.Y.,-
April 4, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: The news of the last
few days are most alarming. What can a
lone citizen do to express his fear and anger
at the ever increasing war which our Gov-
ernment is waging in South Vietnam? It is
wrong, terribly wrong.
We are so fortunate to have you in the
Senate and we beg you to continue your
utmost efforts to arouse the American people
to an understanding of what is really hap-
pening. Our Government is playing with
high stakes. The worst thing is that we may
lose-if not already-control of our maneu-
verings and find ourselves in an inextricable
position escalating into a large terrible war.
We support you-we beg you to continue
your strong efforts and keep speaking out.
Our gratitude to you.
Sincerely yours,
FAMILY OF Loins J. LIFSHEY.
NEW YORK, N.Y.,
April 4, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR: We wanted to tell you how
immensely grateful we are to you for your
fight against our involvement in Vietnam.
We only hope that it leads to an early cease
fire and negotiations.
Even if it is Very little, we will do our ut-
most to uphold your position among our
friends and acquaintances.
Respectfully yours,
PAUL RONALD.
MIRIAM RONALD.
NEW YORK, N.Y.,
April 3, 1965.
Senator WAYNE L. MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR: I fully endorse your posi-
tion on Vietnam-an immediate cease-fire in
Vietnam and negotiation to begin at once.
BROOKLYN, N.Y.,
April 2, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MoRSR,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SIR: We ask for an immediate cease-
fire in Vietnam and immediate use of U
Thant's formula for negotiations.
Yours truly,
MIDDLETOWN, PA.,
March 25, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I'm a busy house-
wife with five children, but I must take time
out to let you know how much I appreciate
and respect you for speaking out against the
terrible situation in Vietnam.
It's wonderful to know that there are today
in 1965 courageous men such as you, who are
comparable to the few who spoke out 200
years ago, and 100 years ago.
I sincerely hope that you are receiving
much mail supporting your position and
viewpoint on the Vietnam Issue.
As you know, very little appears in print
concerning those of us who don't support the
administration on their Vietnam policy, so
if you have any printed material available
(speeches, et cetera), I would very much
appreciate your sending me anything at all
that I could use on radio programs such as
"Voice of the People," "Open Mike," et
cetera.
Thank you very much for taking time to
listen to me; and above all thank you for
"speaking out," so that I could and can
listen to you.
Gratefully and sincerely,
LILA H. BRETZ.
Mrs. Harry W. Bretz, Jr.
PONTIAC,. MICH.,
March 25, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR: I am deeply troubled about
many things that are going on in our coun-
try which seems to me that you able men in
Congress seem to have nosay into whatever.
What has happened to our trusted Con-
gressmen? Why is it the Congress has noth-
ing to say about Vietnam? Why is.it that
Dean Rusk, McNamara, McGeorge Bundy,
seem to be the only ones calling the shots
in Vietnam?
Why is it our allies are sitting on their
hands and having nothing to do with us as
far as Vietnam is concerned?
What has happened to the United Nations?
No help.
Why must we send the cream of
over into the jungles to be shot
cold blood far away from home
against godless, heartless, people?
the crop
down in
to fight
Senator, down deep in your heart do you
think we will ever receive any thanks from
it all?
Do you really think we can police the
whole world?
What about the billions of taxpayer:
money that is handed out year in and yea:
out?
As a Christian I feel very sure that yoi
people whom we trust will some day hav
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April 21, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE
A stand before God with the blood of every
>oy who is killed in that ugly war and give
.n account.
Why is it we can't mind our own business?
Are we so desperate, Mr. MORSE, that we
gave to induct young men with only one
ye into the Army?
Please tell me.
Do you remember Korea? I do.
Why, oh, why can't our Congressmen stand
p and be counted?
Whom are we afraid of anyway? We have
many problems right here at home to
Sep us all busy.
I know, Mr. MORSE, that your thoughts are
;e many Americans on this Vietnam mess,
say let all Americans protest.
Why should these mothers and wives carry
rdens on their hearts, day in and day out,
something not of our own making?
vhy should we buy savings bonds to sup-
t wars? We are selling ours.
.hese are some of the questions that
.sble me greatly.
s this the Government of all the people,
.or just two or three?
et those in Washington who are anxious
'et us "involved in a big war change places
i. the. ,service len for a few days. Thank
Very ;much, Mr. MORSE, for listening to
pleas, I 'am concerned. We can't end
e wars.
od has promised to end all wars. - He
, I know, for I have him in my heart. Let
have your views.
Yours very truly,
Mrs. GEORGE MCGLATHEN.
CHARLESTON, W. VA?
March 26, 1965.
1.'WAYNE MORSE,
Senator,
.ate Office Building,
shington, D.C.
)EAR SENATOR MORSE: I had the pleasure of
sting you many years ago while I was a
mber of Chapman Revercomb's staff and
.ave always admired your honesty and In-
'rity.
Last month I attended the Convocation on
cern in Terris given by the Center for the
udy of Democratic Institutions in New
)r'k and was impressed by what was said at
ds meeting but I didn't hear any reference
the reasons you have given for the United
bates being in Vietnam rather than having
.ie United Nations settle the dispute.
'Based on my very limited knowledge of
our thoughts on the above subject, I am in-
lined toward and interested in your position.
fowever, it sems that you ,are cut off from.
\irtually all the news media in this area and
wish to know more about the reasons for
itur opinion thereon.
Would you be kind enough to have one of
our staff send me any speeches you have
lade on the subject either contained in the
ONGRESSIONAL RECORD or any other available
riting concerning your views on the subject
our participation in the war in Vietnam.
Thanking you in advance for this favor
id trusting your staff will have time to do
is for a nonconstituent, I remain
Sincerely yours,
E. FRANKLIN PAULEY,'
Attorney at Law.
COLUMBUS, OHIO,
March 24, 1965.
DEAR, SENATOR ,oRSE; I wanted to Write you
short note exp"essing my appreciation at
ir. existence, It would seem that on the
is of your position on Vietnam you are
only honest man left in Washington.
It you have the courage to pronounce
obvious is one ray of light on a dark sea
ties and abysmal stupidities which pass
a Ll,S ?policy in Vietnam.
have a heartfelt question: What can I
to end my govern4nent's hopeless and
gerous policy against the North Vietna-
mese Government? I have written to Sen-
ator LAUSCHE, a' warhawk; to Congressman
DEVINE, almost as bad; to Senator YOUNG
who is not quite so bad. If there is some-
thing more tell me. If you run for President
I'll vote for you. Had not even one Senator
raised his voice, I would be a sad man indeed.
I would be very grateful for any informa-
tion you might be able to send me on the
subject of Vietnam policy. Local papers and
newscasts are understandably quite chary
with meaningful Information.
A gratified admirer,
JOHN H. FRYE.
WATERTOWN, MASS.
March 25,19-65.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Let me congratulate
you and shake your hand for your coura-
geous and unfailing stand on the Vietnam
crisis and for your farsighted criticism of
U.S. foreign policy. I regret that, as a Mas-
sachusetts resident, I cannot express my
fundamental beliefs at the ballot by voting
for you.
For years I have been frustrated while try-
ing to understand how a great nation can tie
itself down to untenable situations, assume
without hesitation or a moment's thought,
the role of setting things straight around
the world and of policing and guiding other
nations; or how people like McNamara, Tay-
lor, Mr. McGeorge Bundy, and other able ad-
ministrators do not hesitate to adopt brutal-
ity in foreign policy and commit a great
country to a cause utterly in opposition to
its basic interests and to the concepts on
which it was founded.
The United States are not historically re-
sponsible for what is happening in Asia or
Africa. Why should they be so eager to
shoulder the colonial heritage when the
former colonial powers themselves, by force
or reason, find it advantageous to adjust to
the realities of the 1950's and 1960's? In
order to clear up the mess and fill the
power vacuum? But what mess and what
vacuum? No power vacuum can be filled
from the outside and any such attempt smells
very much like the old, cherished colonial
policy tantamount to unrestricted interven-
tion. Neither can the aim of scaring the
Vietnamese into withdrawal be considered
any more realistic or historically justified.
Unlike individuals, nations, no matter how
small, are very rarely scared when attacked,
as evidenced by the valiant fight put up by
Greece, Yugoslavia, Norway, etc., against the
Nazi aggressors.
Such policies have been ruled out and
rendered ineffective by the realities of the
nuclear age. This may be frustrating to
certain policymakers in Washington, who
would rather change reality than their views,
but the truth is that people the world over
prefer to live, compete, and prosper rather
than die for somebody else's frustrations. No
amount of American force or anti-Commu-
nist propaganda would persuade Africans or
Asians to do otherwise. As a matter of fact,
some of them, and'I-mean Nasser, fioure,
Ben Bella, etc., are resisting communism
much more effectively than any American
suggestion would have accomplished.
Wishful thinking or the attitude of good-
doing may produce some interesting plots in
the movies or television, but the foreign
policy of a great nation should be guided by
far deeper and more realistic motives. It
often appears to me, however, that this is
the only reason that can be offered, officially
or otherwise, in support of many recent
Washington policies. The overthrow of
Castro or Mao may seem to many a good
cause to fight for, but none of them ever felt
obligated to offer an alternative jo these
established and organized states. Does any-
body seriously believe that the United States
has the answer to China's problems and can
feed the Chinese millions after Mao's over-
throw? 'Unless the U.S. obligation stops
right there, after millions of dead and with-
out any hope that a new and more fanatical
Mao will not reappear in a few years.
Another incomprehensible attitude, at
least to me, is that of Senator F. CHURCH.
He lost his voice as if the reasons for his
initial criticisms have disappeared or ex-
plained away. If the explanation offered in
Time magazine, that the President threat-
ened withdrawal of his political support in
the Senator's home State, is true, his silence
seems even - more ominous to me. If this
kind of pressure can silence beliefs and con-
victions of such fundamental importance to
the interests of this country, I wonder about
the strength of Senator CHURCH's convic-
tions or his motivation in expressing them in
the first place. He did, in my opinion, a
disservice to his initial beliefs by expressing
them without being prepared to defend them
vigorously.
I would very much appreciate any litera-
ture on your views and your general political
philosophy that you would care to send.
Respectfully,
JOHN G. FIKIOUS.
DEAR SIR: Today as I read my newspaper, I
was stunned to learn that'the United States
and South Vietnam are employing gas in
this war.
Lethal or not, I fail to see why we must use
it with all the other types of weapons found
in our arsenals.
It appears to me that the "war" is being
escalated while the administration says that
it is not closing the doors to negotiation. I
can well understand that the President is
waiting for the right moment to head for
the tables but are they not pushing the date
further into the future with this new tactic?
And have we not given Hanoi, Peiping, and
Moscow some great material for propaganda
in this undeclared war?
I hope you will write me and try to ex-
plain what the administration is doing be-
cause I cannot make heads or tails of it and
especially this unwarranted and grossly non-
humane mode of battle.
Thanking you in advance, I remain,
Faithfully yours,
JAMES E, NEWTON.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
`Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SIR: We were thrilled with the mes-
sage over KVOM you gave at Cooper Union.
If you have the script for that speech, we
would be happy to distribute printed copies
in our State. We'd do our best to get at
least 1,000 copies to voters, and try to get it
into printing in county papers as much as
possible. Does this seem good to you?
Deep appreciation,
VERA STEPHENS.
BIG TIMBER, MONT.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
MY DEAR SENATOR: Would you send me a
copy of your views and reasons for our with-
drawal from Vietnam? Our aggression
against South Vietnam is unforgivable.
This should be handled by the only force
with a jurisdictional right to arbitrate dis-
putes. The American taxpayers never gave
any President a mandate to police the world.
The U.N. must have its forces and power in-
creased so it can deal with such messes as
those in Vietnam and try to find what the
Vietnamese want, not what the Pentagon
thinks it should have.
I admire your courage and statesmanship
when it is so sorely needed.
Mrs. MABEI,.BRENDLEN.
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7900 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
FISHER'S ISLAND, N.Y.,
March 31, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR MR. MORSE: It would give me great
pleasure to be able to think that yours was
not a voice in the congressional wilderness
crying out against the policy of power-mad
brutality and recklessness now being pur-
sued by America in Vietnam.
Are you alone In your clear-cut condem-
nation? Or is it simply a matter of the radio
and press not reporting your unpopular
views anymore, thereby proving your early
contention, that 85 percent of the informa-
tion was being withheld from the American
people, correct in more ways than one?
Since that statement of yours I only once
more heard that you had said (in Tulsa,
Okla.) that "the United States is waging an
undeclared war in Vietnam, and this country
is an aggressor Nation."
I would certainly appreciate copies of any
other statements you have undoubtedly
made (several copies, for distribution to
friends). For that matter of fact, if you
know when and where Mr. Eisenhower ad-
mitted that he "had never talked or corre-
sponded with a person knowledgeable in
Indochinese affairs who did. not agree that
had election been held in 1954, possibly 80
percent of the Vietnamesewould have voted
for Ho Chi Minh," I would like to suggest
that you have it entered Into the CONGRES-
SIONAL RECORD.
To quote the poet Leigh Hunt: "May your
tribe increase."
Sincerely,
RASTER F. MEYEROwrrZ.
MARCH 26, 1965.
FIOn. WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I have just heard
a rebroadcast of a speech you gave at Cooper
Union entitled "That Mess in Vietnam."
You gave one of the most helpful presenta-
' tions I have heard or read on the history
and solution of our envolvement there. I
would like very much to have a copy of it,
if this is still possible.
Several people here would like to make our
concern about U.S. action in. Vietnam felt in
Washington. Where do you think letters
should best be sent? We assume that we
start with our President and our own Sena-
tors and Representatives.
We would also like to raise the issues for
discussion in groups in our community. If
your speech is not available in quantities of
50 to 100, can you suggest any other brief
presentations which we could order to use
as a background of reading before group
discussions?
Thank you very much for the job you are
doing In questioning present U.S. policy of
unilateral action in South Vietnam. We are
very proud to call you a former Minnesotan.
Sincerely,
LANELLE OLSEN
Mrs. Kenneth Olsen.
NORTHFIELD, MINN.
BERKELEY, CALIF.,
March 29, 1965.
Hon. Senator MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Please accept our ap-
preciation and gratitude for your efforts to
end our participation in the war in South
Vietnam. I want you to know that both my
wife and I fully support your position. We
read about your speech at Stanford Univer-
sity a couple of weeks ago, and if possible
would like a copy of it. Could you also fur-
nish us with a copy of the State Department
white paper including all of the appendixes?
Thank you very much for your considera-
tion, attention, and efforts.
Sincerely,
Los ANGELES, CALIF.,
March 31, 1965.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I was sitting here at
the typewriter when I heard your speech on
the radio concerning Vietnam. I was un-
aware that any of our legislators were against
the policy of the Government in Vietnam,
and it does my heart good to know that you
feel the way you do. Of course, I might have
known from your past record, but there has
been so much silence from any opposition
(either accidental or planned) that I thought
that I was alone. Then I heard Senator
GEORGE MCGOVERN, of North Dakota, on "CBS
Reports," and I wrote him commending him
on his stand.
He replied stating that he had received
thousands of letters like mine.
I would like to suggest, Senator, that the
legislators who feel like you and Senator
MCGOVERN, get together and speak to others.
I am sure there are many who are either
wavering, or afraid to speak out.
I would like to have a copy of your speech.
Keep up the good work.
Respectfully,
Mrs. ROSALIE SHENEFIELD,
Mother of two boys.
SAN JOSE, CALIF.,
March 4, 1965.
Senator MORSE,
State Capitol,
Sacramento, Calif.
YoUR ExoELLENCY: Your address to the
Young Democrats at Stanford University was
quoted on the 8 a.m. KABL broadcast. Sen-
ator MORSE, I love you.
You are expressing the concept held, I
feel, by the majority of U.S. citizens, not only
in California, but across the Nation. How
else was President Johnson elected by so
overwhelming a vote? The issue uppermost
in the minds of the voters was, I believe, not
so much race relations, educational aid,
war against poverty, as it was the sharp de-
markation between President Johnson's and
Mr. Goldwater's foreign policy in regard to
Vietnam. Now that the former is firmly en-
sconced is he about to be pressured into
adopting Goldwater's stand?
I voice the feelings of the mothers in my
neighborhood and among my friends. It is
not (as yet) so much the knowledge that we
have sons of military age as it is the horror of
knowing that American bombers are wiping
out defenseless jungle villages, maiming,
blinding, and burning infants and children
such as we have cradled and nursed.
Why is this problem not placed before
the U.N.? Do we only refer crises to the
U.N. If we are sure of a pro-United States
decision?
Most respectfully yours,
MARIE E. CURRY.
Ron. WAYNE L. MORSE,
U.S. Senate.
SIR: It is not surprising, but still reassur-
ing, to find you continuing to fight for what
you believe in. Your stand for negotiations
in Vietnam 'is something which I am sure
has the support of most Americans.
Thank you for your courage and best
wishes for your success.
Sincerely,
NANCY FREDERIKSEN (Mrs. Nils).
BROOKLINE, MASS.
April 21, 1961
KEY WEST, FLA.,
March 31, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE, .
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: With great apologh
for the low quality of the reproduction (Ke
West weather has not been good to my gels
tines). I am sending you for your archive
a rewrite of my March 14 sermon to tb
local Universalist-Unitarian Fellowshi+
The after-sermon discussion which is usu
in this gathering was enthusiastic ax
wholly favorable. The only criticism was
the effect that I was too obviously pulli
my punches.
I think that I meet a fair sample of liter;
Americans of varying shades of political s
philosophical opinion and allegiance, any
find them pretty much in agreement a
you on the matter of Vietnam, the more
the more that they know the full story;
principal trouble is that too few of tl
really know many of the facts. It is
difficulty that I am trying to do someti
to cure. Our media of Information have
us down.
Sincerely yours,
M0RTIMER GRAVI
(NOTE.-I should add that almosi
years-since 1927-of professional cor.
with Asian matters, gives me some rigi
opinions. MG.) -
SERMON By MORTIMER GRAVES
Now that the Department of State's v
paper on Vietnam has made us the laug
stock of the civilized world, it is perhaps
for us to chide the news media for their n
tance to- keep the American public infoi
about how wegot this way. It is true
finding a news commentator or edit
writer who has not overnight become an
thority on the subject is an almost im
sible feat and that reports of weekend 1
pers to Saigon, military and civil, jostle r
responsible news in print and on the
waves. But almost universally the auti
of such comment consider themselves pi
ing the limits of entiquity if they meni
President Eisenhower's October 1954 lette:
Ngo Dinh Diem and regard anything t
happened before the Geneva agreements
earlier in that year as prehistory. The f
is that it is quite impossible to have an
telligent concept of the present mess withc
going back in relevant history at least as
as 1940.
American involvement in Indochina in
present unfortunate state is the result of t,
magnificent historical stupidities. The III
was President Truman's acquiescence in ti
mad idea of forcing French colonial rule be(
upon the Indochinese without consultif
them at the end of World War II. The secc.
was Secretary Dulles' equally foolish ohs
sion that Indochina might be made, howe!
unwillingly, to fight his undeclared a
against China for him. The first took plr
in 1945; the second seems to have been f
mulated sometime around 1950, when :
Dulles was an adviser to Secretary of St
Dean Acheson.
Pearl Harbor and American entry i
World War II came at the end of 1941.
that time Japan had been at war with
Chiang Kai-shek Chinese for a decade,
a full partner with Nazi Germany, and
well started toward conquest., of south
Asia; indeed, the Japanese interpreted
retary of State Hull's note of late Noven
1941 as an ultimatum precisely because ii
pressed American disapproval of this ven
toward the south. President Roosevelt
his advisers felt that Vichy France's readi
to cooperate with Japan's control of I
china was a disservice to the anti-Nazi ,
ers in Europe and expressed their objet
in statements to the effect that "if J
wins, she will take over Indochina; 11
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April 21,-'1965
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
7901
lases, we will." In any event France was But by the time of the events recounted in majority of the politically conscious Viet-
never again, in their minds, to have Indochina the preceding couple of paragraphs, Roose- namese support Vietminh which is fighting
olo
as a c
ny.
Once the United States was in the war,
our allies in the Pacific were Chiang Kai-
shek China and the British Empire. Mili-
tary jurisdiction between them was fixed at
the, 16th parallel of north lattitude, which
happens approximately to divide Vietnam
in half. The'Pacific war lasted until August
1945 and the defeat of Japan. Meanwhile,
here grew up Vietnamese nationalist re-
,istance to the Franco-Japanese government
f Vietnam, aided, and in some cases led,
y dissident French and by the American
ftice" of Strategic Services military operat-
ig from and with the help of China. In
:ay 1941 the Vietnamese formed the Viet
am Doe Lap Dong Minh Hoi (League for the
.dependence of Vietnam), which we now
11 the Vietminh, under Ho Chi Minh; 3
are later it proclaimed the Provisional
publican Government of Vietnam in Liu-
ow, China.
In the summer of 1944 France was freed
the Nazis; the Free French replaced the
shy Government. The Japanese in Viet-
n then turned on the French there and
March 10, 1945, declared Vietnam an
.ependent state under the Emperor of
nam, Bao IJai.` The United States, domi-
;ed by Roosevelt's distrust of the French
ler either Petain or De Gaulle and his
ermination not to reestablish French
4niallsm in Indochina, refused help to
French though the British did aid them
aewhaj-desultorily. In any event, August
1945 brought the final defeat of the Japa-
ie, the abdication of Bao Dai, and the
ablishment of the Democratic Republic
Vietnam under the great Vietnamese hero
Chi Minh to which Bao Dal was attached
"counselor, Ho was, and still is, a Vietna-
sse nationalist who is convinced, that a
Anamese communion is the only kind of
verhmeht appropriate to his country.
When. Gen, Douglas MacArthur, upon the
rrender of the Japanese, became Supreme
e disarmament of the Japanese south of
to 16th parallel to the British, and of those
3rth to the Chiang Kai-shek Chinese, in
cordance with the earlier division of mili-
try responsibility. The British committed
ae operation to General Gracey, an Austral-
in in command of Indian troops. Under
his divided command the disarmament of
he Japanese was turned into a war against
he new Vietnamese state, carried on with an
)bscene ferocity and rapacity disgraceful to
:tiny nations claiming to be civilized. Ameri-
cans had no part in this disgusting episode;
General MacArthur said it made his blood
boil. It ended with the arrival of a highly
,intelligent and sympathetic French com-
in.issioner, Jean Sainteny, a hero of the
French resistance, who on February 26, 1946,
igned with Ho a pact recognizing the Demo-
ratic Republic of Vietnam as a free state
Titliin the French Union. A French politi-
al figure was to comment later that by 1953
3e French had performed this gesture no
ss than 18 times, but never fulfilled it once.
If France had .honored this agreement, the
hole story from here on might have been
fferent. But unfortunately France was at
.e moment in one of those fits of political
[d constitutional disarray chronic to her for
e next decade or so. Sainteny was de facto
pudiated; the new French Constitution
atained,io,provision for associated or in-
pendent states within the French Union.
From at least 1943 on, President Roosevelt
d committed himself to a postwar inter-
tional trusteesh)p for Indochina. At the
lro-Tehran Conferences in 1945 he had
evinced Stalin and Chiang Kai-shek and
ieved that Churchill had come around,
)ugh reluctantly. Secretary of the Navy
rectal wanted to be assured that the
ted States would have naval bases there.
No. 70-11
velt had been dead for a year or more and for the independence of the country." Mr.
President Truman had succeeded him. Melby did not last very long In the Depart-
For some reason or other, Truman scrapped ment of State after that. Meanwhile, Presi-
the Roosevelt policy and committed himself dent Truman-as he states later in his
and the United States to the reestablish- memoirs-was directing "acceleration in the
ment of French control of Indochina. The furnishing of military assistance to the
result is history; a decade of American effort French In Indochina and the dispatch of a
to reestablish the French, followed by a military mission." The U.S. Military Assist-
decade of American effort to replace them, ance Advisory Group (USMAAG) reached
neither a howling success. Vietnam in July 1950.
On November 8, 1946, the democratic Re- It is worthwhile to point out here that the
public of Vietnam adopted its first constitu- Chinese Communists did not have effective
Lion. Hanoi was full of favorable American control of China until 19.50. Hence, it is im-
observers, the new Truman doctrine not yet possible to blame much of what has been
having penetrated; there were French mili- recited to this point on the wicked Mao Tse-
tary forces arriving in Haiphong, Chiang tung.
