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Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446RQ0p~00150024-7 April 15, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX ger lies in the imports of. foreign produce mainly from South America and Mexico. So having agreed to this principle, that it is most desirable to raise the wages of all Americans to a decent level, California agri- culture suggests that the U.S. Gov- ernment look into its sordid record in the pay of its servicemen. It pays an ensign at sea less than a baby sitter. A Navy lieuten- ant makes less in 60 hours a week than a New York City policeman or fireman makes in 40 hours. A Navy petty officer on a Po- laris submarine earns less, per month than a man on the public uneployment rolls in New York State. A recruit in the Army earns $78.00 per month which figures out to the princely sum of 441/2 cents per hour for a 44-hour week. Five thousand families of Air Force per- sonnel are forced to accept relief checks, and 55,000 more are technically eligible for relief but are too proud to accept it. One hun- dred sixty-nine thousand Air Force person- nel receive basic pay below the poverty standard set by President Johnson. An un- derprivileged school dropout will receive $105 a month in a Job Corps camp, but a skilled seaman with 2 years naval service receives only $99. Having accepted this principle of decent wages for all, how can our Government re- main silent on the question of better pay for our servicemen? Or is it that taxes would have to be increased, and increased taxes is not politically popular? As men- tioried above, agriculture can find no quar- rel with the principle of decent wages for all. The Secretary of Labor has also told agri- culture that if it paid decent wages, they would not have the turnover problem and that workers would be more willing to stay. For the Secretary's information, the military has been complaining about this very same problem, and I would suggest that he con- tact the military and advise them of his so- lution to the problem. California agriculture cannot pay $1.40 per hour when Texas and Florida are at 90 cents or less. We would be most happy to pay in- dustrial. wages as long as our competing States pay the same. It is they with whom we 'must compete. With respect to service pay, with whom does Uncle Sam compete that it can't pay Our boys a decent wage? Sincerely yours, STEPHEN D'ARRIGO, Jr. How Niles, Ill., Earned Its New Title of All America City EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. DONALD RUMSFELD OF ILLINOIS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, April 15, 1965 Mr. RUMSFELD. Mr. Speaker, every year the National Municipal League and Look magazine honor 11 communities whose citizens have put forth extraor- dinary effort to solve their problems, designating. each as an All America City. It is .a distinct pleasure to me and, I am sure, to all residents of the State of Illi- nois, to learn that the village of Niles, located in the 13th Congressional Dis- trict which I have the honor of repre- senting in the Congress of the United States, has been selected as one of the 11 outstanding communities in the Nation in 1964. I extend my congratulations to the citizens of Niles and to their civic and business leaders on their public spirit and interest which has brought them this well-deserved recognition. The towns selected for this coveted honor may win because their citizens survived a natural disaster, ousted a cor- rupt government, improved economic conditions, or undertook to solve other problems that beset American communi- ties at some time during their history. The outstanding effort of the citizens of Niles, Ill., in meeting their problem of rapid growth during the period from 1950 to 1964 and in replacing their local government officials who did little or nothing to provide the necessary com- munity services to keep pace with this growth brought the distinguished award of All America City. How the village of Niles earned this distinction is described in the following article by Richard Hoffman, writing in the Chicago's American: How NILES, ILL., EARNED ITS NEW TITLE OF ALL AME$ICA CITY (By Richard Hoffmann) How does a community become an All America City? First, you throw the rascals out, especially if they're part of a political machine in power for 20 years. Then you inject helpings of spirit, pride, youth, dedication, integrity, and efficiency, all of which mobilize the community in the pursuit of higher accomplishments. This, at least, is the formula for success described by officials in the northwest sub- urb of Niles, one of 11 communities just honored by Look magazine and the National Municipal League as an All America City. Mayor Nicholas Blase, 36, whose New Era party swept to victory in the 1961 elections, feels the crackdown on gambling which had flourished on. an unincorporated strip of Milwaukee avenue between Niles and Chi- cago gave the people confidence in his ad- ministration. "Everything seemed to spring from that," he said, "and other new projects that fol- lowed enjoyed public support." Blase and Police Chief Clarence "Whitey" Emrikson were both subjected to telephone threats for their campaign against the strip, whose gaudy establishments were finally shuttered when Chicago annexed the area. Emrikson, also 36, said through 1961 and 1962 he was harassed by anonymous callers who would utter such threats as, "Leave the pinballs alone or your kids will never reach school tomorrow." "This will be a constant problem," Emrik- son says. "There are still people who want the pinballs and the jar games back." Emrikson is the type of police chief who turns down annual gifts of liquor with a polite but firm "no," associates say. Although to the passerby there is nothing to distinguish Niles from any of the other towns which border commercial strips like Milwaukee Avenue, the community is really in full throttle now. Citizens for Better Parks pushed through a $705,000 bond issue in 1962 which resulted in two park sites and a new community cen- ter and swimming pool. A $575,000 library will open soon because of the efforts of the Women's Club of Niles, which started a part-time, volunteer book lending program. A new $198,000 village hall will be dedi- cated Sunday; a second $375,000 fire station opened in 1982; an $825,000 reservoir opened 2 years ago to increase water capacity by 3 million gallons. A1885 A $3,840,000 "leaning tower" YMCA is un- der construction next to a replica of the famed tower in Pisa, Italy. The Tower was originally constructed in 1932 by Robert A. Ilg, inventor and electrical manufacturer, to store water for his private park and swimming.pools, which he later donated to the YMCA: Niles also has changed because of the dedi- cation of men like Trustee Robert Wente. He jumped into the swollen waters of the Chi- cago River to pull out old bikes and bed springs to speed the river's flow when base- ments began flooding. Mrs. Margaret B. Lieske, village clerk, said when she took office she had to sort out 20 years of records filed in cartons. While Niles has been able to build, it has also cut taxes from 0.370 cents per $100 as- sessed valuation to 0.362. Village Manager James F. Pryde says one of the reasons is top personnel. Blase says the big problem now will be to live up to the All America image. With village elections coming up April 20, Blase's party has also changed its image. It's now called the Forward Era Party. The 75th Anniversary of the Inter. American System SPEECH HON. EDNA F. KELLY OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, April 14, 1965 -Mrs. KELLY. Mr. Speaker, April 14, 1965, marked the 75th anniversary of for- mal regional cooperation in the Amer- icas, but the interest of the United States in creating an inter-American system dates far earlier than 1890. In fact, from the very beginnings of our Republic, leading political figures urged hemi- spheric cooperation to preserve the independence of the New World from European domination and to resolve beacefully tensions among the American nations. The desire among North Americans and Latin Americans alike for hemi- spheric cooperation finally came to frui- tion at the end of-the 19th century. In 1889 and 1890 the First International Conference of American States met in Washington. From this conference emerged the first hemispheric machinery for peaceful arbitration of disputes and the first permanent inter-American agency, the Commercial Bureau of the American Republics, later renamed the Pan American Union. Cooperative efforts in the Americas slowly and gradually grew until the Sec- ond World War tested hemispheric solidarity: all the American nations joined forces against the Axis powers. The basis had been laid; solidarity had been tested and proven. In a sense the war was a watershed in inter-American relations, for it sparked intensified efforts' at cooperation. Thus, in the years since World War II inter-American cooperation has been consolidated and inter-American insti- tutions have proliferated into our pres- ent-day inter-American system. The, Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150024-7- A1886 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150024-7 CONGRESSIONAL, RECORD -APPENDIX April 15, 1965 Rio Treaty of 1947 formalized our hemispheric defense structure. The Bogota Charter of 1948 creating the Or- ganization of American States organized the hemisphere Into an actively func- tioning regional political system. In the years since World War II the inter-American system has developed into a dynamic instrument of hemi- sphere solidarity, successfully preserving the collective security of the hemisphere against the No. 1 danger today: Communist aggression. Recently the American nations have turned more and more to a set of problems virtually ne- glected in the early years of inter-Ameri- can cooperation: the pressing economic and social problems of the hemisphere. The Inter-American Development Bank and the Punta del Este Charter are cor- nerstones of a vast cooperative effort to improve living conditions throughout the hemisphere. The first 75 years of the inter-Ameri- can system have witnessed a remarkable growth in solidarity, particularly during the last 20. The focus of cooperation has changed with the times: from collec- tive defense against European domina- tion to collective defense against Com- munist aggression. Political coopera- tion has expanded into economic and social cooperation. But the goals have not changed: a better life in freedom for everyone throughout the hemisphere. May the next 75 years bear witness to even greater progress through hemi- sphere cooperation. Only Man Who Can Arrest a President EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. MORRIS K. UDALL OF ARIZONA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, April 15,. 1965 no task too large or too small for them to tackle and follow through to a successful conclusion. The U.S. Senate is blessed with one of these rare individuals in the person of their Sergeant at Arms, Joseph C. Duke, of Ari- zona. Vice President HuBERT HUMPHREY calls him the Houdini of Washington be- cause he can produce the almost Impossible on short notice. He is affectionately called "Joe" by all of the U.S. Senators, his friends, and six Presi- dents dating from Herbert Hoover through President Lyndon B. Johnson. He proudly wears a wrist watch engraved L.B.J., which the President took off his own wrist and pre- sented to Joe in appreciation of their long and pleasant friendship. Joe's career started in Phoenix where he attended PUNS and was active in the Young Democrats of Arizona. He was extremely bright and was offered a job as teller with the Gila Valley Bank in Globe, this bank was the grandpa of the present Valley National Bank of Arizona). He accepted the job and was doing quite well when he had a better offer from Tom O'Brien of the mine. He accepted this offer and did well. At this time, in 1930, the depression had hit and everyone was trying to cut expenses, even Joe. A good friend asked him if he would join the volunteer fire department in Miami where he could get his room free by sleeping upstairs over the firehouse. He made his application to join and was ac- cepted. He moved in but spent most of his spare time at the police station next door just visiting and learning the ropes. One night one of the officers was killed. This left an opening which was offered to Joe. The police job paid $188 per month and he could still live in the fire house. It was considerably more than he could make at the mine so he accepted the new challenge. He might still be an officer or possibly chief of the Miami Police Depart- ment if he hadn't tried to keep peace and order among a bunch of drunk Mexicans. In trying to do his duty, he was shot through the stomach. Dr. Nelson Brayton arrived just in time, and Joe gives the doctor full credit for saving his life. While convalescing, he wrote his good friend, Senator Henry Ashurst"'in Washing- ton, making an application for a more peace- ful job on the Senator's staff. The Senator had just lost one of his most valued assist- ants by death and this left the perfect open- ing for Joe. He arrived in Washington in 1931 and worked as clerk and administrative assistant to Ashurst as long as he was in office. He then moved over to Senator CARL HAY- DEN's office, and later to become the Senate's bill clerk, a job so important that the Re- publican Senators requested that he stay on the job even through the 80th Congress which was Republican controlled. Joe decided that he would like to be Sergeant at Arms of the U.S. Senate when the Democrats gained control with Harry Truman in 1949. He started lining up his votes among the Senators, but it was nec- essary that he be nominated by his own Sen- ators, .CARL HAYDEN and Ernest McFarland. CARr, didn't want to. lose Joe, consented if McFarland would nominate him. Mac made a slip of the tongue and nomi- nated Joe Doaks. He was elected January 3, 1949, and served until the Republicans took over under Eisenhower. He was out 2 years, but was reelected January 5, 1955, and is still there. His job gives him control of 14 depart- ments and 900 people. He is the only man in the world who has the power to arrest a President, and this must be done on instruc- tions from the U.S. Senate. Watch your TV screen, the next time you see the President going in or coming out of a joint session of Congress, the dapper, youngish-looking man with horn-rimmed glasses immediately in front of the President is our Joe who has done so much for Arizona and the c untry as a whole. President Johnson Looks Beyond the War EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. DONALD M. FRASER OF MINNESOTA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, April 14, 1965 Mr. FRASER. Mr. Speaker, President Johnson's speech on Vietnam last week clearly pointed out the divergent aims of the United States and Communist China in regard to southeast Asia. President Johnson forcefully stated this country's commitment to peaceful change and economic progress. On the other hand, Communist China has given no indication that It is willing to aban- don its policy of aggression In southeast Asia. The President's offer of extensive development aid for Asia stands in marked contrast to China's continuing role of encouraging and supporting in- surgency wars in southeast Asia. A column by Max Freedman, in the Chicago Daily News of April 10, elo- quently emphasizes this long-range com- mitment of the United States. I have unanimous consent to place Mr. Freed- man's article in the RECORD: JOHNSON LOOKS BEYOND THE WAR (By Max Freedman) WASHINGTON.--President Johnson, in his address at Johns Hopkins University, has done much more than open up a new and constructive phase to American policy in Vietnam. He also has proclaimed an Ameri- can commitment to resist Chinese expansion anywhere in southeast Asia. Until now, for what has appeared to be weighty and sufficient reasons, the adminis- tration, from Dwight D. Eisenhower to Mr. Johnson, has steadily identified North Viet- nam as the aggressor, as she certainly is and as this administration would never deny. China's appetite for aggression, however, has been given far less emphasis. This technique died at Johns Hopkins. After weighing all the risks, the President decided to look beyond the war in Vietnam and to concentrate attention on China's threat to southeast Asia. In this wider context he gave a pledge, an unlimited and unconditional pledge, to resist Chinese military aggression, alone if neces- sary, and as long as may be necessary. Any country in southeast Asia attacked by China's power, either directly or through puppets and guerrillas, and willing to fight for its freedom and independence, can be as- sured that American help will be offered in response to an appeal for assistance. That is the stark and far-reaching implica- tion of the principles asserted in the Presi- dent's address. Washington is ranged di- rectly against Peiping in a more blunt and deliberate manner than many of us would have believed possible before Johns Hopkins. This firm stand has been taken by the administration, after long and careful delib- eration, because it has decided that China can be deterred from a continued career of aggression only if she realizes that she must overcome prompt and massive resistance by the United States. Perhaps this warning will fail. In a situa- tion overflowing with uncertainties, it is Mr. UDALL. Mr. Speaker, those of us who represent the State of Arizona are proud that one of our citizens has risen to the position of Sergeant at Arms of the U.S., Senate. Of course, I am speak- Ing of Joseph C. Duke, of Miami, Ariz., who has served the Senate in his present capacity for the past 16 years. Recently the Buckeye Valley Journal Post, of Buckeye, Ariz., published an arti- cle by Columnist Ralph Watkins review- ing Mr, Duke's career and praising him for his accomplishments. In the article Mr. Watkins pointed out that the posi- tion ofSergeant at Arms is the only office In the world given power to arrest the President of the United States-that is, on instructions of the U.S. Senate. I might say that I do not expect my fellow Arizonan to exercise this power, at least during the present administration. Mr. Speaker, without objection, I in- sert the article referred to at this point in the Appendix: IF5rom the Buckeye Valley Journal Post, Apr. 1, 19651 POLITICAL SCENE: (By Ralph Watkins) In politics, there are a few public servants who are known as can do people. There Is Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150024-7 April 15, 196(x......_ ? ..?CC)NRSSI(~1.~(Sft75.-. ....,.,_~ . A1881 quite possible that China will ignore the adventurous Florentine navigator sailed "We must deal with the world as it is, Mr. warning or will be provoked by it. his ship into New York Harbor and sent Johnson said. "The first reality is that North now stands on less solid ground. Vietnam has attacked the independent na- But China a small boat through the Narrows to ex- tion of South Vietnam. Its object is total Her rulers know that the United States will today Upper New York forbid easy military conquests, and the plore what we call conquest * * * To abandon this small and threatened nations of Asia, no longer de- Bay. The name of the navigator was brave nation to its enemy-and to the ter- fenseless and alone, can have new confidence Giovanni Verrazano. ror that must follow-would be an unfor- in resisting the encroachments of commu- Long before the voyages of Raleigh, givable wrong." nism. Hudson, and the Pilgrims, Verrazano and It was on this note that Lyndon Johnson These must be considered two securities his intrepid companions came to the rose to the pinnacle. His policy is based on for peace, even though they will be brushed shores of North America, explored these what is right rather than on what is ex- asIde and will count for nothing if Peking pedient. His firm voice of compassion for is blind to reason and is covetous of con- shores, and reported their findings to the victims of Communist terror in South quest and aggression. Then a time of sor- Europe. For centuries, Americans re- Vietnam comes as a refreshing breath of hope row and upheaval will truly face mankind. mained ignorant of this exploit. The in a world where many people and many Meanwhile, beginning with Vietnam, the name they gave to their continent evoked co ntrier side all too willing to passssedbyandon pprpr President has given fresh hope and oppor- the voyages of Amerigo Vespucci. They tthe he tormented to and leave the their horrible fate. tunity to all of southeast Asia. set aside a day to commemorate the dis- President Johnson emphasized that "we The rulers of North Vietnam have a clear coveries of Christopher Columbus. But or under choice, they can wreck their country in a neither of these great explorers-who the will not cloak of a withdraw, meaningless either agreemopenlyent." suicidal contest with American power; and en lnreely to the renown of mhi- R,s n. wen-deserved rebuke of those China and Russia will then find it much easier to degrade North Vietnam into a Italian navigation-Came to the shores of pathetic puppet than to respect its status what today is the northeastern coast of as an independent country. the United States. It is to Verrazano That is one choice-ruin, devastation, the that credit belongs for first exploring this loss of effective independence. It is the fate coast. that awaits North Vietnam while she follows Belatedly, Americans have come to, the present course. recognize the achievements of Verrazano." But President. Johnson gave North Viet- In 1909, a statue of Verrazano was un- tinned nam by another reason, choice. by justice, It is a and choice by sanc- gen- veiled in Battery Park in New York City. erosity. In 1964, a suspension bridge across the North Vietnam cannot only join with other Narrows of New York Harbor was com- nations in conditions of equality to obtain a pleted, bearing appropriately the name of fair and honorable and guaranteed settle- Verrazano. It is my hope that one day 1 b fit fro the economic ' t d 1Oth ene m t who clamor for negotiations on any terms. What they really are seeking is a way to surrender. If Hanoi is ready to talk peace, it has an open invitation. America's terms, as stipu- lated by Mr. Johnson are eminently fair and clear: "An independent South Viet- nam, securely guaranteed and able to shape its own relationships to all others." Whether the Communists will consider these terms acceptable is another matter. It takes two to negotiate. , s e can a so mea all our citizens will be acqualn a w and social aid that can quicken southeast the exploits of Verrazano, and that his Senator Dodd's Leadership Asia with progress I,n many fields now, beyond name will be set alongside those of Co- its reach. The President wants the United States to lumbus and Vespucci when the glorious make an initial contribution of $1 billion to history of Italian navigation is evoked. that international program in which the United Nations will exercise an Important Influence. While China threatens . aggression, this country offers massive help. The contrast will be visibly clear to every government and people in Asia. Let us note that the President invited Rus- With Courage and Reason EXTENSION OF REMARKS sia, and other industrialized nations, to unite in making the international program a great HON. WILLIAM J. GREEN success. He was silent about China. That too will be remembered and appreciated by Asia's rulers. For China will be welcomed in this IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, April 15, 1965 international project when she reno'unces' Mr. GREEN of Pennsylvania. Mr. aggression and abides by the commitments Speaker, under leave to extend my re- choice of a for good Peiping nto neighbor. make. Once again that is a marks in the RECORD, I wish to include The President at Johns Hopkins held out the following editorial which appeared in before the independent nations of southeast the Philadelphia Inquirer on Friday Asia the chance, with international aid, to morning, April 9, 1965. root out the'grievances and injustice that The editorial follows: give Communist guerrillas their sinister op- WITH COURAGE AND REASON portunity. He also should take the lead now In build- President Johnson's address at Johns Hop- kins University-directed to America and the lug a stronger system world, replace the discredited SEATO alliance. , to our friends and our enemies- was a masterful presentation of U.S. policy Choosing his time well and his words with in southeast Asia. wisdom, President Johnson has given North It is a policy that calls for continuing cour- Vietnam a chace to end the war and South- 'n age in the defense of a far-off land against east Asiaa chance to enter a new age of the. aggression of a brutal invader. It is a supr the hope. It will be a eme is not amply ful- - policy that summons the forces of reason in promise of Johns Hopkins is y quest of peace even though the foe is no- fllled. toriously unreasonable and seemingly com- mitted to the path of war. The President balanced a strong pledge to Verrazano Day 1965 defend freedom in South Vietnam with an equally strong promise to seek a fair peace 'SIGN' OF REMARKS through "unconditional discussions." He ETA' = capped it all with a billion-dollar offer of of k = i economic development aid to southeast Asia HON. EDNA F. KELLY that ought to serve as a per'suasive induce- ment to end the war and reap the harvest Og NEW YORK of peaceful progress. IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES While there were overtones of idealism in Thursday, April 15, 1965 his speech the President also faced the hard r - - truths and, the harsh realities-something Mrs. KELLY. Mr. Speaker, on or that many of'h`i's' critics have been too timid about April 17, 1524, 441 years ago, an to do. SPEECH HON. PHILIP J. PHILBIN OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, March 10, 1965 The House in Committee of the Whole House on the State of the Union had under consideration the bill (H.R. 2) to protect the public health and safety by amending the Federal Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act to establish special controls for depressant and stimulant drugs, and for other purposes. Mr. PHILBIN. Mr. Chairman, I am a strong supporter of the pending drug bill, H.R. 2, and am very anxious to compli- ment and congratulate the distinguished committee for its fine work in bringing this very desirable, constructive legisla- tion to the floor of the House for appro- priate action. I am also very anxious to compliment and congratulate the very distinguished Senator from Connecticut, our former great and esteemed colleague, the Hon- orable THOMAS J. DODD, for his tremen- dous contributions in so ably developing and pressing for this necessary, vital leg- islation. Many of us here know of the long- sustained interest and effective work of Senator DODD in this field, and those of us who know him well and served with him here in this great body well under- stand his very high purpose and the dynamic impact of his great ability, patriotism, and spirit of dedication upon many of the great issues confronting the Congress. The country and his great State, and its wonderful people, are fortunate in- deed to have such a wise, inspired, saga- cious leader representing them in the other body, and I believe that this drug bill, which is to a great extent the product Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150024-7 Approved For Release 2003/10/14 CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150024-7 `A1888 CONGRESSIONAL. RECS.-~ APPENDIX April 15, 1965 of Tom DODD's deep concern, will do much approval and applause for a Job well to ll i t f a ev a e some o the shocking con- done. ditions currently extant in the Nation, Mr. Speaker, the article follows: i in s e ra g s p culation and doubt regarding the future health, strength, stability, and soundness of some of our youth and our people. I am very proud that I serve in this [From the Chicago (Ill.) Daily News, Apr. 10, 19651 SCHOOL BILL BIG GREAT SOCIETY VICTORY (By James McCartney) great Congress with a brilliant, far- WASHINGTON -We're off on the road to that sighted, courageous leader like Senator Great Society. TOM DODD, and that I can call him my dented Suddenly, victories, NOPres dentg Jand ohnson r has dear, admired friend. taken giant strides toward achievement of School Bill Big Great Society Victory EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. ROMAN C. PUCINSKI OF ILLINOIS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES his major legislative goals. Friday night his education bill-after nearly 20 years of frustrating and often angry debate on similar measures-went rocketing through the Senate. The vote was 72 to 18. Whether it was President Johnson's seem- ingly limitless powers of persuasion, or a slow process of educational conversation that changed his views this year, the public at present does not know. He modified his views to the extent that he became willing to accept a social security- style system of prepayment. Then he hur- ried hearings through his committee. A final touch in the legislation was to add a package of voluntary provisions which the aged may sign up for if they wish. The final package includes, essentially, a hospital care plan under a social security style system of prepayment, plus a voluntary health insurance system to cover doctor bills. It was only Thursday that the President's Report to Kansas on H.R. 6675 health-care-for-the-aged bill passed over its gnat, too, was an impressive achievement. The education bill now requires only a Presidential signature to become a reality HON. JOE SKUBITZ Monday, April 5,, 1965 The health care bill, which is just about as revolutionary, is not expected to encounter Mr. PUCINSKI. Mr. Speaker, now serious trouble in the Senate. that the education bill has become the The President was so confident concern- working law of the land, it is gratifying ing the prospects for the education bill that to know how greatly our Nation will be he left town before the final vote. altered in the years to come because of He did not think it was necessary to stay its enactment. handy to the telephone to apply his velvety Those of us who worked for final_ technique at persuasion in case it should be sage of the bill can take particular pride close he President has done more than simply in having preserved its main strength- show that he can accomplish legislative feats direct aid to students. that previously have seemed impossible. The future of America is limited only He goes one better than that. by the economic and mental future of He makes it look easy. her citizens. Tomorrow's problems will Republicans aren't quite sure how to react. not be solved by reliance on old for- They seem, at times, simply stunned. mules, old theories, old conceptions of It can't be said that the President is totally ill onsible for the success of the education poverty, deprivation and limited abili- bres ties. Americans today must do more Surely, it is his bill, but there is no evi- than take their place among the people dence that it was Lyndon Johnson who came of the world who have learned the rudi- up with the brilliant concept-at least from ments of reading and writing. the legislative point of view-that made it President Johnson sees 190 million possible to pass the bill in Congress. Americans as individuals, with indi- This is the concept, essentially, that the Aidual capacities for major part of the money in the bill.-$1 bil-hel of the poor, . He has the need for fa - etaching pro- regardless of whet ertheyilattend public or grams to help those individuals who, private schools. through lack of education and training, In terms of historic perspective, the pass- cannot help themselves. The Presi- age of the bill is simply a marvel. dent's devotion to this concept of the The first serious effort to pass a general worth of every individual reinforces our education bill after World War II was made in 1948. By 1950 the discussion degenerated ability to see that each of us participates into a' bitter and acrimonious fight over directly in the wealth and progress of church-state relationships. our country. Over the years bills foundered in every The enormous wealth of achievement imaginable way. They were tied up in com- whieh will be realized as a direct result mittees, boxed in by powerful congressional of this historic education bill can be felt committee chairmen, sometimes passed in one House of Congress and stopped in the in classrooms and communities all over other. America. But once the magic concept came from The President has called on us to lend the White House this year, on January 12, our skills to insuring the freedom of the atmosphere was different. opportunity to every man, woman and A successful solution had been found child in the 50 States. Now, in fact and to the church-state controversy. Groups which had in our lifetime, we can Provide direct pevioushearings iy wereo suddone in enlynnodding assistance to those millions less fortu- and smiling. nate to develop their abilities for the Even Republicans who are famous for enrichment of all. The wonder is why their conservatism found themselves unable we waited so long to turn our attention to stand in the way of the bill's passage, to this great cause. Some finally helped boost it along its way. - Following is an article written by Mr. Others voted for its passage. the Chicago Daily News recently about the education bill and the hope it has stirred in communities across the length and breadth of the land. I bring it to the attention of my colleagues today so that they may share its reaction of OF KANSAS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, April 8, 1965 Mr. SKUBITZ. Mr. Speaker, under unanimous consent, I include in the Ap-, pendix of the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD my' report to the people of Kansas on H.R., 6675: REPORT TO KANSAS The House of Representatives, on April 8, passed the administration's hospital and medical services bill. Although President Johnson has recommended that Congress en- act a limited hospital care program-the Ways and Means Committee, apparently with the President's blessing came forth with one of the most far-reaching medicare programs ever to reach the floor of the House. Let's not kid ourselves. When this bill be- comes law, the soundness of the social secu- rity pension program will be in real jeopardy. It has always been my feeling that we have a responsibility to provide hospital and medical care for all our people, young, and old, who are in need of such assistance. We have a responsibility to assist our senior citizens who are able to care for their ordi- nary expenses of living, but who live in con- stant fear of a major illness, which might wipe out their savings, and force them to become public charges-and such assistance should be given without- embarrassment or humiliation to those who need help. Hence, the real issue before the Congress during the debate on H.R. 6675, insofar as I was concerned, was not whether we should provide assistance but how we should provide assistance. The administration bill was brought to the floor under a closed rule which permitted 10 hours of discussion but denied to House Members the right to offer amendments, to remove objectional provisos, clarify ambigui- ties or improve it. Hence, a Member was required to vote "yes" or "no" on the whole package. With a single exception, the mi- nority was permitted to offer one amendment in the form of a motion to recommit. Under these circumstances, the minority offered the Byrnes bill as an alternative proposal. The administration program and the Byrnes alternative both included the pro- visions of H.R. 11865 which passed the House last year (and I supported it) providing for (a) an increase in social security benefits, (b) care bill is nearly as dramatic, although it lowered the retirement age to 60 years for tends to be more the story of a single man, widows, (c) provided social security benefits That man is Representative Wn sus MILLS, for those over 72 years of age, and (d) Democrat, of Arkansas, chairman of the to continued years benefits age if in dependent school. Bch- powerful House Ways and Means Committee. vided for a voluntary y insurance program Both bills bills pro For years he stood as an opponent of health medical (physicians) dare. Both bills pro- care for the aged under social security. vided for hospital care. In fact, the Byrnes Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150024-7 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150024-7 April 15, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD APPENDIX proposal was far more liberal since it pro- vided for catastrophic illnesses and medic- inals-these were not included in the ad- ministration's bill H.R. 6675. The major difference in the two programs, was not so niuch in the benefits provided, but in the method of financing. The adminis- tration bill provided that hospital care for those over 65 should be paid through an ad- ditional payroll tax attached to social se- curity by those who now pay social security but who would not be entitled to any bene- fits until they reach 65. The Byrnes proposal which I supported provided that those over 65 should pay one-third of the hospital and medical care insurance premium (average $6.50 per month) and the Government would pay two-thirds of the cost out of the general fund of the Treasury. It was the same pro- gram provided by the Government today for Members of Congress and Federal employees. It was agreed by some that if we could give aid to the nations all over the world, if we could pay benefits to labor, industry, and agriculture, if we could assist Federal em- ployees, then we could subsidize the medical needs of the aged to meet their medical costs. The question has also been raised why should a worker with two dependents and earning $3,600 per year be required to pay an income tax of $214 and also hospitalization costs for a person'on retirement who has an income of $3,600, pays no income tax and contributes nothing toward the hospital care program. I supported the Byrnes proposal. I could not in good conscience support the admin- istration proposal which in my opinion un- dermines the whole social security structure and places unnecessary additional burden on those who now pay social security. WHAT'S WRONG WITH HOSPITAL CARE UNDER SOCIAL SECURITY? Most of us have always considered social security as a program under which we would receive a pension at age 65-which combined with our life savings-would make it pos- sible for us to maintain a decent standard of living during our years of retirement. When the program was first enacted In 1937, it held out much promise. But since then what has happened to social security? Through the years we have so expanded and enlarged upon the original intent that, like Government bonds, it is rapidly losing its attractiveness. We now have on the books commitments to pay out approximately $625 billion to those on retirement or covered by social security. We have in assets around $305 billion. If all payments into the fund were to stop-we would be $300 billion short to meet present commitments. Instead of building up reserves, as private pension programs do, we have actually been paying out approximately as much as we have been taking in. We have continued not only to increase the social security rate, but also the earnings base upon which the tax is paid. In 1954, when disability payments were added, we were told OASI trust funds would climb to $28.5 billion by 1965-actually the fund is now estimated at around $19 billion, $7.5 billion short. And now we are enlarging the program by adding hospital care, increasing cash benefits and reducing the age requirements for widows. Have pension payments kept pace with the increased social security payments made by the worker? The answer is "No." In 1939, an employee who earned $550 per month paid $30 per year into the Social Security fund. He could look forward to receiving $58 per month on retirement. Today an em- ployee earning the same amount pays $174 into the social security fund and his maxi- mum social security benefit is $127 per ltonI. By 1973, an employee earning $550 per month will pay $358 annually into the social security fund, and he will receive a maximum pension check of $168. in other words while the cost has gone up 480 per- cent-the workers retirement check has in- creased only 119 percent. What is there about social security that is attractive to the young man who is about to enter the labor force for the first time? One must remember that these are the workers upon whom we must depend to pay into the fund so that those over 65 may secure these benefits. A young man, 21 years of age, entering the labor force next year and paying the full amount of social security until 65, could have deposited the same amount in a building and loan at 41/2 per- cent, and he would accumulate by retirement time an estimate of $42,000. If we add the employer's share, it would be $84,000. His retirement checks under social security would total $2,004 per anum. If he invested $42,- 000 at 5 percent, he would earn $2,100 an- nually and still leave an estate of $42,000 at his death. Can we keep expanding the social security program by adding hospital care, medical care, increasing benefits to those over 65, and charge it to social security? Yes, if those who pay into the fund are willing to stand for an increase in the payroll tax and the earning base upon which the tax is paid. It should be remembered, however, that the social security tax by 1971 will be as burden- some as the income tax. For example, take a man earning $5,000 per year with a wife and two dependents-in 1971 his income tax will be approximately $290 and his social security tax will be $260. These, of course, will be increased when demands are made that Congress grant further increases in so- cial security benefits to meet living, costs, and as hospital and medical services increase in cost. A hospital care program for those over 65 financed by a payroll tax attached to social security not only does serious damage to the social security pension program, but it also inflicts the most unfair tax in our whole taxing system. The president of the cor- poration pays on the same basis as the plant janitor. In closing may I repeat what I said in the beginning-I believe in providing hospital care and medical care for those who are in need. I want to help those who can care for themselves, but live in constant dread that one serious illness will place them on relief. But I want to do it without wrecking the social security pension system for those who are between the age of 21 and 65 and are required to foot the bill. I do not want to kill the goose that lays the golden egg, That is why I favored the financing provided by the Byrnes alternative and opposed the ad- ministration bill. Pan American Day SPEECH OF HON. JOHN BUCHANAN . OF ALABAMA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, April 14, 1965 Mr. BUCHANAN. Mr. Speaker, I want to join with other Members in ex- pressing appreciation for the fine leader- ship of my distinguished colleague, the gentleman from Alabama [Mr. SELDEN], as chairman of the Subcommittee on Latin American Affairs of the Foreign Affairs Committee. His fine work has been a credit to our State and to our country. Americans of every political persuasion owe him a debt of gratitude for his outstanding contribution in this area of foreign affairs. ' 'A1889 James A. Farley: Truly a Pro's Pro EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. EUGENE J. KEOGH or NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, April 15, 1965 Mr. KEOGH. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the RECORD, I include the following article by Frank Conniff which appeared in the New York Journal-American on April 5, 1965: JAMES A. FARLEY: TRULY A PRO'S PRO (By Frank Conniff) One of the nicer tints brightening the political spectrum during recent years is the universal admiration and affection exhibited toward James A. Farley, a pro's pro who has been to the wars without losing his integrity or his self-respect. Although he scrupulously shuns donning the toga of an elder statesman, audiences, especially those of a Democratic Party tinge, seem intent on communicating their vast esteem for him at every opportunity. He Is still much too vigorous to hold still for the wise man role, but people seem dedicated to placing him in a niche removed from the less seemly facets of public life. Largely by coincidence, this writer has many times this winter been at affairs where the introduction of Jim Farley brought a heartfelt and spontaneous response, The standing ovation bit is the most overdone feature of the banquet circuit these nights a claque of about three stands up and the rest of the room is ashamed not to follow suit-but in the case of Big Jim the roaring tribute strikes one as emanating from a deep desire to convey the audience's high regard for the man. There is something heartening about all this: a feeling of events coming full circle to honor the man for his many contributions devoid of the sniping that marred the un- happy years. Deep down, we suspect Jim Farley believes he has never been given proper credit for the role he played in help- ing enact President Roosevelt's New Deal into law. Not too many years ago, critics dismissed him as a "conservative." This was in the days when one's attitude toward Soviet com- munism determined your classification as a "liberal" or a "conservative." Those who viewed communism tolerantly and believed the United States could ac- commodate itself to all things Russian auto- matically were designated as "liberals." Others who, like Jim Farley, looked at Soviet Russia witu suspicion, were branded "con- servatives," although their support of liberal welfare measures had been a long standing commitment. But that's raking over a long-gone ideo- logical dispute which Josef Stalin settled by his unabashed aggressions following World War II. We would do well to bear the old feud in mind, however, in the current Viet- nam controversy. Those who believe the United States has committed its honor to the defense of South Vietnam are not neces- sarily trigger-happy reactionaries; nor are those who call for instant negotiations auto- matically appeasers of aggressive commu- nism. We are not trying to adjust a halo on Big Jim's shiny pate, because he operated ac- cording to the rules of political warfare, which can be pretty rugged at times. What he has proven is that you can survive in this rough game and still abide by the canons of decency, respect for opponents and trust. He managed to do it, and it's a shame not Approved -For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150024-7 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150024-7 A1890 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX enough of the new breed have pondered his example. Now he has come into the years of full recognition and his story reads very pleas- antly over the long haul. Prestige-wise, we would say he is ranked only by President Johnson and Harry S. Truman in the Demo- cratic Party. Vice President HVMPHRE-r, Sen- ator BOB KENNEDY, and Franklin D. Roose- velt, Jr., to mention of a few of the later generation, have years to go before the ac- cumulate the record of public service, ad- herence to ideals and party loyalty built up by Jim for more than 40 years. As we say, it's one of the nicer -things we've seen recently, the spontaneous salute of admiration and affection showered on James A. Parley whenever people get the chance demonstrate how they feel about him. Answer. No. There was no civil war in Cuba. We sent missiles to Cuba at the re- quest of Chairman Castro. We also removed them and our men when it looked like they could cause an all-out war. We are basically a peaceful nation. Question. There are signs that Russia is going capitalist. Can you explain your latest efforts to increase production by employing standards long used in this (capitalist) nation? Answer. The Soviet Union will never go capitalist. We have embarked on an incen- tive program. This is not a profit motive, just a means to increase our production. It may interest you to know that our gross na- tional product has increased 8 to 10 percent while the United States can boast of only 4 or 5 percent. Question. Can you explain the split be- tween your country and Red China? Answer. Our differences with the Republic of China are purely ideological. (He never used the word "Red" in describing a Commu- nist nation; acting bullish, perhaps?) We are not nearly as estranged as you are led to believe. Furthermore, it's obvious that your government and some of its western partners don't see eye to eye on many matters either. Question from this correspondent. What about the controlled press in your country? Is there anything like the type of newspapers we represent--suburban weeklies, semi- weeklies and small town dailies, who reflect the attitudes of America's grass roots? We can and frequently do criticize our govern- ments and officials and show our editorial independence to a remarkable degree. Answer (Comrade Zimchuk bristled a little. A slight tic on the left side of his face began a more rapid action). Our press is not controlled. Yes, we have papers like yours in our communities, But they carry mostly social news-something like a com- pany house organ. Our major papers are national ones. Remember, we do not have private ownership of the press. Question. Can your community papers criticize? Answer. Yes, if there's a-grievance toward a factory superintendent, for example, a letter to the editor will be accepted to be printed. Question. What was behind the ouster of Khrushchev. Answer. Chairman Khrushchev sent his resignation to the Presidium, the same body which elected him to his high office. (Be- fore this response could draw a followup query, the Counsul recognized another out- stretched hand.) Question. Do you expect that Russo-U.S. tensions will ever cease? Answer. Yes, but it's hard to predict when. At the present time we are negotiating the opening of legations in major cities of your country. This may help you to understand us better. Question (this one on the lighter side). Do you have anyone in Russia who com- pares with James Bond? Consul Zimchuk didn't appear to under- stand the question. He exchanged a few words in Russian with an aide and then asked to have the query repeated. His answer, We're somewhat old fashioned in Russia, we still believe in Sherlock Holmes, brought down the house. The camaraderie was spreading. It was easy to see that the Russians could parry with-the best of them. Question. If I went to Russia, my travel would be restricted, why? Answer. I don't know why, my own travel here is plenty restricted. Question. How did you react to the U.S. orbit conquest of Grissom and Young? Answer. It was a great achievement. Question. Did you celebrate it in the embassy? April 15, 1965 Answer. No, we didn't even celebrate our own triumph in space a week earlier. The hour went by rapidly. Most of us concluded that, these diplomats could not be embarrassed. Their answers slick, yet positive, didn't create fury-only sound, It was the kind of afternoon we would enjoy repeating. Even though the answers weren't satisfying, the intellectual vying 1s good mental therapy. EXTENSION OF REMARKS of HON. FRANK E. EVANS OF COLORADO IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, April 15, 1965 Mr. EVANS of Colorado. Mr. Speak- er, One of the major concerns of our country today is our position and atti- tude regarding the conflict in Vietnam. I am therefore pleased to insert an edi- torial from the Denver Post of April 8 on the President's position: PRESIDENT EXPANDS CHANCES FOR PEACE President Johnson took the firm, positive course in his address to the Nation on Amer- ican policy in southeast Asia. It was clearer than any previous statement on that diffi- cult and frustrating subject, and it held more hope for decent, peaceful settlement in South Vietnam. The speech was obviously the product of thorough analysis and painstaking prepara- tion. It was not merely the response of a sensitive political leader angry at his critics, as some had suggested it might be, but ra- ther a responsible, detailed policy statement, framed for world consumption. There was in It something for all interested parties. There was, of course, repetition of the administration's determination to con- tinue in strong support of South Vietnam. Military attacks against the North Vietnam- ese will continue for now, he said, "because they are a necessary part of the surest road to peace." The enemy and his allies, as well as those at home who feared this determination might falter at a critical juncture, will mark this statement well. But while saying that the United States would not grow tired and withdraw "under the cloak of a meaningless agreement," the President announced his willingness to enter "unconditional discussions" on a Viet- nam settlement. If this was not a radical departure from previous statements in which he has said that the government in Hanoi would have to indicate readiness to cease aggression against its neighbors before we would talk about negotiations, at least it was a far more direct expression of our willingness to seek peace. The President for the first time appeared to be going at least half way in the quest for peaceful settlement in Vietnam. His statement was a major effort to gain the diplomatic initiative in southeast Asia. At the same time, it was clear that the other half of the distance would have to be cov- ered by Hanoi, or Peiping or Moscow, or by all of them together. But the willing hand he extended to friend and foe on the subject of peace also held the promise of dramatic and massive Ameri- can aid. He called for a large-scale cooperative ef- fort "to improve the life of man" in con- flict torn southeast Asia while pledging a Conference at Soviet Embassy EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. EDWARD J. DERWINSKI OF ILLINOIS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, April 15, 1965 Mr. DERWINSKI. Mr. Speaker, re- cently Mr. I. E. "Pappy" Schechter, pub- lisher and editor of the Park Forest Reporter, Park Forest, Ill., attended the National Editors Association Conference held in Washington. As part of the pro- gram, he and his fellow newsmen had an opportunity for a press conference at the Soviet Embassy. It isn't very often that Communist diplomats expose themselves to proper scrutiny by the U.S. press. Mr. Schech- ter's report of the interview is so fasci- nating that I felt it deserved widespread review. I place it in the RECORD at this point: "Nyet" may be the most popular Russian word in the American lexicon, yet in all candor we must admit that during our 1- hour news conference at the Soviet Embassy in Washington recently, Red diplomats were affirmative, skillful at responses, suave in their mannerisms. One couldn't help com- ing away with a feeling that the confidence they exuded regarding political and eco- nomic matters was based on their true feel- ings, not on a false sense of security. The event was a first in Russo-American relations. The 130 newsmen who attended the 4th annual National Editorial Association Government Relations Workshop were the first news group of this size to be invited to the Soviet Embassy to query their diplomats. In the absence of Ambassador Dobrynin, his chief aide, Consul Alexander Zimchuk, undertook to. answer all queries. His com- ments were firm and even though we sensed the uselessness of pursuing inquiry, he could hardly be classed as equivocal. Obviously, he must have answered similar queries before. Here are some random questions and answers : Question. Why is your government Insist- ing that the United States get out of South Vietnam? Answer. You are violating the treaty of 1955, when Indochina was partitioned. At that time a free election was promised in the nation. Only a dictatorship has existed since then. The United States. has no right to arm. South Vietnam and send its troops. Question. Didn't you do the same thing in Cuba? Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150024-7 April 15, 1 ftproved Forfg~~`~.:~~y6ZB~00150024-7 A1891 $1 billion assistance program. And, signifl- better life and enjoy the fruits of modern The Pittsburgh area has achieved an cantly, he invited North Vietnam to "take science and invention. They would retain R. & I): balance in scientific disciplines, in- its place as peaceful the common 1 ffo prt just as soon their political indepeni'lence. dustrial fields, laboratory sizes, source of possible." Mr. Johnson has reminded the people of support, and nature of research. It has the He is soon going ahead to name a special North Vietnam as well as South Vietnam team to inaugurate Q.S. participation in eco- that they have an alternative to war that nomic aid programs in southeast Asia-with- would mean more than the end of blood- out waiting for response from Hanoi. shed-it would mean a better life, better than This is in the Johnson pattern: expand ever before. the Great Society, as it were, into the most In offering unconditional discussions, the trouble-stricken area of the world, and ask President lets it be known that discussions the enemy to help you. can begin even while the fighting goes on. It could, in the long run, work. The United States will not accept the Com- Meanwhile, the speech from the campus in munist condition that the United States Baltimore answered the President's doubters withdraw troops from Vietnam before any and his critics about where the nation talks begin. On Wednesday, before Mr. stands on the issue of South Vietnam. At Johnson talked, Soviet President Anastas I. the same time it pledged American aid on Mikoyan repeated that the first step toward an unprecedented scale while expanding on peace was withdrawal of U.S. troops. It may American willingness "to bring about the be significant that yesterday he did not bright and necessary d of peace." mention this in discussing Vietnam. Perhaps Mr. Johnson might have made the "unconditional discussion" speech a few Johnson's "Idea War" Weapon EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. DANIEL D. ROSTENKOWSKI OF ILLINOIS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, April 15, 1965 Mr. ROSTENKOWSKI. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks in the RECORD, I Include the following editorial which appeared in the Friday, April 9 issue of the Chicago Sun-Times: JOHNSON,'S "IDEA WAR" WEAPON President Johnson has cut through the confusion of the Vietnamese war and made a point that must be made clear to every Communist in southeast Asia, whether he be a guerrilla in the rain forest or a high official in Hanoi. Continued warfare is futile and senseless. Peace will bring a better life for all. The choice is up to the Communists. If they choose continued warfare, the United States has a total commitment-"we will not be defeated" Mr. Johnson Says. The United States will stay in South Viet- nam and continue to slug it out with the Communists, if that's the way they want it. But the United States also is willing to engage in "unconditional discussions" to stop the bloodshed and to help all of south- east Asia to a better life. The billion dollars the President says the United States is willing to put into the back- ward area for economic development was quickly termed a carrot-part of the classic carrot and stick approach. It also has been labeled a bribe or an attempt to buy friends with dollars, to get out of a sticky mess in South Vietnam. This is a superficial viewpoint. It ignores fundamentals. Marshall plan aid could have been described as a bribe, too. So can all forms of foreign aid. But they also are acknowledgments that it takes more than firepower to fight the Communists. The battle against communism is also a fight against an idea. Ideas cannot be fought with guns. They must be fought with other ideas. Americans win this part of the battle when they convince the people in under- developed countries that capitalism and the democratic way can do more for them than communism. President Johnson once again has put in perspective both types of warfare against the Communists. Communism promises the people a better i material life. But they would lose the right to govern themselves. The V;uited States and other free nations stand ready to help poorer nations build a weeks ago and if the Reds had agreed to talk, have saved many lives. But a few weeks ago, the United States would have made the offer from a position of military weakness. To- day, with the North Vietnamese taking pun- ishment from the air and the battles in South Vietnam going against them, the United States makes its offer from a posture of strength and has given convincing proof that it "will not be defeated." The Soviet Union still prates about the "aggression" of "American imperialism" against North Vietnam. But no reasonable person anywhere could read Mr. Johnson's speech and conclude- that America wants to dominate the people of southeast Asia. It wants to help them govern themselves. Secretary General U Thant, of the United Nations saw President Johnson's position as a favorable response to the recent appeal of 17 nonalined countries to bring about a political settlement of the Vietnam war, It was "posi- tive, forward looking, and generous." This seems to be the attitude of most non-Com- munist countries. Mr. Johnson has challenged not only the Communists but the Cgmmunist system to show whether they are sincere in their pro- testations that they stand for peace and for a better life for the common man. The world awaits their answer. The Pittsburgh Story EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. WILLIAM S. MOORHEAD OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, April 1, 1965 Mr. MOORHEAD. Mr. Speaker, I call the attention of the House to another chapter In the story of "Pittsburgh Re- search: Key to Tomorrow," published by the Regional, Industrial Development Corp. of southwestern Pennsylvania. This chapter is entitled "The Pittsburgh Story," and I include it as part of my remarks : THE PITTSBURGH STORY The Pittsburgh area has much to offer- in scientific and technical talents, labora- tory facilities, and research and development effectiveness. The contents of this brochure are con- vincing evidence of the high level of sci- entific and technological activities in the nine-county area. They also point out the numerous opportunities for interaction among industrial, governmental, and insti- tutional organizations in the region. ment, and supporting services necessary for creative investigation and enterprise. Always strong in the materials field, it also has become the center for nuclear power research-and is making significant contribu- tions in a variety of other fields-chemicals, machinery, electronics, medicine, and in- struments. Most of the research is of an applied or developmental nature, but a surprisingly large amount of basic research is underway. Unlike many other parts of the Nation, an unusually high percentage is funded by in- dustry, rather than Government, thereby providing greater economical stability. The R. & D. activities range from small one- and two-man operations to some of the largest research laboratories in the Nation. The Pittsburgh story, however, is more than generalities. Getting to Work and Back. SPEECH OF HON. DONALD J. IRWIN OF CONNECTICUT IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, March 31, 1965 Mr. IRWIN. Mr. Speaker, I recom- mend for the attention of the House the third article in Consumer Reports' in- formative and thorough series on the cost and convenience of metropolitan transportation, "Getting to Work and Back." Since many of our major urban centers are facing key decisions on mass transportation, I know my colleagues will be interested. The article follows: GETTING TO WORK AND BACK (By Ruth and Edward Brecher) Before a new expressway or transit route can be built, it must be planned. Most of the planning has been done by highway en- gineers employed in State highway depart- ments. The plans have been designed to get people from place to place in their own automobiles-with relatively little concern for the areas through which the roads run or for other means of transportation. Since most of the money for new urban express- ways has come from Washington, and most of the planning from the State capitols, local communities have had relatively little voice in their own transportation futures. But a change is underway. The 1962 amendment to the Federal-Aid Highway Act declares that, beginning in July 1965, plans for new urban expressways shall be drawn up with "due consideration" of their probable effect on the cities through which they run, and shall be "properly coordinated with plans for improvements in other affected forms of transportation." There are teeth in this amendment, more- over. For the bulk of the money for new urban expressways-90 percent in the case of Interstate System routes-is allocated by the Secretary of Commerce; and, beginning in July, the Secretary is forbidden to give approval to new urban freeway routes "unless he finds that such projects are based on a continuing comprehensive transportation planning process carried on cooperatively by the States and local communities." In other words, no more freeway funds will be coming from Washington after July un- less an areawide. _ planning study is under- way. Federal funds to assist in comprehen- Approved for Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150024-7 A1892 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150024-7 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX April 15, 1965 sive regional planning are available through the Housing and Home Finance Agency. The new planning studies are being spon- sored by the U.S. Bureau of Public Roads, and the BPR has established a laud- able framework for them. The Bureau is insisting, for example, that planners give full consideration to all transportation facil- ities, "Including those for mass transporta- tion," instead of, just to new highways; the factors analyzed are to include "zoning ordi- nances, subdivision regulations, building codes, etc."; and area planners are instructed to consider "social and community-value fac- tors, such as preservation of open space, parks and recreational facilities; preservation of historical sites and buildings; environmental amenities; and aesthetics." The boundaries of the new planning areas are based on Census Bureau maps; in gen- eral, each city or cluster of cities with its suburbs is considered a single area. Each local government within the area is expected to participate in the planning process. "The State highway department," the BPR states, "will be expected to show by suitable evi- dence that scrupulous efforts have been made to carry out the intent of the act with respect to cooperative action by all political sub- divisions. If there is an unwillingness on the part of a local political unit within the- en- tire urban area to participate in the trans- portation planning process in such area, a determination shall be made as to whether the percentage of the urban area affected is such as to negate an effective planning process for the whole area"-and thus war- rant curtailment or withholding of Federal highway funds. An exciting feature of both the BPR and HHFA approaches is that Washington is not dictating solutions to local problems, but rather insisting that local machinery be established to solve them. WHERE THE CITIZENS GROUPS COME IN The mere establishment of these new transportation planning studies, of course, is no guarantee that urban transportation problems will be more effectively solved in the future than in the past. As CU noted in February, the new planning projects could prove to be mere facades, behind which the same old highway engineers will continue to make the same old highway-oriented de- cisions from a regional planning office. Here is where a vigilant citizens group comes In. It can start by asking questions. Is your community, for example, properly represented on the body that is preparing a comprehensive plan for your urban area? Is your spokesman an impartial representative concerned primarily with the community- or is he a highway contractor, a gasoline company executive, or someone else with a personal ax to grind? If your local govern- ment office can't answer these questions, you cari get the name and address of the body making the transportation study for your urban area from the State highway depart- ment; and you can then check with the planning agency itself to learn whether your community has an authorized spokesman. If it doesn't, urge your local officials to es- tablish effective liaison with the agency at once. Next a citizens group should ask the local representative to explain how the planning agency is going about its task. Planning a sound transportation network for a metro- politan area is so complex a job that planners necessarily make use of electronic computers to aid them in their work. What counts is how they are used-what questions are asked and what data is given the machine to use in arriving at its answers. The first primitive attempts to use com- puters in transportation planning were woe- fully Inadequate. The planners divided an urban area arbitrarily into 10-block or 20- block zones and determined by a survey what trips were being made by the residents of each zone. These trip data were fed into the computer along with population predic- tions, automobile ownership trends, land- use trends, travel time figures, and other such statistics. The computer then produced a set of desire lines showing how many people would want to drive from A through B to C a decade or two hence, and multilane express- ways were bulldozed through to carry the anticipated traffic. Local protests were ig- nored, on the theory that the computer knows best. This approach may still survive in a few local projects. A much better approach, however, is now in common use. The computer no longer dictates an expressway plan; instead it is fed alternative plans, and their cost and ade- quacy are compared. Thus, planners, elected officials, and local voters can make the final choice on the basis of the helpful findings emerging from the computer. Despite this improvement, there remain many pitfalls. One results from the fact that computer estimates of future traffic are generally based on recent trends toward an automobile-dominated society. Thus the worst features