CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -- APPENDIX

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP67B00446R000300160021-9
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 34
• Document Creation Date: December 15, 2016
• Document Release Date: September 25, 2003
• Sequence Number: 21
• Publication Date: March 22, 1965
• Content Type: OPEN

A pproved For Release 2003/10/10:',-CMA-RDP67B00446ROO0300i60021-9
March 22, 1 ~b5 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX
of skin, religion, or the language spoken
by any citizen.
In this respect Lyndon B. Johnson stated
emphatically: "We cannot, we must not,
refuse to, protect the right of every Ameri-
can to vote in every election that he may
desire to participate in." The literacy test
in English is a barrier .which obstructs all
those citizens by birth, such as the Puerto
Ricans, from voting "in any election in
which they wish to participate." That bar-
rier is not imposed by the Constitution of
the United'States. If this were so, it would
be common to the 50 States of the Union.
Yet it is a requirement of less than half
of the States.
President Johnson gave no room for doubt
in his message as to which were the inalien
able rights granted by our Constitution.
"This was the first nation," the President
said, "in the history of the world to be
founded with a purpose. The great phrases
of that purpose still sound in every Ameri-
can heart, North and South: 'All men are
created equal'; 'government by consent of
the governed'; 'give me liberty or give me
death.'"
Every practice or requirement which tries
to destroy those goals must fail of its own
accord, In the words of the President,
"There is no constitutional issue here. The
command of the Constitution is plain. There
is no moral issue., It is wrong-deadly
wrong-to deny any of your fellow Ameri-
cans the right to vote in this country.
There is no issue of States rights or na-
tional rights. There is only the struggle
for human rights."
The enactment of the Federal law proposed
by President Johnson will make it difficult
for certain sectors of New York State to sus-
tain or defend the position that this, question
is solely a matter of State legislation. On
the other. hand, to maintain that the neces-
sary readjustment of State laws to Federal
laws which would result from the bill pre-
sented by the President today would be a
constitutional reYorm represents an anach-
ronistic and dangerous trend.
"This time," Johnson warned, "on this is-
sue, there must be no delay, or no hesitation,
or no compromise with our purpose."
It is most urgent that all the citizens of
this great country be truly equal, not only
in theory but in practice; not only in the
basic structure of the law i?ut in .its imple-
mentation. One can have the right to vote.
If one cannot exercise that right because of
"barriers" thin that right is meaningless.
The most obvious "barriers" that exist and
stand in the way of granting a true right to
vote for American citizens of Puerto Rican
birth. is the elimination of the literacy test.
El Diarlo-La Prensa and the community it
represents have fought long and hard for
many years for this goal. Neither Negroes
nor Puerto Ricans nor any other group of
American citizens have the right to vote un-
less all artificial "barriers" are removed on a
practical and realistic basis. Puerto Ricans
are citizens by birth regardless of the lan-
guage they may speak. They should not be
made "citizens of convenience" to suit the
purposes of political or other pressure groups.
Straws in the Wind From Hanoi
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
HON. CLEMENT J. ZABLOCKI
of wtIsCONsu
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, March 22, 1965
Mr. ZABLOCKI. Mr, Speaker, during
the recent hearings of the House Foreign
Affairs Subcommittee on the Far East
and Pacific, experts testified on the Sine-
Soviet split and its implications for
American policy in Vietnam.
Among them were Dr. Donald Zagoria
of Columbia University and Dr. Bernard
Fall of Howard University. Their testi-
mony provided many valuable facts and
ideas for the subcommittee members.
Among them was a hint of a relaxed
stand by North Vietnam on establishing
negotiations which Dr. Fall called to the
attention of the subcommittee during his
testimony. _
In an article for the Washington Post
on Sunday, March 21, Dr. Zagoria
pointed to this information as one of
several significant "straws in the wind"
in the Vietnam situation. Dr. Zagoria
believes that this new stand by Hanoi
may be the result of pressure from U.S.
bombings.