Kai-shek's troops were just across the Chi- There follows increasing American sup-
nese border, and Mao Tse-tung and his Com- port and control of the war and increasing
munists were holed up in Yenan, whence deterioration of the Franco-American-Bao
nobody but the best China service in the Dai military position. The French-includ-
world-the American-predicted their escape ing ex-Nazis and African troops-were doing
for a decade. But by now the French had most of the fighting; the Bao Dal Vietnamese
accumulated enough military force in Viet- were not much help. By the end of the Tru-
nam to launch a new offensive against the man administration we find Secretary Ache-
democratic Republic. They succeeded in son complaining that the United States is
securing by force a rather precarious hold on carrying almost half the cost of the French
the ports and some of the more industrialized war in Indochina but that the French are
centers but they made no headway at all already defeated psychologically and the na-
among the general population in the hinter- tive population is "sitting on the fence."
land villages. These remained committed to The Eisenhower-Dulles regime began on
the Vietminh and No Chi Minh, who were January 20, 1955. Secretary of State Dulles
indeed giving them a taste of better popular who had, indeed, been an adviser to the De-
government than they had ever had. Paul partment of State during the Acheson tenure,
Mus, the eminent French authority on Indo- continued this disastrous policy with almost
china, could write even so late as 1949 that fanatic zeal. As succeeding French govern-
"the French have succeeded in establishing ments attempted to discover honorable ways
themselves in certain of the cities of Viet- out, Dulles found ways of pressuring them to
nam, but not in the interior of the country, persist. When, in the spring of 1954, the
the stronghold of the villages. Large areas French position at Dienbienphu was seen
of the country have resorted to armed resist- to be precarious, Dulles succeeded in getting,
ance under leftist leadership. * * * This in spite of Eisenhower's better judgment,
is 'an organized popular movement (not, as some support in Congress for the idea of a
the French claim) a mass of apathetic heavy American bombing operation. Fortu-
peasants who have been terrorized by their nately too many Congressmen went home for
leaders." their Easter vacations and found, as one of
Five years thereafter Joseph Alsop could them put it "no disposition among constitu-
find himself surprised at the democracy and ents to fight and die for dear old Dong-Dong
popularity of this "Communist" village rule. at the other end of the earth." One Senator
Neither of these, of course, could possibly be named Johnson asseverated that he was
identified as a Communist before any con- "against sending American GI's into the mud
gressional committee or anywhere else. The and muck of Indochina on a bloodletting
dirty, destructive, expensive little war then spree to perpetuate colonialism and white
resumed was to last under changing auspices man's exploitation in Asia." Senators named
down to the present day. Kennedy and DIRKSEN seized the opportunity
As the United States began to realize that to express much the same sentiments and to
this costly French venture was devouring re- reveal a rather confused ignorance about
sources which might better have been used Indochina, so that fortunately this folly was
to rehabilitate European France-an Ameri- averted at that time. One can but wonder
can concern of the impending Marshall whether the Easter vacation idea might not
plan-American missions to Vietnam began be a good one for 1965; the U.S. News &
to proliferate. William C. Bullitt is usually World Report's survey of congressional mail
credited with first proposing that some of indicates that it would.
the unpleasant odor of French colonialism By this time even Bao Dai was beginning
might be relieved by the creation of an in- to be restive under French control. He com-
dependent Vietnamese Government under menced fighting the French politically; the
Bao Dai. Late in 1948 the French "recog- _Vietminh was doing pretty well militarily,
nized solemnly" such independence within as was exhibited when General Giap de-
the French Union. This Bao Dal regime was stroyed the French Army at Dienbienphu.
dominated by southern landowners and the Early in 1954 the Four Power Foreign
feudal sects. It was never recognized by any Ministers' Conference in Berlin decided to
considerable portion of the Vietnamese peo- sponsor a Conference in Geneva of the nine
ple and was the target of constant demon- powers concerned with Indochina (United
strations. The French never realy consum- States, U.S.S.R., Britain, France, Laos, Cam-
mated its independence; it was a French bodia, Vietminh, the Bao Dai government,
puppet. The United States and Britain rec- and China). Mendes-France became Pre-
ognized it In February 1950; the Soviet bloc mier of France with a promise quickly to end
had recognized the Democratic Republic of the Indochinese war. The Conference con-
Vietnam a week earlier. vened. Dulles tried to sabotage it in ways
In 1950 there were three formal American for which Anthony Eden never forgave him.
missions to the new Bao Dai government: The victorious Vietminh, held somewhat in
Jessup, Griffin, and Melby. This last is the check by the conciliators of the Conference,
most interesting. John Melby was a U.S. Molotov and Chou En-lai, agreed to settle-
Foreign Service officer in the Department of ments less than they might have considered
State. He reported (paraphrase) "there Is themselves entitled to. The Geneva agree-
no evidence that the French forces will sue- ments, concluded in August, established a
ceed for many months or even years. * * * cease-fire line at approximately the 17th
French efforts to gain the support of the parallel behind which both sides were to
people are a complete failure. An , absolute withdraw their military forces, the French
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to the south, the Vietminh to the north. ance. A series of repressive decrees made
The French were to regroup for eventual about 80 percent of the population oteouth-
complete withdrawal, upon which by 1956 a ern Vietnam subject to arrest. This kind
general election over the whole country was of nonsense sealed Diem's doom. From
to decide upon a unified government. In about 1957, opposition was active though
other words, the 17th parallel did not more or less clandestine; by 1960 it was
constitute a division of the country into two vocal and organized for resistance by force.
parts. Unfortunately some matters were
left unclear. Since the Bao Dai regime did
not sign the agreementor even accept them,
it can have no standing under them. Ap-
parently the French considered that they
were still responsible for the region south
of the 17th parallel because Mend@s-
France immediately airlifted reinforcements
into the area and ordered two French divi-
sions in Germany prepared for tropical serv-
ice, at the- same time appointing Gen. Paul
Ely High Commissioner. The United States
refused to sign the agreements but formally
and solemnly promised to abide by them.
This promise was not kept.
A funny thing happened on the way to
the Geneva agreements. Ngo Dinh Diem
suddenly replaces Buu Luc as Bao Dai's
Prime Minister. There seems some question
as to how he got into the act; Drew Pearson
blames it on Francis Cardinal Spellman.
Bao Dai was persuaded to abdicate practi-
cally all his powers to his new Premier and
was restrained from returning to Vietnam
from Europe, where he was waiting out the
conference. This was accompanied by a
strange campaign of denigration of Bao Dai
in American newspapers which was some-
thing less than deserved. A month after the
agreements, the United States notified the
French that all American military aid would
henceforth go directly to the Indochinese
native states (Laos, Cambodia, and Ngo Dinh
Diem) instead of to the French as hitherto.
In October President Eisenhower wrote his
famous letter to Ngo Dinh Diem, now usually
quoted as the foundation stone of the Amer-
ican commitment to Vietnam of the south.
It did, indeed, confirm Diem's status as a
complete American puppet. The suspicious
French, not unreasonably, have always con-
sidered these moves just the last steps in
ousting them from Indochina with a view
to replacing French control by American.
In accordance with the agreements the
Vietnam military withdrew north of the 17th
parallel, but much of the area south of that
line remained under Vietminh civil control.
The new Saigon Government of Ngo Dinh
Diem was dominated by the Central Viet-
namese and the close to a million northern
Vietnamese Catholics who flooded into the
Saigon area and then on provided the hard
core of Ngo Dinh Diem's political support.
This Government hardly existed anywhere
except in Saigon and the coast cities and
certainly never gained the acquiescence, to
say nothing of the affection, of much of the
South Vietnamese population. Until Oc-
tober 1955 it functioned under the name of
Bao Dei, but on that date a "popular refe.
erendum" disposed of the latter; 5.7 million
votes were alleged to have been cast, 88.8
percent for Diem, 63,017 for Bao Dai.
Enough said.
On April 26, 1955, the last of the French
military left the country somewhat mitigat-
ing the Franco-American hostility which had
distinguished the last months of their stay.
In July the deadline for the plebiscite which
was to unite Vietnam under one govern-
ment passed. Diem refused to cooperate
with the Vietminh in making arrangements
for it on the grounds that his government
was not signatory to the Geneva agreements.
The real reason, of course, was that the
Vietminh was certain to win in a free
election.
Instead of a plebiscite, Diem instituted a
persecution. This was aimed not only at
the Vietminh pockets in central and South
Vietnam but at a number of nationalist and
religious groups who became the object of
Diem's witchhunting and religious intoler-
North Vietnamese Government was induced
to take cognizance of its struggling southern
compatriots. More American missions, more
American military help simply accelerated
Diem's deterioration. The appointment of
Gen. Paul Harkins as head of a high com=mand for the Thailand-Vietnam theater sig-
naled direct and patent American interven-
tion. Diem was overthrown by his own milt"-
tary and then murdered in November 1963;
the nature and extent of American implica-
tion- in Diem's political and physical extinc-
tion is still something of a mystery. -
The 7 years of Ngo Dinh Diem's etoogery
and the 18 months of his even less effective
successors are a recital of the same story,
perhaps at increasing tempo. The American
puppet regime, under whatever military or
civil head, has been little more than the
local government of Saigon, and nothing to
boast about even in that function. After $7
billion, more than 300 Americans killed (not
many, considering that the French killed
were 60,000, and the Vietnamese killed and
homeless'must run into the millions or more)
the southern part of Vietnam is a shambles
and shows no signs of being anything else
for a long time. It is proposed to remedy
this situation by reducing northern Vietnam
to this same condition.
In all of this it is difficult to find any of
that "peace and freedom for Vietnam" with
which Government officials are accustomed
to decorate their public pronouncements.
Quite the reverse. While the first phase,
the attempt to reestablish French rule, may
be attributed largely to ignorance, the sec-
ond, that of trying to get the Vietnamese to
fight our undeclared war against China for
us, is simply hoodlumism on an interna-
tional scale. This is especially heinous be-
cause it has involved constantly recurring
violations of our most solemn commitments
under the United Nations Charter, a species
of wickedness of which we are never hesitant
to accuse other less-powerful nations. One
must feel very sorry for Americans who are
proud of this record.
Some facts stand out. We were not, as
Walter Lippmann suggests, "sucked into"
(his words) this situation in an innocent
fit of absence of mind. Surely there can
hardly be a more premeditated, deliberate,
intentional operation in all our history than
Dulles' conversion of southern Vietnam into
an American satrapy. The Saigon Govern-
ment is a purely American creation, estab-
lished and maintained by American Armed
Forces. If it had been a good Government
for its own people or even served some over-
riding international purpose, one might find
grounds for condoning its illegality, but it
has done neither. The Vietnamese Govern-
ment of Hanoi, on the other hand, Whatever
else may be said of it, is Vietnamese, and, if
for no reason other than that it signed the
Geneva agreements of 1954, has a greater
claim to international legality than the for-
eign-supported dissidents of the south. If
there is any reason for calling either side
"rebel," the title should be awarded to the
south.
It should give us pause that no other sub-
stantial nation shows such disposition to
provide anything but token support to our
Vietnam venture. Only some assurance of
moral rectitude, quite impossible to anyone
who knows the facts, could make palatable
the immense Asian hostility which our Viet-
nam policy is engendering. This is very
sorry preparation for entering what promises
to be an Asian century.
President Johnson deserves all the sym-
pathy and help anyone can give him in his
ordeal of asking decisions with respect to as
awesome problem bequeathed to him b;
earlier administrations. This sympath
might well include a certain restraint in crit
ical comment but it should not invoiv
sweeping any facts under the rag. Presider.
Johnson's testy characterization of critics s
people "who do not know the facts" hardl
encourages such sympathy, for if American
do not know the facts, the major blame rest
upon the administration. If the time h:
come when Americans are supposed to a.
quiesce in national policies ignorant of tl
facts because the Government has shirked;
responsibilities, we had better stop talki
about our democracy. The Department
State's recent "Aggression from the Nort
compounds this dereliction, for its to
do not support its argument. It is, ind
an insult to American Intelligence. If
sistance to one's compatriots struggling
free themselves from an externally domino
bad government is to be called aggress
what name is to be given to the activitie
25,000 foreign troops from half way are
the world imposing that government?
It Is in President Johnson's interest
Americans should know all the facts,
knowledge of the facts will determine
spirit in which the search for an he
able settlement is made. If we go into n
tiations in any spirit other than a sir.
desire to redress two decades of wrong
which we have as much responsibilit;
anybody, and probably more, negotiat
can be only acrimonious and fruit
President Johnson's main defense against
resentment of his fellow citizens, and inc
the rest of the world, at the unpalatable c
lions which he has to make alone can onl
more general knowledge that the probl
he faces are none of his making. If
must be called seeking scapegoats so m
the worse.
Finally, it is folly to expect China to
quiesce in the creation of hostile st:
on its borders; that day is over. We
pride ourselves on our Monroe Doctrine
the Americas are in now position to cavil
a Chinese desire for a similar barrier to ext
continental interference in eastern Asia.
BROOKLYN, N.Y.,
March 31, 1965
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I heartily suppc
your position on a negotiated peace in Vic
ham.
I respectfully urge you to raise your voi
again and again on this issue.
Respectfully yours,
EUGENE GOLDSTEIN.
HAGERSTOWN, MD.,
March 31, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: It seems to me r,
evidently have very incompetent men
charge of our Vietnam venture.
Recently when an outpost was badly hw
we called it "a sneak attack." Did they e
peat to be notified in advance?
Recently a hospital in Saigon was bomb(
How do you. account for the failure to he
our Embassy well guarded after the two abc
mentioned experiences?
What we need are keen alert men who
ready for any emergency. I wonder what
people of Asia think of us. We evidently
pear very foolish to them.
We had better get out of Vietnam as qui
ly as possible.
I appreciate your readiness to speak
Sincerely yours,
J. C. FULD
WALNUT CREEK, CALIF.,
February 28, 196
TO PRESIDENT JOHNSON.
DEAR-SrR: Why Is the United States fl!
ing in South Vietnam? Supposedly, to
tect the people of South Vietnam from b
deprived of their human rights and t
democratic right to choose their own gov
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE 7903
ment. But these are rights which the South
Vietnamese Government, with U.S. support,
has already taken away from the people of
South Vietnam. None of the governments
of South Vietnam during the past 9 years
has been representative of the wishes of the
people, and none of them has been elected
by a free democratic process. Human rights?
We read accounts and see (color) pictures
every day of the torture and murder of Viet-
cong prisoners, of the involuntary relocation
of peasants into strategic hamlets; of indis-
criminate napalm bombing of entire villages
which are suspected of harboring a few Viet-
cong; of religious persecution; of arbitrary
arrests, and bans on newspapers and political
activities.
Every day that we pursue the war in Viet-
nam, we help convince them that we are
ruthless and inhuman, and we make a mock-
iry of our voiced concern for humanity and
lemocracy. Every day we stay in Vietnam,
ve convince more Vietnamese that the Viet-
ong are a lesser evil.
If we had insisted on a true democracy
then South Vietnam was created, if we had
Lot supported the Diem dictatorship and its
ruelty, corruption, persecution, and oppres-
ion, if we did not support the recent "mu-
ical chairs" succession of councils and
antas, irregardless of their concern for
emocracy and humanity, then we might
ave saved South Vietnam from the Com-
iurilsts.
It is much too late to deny the lessons
hat the Vietnamese have learned at our
Lands over the past years. It is said that we
nil lose prestige if we admit defeat. Per-
taps. 'But how much prestige will we lose
f we continue to deny our defeat when the
ituatign Is perfectly clear to the rest of the
vorld?'We once loudly criticized the French
'or pursuing a hopeless war in Indochina,
snd now we pursue a hopeless war on- the
same ground.
It is unpleasant to lose a battle, but it
is a virtue to realize that one has lost, and
not compound the loss by attempting bull-
headedly.to lose even more. The lesson we
must learn from Vietnam is the lesson we
should have learned from Cuba: that if the
United States supports corrupt and inhuman
dictatorships because they are "anti-Commu-
nist," then all the suffering and misery that
exists under that dictatorship will bear the
label of "democracy." The people of that
land will learn'to fear and hate us, and we
will have made another opportunity for the
Communists to convince them that they can
offer something better. If we do not learn
this lesson now, we shall have other oppor-
tunities, when people rise up against the
other dictators whom we now support. If we
refuse to learn this lesson, we will be forced,
by our own stupidity, to lose again. We can-
not afford many more losses. We must get
out of Vietnam where we have already lost,
and put our effort into places where we can
still win by insisting on democracy and
human rights as well as anti-Communism
from governments that we support.
Sincerely,
JOHN 0. STEVENS.
WALNUT CREEK, CALIF.,
March 26, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I want you to know
how very much I appreciate your outspoken
views on the abominable situation in Viet-
nam.
I wonder' if you are aware of the half-
truths and lies about Vietnam that the
State Department is sending out in answer
;o letters written to the President? I enclose
*pies of some of this State Department
rropaganda. 'G'ith it are copies of my orig-
nal letter to President Johnson and a copy
If the cover letter from the State Depart-
Approved For Release
went Assistant Secretary on which I typed
an answer which ' I sent back to him.
Keep up the flight for honesty, democracy,
and humanity.
Sincerely,
JOHN 0. STEVENS.
DEPARTMENT of STATE,
Washington, March 15, 1965.
DEAR MR. GREENFIELD: I want you to know
that I consider your enclosures to be propa-
ganda of the simplest and most inexcuseable
kind, and I am ashamed that I am a citizen
of a government that is forced to distortion
of the facts in order to justify and unjusti-
fiable war.
For instance, regarding circular "4/34a-
1064BT" which says, "The Communists have
worked ceaselessly to prevent the success of
the treaty" (the 1964 Geneva Accords). It
was Diem, supported by the United States
who canceled the elections that were to be
held in 1956 at the latest-not the Com-
munists, because they would have won that
election. President Eisenhower has been
quoted as saying that in 1954, 80 percent of
the Vietnamese supported Ho Chi Minh-
which is not surprising. No matter what
his ideology, he was the leader against the
corrupt French colonial government, which
the United States supported to the extent
of $4 billion. If we are so sure that the
people of South Vietnam will gladly choose
us, then why not call in the U.N.? And
why, if we are so completely correct, are our
allies not supporting our stand? Even Eng-
land, our stanchest ally. is not enthusiastic.
Do you sleep well at night Mr..Greenfield,
alter being paid to mail out lies? Lies that
do nothing to support democracy and human
rights; but lies to support inhuman dictator-
ship like Kahnh.
I hope not.
Mr. JOHN Q. STEVENS,
Walnut Creek, Calif.
DEAR M. STEVENS: The White House has
asked me to reply to your recent communi-
cation regarding Vietnam. We appreciate
your taking the time to send us your views.
Perhaps you will find the enclosed ma-
terial useful. I hope you will write again
if you desire additional information.
Sincerely yours,
JAMES t. GREENFIELD,
Assistant Secretary.
NEUTRALIZATION OR NEGOTIATED SETTLEMENT
IN VIETNAM
Your concern over the situation in Viet-
nam is understood and shared. At this time,
no issue commands more of the time, energy
and attention of the President and his senior
advisers.
The United States desires no permanent
military presence or base in Vietnam. Noth-
ing would please us more than the creation
of a situation in which American soldiers
could be withdrawn from a peaceful, secure,
and independent Vietnam. That is, in fact,
precisely the situation we are struggling to
bring about.
Suggestions for solving the Vietnam prob-
lem by neutralization or negotiation have
come from several quarters. A negotiated
settlement of hostilities in Vietnam was the
intention of the Geneva Accords of 1954, but
the Communists have worked ceaselessly to
prevent the success of the treaty. Although
the situation in Vietnam is a complicated
one, the cause of the crisis is not. It is
caused by the simple fact that the Com-
munists in North Vietnam are attempting
to conquer South Vietnam. It Is Communist
aggression which makes a negotiated settle-
ment in Vietnam impossible. at the present
time. As of now, the Communists are not
interested in a neutral Vietnam. Hanoi has
specifically rejected neutrality for itself.
Their rule for negotiation is "What's mine
is mine, and what's yours is negotiable."
Neutralization would simply' be a way sta-
tion on the road to a Communist Vietnam-
and after that a Communist Laos-and after
that a Communist Thailand-and ultimately
a Communist dominated southeast Asia.
As President Johnson said:
"No negotiated settlement in Vietnam is
possible, as long as the Communists hope
to achieve victory by force.
"Once war seems hopeless, then peace may
be possible. The door is always open to any
settlement which assures the independence
of South Vietnam, and its freedom to seek
help for its protection."
VIETNAM: BASIC POLICY
So many conflicting statements are being
made about Vietnam that I think it is use-
ful to restate the bedrock truths about the
situation there. First, the problem of Viet-
nam is Communist aggression. We are cer-
tainly there in force now, but the South
Vietnamese asked for our assistance only
when the Communist assault reached such
proportions as to imperil the very existence
of South Vietnam. Second, we have no de-
sire for a military presence or base In Viet-
nam. Our goal is precisely to create a situ-
ation in which we can withdraw from a
peaceful, secure, and independent South
Vietnam. That will be possible whenever the
Communists decide to leave their neighbor
alone. Third, until the Communists call off
their assault, our withdrawal would simply
mean turning over 14 million people to the
Communists. A political settlement is possi-
ble only when the Communists are convinced
they cannot win by force. Finally, the situ-
ation in Vietnam cannot sensibly be isolated
from the general world situation. Vietnam
is not the end of Communist ambition,
After Vietnam there is Laos, and Cambodia,
and Thailand, etc. And if we permit Com-
munist armed subversion , to succeed in
southeast Asia we will surely see it again-
and soon-in Africa, in the Middle East,
and in our own hemisphere.
It is certainly true that Vietnam is not an
ideal place for a test of American determi-
nation. That is why the Communists choose
it for the test. And it is true that there
is much in South Vietnam and in the war
there that is not as we would wish it to be.
Your concern with the situation is under-
stood and shared at all levels of this Gov-
ernment. No issue commands more of the
time and energy of the President and his
advisers. Our policy has been examined and
reexamined and is kept under constant re-
view.. As a result of this study it is the rooted
conviction of this Government's policymak-
ers that our involvement in Vietnam is es-
sential to our security. I am enclosing ma-
terial which explains why Vietnam is im-
portant to us and contains other information
regarding that area which may be of interest
to you.
WITHDRAWAL FROM VIETNAM
First, I want you to know that your con-
cern over the situation in Vietnam is under-
stood and shared at all levels of the U.S.
Government. No issue commands more of
the attention and energy of the President and
his advisers. Our policy has been examined
and reexamined untold times and is under
constant review. We are involved in Viet-
nam because it is the deep conviction of the
policymaking officials of the Government
that our involvement is essential to American
security. I am enclosing material which ex-
plains why Vietnam is important to us and
contains other information regarding that
area which may be of interest to you.
You suggest that the United States should
withdraw from Vietnam. South Vietnam is
literally under a siege mounted by the North
Vietnamese Communists. Without our as-
sistance South Vietnam would quickly be
overrun and conquered by the Communist
terrorists.
 7904'
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I agree with you that Vietnam is far from
the ideal fighting ground from our point of
view. I agree that there is much in the
situation in Vietnam which we would have
different, if it were our choice. But I can-
not agree that we should abandon 14 million
people who need our help, asked for our help,
and cannot withstand the" Communist as-
sault without our help. The situation in
Vietnam is tragic-but it will become even
more so if we find our responsibilities too
heavy to carry. After Vietnam, there is
Laos--and Thailand-and Malaysia, etc.
And if armed Communists subversion suc-
ceeds in southeast Asia, we may well see it
again-and soon-in Africa, in the Middle
East, and In our own hemisphere.
NEW YORK, N.Y.,
March 28, 1965.
Hon. 'WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR MR. MORSE: I am writting to compli-
ment you on the courageous position you
have taken with regard to the situation in
Vietnam. I wish to express by concurrence
with your views and to state that I whole-
heartedly support your intelligent and sane
proposals.
The United States involvement in Viet-
nam is constantly increasing. Because of
this a vigorous' and continued campaign
must be carried on in order to eliminate this
dangerous threat to world peace.
My support and agreement are with you.
for your continued attempts at ending the
war in Vietnam.
Yours very truly,
WILLIAM J. BENHKEN.
MOUNT VERNON, OHIO,
March 31, 1965.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR MR. MORSE: I read with pleasure
some time ago your stand regarding the un-
declared war over in Vietnam. My wife and
I want to commend you for your courage in
taking this noble stand. Your prediction
that this uncalled-for war would worsen is
being borne out in the series of happenings
which are occurring from day to day. Un-
less it Is brought to a speedy end, it will
probably develop into a world holocaust.
Why continue to have the flower of our Na-
tion and also many innocent Vietnam peo-
ple slaughtered in this frightful inferno?
We were wondering if you might not do
something more to awaken the American
people and Government as their duty at this
time. Perhaps you could make one or more
of your stirring appeals from the floor of
the Senate. I am convinced that the fathers
and mothers and all of the American people
appreciate what you have done thus far in
behalf of our people. We know that the
good Lord will strengthen you for all of your
efforts in the future. With our very best
wishes, we are,
Yours sincerely,
Mr. and Mrs. F. GUY CORDER.
[From the Vancouver (Wash.) Sun, Mar. 27,
1965]
UNITED STATES TRAMPLES
EDIToR, the Sun, Sir.-Are not the bombings
by the Americans of the military and civilian
populations of North Vietnam and Laos, de-
liberate war crimes in retaliation for alleged
help to the South Vietnamese National Lib-
eration Army just as was the massacre of the
populations of and destruction of villages
by the Nazis in the U.S.S.R., in retaliation
for the successes of Soviet guerrillas against
the Nazi invaders?
Should not L.B.J., Rusk, McNamara, Max-
well Taylor, all be denounced like the Nazis
as war criminals?
By the use of terror weapons and by the
language used by American military person-
nel describing the results obtained by the
use of these terror weapons, it is shown that
the Yanks are out-Running the Huns.
See what John Kirkwood, your special cor-
respondent in South Vietnam, reported.
As Brig. Gen. Hugh B. Hester, of the Amer-
ican Army (retired), states in an article in
the U.S. Farm News:
"The United States has no respect for in-
ternational law, and its arrogance has no lim-
its. It is trampling on the rights of defense-
less people everywhere."
ARTHUR STRATTON.
ATLANTA, GA.,
March 31, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I wish to encourage
you in your effort to have the United States
pull out of Vietnam.
I plan to participate in the coming march
on Washington concerning this problem and
would like some material to supplement my
views. If at all possible I would appreciate
a copy of the white paper on Vietnam.
Sincerely,
PENTICTON, BRITISH COLUMBIA.
Congratulations, Senator MORSE. Your ef-
forts to get America out of its murdering
muck are most praiseworthy. The odds
against you by those who like to kill, and to
push others around are great. Keep on try-
ing.
America believes in self-determination if
that determination is as America wants it.
A nation that has corruption everywhere
should clean itself up and show the way. It
has so much abundance that it could do this.
Unfortunately it has- so much selfishness as
well. For its own greed it prefers to back
Fascist dictators everywhere, those who be-
lieve in privilege for the favored few.
Believe me, I am not In any sense com-
munistic or socialistic; but I can observe. A
nation that could contribute so much to
man's well-being has become the world's
most hated.
[From the Ottawa Citizen, Dec. 19, 1964]
AN OPEN LETTER TO PRESIDENT JOHNSON
TORONTO, ONTARIO.
DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: Canada is an ally
of the United States and a partner in what
are termed defense arrangements: NATO,
NORAD, the DEW Line. U.S. bombers have
rights on some Canadian bases and U.S.
nuclear warheads have been placed on
Canadian missile bases.
Therefore it is reasonable that Canadian
citizens should raise their voices against cer-
tain policies and actions of your Government
which may be considered as unrealistic and
dangerous to the peace of Canada and the
world.
END THE WAR IN VIETNAM
Of supreme importance is the necessity to
end the war in Vietnam. Commonsense,
justice, and a decent regard for the opinion
of mankind require that the 1954 Geneva
Conference be reconvened and a reasonable
political settlement be made.
You cannot win the war against the people
of South Vietnam. In spite of all the terror-
ism of your puppet regimes, the National
Liberation Front government controls and
governs almost 80 percent of the country.
WHAT IS THE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN YOUR "SPE-
CIAI, WARFARE" AND HITLER'S WARFARE?
We have recently had a representative in
Vietnam. We are shocked and horrified to
learn at first hand of the brutal, inhuman
and criminal nature of your so-called
special warfare.
Thousands of villages have been burned
with napalm gas, and huge areas drenched
with poison chemicals, killing hundreds of
thousands of men, women and children, as
well as domestic animals. You have elevated
the. bestialities of Auschwitz and Buchen-
wald into a science of "Special warfare."
The toll of dead, wounded, and burned is
now I million.
The vast majority of people in Asia and
Africa are being graphically informed. Hun-
dreds of delegations go to see for themselves.
You are creating a huge tide of hatred and
loathing for the United States of America.