of our past decade of urban chaos are projected into the future on an inflated scale. Moreover, many of the planners in control of the urban planning projects were trained in automobile-oriented university engineer- ing schools; and many are former employees of highway planning departments. Thus the alternatives with which they are most familiar are expressway alternatives. They are less likely to program for the computer a thoroughly detailed evaluation of a mod- ern, highspeed rapid-transit system like the San Francisco BART system, described in the February Reports (with its 80-mile-an-hour top speeds, scheduled speeds of 50 miles an hour including stops, abundant and con- venient peripheral parking, average platform waits of only a minute or two at rush hour, comfortable seats, low noise levels, air con- ditioning, and other amenities). Finally, the computer Is generally asked about getting travelers from neighborhood A through neighborhood B to neighborhood C. The rights, wants, and needs of the resi- dents of neighborhood B are seldom con- sulted in advance, much less reduced to a form that the computer can assimilate. But this lack can be remedied. And citizens groups can provide the drive if it is not ini- tiated by the regional planning office. How they can participate is very well illustrated by what is now going on in the Boston area. HOW BOSTON IS DOING IT Under the Boston Regional Planning Project (BRPP), a thorough transportation planning study is currently underway in the Boston area, comprising the city Itself and scores of its suburbs. This study is sup- ported by the Massachusetts Department of Public Works and Department of Commerce & Development. Its director is a commu- nity-minded regional planner, Donald M. Grams. And its incomparable virtue is that Graham. And its incomparable virtue is that community representatives before rather than after the computers are put to work. Researchers for this series of reports at- tended a meeting called by BRPP, one of a series of 10 for representatives of 6 suburbs 30 miles northwest of Boston. The meetings were held in the evening so that ordinary citizens could participate. Graham himself presided. The communities represented learn from one- another at these meetings. "My town isn't interested in better rail service to Bos- ton," one representative may remark. "Our commuters own at least two cars and drive one in." A representative from a neighboring town disagrees. "How do you know your commu- ters wouldn't be delighted to sell their second car and take the train if more comfortable, convenient, and speedy service were avail- able?" "My town's a mess every morning and evening when the trains come in," someone remarks. "The cars around the station tie our downtown district up in a knot until it looks like Boston." "My town, too. Why not tear down both miserable old stations and build a new one in the country halfway between?" "Good Idea. Then we would have enough room to park near the station instead of five blocks away." Out of such local exchanges, new ideas- and new projects-are born. BRPP is hold- ing a similar series of meetings in each of its 18 districts. Later these expressions of local concern and need can be included among the data fed into the BRPP computers. The meetings work in the other direction, too. The BRPP men bring news of projects that may affect local interests. A new free- way is being planned around Boston, for ex- ample-even further out than the famous Route 128, once touted as the solution to the area's traffic snafus but now itself congested. Where should the interchanges along the new beltway be located? One suburb may welcome an interchange because of the boom in land values It will generate; another may be horrified by the destruction to a settled community the interchange will bring. If neither knows of the plans, neither can speak up while there is still time. Some traditional planners are appalled by Graham's cards-on-the-table approach. They warn that if plans become known in advance, land speculators will reap windfall profits; and they predict that if so much time is allowed for opposition to mobilize, nothing will ever get built. Graham dis- agrees. Windfall profits are only possible, he point out, when knowledge of plans is limited to a few insiders who can then prey upon the ignorance of their neighbors. And he predicts that if the BRPP plan is devised from the start with adequate consideration for community needs and wants, support rather than opposition will be engendered through most of the area. "The way to recognize a sound urban-area planning program," Graham told CU, "is by its approach to your own community. Do the planners come in with a completed plan and try to sell you on its merits? Or do they come in with an open ear to learn in ad- vance your community's needs and wants- and then try, with the help of their comput- ers, to reconcile your needs and wants with those of the rest of the area?" Where official planning projects fail to do their work well, a citizens group with suffi- cient determination-and the necessary talent-can do a great deal of investigating and publicizing on its own. A CU subscriber Ernest Ratterman, has reported one un- usually comprehensive effort of a few years ago In Cincinnati. Concerned with the traffic jams and com- muter delays that were plaguing the city of Cincinnati back. in 1957, Ratterman and a handful of his friends-most of them pro- fessional engineers like himself-asked why a high-speed rapid transit system could not be built with a modest investment to operate along an existing, little-used railroad right- of-way into the city. As a contribution to the city's progress, this citizens group, headed by Alvin L. Spivak, submitted a study of the possibility, including "data on costs for rights-of-way, electrification, new trackage, purchase price of rolling stock, operating costs, and income." Then, they organized themselves as the "Rapid Transit Study Com- mittee" and published their full report. "We dug deeply into Cincinnati's transportation picture both past and present," Ratterman recalls. "As engineers we were able to pre- sent well-thought-out plans and ideas to generate interest in our goals. * * * At no Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150024-7 April Y 5, 9 p_proved For, CGS5YONAT ORpD6BWQ00150024-7 time during our many presentations aid we encounter any dispute about our facts or questioning of our conclusions about Cin- cinnati's transit needs. Ordinary citizens * .* * showed their eagerness for something new and better in urban transportation. What they lacked, however, was a strong, co- herent leadership which could achieve action on their wants." Inevitably, the Cincinnati committee came into conflict with the local highway lobby. One issue that evoked the clash was a con- troversial plan to build a four-level under- ground parking_ garage in the downtown district. "Building such an enormously expensive facility struck us as foolish," Ratterman writes, "unless it could be planned to accom- modate mass transit facilities at some future date. We made proposals to the city council on this subject and even developed plans for using the first deck of this garage as a cen- tral point of a modern downtown subway system integrated with surface lines to the suburbs. We studied the downtown park- ing facilities and their location, cost, utiliza- tion, rate structure, and financing. These studies cast grave doubt on the feasibility of the proposed new structure. "But we soon learned that politics rather than facts would decide the parking-garage issue. Our proposals and recommendations were graciously received by the city govern- ment-and blissfully ignored. "We were handicapped rather seri- ously * * * by being unable to garner the support of some business and professional groups. Individuals in these groups pri- vately lauded our work and expressed envy of our freedom of expression; but the groups themselves were dominated by many con- scious and some unknowing supporters and members of the highway lobby. * * * The expressway and parking plans which the city had developed, and the ease with which Fed- eral funds could be secured to finance the expressways, blocked serious consideration of more effective approaches to the city's trans- port problems. One city councilman told us candidly that, until the Government passes out transit money as it passes out expressway money, there would be no rapid transit in Cincinnati." The Cincinnati committee broke up in 1961 when Spivak, 'Ratterman, and several -other key members moved to other cities. Cin- cinnati still lacks a rapid transit system. But Ratterman does not regret the effort expended on the project. "I am sure other members would agree," he writes, "that it was a great personal experience." Such a committee if launched today, it should be added, would have working in its favor many factors that the Cincinnati com- mittee lacked from 1957 to 1961. Among these factors are: San Francisco's successful adoption of the BART plan for high speed, comfortable, con- venient rapid transit of a quality that should exceed any now available in the United States. When it is in operation, the prece- dent may engender a. demand for better transportation in other areas. The likelihood of Federal fuiids for transit systems (see last month's article in this se- ries) so that cities will no longer be faced with a Hobson's, choice between Federtily- supported freeways and transit systems that must be financed at home. The existence of area-wide planning pro- grams, which at least provide a forum for presenting ideas. Finally, even some urban interests that would noTma form a part of the highway lobby now reyyalize that mass transportation must be Improved and expanded to unclog the expressways. The Jenney gas station chain with 600 filling stations in the greater Boston area, to cite one example, has taken full-page advertisements urging public sup- port of transit expansion there. The Stand- and Oil Co. of California and the California State Automobile Association both endorsed San Francisco's BART transit plan. With such new factors affecting the sit- uation, committees like the one in Cincin- nati should have a considerably better chance of success in the future. Some are already at work. Examples are the District of Columbia Rapid Rail Citizens Committee, the Bergen County (N.J.) Transit Association, the Intermunicipal Group for Better Rail Service (New Jersey), the Westchester Commuter Association (New York), and the Committee for Better Tran- sit of Greater New York. Also important are the long-established planning groups such as the Regional Plan Association of Greater New York. If there is a sound organization of this kind in your community or region, by all means join and support it. If a city's residents do not value it they are of course free to move out. But much of the shift to the suburbs today is not the result of an innate dislike of the cities. Rather, it is being forced on families and business concerns alike by the failure of the cities to solve their most pressing problems, including the transportation. Thus, willy- nilly, we are drifting toward a future of urban sprawl. At least four major North American urban areas-San Francisco, Montreal, Toronto, and Philadelphia-are bucking this trend to- ward sprawl by investing in high quality rail transportation that will link city to suburbs for balanced growth. The residents of other areas may prefer different patterns. If so, they are free to plan differently, but let them get what they really want, not merely what the requirements of automobile transporta- tion dictate.. The new comprehensive planning projects now underway or soon to be launched in every urban area make it possible to plan for the future of people, rather than just for automobiles. Let us make the most of this opportunity. THE STAKES ARE HIGH Much more is at stake in such local efforts than merely an opportunity to get to work and back a few minutes faster or for a few cents less each day. The entire future of American cities hangs in the balance. An increasing number of people today, looking at our blighted central cities and traffic jams, have concluded that large cities are obsolete. They therefore envision a fu- ture in which all of us will both live and work in suburbs, surrounded by vast parking lots, and linked together by multilane freeways along which we can all whizz in uncongested private-car luxury. One objection to such plans is that they leave out of account the many services that people want and need but that each sub- urb cannot possibly supply for itself-a sym- phony orchestra, to cite a striking example. Right To Be a Bum EXTENSION OF REMARKS of HON. WILLIAM S. BROOMFIELD OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 25, 1965 Mr. BROOMFIELD. Mr. Speaker, I would like to call the attention of my colleagues to the remarks of Mr. Paul Harvey, made on his news broadcast on February 27, 1965. I think the emphasis he has correctly placed on freedom is one which each of us should consider carefully in preparing his legislative pro- gram. There is plenty of security in a jail cell but I have never heard of any- body beating down the doors to get in. [Excerpt from Paul Harvey News, Feb. 27,19651 RIGHT To BE A BUM I had meant to confine this next just to generalities. And embellish it with some fer- vent plea for the preservation of the Repub- lic. Then I got to thinking about a parttime dishwasher I know, who's a bum the rest of the time, and I tried to figure what's his stake in all this free enterprise. How about the ragpicker, or even that good-natured. old janitor in the North Western train station, what's his percentage? If he votes right and puts up a fight for freedom, what's his cut? "The Government can't give you anything which it has not first taken away from you." He's heard that. But he has nothing anybody can take away from him. So who's he to worry about whether the Constitution gets chopped up or the flag hauled down? He's got nothing they can tax and nothing anybody'd want, so why shouldn't he take a bottle of cheap wine from the precinct com- mitteeman and just vote the way the man says. I. had meant to talk about the American heritage, and I got to thinking about Joe the bootblack. What has he inherited? Well, I've been asking around. And the rest of you tune out, now. And dial in S pages later. Because right now I aim to talk just to Joe the bootblack. And to Lennie, the part-time bum. You know, I think that's what's wrong with the fervent flag wavers in this country. We spend too much time talking to one another. But Joe and Lennie and Paul Harvey under- stand one another, too. Because they've all been flush and they've each been hungry and any one of them knows what it's like to work a hard 17-hour day for $1 packing or sacking or stacking somebody else's groceries. So we can speak the same language, and it's that language we're going to use here. The kind that'll be understood by Lennie and Joe and the vast mass of unorganized, unterrifled human beings whose two-by-four house or third-floor walkup is as close to the silk as they're ever going to get. The rest of you just excuse us for a bit-if you will. A while back a chap named Dean Russell made a speech out in. Billings, Mont. Prob- ably talking to a gathering of folks who al- ready agreed with him. I'm going to try to remember how he compared the American Negro slaves and the American Indians. For a lot of years now we've been voting for the men who promise us Government aid-of all kinds. We figured we wanted the Government to guarantee to look after us. Well, sir, in the early American slave States the law specified that the slaves must be taken care of. The constitutions of the slave States generally specified that the slaveown- ers must provide their slaves with adequate housing, food, medical care, and old-age benefits. And the Mississippi constitution contained this additional sentence: "The legislature shall have no power to pass laws for the emancipation of slaves (except) where the slave shall have. rendered the State some distinguished service." Now get this-The slave was guaranteed food, lodging, medical and old-age care, but the highest honor the State of Mississippi could offer a man for distinguished service was to set him free from this security. The State's highest reward was to give a man the personal responsibility of looking after his own welfare. Freedom to find his own job or to be a bum if he liked. Do you see why that's so important, just the right to be a bum? And so the slaves eventually found freedom to earn money they could keep, to save for their own old age and then they weren't slaves any more. Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150024-7 A1894 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150024-7 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX April 15, 1965 Let us, on the other hand, take the Amer- ican Indians. These we made wards of Government. These we gave security. We took away their freedom and gave them se- curity. So they have become steadily less self-supporting. I speak of the average, of cpurse, not the spectacular exception. In 1862, most American Negroes were slaves. Look at the remarkable progress in just one lifetime later. Today the average American Negro is self-supporting, self-respecting, and responsible. Today the average American Government wears brass knuckles we're not trying to get you to fight for any other man's mansion. We're trying to protect your equally important right to be a bum. Listen and remember. The guaranteed gifts are just bait, nothing more. They'll offer the rewards of 1864-a free meal, a free roof, a guaranteed job, and then- We're trapped into being somebody's slaves again. Indian, it is said, will actually die of starva--y tion unless he is fed by the Government. 5? So we have to hire 13,000 Federal employees 'Z? to take care of 380,000 reservation Indians. That's one Federal employee for every 30 Indians. This has nothing to do with the color of a man's skin or the shape of his cheekbones. The Negro was free to work or loaf; to starve or to win a potfull. The Indian was secure. There was no reason for him to educate himself or learn to man- age his own affairs or to be productive. It's no fault of his; it's ours. Just as it's going to be our fault, Joe and Lennie, our fault if we let them repeat this tragic error on us. Simply because some arrogant would-be masters are convinced that today's Americans are too ignorant or too worthless to be trusted with their own destiny. They actu- ally think that we would literally starve in the streets unless the Government looked after our welfare. Welfare! Man, this is where we came in. They're on the way to buying and selling us again! Now- maybe you see what :l started out to say. You-you're a gaudy dancer, you're a hod carrier, a trolley pilot, or you take tickets at the ball park. What have I got to lose, you say? Why shouldn't I take their offer of free medicine, money for work I don't do or crops I dont' grow? Why not? Here's why not, and don't ever forget this. "If' your Government is big enough to give you everything you want, it is big enough to take away from you everything you have." And don't tell me you've nothing to lose. That's what they thought In Britain, too. But already in Britain, elected leaders can force the citizen to work wherever the gov- ernment decrees they are most needed. Force! In Russia, where this kind of security got a slight head start, they'll make him work- If necessary in leg irons. You've nothing to lose, you say, because you're a bum? That, sir, Is a priceless privi- lege. In Russia you would be whipped or shot for it. It is your American right to be a bum. That is part of being free. So for Heaven's sake don't let then peddle this absurd security idea as something new. It was written into the Code of Hammurabi over 4,000 years ago. The Romans called it "bread and circuses" to keep the crowd paci- fied while their sons died. Karl Marx called it "socialism." It's where the state makes laws for your own good whether you like them or not. And Russia will imprison those who object. It can't happen here? Wait a minute, mister-it has happened here. Don't tell me you're still 100-percent free or I'll tell you about the owner of a small battery shop in Pennsylvania. They told him he had to kick in money for his own social security. He didn't like the idea of being forced to buy insurance, and resisted. The State confiscated his prop- erty. Still he refused to obey. So the State preferred criminal charges against him. And the Government gave him the choice of conforming or going to prison. An enemy of the State because he had re- fused to pay social security. He paid. His 6-month prison sentence was suspended. From now on, Lennie and Joe, get this straight. You do have plenty to lose. When- ever some of us try to warn you that big New Vietnam Blueprint EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. GEORGE M. RHODES OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, April L. 1965 Mr. RHODES of Pennsylvania. Mr. Speaker, an interesting editorial on the situation in Vietnam and southeast Asia was published in the Philadelphia Eve- ning Bulletin on April 11. Under leave to extend my remarks, I include this informative editorial: - NEW VIETNAM BLUEPRINT (By Melvin K. Whiteleather) What Is your primary interest, to better the lot of the people or to make revolution for revolution's sake? This is the question President Johnson put to He Chi Minh, the North Vietnamese Com- munist boss, with last Wednesday's proposal to end the was in Vietnam and embark on an imaginative effort to lift up the whole of southeast Asia. U.S. effort to bring the struggle in Vietnam to a close has centered on Ho Chi Minh, rath-- er than on Peiping or Moscow. To bombing north of the 17th parallel is now brought the additional pressure of the cooperative scheme benefitting all of North Vietnam's neighbors. North Vietnam can be included if it is willing to stop attacking South Vietnam. But if it doesn't, President Johnson gave emphatic notification that Ho Chi Minh stood to see his territory and people injured rather than improved. AN ALTERNATIVE TO WAR The United States no longer is just bomb- ing; it has put its weight behind a construc- tive plan and those around the world who have been calling for an alternative to de- struction, now have one. There was wisdom in choosing the Mekong River development skeleton plan already in existence and in inviting U.N. Secretary General U Thant to take the initiative in getting the plan off the ground and expanding it. The 21 countries already contributing to that development plan and the authority of the U.N. are brought into a direct relationship to the struggle in Vietnam. Thus it is not just a raw U.S. "imperialist" plot. Except for countries with a revolutionary bias, this relationship should lean toward a settlement suitable to the Saigon govern- ment. The 17 nonalined countries, led by Yugoslavia, which made a plea for peace negotiations to all parties concerned, can hardly be opposed to a development scheme that would touch a whole section of Asia and 50 million persons. The 17 need not ac- cept at 100 percent face value the claim that the Vietcong is a tool of Hanoi in order to press for a settlement of the struggle that would leave the Saigon government in con- trol of its own territory. PRESSURE PUT ON OTHERS The Johnson proposal definitely has put the pressure on the other side, relieving the United States of onus that had been building up over the bombing in North Vietnam. Un- important as the whole affair was, there is no doubt that the use of nonlethal gas by the South Vietnamese army, supplied by us, sharpened world opinion against us. British Prime Minister Harold Wilson's path in de- fending our purposes and practices has now been eased and the critical Japanese have been given something else to think about. The President's proposal hit Red China hard and Peiping is striking back with the full force of its propaganda machine. South- east Asia blooming under other than Chinese influence is the last thing Peiping wants to see happen. The region is regarded as a Chi- nese preserve, and beyond that, for such a plan to get moving with U.S. dollars and moral backing would be a far cry from bring- ing U.S. imperialism to its knees, as Peiping says it must be brought. For the United States to put the United Nations and a coop- erative plan to the forefront cuts straight across Communist propaganda. MOSCOW'S DILEMMA CONTINUES Peiping in its fury is losing sight of its only recent adoption of the Russian argu- ment that any settlement in Vietnam must be between the United States and the Viet- cong's political arm, the National Libera- tion Movement. It seems that after all, Red China does have a stake. M:r. Johnson has not eased Moscow's dilem- ma a bit. On one hand the Russians might be pleased to see southeast Asia developed independent from China, and the President suggested that the Soviets should contribute to the scheme, but on the other hand there is the commitment to helping all revolutions. Russian irritation over its dilemma has been manifested the past few days by the worst cold war polemics that have been heard in the U.N. in a long time. These took place in an obscure committee where ordinarily noth- ing ever happens. Peiping will do its utmost to prevent Ho Chi Minh from nibbling at the President's proposals. No one expects Ho to run up a white flag in broad daylight, but he has been given an opportunity to work his way out of his box with a certain amount of face saving. The signals are still warning that a big attack on a Dien Bien Phu scale is in the making with the expectation that the South Vietnamese and Americans can be done in with one big swoop. If this is tried and fails, Hanoi may be ready to listen to U Thant. Manned Space Flight's New Phase EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. OLIN E. TEAGUE OF TEXAS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, April 8, 1965 Mr. TEAGUE of Texas, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Robert IT. Hotz' editorial in the April 12 issue of Aviation Week & Space Tech- nology aptly describes the new era that our space `program is entering. Mr. Hotz' analysisclearly describes the value of the Gemini program to our national security and to the Apollo lunar landing in this decade. He compares the current status of the Soviet and United States space programs and his reflections con- cerning this are important to all Ameri- cans: MANNED SPACE FLIGHT'S NEW PHASE The flights of the U.S. Gemini and the U.S.S.R. Voskhod spacecraft herald a new phase of manned space flight. Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150024-7 Approved For 7B 00150024-7 April 15 r b'~' E RA: R"06 A1895 The Vostok and Mercury flights were aimed OPERATIONAL GOALS posal. Diversion payments are neces- at determining man's ability to survive dtir- If the United States had gone directly from sary to reduce surplus production, but ing prolonged space missions. The era be- Mercury to the Apollo program, there would many say that a strategic resurge of gun by Gemini. and Voskhod will determine be no chance to thwart this possibility of wheat, based on 50 percent of our annual his ability to operate spacecraft for a variety disaster. Fortunately, the Gemini program would be wise. of useful. purposes, many of them not even was conceived and properly expanded to ComesticoritinuaaCe and of the export feed needs grain program dimly discernible at present. This period provide not only a spacecraft system for de- In manned. space flight is similar in many veloping the vital earth-orbital techniques is regarded as a very important element respects to the early years of World War I, but also, for applying them to achieve opera- for equitable farm returns, but the elimi- when the airplane was suddenly transformed tional goals. Gemini has been severely criti- nation of oats and rye from the base very from the stunt and racing machine of the cized in the daily press and the Congress for adversely and inequitably affects many prewar era into the fighters, bombers and its rising costs and lagging schedules with- farmers in my area. Overall, I think observation aircraft that dominated the out much understanding of how the goals the observation of a very astute farm re western front. of this effort have been extended and its The Voskhod and Gemini spacecraft are scope broadened. We think that in the years porter is accurate: aimed at similar goals to extend the capabil- just ahead these same critics will switch The present provisions of the farm bill ity of manned space vehicles to a series of to praise and thanks for the existence of will probably be condemned by faint praise. basic functions, such as: the Gemini hardware and operational con- Maneuvering in space: The technical feasi- cepts as the national need for them becomes bility of this has been demonstrated in the painfully apparent to all. flight of Gemini 3, but a major effort re- Now, the U.S. space policy planners are mains to develop this maneuverability into facing a decision on how best to develop an operational capability. fully and swiftly an earth-orbital operational Extravehicular activity: has Soviet cos- been capability during the same period that successfully demonstrated d: Apollo needs the hardest push to achieve Voskhod o ho2 2. . It It is s a Leonov, during keystone the in the the process pressss an early lunar landing. by which large structures can be erected for Because of the existence of the Gemini functioning in space. program it is still possible to do both with- Rendezvous and docking: Both Gemini out serious danger of being confronted with and Voskhod are scheduled to demonstrate a major military surprise by the Soviets in this function soon, using different tech- the next few years. But some hard decisions niques. are required almost immediately if this op- BROAD CAPABILITY portunity is not to slip from this Nation's In this area, the achievements of whoever is first to accomplish a new feat in space will continue to attract major public at- tention. But the real significance of this sec- ond phase of manned space flight lies not so much in short chronological gaps between the first and second achievements, but rather in the broad capability being developed and the speed and certainty with which it is ap- plied to specific operational tasks. For ex- ample, it is relatively unimportant that Cosmonaut Leonov did the first extrave- hicular, maneuver in space if a Gemini astro- naut expands this operational technique within a few months. Nor will the historic first maneuvers-both in changing orbits and changing orbital plane-of Gemini 3 retain much significance if the Soviet Vosk- hod accomplishes these same feats later this year. The interval between these two types of spacecraft demonstrating rendezvous and docking is not likely to be long or particu- larly significant. Although both the United States and U.S.S.R. are committed to an attempt to land the first men on the moon, we believe that the most important aspect of this sec- ond phase of manned space flight, and of the third and operational phase that will cer- tainly follow, will be in near-earth orbits. With the heavy U.S. commitment of re- sources to the Apollo lunar landing mis- sion, it may appear to be both expedient and safe to defer the development-of earth- orbital operational capabilities until after the financial and technical peak loads of Apollo have passed. We think this procedure could be a dangerous mistake. The Soviets obviously have chosen the earth-orbital approach to their lunar land- ing mission. Therefore, they necessarily must develop rather fully their hardware and operational techniques In this area as a vital prelude to their lunar landing at- tempts and not as a postlude, in the manner of current U.S._ planning. They also have t to conceal their primary made litt e l atteni grasp. National Aeronautics and Space Ad- ministration can contribute to this goal by pushing developmental testing of Gemini systems as a top priority. The Air Force should be able to develop the required op- erational capability by pushing its military orbital laboratory program based on Gemini hardware as fast as technically feasible. But nothing can be achieved without some swift decisions in the Pentagon and White House on the course of a sound military space pro- gram. The time is growing late. ROBERT HoTz. Farm Legislation EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. COMPTON I. WHITE, JR. OF IDAHO IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, March 23, 1965 Mr. WHITE of Idaho. Mr. Speaker, the farmers, businessmen, and commu- nity leaders in the First District of Idaho anxiously awaited the announcement of the agricultural message and recom- mendations of President Johnson. In the past years, they have been plunging deeper into debt, hoping for better pro- grams and prices. Since the date of H.R. 7097's introduction, I have received -many letters about the wheat provisions of that bill, most of which could be called "less than enthusiastic". All are in ac- cord with the stated objective of putting farm income into balance with that of other industries, but many are skeptical about the success of H.R. 7097 toward p military 'interest in the ddvelopment of that end. One-hundred percent of parity manned. spacecraft operations in the earth- for wheat domestically consumed is ap- orbital area. plauded widely, and most farmers would Thus,' it is entirely possible that unless like to be assured of this absolutely. The U.S. policy is drastically changed soon, the discontinuance of export subsidies and Soviets may have an opportunity to achieve certificates is not opposed, but nearly the technical surprise in space that they so 'narrowly missed in the race to an inter- every one agrees that a 4-year program A good analysis of the present provi- sions of the farm bill were made by a very highly regarded newspaper editor in my district. Under unanimous consent I included it in the RECORD: [From the Lewiston (Idaho) Morning Trib- une, Apr. 7; 1965] MR. JOHNSON'S NEW FARM BILL President Johnson's first major farm bill presented to Congress Monday offered no sweeping changes in philosophy-simply higher support prices for wheat and rice, with citizens paying more of the costs in grocery bills rather than taxes. Despite prompt and vigorous criticism from the heads of two major farm organizations, the President's proposal is likely to be fairly popular with wheat and rice farmers. It probably will be accepted without much com- plaint by most consumers-who tend to ob- ject more to taxes than to higher prices for goods. And it will help ease the strain on the Federal budget, if Congress approves it- which seems likely for that reason alone, if no other. The new bill did not develop an earlier hint by the President that farm legisla- tion might be offered which would empha- size benefits to small farmers, rather than across-the-board subsidies to small and large producers alike. Such an arrangement is economically feas- ible, perhaps under some variation of the controversial plan once presented by former Secretary of Agriculture Charles Brannan. That plan called for direct Federal subsidies to farmers proportioned on the basis of need, with consumers getting the benefit of lower costs of food products sold on an open, unsupported market. However, this approach probably is not politically feasible. The "family-sized farm," which for many years was the foundation of American agriculture, is fast becoming a rar- ity. Farmers who work sections instead of acres also have their economic troubles these days-and vigorously insist upon their full share of any benefits provided by Govern- ment through direct subsidies or price sup- ports. Mr. Johnson's farm bill naturally did not satisfy the quarreling leaders of two of the Nation's big farm organizations. James G. Patton, president of the National Farmers Union, which generally represents small farmers looking to Government for aid, declared that "the major deficiency is the failure of the bill to provide the income that farm families and rural Americans need if they are to survive * * * It is high time that the direction of agricultural policies be given back to_the Department of Agriculture or to people with experience in farming." Charles B. Shuman, president of the Amer- ican Farm Bureau Federation, which gen- erally reflects the big-farmer view that the law of supply and demand should be allowed to function in agriculture, whatever the results to "submarginal" farmers was even Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150024-7 ,"~geRqa1WJ~pjl$-RD R000300150(R2;271 15, 1965 A189.6. Approved LFRV The President's bill, he said, was "a hoax designed to trap both farmers and con- sumers." The proposals, he said, "would make farmers more dependent on Govern- ment 'subsidies for their livelihood, and at the same time raise the price of food to con- sumers, especially those with low incomes." The gulf between these spokesmen ob- viously is too great for any farm bill to bridge. One wants higher price supports or sub- sidies to insure the survival of small farmers, with taxpayers footing the bill. The other wants an open market in agriculture without Federal subsidy and with many small farmers liquidated if necessary in a drastic "readjust- ment" based on survival of the fittest. Neither alternative is politically acceptable to most farmers or consumers. As long as the wide gulf exists in farm opinion, any administration will be forced to seek some middle ground. Despite his earlier hints, this is what the President did. Under the proposed bill, wheat grown for domestic use would be supported by Govern- ment at full parity prices-at about $2.50 a bushel instead of the present $2. Other- wheat grown within acreage allotments would be supported at about $1.25 per bushel- which is about the world price. The Government would eliminate present export subsidies on wheat to be sold abroad. It would require millers to pay $1.25 a bushel for domestic-use wheat, or 50 cents more than the present price. Millers and bAkers would pass the extra cost on to consumers. While the price of wheat has had little relation to the price of bread in recent years, the change probably would increase bread prices about a penny a loaf. A similar pro- gram would increase retail prices of rice from 5 to 7 cents a pound. Thus, the wheat and rice growers would earn substantially more. Consumers would pay more at the supermarkets. The Federal Government would save some $200 million per year. Wheat and rice farmers might gain more than additional Income from the arrange- ment. They might be exempted from some of the irate complaints from taxpayers about the cost of Federal price support programs- even though the taxpayers would be paying farmers more as consumers. The Federal Government would save sizable sums in an arrangement which once again illustrates Mr. Johnson's tendency to shift Federal expenditures from long-established agricultural programs to some of the newer, long-neglected problems of the Nation's pop- ulation centers and poverty pockets. The consumers would pay prices for wheat and rice which would be artifically high in terms of world markets, but still a bargain as compared with other products they buy. The new wheat-rice program proposed by the President isn't a dramatic new approach to the chronic problems of agriculture. Per- haps no such approach is possible unless farmers unite behind common objectives or until population pressures or wider world trade abolish the problem of crop surpluses. The new bill does seem to represent a po- litically shrewd innovation to offer some re- lief to wheat and rice farmer-and the Federal Treasury-with consumers paying the bill in pennies instead of tax dollars.- B. J. A New Look at Vietnam EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. WILLIAM F. RYAN OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, April 15, 1965 Mr. RYAN. Mr. Speaker, in the April 22, 1965, issue of the New York Review of Books, the Washington journalist, I. F. Stone, has written an incisive review of two new books on Vietnam: "The New Face of War" by Malcolm W. Browne, and "The Making of a Quagmire," by David Halberstam. Mr. Stone's review is a welcome addition and insight into the complex problems facing this war- torn area. I urge all my colleagues to read the following review: From the New York Review of Books, Apr. 22, 1965 1 VIETNAM: AN EXERCISE IN SELF-DELUSION (By I. F. Stone) ("The New Face of War," by Malcolm W. Browne, Bobbs-Merrill, 284 pages, $5; "The Making of a Quagmire," by David Halber- stam, Random House, 312 pages, $4.95.) The morning I sat down to write this re- view, the Washington Post (March 25) car- ried the news that Malcolm W. Browne had been arrested and held for 2 hours by South Vietnamese Air Force officers at the big U.S. air and missile base at Da Nang. The inci- dent is symbol and symptom of the steady degeneration in the conduct of the Vietna- mese war. These two books by two newspa- permen who won Pulitzer Prizes last year for their coverage of the war, Browne for the Associated Press, David Halberstam for the New York Times, record the agony of trying to report the war truthfully against the op- position of the higher-ups, military and ci- vilian. The books appear just as the war is entering a new stage when honest reporting is more essential than ever, but now restric- tion and censorship are applied to black it out. Da Nang, the main base from which the was is being escalated to the north, was offi- cially declared "off limits" the day before Browne's arrest and newsmen were told they could not enter without a pass obtainable only in Saigon, 385 miles to the south. "Newsmen," the dispatch on Browne's arrest said, "doubted such a pass existed." The in- cident occurred only a few days after the highest information officer at the Pentagon claimed that its policy on coverage of the war was "complete candor." What makes these books so timely, their message so urgent, is that they show the Vietnamese war in that aspect which Is most fundamental for our own people-as a chal- lenge to freedom of information and there- fore freedom of decision. They appear at a time when all the errors on which they throw light are being intensified. Instead of cor- recting policy in the light of the record, the light itself is being shut down. Access to news sources in Vietnam and in Washington is being limited, censorship in the field is becoming more severe. Diem is dead but what might be termed Diemism has become the basic policy of the American Government. For years our best advisers, military and civilian, tried desperately to make him under- stand that the war was a political problem which could only be solved in South Viet- nam. Three years ago the head of the U.S. mission spoke of the war as a battle for the "hearts and minds" of the people, and pri- marily the villagers, whose disaffection had made the rebellion possible against superior forces and equipment. To win that battle it was then proposed to spend $200 million to bolster the Vietnamese economy and raise living standards. Though much of this money seems to have been frittered away, it was at least recognized that the military effort was only one aspect of the problem. Now we have adopted Diem's simple-minded theory that the war is merely a product of Communist inspiracy, that it is purely an invasion and not a rebellion or a civil war, and that all would be well-in Secretary Rusk's fatuous phrase-if only the North let Its neighbors alone. This is the theory of the white paper and this is the excuse for bomb- ing North Vietnam. While the war expands, the theory on which it proceeds has narrowed. Washing- ton's "party line" on the war has been shrunk to rid it of those annoying complexities im- posed by contact with reality. The change becomes evident if one compares the white paper of 1965 with the blue book of 1961. The blue book was issued by the Kennedy administration to explain its decision to step up the scale of our aid and the number of our "military advisers" in South Vietnam. The white paper was issued by the John- son administration to prepare the public mind to accept its decision to bomb the north and risk a wider war. The change of policy required that rewriting of history we find so amusing when we watch it being done on the other side. Four years ago the blue book told us that the basic pattern of Vietcong activity was "not new, of course." It said this followed the tactics applied and the theories worked out by Mao Tse-tung in China. It said much the same methods were used "in Malaya, in Greece, in the Philippines, in Cuba, and in Laos." If there is "anything peculiar to the Vietnam situation," the blue book said, "it is that the country is divided and one- half provides a safe sanctuary from which subversion in the other half is supported with both personnel and materiel." This im- plied a conflict which was doubly a civil war, first between the two halves of a di- vided country and then between the Govern- ment and Communist-led guerrillas in one- half of that country. The white paper disagrees. It abandons complexity to make possible simpleminded slogans and policy. It declares the conflict "a new kind of war * * * a totally new brand of aggression * * * not another Greece * * * not another Malaya * * not another Philippines * * * Above all * * * not a spontaneous and local re- bellion against the established government." [Italic in the original.] The "fundamental difference," the white paper says, is that in Vietnam "a Communist government has set out deliberately to conquer a sovereign people in a neighboring state." This im- plies that there is no popular discontent in the south to be allayed, no need to negotiate with the rebels. The war is merely a case, of international aggression and the aggresor is to be punished by bombardment until he agrees to call off the invasion. The rebellion can be shut off, all this implies, as if by spigot from Hanoi. The truth about the war has been tailored to suit the Air Force faith in "victory by airpower." This was Goldwater's theory and this has become Johnson's policy. Browne's book sheds some sharp light on the white paper's thesis. The white paper says the war is "inspired, directed, supplied and controlled" by Hanoi. But Browne re- ports that "intelligence experts feel less than 10 percent and probably more like 2 percent of the Vietcong's stock of modern weapons is Communist made." He also reports that "only a small part of Vietcong increase in strength has resulted from infiltration of North Vietnamese Communist troops into South Vietnam." An astringent examination of the white paper and its supporting appen- dixes will show that it really proves little more than this, despite the sweeping head- line impressions it was intended to generate. Browne also tells us that "Western intelli- gence experts believe the proportion of Com- munists (in the National Liberation Front) is probably extremely small." He describes It as "a true 'front' organization appealing for the support of every social class." Browne declares the front a "creature" of the Viet- namese Communist Party and says it has "strong but subtle ties" to the Hanoi regime. For many Vietnamese, nevertheless "the front is exactly what it purports to be-the people's struggle for independence." This is what our best advisers tried to tell Diem. This is what our bureaucracy now refuses to see rather than admit past error and defeat, preferring to gamble on a wider war. Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150024-7 Approved For R RQ3/10/,F ;RP ,A gM.,f, ORD - APIA April 15, 1965 C S IONAL h2100 The really terrible message in these books is not that the bureaucrats have tried to de- ceive the public but that they have insisted on deceiving themselves. The Vietnamese war has been an exercise in self-delusion. David Halberstam tells us in "The Making of a Quagmire" that when the first Buddhist ,burned himself to death, Ngo Dinh Diem was convinced that this act had been staged by an American television team. The Buddhist crisis, as Halberstam describes it, "was to encompass all the problems of the Govern- ment: Its inability to rule its own people; the failure of the . American mission -to in- fluence Diem. * * * Observing the Govern- ment during those 4 months was like watch- ing a government trying to commit suicide." The stubborn insistence of the South Viet- namese dictator on.insulating himself from reality spread into our own Government. The most important revelation these two books make is the unwillingness of the higher-ups in Saigon and Washington to hear the truth from their subordinates in the field. South Vietnam swarmed with spies, but apparently they were only listened to when they reported what their paymasters wanted to hear. Ialberstam says that at one time Diem had 13 different secret police or- ganizations. Browne provides a vivid pic- ture of how our own intelligence agencies proliferated. The CIA, Special Forces, the AID mission, the Army, the provost marshal, the Navy, and the U.S. Embassy each had its own operatives. But they were not, in Browne'e words, "one big happy family." On the contrary they "very often closely con- cealed" their findings from other agencies "because of the danger that the competitors may pirate the material and report it to headquarters first, getting the credit." All this fierce application of free enter- prise, to the collection of information seems to have been of little use because of a top level political decision. "Ever since Viet- namese independence" (i.e., 1954), Browne reveals, "American intelligence officials had relied on the Vietnamese intelligence system for, most of their information." This was "because of Diem's touchiness about Ameri- can spooks wandering around on their own." In the interest of preserving harmony, "somehow the intelligence reports always had it that the war was going well." We circulated faithfully in orbit around our own satellite. Diem's men told him what he wanted to hear, and ours passed on what he wanted us to believe. Halberstam eon- firms this. In those final months before Diem's overthrow, "CIA agents were telling me that their superiors in Vietnam were still so optimistic that they were not taking the turmoil and unrest very seriously." John Richardson, then CIA chief in Viet- nam, displayed a kind of infatuation with Diem's brother Nhu and his wife. Halber- stam describes a lunch with Richardson in 1962, shortly after the New York Times sent him to Saigon, in which the CIA chief dismissed Nhu's notorious anti-American re- marks as simply those of "a proud Asian." As for the tigerish Mme. Nhu, Richardson thought her "sometimes a little emotional, ,but that was typical of women who entered politics-look at Mrs. Roosevelt." A persistent Panglossianism marked our entire bureaucracy up to and including the White House. General Harkins, our military commander in South Vietnam, said "I am an optimist and I am not going to allow my staff to be pessimistic." Halberstain de- scribes a briefing at his command post after the battle of Ap Bac in January 1963, the kind of set -piece battle for which our mili- tary had long hoped and which they first described as a victory though it turned out to be a disastrous defeat. With "the gov- ernment troops so completely disorganized that they would not even carry out their own dead," "a province chief shelling his own men" and "the enemy long gone," General Nb 0?50024-7 Harkins told the press a trap was about to be sprung on the enemy! The enemy was the press. When the facts about Ap Bac could no longer be concealed, headquarters became angry "not with the system" that brought defeat, Halberstam writes, nor with the Vietnamese'commanders responsible for it "but with the American reporters who wrote about it." Adm. Harry Felt, commander of all U.S. forces in the Pa- cific, gave classic expression to the bureau- cratic attitude toward the press when he was angered by a question from Browne. "Why don't you get on the team?" the Admiral de- manded. When Halberstam, Browne, and Neil Sheehan; then with the UPI, visited the Mekong Delta in the summer of 1963 and saw for themselves the deterioration of the war, their reward for reporting it was a cam- paign of denigration. Rusk criticized Hal- berstam at a press conference. President Kennedy suggested to the publisher of the New York Times that Halberstam be trans- ferred to some other assignment, a suggestion Mr. Arthur Hays Sulzberger, to his credit, rejected. The bureaucracy counter-attacked through Joe Alsop, who insidiously com- pared the reporters on the scene to those who a generation earlier had called the Chinese Communists "agrarian reformers." The New York Journal-American wrote that Halber- stam was soft on communism. A friend in the State Department told Halberstam, "It's a damn good thing you never belonged to any left wing groups or anything like that be- cause they were really looking for stuff like that." Victor Krulak, the Pentagon's top specialist on guerrilla warfare, was vehe- ment in his criticism of the press: "Richard Tregaskis and Maggie Higgins had found that the war was being won, but a bunch of young cubs who kept writing about the political side were defeatists." The official attitude was epitomized by Lyndon Johnson, then Vice President, on his way back from Saigon in 1961. He had laid the flattery on with a shovel, calling Diem "the Churchill of Asia." Halberstam reports that when a reporter on the plane tried to tell Johnson something of Diem's faults, Johnson responded, "Don't tell me about Diem. He's all we've got out there." A brink is a dan- gerous place on which to prefer not to see where you're going. The hostile attitude toward honest report- ing is made the more shocking because re- porters like Halberstam and Browne, as their conclusions reveal, were critics not of the war itself but only of the ineffective way in which it was conducted. The forces for which they spoke, the sources on which they depended, were not dissident Vietnamese but junior American officers. Their books dis- close little contact with the Vietnamese. The battle between the press and the bureaucracy arose because the newspapermen refused to report that the war was being won, but there was not too much reporting of why it was being lost. For Halberstam the war was a lark, a wonderful assignment for a young reporter; his pages reflect his zest and, are full of graphic reportage, though also marked by some egregious errors, such as locating Dien- bienphu in Laos and attributing the origin of the agrovilles to the French whereas they really sprang from Nhu's mystical authori- tarianism. For Browne the war was less ro- mantic. The life of a wire service reporter on call 24 hours a day in so tense a situation is no picnic. His book is written in flat agency prose. Both men acquitted themselves hon- orably, in the best tradition of American journalism, which is always to be skeptical of any official statement. But both books are marked by that characteristic intentness on the moment; the idea that the past may help explain the present appears only rarely. There is no time for study, and American editors do not encourage that type of jour- nalism in depth which distinguishes Le Monde or the Neue Zuricher Zeitung. This defect is most damaging in reporting on the origins of the revolt against Diem. The average American newspaper reader got the impression that this was brought about by esoteric and long-distance means, by Communist plotters activated from Hanoi to engage in that mysterious process re- ferred to in our press as "subversion." This is the closest modern equivalent to witch- craft. Halberstam's account of the origins is better than Browne's, but the real roots of discontent are touched on only peripherally. We get a glimpse of them in Halberstam's report that General Taylor after his first mission in 1960 recommended "broadening the base of the Government, taking non-Ngo anti-Communist elements into the Govern- ment; making the National Assembly more than a rubber stamp; easing some of the tight restrictions on the local press." The prescription was for a little of that democ- racy we were supposed to be defending, but Diem would not take the medicine. The accumulation of grievances, the establish- ment of concentration camps for political opponents of all kinds, the exploitation and abuse of the villages, the oppression of the intellectuals, the appeal of the 18 notables in 1960, and the attempted military coup that year, "the longstanding abuses" which finally led to the revolt, are not spelled out as they should be 2 and would be if U.S. reporters had more contact with the Vietnamese. In a flash of insight Halber- stam writes: "Also, though we knew more about Viet- nam and the aspiration's of the Vietnamese than most official Americans, we were to some degree limited by our nationality. We were there, after all, to cover the war; this was our primary focus and inevitably we judged events through the war's progress or lack of it. We entered the pagodas only after the Buddhist crisis had broken out; we wrote of Nguyen Tuong Tam, the country's most distinguished writer and novelist, only after he had committed suicide-and then only because his death had political connotations; we were aware of the aspirations of the peas- ants because they were the barometer of the Government's failure and the war's progress, not because we were on the side of the popu- lation and against their rulers." This accounts for how poorly these re- porters understood the central problem of land reform, how few realized that from the standpoint of the peasants, particularly in the delta, Diem's land reform policy, like his hated "agrovilles" and our equally un- popular "strategic hamlets," seemed to be mechanisms for reinstating the rights of the landlords who had fled during the long war against the French. Diem's downfall and the rebellion's success were largely due to the fact that he tried to. do what even the Bourbons in France after the Revolution were too wise to attempt. He tried to turn back the clock of the revolutionary land seizures. In the name of land reform, many peasants found themselves being asked to pay rent or compensation for land they had long considered their own. This lack of contact with the Vietnamese people and this fellow feeling for the junior officers who were sure they could win the war if only headquarters were different, also ac- counts for the weak way both books fizzle out when the authors try to supply some con- clusions. Both oppose negotiation and neu- tralization. Halberstam is indignant with the indifference to Vietnam he encountered I See the vivid account in his preface to 2 The best account is by the French his- JulesRoy's agonized and eloquent "The Bat- torian, Philippe Devillers in "North Vietnam tie of Dienbienphu," Harper, $6.95. Today" (Praeger, 1962) edited by P. J. Honey. Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150024-7 Approved For Release 2003110/14 CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150024-7 CONGA ESSI(iNAL 1EdORb - -= API'fNtIX April 15, 1965 on his return home. He believes Vietnam a legitimate part of our global commitment. He feels we cannot abandon our efforts to help these people no matter how ungrateful they may seem. For the ungrateful major- ity, the American presence had only succeed- ed in polarizing the politics of the country between authoritarian Communists and au- thoritarian anti-Communists; the former, at least, have the virtue of being supported by native forces. The anti-Communist mi- nority was grateful, of course, and feared that with American withdrawal they would be treated as mercilessly by the National Liberation Front as Diem had treated veter- ans of Vietminh after 1954, although a spe- cific provision of the Geneva agreement forbade persecution of those who had fought against the French. The files of the International Control Com- mission from 1955 onward were full of com- plaints that ex-Vietminh had been thrown into concentration camps or executed with- out charge or trial. In any eventual settle- ment in Vietnam, the future of minorities must certainly be a matter for concern, but the notion that we have a mandate from Heaven to impose on an unwilling people what we think is good for `them will strike few Asians or Africans as an object lesson in democracy. Browne's feeble ending is even worse. "Perhaps in the end," he writes, echoing the cliches of the counterinsur- gency experts at Fort Bragg, "America will find it can put Marx, Lenin, Mao, and Giap to work for it, without embracing commu- nism itself." This was the delusion of French military men like Colonel Lacheroy and Colonel Trinquier, who returned from Indochina thinking. they could apply Com- munist ideas in reverse to the pacification of Algeria. When frustrated, they tried to turn their borrowed techniques of con- spiracy and assassination against De Gaulle and the French Republic. To apply Com- munist methods in reverse, the favorite formula of our counterinsuragency experts does not make them any less unpalatable or dangerous to a free society. The basic tactic confuses the effect with the cause. To see wars of liberation, the Pentagon's domi- nant nightmare, simply as a reflection of conspiracy, to overlook the social and eco- nomic roots which make them possible, to prescribe counterconspiracy as the cure, is not only likely to insure failure but it tends to shut off debate on peaceful alternatives. Here the growing tendency of the Johnson administration to make it seem disloyal to question the omnicompetence of the Pres- idency is reinforced by the natural tendency of the Pentagon to see doubts about resort to force as unpatriotic. There is the danger here of a new McCarthyism as the adminis- tration and the military move toward wider war rather than admit earlier mistakes. LAWS AND RULES FUR PUBLICATION OF THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD CODE OF LAWS OF THE UNITED STATES TITLE 44, SECTION 181. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD; ARRANGEMENT, STYLE, CONTENTS, AND ILsDExES.-The Joint Committee on Printing shall have control of the ar- rangement and style of the Co;voaEs- SIONAL RECORD, and while providing that it shall be substantially a verbatim re- port of proceedings shall take all needed action for the reduction of unnecessary bulk, and shall provide for the publica- tion of an index of the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD semimonthly during the sessions of Congress and at the close thereof. (Jan. 12, 1895, c. 23, ? 13, 28 Stat. 603.) TITLE 44, SECTION 182b. SAME; ILLUS- TRATIONS, MAPS, DIAGRAMS.-NO maps, dia- grams, or illustrations may be inserted in the RECORD without the approval of the Joint. Committee on Printing. (June 20, 1936,. c. 630, ? 2, 49 Stat. 1646.) 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Proof furnished.-Proofs of "leave to print" and advance speeches will not be fur- nished the day the manuscript is received but will be submitted the following day, whenever possible to do so without causing delay in the publication of the regular proceedings of Congress. Advance speeches shall be set in the RECORD style of type, and not more than six sets of proofs may be furnished to Mem- bers without charge. 6. Notation of withheld remarks.-If man- uscript or proofs have not been returned in time for publication in the proceedings, the Public Printer will insert the words "Mr. addressed the Senate (House or Com- mittee). His remarks will appear hereafter in the Appendix," and proceed with the printing of the RECORD. 7. Thirty-day limit.-The Public Printer shall not publish in the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD any speech or extension of remarks which has been withheld for a period ex- ceeding 30 calendar days from the date when its printing was authorized: Provided, That at the expiration of each session of Congress the time limit herein fixed shall be 10 days, unless otherwise ordered by the committee. 8. Corrections.-The permanent RECORD is made up for printing and binding 30 days after each daily publication is issued; there- fore all corrections must be sent to the Pub- lic Printer within that time: Provided, That upon the final adjournment of each session of Congress the time limit shall be 10 days, unless otherwise ordered by the committee: Provided further, That no Member of Con- gress shall be entitled to make more than one revision. Any revision shall consist only of corrections of the original copy and shall not include deletions of correct material, substitutions. for correct material, or addi- tions of new subject matter. 9. The Public Printer shall not publish in the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD the full report or print of any committee or subcommittee when said report or print has been previously printed. This rule shall not be construed to apply to conference reports. 10(a). Appendix to daily Record.-When either House has granted leave to print (1) a speech not delivered in either House, (2) a newspaper or magazine article, or (3) any other matter not germane to the proceed- ings, the same shall be published in the Ap- pendix. pendix. This rule shall not apply to quota- tions which form part of a speech of a Mem- ber, or to an authorized extension of his` own remarks: Provided, That no address, speech, or article delivered or released subsequently to the sine die adjournment of a session of Congress may be printed in the CONGRES- SIONAL RECORD. - 10(b). Makeup of the Appendix.-The Ap- pendix to the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD shall be made up by successively taking first an ex- tension from the copy submitted by the Official Reporters of one House and then an extension from the copy of the other House, so that Senate and House extensions appear alternately as far as possible throughout the Appendix. The sequence for each House shall follow as closely as possible the order or arrangement in which the copy comes from the Official Reporters of the respective Houses. The Official Reporters of each House shall designate and distinctly mark the lead item among their extensions. When both Houses are in session and submit extensions, the lead item shall be changed from one House to the other in alternate issues, with the in- dicated lead item of the other House appear- ing in second place. When only one House is in session, the lead item shall be an ex- tension submitted by a Member of the House in session. This rule shall not apply to extensions withheld because of volume or equipment limitations, which shall be printed Immedi- ately following the lead items as indicated by the Official Reporters in the next issue of the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD, nor to RECORDS printed after the sine die adjournment of the Congress. 11. Estimate of cost.-No extraneous matter in excess of two pages in any one instance may be printed in the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD by a Member under leave to print or to ex- tend his remarks unless the manuscript is accompanied by an estimate in writing from the Public Printer of the probable cost of publishing the same, which estimate of cost must be announced by the Member when such leave is requested; but this rule shall not apply to excerpts from letters, tele- grams, or articles presented in connection with a speech delivered in the course of de- bate or to communications from State legis- latures, addresses or articles by the President and the members of his Cabinet, the Vice President, or a Member of Congress. For the purposes of this regulation, any one article printed in two or more parts, with or with- out individual headings, shall be considered as a single extension and the two-page rule shall apply. The Public Printer or the Official Reporters of the House or Senate shall return to the Member of the respective House any matter submitted for the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD which is in contravention of this paragraph. 12. Official Reporters-The Official Report- ers of each House shall indicate on the manu- script and prepare headings for all matter to be printed in the Appendix, and shall make suitable reference thereto at the proper place in the proceedings. Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150024-7 Approved For Release 2~0p03 1,0/14 G RD:P 7BD 44 0.030.0150024-7 April 15, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX there is such a demand, the public must be awakened to the seriousness of the threat presented by the current plans of the port authority. It is for this important educa- tional task that we ask your support. The responsibility belongs to all of us. I Directors of the World Trade Corp., under ch. 928, New York Laws, 1946; 1st report, Dec. 31, 1946; 2d report, Feb. 27, 1948; 3d report, Dec. 31, 1948. 2 Port authority, "A World Trade Center in the Port of New York," Mar. 10, 1961, p. 25. 8 The . New York Times, Mar. 21, 1961," p. 1: 2. ,, Ibid., Apr. 3, 1961, p.'13: 4. Ibid., Nov. 2, 1961, p. 41: 4. 4 The. New York Times, Mar. 24, 1981, p. 25:1. Ibid., Mar. 28, 1961, p. l : 1. Ibid., Oct. 20, 1961, p. 20: 5. Ibid., Nov. 2, 1961, p. 41: 4. c S..Sloan Colt, in a statement reported in the New York Herald Tribune, May 25, 1962, under the headline, "The Declining Port of New York"; Austin J. Tobin, in a speech be- fore the Pordham University School of Busi- ness afid Alumni Association, Dec. 24, 1962, reported in the Christian Science Monitor under the headline, "New York Port Takes Inventory." 8 Ibid. 7 Ralph W. Goshen, WCBS radio editorial No. 310, "WCBS Questions Feasibility of World Trade Center Proposed for Lower Manhattan," Apr. 15, 1964. 8 Sam J. Slate, WCBS radio editorial No. 182, Oct. 4, 1962. 8 Ch.,.209, New York Laws, 1962, pp. 31, 32. :14 The editors of Fortune, "The Exploding Metropolis," Doubleday Anchor, 1958, p. 82. 11 Edward T. Chase, "How To Rescue New York From Its Port Authority," Harper's, June 1960, p. 67. 1 Edward T. Chase, "How To Rescue New York From Its Port Authority," Harper's, June 1960, p. 69. 