Because of the possible importance of
this and other recent developments in
Hanoi, I am inserting Dr. Zagoria's arti-
cle in the RECORD at this point, and urge
the attention of my colleagues to it:
[From the Washington Post, Mar. 21, 1965]
HANOI MAY BE RELAXING TERMS FOR
NEGOTIATIONS
(By Donald H. Zagoria)
There are two straws in the wind from
Vietnam that could prove to be of consider-
able political significance.
First, the South Vietnamese Communists
have launched a violent attack on a new
Buddhist neutralist movement in Saigon
which has called for the withdrawal both of
American military advisers and Communist
guerrillas from South Vietnam.
Second, Gen. Vo Nguyen Glap, North Viet-
nam's powerful Minister of Defense, appears
to have provided the first sign that North
Vietnam is relaxing its conditions for nego-
tiating an end to the war in the south.
,The Buddhist group, the Movement for the
Preservation of Peace and People's Happiness
is led by an influential American-educated
monk, Thich Quang Lien. Lien's goal is
clearly to create the conditions for a gen-
uinely neutralist Vietnam.
In statements made in Saigon earlier this
month, he called for the dissolution of the
Vientcong armed forces, the withdrawal to
North Vietnam of the Communists in the
South Vietnamese Liberation Front, the
elimination of Soviet and Chinese Influence
in North Vietnam and an end to the war in
the south,-
VIETCONG ENRAGED
This program has so enraged the 'Vietcong
that, in a number of recent statements broad-
cast over their clandestine radio station, they
have attacked Lien for betraying the Nation
and Buddhism, for being a "mouthpiece of
the White House" and for building a "fake
peace organization."
The intensity of the attacks on Lien and
his followers seems _ t9 reflect Communist
fear that a genuinely neutralist Buddhist
movement, capable of rallying the South
Vietnamese masses, could provide a political
counterweight to the Vietcong and thus de-
prive them of the final victory they seem to
believe is close at hand.
Therefore the Communists seek to nip this
development in the bud by portraying Lipn
as an American puppet.
Perhaps equally important, however, the
Communist attack on Lien indicates clearly
that there are Buddhist leaders who might,
if given proper American support and under-
standing, provide a popular nationalist alter-
native to communism. The Buddhist leaders
are by no means united behind Lien.
A1343
HELD INCOMPATIBLE
Some are against the formation of any
political movement on the grounds that
politics and Buddhism are incompatible.
Some are sympathetic to the Communists.
Others are politically naive. Nevertheless,
Lien appears to have a substantial following
among the monks. If he did not, the Com-
munists would hardly direct so much of their
fire against him.
It is difficult to understand why the Amer-
ican Government has not called attention to
the Communist attack on the Buddhist neu-
tralists.
It would tend to support the American
Government's position that the Communists
do not want genuine neutralization; and it
would undercut Communist claims to repre-
sent the broad masses of the people in South
Vietnam.
General Giap's hint of a relaxed North
Vietnamese stand on negotiations came in an
interview given to a Japanese television dele-
gation on March 10.
Prof. Bernard Fall of Howard University,
an authority on North Vietnam, called this
hint to the attention of the 'Committee on
Foreign Affairs of the House of Representa-
tives last week while giving testimony on
the Chinese-Soviet conflict.
KEY CONCESSION
The key concession apparently made by
Giap was an abandonment of earlier insist-
ence that the Americans withdraw from
South Vietnam before negotiations begin.
While insisting that the United States must
stop at once its bombing of North Vietnam
and must end immediately the war in
South Vietnam, Giap did not put a similar
urgent requirement on the demand to with-
draw U.S. troops and weapons.
Such an omission is not likely to have been
accidental. -Moreover, in the same inter-
view, Giap pointedly said that the American
Government as well as the governments of
all other countries participating in the
1954 Geneva conference must implement the
Geneva agreements.