This open letter is published to commemo-
rate the fourth anniversary of the founding
of the National Liberation Front govern-
ment. These heroic men and women really
represent 80 percent of the people and the
territory of South Vietnam. They have
earned the right to be the government of
their people just as surely as did George
Washington and his supporters during the
grim winter of Valley Forge.
In the name of our common humanity, Mr.
President, end this inhuman war, reconvene
the 1954 Geneva Conference and negotiate a
reasonable and just settlement.
CANADIAN PEACE CONGRESS.
NORTH HOLLYWOOD, CALIF.,
March 30, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
SIR: May I respectfully offer a bit of am.
munition to use in your courageous figh
against this Government's policy in Viet.
nam?
Administration spokesmen haverepeatedl3
stated that the war in Vietnam is "orderec
and directed and masterminded by Hanoi.
If this be true, the orders and direction?
must be communicated to the hundreds of
Vietcong units, many of them isolated,
operating all over South Vietnam, How is
this being done? What means of com-
munication is being used?
Telephone? Telegraph? Personal letter?
Hardly.
Messengers? How long does It take a man
to walk or bicycle the thousand miles between
Hanoi and the southern part of the Mekong
Delta?
This leaves us, if we are willing to reject
jungle drums and carrier pigeons and clair-
voyance, only radio.
But consider: This Nation, as the Japanese
learned to their sorrow more than 20 years
ago, boasts the finest code breakers in the
world; we can crack a complicated code in a
matter of hours. Further, all radio messages
between Hanoi and the Vietcong are surely
being monitored by our experts. We must
know, then, exactly what orders and direc-
tions are being transmitted by Hanoi to the
Vietcong.
Therefore, If Johnson and Rusk and Bundy
and McNamara are telling the truth, if in-
deed that war is being "ordered and directed
and masterminded by Hanoi" how is it pos-
sible for us to be surprised day after day
after day by the "sneak" attacks" of the
Vietcong?
To get down to one final specific: if the
attack on our embassy was ordered by Hanoi,
why didn't we take steps to thwart it?
Sincerely yours,
WHITMAN CHAMBERS.
ANN ARBOR, MICH.,
March 31, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I Would like to take
this opportunity to indicate my support for
the position you are advocating re: South
Vietnam.
We haven't the moral right to be there mil-
itarily and, whether we act out of ignor-
ance or out of aggressive desires (and I sin-
cerely believe and hope it is the former)
when our policy yields death and destruc
tion to innocents, then this act is morall;
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lpril 21, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE 7905
3prehenslble. Moreover, it is not even effec- HILLTOP STUDIO, President himself has declared such criticism
ve-tor t1ose who advocate realpolitik. Harpursville, N.Y., March 31, 1965. to be unhelpful and even damaging. A
My Senators seem impervious to the pleas Senator WAYNE MORSE, former President has, him, and
' reason on this tssue. At least let me in- Washington, D.C. many eminent men interviewed on television
iaate, then, my support for you. Please DEAR SENATOR MORSEL I want to commend and elsewhere have at least implied that to
mtinue to sounds the alarm of conscience, you for standing against our involvement support these policies was the only decent
id reason. In Vietnam. I hope many will rally to your thing to do under the circumstances. This
Sincerely, side and get our men out of Vietnam and position is incompatible both with the prin-
NATHAN SORKIN. prevent a disastrous war. ciples of democracy and the requirements of
P.S.-If the New York Times article of- Yours truly, sound policy formation.
ring continued and expanded economic GENEVIEVE KAREN HAMLIN. The Constitution assigns to Congress the
3 after the war is won (sic) is a trial bal- right to declare war. How can Congress dis-
>n, yes; but this can be done even if we JAMAICA, N.Y., charge this function if its Members and the
thdraw militarily. We can offer eco- March 31, 1965. citizens who have elected them are precluded
-mic aid to the people through Communist Hon. WAYNE MORSE, from discussing the merits of the issues
vernments as weld as (or sadly even better Senate Office Building, which might lead to war? The Constitution
an) some of the rightest governments wp Washington, D.C. implies that Congress has a choice in the
ve supported. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: It is indeed reas- matter of war. How can it make that choice
N.S. - suring to hear your voice calling for an end if neither it nor the people it represents
to the war in Vietnam, I and most of my have the right to debate the issues? To say
Los ANGELES, CALIF., friends support your call for the United that the most momentous issues a nation
March 31, 1965. States to get out of the fighting. must face cannot be openly and critically
1EAR SENATOR MORSE: Your courageous It is quite clear that the post and present discussed is really tantamount to saying that
.e raised against the madness in Vietnam governments of South Vietnam do not rep- democratic debate and decision do not apply
is strength to us who are appalled by the resent the people of South Vietnam, but to the questions of life and death and that,
sman bombing of schools and hospitals, rather whatever military clique happens to as far as they are concerned, the people have
shameless use of gas and the false justi- be in power. given carte blanche to one man.
ions offered by the Government. I beg Please keep up your honorable fight for Not only is this position at odds with the
to keep up your splendid opposition. the U.S. withdrawal from Vietnam. principles of democracy, but it also removes
Yours gratefully, Sincerely, a very importantcorrective for governmental
JULIET GREEN. STANLEY OFSEVIT, misjudgment. Would Great Britain have
-- been better off if in the months preceding
CARBONDALE, ILL., WEST WEBSTER, N.Y. and following the outbreak of the Second
March 3,9, 1965. March 31, 1965. World War Churchill had kept quiet .and
tor WAYNE MORSE, DEAR SENATOR: We commend the enclosed ' rallied behind Chamberlain, however dis
Ite office Building,
hington, D.C.
Y DEAR SENATOR MoasE: I hope you will
tinue your role as an active critic of our
tary misadventure in Vietnam. Today,
few voices are heard in public debate on
uation of this American involvement.
believe the President should ask im-
liately for a meeting of the Security
incil of the United Nations to consider
problem of Vietnam-and we should
'r to withdraw our troops.
'hosphorous bombing, napalm, and ques-
aable use of gas shall not bring peace.
e equation "war equals peace" is a dream
madness-one wholly unbefitting the
editions of our country.
Let your voice, Senator MORSE, be heard
id and often on Vietnam.
Yours respectfully,
ROBERT J. BROOKS.
article from the current New Republic to
your close attention, and urge you to con-
tinue your efforts to secure agreement to
negotiate now on Vietnam, before further
escalation makes it Impossible to avoid full
scale war.
We have already caused untold suffering
in both North and South Vietnam, among
friends and foes alike, with our napalm
bombs, our nausea gas, our approval of native
torture tactics. Further such policies will
only multiply suffering and harden more
hearts against the cruel aggressors we must
appear to be. We will inevitably drive what's
left of this poor country into the arms of
China, which she fears and distrusts, but
which will look like the only refuge if this
continues.
We also urge investigation of the bombing
of our embassy in Saigon. News reports
tell us this scheme had been known for 3
weeks, yet not even the ground floor offices
SANTA BARBARA, CALIF.,
March 31, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: This is a letter to
lank you for your realistic and forthright
ews on South Vietnam, and to encourage
as to continue doing all you can to make
Ir leaders sqe how awfully wrong they are.
Dbert M. Hutchins said a few weeks ago:
"The bankruptcy of American policy is
)w so clear that even the administration
ust be ready for a new start.
"The essential element of the ol(j, tired
)licy is the containment of communism.
rerybody in the world is supposed to be
terested primarily in containing commu-
sm. The people of Vietnam and the Congo
not permitted to say whether they would
;her die than see communism rear its
id in their country. It is assumed that
3ry Asian or African peasant knows that
nmunism is worse than death and that
should be delighted to have his country
troyed in the effort to repel it. "
The obvious substitute for containment is
United Nations. By working out the
thgds-Wn,__thgy must eventually be
kei Qu ,by which the United Nations.
7 maintain order during revolutions, we
r obtain, peace with justice. That should
the aim of the foreign policy of the
ted States," M
seeius, to me , that this 20th century
?h bunt has, lasted long enough.
Respectfully yours,
immediately next to the public street had
been evacuated. It almost seems as if an
"incident" were desired-certainly no steps
were taken to prevent the loss of life or
to remove offices to a safer area.
Do not allow yourself to be silenced by
the concept of "consensus" or the call to
"patriotism." You will serve your country
far better if you continue to stand up and
speak against further fruitless and damaging
displays of "strength" on our part, and in
favor of negotiation now.
Sincerely yours,
ETTA RUTH WEIGL
JOHN W. WEIGL
Dr. and Mrs. John W. Weigi.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Please forgive the
carbon copy. We are deeply grateful for
your courage and persistence in fighting for
the recognition of human values over empty
military objectives-particularly in Far East-
ern affairs.
Best wishes to you,
THE WEIGLS.
I WAR WITH CHINA?
(By Hans J. Morgenthau)
(Hans J. Morgenthau is director of the
Center for the Study of American Foreign and
Military Policy at the University of Chicago.)
It illuminates the many misunderstand-
ings that beset our Vietnam policy that in
order to criticize ,that policy in public one
has first to justify one's right to do so. The
astrous he thought his policies to be? The
Chamberlain government was driven out of
office in the midst of war; was It the duty
of the opposition to keep quiet and rally be-
hind it? Should the German Reichstag have
kept silent in 1917 instead of passing, a reso-
lution asking for a peace without annexa-
tions? The German Government of the day
indeed thought so, but history showed that
the parliamentary opposition had better
judgment than the government. In the years
preceding Pearl Harbor, this country engaged
in a great debate about the best foreign policy
to follow. Did the country not benefit from
this clarification of the issues and was its
later unity not in good measure founded
upon it?
Two main arguments are advanced in favor
of the proposition that the people should
rally behind the President and not criticize
his Vietnamese policies. One is that only
the President has all the facts and therefore
only he has the right to judge. The truth is
that nobody has all the facts and nobody
needs them all. What both the President and
his critics need and have are the relevant
facts, and what they need more than any-
thing else is sound judgment. No one man
can have a monopoly of that judgment.
More particularly, the President cannot have
it under present conditions.
It must be obvious to anyone who is ac-
quainted with the President's principal ad-
visers that the most powerful advice he gets
seeks the extension of the war, and that it
is hardly anything more than his innate good
sense that has thus far prevented these
advisers from carrying the day completely.
The President ought to welcome, rather than
regret, those voices from Congress and the
public at large which give arguments and
support to his sound Instinct. The President
would no doubt have personally an easier
time of it, but only in the short run, if his
Vietnamese policies were not exposed to criti-
cism. Yet what the President must seek is
not the convenience of 1 day but the ap-
probation of history for all time to come.
President Johnson is as conscious of his
historic mission and of his place in history
as any of his predecessors. Why, then, does
he in this instance not practice what he
knows to be right?
The answer to this question is to be found
in the other argument in favor of silently
rallying behind the President. It is the con-
ception of consensus. Certainly the political
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE April 21, 19t
health of the Nation and the effectiveness of
Government are greatly enhanced when the
policies of the Government are supported by
the great mass of the people. But consensus
is a means to an end, not an end in itself.
Here is one of the differences between a
totalitarian and a democratic society. In
the former, dissent is a moral vice and a
political crime by definition and, conversely,
consensus is the ultimate good. In a de-
mocracy, the ultime standard is the sound-
ness of policy for the support of which popu-
lar consensus is sought.
The democratic statesman is faced with
an inevitable dilemma if he cannot get pop-
ular support for the sound policies he would
like to pursue. He will. choose the easy
disastrous way out if he sacrifices sound
policies on the altar of a fleeting popularity.
If he chooses to pursue the policies he deems
to be right against the opposition of the
popular consensus, he must seek to change
the consensus in favor of his policies in order
to be able to pursue them. Doing this, he
risks domestic political failure, but If he suc-
ceeds domestically, he will gain the immor-
tality of a great statesman.
George Washington knew how to resolve
this dilemma of democratic statesmanship.
He proclaimed the neutrality of the United
States in the War of the First Coalition
against revolutionary France in 1793, while
the popular consensus fervently wanted him
to join France in that war. For weeks,
crowds roamed the streets of Philadelphia
clamoring for Washington's head, and John
Marshall reports in his biography of Wash-
ington that if a motion for Washington's im-
peachment had not been tabled in Congress,
it would have passed with an overwhelming
majority. Yet if Washington had made con-
sensus the ultimate yardstick of his policy,
he would have gone down in - history as the
wrecker, not the Father of his Country.
TWO DIFFERENT ANSWERS
A critical assessment of our involvement in
Vietnam must start with the question, Why
are we involved in Vietnam? Spokesmen for
our Government have given two different
answers. One answer is implicit in the Sec-
retary of State's often repeated statement
that our military mission in Vietnam will end
when North Vietnam leaves its neighbor
alone. In other words, we are in Vietnam in
order to protect the independence of a sover-
eign state. Once that sovereignty is assured
we Can go home. It follows from this posi-
tion that we would not presume to control
the way in which that sovereignty might be
exercised. If, for Instance, the Vietcong
should take over the government in Saigon
without support from the North or if a
South Vietnamese Government shouldcome
to an understanding with the North through
which thecountry would be united under Ho
Chi Minh, we would not intervene.
The other answer to our question has been
most clearly formulated by the Secretary of
Defense when he said on February 18 that
"the choice Is not simply whether to con-
tinue our efforts to keep South Vietnam free
and independent but, rather, whether to
continue our struggle to halt Communist ex-
pahsion in Asia." It is the same answer
Senator Door) has given at length in his
Senate speech of February 23. This answer
is tantamount to saying that we shall oppose
communism In South Vietnam or wherever
else we find it in Asia, by military means if
necessary. In other words, we shall contain
communism in Asia, as we have contained it
in Europe. Other official spokesmen, such as
Undersecretary of State Ball in his speech
of March 16, have expressed the same
thought less concisely by defining our mis-
sion in Asia as the defense of freedom, that
is, of non-Communist governments, against
communism.
It is obvious that these two positions are
irreconcilable. For if one takes the Secre-
tary of State at his word, then we are en-
gaged In a limited undertaking which could , Union, China, North and South Vietnam
be liquidated through a negotiated settle- order to see how self-defeating this d
ment without too much difficulty. If Hanoi
made a gesture toward noninterference in the
affairs of South Vietnam, we could find a
formula which would allow us to disengage
ourselves from South Vietnam. If, on the
other hand, one takes the Secretary of De-
fense at his word, then we are engaged in a
global crusade against communism which we
must fight wherever we find it. Consequent-
ly, there is no possibility for a negotiated set-
tlement, and we shall stay in South Vietnam
as long as communism threatens to expand
in Asia, that is, indefinitely.
There can be no doubt, on the basis of ex-
ternal and internal evidence, that the posi-
tion of the Secretary of Defense Is at present
in the ascendancy in our Government. It
is with that position, therefore, that I am
here concerned. I am emphatically opposed
to it on two grounds: because of the in-
tellectual errors from which it derives, and
because of its likely consequences,
The intellectual errors of that position are
two: misunderstanding of the nature of con-
temporary communism; misunderstanding
of the policy of containment.
We are in Asia in order to contain commu-
nism. But what do we mean by commu-
nism? To answer that question we must
take a critical look at the two equations that
provide the implicit foundation for our
Asian policies. On the one hand, we have
equated communism with the power of
China; on the other hand, we have equated
communism anywhere in Asia with Chinese
communism. Yet what has been true of
the Soviet Union in Europe has proved to be
true also of China in Asia: that the basic
direction of her policies is determined pri-
marily by her traditional national interests,
and that communism only adds a new dy-
namic dimension to the means by which
those policies are to be achieved. In other
words, the fundamental fact in Asia is not
that China has a Communist government but
that she has resumed her traditional role as
the predominant power in Asia. That that
power has been restored under Communist
auspices is the only relevant fact for our
anti-Communist crusaders. Yet it is but of
secondary importance to the nations of Asia
which, from Japan to Pakistan, behold with
awe and admiration the new Chinese power
and try to come to terms with it.
The identification of Asian with Chinese
communism Is similarly the result of the
crusading opposition to communism as a
political philosophy and a way of life. Such
identification Is justified in philosophy and
ethics, but it has no place in foreign policy.
For it is an obvious fact of experience that
in the conduct of our foreign policy we are
faced not with one monolithic communism,
but with a number of different communisms
whose character is determined by the char-
acter and the interests of the particular na-
tion embracing it. Thus we find in Asia, as
elsewhere, different kinds of communism
whose relations to China and the Soviet
Union range all the way from complete
independence to complete subservience. To
treat all these communisms alike on the as-
sumption that they are all equally sub-
servient to either China or the Soviet Union
or to both is the height of doctrinaire folly.
In its intellectual debility, it is no different
from the doctrinaire excesses of a vulgar
Marxism which sees the capitalistic world
as a monolithic monster bent upon the, de-
struction of communism.
Not only is such an attitude of indiscrim-
inate hostility intellectually untenable, but
it also precludes any possibility at diplo-
matic maneuver, subtle bargaining, and
tolerable accommodation. In other words,
it renders impossible the conduct of a for-
eign policy worthy of the name. One only
needs to consider in the light of such oppor-
tunities for creative diplomacy the present
relations among the United States, the Soviet
nism is. Instead of bombing North Vietn
because we don't know what else to do,
would at least have a chance at bending
situation in southeast Asia to our ration
defined interests if the President were
vised by a Richelieu, a Talleyrand, a 1
mark or-why go abroad-a Hamilton.
FOREIGN POLICY CURSE
Alas, the President of the United St
has no such advisers. Instead, he Is adv
"to continue our struggle to halt Commu
expansion in Asia," regardless of its cha
-ter, its aims, its relevance to the interest
the United States. For such simple-mir
conception of the enemy, the comple}
and subtleties of diplomatic maneuver
no promise. It needs an instrument as
ple, indiscriminate, and crude as itself
it has found such an instrument ir
policy of the peripheral military con
ment of China. Here we are in the pre
of the other intellectual error that domi
our Asian policy.
It seems to have been the curse of ou
eign policy since the end of the Second
War that it has become the victim
own successes. The Marshall plan wa:
nently successful in Europe, and so wi
fashioned a global policy of foreign
the assumptions of the Marshall plan.
policy of containment was eminentll
cessful in Europe, and so we have ext
it to the rest of the globe.
Yet the factors which made the pol
containment a success in Europe are p
nowhere else and least of all in Asia.
a line could be drawn across the Eur
Continent which clearly delimits the
ern borders of the Soviet Empire. Sc
two armies face each other across that 1
demarcation, which is guaranteed syn
cally by the presence of American troop
actually by the nuclear power of the U
States to which the Soviet Union is vu
able. Third, to the west of that bout
there lies an ancient civilization whict
but temporarily in disarray and proved
capable of containing Communist sul
lion. These factors add up to a threat w
is primarily military in nature and to
countered primarily by military means. I
of these factors is present in Asia.
The threat here is not primarily mill
but political in nature. Weak governmt
and societies are exposed to Communist s
version, which may or may not be an exi
Sion of Chinese power, as Chinese power ;
or may not be carried abroad by coin:
nism. Military containment has no b
ing upon such a threat. Thus SEATO
been irrelevant to the expansion of Chi
influence into Indonesia and Pakistan. I
particularly, China can, in the present E
of her development, be hurt but not
stroyed by nuclear weapons.
But even if the threat emanating f
China were primarily military in natur
could not be contained through- the def
of accidentally selected local outposts al
periphery of China. For since the asc
ancy of China In Asia Is due primarily i
cultural and political predominance,
futile to think that one can contain that
dominance by militarily defending
Vietnam or Thailand. That Chinese
dominance is as much a fact of life
American predominance in the WE
Hemisphere, and our attempts to co
Chinese predominance in Asia through
military operations is about as sensil
would be China's trying to contain the,
lean predominance in the Western :
sphere by committing her military for
defense of one or the other of the
American countries.
Whoever wants to contain America:
dominance in the Western Hemisphere
strike at the very sources of American
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1pril 21, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
e must destroy that power itself, The same
)nclusion applies to the containment of
hina. Thus the policy of the peripheral
Lilitary containment of China leads with
1gical necessity to war with China. Such
war. cannot be fought with even a remote
lance for success from the air and the sea;
must be fought and won where the sources
Chinese, power lie, that is, on land. It
ust be fought as Japan tried to fight it,
om 1932. to 1945, without ever coming close
winning it.
It is beside the point that all our leaders,
tat and present, even those who' have
erred a war with China inevitable, have
oiled from the idea of sending millions of
herican soldiers to. the mainland of Asia
fight. President Eisenhower said on Feb-
iry 10, 1954, that he "could conceive of
greater tragedy than for the United States
become involved in an all-out war in In
china," and General MacArthur, in the
.gressional hearings concerning his dis- '
sal and in personal conversation with
sident Kennedy, emphatically warned
tnst sending American soldiers to the
to mainland to, fight China. We are here
erred not with the intentions of states-
brut with the inevitable consequences
their policies. None of the statesmen
made'the fateful decisions in July and
ust, 1914, could have looked back in No-
ber 1918, on the European scene and said,
tanned it that way." Yet what happened
lurope during the First World War was
inevitable result of what statesmen de-
d at its beginning, without wanting or
i imagining the consequences. As
jhistopheles said to Faust: "At the first
you are free, at the second you are a
1 Vietnam today, we are in the process of
In.g that fateful first step.. At the mo-
it of this writing, at least, our policy is
t ambiguous. On the one hand, it seeks
,reate a. position of strength from which
negotiate. There is an ominous similar-
between this attempt to fashion somehow
of the wreckage of a lost war a favorable
'otiating position, and the French policies
ding to the surrender at Dienbienphu.
neral Navarre's last. offensive also sought to
;ablish favorable conditions for a nego-
ited French withdrawal, and the concen-
ation of the French forces in strong points
re Dienbienphu was to serve the protection
those armed. forces from uncontrollable
xerrilla, actions. Xe Danang destined to be-
ane the American Dienblenphu? And if
is, shall we follow the French example and
tthdraw, or shall we go forward until we
icounter China? It is here that the am-
.gutty of our present policy comes into
.ay.
The extension of the war. into North Viet-
Im can be interpreted as an attempt to
eate in Hanoi the psychological precon-
tion for a negotiated settlement. But it
n also be interpreted as an attempt to
ange the fortunes of war in South Viet-
,11i by rupturing the assumed causal nexus
tween the policies of Hanoi and the vic-
'les of the Vietcong. This causal nexus
a delusion, which has been given the very
nsy appearance of fact through the White
per Of February 28. A policy derived from
;h delusion is bound to fall. Yet when it
; failed and where failure approaches ca-
trophe, it would- be consistent in terms
that,del{dsspnary logic to extend the war
1 farther. Today, we are holding Hanoi
)onsible for the Vietcong; tomorrow we
ht hold Peiping responsible for Hanoi,
the first step you are free, at the second
are a. slave."
D call attention to these implications of
present policies has nothing to do with
Ssm, isolationism, appeasement, , and
ness on communism. The difference,
'eep calling attention to these implica-
a now, when we, have still. the freedom
of choice, and of stumbling unawares deeper
and deeper into a morass from which there
is no retreat, is the difference between pru-
dence and recklessness; between a rational,
discriminating understanding of the hier-
archy of national interests and the power
available for their support, and a doctrinaire
emotionalism which drowns all vital dis-
tinctions in the fervor of the anti-Com-
munist crusade,
France owes more to Mendes-France who
liquidated the Indochinese War, and to
De Gaulle who stopped the fighting in Al-
geria, than to those who wanted to continue
fighting without regard for the limits of
their country's interests and power. Those
few who warned Athens against the Sicilian
expedition, which was to become the grave
of Athens' greatness, were better patriots
than its promoters, To point to the likely
consequences of present policy is, then, not
only a right, which ought not to require
apologetic assertion, but it is also a duty,
burdensome yet inescapable.
BALDWIN PARK, CALIF.,
April 13, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I know I speak for
thousands and thousands of American citi-
zens who are most grateful for your coura-
geous stand against the abominable business
in Vietnam. I speak also for those who write
in protest and whose protest is ignored.
Enclosed is a copy of a letter I sent to
President Johnson March 31. Its receipt was
not even acknowledged. Heretofore when I
have written the President or the State De-
partment, back comes a letter. Perhaps now
there are so many protests about his Vietnam
policy he is simply provided with extra waste-
baskets.
I would be delighted if you get a chance
to show it to him, or you might like to put
it in the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD.
There is still some hope for our country
when the Senate has in it a man like you.
Sincerely,
JOHN MANNING..
.-President of the United States of America,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: Like thousands and 1 .1
thousands of the American people, I believed
that what you said in your campaign ex-
pressed your real meaning and purpose; that
you were against any widening of the war in
Vietnam; that you would work for peace;
that a vote for you was a vote for peace.
While a vote for Goldwater meant increase.
and expansion in that "dirty war" in Viet-
nam, on which course he was verbally in-
sisting.
I supported you strongly in the 1964 Cam-
paign and urged everyone I knew to do like-
wise.
I will not forgive you for allowing your
administration to use the vast resources of
our country, its manpower, its influence-
not only to continue the "dirty war," but to
promote and accelerate it with ever-increas-
ing savagery.
Just as the Buddhists in Saigon are op-
posed to anyone who doesn't stand for peace,
I am opposed to you or anyone who is pro-
moting or endorsing this gigantic evil.
How long it will take to get out, I do not
know; but out is where we belong. Every
successive day and hour American forces are
in that unhappy country, devastating the
land, murdering its inhabitants, is one more
day and hour of disgrace-indelible disgrace
for our beloved country.
Yours truly,
JOHN MANNING,
Former member Democratic State Com-
mittee of California.
I enclose a brief account of earlier activi-
ties for our Democratic Party which, I feel,
7907
give me a right to object as forcibly as I can
to the disastrous course along which you
are leading this country.
BALDWIN, CALIF.
Re John Manning, former member Demo-
cratic State Committee of California.
Since 1932 I have worked. intensely for the
success of the Demorcatic Party, out here in
California.
As soon as Garner won in the primaries
and "had" the California and Texas delega-
tions, being convinced that a Roosevelt-
Garner ticket would carry the Democratic
Party to victory, I went about the country
urging Garner for Vice President; Went down
into Texas.
Texas was poor then. Everybody was poor.
Texas couldn't even get 10 cents a pound
for its cotton. "Look here," I said, "Gar-
ner never could win as President but he'll
make a corking Vice President. 'Roosevelt
and Garner,' is a ticket that will sweep the
country."
With the bonus marchers from Texas, I
traveled from Texarkana to Louisville, Ky.
and campaigned all the way for Roosevelt
and Garner. Also I sold them on the idea
of making their camp on lower Pennsylvania
Avenue. "Don't let them shove you boys
out to Quantico," I said, "where no one in
Washington will see you. There are empty
buildings about to be demolished there on
lower Pennsylvania Avenue, why not use
them?" They did. And stayed there until
MacArtht* and his lieutenant, Dwight Eisen-
hower, drove them out.