38 Ch. 209, New York Laws, 1962, p' 28. x4 The editors of Fortune, "The Exploding Metropolis," Doubleday Anchor, 1958, p. 64. HON. JONATHAN B. BINGHAM OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, April 15, 1965 Mr. BINGHAM, Mr. Speaker, under leave to revise and-extend my remarks, I should like to call to the attention of my colleagues and readers of the CON- GRESSIONAL RECORD generally two ex- cellent articles that appeared recently in the New York Herald Tribune, com- menting on President Johnson's great speech at Johns Hopkins University. The first, an editorial, very properly reJects the charge that the President was trying to "buy peace" with his advocacy of a vast development plan in south- east Asia. The second article, by David Lawrence, is ' the more remarkable be- cause it comes from a writer who has, to put it mildly, not always been in agree- merit with Democratic Presidents. I believe, Mr. Speaker, that the validity of the points made in these articles will be established by history, and that the President's address at Johns Hopkins University will go down as one of the most statesmanlike of our era. The articles follow: [From the New York Herald Tribune, Apr. 11, 1965] DAMS-NOT DOLLARS The assertion by some Americans, in and out of Congress, that President Johnson was trying to buy peace with his advocacy of a vast development plan in southeast Asia is very wide of the mark. Yet it is the familiar charge leveled at the foreign aid program. Because the programs are generally stated, for simplicity, in dollars, Congressmen and the public both tend to forget that what foreign aid means to the recipient is not dollars but dams-and roads, factories, har- bor works and irrigation projects. As President Johnson said: "The vast Me- kong River can provide food and water and power on a scale to dwarf even our own TVA." Studies and preparatory work for the plan have been underway for years, under the aus- pices of the U.N. To complete so grandiose of scheme will, of course, require dollars- and, one may'hope, pounds, francs, marks and even rubles. It will also require peace, and a degree of political stability in an area running from Burma to the South China Sea. But above all, it will require coopera- tion, among the nations of southeast Asia and among the industrialized countries that can give reality to the plan. It is this complex of needs, rather than any simple purchase of peace with dollars, that gives real meaning to the Mekong River project. For by bringing many nations to- gether for the purpose of raising the living standards of millions of underprivileged hu- man beings the plan could accomplish much for the region and for the world. It would help the Burmese, the Thais, the Laotians, Cambodians and Vietnamese in very practi- cal ways. And by setting up an example of genuine international collaboration, it would reduce tensions and hold up common goals for them and for those who would supply the aid. It is a great concept, difficult of achievement, certainly, but offering hopes far beyond any mere diplomatic horse trade. [From the New York Herald Tribune, Apr. 9, 1965] THE PRESIDENT'S VIET SPEECH (By David Lawrence) WASHINGTON.-President Johnson's latest speech on the Vietnam situation is one of the best exposition of American foreign pol- icy that has been presented since the "cold war" began. The advisers who helped to compose it also deserve credit because they acurately assembled the facts that make up the consensus of American thinking today. The President avoided the mistake made by the United Nations in Korea when consent was given to participate in a cease-fire which never was followed by the signing of a peace treaty. This time there is no self-imposed restric- tion upon the United States to withhold military action while peace talks are pro- ceeding. The Communists cannot with im- punity, therefore, string out peace discus- sions year after year while at the same time conducting clandestine violations of a cease- fire agreement. So when Mr. Johnson declared that he would enter peace talks unconditionally, it means that the United States retains its free- dom of action and can punish the enemy and retaliate whenever there are aggressive acts. The key words in the President's speech are these: "We will not be defeated. We will not grow tired. We will not withdraw, either openly or under the cloak of a meaningless agreement." A1879 Having said this, however, the President made a constructive suggestion along an entirely different line when he called for an international program for development of southeast Asia, starting with a coopera- tive effort by the countries of that area. He urged Secretary General Thant of the United Nations to use his prestige to initiate such a plan and invited "all other industrialized countries, including the Soviet Union," to become participants. He added: "For our part, I will ask the Congress to join in a bil- lion-dollar American investment in this effort as soon as it is underway." This move has been wrongly interpreted by some as merely a kind of sop to those who have been criticizing the continuing of the war. Its significance is deeper. This is the first time that the United States in recent years has publicly declared a policy that goes beyond governments and into the hearts and minds of the peoples themselves. Whether because of timidity or indiffer- ence, the United States has not carried on a campaign directly to the peoples of the Communist-dominated countries. It has not endeavored to show them how much better off they would be if they had a free govern- ment. The President's speech doesn't necessarily imply that there is any intention to drive a wedge between the peoples and their totalitarian governments. But the United States, in its information programs overseas and in its policy speeches broadcast abroad, has too long neglected the importance of telling the peoples of the Communist and "neutralist" countries of the willingness of the American people to help them seek a life of individual opportunity and improved economic conditions. In countries where the hand of the op- pressor is stern there is no way to attain the kind of living conditions which prevail in the free countries except by the concerted will of a determined populace., Too often the idea of revolution is scoffed at in the belief that armies are controlled by the dictators. But, as was evidenced in 1917 in the revolution against the czar, even the army participates in the revolt when pub- lic opinion definitely desires it. President Johnson rightly discussed the need in southeast Asia for homes for millions of impoverished people. He said: "Each day these people rise at dawn and struggle through until the night to wrestle existence from the soil. They are often wracked by diseases, plagued by hunger, and death comes at the early age of 40. "Stability and peace do not come easily in such a land. Neither independence nor hu- man dignity will be ever won, though, by arms alone. It also requires the works of peace. "The American people have helped gener- ously in times past in these works, and now there must be a much more massive effort to improve the life of man in that conflict- torn corner of our world." This is a welcome note in the outline of American foreign policy. It needs to be followed up by radio and every other form of communication. For history has proved that, if ideas are conveyed to a few, they spread to many by word of mouth, which indeed is the most effective form of com- munication in ' existence today. The Com- munist governments will, of course, reject the proposal for economic aid, but the seed will have been planted among the people. The President wisely did not discuss de- tails. But he made it clear that the United States wants peace-not war. He also pledged American cooperation to achieve a better life not merely for the free peoples but for those whose rights have been so elegantly abused by their rulers. The speech was remarkable because of its forthrightness and its scope. Sooner or later Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150024-7 A1880 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150024-7 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -APPENDIX April 15, 1965 peace talks will begin, and it looks now as if the advantage then will be on the side of the United States. A Gratifying Example of Dedication by Another Peace Corps Member EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. CHARLES S. JOELSON OF NEW JERSEY IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, April 15, 1965 Mr. JOELSON. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to insert in our RECORD the in- spiring story of another ambassador of good will in shirtsleeves. The news item is from the Paterson Evening News of April 13, 1965, and deals with a constituent of whom I am proud, Roy H. Elsenbroek, a member of the Peace Corps. The closing paragraphs of the article so ably written by Bert Nawyn were par- ticularly pertinent in the week before Good Friday and Easter, as they indi- cate the fact that religious principles can be translated into meaningful ac- tions. The article follows: (By Bert Nawyn) HAWTHORNE.-If anybody can change the American image abroad it will be Peace Corps members such as Roy H. Elsenbroek, who returned home last week from east Pakistan. Elsenbroek, a handsome young man of 20 years, tells of his experiences in east Pakistan with enthusiasm changing into a somber mood as he reflects on the priva- tions of the population in that country. GRADUATE OF EASTERN CHRISTIAN SCHOOL ASSOCIATION Young Elsenbroek is the son of Mr. and Mrs. Henry Elsenbroek, 122 Westervelt Ave- nue, and a graduate of the Eastern Christian School Association. He entered the Peace Corps on February 28, 1963, and ended his service 2 years later. Renewing acquaintances, he plans to be- come either a missionary to bring spiritual, moral, and physical assistance to deprived people or to enter the U.S. Foreign Service. Although they have the same government, East Pakistan is separated from West Pak- istan by over 1,000 miles. In between them is India. PRIMITIVE CONDITIONS A comparatively small area, east Pakistan is about the size of the State of Minnesota. But there the similarity ends. While Min- nesota has a population of 3.5 million persons, there are 57 million people crowded into east Pakistan, most of whom have no modern conveniences, no telephones, no television or radio, no sanitary conditions, people who live in villages and hunt leopards with bow and arrow when they prowl too close to the thatched huts. East Pakistan is on the Bay of Bengal. About 90 percent of the population are Moslems. West Pakistan, where the Gov- ernment seat is located, is a modern area compared to east Pakistan, where in the larger cities the major products are burlap, jute, fertilizers, and tea crops. Young Elsenbroek had nothing but praise for the Peace Corps and what it is attempt- ing to accomplish. He said "We came into the country, were welcomed by statesmen and high officials, and then took our place with the lowest class of people, to help them and show them how they could live a better life." Elsenbroek emphasized, "There are 7,000 Peace Corps members from 18 years to grand- parents. I met one man who was 76 years old, doing a good job. "The Peace Corps in such countries as east Pakistan is changing the American image abroad. We used to send tractors and equipment to people who are illiterate. Many times they were told that this equipment was the gift of a Communist country. Now, thesesame people find Americans willing to give of themselves to plan a better life. This impresses these people." Elsenbroek was accepted in the Peace Corps shortly after graduating from Eastern Chris- tian High School, North Haledon. After a 4-day stay In New York City for orienta- tion, lectures, and instructions, he left with 102 other volunteers for Camp Radley, Areci- bo, P.R. Camp Radley was named after the first Peace Corps member who died abroad. SURVIVAL STUDY At Camp Radley, a month was spent in a rigid survival course which included rock climbing and instruction in survival methods. The main objective of the course was to strengthen physical, mental, and emotional resources upon which the Peace Corps mem- ber can draw to achieve the tasks which lie ahead. From Puerto Rico, Elsenbroek left with 48 other volunteers for Brattleboro, Vt., where a -course in "Experment in Interna- tional Living" was given. It was here that Elsenbroek learned to speak Bengali, the east Pakistan language. The program for that country was divided into nine parts, consisting of the language program, area studies, international affairs, communism, American studies, technical skills, training, the psychology of effective functioning overseas, and Peace Corps orientation. At Brattleboro, 20 Peace Corps volunteers dropped out. Disqualification of volunteers went on during the entire training course, which lasted 240 hours. Elsenbroek left June 11, 1963, for a new life of service to others and adventure, arriv- ing at Dacca, in east Pakistan, on June 14. "It was like coming into a different world which could not be compared with anything in this country. On a corner intersection was a man selling meat. He had just slaugh- tered a cow in an open market and was slicing the meat as the people came up to to purchase a piece. Millions of flies swarmed about. The temperature was over 100? and the stench was sickening." SHORT LIFESPAN Elsenbroek said that because of the high mortality rate of infants the average life is from 28 to 35 years. He remarked, "These people live on a daily menu of curry and rice. Vegetables are extremely hard to grow be- cause of flooded conditions and the extreme heat, which almost every day climbs up to 120?." At Chittagong, where he spent most of his time, Elsenbroek worked with engineer Grant Wells, of Michigan. While at Chittagong he received a citation from the Pakistan Gov- ernment for devising and erecting a cy- clone shelter. East Pakistan each year is devastated by cyclones, with thousands losing their lives. The two Peace Corps members built a 150 person cyclone shelter which was approved by the government. More are now being built. Peace Corps members in east Pakistan helped the natives build roads, schoolhouses, and other types of buildings. All these were constructed without modern machinery. For extracurricular activities, Elsenbroek started ball clubs with the children, with whom he soon became a favorite. While in Jamalpur, he started a basketball team for the natives. What struck Elsenbroek as most impres- sive is that natives of east Pakistan are con- cerned with nothing but eating, sleeping and having children. NO TAXES He remarked, "People in the villages are not concerned over taxes because they don't pay any, they have no social life, no PTA's, no television, no religious organizations. They lead a very simple life, one of the simplest in the world. They don't complain, because they know of nothing better. Chil- dren have wooden carved toys. This truly is primitive life." Peace Corps members are volunteers who are not paid for their tour of duty. Accord- ing to Elsenbroek, some are disappointed when they arrive at their destination. He said, "A few of those coming to east Pakistan took the next plane back to the States." Peace Corps members do not sign up for any specific length of time. Neither does a stint in the Peace Corps exempt anyone for service in the Armed Forces. Elsenbroek said Saturday that he felt his Christian parental, church and school train- ing was largely responsible in his decision to devote 2 year of his life in the service of others. He concluded "Throughout the world, the American is pictured as being Interested in materialism and what he can get for himself. The Peace Corps shows the World that the American is willing to give himself so that persons in underdeveloped nations might have a better chance in life. When a Christian enters into this phase of activity, he has before him the sacrifice of one who gave His life on the cross of Calvary. This is why I want to continue in a life of service to others." Johnson Proposal for Peace in Southeast N EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. CARLTON R. SICKLES OF MARYLAND IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, April 15, 1965 Mr. SICKLES. Mr. Speaker, on the editorial page of the Baltimore Sun this week, there was an interesting and il- luminating editorial regarding Commu- nist reaction to President Johnson's pro- posals for peace in southeast Asia. The text of the editorial follows: REJECTIONS The initial rejection by North Vietnam, Communist China, and the Soviet Union of President Johnson's proposals for peace in southeast Asia were about should have been expected. They should not be allowed to rule out the possibility of peace discussions- but approached in a more roundabout way than a public acceptance of the President's proposition-nor should they be allowed to obscure the point that the President was moving in the right direction. Communist doctrine, in the capitals of the oddly matched triumvirate of North Vietnam, Red China and the Soviet Union, requires the government officials to pretend that there Is no North Vietnamese aggression against South Vietnam, and to claim that aggression is being committed by the United States in its effort to help South Vietnam to maintain its independence. There is reason to believe that the real policy of each of these countries-policy that is affected by old na- Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150024-7 00 150024-7 gved For Re. ? 6J[W51P6V, April -15, A tionalist concerns as well as by the present split between the Chinese and Russian Com- munists over the leadership of the Commu- nist Parties around the world-may impel each of them to a different approach to the possibility of ending the war in Vietnam. It is possible that these differences will figure in the diplomatic explorations which will con- tinue. It must be kept in mind, too, that the Com- munist side will not give up its effort to over- run South Vietnam as long as there is a prospect that it will succeed and will not cost too much. To suggest, as some have, that Mr. Johnson was trying to buy peace by his suggestion for a great economic de- velopment scheme, Including the Mekong River program, is to turn the facts upside down. The President was suggesting that an investment in peace is better than an in- vestment in war, and that if peace is estab- lished all of southeast Asia, including North Vietnam, will benefit. At the same time he was insisting that, while the door is open to peace discussions without preconditions, the United States intends to press its present military effort. Nothing decisive is likely to happen soon. Patience and firmness are essential. Pan American Day SPEECH OF HON. SPARK M. MATSUNAGA OF HAWAII IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, April 14, 1965 Mr. MAT$UNAGA. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of the resolution which designates this day, April 14,' 1965, as "Pan American Day." Today marks the 75th anniversary of the first Conference of American States which was held here in Washington and from which has developed the bulwark of democracy and freedom in our own hemisphere-the Organization of Amer- ican States. Throughout the long life of this orga- nization, which is the oldest of its kind in the field of international relations, we have seen the wisdom of its founders and the need for, its stated purposes. Among the essential purposes pro- claimed by the charter of the Organiza- tion of American States are two which are most familiar to us. These are, first that the Organization is to strengthen the peace and security of the continent, and, second, that it is to prevent possi- ble d'auses of difficulties and to insure the pacific settlement of disputes that may arise among the member states. In the, effective accomplishment of these purposes, this Organization of 21 American Republics has in recent times presented a solid front against the en- roachment of any subversive political philosophy, particularly communism, which has threatened and continues to threaten its member states. Threats to our continental security and solidarity have taken other forms. The Cuban missile crisis and the situa- tion at Panama, of course, were epic examples. As we rededicate ourselves on this Pan American Day to the principles which affirm the necessity for peaceful, cooper- ative action through the Organization of American States, let us resolve to bring to the attention of each of its member states the need for legislation such as that which was recently con- sidered within these very Halls. I refer to legislation which provides aid to edu- cation of children, born to poverty and which promotes the health and economic welfare of older persons. It seems to me that this would advance in a mean- ingful way one of the least known pur- poses of the Organization of American States, and.that is, the member states shall "promote, by cooperative action, their economic, social, and cultural de- velopment." It is within the Pan American frame- work of peace, security and an en- lightened and healthy citizenry that the member states, individually and collec- tively, can continue to observe Pan American Day with ever-increasing sig- nificance. A Call to National Conscience EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. MORRIS K. UDALL OF ARIZONA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, April 15, 1965 Mr. UDALL. Mr. Speaker, on Jan- uary 25 and 26 of this year the city of Tucson, Ariz., was the scene of a National Conference on Poverty in the Southwest. Here, for the first time, we saw some of the extent of the poverty suffered by Mexican-Americans, Indians and other minority groups in the States comprising the Southwest. A number of participants in the. con- ference have prepared a report entitled "A Call to National Conscience." Be- cause of its great importance and relevance to our country's current anti- poverty program I want to call this re- port to the attention of my colleagues. Mr. Speaker, without objection I shall insert the report in the Appendix at this point: A CALL TO NATIONAL CONSCIENCE The undersigned were invited to sit as a "jury" while spokesmen for the poor and representatives of both private and public agencies aired their views on the causes of and cures for poverty in the vast area of the American Southwest. The speakers had-as- sembled at the recent National Conference on Poverty in the Southwest-and their testi- mony dramatically underscored the delin- quency of leadership in and for this area. THE NATURE OF SOUTHWESTERN POVERTY We were convinced by the testimony pre- sented there that poverty in the Southwest has characteristics that are unique in the national American scene. The great dis- tances in the Southwest .and the economic expansion attendant on two decades of post- war prosperity and population explosion mask poverty in the rural areas, in the cities, in the mountains, and in the desert. The economic expansion of these decades has given few benefits to the poor. In New Mex- ico an Indian lives on a reservation on less than $400 a year, speaking little English, growing up in a culture that never developed concepts of competition, baffled by the white A1881 man's world of aggression and materialism. In Texas a Mexican-American family of 12 subsists on a diet consisting principally of beans and corn, trying to maintain a mar- ginal existence on the fringe of an affluent but hostile society. We were told of the poverty of hope for the white "Anglo" migrant farmworker who, sys- tematically and deliberately exploited by the big agricultural growers, ekes out a family existence on $1,100 a year. He tries vainly to understand why a nation permits-in fact, invites-foreign laborers to compete under deliberately favored conditions. California growers were described as consistently pre- ferring Mexican bracero labor. We heard of the poverty of education and opportunity haunting the Arizona Negro who assumed he was escaping