This, Fall pointed out, could have been
intended as a signal to indicate that North
Vietnam-which was one of the participating
countries-would stop intervening in South
Vietnam if the United States did so, too. It
is such a signal that the American Govern-
ment has insisted upon as a prerequisite
for negotiation.
The use of such esoteric signals is not with-
out precedent in the Communist world. One
could not, of course, be certain about North
Vietnamese intent unless these apparent
signals were explored through diplomatic
channels.
Taken together, the Vietcong attack on
the Buddhist neutralists and Giap's hint of
concession both point toward a more hope-
ful outlook for negotiations.
Giap's apparent signal must certainly be
read against the background of American
air attacks on North Vietnam and the grow-
ing Chinese-Soviet split. The North Viet-
namese are extremely fearful of enlarged
American attacks.
The Vietcong-Buddhist confrontation
means that in any future negotiations an im-
portant political asset for the south could
be the existence of an independent and anti-
Communist Buddhist political force.
_ RECORD OFFICE AT THE CAPITOL
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with Mr. Raymond F. Noyes in charge, is lo-
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD
REPRESENTATIVES WITH
RESIDENCES IN WASHINGTON
Omca ADDRESS: House Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
[Streets northwest unless otherwise stated]
Speaker: John W. McCormack
Abbitt, Watkins M., Va____
Abernethy, Thomas G., 6278 29th St.
Miss.
Adair, E. Ross, Ind-------- 4000 Mass. Ave.
Adams, Brock, Wash__-_--
Addabbo, Joseph P., N.Y.....
Albert, Carl, Okla --------- 4614 Reno Rd.
Anderson, John B.,
Anderson, William R., 3006 P St.
Tenn.
Andrews, George W., Ala___3108 Cathedral
Ave.
Andrews, Glenn, Ala______
Andrews, Mark, N. Dak____
Annunzio, Frank, Ill______
Arends, Leslie C., Ill------- 4815 Dexter St.
Ashbrook, John M., Ohio-- _
Ashley, Thomas L., Ohio---
Ashmore ` Robert T., S.C___
Aspinall, Wayne IT., Colo ___The Towers A
4201 Cath
Ave.
Ayres, William H., Ohio----
Baldwin, John F., Jr., Calif..
Bandstra, Bert, Iowa ------
Baring, Walter S., Nev_____
Barrett, William A., Pav___
Bates, William H., Mass____
Battin, James F., Mont____
Beckworth, Lindley, Tex___
Belcher. Page, Okla_______
Bell, Alphonzo, Calif ------
Bennett, Charles E., Fla____I311 eRusticway
Falls Church, Va.
Berry, E. Y., S. Dak-------- 11 Schotts
Court NE.
Betts, Jackson E., Ohio____
Bingham, Jonathan B.,
N.Y.
Blatnik, John A., Minn-1.7
Boland, Edwa d P., Mass___
Boiling, Richard. Mo______SO7WarrentonDr.,
Silver Spring, Md.
Bolton, Frances P. (Mrs.), 2301 Wyo. Ave.
Ohio.
Bonner, Herbert C., N.C____Calvert-Woodley
Bow, Frank T., Ohio ------- 4301 Mass. Ave.
Brademas, John, Ind______
Bray, Wi11Iam G., Ind------
Brock, W. E. (Bill), Tenn__
Brooks, Jack, Tex ---------
Broomfield, William S.,
Mich,
Brown, Clarence J., Ohio__
Brown, George E., Jr., Calif-
Broyhill, James T., N.C-___
Broyhill, Joel T., Va_______
Buchanan, John, Ala ------
Burke, James A., Mass_____
Burleson, Omar, Tex------ 2737 Devonshire
Pl.
Burton, Laurence J., Utah_
Burton, Phillip, Calif ------
Byrne, James A., Pa_______
Byrnes, John W., Wis------ 1215 25th St. S.,
Arlington, Va,
Cabell, Earle, Tex_________
Cahill, William T., NJ_____
Callan, Clair, Nebr________
Callaway, Howard H., Ga__
Cameron, Ronald Brooks,
Calif.