I continued my campaign until reaching
Washington, D.C., buttonholing everyone who
counted in behalf of the Roosevelt-Garner
ticket. After the convention, I returned to
Pasadena and took charge of the campaign
at the East Pasadena headquarters. We suc-
ceeded in getting the Catholics to go along
for the whole ticket. Including McAdoo. In
election districts that never before in Pasa-
dena history had been carried for the Dem-
ocratic Party, we carried for the Roosevelt-
Garner ticket. After the election, Senator
McAdoo offered to have me appointed as an
appraiser for the farm loan bank. I turned
down the job because I knew that if I was
to be useful to the administration, it would
have to be is the Labor Department.
Texas has gone a long way since those
days when I was working indefatigably to
convince the Texas voter that the winning
ticket was Roosevelt-Garner. No longer is
Texas poor. Yet, for all the wealth amassed
by Texas since 1933, if John Garner had
not been elected Vice President in 1932, you
today, Mr. Lyndon Johnson, would not be
President of these United States.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR: I have read and heard many
of your strong criticisms of this country's
policy and actions in Vietnam and I want to
state my support of your position. I am very
much opposed to what our country is doing
in southeast Asia. We are losing friends and
gaining more enemies. Each bomb creates
more Communists than it kills.
I hope you will continue to speak out
against our country's present policies and
work for a peaceful solution to the problems
of southeast Asia.
Sincerely yours,
DETROIT, MICH.,
April 14, 1965.
Hon. Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Oregon Senator, Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I am with you whole-
heartedly on your Vietnam views.
Your courage has been well demonstrated
in standing up and speaking out against
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what you, and others, consider a useless and
terrible war in Vietnam. We are spending
millions of dollars and sacrificing thousands
of lives for what and whom? We were wrong
to have entered Into this In the first place
and I feel, as a Nation, we should admit our
mistake and get out now before it is too late.
Our so-called American image is getting
worse day by day and personally I can see
why.
Thank you for speaking up, against all the
odds, and trying to give truth to your fellow
Americans.
Sincerely,
Miss CARYL MASSERMAN.
TOLEDO, OHro
April 12, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR: We wish to congratulate
you on your fine- speech at Athens, Ohio,
condemning the Vietnam war. President
Johnson's lack of experience is leading us
deeper into this conflict and action should
be taken at once by our senior Senators to
terminate this war. This war is hopeless
and In my opinion it cannot be won. The
most we can hope for is a stalemate. We
didn't win the Korean war and this one is
much more difficult considering the location.
Its extremely hard for me to understand why
the Unite. Nations is not involved. We!
talk about opposing communism but there:
isn't one Russian soldier Involved. Why?
There weren't any Russians in Korea either.
Why? This indicates that Russia is much
smarter than we are as they get other people
to do their fighting. This is a bad reflection
on Mr. Rusk and Mr. McNamara. Why Isn't
Australia and New Zealand afraid of south-
east Asia going Communist and furnishing
fighting men.
This Is a very unnecessary war and if it
spreads -we will lose all our resources; the
most valuable-our young men-and every-
thing possible should be done to get it
stopped.
Yours truly,
RICHMOND HILL, N.Y.,
April 14, 1965.
V. E. STACY.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SIR: We wish to express our deepest
gratitude to you for your continuing efforts
to bring about an end.to the war in Vietnam.
Sincerely,
ETHEL C. NAGEL,
CARRIE NAGEL,
FLORENCE MASON.
stead of just their selves. May God help YOU Vietnam Government-Or any governmer
and others that are carrying the burden of for that matter-then under the preceden
trying to bring peace to mankind. existing in international law and expand
Sincerely yours, at the Nuremberg trials, those American of
R. L. RAMSEY. teals who were involved in the episode a
guilty of murder. A situation raising paral
GOLETA, CALIF., questions existed in Laos in 1960 and 19
April 15, 1965. when the Ur;ited States equipped and pE
SENATOR WAYNE MORSE; I am in total sup- the salaries not only of the armed forces
port of your stand on the war in Vietnam. the duly constituted and elected governmc
Keep up the good work. Hope you can speak but of the insurrectionist group ghat v
In Santa Barbara at our "teach in" on Viet- pitted against it.
nam May 8. We have made it clear to ourselves that
I would greatly appreciate your sending presence In Vietnam is in our national
some of your recent speeches on the war. terest. But we haven't made it clear to
Peace. Vietnamese that our presence there is
PETER RELrs. their national interest. If this failure shoe
persist, then why are we any better than
Mircuan, CONN., French in Algeria or the British in India
April 14, 1965. the Portuguese in Angola? The whole thi
Senator WAYNE MORSE, of the 20th century is to keep the sepa,
Senate Office Building, national interests in check and to substi'
Washington, D.C. peacekeeping machinery for unilateral act
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: The President's fine no matter how great the provocation or
recent statement on Vietnam is helpful in gent the problem.
providing alternatives to the present policy In any case, when the United States
of continuing to escalate the war. today it is undertaking military action a+
However, more dialog Is necessary to get request of the South Vietnam Governmel
helpful suggestions toward a sound, bal- is not clear which government it is tal
anced, and more effective policy in southeast about, or whether any genuine governi
Asia. does in fact exist. The repeated change
Enclosed is a reprint of an excellent article In the Vietnam Government indicate tha
that contributes significantly to this end, problem of stability is not represented s
It is entitled "How America Can Help Viet- by subversion from the North. One w:
nam" and was written by Norman Cousins, another, the principle of self-determina
editor of the Saturday Review, and appeared at, the core of historic U.S. foreign policy
in the March 20 issue as an, editorial, traditions, does not now exist in Viet
It would be most appreciated if you would The full implications of this fact may
read this article and send me your consid- a greater bearing on America's postue
ered reaction, world leadership than any military rave
Very sincerely yours, in Vietnam.
ROGER W. BURNHAM. The related question that has yet t
answered is: What lies beyond the bomi
How AMERICA CAN HELP VIETNAM of North Vietnam? Let us assume that
(By Norman Cousins, editor, Saturday Re- bombings do not lead to a wider war. Le
view of Literature) also assume that they accomplish their
The problem in Vietnam is clear enough, pounced purpose of destroying the mill
P installations of North Vietnam and parse
What is not so clear is whether American lug the Hanoi Government to cease its
policy and action in Vietnam are meeting versive activities against South Vietn
the problem or whether they may be creating This still leaves a large part of the probe
a larger one. Most of the arms used by the guerrillas
The original problem in Vietnam is repre- undercover fighters in South Vietnam do
rented by an unremitting Communist cam- come from Hanoi but from the United Sta
paign of terror, assassination, and brutality The arms are captured by the Vietcong or
against the South Vietnamese people and turned over to it. And even if the Vietcc
Government. The campaign has its origin retires altogether, what about the large n
in North Vietnam but many South Viet- jority of the Vietnamese who by this ti
namese are part of the undercover army, have become bitterly opposed to the Uni
known as the Vietcong. What concerns the States and to any government that would
United States at least as much as the dis- responsive to American will? How is stabil
orders in South Vietnam is the spread of to be defined?
Chinese Communist influence or dominion It ought to be the first fixed rule of r
in southeast Asia. foreign policy never to go into a country w
NEw YORK, N.Y., The reason it is not clear whether the guns for the purpose of creating stability i
April 10, 1965. United States knows how to meet the prob- less we also have an idea about makini
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Last night I was lem is that the more deeply the United States better life for the people. Nothing could
able to hear your speech on film that was becomes militarily committed in South Viet- more naive or ineffectual in the modern we
made before the Yale Law School. nam, the greater its apparent difficulty in at- than the notion that we can combat cc
I would like to say, sir, that I support your tracting the support of the people it is at- xnunism without a fully formed ideology
views I10 percent and I only wish that my tempting to save. Popular demonstrations our own, an ideology that doesn't speale
own Representatives would have the courage of a non.Communist nature against the freedom in abstract terms but relates it c
to stand up and speak the truth. United States are mounting. In private cretely to a specific program for figh
I am writing to ask you for more facts briefings U.S. officials concede that the large hunger, disease, indignity, and joblessness
concerning the situation since I find the majority of South Vietnamese are opposed to The United States did and does have
daily press more concerned with Pentagon the U.S. presence. economic program in Vietnam and Laos
press releases. Inevitably, this raises the question of the that program lacks grandeur. It is good
If you would tell me of what way I can legal or political basis for American military not good enough. It doesn't begin to c
help you I would appreciate it. action in the area. When the United States pare in scope or depth with the military
Sincerely yours, went into Vietnam in 1955, it said it did so gram. It doesn't sing out. It is the old s
uc n
1 to t
b
b
t
re
s
u
at the request of the Vietnamese Govern- of ready dollars for bom
then headed by President Ngo Dinh lars for a better world. In any event, th
ment
,
APRIL 12, 1965. Diem. But that government has long since and bulging fact about Vietnam is tha
1Hon. WAYNE MORSE. been violently overthrown. What makes the policy there has not worked. Instead of
DEAR SENATOR: I want to tell you of what matter even more pointed and portentous is ognizing that there may have been somel
I think of the cause you are fighting for. that, according to Frederick E. Notting, Jr., inherently wrong with the policy to
If only there were more good men like you. former U.S. Ambassador to South Vietnam, with, we have allowed our exasperation
There wouldn't be the worry of war and the the United States was directly engaged in the frustration to push us even further dot
suffering they cause. Greed and pride guide plot to subvert and overthrow the Diem re- impassable road. But policy-by-exaspee
too many of our elected Senators. I guess r gime. Whether that government was good or is no substitute for vision.
shouldn't say "pride" for there couldn't be bad or in-between is irrelevant; if the United Another question that has yet to be
any if they just could think of others in- States was in fact engaged in subverting the fled concerns SEATO. Why has the S
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April 21, CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE 7909
east .Asia Treaty Organization been absent it would generate hydroelectric power for be proved, without proving it. In all hon-
from South Vietnam? In, taking leadership the entire basin. Most important of all, it esty, the United States cannot support the
Iii the formation of SEATO, _ the United could shift the focus of attention to the claim that our military aid is a noble de-
'States said its purpose was to create a col- constructive possibiliies of joint action in fense of freedom while North Vietnam's is
ieotive military mechanism for underwriting the common good. And if offers the United a reprehensible act of aggression. That may
the security of that area. A threat to the States an outlet for those things we know be why our Government has never presented
security of that area now exists. The United how to do infinitely better than superim- the case to the United Nations, the proper
States has. said it exists. Where, then, is posing a military presence. We could help and lawful body to decide when aggression
SEATO? Have the other governments de- develop the natural resources of the area has been committed and how it should be re-
cided that the central problem in Vietnam in a way that would give the people some- sponded to. In candor, the United States
cannot, be met by military means? Or is thing to excite their imagination and enlist shares responsibility for the conflict in South
the operation of SEATO so amorphous that their passions in the making of a finer Vietnam and must end its own intervention
there Is no way of knowing in advance what tomorrow. as a part of any peace settlement.
the circumstances are that would produce These things are vital-not just because The President and Mr. Rusk speak as if
joint decisions and joint action? It is necessary to bring peace and purpose no peace settlement is needed, but only a
More important still: The United States to a pockmarked land but because it is high wtihdrawal by North Vietnam. The fighting
has said that the world's best hope for peace time that American actions in Vietnam came will not be ended by flat, however. There
-lies in, the United Nations. The past four into harmony with American traditions. will have to be a settlement in some form,
? t,S. Presidents have all gone before the In a totalitarian society,. the government and the best basis for it remains the princi-
United Nations to proclaim American sup- demands that its citizens take pride in their ples of the 1954 Geneva accords, which the
'port for the objectives of the United Nations nation whether it deserves it or not. The Johnson administration so righteously ac-
`and to do everything possible to promote the uniqueness of a free society is that the citi- cuses Hanoi of violating.
development of the U.N. into an agency with zens have it within their means to shape the Those principles were: an immediate cease-
the elective powers of law. How, then, can kind of nation In wihch honest pride is fire, an immediate freeze on the levels of
'we reasonably go outside the United Nations possible. So far, there is little warrant for foreign troops and military aid, followed by
if Vietnam constitutes a threat to the peace? pride in Vietnam. But a combination of gradual withdrawal; no foreign military bases
True, one reason it may be difficult for the objective thinking and moral imagination to be permitted anywhere in Vietnam; re-
United Nations to act effectively in Vietnam might yet save Vietnam and provide a tonic spect by all concerned for the "independence,
is that all the parties involved in the conflict for both the national pride and the national unity and territorial integrity" of Vietnam;
do not belong to the United Nations. Even conscience. unification to be achieved within 2.years un-
Iso, U Thant, Secretary General of the United der a government chosen in free elections,
!Nations, has proposed a way of starting nego- [From the St. Louis Post-Dispatch, Mar. 9, internationally supervised; protection for
tiations looking to a possible solution. He 1965] persons and property, and no reprisals for
has done so because the military actions in OFFICIAL HYPOCRISY AnouT VIETNAM past activities in the civil war.
Vietnam could erupt into a world war in The main lines of these accords still hold
which the full destructive power of nuclear One unpleasant side effect of the kind of
weapons would come into play. But the policy our Government is pursuing in Viet- good, though of course they would have to be
'United States has not accepted the recom- nam is the moral deterioration that attends adapted to meet changed circumstances. 11 mendation and good offices of the U.N. Sec- official efforts to justify it. Truth is an early Unification, for example, may now have to be
!retary General. What would the United victim in such circumstances, as U.N. Secre- delayed until passions of the civil war cool.
States say if another nation acted in this tary General_U Thant has observed. And But military neutralization of the whole of
manner? the moral slippage is progressive. Little Indochina could be established, with more
In 1956 President Eisenhower condemned white lies have a way of rapidly giving way direct guarantees by all interested parties
the military action of the French and British to whoppers; fraud and hypocrisy gain as- than in 1954. Under such terms American
in Suez. He did not doubt.. that French and cendancy over candor; doubletalk becomes troops could be gradually withdrawn and the
British interests were being jeopardized by habitual, future of Vietnam left to the decision of the
Egypt, but he believed that the proper way to President Johnson and Secretary of State Vietnamese people.
pursue such questions was through the ma- Rusk exhibit the classic symptoms of this The Johnson administration keeps con-
chinery established for that purpose. And ailment as they strenuously seek to convert tending these are its only aims-that the
even If. the machinery was inadequate, the Members of Congress, the diplomatic corps, United States covets no territory, no mili-
interests of world peace came first. He said and the public to their point of view on tary position, no bases, no political gains.
that the biggest need of our time was for Vietnam. The best, and the most honest way to real-
the development of principles of world law. The President, for example, keeps telling ize such aspirations-if indeed we entertain
And he said that the United States could not his visitors that there has not been a single them-is through an honorably negotiated
maintain a double standard, inv9king world sign of any interest in negotiation from peace settlement.
law against its, foes and by passing it for its Hanoi, as if this were the major obstacle to
friends, Appropriately, the United States diplomatic efforts to end the conflict. He ON THE WAY TO THE BRINK
turned to the United Nations to eliminate has, however, demanded that North Vietnam (By Walter Lippmann)
the threat to the peace in Suez. "end its, aggression" as a precondition of any The war in Vietnam has reached the point
The question, therefore, emerging from negotiation. Would we negotiate if talks where the President is wrestling with mo-
Vietnam today is whether the United-States hinged on our first withdrawing from South mentous and fateful decisions. For what has
has a double standard by which it judges Vietnam? Of course not. The obstacle to happened is that the official theory of the
others and exempts itself. Do we support the diplomacy, therefore, is quite as much the war, as propounded by Gen. Maxwell Taylor
principle of world law through the United precondition set by President Johnson as it to President Kennedy and by Secretary Mc-
Nations in all cases except those in which is unwillingness in Hanoi to talk. The Namara to President Johnson, has proved to
we feel It is to our national advantage to do United States should stand ready to nego- be unworkable. The government in Saigon
otherwise? tiate whether Hanoi does or not, has not been able to pacify South Vietnam
We say again, as we said in this space 2 Nowhere does truth take so much punish- even with the help of American munitions,
weeks ago, that the choice in Vietnam is ment as in Secretary Rusk's repeated descrip- money, and 25,000 military advisers. The cru-
not between total victory and total with- tion of the Vietnam conflict as a simple case cial fact today is that for all practical pur-
drawal. It is late but not too late to do of aggression across national frontiers-like poses the Saigon government has lost con-
the things that might yet serve the purposes Korea, like Hitler's invasions, and so on. If trol of the countryside, and its followers are
of stability in the area. First, we can wel- this were the simple truth, as the Goldwater increasingly holed-up in cities.
come the good offices of the United Nations extremists have always claimed, then our The roads and the railroads connecting
in exploring the possibilities for effective , moral posture in Vietnam would be defensi- the cities have been cut by the Vietcong.
negotiation or settlement. Second, we can ble. But the complex truth is that national The cities now have to be supplied in great
,call upon the United Nations to concern it- aggression and support of a native revolution measure by air and by sea. This condition
self with the general threat to regional and are not the same thing; that the great ma- of affairs has been well reported by Mr.
world peace represented by terrorist actions jority of Vietcong guerrillas are natives, not Richard Dudman in a series of reports to the
in South Vietnam. Third, we could propose outside infiltrators; that the 1954 Geneva St. Louis Post-Dispatch, and his findings are
that the United Nations proceed immediate- accords did not establish South Vietnam as confirmed in all essentials, though not yet
ly withi the lower Mekong River Valley de- a nation, but on the contrary clearly in- publicly, in the well-informed quarters in
velopment project recommended s years ago tended all of Vietnam to be unified under a Washington.
by the United Nations Economic Commission government chosen in free elections; that The surest evidence that Mr. Dudman's
for Asia our own Government supported South Viet- reports are substantially correct is that in
The lower Mekong affects the lives and nam in refusing to hold those elections, and the Pentagon, and the State Department
well-being not just of the Vietnamese but of has done as much as anybody to destroy the there is mounting pressure for the commit-
3naliy millions of people in Laos, Thailand
o , military neutrality that the 1954 accords ment to southeast Asia of American infantry.
and Oameodia. The
possible project would make sought to establish for the whole of Vietnam. The current estimate is that the President
a sec ond crop in vast areas t
tha now When Mr. Rusk says we are only repelling should be prepared to send 350,000 American
have only one crop because of the dry season, aggression, he is stating the proposition to soldiers, even though this would compel him
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~ 1965
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -- SEN
to order a mobilization of reservists and
draftees.
This call for American ground forces is the
logical and inevitable consequence of the
virtual collapse of the Saigon government
in the villages. Having lost the countryside,
Saigon has lost the sources of military man-
power. This deprives it of the means for
winning the war. The official estimates to-
day are that the Saigon government com-
mands forces superior to the Vietcong by a
ratio of not quite 5 to 1. Experience shows
that no guerrilla war has ever been subdued
with such a low ratio of superiority. It is
estimated that in Malaya, the British and the
Malayans, who were fighting the indigenous
Chinese guerrillas, reached a superiority of
50 to 1. In Cyprus, which they gave up, the
British had overwhelming force. In Algeria,
though the French army had unmistakable
superiority, the country became untenable.
It is the deficiency in South Vietnamese mili-
tary manpower which explains why the pres-
sure is now on to put in Americans to fill it.
After 2 months of bombing North Vietnam,
it has become manifest also that the bombing
has not changed the course of the war. As
a result of this disappointment, the President
is now under pressure to extend the bomb-
ing to the populated centers around Hanoi
and Haiphong.
There is no doubt that American air power
can devastate North Vietnam and, if China
intervened, could do great damage in China.
But if we had an American army of 350,000
men in South Vietnam, and extended the war
in the air, we would have_ on our hands an
interminable war without the prospect of a
solution. To talk about freedom and na-
tional independence amidst such violence
and chaos would be to talk nonsense.
In order to rationalize, that is to sell, the
wider war, we are being told by Secretary
McNamara and others that this war is a de-
cisive test for the future. It will decide the
future of wars of liberation. This is a pro-
foundly and dangerously false notion, and it
shows a lamentable lack of knowledge and
understanding of the revolutionary up-
heavals of the epoch in which we live. It
assumes that revolutionary uprisings against
established authority are manufactured in
Peiping or in Moscow, and that they would
not happen if they were not instigated, sup-
entangled ourselves in one of the many up-
heavals against the old regime, and we shall
not make things any better by thrashing
around with ascending violence.
the Eugene (Oreg.) Register-Guard,
Apr. 8.19651
LIMITED WAR
A funny thing has happened between
November and April. Those who were most
critical of Barry Goldwater last fall because
of his tough line on southeast Asia are now
President Johnson's principal critics in the
Vietnam dispute. Conversely, those who
thought Johnson was too wishy-washy then
are in his corner now. The President finds
a champion in Nixon, a foe in MORSE.
But the whole thing is not so topsy-turvy
as a first look would make it appear. The
difference between the Goldwater and John-
son approaches is explained in part by the
Riverside (Calif.) Press-Enterprise.
Senator Goldwater said he would try to
win the war in Vietnam. President Johnson
doesn't want to lose it, but doesn't think, as
we get it, that a people can be won over by
annihilation. Nor does he want to carry the
war so far that it could erupt into a general,
global fire-storm. The President says he will
negotiate at any time the Communists feel
the burdens of war intensely enough to buy
a compromise which, from this country's
point of view, would be honorable and en-
,forcible. Senator Goldwater and his ad-
mirers scoffed at the idea of negotiations.
The idea of limited war, a war that would
be neither lost nor won, was at the heart of
the Truman-MacArthur controversy. Yet, it
is a concept that was not foreign to our an-
cestors. In the colonial age and the age of
rising nationalisms, many wars were fought
less to attain a new objective than to main-
tain a status' quo. The idea of uficondi-
tional surrender, winner take all, is relatively
new-with only such ancestors as Carthage.
VIETNAM: AMERICA MUST DECIDE BETWEEN A
FULL-SCALE WAR AND A NEGOTIATED TRUCE
A spiraling exchange of blows and counter
blows in Vietnam can lead to a major war
involving the United States and China-a
war nobody wants and no one can win. The
present tragic conflict can only be resolved
by political, not military means. Join with
us in asking negotiations to end the war in
Vietnam. Help mobilize public opinion to
stop the widening of the war.
Bombing North Vietnam will not stop the
conflict in South Vietnam. Widening the
war only serves to invite the intervention of
the North Vietnamese regular army, the
U.S.S.R. and China.
SEEK A CEASE-FIRE
brew Congregations; James Farmer, national
director, CORE; Jules Feiffer, cartoonist; W.
H. Ferry, Center for the Study of Democratic
Institutions; Rabbi Leon I. Feuer, president,
Central Conference of American Rabbis; D.
F. Fleming, professor emeritus, Vanderbilt
University; Harry Emerson Fosdick, minister
emeritus, the Riverside Church, N.Y.; Jerome
D. Frank, M.D., Johns-Hopkins Medical
School; Erich Fromm, psychoanalyst, author;
William Gibson, playwright; Rabbi Roland
B. Gittlesohn, Temple Israel, Boston.
Nathan Glazer, University of California;
Bishop Charles F. Golden, chairman,
Division of Peace and World Order,
Methodist Board, Christian Social
Concerns; Patrick E. Gorman, secre-
tary-treasurer, Amalgamated Meat
Cutters; Rev. Dana McLean Greeley,
D.D., president, Unitarian Universalist
Association; Nat Hentoff, writer; Wil-
liam A. Higinbotham, Brookhaven Na-
tional Laboratory; Hudson Hoagland,
Worcester Foundation for Experimen-
tal Biology; David R. Inglis, Argonne
National Laboratory; Herbert C. Kel-
man, University of Michigan; Jerome
B. King, Williams College; Rabbi Ed-
ward E. Klein, Stephen Wise Free Syn-
agogue; Mrs. Robert Korn, New York;
Mrs. Philip Langner, New York; Mrs
Albert D. Lasker, New York; Chauncey
D. Leake, University of California
Abba P. Lerner, Michigan State Uni
versity; David Livingston, president
district 65, Retail Wholesale Depart
ment Store Union, AFL-CIO; S. E
Luria, Massachusetts Institute o,
Technology; Rollo May, New Yorl
University; William H. Meyer, formes
Congressman, Vermont; Mr. and Mrs
Frederick Morgan, New York; Hans J
Morgenthau, director, Center fol
Study, American Foreign and Military
Policy, University of Chicago; Stuart
Mudd, M.D., microbiologic research;
Lewis Mumford, writer.
Gardner Murphy, Director of Research,
Menninger Foundation; James R. New-
man, Editor; John H. Niemeyer, Presi-
dent, Bank Street College, N.Y.; Robert
Osborn, Artist; A. H. Parker, Chair-
ported, and directed from one of the capitals
of communism. If this were true, the revo-
lutionary movements could be suppressed
once and for all by knocking out Peiping or
Moscow. They little know the hydra who
think that the hydra has only one head and
that it can be cut off.
Experience shows that there is no single
central source of the revolutionary upheavals
of our epoch. there that is common
to the Irish rebellion, to the Jewish uprising
in Palestine, to the civil war in Cuba, to the
Arab rebellion in Algeria, to the Huk revolt in
the Philippines? What is common to them
all is violent discontent with the established
order and a willingness of a minority of the
discontented to die in the attempt to over-
throw it.
What has confused many well-meaning
Americans is that in some of these rebellions,
though not by any means in all of them,
Communists have become the leaders of the
rebellion. But that does not mean that they
have owned the rebellion. The resistance to
the Nazis in France and Italy contained a
high proportion of Communists among the
active partisans. But 20 years later it is Gen-
eral de Gaulle who presides over France.
It would be well to abandon the half-baked
notion that the war in southeast Asia will be
decisive for the future of revolutionary up-
heavals in the world. Revolution is a home-
grown product, and it could not be stamped
out decisively and once for all-supposing we
had such delusions of grandeur-by stamping
out Red China. In southeast Asia we have
No issues will be decided by prolonging
the bloody and fratricidal conflict in South
Vietnam. The fighting must be brought to a
halt so that the devastated nation may re-
cover.
NEGOTIATE AN INTERNATIONAL SETTLEMENT
Now, before the war escalates into a major
disaster, means must be found and found
urgently to take the issue from the field of
battle to the conference table.
Michael Amrine, editor, author; String-
fellow Barr, author and lecturer; John C.