discrimina- tion and inadequate schooling in the South- east, only to encounter them again under more hypocritical circumstances in an area which exhorts its citizens to "stand on their own two feet." Poverty in the Southwest is represented by some of the Nation's most abysmal housing, and it is perpetuated by an educa- tional system that makes no provision for the special needs of its different ethnic populations. For in the Southwest, as elsewhere in the country, the most acutely impoverished are the ethnic minorities. They include 3.5 million Spanish-surnamed people whose backgrounds may be a blend of Indian, Spanish, Mexican, and Latin- American origins; seeking identity among the recently arrived "Anglos," these people find themselves regarded as aliens. Of the area's 2.2 million Negroes, only those in California have found anything of the better life they sought when leaving the "old South," and even there this. "better life" consists largely of better ghettoes and slowly improving education for equal job oppor- tunities. The Southwest includes some 200,000 Indians of varied tribes, nations, and reservations who are shuttled back and forth from rural to urban life by a confusing series of Federal policies. Several Southwestern cities have trebled in size in the historic population explosion of the past two decades. But Southwestern civic and community leaders have ignored the fact that this population growth would necessitate preventive action against the multiplying economic and social problems confronting the region. And so the same civic leaders have neglected the aggressive social improvisations which the development of a modern, urbanized society makes im- perative. With the spread of technology and the growth of business and industry, the orig- inal occupant of the Southwest, still rooted in his native and different culture, has been completely left behind. Educationally un- prepared for the technical complexity of mod- ern America, barred by racial, social, and eco- nomic discrimination from participation in the very society to which they belong, the poor of the Southwest remain overlooked, unwanted, and ignored-by the Southwest and by the Nation. THE ATTITUDES The testifiers at the conference in Tucson revealed conflicts, distrust, and intense com- petition between the relatively prepared "Anglos" on the one hand and the severally disadvantaged Indian, Negro, and Spanish- surnamed citizens on the other. This situa- tion, aggravated by the widespread apathy of the responsible members of the power structure toward the problem of poverty, seems to us to portend serious social disor- ders in the future unless extensive social re- forms occur. Here, in a five-State popula- tion of 30 million, are over 8 million living on annual family incomes of less than $3,000. Possibly only the ethnic insularities and mu- ,Approved For Release 2003/10/14 CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150024-7 A1882 Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150024-7 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX. , April 15,-1965 tual distrusts of the minority groups have so far prevented the coalescence of thought and action necessary to force social reform. Apparently a Southwestern power elite of mining, oil, cattle, real estate, and agricul- tural interests tends to sweep social prob- lems under the rug. Testimony indicates that the weight of this elite is arrayed against the economic and political weakness of minority groups and of the poor gen- erally. The press, with certain exceptions, reflects the views of the elite and reinforces its dominance. The press also exhibits a persistent suspicion of social causes and the people involved in them, thus promoting a regional antagonism to coordinated family assistance, suspicion of private philanthropy for social causes, and resistance to public planning. It proclaims that social planning properly resides in the private sector, but it supports only minor endeavors by private agencies. These factors may account for the apparent indifference of private agency di- rectors toward much-needed private and public social reforms. They may also ac- count for the fact that welfare adminis- trators seem to thwart the will of the Con- gress and of the Nation through welfare pol- icies that, even charitably, can only be de- scribed as inhuman. REGIONAL INFLUENCES Poverty in the Southwest differs from poverty in other parts of the Nation because the Southwest itself is different. A major factor of this difference is the existence of a 1,500-mile border shared with a nation whose, economic standards are 30 years be- hind ours--a border far more open than most Americans realize. As many as 3,000 immi- grants per month enter to become perma- nent residents. More than 30,000 commuters swarm across the border on a regular basis to work at wages which, while substandard for the United States, make them compara- tively well paid residents of Mexico. Many employers, particularly agricultural grow- ers, profit handsomely from this cheap source of labor. This foreign labor force, willing to work at 60 to 90 cents an hour, depresses the southwestern economy which is already suffering from growing automation and excess job applicants. The relative openness of the border has created another problem-that of "semi- citizens," Mexicans who have lived in the Southwestern States, particularly Texas, for decades. For various reasons they have not become citizens. Many of them have now lost track of the personal papers or witnesses who could establish the vital statistics pre- requisite for citizenship applications. Many are old and incredibly poor. Lacking citizen- ship, they are ineligible for most public wel- fare or any kind of assistance except charity. They have no homes to return to In Mexico; in this country their lot is a form of aged peonage. We come then to some suggestions, both general and specific, for attacking poverty in the Southwest. National attention to this region is obviously overdue. SUGGESTIONS First, the openness of our international border must be reviewed. Steps must be taken to regulate and reduce the flow of "border commuters." Congress must enact appropriate legislation and the State Depart- ment must effect international wage, agree- ments with Mexico. The Labor Department needs its administrative hand strengthened so that it can halt commuters when there is a demonstrably adverse affect on the U.S. labor force. State-and, where neces- sary, Federal-legislation is needed to apply fair labor standards to the international worker as well as our own citizen. For pov- erty in the Southwest cannot be separated from poverty in Mexico while the inter- national border reniains no more than an inconvenience to commuters. The problem is international in scope and should be ap- proached internationally, even to the extent of contemplating some kind of specific joint Mexico-United States aid to northern Mexico and establishing a minimum wage to the Mexican citizens' service here. It is not enough to treat the symptoms. We must en- deavor also to cure or at least ameliorate the sickness, which, in this case, Is the per- petual depression that exists in the north of Mexico and spreads into our vulnerable Southwest. We urge that public welfare agencies, instead of wasting dollars trying to ferret out chiselers, apply that energy and more to rehabilitating the poor and reducing their dependency. The Federal Government must insure that the will of Congress is honored, particularly in Texas and Arizona. We call upon the Southwestern agricul- tural States, notably California, Arizona, and Texas, to bring farmworkers under the pro- tective canopy of State labor laws. These should include minimum wage laws; laws securing workers in their rights to organize; laws against discrimination and the like. We urge grower participation in conquer- ing the age-old problems of seasonal crops and wages while laborers have year-round family needs. We advocate total abandon- ment of the bracero immigrant labor con- cept. We request an interstate study of education for those to whom English may be the foreign or second language. We appeal to the States of the Southwest to reduce the varying harsh residence re- quirements for old-age assistance eligibility and to achieve some uniformity in their welfare and other assistance programs. Perhaps most important of all, we plead for a new regional attitude toward social programing not only for, but subject to the ideas of the less fortunate. Perhaps a pri- vately funded regional entity should be cre- ated to give voice to the impoverished. The various social agencies of the Southwest both public and private-agencies concerned with health, family planning, education, prepara- tion for employment, and housing-must abandon their aloofness and yield a major portion of their planning and decisionmaking process to the disadvantaged themselves. United funds, community councils, and other similar organizations should concen- trate most of their time, funds and attention on the problems of the poor and, as they do so, involve these same poor at the highest levels of policymaking. We believe that a show of patience with the neophyte social planner from depressed areas will produce unheard-of dividends. It is not now being done. Finally, there should be national respect for the cultural' differences of the great Southwest. As one of the participants at the Tucson poverty conference so eloquently stated: "We have given too little awareness to the history of this land which has made us so affluent. In our haste we tend to equate material poverty with spiritual and cultural poverty * * *. The 'Anglo' must realize that many who are poor in the Southwest have rich and priceless traditions-a cultural kind of affluence which we need badly to share. As we undertake to rid the Southwest of poverty * * * we'll be working in a land of great beauty among peoples of great beauty. We must be sure that our efforts in no way erode the great gifts of diversity which we enjoy here-diversity of language, art, dance, ceremony, religion. And the 'Anglo' perhaps must learn better to place himself properly in the history of this region-the last to ar- rive here-in a sense, the newcomer. We owe to ourselves the obligation not to try to overcome differences but to preserve and honor diversity. For the 'Anglo' affluence it- self badly needs the cultural enrichment of the ancient peoples of the Southwest." Respectfully submitted. Leonard Duhl, M.D.; Mr. David Danzig; Mrs. Grace Montanez Davis; Mr. D'Arcy McNickle; Dr. Laurence Gould; Mr. Henry Saltzman; Paul O'Rourke, M.D.; Mr. Steve Allen; Mr. Henry Talbert; Dr. Julian Samora; Mr. Bernard Valdez. MARCH 1965. One of the Most Charming Institutions of the Great Society EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. J. J. PICKLE OF TEXAS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, April 14, 1965 Mr. PICKLE. Mr. Speaker, one of the most charming institutions of the Great Society is the incomparable Liz Car- penter. The wife of newspaper corre- spondent Les Carpenter, and a former president of the Women's National Press Club, Liz Carpenter is a delightful and effective press expert for Mrs. Lyndon Johnson and for the White House in general. Few women in America have the genuine charm and spark which Liz possesses, and an article which appears in the New York Times, April 11, 1965, and is printed below is an indication of the recognition this lady so justly deserves: FIRST LADY'S LADY BOSWELL (By Nan Robertson) (NOTE.-Nan Robertson is a member of the Times Washington bureau who regu- largly reports White House News.) WASHINGTON.-It was November 22, 1963, in Dallas. Elizabeth Carpenter, executive assistant to Lyndon Baines Johnson, was riding in a black limousine from Parkland Memorial Hospital to Love Field. Emerging from a daze of horror and shock, she re- calls: "I was aware suddenly I was riding along with the Vice President. I started scribbling what he might have to say when we got to Washington. I gave it to him." President John Fitzgerald Kennedy was dead. Mr. Johnson was about to take the oath of office as 36th President of the United States in a hushed, desperately hurried cere- mony inside a jet plane parked on a dirty runway. When the plane reached Washington, President Johnson read the brief speech Mrs. Carpenter had drafted (This is a sad time for all people * * *. I ask fpr your help-and God's"), then turned to her, "Liz, go with Lady Bird and be of any help to her you can," he said. He left for the White House. In the car on the way home to the Elms, the mansion the Johnsons had bought from Perle Mesta, the shaken First Lady asked her companion what to expect. "There will be reporters there. They'll want to know your reaction," Mrs. Carpenter said. "The way I feel about it? It has all been a dreadful nightmare, but somehow we must find the strength to go on," Mrs. Johnson blurted out. "That is your statement," Mrs. Carpenter said. Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150024-7 Approved For F1 M IMA4.: -OR $ 000300150024-47pril 15, 1965 to the effect that incendiary leaflets had For more than 13/4 centuries this Na- We have passed a bill which will allow been dropped over Selma, Ala., from a tion has played a dangerous form of the transitions of power to move to the Confederate Air Force plane. brinkmanship with the highest office in Vice President and back to the President Nothing of the kind happened. our land, the office which today is with- in case of the latter's disability. The The Confederate Air Force has no out a doubt the most powerful and in- finalizing of this plan will lend conti- affiliation whatsoever with any of the fluential in the democratic world. nuity of power and leadership to the white supremist 'groups, or with any This bill, we have passed, will rectify office of the Presidency. The past his- civil rights group. It does not have even previous inconsistencies and lack of con- tory of our country has illuminated se- one member in the Alabama area, nor cise planning in the following important quences in which this country was stag- does it have any aircraft within 1,500 processes: discharging the powers and nated due to a President's disability. I miles of Selma, Ala. duties of the President in the event of implored this House to act, and they Immediately upon hearing of the false his disability or incapacity; and assuring have, to prevent the possibility that this charge, I asked the Federal Aviation the continuity in office of the Vice Nation will be encumbered with an Executive who cannot act. ^, t to ff t id l \! or en . Pres e e Agency to make every possib learn the identity of the pilot respon- It can readily be seen that hesitation ction in the above areas FAA di k re of and lac sible for dropping the leaflets. The FARLEY ON the Selma area lead to potential paralysis of our form of t r o s sent two inspecto from its southern regional office in At- government. Surely none can deny the (Mr. PEPPER (at the request of Mr. lanta, Ga., and they worked throughout seriousness of these voids in conjunction ALBERT) was granted permission to ex- the night running down leads. with the position our country assumes in tend his remarks at this point in the and to include extraneous mat- The FAA has reported to me: the free world. That we have escaped RECORD Our inspectors talked to U.S. marshals, the possible tragic repercussions of these ter.) Mr. Speaker, undoubt- border patrol, National Guard, and FBI peo- omissions have, as the President has said, Mr. been ple; however, none was able to tell us from "been more the result of providence than edly members PEPPER. of both Mr. parties have nd which aircraft the drop was made since there any prudence in our part." fondly aware of a great American and were several aircraft in the vicinity. I am happy that we have acted with patriot, Mr. James A. Farley, former If the pilot can ever be identified, tie diligence and speed to pass this bill. Democratic National Committee chair- Confederate Air Force is prepared to file This was a bill which cut across party man and Postmaster General, whom we charges against him for falsely repre- lines; partisan politics must and were affectionately call "Jim." Mr. Farley senting himself as a member of that relegated to extinction so that we could was in my district last week and was in- organization. concentrate on the most sacred of legis- terviewed by an outstanding reporter, Mr. Speaker, I deem it highly proper lative pronouncements-the amendment Mr. Jack Kofoed of the Miami Herald to make this known to you and to the of our Constitution. on April 7. On April 6, Mr. Farley's Members of this House, that there is no The importance of the office of Presi- wisdom appeared in the Miami Herald finer group of men, and no more dedi- dent need not be dwelled on; the impor- strongly supporting the present admin- cated Americans, who cherish and love tance of the office of Vice President has istration's current policy toward Viet- this country and the principles on which been indelibly written by the tragic nam. i am happy to have this appear it was founded, than the men who com- events in November 1963. The Vice in the body of the RECORD for my col- pose the Confederate Air Force. President, outside of his increased au- leagues' information: thority, participation, and responsibility [From the Miami (Fla.) Herald, Apr. 6, 19651 as an elected official, must be a position FARLEY LAUDS VIET POLICY (Mr. GONZALEZ (at the request of Mr. which allows instantaneous transition to Jim Farley, former Postmaster General and ALBERT) was granted permission to ex- the powers of the Presidency. Under Democratic National Committee chairman, tend his remarks at this point in the this bill we have a significant departure declared here Monday he wholeheartedly en- RECORD and to include extraneous mat- from previous law on the subject. It dorses the Johnson administration policies ter.) declares that when the Vice-Presidency in Vietnam adding that "we have no other [Mr. GONZALEZ' remarks will appear becomes vacant, the President shall choice in the matter." nominate a candidate who shall take "We're in there and it's our fight whether hereafter in the Appendix.] office after confirmation by a majority we like it or not," Farley told reporters dur- ofvote of both Houses of Congress. One ing a brief stopover in Miami. The thing I'm sorry about is that other nations are not (Mr. GONZALEZ (at the request of Mr. of the principal reasons for filling the giving us more assistance. ALBERT) was granted permission to ex- office of Vice President when it becomes "I thoroughly approve of what President tend his remarks at this point in the vacant is to permit the person next in Johnson and the administration are doing RECORD and to include extraneous mat- line to become familiar with the prob- in Vietnam and I think this is the attitude ter.) lems he will face should he be called of a vast majority of the American people," GONZALEZ' remarks will appear upon to act as President. If we are to Farley sasaid. [Mr. he sees no danger of Vietnam id into World War III "because hereafter in the Appendix.] achieve this end, must assure that accelerating He the position will be e filled by a person of the potential nuclear strength we have." who is compatible to the President. Cog- The 76-year-old Farley, who just com- (Mr. 'GONZALEZ (at the request of Mr. nizance of this principle has led to major pleted a 2-week business trip to the Carib- ALBERT) was granted permission to ex- political parties to allow the presidential bean area as board chairman of the Coca tend his remarks at this point in the candidate to choose his own candidate Cola Export Corp., said he believes "Lyndon RECORD and to include extraneous mat- for Vice President. In this way, the B. Johnson will undoubtedly go down as one country would be assured of a Vice Presi- of the truly great Presidents of our country." ter.) dent of the same political party as the [Mr. GONZALEZ' remarks will appear [From the Miami (Fla.) Herald, Apr. 7, President, someone who would presum- 19651 hereafter in the Appendix.] ably work in harmony with the basic JACK KOFOED SAYS "THANKS" I5 A WORD NOT policies of the President. Too OFTEN USED CONTINUITY IN THE OFFICE OF The incapacity or disability of the The phone jangled. I answered. The PRESIDENT President has also been resolved by this voice was strong, vigorous. It said: "Hello, bill. The Constitution while offering Jack. This is Jim Farley." (Mr. WOLFF (at the request of Mr. procedure to fill the vacancy of Presi- Jim was chairman of the New York Ath- ALBERT) was granted permission to ex- dency, in case of death or our Chief letic Commission when I went to work in tend his remarks at this point in the Executive, is silent on the procedure Big Town. He was a man of Irish charm, RECORD and to include extraneous mat- when the President is incapacitated by keen intelligence, an unsurpassed knowl- injury, illness, senility, or other inflic- edge of politics, and an amazing memory. ter,) Farley went on to maneuver Franklin De- -Mr. WOLFF. Mr. Speaker, in accord- tion. The country's security and move- lano Roosevelt Into the Presidency, and get ance with my vote to pass the President's ment must not be entrusted to the im- him reelected by the greatest landside of succession bill, I wish to make my views mobilized hands or incomprehending votes ever known in our history until Lyn- on this subject clearly written in the mind of a Commander in Chief, un- Jidon m has oh son's lCooo lass year. Forv sear. RECORD. able to command. Approved For Release 2003/10/14: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150024-7 QJ141-DnP67B0046~R000300150024-7 April 15, 1965Approved Fore?SR extend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and to include extraneous mat- ter.) 7 Mr. Speaker, under permission year, Massachusetts is slated to get a rela- granted, I insert in the RECORD With my tively small portion, about $19.6 million. remarks two editorials in support of the The reason lies in the distribution formula , [Mr. BRAY'S remarks will appear Elementary and Secondary Education which primarily aids schools in areas Of hereafter in the Appendix:.] Act of 1965, taken from the Springfield poverty. The Bay State's percentage of chil- of (under dren Union, in my home city, and the Boston $2,000) from low-the en to west families e u s o, thhe State the Globe, both printed on April 13: l is percent. among (Mr. BRAY (at the request of Mr. [From the Springfield y The upshot t that ors RLTMSFELD) was granted Union, Apr. 13, 1985] bulk of the "educational poverty" dollars permission to NEW SOURCE or SCIiooL FUNDS will go to the rural Southern States. It may extend his remarks at this point in the Is President Johnson's new aid-to-educe- help their attitude in education for Negroes. RECORD and to include extraneous mat- tion program the doorway to the Great So- out A in more years rs to oable e. But may be worked ter.) ciety or the keyhole through which the Fed- o come. But most Massachu- eral Government will assume control of the setts residents will be content for now that it (Mr. BRAY'S remarks will appear Nation's public schools? major general aid . education measure has hereafter in the Appendix.] Conceivably it could be either. But those at last been passed. They will recall the -~.. who fear the evil of Federal control may be acrid row in 1949 over aid to parochial reacting too strongly too soon. The weight schools in the late Senator Robert A. Taft'zc MILESTONE IN EDUCATION .,r a.,; ao o --- -- n.. .. _ hill mhP h;+ror e~~ e H w_