Bennett, theologian; Robert S. Browne, Far-
leigh Dickinson University; Stuart Chase,
economist, author; O. Edmund Clubb, East
Asian Institute, Columbia University; Alexan-
der H. Cohen, producer; Benjamin V. Cohen,
former counselor, U.S. State Department;
Edward U. Condon, University of Colorado;
Charles D. Coryell, Massachusetts Institute
of Technology; Edwin T. Dahlberg, Crozier
Theological Seminary; William C. Davidon,
Haverford College; Mrs. Valerie Delacorte,
New York; Martin Deutsch, Teachers College,
Columbia University; Rabbi Maurice N. Ei-
sendrath, president, Union of American He-
man, Old Colony Trust Co.; Hildy
Parks, Actress; James G. Patton, Presi-
dent, National Farmers Union; Eleanor
Perry, Writer; Frank Perry, Film Direc-
tor; Darrell Randall, American Uni-
versity; Tony Randall, Actor; A. Philip
Randolph, President, Brotherhood of
Sleeping Car Porters; Anatol Rapoport,
University of Michigan; John-P. Roche,
National Chairman, Americans for
Democratic Action; Frank Rosenblum,
Secretary Amalgamated Clothing
Workers Union AFL-CIO; Bruno Rossi,
Massachusetts Institute of Technology;
John Nevin Sayre, Nyack, N.Y.; Dore
Schary, Writer, Director; James T.
Shotwell, President Emeritus, Carnegie
Endowment for International Peace;
Jack Schubert, Radiation Chemist;
Theodore Shedlovsky, Rockefeller In-
stitute; J. David Singer, University of
Michigan; B. F. Skinner, Harvard Uni-
versity; Pitirim A. Sorokin, President,
American Sociological Association;
Edward J. Sparling, President Emeri-
tus, Roosevelt University; C. Maxwell
Stanley, Stanley Engineering Co.
Albert Szen.t-Gyorgyi, M.D., Marine Bio-
logical Laboratory, Woods Hole, Mass.;
Harold Taylor, educator, author; How-
ard Thurman, minister at large, Bos-
ton University; Louis Untermeyer
author; Mark Van Doren, writer; Mau.
rice B. Visscher,'University of Minne?
sota; Jerry Voorhis, executive director
Cooperative League of the U.S.A.
Bryant Wedge, director, Institute in
the Study of National Behavior; Ber
Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150023-8
 April 21 Am rd For Relea ONGRESSION TL RECORD044SENATE 150023-8
hard S, Weiss, Jenkintown, Pa.; pawl
Weiss, Yale University; Quincy Wright,
University of Virginia.
.1: Board of directors: cochairmen:
BENJAMIN $s? csc, M.D.,
Prof. It. Srtm er HUGHES,
Vice chairmen:
STEVE ALLEN, -. , >.
Dr. M. STANLEY .LIVINGSTON.
Treasurer:
William J. Butler; Roy Bennett; Norman
Cousins; Helen Gahagan Douglas;
Rabbi Isidor Hoffman; Homer A. Jack;
Walter Lear, M.D.; Lenore G. Marshall;
Stephanie May; Prof. Seymour Mel-
man; Orlie Pell; Victor Reuther; Rob-
ert Ryan; Robert J. Schwartz; Norman
Thomas; H. B. Allinsmith, New Jersey;
Robert D. Bloom, New York; Mrs.
Jeanne Coggeshall, New York; Norman
Hunt, Connecticut; Mort Junger, New
York; Dr. John A. Lindon, California;
Frank McCallister, Illinois; Dr. Paul
Olynyk, Ohio; Gilbert Seldes, Pennsyl-
vania; Snowden Taylor, New York;
Samuel Tucker, New Jersey; Clayton
Wallace, District of Columbia.
MARIE RUNYON,
SANDFORD GOTTLIEB.
Wire or write President Johnson today
about the war in, Vietnam. . Ask your friends
to write to him, too. You. can send a 15-
Word Western.Union public opinion message
for 99 cents.
Published as a public service by SANE,
National Committee for a Sane Nuclear
Polcy, Inc,
14a lox}al Cgnunittee fora Sane Nuclear
'Policy, 17 East 45th Street, New York, N.Y.,
10017.
^ I have written the President and asked my
friends to write.
0 I enclose $-_-- to help publish this ad in
othercommunities.
Please send SANE's background material
On Vietnam (35 cents):
Name------.._____________________________
Address ----------------------------------
City ---------------- State ---- ZIP ----
.. IT's STILL GAS
One of the most disturbing bits of news
from the disturbing battle zone in Vietnam
Is the announcement that South Vietnam's
troops are using nonlethal gas. This Is not
the mustard of World War I memory, but a
kind, of gas that makes victims temporarily
ill. it can be argued that this is really
humane, as the work of war goes, because the
victim soon recovers. But it's still gas.
The danger is that in using, this gas one
side, our side, has pulled the, plug out of the
bottle,. If one side can fight with such a
weapon, the other side can retaliate with
such a weapon or a ,better one... How big a
step is it from nonlethal gas to gas that
might be lethal under just the right circum-
stances? And. ,then how big is the step to
the real thing? What next? Germs? Will
this lead to an. "escalation'' of a new and
terrible kind?
There wasn't much humane about World
War II. But no major power used poison
gas, although, all were probably prepared
to--If the other side did first, The belliger-
ents In World War II were not being polite.
They were scared, each worrying about the
new kind of gas the enemy might have and
e ch esitating to risk haying its own troops
afld c ties usedd as targets. It was this bal-
anc O.f terror hat saved us.
The first usg of a humane, little nonlethal
gas is like the first use of a humane, little,
low-yield atomic bomb. The important
thing is not what that first bomb does, but
what it could lead to.
The United. States_canrlot,wash its hands
of such decisions in Vietnam. The world
holds us responsible for what South Vietnam
does, and the chances are the world is right.
We lament both theuse of the gas and the
fact that it was our side that started it.
[From the St. Louis (Mo.) Post-Dispatch,
Max. 14, 19661
THE AMERICAN MISSION
Apologists for the war in Vietnam argue
two ways. On the one hand they say we
face there an entirely new kind of warfare
which we must learn and master lest we
perish; on the other, they say the conflict
is nothing new, but simply another chapter
in a long struggle that began when doughty
Harry Truman stopped the Communists
cold in Greece and Turkey with the Truman
Doctrine.
The arguments are contradictory, and illus-
trate why the Vietnam crisis has called into
question the whole muddy philosophy of
"containment," which has served all too long
as substitute for a sane and balanced Ameri-
can foreign policy. The flaw in "contain-
ment" is that it makes no distinction be-
tween restraining the power of a hostile na-
tion to injure our vital interests, and under-
taking as a kind of world policeman to inter-
vene in other nations' lives and beat down
revolution wherever it appears. The first is
necessary, the second is folly.
The Truman Doctrine did Indeed have
something in common with the "Dulles doc-
trine" now being followed in Vietnam, but
not to the credit of either. In Greece as in
Asia we intervened unilaterally in a nation's
internal affairs to help the Government fight
a Communist Insurrection.
Fortunately the Communists were beaten
in Greece without need for large-soale mili-
tary operation by our forces as in Vietnam.
They were beaten, however, not by the Tru-
man Doctrine but by Tito's closing of the
Yugoslav border, the main route for infil-
tration into Greece, after his split with Mos-
cow. U.S. power did not "contain" the Soviet
thrust into Greece; it was contained by the
divergence of national interests within the
Communist camp.
It was Mr. Truman's Marshall plan, rather
than his venture in Greece, that proved to be
our great success in helping free nations stay
free, and thus restrain the undue expansion
of Soviet national power. In Western Eu-
rope we gave massive economic aid; we held
intervention In. Internal affairs to a mini-
mum; we helped rebuild an already viable
society whose people knew how to govern
themselves; we were fighting economic dis-
tress rather than political revolution, hunger
rather than communism.
The principles of the Marshall plan, of Mr.
Truman's point 4 technical assistance, of the
Alliance for Progress, economic development
aid, the Peace Corps-these and not the doc-
trine of military containment ought to gov-
ern our policy toward underdeveloped lands
emerging from colonialism, such as Vietnam.
Only by building social and economic condi-
tions that undercut the incentives for revolu-
tion can free peoples stay free-and then
only if they want our kind of freedom badly
enough to sacrifice for it.
Instead of pouring futile billions into a
senseless Vietnam war, we should be invest-
ing millions in the U.N. plan for Mekong river
development.
There will be occasions when judicious
military aid may help a beleaguered govern-
ment stave off revolution long enough to ef-
fectuate needed reforms itself. A strong and
vital government with the confidence of its
,;people can win a civil war, even when the
rebels are getting outside support. But when
a government loses the elementary power to
preserve order-when armed troops success-
fully challenge its authority-revolution is
often inevitable. It is then uttermadness for
7911
the United States to take over a war which
the people themselves will not wage. Any
victories are bound to be temporary, and can
gain us only hatred by oppressed peoples
elsewhere.
Our country has a long history of armed
intervention in Latin America's internal poli-
tics-the latest venture being the Bay of Pigs
invasion of Cuba in 1961-and not once has
the policy well served our own interest in the
long run. It cannot serve our interests in
Asia or Africa either. We do not have the
right, or the power, to decide for any nation
what kind of society, economy or government
it shall set up.
Must we then reconcile ourselves to tri-
umph after triumph for communism, until at
last America itself is conquered? The Birch-
ites and other fanatics with little faith in the
power of democratic ideas hold this out as the
only alternative to a holy war against the
Reds. Neither history nor commonsense sup-
ports their view. National identity and the
love of freedom are stronger than any ideol-
ogy. Yugoslavia, Eastern Europe generally,
even Ho Chi Minh in North Vietnam, all
discredit the fears of a monolithic world rev-
olution controlled by Moscow or Peiping.
What Americans must understand is that
revolutions will occur so long as social injus-
tice endures. Some revolutions will take a
Communist form or be exploited by Commu-
nists. But this does not mean they will be-
come mere agents of Russian or Chinese na-
tional power, nor does it mean that the
United States has a messianic mission to
suppress revolution everywhere in the world.
The American mission is to develop our
own society into the best of many in a diverse
world; to aid peoples, not governments, in the
struggle for a better life; to live at peace and
unafraid alongside systems of which we do
not approve.
[From the Oregonian, Mar. 13, 1965]
MORALE BOOSTED
The use of U.S. jet bombers against Viet-
cong concentrations within South Vietnam,
starting less than 3 weeks ago, has brought
no conclusive evidence of turning the tide
of war. But evidence is hard to come by.
It requires ground observation of the results
of strikes and this is difficult in jungle and
mountain areas.
One of the purposes of the United States
and South Vietnamese air strikes across the
17th parallel, in North Vietnam, and of the
employment of U.S. bombers and crews with-
in South Vietnam, was to strengthen the will
of the South Vietnamese ground forces to
resist the Communists. Military and civilian
sources report that the strikes have, indeed,
encouraged the South Vietnamese. After all
the talk in the United States of negotiation,
withdrawal, and neutralization, this show-
ing of U.S. determination to fulfill Presi-
dent Kennedy's and President Johnson's
promise to go all the way to help South
Vietnam remain independent has bolstered
the morale of the military and of those civil-
ians in South Vietnam who care.
The war in South Vietnam, of course, can-
not be won by air strikes alone. As time
goes on, however, positive results of this
aerial support of the ground forces should
become evident. Those who say the war is
already lost may have to revise their opinion.
The Vietcong are not supermen.
PENTAGONIAN PUSSYFOOTING
(By Richard Starnes)
Scarcely a month ago as the truth-seeking
hindsight flies, U Thant stirred up the con-
ditioned reflexes that lurk in all editorial
pages when he said the American people "if
they know the true facts, will feel that fur-
ther bloodshed is unnecessary and that ne-
gotiations alone can create conditions which
would enable the United States to withdraw
gracefully" from Vietnam.
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 JeTE46R00030015Apr3il 21, 1965
Approved 18S e sSetONAL RECORD RDSENB
A lot of chronically short fuses sputtered
angrily at the suggestion -the American peo-
ple are not being told the score in Vietnam,
and poor Uncle T. was compelled to issue a
statement that appeared to disavow what
he'd said the day before. Close reading (a
dying art in our soap-selling culture) dis-
closes that the Secretary-General didn't
really recant at all. But he seemed to and
thus honor was saved.
Now we find that U Thant was uttering
prophetic truth of a high order.
The American people are not being told
the truth about the clandestine wax that is
being carried out against North Vietnam.
American reporters have been arrested by
U.S. troops (a circumstance that would have
caused an outraged cry in a more vigorous
day) and they have been denied access to
news, at its source in Vietnam.
Reporters have been forbidden access to
officers' clubs and mess facilities at the Da
Nang Air Base and In the city of Da Nang.
This sort of totalitarian abuse never oc-
cured in the blackest days of World War It.
The theory in that war was that the people
who were paying for it and sending their
sons to die in it were entitled to know about
it. Rump-sprung old correspondents flew
combat missions, landed on beaches, shared
the dangers, with the tough young kids who
did the fighting. Ray Clapper and Ernie
Pyle, to name just, two of a gallant and
tragic company, died in combat--armed with
nothing but their determination to see the
truth and write it.
There is no security consideration in the
news controversy in Vietnam. War report-
ers exercise built-in precensorship; indeed
all willingly submit to more formal censor-
ship when circumstances demand it. But
pruning potentially harmful facts from copy
and choking news off at the source are two
vastly different things. In the first instance,
the enemy is properly deprived of informa-
tion that might help him. In the second, it
is the American people who are kept in
shameful ignorance.
Defense Secretary Robert McNamara, who
once shuttled between Saigon and Washing-
ton like an optimistic yo-yo, has long been
displeased by the nature of the reporting
from Vietnam.
Some weeks ago Mr. McNamara instituted
a dangerous innovation by offering selected
stateside journalists free 10-day junkets to
Saigon, where they, were to be met by mili-
tary shepherds and shown any aspect of the
war they wanted to see. I have been unable
to learn if this determination to show every-
thing to these U.S.-subsidized reporters in-
cluded the air base. at Da Nang, or in any
event if it still includes it.
The official rationale of this experiment in
news management was in exquisitely poor
taste. It was to the effect that the arrival
of handpicked squads of fresh-and inex-
perienced-reporters in Saigon would en-
courage resident correspondents to go more
into the field and see what the war was
really about. This, to be sure, was a thinly
veiled libel of a courageous group of news-
men. Some (including Scripps-Iioward's Jim
Lucas), have spent far more days in combat
than many American troops now in Vietnam.
These circumstances bring into sharp ques-
tion the reliability of the accounts of the
war that are being made available to the
American people. Many air raids against
North Vietnamese targets are now recounted
only by Radio Hanoi-a bitter commentary
on the present Pentagonian view of the peo-
ple's right to know.
[From the Oregonian, Apr. 1, 19651
issue," claimed Dr. Han Suyin in talks at
Willamette University, Tuesday..
Dr. Han, a doctor of medicine and suc-
cessful novelist who knows many of Asia's
leaders personally, criticized U.S. policy and
actions in Vietnam and said "you're not re-
assuring your friends, you're frightening
them and consequently losing them."
Dr. Han, who lives In Malaya, backed
Morse's position calling for United States
withdrawing a solution that she feels is
necessary to achieve the ends which the
United States claims to be seeking in Viet-
nam.
Her comments came during informal talks
to students following a morning address on
"The Many Faces of Asia," as part of the
Willamette lecture series.
UNITED STATES SAID MISINFORMED
Dr. Han indicated that the United States is
sadly misinformed on the Vietnam situa-
tion and that citizens in general are trying
to take a short cut to knowledge on the basis
of mass communication that still doesn't
present the whole situation.
In speaking on the many faces of Asia, Dr.
Han stated that the "bedrock problem of Asia
today is that it did not invent the steam
engine."
"While the western world has been in-
volved in an industrial revolution for the
past 400 years, only in the last 100 years has
Asia begun to emerge from the feudal age in
a struggle to assume its identity in the
world."
POVERTY PREVALENT
Dr. Han indicated that 80 percent of the
Asian population lives in the countryside,
where peasants stagnate at the level of
poverty.
"But," she added, "the peasant no longer
accepts the problems of poverty as God-
given; he knows they are from the hand
of man."
Land reform was seen as a necessity before
any industrial revolution and "we cannot
look forward to anything but change and
turmoil for at least the next two decades."
TRADE, NOT AID
"Trade, not aid," is the motto of Asia she
declared. Restrictive tariffs have hindered
external markets for Asian goods and poverty
hinders internal markets. ,
She said any form of government that
offers some measure of security, some meas-
ure of prosperity to the many people who
are starving, will have the people's support.
"It is good for Americans to talk of free-
dom and democracy, but the word freedom
is unknown to the peasant-it is not even
in his language. He has only the freedom to
starve," she said.
There has to be an overwhelming drastic
reform in Asia from the bottom up. And
it's not going to be attained by means of
arms or might, according to Dr. Han.
[From the Sunday Oregonian, Mar. 21, 1965]
WHOM To BELIEVE?
The U.S. State Department's so-called
White Paper on Vietnam sought to
document with records, reports, interviews
and photographs its charge of "a brutal cam-
paign of terror and armed attack" in South
Vietnam "inspired, directed, supplied and
controlled by the Communist regime in
Hanoi" (capital of North Vietnam).
The document was unconvincing to Miss
Angela V. Lane, whose letter appears on this
page, and to some others who have com-
municated with the editor. Their general
view appears to be that the United States
has no businessin South Vietnam; that the
trouble is domestic, without proof of North
Vietnamese aggression, and would be settled
by the South Vietnamese themselves if the
United States got out.
The State Department's report, the second
on Vietnam, employs the usual strong state-
ments of government propaganda support-
ing the government's position. But it also
includes specific evidence to back up its
charges. We see no reason to accept the
doubts of the pacifists or the charges of
anti-American propagandists as more valid
than the evidence submitted by our own
Government.
Miss Lane cites appendix D and her tabula-
tion of 179 Communist-made weapons cap-
tured from the Vietcong. This was a list
of weapons submitted to the International
Control Commission by the government of
South Vietnam on January 29, 1964. She
does not document her statement that the
reported weapons were only 21/2 percent of
the captured Vietcong weapons "during the
same period." But the State Department
reports elsewhere in the paper, for example,
the capture of approximately 100 tons of
arms, ammunition and supplies brought into
South Vietnam by a single trawler. The
White Paper gives examples of infiltration,
of which appendix D is a sample.
Reports from correspondents, American
and others, and from military personnel in
the field support the statements of the White
Paper in section II (to which appendix D
refers, incidentally).
These are, in brief, that the Vietcong
relied chiefly on weapons and ammunition
left by the defeated French when the V-C
campaign began in 1959, and that Ho Ch
Minh's troops in North Vietnam were sup-
plied mainly from the same source.
"As the military campaign progressed, the
Vietcong depended heavily on weapon:
captured from the Armed Forces in Soutl
Vietnam," the White Paper continues. "This
remains an important source of weapon;
and ammunition for the Vietcong. But a:
the pace of the war has quickened, require-
ments for up-to-date arms and special types
of weapons have risen to a point where the
Vietcong cannot rely on captured stocks
* * *. Large and increasing quantities of
military supplies are entering South Viet-
nam from outside the country. The prin-
cipal supply point is North Vietnam, which
provides a convenient channel for materiel
that originates in Communist China and
other Communist countries."
The White Paper may be subject to criti-
cism-it does give evidence of having been
thrown together in a hurry to meet a de-
mand throughout the country for justifica-
tion of the U.S. presence in Vietnam. But
we see nothing in it to support Miss Allen's
assertion that it is a "white-wash of the real
facts." On the contrary, more recent evi-
dence from the field is that the movement
into South Vietnam of North Vietnamese
soldiers and weapons has been greater than
the State Department charged.
[From the Oregonian. Mar. 22, 1964]
DOWN THE ESCALATOR
As U.S. persecution of the war in Vietnam
moves up the escalator, public knowledge of
what is going on moves down. At the very
time information is most important to the
American people, U.S. officials in the Pen-
tagon and in Vietnam clamp tighter the lids
on such information.
Public knowledge of the course develop-
ments are taking at this critical stage de-
pends on the 115 accredited correspondents
in Vietnam. Time and again it has been
proved that their reports have been more
reliable than those channeled through self-
serving military and diplomatic sources.
In the past few days correspondents have
been arrested for venturing into sensitive
areas. Each of the 115 has been subjected
to a babysitting procedure-one information
officer per correspondent. In effect, every
source of information is screened. Not even
in World War II was official monitoring so
tight as it has become at some points in
Vietnam.
The U.S. operation in Vietnam needs all
the public support it can muster in America
ASIAN NOVELIST CRITICISES UNITED STATES
VIETNAM POSITION
WILLAMETTE UNIVERSITY, SALEM.-United
States action in Vietnam is promoting com-
munism and "you should ' pay attention to
your Senator, WAYNE MORSE, on the Vietnam
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and throughout the world. It will not get
that support by treating U.S. news corre-
spondents in Vietnam as spies.
[From the Oregonian, Mar. 26, 1965]
RED CHINA'S THREAT
11 Should Red China carry out its threat
to send its troops into Vietnam it could not
expect to be granted, as in the Korean war,
a privileged sanctuary in ' China. Yet the
U.S. Government would be fat-headed, in-
deed, to disregard the threat. U,S, bombers
could wipe out 100 million Chinese and there
still would be 450 million or more to con-
tend with.
What Mao Tse-tung may be considering
this time is not the potential of a privileged
sanctuary, but the possibility that the United
States would not again, as it did at Hiro-
shima and Nagasaki, resort to nuclear bombs.
Of course, the United States has no desire
o bomb Red China even with conventional
xplosives. And almost certainly the use of
uclear weapons, which might bring the
oviet Union into a world catastrophe, could
aly be justified by a desperate menace to
Ie United States or its principal allies.
Red China, qualified its threat by saying
would send a land army when requested
r the Vietcong (not by President Ho Chi
inh of North Vietnam). This may not
eaix anything. If Red China decides to
ove, it will not be governed by the wishes
the 'Vietnamese either north or south of
to 17th parallel. It would be fatuous for
:nericans..to consider this an idle threat,
we tended to do when Mao said hewould
a fend l4orth' Korea if U.N. troops crossed
ie'38th parallel.
But the Vietcong's plea for world support
ainst "American aggression," the Soviet
Muttering about "volunteers" and the Red
hinese threat may be evidence that U.S.
olicies of bombing the North Vietnam sup-
ly lines are bringing matters to a head.
.'he prospect of a far bigger and meaner war
ould lead more quickly to a ceasefire and
he conference table.
AN FRANCISCO, CALIF.,
March 26, 1965.
FIon. WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senator.
DEAR SIR; I have written the Senators who
do represent me but they have not chosen
to take 'a stand against the criminal policy
we are persuing in Asia. I appreciate the
daily argument you present from the floor of
d the Senate. You are acting from a moral
standpoint and you are interested in estab-
lishing the basis for a world in which inter-
national law is regarded. I have no knowl-
edge of the number of treaties the Soviets
and Chinese have broken, but I do know that
by our unilateral intervention in South Viet-
nam which violates the 1954 Geneva agree-
ments and by our intervention in Laos which
is in violation to accords to which we were a
party, we are doing all we can to encourage,
through our example, similar violations on
the part of the states we normally accuse of
being the ones most likely to violate inter-
national treaties.
But the problem is how do we get out of
the present morass. Perhaps the President
could make a statement to the.effect that the
Information reaching him in the past was in
error and that lie has since found out the
;rue nature of the Vietnamese situation and
,hat hapin so become aware of true facts
Ie nowealizes just in time the best
hing for the people of Vietnam is a U.S.
vithdraw_ a1 .under the condition that the
oimtry be unified under the leadership of
he north and that the further aid we would
end would be in the form of materials to
ebuild the country we have destroyed. This
mulct be a voillntary reparation; it would
ive us Ore "face`" than any other plan of
isengagement T can think of. It sounds
absurd for many reasons but what other way
out is there for us now that the war is on the
brink of a full-scale limited action.
The point of this is that we 'are now in too
far for the north to back down. That is, of
course, making the assumption which is
probably in error that the North Vietnamese
have the power to stop the guerrilla war in
the south.
Perhaps what we need around the Capital
is a bunch of lobbyists whose vested interest
is the establishment of new relations between
the states so that the developing countries
would become customers of our factories who
sell the means of production instead of just
the product. If there were some voice other
than the interests of those who stand to gain
by the continuation of our present relation-
ship with the underdeveloped world, that is,
where we buy the primary products, then
perhaps there would be enough steam for us
to lead in decolonization instead of allowing
the Communists preempt the field.
Sincerely,
DONALD R. WASKEY.
THE CONGREGATION MISHKAN ISRAEL,
Hamden, Conn., February 22, 1965.
President LYNDON B. JOHNSON,
The White House,
Washington, D.C. -
DEAR PRESIDENT JOHNSON: I am enclosing
a reproduction of an advertisement which
appeared on Friday in the New Haven Jour-
nal Courier, the New Haven Register, and
today in the Yale Daily News. This petition
was circulated within only 3 days' time and
yet it represents a group of prominent New
Haven citizens, all of whom voted for you
in the last election.
In November, I departed from my own
usual practice and publicly endorsed your
candidacy from my pulpit, even though I
had heretofore never used the pulpit for
partisan politics. I spoke on your, behalf
because I believed that you represented the
voices of sanity and decency in our Nation.
I still feel this way and I am proud of your
many achievements.
At the same time, like so many Americans,
I deplore the military approach that our Gov-
ernment is using to solve the problems of
Vietnam. Only today, Senator Goldwater
complimented you on our recent bombing
raids and went even further, suggesting the
bombing of Hanoi but the American people
voted for you and not for Senator Goldwater.
Had they wanted his policies to prevail, they
had the opportunity to elect him.
May I respectfully request that you recon-
sider our present actions in Vietnam and be
willing to negotiate, in or outside of the
United Nations, to make peace in that un-
happy country and to secure an enduring
peace among the nations.
Sincerely,
RABBI ROBERT E. GOLDBURG.
AN OPEN LETTER TO PRESIDENT JOHNSON
"We will never negotiate out of fear, but
we will never fear to negotiate."
-President JOHN.F. KENNEDY.
We support the appeal of the Secretary
General of the United Nations U Thant, call-
ing on the countries involved in the conflict
in Vietnam to move "from the field of battle
to the conference table" in or outside the
U.N.
We believe that the military approach can-
not lead to a real solution or serve the best
interests of our Nation and that expansion
of the war by any party threatens the peace
of the world.
Merton C. Bernstein, Yale Law School.
Brereton W. Bissell, Human Relations
Council.
Walter Brooks, New Haven.
Roger Burnham, Milford.
Rev. David Byers, Wider City Parish.
Mrs. Margaret Casanova, Hamden.
Dr. Arthur D. Chiel, Rabbi, Cong. B'nai
Jacob.
Mrs. -Shulemith Chernoff, New Haven.
Rev. 'William C. Coffin, Jr., Chaplain, Yale
University.
Edward W. Cohen, Woodbridge.
George Conklin, Woodbridge.
Prof. Robert Dahl, Yale University.
Mrs. John B. Dick, New Haven.
Rev. Wade Eaton, Christ Church, New
Haven.
Rev. Dr. Erwin D.- Edmonds, Dixwell Con-
gregational Church.
Prof. Thomas I. Emerson, Yale Law School.
Mrs. Ruth C. Emerson, North Haven.
Dr. Estelle E. Feldman, New Haven.
Dr. and Mrs. Stephen Fleck, Hamden.
Mr. Florence Frank, New Haven.
Laurence R. Freedman, M.D., Hamden.
Mr. and Mrs. Saul Friedler, New Haven.
Rev. Robert Forsberg, Wider City Parish.
Rabbi Robert E. Goldburg, Temple Mish-
kan Israel.
Paul Goodwin, Woodbridge.
Prof. Robert L. Jackson, Yale University.
Harry Klein, M.D., New Haven.
Mr. and Mrs. Bernard P. Kopkind, New
Haven.
Rev. Robert W. Keeling, Spring Glen.
Kathleen and Kenneth Kuenster, New
Haven.
Robert La Camera, M.D., New Haven.
Joseph Lalor, New Haven.
Prof. Paul Lavietes, M.D., Yale Medical
School.
Prof. Robert Jay Lifton, M.D., Yale Uni-
versity.
Mrs. Betty Jean Lifton, Woodbridge.
Dr. and Mrs. Milton Lisansky, Hamden.
Rev. Sidney Lovett, Chaplain Emeritus,
Yale University.
Prof. Stoughton Lynd, Yale University.
Rabbi Jordan F. Ofsayer, Congregation
Beth-El.
Edward M. Opton, Woodbridge.
Herbert Paris, North Haven.
Mrs. Anita Pepper, New Haven.
Rev. William M. Philpot, Community
Baptist Church, Hamden.
Irwin H. Pollack, New Haven.
Rev. Dr. Liston Pope, Yale Divinity School,
Mrs. Miriam Pouzzner, Hamden.
Prof. Charles A. Reich, Yale Law School.
Mrs. Celia D. Rostow, Hamden.
Mr. and Mrs. Leonard E. Sampson, Wood-
bridge.
Mrs. Shirlee Schaffer, Woodbridge.
Dr. and Mrs. Jerome M. Serling, Hamden.
Prof. Albert J. Solnit, M.D., Yale Medical
School
Mrs. Martha Solnit, Hamden.
Mr. and Mrs. Robert C. Spodick, Wood-
bridge.
Jody Stadler New Haven.
Dan Stewart, New Haven.
Prof. Clyde W. Summers, Yale Law School.
Earl F. Vaughn, Hamden.
Rev. Wallace T. Viets, First Methodist
Church.
Mrs. Laurel F. Vlock, Woodbridge.
Richard Weinerman, M.D., Yale Medical
School.
Prof. Paul Weiss, Yale University.
Donald Wendell, Human Relations Council.
Hubert C. H. Woodward, New Haven.
Prof. Arthur C. Wright, Yale University.
Prof. Mary C. Wright, Yale University.
Ronald Zimmerman, Woodbridge.
We urge all like minded people to write or
wire their views to President Johnson, Secre-
tary Rusk and Senators DODD and RIBIaoFF.
Organizations or titles listed are for pur-
pose of identification only.
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I -should
like to say to my friend, the Senator
from Montana, that there is no ques-
tion that an international conference
has to be held to stop the war in Asia.
To be effective it must have a third pow-
er force at the head of the table. Let us
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE April 21, 1965
face it. Although the President talked ernment of South Vietnam. There has
about unconditional discussion, he really never been an independent government
talked about bilateral discussion. There in South Vietnam. Since the Geneva
is no hope of settling the war by bilateral Accords there has been a series of Amer-
discussion. Does any Senator believe Ican puppet governments. That is why
that North Vietnam and Red China we have stood in violation of the Geneva
would come to a conference table with Accords from the very beginning, as has
their diplomatic tails between their legs? North Vietnam and, in my judgment,
The very sitting down at such a confer- Red China, too, as well as the South Viet-
ence under the proposal of the President namese and the Vietcong. In fact, most
would require first a surrender, and those people still do not seem to know that
countries have no more intention of the International Control Commission
surrendering than we or the South Viet- has so declared.
namese do. Are we going to be big enough as a
For that reason, the majority leader is Nation to recognize that we have com-
sound when he calls attention to the fact mitted wrongs in South Vietnam? Are
that Russia and Great Britain have the we going to be big enough as a Nation
authority to reconvene a Geneva Confer- to return to our ideals and say to the
ence. I point out most respectfully to world that we are now ready to sit down
our foreign allies that our allies have the at an international conference table, not
authority under the United Nations controlled by the United States, not con-
Charter also to bring the third party trolled by Red Russia and North Viet-
force of the United Nations to the head nam or Red China, or the Vietcong, or
of the table. the South Vietnamese but a conference
We shall have to come to such a proce- table at the head of which sit the repre-
dure under international law unless we sentatives of the noncombatants?
are going to lead mankind into a massive In my judgment, that is our only hope
war. I say, with all solemnity, that the to avoid a war, because we are about to
senior Senator from Oregon is satisfied, escalate it now by sending over there
from what he has heard within the ad- increasing thousands of American men.
ministration, that if we follow our pres- We shall leave the Asiatics no choice but
ent course of action in southeast Asia, to respond. I fear that we shall be
12 months from today there will be sev- bogged down there for 10, 20, or 25 years,
eral hundred thousands of American and then there will be no victory, be-
troops in Asia and there will be thou- cause a military victory will not produce
sands of them coming back in coffins. a peace.
That is how serious I think: the situation The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
is. time of the Senator from Oregon has
My plea-and I am not ashamed to expired.
plead for peace-is a plea for an honor- Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I ask
able peace under the application of the unanimous consent that I may have 1
rules of international law. We cannot additional minute.
apply those laws while making war. The PRESIDING OFFICER. With-
We cannot apply those rules of inter- out objection the Senator from Oregon
national laws while at the same time we is recognized for 1 additional minute.
resort to the law of the jungle. I would Mr. MORSE. We have reached the
have the representatives of my Govern- time in the history of mankind when
ment read Lippmann, for Llppmann wars can no longer produce peace, be-
makes a devastating case against the ad- cause new modern weapons are so devas-
ministration's policies in the two articles tating that they are bound to entrench
that I have asked to have printed in the people for hundreds of years in hatred
RECORD and the one by him that I had for those who they will feel are the cause
inserted last week. of the war.
Senators talk about the Geneva Ac- Let us face up to it today. The Asiatic
cords. As Lippmann has pointed out, People will hate the United States for
is it our argument now that there is a centuries if we continue our course of
de facto government in South Vietnam? action in Asia. I have never advocated,
"Watch out", says Lippmann, "for that and do not now advocate, the United
argument, for if you are going to argue States getting out of Asia. I am plead-
that there is a de facto government in ing for others to come in. I say to the
South Vietnam, then East Germany is Prime Minister of Great Britain, "It is
a de facto government because it, too, has nice to have your words."
existect for over 10 years." I say to the Prime Minister of Canada,
No, Mr. President. The Geneva Ac- "It is nice to have your words."
cords did not set up a government in I say to the Prime Minister of Italy,
either North or South Vietnam. The who is now in this country, "It is nice
Geneva Accords set up two zones-no to have your words. But where are your
government, North or South. The men?"
United States set up a puppet govern- Where are the British soldiers, the
ment In South Vietnam. The United Canadian soldiers, the Italian soldiers,
States took a Washington-trained South and the soldiers of all the other coun-
Vietnamese by the name of Diem to tries that are patting us on the back,
South Vietnam and put him in power, egging us on? But their soldiers are not
financed him, militarized him, and then, dying in South Vietnam. I am calling
when he blew out as far as his leadership not for them to come in to make war; I
was concerned, we proceeded to support am calling them to come in to keep the
another puppet, and then. another pup- peace, as we keep the peace, through the
pet, and one puppet after another. United Nations, in the Gaza strip, in
We talk about having been invited into Cyprus, and have kept it in the Congo.
South Vietnam by an, independent gov- I have been pleading for an end to war-
making in Asia and the substitution of
peacekeeping. I am calling for as many
divisions of men from as many countries
as necessary to enforce a cease-fire order
in Asia.
Mr. President, I am pleading for Amer-
ica to rededicate herself to the great
ideal that Franklin Roosevelt set out in
Cairo and Teheran 20 years ago-an
ideal. that was blocked from implemen-
tation by Great Britain-when Franklin
Roosevelt called for an international
trusteeship of Indochina. I am calling
for an international conference with
noncombatants sitting at the head of the
table and the combatants on the two
sides to try to see what we can do to set
up a rule of law in Asia-honorable in
its implementation to both sides-under
which the third party force, through tll
United Nations, would maintain t1-
peace in Asia until the happy day corn(
when the combatants can lay down the
arms and there will be war no more.
am pleading for the nations of the wor
to all work together in trying to establi
the seedbeds of economic freedom
Asia, so that the people can themselvt
of their own volition, develop politic
freedom over the years.
That means that the nations of t
world must maintain a peacekeepi
force there-I care not how many di,
sions-so that there will be no massac
of human beings on either side of t
dispute. The senior Senator from Or
gon pleads for an honorable negotiat
treaty whereby the South Vietname
will not be massacred by the thousanc
or the Vietcong by the thousands.
Let us not forget that the Vietcong a
a party to the dispute. They happen
be the controlling force in much of Soul
Vietnam, controlling more than 75 pei
cent of the land area. I am advised the
if an election were held in South Viel
nam today, Ho Chi-minh would un
doubtedly be elected president of bot:
South and North Vietnam as would hav
been the case in 1956 when the Unites
States prevented the very election caller
for by the Geneva Accords of 1954.
Let us extricate ourselves from this
situation by insisting that others come
in and establish the international con-
ference for which I have pleaded for
more than a year and a half on the floor
of the Senate.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
time of the Senator from Oregon has
expired.
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent that I may have ar
additional 30 seconds.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. With
out objection, the Senator from Ore
gon is recognized for an additions
minute.
Mr. MORSE. I introduced certai
material in the RECORD today, for it
my answer to reactionary columnis
such as Mr. Chamberlain, whose colun
has charged me in effect with aiding an
abetting the Communists. To those
us who raise our voices for peace I shou
like to say, "You must get ready f
that kind of castigation." It consl
tutes a resurgence of McCarthyis
Mr. Chamberlain has not pointed c
that the material I have introduced
cited in the free press of the free cou
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April 21, ~4rs4~4v c ~ 7915
tries of the world; of course, it will be time that discussions, be had so, that [From the Washington (D.C.) Post, Apr. 21,
cited in the Communist press. .But my reason and the rule W- law might be al- 19651
voice will continue to be raised, no mat- lowed to prevail over the warhawks who, MINIMUM WAGE IN D.C.
ter how much castigation I.receive from,
reactionaries and warmongerers such as
the Chamberlains in this,, country and
others of his stripe. I shall con-
tinue to plead for an honorable peace
before it is too late. I shall continue. to
try to help lead my country to a peace-
ful solution of this war crisis which,
in my, judgment, if it is escalated, can
threaten the future of all mankind.
OUR MAJORITY LEADER MQVES FOR SANITY IN
SOUTHEAST ASIA
Mr. GRVENING subsequently said:
Mr. President, earlier today. our distin-
guished majority leader, the senior Sen-
?ator from Montana [Mr. MANSFIELD], a
noted expert on the Far East, made an
Important declaration on a subject which
should be in the minds of all. Ameri-
cans-the undeclared war in southeast
Asia. I commend the Senator from
Montana for bringing up the subject, be-
cause there has been great need for de-
bate in this body and elsewhere in the
Nation. Debate has been going on in
various colleges, but so far it has been
conspicuously absent from the place
where it really belongs-in the Congress
of the United States.
Senator MANSFIELD began by say-
Ing:
It is time for some blunt words on Viet-
nam.
I agree.
He went on to say that while there is
a great deal of talk about what the
President meant or did not, mean by his
speech at Johns Hopkins University, on
April 7, the bloodshed goes on, and peo-
ple in both North and South Vietnam are
dying.
He called for a cease-fire, for which the
,Senator from Oregon [Mr. MORSE] and
I have been asking for over a year, so
that there would be a reasonable chance
of a peaceful settlement and a cessation
of the slaughter.
He suggested that the conferences
suggested for Cambodia might very well
be extended tp a discussion of the Viet-
nam situation.
Certainly, all rationally minded peo-
ple should want to find a peaceful solu-
tion to a s eadily escalating conflict
which is on the eve of involving us in a
major war possibly a thermonuclear
holocaust. Every suggestion to prevent
this should be gratefully received.
The Senator from Vermont [Mr.
AiKsN] has rightly expressed the hope
that the,, world will read and take note
of what our distinguished majority lead-
er [Mr. MANSFIELD] has said. Senator
AIKEN correctly stated, in his comment,
that it was plainly evident that unless
reasst returned, we would be headed
into the most devastating conflict the,
world has ever. known,,. and that we will
not come out of it covered with. glory be-
cause no one can win that kind of a war.
I fully agree with the able Senator from
Vermont
coXriplimerit the majority leader [Mr.
MANSk'IEI,D]. join the Senator from
Vermont [Mr, AIKEN] and the Senator
from Oregon [Mr. MORSE], who also.
thinks, as he long has, that it is high
as the advisers to.the President to whom . It is easy to get lost in the complicated
he listens, seem to be in charge of our details of the minimum-wage legislation for
national destiny. the District on which a House District sub-
MINIMUM WAGE IN THE DISTRICT
OF COLUMBIA-
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, there ap-
.peared in the Washington Post this
morning a_ very fine editorial entitled,
"Minimum Wage in D.C." I certainly
share the opinion of the Washington
Post that minimum wage and hours leg-
islation is a very necessary ingredient
to the District of Columbia antipoverty
program. I ask unanimous consent that
this excellent editorial be printed in the
RECORD at the conclusion of my remarks.
As one who has, supported minimum
wage legislation fora good many years,
I am pleased and gratified with the tre-
mendous general public support which
exists in this city for improvements in
minimum wage and hours conditions in
the Nation's Capital. My colleagues will
be interested to learn, I am sure, that
the Washington Metropolitan Board of
Trade recently withdrew its opposition
covering a good many years to minimum
wage and hours legislation. I am pleased
that the Washington Board of Trade has
seen fit to change its position on this
very important matter and I wish to
commend it for taking such action.
My colleagues will recall that I intro-
duced S. 3233, a bill to improve wage and
hours conditions in the Nation's Capital
on May 1, 1962. I reintroduced the bill,
S. 860 on February 19, 1963.
My Subcommittee on Public Health,
Education, Welfare, and Safety, of which
I have the privilege of being chairman,
held public hearings on S. 860 on October
1, 4, and 8, 1963.
The Senate passed S. 860 on August 21,
1964, exactly as it was reported by the
Senate Committee on the District of Co-
lumbia.
I have reintroduced the bill, S. 19, this
year and plan to hold public hearings on
the measure as soon as my schedule per-
mits. The District of Columbia Board
of Commissioners in recent weeks have
had a minimum wage and hours bill in-
troduced in the House of Representatives
which is my bill with a few minor and
technical changes in it.
I wish to commend Congressman MUL-
.TER and his subcommittee for the thor-
oughness in which his subcommittee has
gone into this subject in recent weeks.
As I mentioned earlier, it is heartening
to see the tremendous public support in
the District of Columbia for new mini-
mum wage and hours legislation. I wish
to commend the Washington Metropoli-
tan Board of Trade, organized labor, the
District of Columbia Board of Commis-
sioners, U.S. Department of Labor,
League of Women Voters, religious and
neighborhood organizations and the
press for supporting much needed im-
provements in. existing minimum wage
and hqurs conditions in the District of
Columbia.
There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered to he printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
committee has been conducting hearings.
But the principle behind these bills seems
to us both simple and clear. A large num-
ber of people in this Capital City are work-
ing for less than a minimum,living wage.
That condition should not be allowed to
continue.
The country is now thoroughly committed
to minimum-wage laws. Four years ago Con-
gress fixed the Federal minimum wage at
$1.25 per hour, although some of the groups
covered by that law will not reap the full
measure of its benefits until the coming fall.
In these circumstances it would be highly
unreasonable to talk of a lower minimum
in this center of high living costs. On the
other hand, it is estimated that at least 100,-
000 employees in the District are not covered
by any minimum wage law at present and
the wages of some are far below the $1.25
figure. In these circumstances, a figure
above $1.25 per hour for local industries
would seem to be premature.
Both the Multer bill and the District Com-
missioners' bill would, therefore, accept the
$1.25 figure as the goal to be attained. As
previously amended by the subcommittee,
however, the Multer bill would exclude from
-coverage more than 50,000 hourly employes
and delay the full effectiveness of the $1.25
floor for some until 1968. Far more desir-
able is the Commissioners' plan of compre-
hensive coverage and adjustment to the Fed-
eral minimum within 6 months.
The Commissioners' recommendation is
similar to the bill passed by the Senate last
year. It cannot be regarded as drastic. If
the net result Is to increase the cost of serv-
ices now being rendered in hospitals, nursing
homes, some educational institutions and
so forth, the recipients of such services will
have to make the necessary adjustments. It
is not sound policy to subsidize such agen-
cies through the payment of less than a liv-
ing wage.
Another important provision of the Com-
missioners' bill would allow them to adjust
the $1.25 minimum wage to keep abreast of
living costs, fair compensation and com-
parable work standards. Minimum wages
should not be static while prices and eoo-
nomic conditions are constantly changing.
It is necessary of course to relate the changes
that can be made to specific finding on the
part of administrative officials, but allow-
ance for improvement as the economy itself
improves should be regarded as vital.
This bill is a necessary part of the Presi-
dent's antipoverty program. It would be
Ironic indeed if a Congress which seems de-
dioated to the elimination of poverty else-
where should remain indifferent to the pay-
ment of starvation wages in the Nation's
Capital.
"WATER-THE ULTIMATE RE-
SOURCE"-ADDRESS BY SENATOR
LEN B. JORDAN, OF IDAHO
Mr. KUCHEL. Mr. President, . no
Member of the Senate is more experi-
enced in the important field of water and
water development than the distin-
guished junior Senator from Idaho [Mr.
JORDAN]. Senator JORDAN has had a
long lifetime of active interest in water
problems, questions of reclamation, and
reclamation development. He served as
,a distinguished Governor of his State.
He graces this Chamber as an able mem-
ber of the Committee on Interior and
InsularAffairs.
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Mr. President, you will recall with me
that during the administration of Presi-
dent Eisenhower, Senator JORDAN's serv-
ices were used in Afghanistan with re-
spect to that country's urgent problems
of water development.
On April 13, 1965, Senator JORDAN
spoke before the Pacific Northwest Trade
Association at Portland, Oreg., on the
subject "Water-The Ultimate Re-
source." It is an extremely thoughtful
address. Senator JORDAN devotes him-
self to a number of specific questions
that are of concern not alone to the
Pacific Northwest but to each State in
the American Union, as well..
I ask unanimous consent that the en-
tire text of the address be printed at this
point in the RECORD.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr.
MORSE in the chair). Without objec-
tion, it is so ordered.
The address is as follows
SPEECH BY SENATOR LEN B. JORDAN BEFORE THE
PACIFIC NORTHWEST TRADE ASSOCIATION
PORTLAND MEETING ON "WATER-THE ULTI-
MATE RESOURCE," APRIL 13, 1965
I am pleased to participate with the mem-
bers of the Pacific Northwest Trade Associa-
tion In this, your 53d conference, on the im-
portant subject of water.
Your fine organization is commended for
the excellent public service it has rendered
-back through the years in providing a forum
for discussion of current problems.
This is the third time I have been priv-
ileged to speak to you and I sincerely hope
that my remarks here today will be of inter-
est to you.
Water is more than a natural resource-it
is a necessity of life. Here in the United
States we have lived more than 200 years
before the water problem became generally
acute. But the uses we make of water in
modern society are so tremendous that they
stagger the imagination.
The coming of our industrial era, the
raising of our living standards, and the in-
creased application of water to land have
now highlighted the problems until in much
of the Nation there is grave and increasing
concern over water resources.
Planning for the development of water re-
sources has undergone a marked evolution
during the past 50 years. At the turn of the
century the use of water resources was
planned largely on a single-purpose, single-
project, single-agency basis. Too frequently
other equally important uses of water were
overlooked. This was because no agency was
authorized to plan for comprehensive devel-
opment. Each carried out its specific func-
tion as prescribed by law.
The local people, through established
agencies, such as State water resource boards
and/or interstate compact commissions
should have an effective voice, along with
the Federal agencies in this planning which
would recognize and properly weigh all the
varied and sometimes contrary programs af-
fected by the proposed development of water
resources.
Here in' the Northwest we are especially
favored with an abundance--sometimes a
superabundance-of potable water. This is
not to say that our water is always available
in the right place at the right time. The
problems of distribution are always with us.
How to capture nature's rainfall on our
watersheds and then by proper storage and
supply management mold this water resource
to best achieve its multipurpose benefits is
a real challenge, but one that Is richly re-
warding. These multipurpose benefits must
include domestic, industrial, reclamation,
power, navigation, recreation and fish and
wildlife. No longer can we tolerate single
purpose planning.
One basic point I wish to emphasize early mittees indicates that some 13 million aver-
in this statement is the interdependence of age kilowatts of hydroelectric power can be
land and water. Any serious study or plan- developed in the U.S. portion of the Colum-
ning for one must necessarily and inevitably bia River Basin that will be cheaper than an
involve the other. Sound water resource de- alternate source. Most of this power de-
velopment depends first of all on a healthy, velopment will be in the State of Washington
well-maintained watershed. This is of pri- or on its boundary. Yet the watersheds of
mary Importance. the State of Washington will supply but a
Afghanistan investigating the economic feas-
ibility of a large reclamation development.
There I found that centuries of watershed
abuse had first removed all of the timber
from the slopes and the higher elevations.
Overgrazing had contributed to the destruc-
tion of the brush and grass cover, leaving in-
sufficient vegetation to retard the runoff.
Erosion was inevitable and devastating al-
most beyond belief. Soil movement had
bared the hillsides to berdock so that there
was little more runoff retardation than from
the_roof of a building.
Masonry arched bridges perhaps a quarter
of a mile long stood stark and desolate in
the desert, mute evidence to the fact that
a rampaging river had dammed its own chan-
nel by lodging debris against the bridge piers
and then cutting a new channel as if in
defiance of man's effort to contain it. At
flood stage the river was a monster out of
control. In the heat of summer when water
was most needed the river would shrink to a
docile, sluggish stream, an altogether inade-
quate fraction of its flood stage.
In Afghanistan I have seen drifting sand
dunes uncover the houses of a village that
was once the center of an irrigated agricul-
tural community. Here are the ghosts of a
civilization that perished for lack of water-
a silent indictment of man's refusal to ob-
serve sound conservation practice.
This is where I learned more of the im-
portance of watershed protection against
complete ruination. Here it was indelibly
printed in my mind that we cannot take for
granted that water will always be available
downstream, no matter how we abuse the
watershed upstream.
In the Columbia basin most of the water-
shed is federally owned. This poses a real
problem because ,the funds available for
Watershed protection on public lands are not
adequate. Moreover, funds which provide
technical assistance to private landowners
for soil conservation have been substantially
reduced in the administration's budget.
In order to protect our watersheds, some-
time in the not too distant future, it may be
necessary to levy against power sales for
headwater conservation purposes, Including
additional storage. A very small assessment
per kilowatt-hour on all power sold, public,
private, Federal and non-Federal alike could
provide a fund to keep the watersheds
healthy. A prudent businessman employs
similar methods to protect his long-range
interest. No less prudent should be our
approach to sound conservation and water-
shed protection.
A second point I wish to make is that there
is no single uniform policy, no magic formula
relating to water resources which can be ap-
plied to all parts of the country at all times
and in all places. The problems Involve par-
ticular needs and uses of water from State
to State, from basin to basin, and from region
to region.
While it is generally sound to plan coordi-
nated development of water resources by
large river basin areas, it is possible to place
too much importance on this concept with-
out giving full consideration to the States as
small part of the water that passes through
these main-stem turbines,
Washington watersheds contribute less
than 3 percent of the water at Grand Coulee,
8 percent of the water at Chief Joseph, and
13 percent of the water at McNary. Thus,
most of the water originates on upstream
watersheds, but the downstream reclamation
projects receive a lion's share of the benefits.
Simple equity would call for a sharing of
downstream benefits with upstream States
which supply the water.
Insofar as upstream Canada is concerned
the United States-Canada treaty gives rec-
ognition to the contribution that will be
made by yet-to-be-built Canadian storage.
A cash payment of more than one-quarter-
billion dollars has been made by the United
States to Canada. This will pay for Canada's
entitlement to a share of increased produc-
tion at U.S. plants downstream made pos-
sible by Canadian storage for a 30-year peri-
od. Bear in mind that not 1 gallon of new
water will be added to the Columbia. What
will be accomplished is a partial regulation
of the streamfiow, storing the flood peaks,
and releasing the water when normal stream
flows are lowest. In addition Canada wil
receive $64 million for flood control benefit
to the United States.
This treaty is a great step forward it
river basin planning. As a former Chairmar
of the U.S. section of the International Join
Commission, I was privileged to work on tht
early stages of the Columbia Treaty and
know first hand the months and years of as-
sembling the basic data which preceded the
additional months and years of hard bargain-
ing. The significant fact is that an accord
was reached and consummated in a treaty
thus indicating, at the international level,
a meeting of trained minds as to the value of
upstream watershed and storage resources.
Likewise the upstream watershed and stor-
age resources of Montana, Idaho, Wyoming,
and Oregon make a contribution similar to,
and perhaps even greater than, that to be
made by Canada.
Now someone will probably challenge this
comparison on the basis that much of the
U.S. headwater storage is for reclamation and
that part of this water is consumptively used.
The answer is that the purpose of upstream
storage is to capture the floods or at near
the source and to release the stored waters
as needed.
Irrigation accomplishes this purpose ad-
mirably. Even the water that is lost by
transpiration or evaporation is returned in
the form of added precipitation. Only that
small part which becomes a part of the plant
Is truly lost.
In Idaho, on the Snake River alone, we
have between 8 and 9 million acre-feet of
storage now through reclamation projects.
Two-thirds of this water returns to the Snake
River during its low flows. Thus, by shap-
ing and improving the runoff pattern, rec-
lamation contributes substantial flood con-
trol benefits and hydropower benefits as well.
At the present time no provision is made
for upstream States to share in downstream
benefits and there is no provision in the law
for such a sharing. Nor is there any provi-
sovereign units in basin complexes because sion in the law that would prohibit some
the larger river systems have no respect for such arrangement as a Columbia Basin proj-
State lines. For example, basin planners ect account through which upstream recla-
must concede the validity of water rights mation projects might share in the down-
that are protected under State law. stream power revenues as an aid to reclama-
Too often the upstream States of a river tion beyond the ability of the water users
basin are short changed in the allocation of to pay. This is not an unreasonable arrange.
benefits derived from main-stem plants ment.
downstream. A case in point is the Columbia Let us review briefly, the evolution o
Basin. Testimony before congressional com- reclamation law. The basic reclamation lam
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A191? CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX April 21, 1965
to establish the headquarters of the orga-
nization in the United States.
7 /lost specialized agencies of the U.N. are
headquartered elsewhere. The International
Court of Justice is at The Hague; UNESCO
is in Paris; WHO is in Geneva; FAO is In
Rome; and so on. The original buildings of
the League of Nations in Geneva are now
extensively used by the United Nations for
a variety of meetings. Several years ago the
Soviet Union suggested. moving the U.N.
Headquarter to Moscow because of.some in-
cidents, of discrimination. against several
African Ambassadors in New York.
The U.N. could establish its headquarters
outside of the United States. There are
those who Would not only move the U.N.
out of the United States but who would have
ug get out of the U.N. and construct a. solid
wall between ourselves and the peoples of
the Communicst -world. They want a wall
of implacable hostility and rigidity, a Berlin
wli in rever'se',
g
a
e an
Obviously, this is impossible in the 20th cans go there by day and leave at sundown. fear, where the children are sullen and silent.
century. cannot stop the world and get Saigon, which hasn't been painted in years, Air strikes against North Vietnam have
off. A major effort of our foreign policy is retains an aura of seedy elegance. Coupled raised the morale of American and Arvin
to carry into world affairs what we have with the bustle of a booming black market forces. What glse they have accomplished is
learned here at home; how men and women and 'a vigorous night life, this dulls the at this point a matter of conjecture.
of rneci entnationaI backgrounds, of differ- sense of danger. Most Americans check their
ent religions, of different regions, of different guns when they come to the city. [From the Gleaner-Journal, Henderson, Ky.,
cultures and colors, and of different politics, WAR IS EVIDENT Apr. 3, 1965]
can somehow manage their lives without But everyone is very conscious of the war, "WE'RE HOLDING OUR OWN" IN VIETNAM
murdering each other most of the, time, which can be grim. In the north, for ex- (By J. A. Dear)
T{ie existing international organization ample an army officer with the Special Forces KIEN BINH, VIETNAM.-Far below, the clus-
througgli which we seek these,objectives is the was caught by the Vietcong, who skinned ter of steaming hamlets fade into the same-
United Nations. These are the purposes him. ness of the landscape, a blur of delicate
spelled out in the U.N. Charter. The Pre- At the lonely outposts of the Special Forces green, sluggish rivers, and countless canals.
amble and the first two articles of the life is Jiff cult a.n r3 danger us m, e
A
vwn
Declaration of Independence. That is why
such an overwhelming number of Americans
are "proud of the fact that no `nation in the
world has given more positive leadership or
greater support to the U.N, than has our
own country.
Most human beings prefer peace to war,
and practically all of them would rather be
alive than dead. Yet in every part of the
world, men and women have been brought
' .p to regard war between nations as some-
thing inevitable. But was is obsolete.
Nuclear war, if it is ever waged, may prove
to be Incompatible, not only with civiliza-
tion.,. but perhaps with human survival.
Yes, we could move the U.N. out of the
United States, but we.. cannot move the
United States out of the U.N. Like it or. not,
we.are1i the world to stay. It is the one
existing international organization where
men of all nations can ,meet and talk and
disagree, ,,but where hopefully they can
finally resolve their differences without a
war that nobody wants.
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. JOHN SHERMAN COOPER
series of articles from the Henderson through the Rand Corp., to see what moti-
Gleaner-Journal, Henderson, Ky., for in- vates the Vietcong.) -
sertion in the RECORD. In some areas the Vietcong governs. Our
There being no objection, the articles grip on the central highlanders is tenuous.
were ordered to be printed in the RECORD, threatenedThe coastal areas dwthe hand has hamlet hamlets
as follows: are out off, thousands of refugees flee to the
VIETNAM: THE WAR WITHOUT FRONTLINES Coast.
(By J. A. Dear) We budgeted enough-money to care for
EDITOR'S NOTE.-J. A. Dear, president of 100,000 refugees this year. Already the
Dear Publication & Radio Inc., is on a tour camps are bulging with nearly 200,000 of
of the Far East. This dispatch is the first f the them. Vietcong Whether this a expression s p of ious to ple
of a special series on Vietnam where Dear ware voting ng with their ssion people
observed the war first hand. who feet, no one knows.
SAIGON, VIETNAM.-Almost every night the REFUGEES POUR IN
heavy air of this hot city throbs with the With increasing frequency refugees of an-
sound of artillery and mortar fire in the other category are stumbling to our lines.
suburbs. Mostly old men, women, and children, some
Due Hoa, only 12 miles from the center of horribly wounded, they are the survivors of
the city, is thought of in Washington as a American jet strikes against targets in Viet-
striking example of how successful the pact- nam south of the 17th parallel. These are
fication program can be. But in fact Ameri- the villages that are hummin
with h
t
d
rmy men serving as advisers to the regional - aaau geuaoy and good luck
and popular forces of Vietnam-our fellows American aadvisoraara, leader of the five man
group
Binh. This
call them Roofpoofs-is no better. There is is delta count
t
i
n
ry, o
ne of
th
e
grre
at Asian
more safety at the larger installations,-per- breadbaskets, whose people eat better than
haps, but everywhere outside Saigon the the Chinese, the Koreans, the Filipinos, the
paraphernalia of war is visible. Japanese. Yet the delta is a stronghold of
Not counting the men of the 7th Fleet, the Vietcong, and some areas, Ca Mau, the
American forces in Vietnam total about 27,- Yumin Forest, the Plain of Reeds have never
000. We have never fielded a finer team. Al- been under the effective control of the Saigon
most without exception they are optimistic, government.
and take the view that withdrawal would When a helicopter drops down at Kien
be an unmitigated disaster for the United. Binh side gunners hunch over their machine
States. Incidentally, personnel of the State guns. "Yes," said Major Waara, "it's not so
Department and information Service are bad now." Gesturing toward a scratchy
equally competent and dedicated, and for patch of land, "they used to shoot at us
the most part, as optimistic, from there." Armed men stand
But all are baffled. This is a war without the plane. guard over
frontlines. The enemy, until he chooses to Some nights the Vietcong fire mortars
show himself, is indistinguishable from at Major Waara's command compound. But
friend. Arvin troops-American argot for gradually Government forces are pushing out
the regular Army of Vietnam-are brave and from their shaky toehold. Their aim is to
endure high casualties without flinching. pacify the region by the end of the year.
(Their losses, until recently, averaged more
than 1,000 weekly.) CAPTAIN GETS CREDIT
RED. STOQL PIGEONS Capt. Nguyen Van Huynh, a babyfaced
Beyond doubt, however, Arvin . riddled officer of 32, who was deflected from his
with Communists who tip off the Vietcong get studies for the priesthood by war, should
before offensive strikes get underway. It is a the credit for whatever success the Gov -
before having, according Major Waara.
rare occasion that we get advance warning "He's s a having,
a remarkable e man," said Waara.
of Vietcong operations. "Without him I don't think we'd be here.
Moreover, we have to do everything at once. Puts out patrols at night. You know, they
Government stability in Saigon is a precon- have a price of 500,000 piasters on his head:"
dition for military success, which in turn de- (That's about $3,600 at the black market
pends.on active assistance from the peasants, rate.)
whose support hinges on the reintroduction T
he 55,000 people of Kien Binh live in an
OF KENTUCKY of effective local government and a viable area of about 20 by 12 miles that is divided
IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES local economy. Of course that is an impos- into 55 districts-10 of these districts are
sibility without military success and sensible
Wednesday, April 21, 1965 guidance from Saigon. controlled by the government, 24 by the
Vietcong, and 21 by no one. To conduct this
Mr. COOPER. Mr. President, I ask American Economic Aid (Eusom) is than- campaign, Captain Huynh has 780 men, 200
rinted
01 tile
Y p
-, States commits to regional force, and 580 of them village vo
every dollar the United the Appendix of the RECORD a series of support the government of Vietnam i
lun-
f
n
act teers of the popular force.
articles on Vietnam by J. A. Dear, who supports the Vietcong. For example, avfa- "We're holding our own and maybe better,"
has been onthe ground in South Viet- tion gasoline is transported to Pleiku, head- said Major Waara. That's the assessment of
nam "and"in the'ares of operations. Mr. quarters of the Arvin 2d Corps and a base most American officers everywhere in Viet-
Dear is president, of Dear Publication for American helicopters, via highway 14 nam. They note that the Vietnam, after
& Radio, is a distinguished correspond- from Saigon. The commercial contractors getting clobbered in several engagements, is
ent and his reports will be of great who haul this gas pay a road tax imposed ducking set battles. But everyone agrees the
ent, t and hi report S still the great by the Vietcong, which controls the high- Vietcong has the capability of strikihard.
ways. A study to determine how much help The question is when, and one theory is that
mittee.. The reports have appeared in the Vietcong gets from us has been under- the tempo of the war will increase with the
many papers. I send to the desk the taken. (We have also begun a study, advent of the rainy season.
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April 21, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX A1909
does authorize the President to detail Armed understanding among nations and people. tain responsibilities set by UNICEF, including
Forces personnel to serve in a noncombatant if these objectives are un-American or freedom of the UNICEF staff to check on the
capacity, but sets a ceiling of 1,000 as the against our national interest, then we do not distribution of supplies within the country,
number of ouch personnel that might be de- understand the spirit or basic philosophy of then assistance is forthcolriing. It is given
tailed at any one time even for such purposes. our country. without regard to race, or religion, or politi-
"TOWARD WORLD UNDERSTANDING" cal belief or national status.
CHARGE-A U.S. ND U.S. MIL DDICTATOR IS ARY FORCES EMPOWERED TO Now what kind of a Communist takeover
DISBAND One of the publications of UNESCO 15 conspiracy is that?
In 1961, the Congress of the United States entitled "Toward World Understanding." THE POPULATION EXPLOSION VERSUS
creatd an agency called the U.S. Arms Con- This booklet is alleged to contain the master YOUNG DEATH
trol and Disarmament Agency. The Agency plan for domination of American schools.
is in part under the direction of the State The volume is a collection of views of par- We hear much about the population ex-
Department, but also reports to the Congress ticipants in education seminars. The charge plosion and dangers therefrom are alarming.
and to the President. Its Director is Wil- that this booklet serves to foster "world The statistics of newborn life are startling.
liam C. Foster, a distinguished American government" in any way in the United It has been estimated that three children are
industrialist. States could not possibly be deduced from a born into the vast human family every sec-
The Agency is to seek agreements under reacting of it by any reasonably minded per- and of the day. By midnight tonight, more
which nations could safely reduce arma- son, It is true that the phrase, "world un- than 260,000 children will have come into
ments. The United States has proposed that derstanding," appears frequently. This being.
armaments be reduced in graduated stages phase, of course, refers to a better mutual But the statistics of young death are
under strict international supervision and understanding of the peoples of other lands. equally startling. There are more than 1 bil-
control, while at the same time the peace- Certainly such understanding is greatly lion children alive in the world today. Of
keeping machinery of the United Nations be needed in the world today. It is hard to that number, 850 million are faced with the
built up. Although the law authorized the conceive in what way it is inconsistent with evils of hunger, of poverty, of ignorance, of
Disarmament Agency to negotiate disarma- the American way of life or the teaching of fear, of disease. In most families of man-
ment agreements, it did not give the Dis- American citizenship. kind, childhood is not a time of play. It is
armament Agency or the U.S. President or Such a furor was raised over this particu- a time of premature suffering and dying.
anyone else blanket authority to reduce U.S. lar booklet that a special committee of the In the new countries half of the children die
Armed Forces or to place the security of the American Legion undertook a study of it. before their fifth birthday. They are victims
United States at the disposal of the United it reported that it was about "as subversive of what; we would consider as anachronistic
Nations. as the tales of Hans Christian Anderson." scourges such as leprosy, yaws, trachoma, and
Section 33 of the Arms Control and Dis- UNESCO'S charter, like that of the U.N. malaria. In our own country these diseases
armament Act provides: "That; no action itself, specifically prohibits the Organization have become medical curiosities. It is said
shall be taken under this or any other law from intervening in matters which are essen- that there are very few doctors in the United
that will obligate the United States to dis- tially within the domestic jurisdiction of its States that have treated or even seen a case
arm or to reduce or to limit the Armed Forces member states. Accordingly, UNESCO re- of smallpox.
or - armaments of the United States, except stricts itself to providing assistance only The U.N., through UNICEF, seeks to im-
pursuant to the treatymaking power of the upon a direct request from the government prove these miserable conditions. It Is for
President under the Constitution or unless of the member state concerned. The United this purpose that UNICEF has carried on
authorized by further affirmative legislation States has never requested any UNESCO as- the trick-or-treat fundraising program on
by the Congress of the United States." sistance for its public educational system. Halloween and has raised money through
Thus, any disarmament treaty negotiated In the field of education, UNESCO's assist- the famous greeting card and note paper
by the President could become effective only ance is concentrated in the newly developing program.
through congressional action or Senate rati- countries. CHARGE-THE U.N. IS ATHEISTIC AND
fication, as required by the U.S. Constltu' UNESCO publications (there are over 3,000 OPPOSES ALL RELIGIONS
tion. Even the limited treaty banning the of them) are for sale in this country as in any The members of the U.N. include repre-
atmospheric testing of bombs came into force other member nation. Any teacher, like any sentatives of all the major religions on the
only after approval by a two-third vote of private citizen, may buy them. But no at- face of the earth. No one is required to
prefer
the U.S. Senate. tempt has been made by UNESCO to force its
materials on any teacher or any school board observe any religious por to prefer
over another. practice r ac. U.N. meetings
r
SOVIETS CONTROL THE U.N. which, in.our country's tradition, is responsi- one religion
wit1 minute of silence for prayer or
SECRETARIAT ble for the selection of any Classroom mate- open The ke osition of the Secretary General meditation. It is true that the U.N. Charter
y P rims. So far as can be determined, these does not mention God. But neither is God
has been filled by a Norwegian, Trygve Lie; materials have never been so used in the mentioned in our own U.S. Constitution.
a a e, Dag Hamm skjold; and now by United States. Like the United States, the U.N. permits
a Burrmmesese, U U Thant. . UNICEF every man to be guided by his own con-
As of May 1, 1964, there were 19 posts in The attacks on UNICEF, the Children's science.
the of compaiat parable me Under Secretary 1, 1 Fund, have always been beyond comprehen- Perhaps the best response to -this charge
is r n di ; 1importance. U.S.S.R.; the 19, are sion. The organization was originally cre- is the extensive support of the U.N. by the
from from India; 1 it from the 4 are ated upon Herbert Hoover's recommendation. major Christian churches, Protestant and United Arab the United is States; 1 is ance the is from He had gone to Europe immediately after Catholic, as well as by Jewish congregations.
Yugoslavia; Republic; 1 is from France; 1 is from World War II to survey the needs of the Over 30 religious organizations, representing
Greece; is from Nigeria; 1 is from people in the war-ravaged countries. It was all faiths, maintain permanent observers ac-
Greece; 1 is from New is from m 2 are from apparent that the children were the war's credited to the U.N.
fro United Kingdom; 1 is from Brazil; l; 1 is worst sufferers. To meet the emergency The support of the Catholic Church has
i m Cz urma; I is from 1 from is Chfrom ina na (Taiwan). 1 needs of children, the special agency, been widely publicized by the late Pope John As of the same date, May :1, 1964, there UNICEF, was created within the U.N. of its existence, XXIII in his universally proclaimed encyeli-
is s from Burma; is
was a total of 1,389 professional and execu- In the first few years cal, "Pacem in Terris." Recently, Pope Paul
tive positions at the U.N. Of that total, UNICEF concentrated its aid to the children appointed Msgr. Alberto Giovannetti as the
Americans held 255 or about 18 percent plus. of the European countries that were most Vatican's permanent observer to the U.N. He
If clerical staff is counted, the proportion is cruelly devasted in the war. headquarters at the Holy Family United Na-
much of these countries eventually fell be- tions Parish, 324 East 47th Street. The Pro-
was tizens less than n hind the Iron Curtain. In 1950 UNICEF testant Church Center for
ecutive higher. pro The fessional U.S.S.R.position:; citizens
6cpercent. rce orpro moved its emphasis hasis from the war emergency Street t the U.N. is at 44th
6 and U.N. Plaza, directly across the
areas to meeting the long-term health and street from the U.N. The Jewish Center for
CHARGE-UNESCO IS A PART OF THE WORLD nutrition needs of children in the under- the U.N. is being constructed at the Sutton
COMMUNIST CONSPIRACY developed countries, in Africa, in South Place Synagogue and will complement the
Since its founding 19 years ago, UNESCO America and in the Far East. Holy Family Parish.
has been a favorite target for those attack- Are there children in Communist countries AND
THE STATES
THE U.N. UNITED OUT STATES OF OF THE OUT UNITED
ing the U.N. The most frequently repeated helped by UNICEF? Yes, of course. Children "GET THE
charge that UNESCO is part of the world are children, including children in Poland
Communist movement is through interna- and Yugoslavia, the two remaining European One of these days some major issue before
tional control of education in the United countries whose babies and mothers are re- the U.N. is going to be resolved in a manner
States and elsewhere. UNESCO is charged ceiving such aid. Should infants be required unsatisfactory to this country. It is then
with infiltrating and influencing U.S. public to take loyalty oaths? Ridiculous, that the hue and cry to "Get the United
schools by brainwashing children and teach- UNICEF believes, and the United States States out of the U.N. and the U.N. out of
ing "one worldism." endorses this principle, that children who the United States" will again be heard.
Ever since World War II, heroic efforts are starving or ill because of lack of medicine New York City may not be the most logical
have been made to teach the whole world or medical care are entitled to help regard- place to house the organization. It,was due
how to read. UNESCO was created to ad- less of what kind of a political regime under to the generosity of the Rockefeller family
vande education throughout the world; as which they happen to live. If a government in making the valuable tract of land in New
well as to further a better and more tolerant requests assistance, if it agrees to accept cer- York available that served as an inducement
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''April 21, 1 YR5 C(TGRESSISNA~, # E8&S 40f Rffl A1911
SAFER IN LARGE TOWNS The legitimacy of the present government equation changes every day. So much for
Life in the larger towns where corps head- is questionable, but American officials are the assumptions.
quarters are set up-Vietnam is divided into not anxious to explore this murky area. An- Hanoi's support of the Communists in the
four military districts-is easier and safer. other violent coup might destroy our excuse war here is no longer disputed, even by
Helicopters and advisory officers, are con- for being here. We are here at the invita- Hanoi. But the amount and importance of
centrated around the headquarters. But tion of the Vietnam Government; there must the aid received from the North is a matter
nobody's living it up, exactly. be a government to be the guest of. of dispute.
Asian cities are poor, dirty, and disease MANY POLITICAL FACTORS The Ho Chi Minh trail., so called, traverses
ridden. (Many cases of the plague have been The political factors of immediate conse- difficult terrain. It has not been photo-
reported.) Since dependents were sent home quence in Vietnam are generals, Buddhists, graphed for television because cameramen
life goes on without women, for the most Catholics, and two other religious sects, the cannot get equipment to it.
part. (Queenie's and the place next to it Hoa Hao and the Cao Dai. The Cao Dai, The triple-ply jungle-there are trees,
are off limits.) which venerates Christ, Buddha, and Victor with secondary growth above them, and be-
But even at headquarters area there is Hugo, once fought Diem and the Commu- yond that an additional growth that is
danger. At Pleiku, headquarters of the 2d nists. Fortunately, the Communists assas- rooted in the trees themselves-cannot be
Corps in the central highlands, about 100 sinated its leader, and now the Cao Dai is penetrated more than 75 yards in one day by
Vietcong slipped through the scrub to attack with the Government. a young man in excellent physical condi-
Camp Holloway on February 7. Prime Minister Quat is confident that only tion. An athlete would be hard put to make
th I 'l d k t it
more an m e
a a
n n
ra
Apparently every native in and around the
camp knew the attack was coming, but we
were unwarned. One Informant from the
Montagnard village where the Vietcong set
up its mortars would have prevented the sur-
prise. Local help at the base left promptly
at sundown, and the cyclo drivers in Pleiku
refused to take personnel back to the base.
"The apathy of the people is more of a
problem than the Vietcong," one officer rue-
fully admitted. And after 20 years -of war it
does seem to be true that a majority of the
population of Vietnam is uncommitted to
either side.
This adds to the strain and perhaps the
danger. But where there are as many guns
as"there now are in Vietnam, there is danger.
On a passenger flight from Danang to Saigon
there was only one item of cargo: a dead
marine in a green sack off my left boot. He
was shot and killed as he returned to his lines
in the hills above the airbase by a fellow
marine..
[From the Gleaner-Journal, Henderson, Ky.,
Apr. 4, 1965]
VIETNAMESE ARMY NOT STRONG ENOUGH To
COPE WITH VIETCONG
(Third of a series)
(By J. A. Dear)
SAIGON, VIETNAM.-NO American out here
faults the fighting spirit of Vietnamese Army
troops (Arvin).
on more than one occasion Arvin troops
have continued attacking until wiped out.
And remember, this is an army that is under-
fed, underled, seldom, paid, gets no leave.
Its nine regular divisions are served by 500
doctors; that means there are only 200 doc-
tors to care for a civil population of 16
million.
13aving said this, the truth can be set
forth. Arvin is riddled with Vietcong
agents; staff work is very poor; there is no
personnel setup at all except for the bureau
of psychology warfare, which should be con-
cerned with the enemy. Some political gen-
erals are incompetent,. but the most serious
shortage is of qualified junior officers. Ap-
proximately one-third of the companies
composing Arvin are shaky. Above all, there
Simply are not enough government troops In
theileld to cope with the Vietcong.
REPLACEMENTS WERE FEW
Part of the trouble has its origin in Saigon.
As a result of the coups and demicoups,
Arvin received almost no replacements until
recently. Because about 40,000 men were
lo ge in ,operations, this means a badly
wfSUi'Itled, Arvin had to face an enemy that
has been' continually nourished by supplies
and men from the North.
The first coup, which led to the murder of
Diem, had the greatest impact. During the
sorry interval between Diem's death and the
present regime of Dr. Quat, effective govern-
ment came to a stop. Since. this is a politi-
cal wai' for the hearts and inds of people
. effective government at every level is
essential.
s
y o
own
s
a few dissidents in the religious groupings
oppose his government. He is also confident through this growth. And a trail unused
ram has been for 6 days disappears.
romisin
economic
ro
that a
g
p
p
g
evolved, and he is sure military leaders ap-
preciate the importance of governmental
stability.
At present there is no single military
strong man on the scene. Big Minh of the
first coup may return, but a five-member
armed forces council now advises Dr. Quat.
KY IS COLORFUL COMMANDER
General Ky, colorful commander of Viet-
nam's air force, is one of the most important
members of the council. General Thi, com-
mander of I Corps, is an influential general
though not a member of the council. Gen-
eral Co of II Corps, called "dancing master"
because of his fondness for this pastime, is
another name to remember. Incidentally,
Co's acute criticism of the deployment of
the Special Forces led to the development of
new tactics.
The traditional enmity of the Vietnamese
and Montagnard has caused serious trouble
in the central highlands. Saigon has made
concessions, but not before Y B'Ham Enoul,
former Saigon deputy in the highlands,
skipped to Cambodia after fomenting an
abortive uprising.
Most encouraging of all, said Dr. puat, is
that "your country has settled on a policy
for Vietnam, for a month ago you had none."
ASSUMPTIONS ARE PLAYING THEIR ROLE IN
SOUTHEAST ASIA BATTLE
(Fourth of a series)
(By J. A. Dear)
SAIGON, VIETNAM.-What are the consid-
erations and thinking on which our policy
here is based?
These are the assumptions: Southeast Asia
is vital to American security. If Vietnam
falls to Communist aggression, southeast
Asia is lost.
In spite of obvious apathy to the war, the
people of South Vietnam are by no means
committed to the Communist regime in the
north. There are hostilities between these
regions we can exploit.
Likewise, there are differences between the
Tokinese and Chinese that can be exploit-
ed. Even the most ardent Communist in
Ho Chi Minh's government probably hopes
North Vietnam can escape Chinese occupa-
tion.
Ho Chi Minh is indeed dependent on Red
China. But to give his regime room for
maneuver he plays Peiping against Moscow.
If we hit him too hard, we push him into
the hands of the Chinese. If we don't hit
him hard enough, he has no incentive for
easing his campaign against Vietnam.
If we threaten the destruction of Ho Chi
Minh, we practically assure intervention by
the Russians and the Chinese. Because of
the parities of the situation, Moscow can-
not stand on the sidelines if a Socialist state
is threateded with destruction.
EQUATION CHANGES EVERY DAY
Thus, the air strikes against North Viet-
nam involve nice calculations. Further, the
TRIP TAKES ABOUT 60 DAYS
It is agreed that a Communist trooper
from the North will not reach I Corps or II
Corps, the northern military districts of
Vietnam, in less than 30 days. Probably the
trip takes about 60 days.
Now, what is the capacity of the Ho Chi
Minh trail? One estimate is 1,000 men and
40 tons of equipment per month. Consider-
ing the nature of the country, this does not
seem unreasonable, though some say it is too
low by half.
It is admitted that anyone who has trav-
eled the trail must rest up before combat.
Also, Communist arms and men reach Viet-
nam by sea.
But this aid-and here we are back to as-
sumption-is crucial. Without it the Viet-
cong would lose vital momentum and the
Saigon Government would triumph.
That is the rationale underlying our
policy,
THERE IS A WEAPON WE HAVE YET To USE IN
VIETNAM: FOOD
(Fifth of a series)
(By J. A. Dear)
SAIGON, VIETNAM.-Nothing is lost until
it is lost, in my opinion, unless you walk
away.
In a nutshell, that's my thought about
the miserable war.
Also, the other guy has real problems.
Suppose you had to group 1,000 men for a
battle 100 miles away, knowing that your
communications were poor, that'you didn't
control the roads or the air, that your only
transport was manback, that equipment
had to be toted piecemeal, that your secur-
ity hinged on the silence of everyone in vil-
lages your men had to sleep in, that your
enemy could mobilize murderous firepower
in minutes, and that you would face anni-
hilation if caught in the open country?. Well,
that's the way it is for the Vietcong.
PROBLEMS OF OWN MAKING
For all that, we have problems too, and
some of them of our own making. The most
serious is that which results from our
decision to embrace a strategy of terror.
That's what bombing is. It doesn't dis-
criminate between soldiers and/or women
and children. Especially, I have in mind
American air strikes in South Vietnam. We
are killing innocents almost every day.
(Twenty-three structures and five water buf-
falo were destroyed, etc.)
Morality aside, can you think of a worse
way to win the hearts and minds of people
in a political war? Neither can I.
If we must be terrorists, let's be effective.
And there is a weapon at hand we have not
touched. Food.
NO WHEAT WITH A-BOMB
The technical achievements of the Com-
munist world, including Red China, are im-
pressive. But you can't grow wheat with an
A-bomb.
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX April 21, 1965'
Red China has the A-bomb, but not the
wheat. At least she wouldn't have the wheat
if Australia and Canada didn't sell it to her.
Why not stop this trade, if necessary by
buying the entire wheat surplus of these
allies? An accommodation with China might
then be possible.
And we could abandon the strategy of ter-
ror that manufactures islands of humanity
humming with hate and fear of Americans.
COULD HELP ECONOMY
At the same time, we could be breathing
life into the economy of Vietnam, which is a
surplus food country. Through Hong Kong,
the showcase for Red China, go the water
chestnuts, bamboo shoots, and so forth, that
Chinese expatriates everywhere love. Viet-
nam could fulfill this need, given the chance,
We could do ourselves a good. turn in Viet-
nam. by becoming interested In education.
That is what brought us victory in the Phil-
ippines, but the lesson has been forgotten.
In Danang I saw a French Lycee. But no-
where in Vietnam did I see an American
school. If our interest is long term, why
don't we think about schools and teachers?
SCHOOLS IN SAIGON
At the moment it would be impossible to
establish American schools In the hinter-
lands. But a start could be made by bring-
ing bright teenagers, with their parents' per-
mission, to a first-rate academy in Saigon.
Though it will go against our Army's grain,
we should consider lengthening the tour of
our personnel here to 2 years. As I have
said, we have never fielded a finer team
than that we have in Vietnam, But consid-
ering the time for phase in and phase
out, personnel spend only 9 months in action.
By the time they have a grasp of the situa-
tion, they're up for reassignment. True, this
system spreads counterinsurgency experi-
ence through the services. But it's victory,
not experience, that we're after.
Finally, a word about the posture of the
West in the Far East. Resorts in Formosa
and South Korea. citadels we created, en-
joyed a reputation that would attract the
court of Elagabalus.
CALL GIRLS ON SCOOTERS
The playland of South Korea is closely
guarded by house detectives who are charged
with seeing to It that every room with a
man has a woman in it before midnight. In
the paradise of Formosa call girls arrive by
motor scooter.
Journalists of the Philippines paint a
different picture of Red China. It is a moral
country, and its cities are unbelievably clean
for Asia. In the battle for minds and hearts,
this counts.
It would be a pity if our great country gets
lost in the thoroughfares of life by forgetting
this simple fact.
[From the Gleaner-Journal, Henderson, Ky.,
Apr. 11, 19651
TO VIETNAMESE FARMER, WAR IS BELL
(By J. A. Dear)
ToKYo.-One reason so many Japanese are
so critical of our Vietnam policy is that our
effort to save the Saigon government from
Communist aggression is not saving the peo-
ple and their society from destruction.
The likelihood that what is to be saved by
war will be destroyed in the process is a
favorite irony of history. England entered
the Second War to save Poland from Nazi
Germany with the result that Poland became
a fief of Moscow.
To understand what the war is doing to
Vietnam, it is first necessary to consider the
economy of the rural areas. About 70 per-
cent of the farmers in Vietnam work hold-
ings, which they do not always own, of less
than 12 acres. Of the farmers who do own
their lands, about 65 percent own less than
12 acres.
In the delta, the richest agricultural area
of Vietnam, between 60 and 70 percent of
thefarmers are now in debt, and probably
are falling deeper in debt every month. The
plight of Farmer Tran Vannam, cited by.
Kenkichi Konishi of the Mainichi newspapers
is typical.
The Tran family of six owns a delta farm
of about 5 acres. They once owned a much
larger farm, but gave it up because of the
Vietcong. About 3 acres of the present
farm are under rice. The other 2 acres
had flourishing fruit trees, but these were
cut down to enable Government forces to
protect a bridge more easily.
Farmer Tran was not reimbursed by the
Government for the loss of these trees. His
family is able to live off the land, he sells
the balance of his rice crop, and ekes out
his existence in the off season by working as
a laborer in the village. His total effort pro-
duces a yearly cash income for the family of
18,000 plasters-about $122.
INFLATION HURTS PIASTER
At this point it must be noted that in
theory $230 is the dollar equivalent of 18,000
piasters. But inflation-war-has destroyed
the integrity of the piaster. During the time
I was in Vietnam the dollar equivalent value
of the piaster decreased 7.8 percent. For
families that must limit monthly purchases
to an average of $4 this is murderous.
But the picture really is worse than painted
thus far, for Tran's princely income of $122
yearly doesn't come in at the rate of $10
per month. In most months the income is
about $2.25. So he has to borrow, and the
going interest rate is from 5 to 10 percent a
month.
He is already in debt to the Government
and to other members of his family. Thus
the prospects of additional debt is frighten-
ing, so frightening in fact that he often sells
rice futures to escape the high interest rate.
But he is caught, anyhow, because he can't
get a decent price on these sales.
FACES FINANCIAL DISASTER
Of course, any serious sickness is cata-
strophic to a man as close to the cloth as
Tran, and he has tuberculosis. The medi-
cines he must buy drive him nearer financial
disaster. Still, he Is an optimist.
He dreams of another orchard that will
make his small farm profitable again. In 5
or 6 years he hopes to be out of debt. He is
hard working, literate, anxious that his chil-
dren be educated, in every way a worthy man.
In happier times he might make it. Times
being what they are, he will die.
Tran is tough. Many others have long
since succumbed to despair. Remember, the
Delta is a fortunate region.
PEOPLE ARE WELL OFF
Parts of it are controlled by the Viet-
cong, and have been for a long time. But
the people of these areas cannot be better
off. Government forces, backed by Ameri-
can personnel and technology, are powerful
enough to destroy the economic viability
of any Vietcong area. Thus all of rural
Vietnam is an area where the forces of the
government and the Vietcong wage a fero-
cious war in a sea of human misery. Every
day wavelets of misery wash into the over-
crowded villages and cities, multiplying the
danger of epidemic disease, drowning hope.
If the Communists win Vietnam, Red China.
will be encouraged to go after Laos, Cam-
bodia, Siam, Burma, and . Indonesia. And
what is to stop them?
Surely no national leader in his right
senses will ever again be anxious to save his
country from Communist aggression by
fighting a war in his country that will
destroy it. Not after the lesson of Vietnam.
That is one reason why the airstrikes
against North Vietnam make sense. The
Communist leaders will not be as ready to
embark on their adventures if it is brought
home to them that all the damage will not
be confined to the country in which they
choose to wage war, that their own lands
will be devastated.
For too long now Red China has been per-
mitted to forget a simple fact: War is hell.
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. J. ARTHUR YOUNGER
OF CALIFORNIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, April 19, 1965
Mr. YOUNGER. Mr. Speaker, on
April 2, former Vice President Richard
M. Nixon addressed the Commonwealth
Club of California on the subject of
"Vietnam." Excerpts from that speech,
as published by the Commonwealth, fol-
low:
"STOP REDS IN VIETNAM OR FACE BIG WAR
FOR PHILLIPPINES 4 YEARS HENCE," SAYS
NIXON
(From address by Hon. Richard M. Nixon,
former Vice President of the United States)
Today the most difficult decision facing
President Johnson is South Vietnam, the
most difficult decision he will make during
his Presidency, I believe, at home or abroad.
And it is the most important decision for
the United States and the free world.
There are times when the loyal opposition
should support an administration. Lyndon
B. Johnson needs this support not only be-
cause of the validity of his policy but be-
cause there is a deep division in his own
party.
Our greatest danger to the future of our
policy on Vietnam is because the Democratic
party is divided. Forty-five Democratic Sen-
ators have indicated opposition.
- UNITED STATES DEFENDS WORLD-AGAIN
The interests of America, the free world
and of South Vietnam are being served by
the present policy.
Some claim the United States has no legal
right in South Vietnam and that we are in-
volved in a civil war. Some say the war
will not be won because the Vietnamese are
not willing to do what is necessary.
Others believe that, even if the war could
be won, the risks are too great. Many sug-
gest another way out-negotiation-neu-
tralization.
Lyndon Johnson should answer each of
these objections now. He might well have
done this before now. Not enough people
know why we should support the South
Vietnamese.
First, who is responsible for the war? If
it were not for support of the Guerrillas by
North Vietnam there would be no war; no
war, at least, which would require our sup-
port. If it were not for Chinese support
for North Vietnam there would be no war
requiring American support.
COMMUNIST CHINA THE REAL FOE
This is a confrontation-not fundamentally
between Vietnam and the Vietcong or be-
tween the United States and the Vietcong-
but between the United States and Com-
munist China.
This must not be glossed over because if
we gloss it over we underestimate the risks
and do not understand the stakes.
Those, who question our presence ignore
certain facts. In 1954 a convention was
signed in Geneva guaranteeing South Viet-
nam its independence. The North Viet-
namese are there as lawbreakers. We are
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there as law enforcers, by invitation of the
South Vietnamese Government.
What are the risks, the stakes? First, the
fate of 15 million Vietnamese. Two hundred
thousand Vietnamese casualties in the fight
against communism over the years, prove
they have the desire and will to keep their
country free and independent.
NEED FUNDAMENTALS
In Vietnam today there is determination
of the people to save their freedom-provided
they have the conviction they will win.
These are fundamental reasons the
stronger course of action will be more effec-
tive than may seem today.
Fifteen million people are worth saving
but many argue that this is not enough to
risk major confrontation and Chinese Com,
munist intervention.
If South Vietnam falls, through U.S. with-
drawal,. political settlement, or neutraliza-
tion (which is surrender on the installment
plan) , there is no doubt that Cambodia
(already` on the, brink) will go; that Laos,
practically gone now because 'of our gulli-
bility, will go; that Thailand (which wants
to be on our side but has held her inde-
peridence by being on the winning side) will
go; that Burma, an economic basket case;
and that Indonesia will go.
SUKARNO'S OVERRIPE MELON
Indonesia will follow Sukarno and Sukarno
once 'said that because of the American fail-
ure in Asia, the Communists were the wave
of the future and he would be on the win-
ning side.
Indonesia has half the world's tin, half the
world's rubber. It is only 14 miles from
the Philippines where guerrillas and Huk
activity have begun again-guerrilla activity
easily supported by Indonesian Commu-
nists.
In 3 or 4 years, then, we would have the
necessity of saving the Philippines. Could
we avoid a major war to save the Philippines?
Japan is the biggest prize in Asia, a
miracle of-economic recovery, the only pos-
sible economic counterpart to China.
Strong neutralist forces are now growing in
Japan. If southeast Asia goes Communist,
Japan will eventually be pulled irresistably
into the Red orbit.
If the United States gives up on Vietnam,
Asia will give up on the United States and
the Pacific will become a Red sea. These
are the stakes. And this is the reason the
Johnson administration has decided to win
in Vietnam-no more, no less.
AGAINST RED COLONIALISM
The possibilities of winning? How could
it be possible that, where 300,000 French-
men on the ground failed, 25,000 Americans
can expect success? But when the French
were in Vietnam they were fighting to stay
in-while the United States is, fighting to
get out.
The Vietnamese had very little interest in
fighting to preserve French colonialism. The
Vietnamese have a very great interest in
fighting against Communist colonialism.
That's why they fight with a will today.
THAT RISK OR GREATER RISK?
Risks must always be weighed. There is
a risk of Russian intervention. This risk is
small due to the logistic problems involved,
and because the Soviets are not, particularly
interested in seeing the Chinese Communists
succeed in their foreign policy objectives for
Asia.
A greater risk is Chinese Communist inter-
vention. Some say this is inevitable, that
the Chinese Communists would come in to
save North. Vietnam from defeat. That is
subject to serious question.
Comparing the situation now with Korea
in 1950, there are major differences. Now
Russia and Communist China are opponents.
Then they were allies.
China without Russia Is a fourth-rate
military power. And that is the situation
China must confront-if it decides to inter-
vene. That. is probably the reason Commu-
nist China. Is talking big but acting little,
without risking a confrontation with the
United States, at this point, over Vietnam.
Adding it all, we must assume that Com-
munist China might intervene. What should
our decision be, weighing that risk and that
possibility? It must be the same, because
it is a choice not between that risk and no
risk-but that risk and a greater risk.
NINE PINS IF UNITED STATES PULLS OUT
In the event that Vietnam falls, and in
the event that the balance of southeast Asia
falls, in 4 to 5 years, ties United States would
be confronted inevitably with a war to save
the Philippines or in some other area in
Asia and we would be confronting a China
stronger than she is now. China today is
diplomatically and militarily weaker than
she will ever be in the future.
Today China has a minimal nuclear ca-
pability but that capability increases daily.
It is a risk we must weigh. Do we stop Chi-
nese Communist aggression in Vietnam now
or wait until the odds and the risks are much
greater?
The United States must make a decision
as to what our goals are to be. Our goals
are presently limited to winning the war,
without unconditional surrender, without
destroying North Vietnam, without destroy-
ing Communist China. It is a limited ob-
jective but one which must be achieved.
ROAD OF "GOOD INTENTIONS"
What are the alternatives? Many well-
intentioned people have suggested, Why not
negotiate? Negotiation is a good word. All
wars are endet by negotiation. But to nego-
tiate now wound mean that the United States
could negotiate only surrender, coalition
government, a division of South Vietnam or
neutralization, which is surrender on the in-
stallment plan.
Negotiating with the Communists now
would be like negotiating with Hitler when
he had France practically occupied.
We must negotiate independence and
freedom for Vietnam. We cannot do that
now. Once we have gained the military ad-
vantage, once North Vietnam and Commu-
nist China are convinced they cannot take
over South Vietnam, then we can negotiate
the freedom and independence of South
Vietnam. Until then, we cannot.
Neutralization? Neutralism, where Com-
munists are concerned, means only three
things: we get in, we get out; they stay in,
and they take over. That is why we can't
agree to a neutralization of South Vietnam.
The choice we have is to get out completely
or to stay in until we achieve freedom and
independence for Vietnam.
The future is our main problem. The
world has been given the impression that
this is our war; that we are there unilater-
ally for our own selfish purposes. We are
there for our purposes, true, but we are
there because the freedom of all Asia, not
just Vietnam, is involved.
NIXON PROPOSES ASIAN COUNTERFORCE
Several suggestions can be made for fu-
ture policy. Once "the war is won in Viet-
nam, we must recognize that it will only be
the winning of a single battle as far as the
Communists are concerned.
It took Mao 20 years to conquer China.
This is Mao Tse-tung's theory of a long war.
He lost many battles, but he won the long
war. If Vietnam is lost to Communist
China, the long war will be stepped up in
Indonesia or somewhere else.
There must be a counterforce, an alterna-
tive to Mao's long war. Let me make sev-
eral suggestions. There is no question as to
Communist China's purpose and plan.
A1913
They have one, and they are determined.
But free Asia does not have a plan. It does
not, have- a purpose. It is necessary to mo-
bilize free Asia's economic and military re-
sources so there will be the lasting alterna-
tive of peace under freedom as against the
long war of communism.
JOHNSON PROPOSAL INCOMPLETE
President Johnson started down this road
when he suggested an Asian economic plan.
Let's go further; we need a conference of
free Asian nations, including South Viet-
nam, Cambodia, Laos, Thailand, Malaysia,
Burma, Indonesia, Taiwan, the Philippines,
Japan, South Korea, and possibly Australia
and New Zealand.
Such a conference would have three major
objectives: One, economic development-a
Marshall plan for Asia; a Marshall plan in-
volving industrial development, free trade
areas, and all other aspects which mean
economic development for the whole area.
Thee difficulty is in stopping there and
that is all that is suggested by the ad-
ministration. Economic strength alone is
not enough to stop communism, for in
South Vietnam, economic conditions are
much better than in the North.
Second, in Europe, the Marshall plan could
not have succeeded economically unless it
had the NATO military shield. There needs
to be a military alliance of free Asian na-
tions to stop any Communist aggression
against freedom.
The third step is to meet the problem
of indirect aggression. There should be
something like the Caracas resolution of 1954
that in event of a revolution with Commu-
nist-support from abroad (as in Vietnam),
all nations involved would band together to
resist conquest by indirect aggression.
Now that we've stepped up military ac-
tivity in Vietnam, we need to step up our
diplomatic offensive in all of Asia.
We need a charter for freedom for the
Pacific-an alternative to the seeming in-
evitability, at least to many in Asia, of Chi-
nese Communist domination.
MOBILIZE FREE ASIA'S ECONOMY
Often overlooked today is the fact that
the economic power of the nations cited Is
twice as great, as that of Communist China
today-if it can be mobilized, if it can be
united; if the United States can support it.
There is no question but that this could
be the great step forward which would stop
Chinese Communist aggression and the in-
evitable takeover of the heartland and pe-
ripheral areas of Asia as well.
I spoke of the stakes-southeast Asia, Ja-
pan, the Pacific-but they're much greater
than that. A great debate is going on in
the Communist world and what happens in
Vietnam will determine its course. The de-
bate is between the hardliners in Peiping
and the so-called softliners in Moscow. The
_softliners (oversimplified), because of a risk
of confrontation with the United States,
are not supporting revolutions to the same
extent that they did. The hardliners say
"we must step up our tactics and support of
revolution all over the world."
In the event the hardliners succeed in Viet-
nam, that will be the green light for aggres-
sion in Africa, Latin America-all over the
world. If they are stopped in Vietnam, that
will be a lesson just as Korea was a lesson
on the use of overt aggression.
It will be a lesson to the Communists at-
tempting to take over a nation through in-
direct aggression that the United States and
the free world have an answer to it.
So what is involved here is not just Asia,
but a battle for the whole world and because
that is so, risks must be taken-risks which,
I believe, in the long run will bring peace
and freedom. But the alternatives could be
war and loss of freedom.
In 1938, immediately after Munich, Win-
ston Churchill said: "The belief that you can
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX April 21, 1965
gain security by throwing a small state to
the wolves is a fatal delusion." He was right
about Czechoslovakia in ' 1938. And today,
with regard to Vietnam, the belief that we
can gain security by throwing a small state
to the wolves is a fatal delusion. In this
year when we honor Churchill the man, we
will do well to heed Churchill's principles.
ANSWERS TO WRITTEN QUESTIONS FROM FLOOR
Question. Will you be a candidate in 1968?
Answer. The Republican Party must get
off the floor fighting. But Republicans must
fight Democrats and not each other. To
win in 1966 the party must be unified. Un-
til we get the party off the floor, don't talk
of-1968.
Question (William Nigh). Use of gas in
Vietnam?
Answer. Under the circumstances it was
proper. But when the President said he was
not aware of its use he gave impression we
were wrong to use it, and that field com-
manders could make decisions of this conse-
quence without his knowledge. He should
have said: (1) This was not gas used in World
Wars I or II which nations have opposed;
(2) it was used not by United States, but by
Vietnam; (3) it was used in attacks on vil-
lages In which Vietnamese could not tell who
were guerrillas and who the guerrillas' vic-
tims; (4). so instead of blasting out friends
and foes indiscriminately, Vietnamese used
tear gas so they could separate guerrillas
from loyal citizens. It was humane warfare
and President should have said so.
Question. (W. F. Bramstedt). Can we win
without a major land war?
Answer. Depends on the extent to which
the Chinese Communists choose to inter-
vene. They are basically cautious in military
policy-=e.g., could have taken all India but
they stopped. I don't believe the Chinese
will intervene. Strategically and logistically,
this is no Korean type of war. We must as-
sume the risk. Some think China should be
recognized and taken into the U.N. Chi-
nese communism is in its aggressive, virulent
stage. The Soviet Union was not tempered
in its foreign policy by entrance into the
U.N. It has been tempered only by the power
of NATO and the U.S. confrontation in Cuba.
Question. (J. C. Russell). Johnson admin-
istration now doing what Goldwater advo-
cated?
Answer. It's easy to say "I told you so."
Johnson needs Republican support, he has
been learning a lot since the campaign-but
we don't want him to learn so much he gets
reelected.
Question. (R. J. Jajalich). What if the
United States asked to leave? (Col. James S.
Hughes). Effects of Diem's murder?
Answer. If any future government gets in
through a coup or anything but as repre-
sentativesof the people--and if it's pro-Com-
munist-we should stay in. Murder of Diem
was a major U.S. mistake. Diem and his
family were sometimes crosses to bear but
since 1956 he had stood strongly with the
United States. We supported the coup but
did not expect him to be murdered. You
can't set such things in motion. A free Asian
leader told me shortly after Diem's death:
"It is dangerous to be a friend of the United
States-it pays to be a neutral and some-
times helps to be an enemy." U.S. policy-
makers must understand that American-style
Cemocracy is not necessarily the answer
where traditions are different.
Question. (Ivor R. Parrott). De Gaulle's
attitude on Vietnam question?
Answer. De Gaulle's attitude is first French
and then European: (1) If you were French
would you want to see the United States suc-
ceed where you had failed? (2) Europeans
see clearly the Communist danger in Europe
but have a blind spot on Asia. In the East
particularly we are afflicted the same way.
Question. (Stanley Brooks). Proposed
changes in the new civil rights bill
Answer. When faced with a volatile situa-
tion you can't delay action over 7 years for
an amendment to the Constitution. There
shquld be action but action of right kind.
Voters should be literate but literacy test
should be fair. Republican platform of 1960
considered a sixth grade education as suf-
ficient qualification. The present law ap-
plies only in those States won by Repub-
licans in 1964-bill should be extended to
all the country.
Abuse of the Sick Aged.
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. CHARLES S. GUBSER
OF CALIFORNIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, April 19, 1965
Mr. GUBSER. Mr. Speaker, a series
of articles written by Lisa Hobbs re-
cently appeared in the San Francisco
Examiner which comprise a shocking ex-
pose of the treatment of our sick and
elderly citizens in some convalescent and
nursing homes In California.
Because I believe these articles should
be brought to the attention of the leader-
ship in this Congress and the executive
branch, I am inserting them in the REC-
oRQ as separate extensions of remarks.
I am not including the third article in the
series since it deals primarily with State
legislation.
I am indebted to my constituents, Miss
Violette Hofmann and Mrs. Frank H.
Schryver, for bringing these articles. to
my attention. I sincerely hope the ap-
propriate individuals will consider the
possibility of corrective legislation.
The first article follows:
[From the San Francisco (Calif.) Examiner,
Mar. 14,19651
BUREAUCRACY'S VICTIMS: ABUSE OF THE SICK
AGED
(By Lisa Hobbs)
Scandalous abuses are being heaped on the
sick aged of California by a multimillion-dol-
lar bureaucracy.
The powers of this bureaucracy have be-
come so diffused in the mass of related and
unrelated Federal, state, and county reg-
ulations that gross abuses of the aged are
now inherent in the system's functioning.
The rise of California's newest Industry-
the nursing and convalescent homes-is an
offshoot of this bureaucracy's attempt to deal
with one facet of the problem of an aging
population.
In a 3-week survey of nursing and con-
valescent homes in the city and East Bay, the
Examiner found:
Elderly persons, unheeded, crying to be
turned over.
One aid doing all the household cleaning,
'cooking, and nursing for up to 10 bed
patients.
Grease encrusted stoves and filthy kitchen
floors.
Constant reference to the sick aged as be-
ing like children.
Total lack of privacy for those paying up
to $500 a month.
Debasing humiliations for lower economic
aged.
These abuses are widespread throughout
the State but the most scandalous fact is
that for years the city of San Francisco has
been dumping its sick aged into State mental
asylums to die-whether mentally ill or not.
According to the department of mental
hygiene's report to the legislature in 1963,
the city's rate of commitment to a State
mental hospital was 600 per 100,000 popula-
tion. Eighty percent of these persons died
within the first 3 weeks.
While San Francisco was committing 600
per 100,000 population, Los Angeles was com-
mitting only 54 per 100,000 and Alameda 300.
Eighty percent of those committed were over
65 and were being committed for the first
time.
Bureaucracy-the same style bureaucracy
that controls the nursing-convalescent home
situation today-not only allowed this but
actually condoned it.
Purely economic reasoning lay behind the
dumping of these aged persons into mental
hospitals to end their days. By removing
them from the county hospital where they
were receiving medical assistance to the
aged (MAA) under the Kerr-Mills bill, the
city of San Francisco was freed of its 25
percent share of MAA costs for that patient.
It is an old solution, however, being used
long before the Kerr-Mills bill was intro-
duced.
The procedure involved was a brief court
commitment proceeding while the words
"with psychosis" were added to the doctor's
original diagnosis of "chronic brain syn-
drome." This syndrome covers everything
from confusion to senility.
Officials of the department of mental hy-
giene are forced to play their part in the
scandal, because the law requires them to
accept into mental hospitals all patients
committed by the court, whether mentally
ill or not.
Dr. Robert Hewitt, chief deputy director
of the department in Sacramento, said
there are a substantial number of people in
our State hospitals who do not require hos-
pitalization, who are not mentally ill, and
some of whom should never have been com-
mitted to our care.
This solution was practiced for years with
the knowledge and tacit approval of the city
and county of San Francisco, county hos-
pital authorities, State mental hospital
authorities, and the State department of
mental health.
By setting up a honeycomb of regulations
governing building and architectural re-
quirements of housing for the aged, the
State has paid a ritualistic tribute to the
physical well-being of the aged.
Yet in those areas where the aged can be
most easily victimized-all those areas in
which they struggle to maintain a sense of
value and dignity as human beings-the
State has done nothing to protect them.
Instead, with slipshod regulations and
ineffectual controls, the State has left the
aged sick to suffer countless indignities at
the hands of unskilled guardians, called
nurse's aids, vocational nurses, or practical
nurses.
Just as victimized are the families of the
sick aged, in those cases where families
exist. The expense is crippling, the load of
doubt and guilt devastating.
I visited scores of homes where the price
of a room for "a loved one" was plucked from
the air. Only twice was I given a printed
card with rates. Elsewhere, a score of little
feelers as to the "loved ones" means-whe-
ther she was receiving old age assistance
social security, a veteran's pension, a rail-
road pension-always preceded the final
figures.
And the final figure was never cheap. No
home will accept a patient receiving medical
assistance to the aged if there is a change of
selling the bed for a higher, private fee.
Twice it was intimated that if the "loved
one" came in on MAA rates (which pay a
maximum of $9.10 a day) a subsidy pay-
ment to bring the rate to $350 a month would
have to be made privately to the nursing
home operator.
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