Carey, Hugh L., N.Y______-
Carter, Tim Lee, Ky__-_-
Casey, Bob, Tex___________
Cederberg, Elford A., Mich_
Celler, Emanuel, N.Y------ The Mayflowelr
Chamberlain, Charles E.,
Mich.
Chelf, Frank, Ky________---
Clancy, Donald D., Ohio__..
Clark, Frank M., Pa-------- 220 C St. SE.
Clausen, Don Jr., Calif____..
Clawson, Del, Calif __-___-_
Cleveland, James C., N.H__..
Clevenger, Raymond.F.,
Mich.
Cohelan, Jeffery, Calif ----- 1028 New House
Office Building
Collier, Harold R., Ill______
Colmer, William M., Miss__
Conable, Barber B., Jr.,
N.Y.
Conte, Silvio 0., Mass ___---5619 Lamar Rd.,
16,
D.C.
Conyers, John, Jr., Mich_
Cooley, Harold D., N.C----- 2601 Woodley Pl.
Corbett, Robert J., Pa_____
Garman, James C., Calif-__
Craley, N. Neiman, Jr., Pa__
Cramer, William C., Fla---- 6714 Joallen Dr.,
Fails Church, Va.
Culver, John C., Iowa______
Cunningham, Glenn, Nebr_4920 Yorktown
Blvd., Arlington,
V a.
Curtin, Willard S., Pa_____
Curtis, Thomas B., MO_____
Daddario, Emilio Q?, Conn_
Dague, Paul B.. Pa-_-__-__
Daniels, Dominick V., NJ-
-Davis, Glenn R., Wis__-___
Davis, John W., Ga-______-
Dawson, William L., Ill____
de la Garza, Eligio, Tex_-_
Delaney, James J., N.Y___-
Dent, John H., Pa ---------
Denton. Winfield K., Ind___
Derwinski, Edward J., III---
Devine, Samuel L., Ohio---
Dickinson. William L., Ala_
J Mich
r
C
Gonzalez, Henry B., Tex_ __200 C St. SE.
Goodell, Charles E., N.Y___3642 Macomb St.
Grabowski, Bernard F:,
Conn.
Gray, Kenneth J., III -__-__
Green, Edith (Mrs.), Oreg_
Green, William J., Pa_____
Greigg, Stanley L., Iowa___
Crider, George W., Tenn___
Griffin, Robert P., Mich____
Griffiths, Martha W.
(Mrs.), Mich.
Gross, H. R., Iowa -________
Grover, James R., Jr., N.Y...
Gubser, Charles S., Calif-__
Gurney, Edward J., Fla____
Hagan, G. Elliott, Ga______
Hagen, Harlan, Calif......
Haley, James A., Fla-______
Hall. Durward G., Mo______
Halleck, Charles A., Ind___4926 Upton St.
Halpern, Seymour, N.Y..-...
Hamilton, Lee H., Ind____
Hanley, James M., N.Y......
Hanna, Richard T., Calif=--
Hansen, George, Idaho____
Hansen, John R., Iowa ---- 880p0 4th 0t. SW.,
Hansen, Julia Butler
(Mrs.), Wash.
Hardy, Porter, Jr., Va______
Harris, Oren, Ark--------- 1627 Myrtle St.
Harsha, William H.. Ohio__
Harvey, James, Mich ___-__
Harvey, Ralph, Ind____-___
Hathaway, William D.,
.,
Diggs, Charles
., - Maine.
Dingell, John D., Mich ----- Hawkins, Augustus F.,
Dole, Robert, Kans-------- 6815 Joallen Dr., Calif.
Falls Church, Va. Hays, Wayne L., Ohio ------ 1323 Barger Dr.,
Donohue, Harold D., Mass__ Fails Church. Va.
Dorn, W. J. Bryan, S.C----- 2030 cLean, Va. Hebert, F. Edward, La----- 26 Cockrell St-,
Alexandria, Va.
Dow, John G., N.Y-------- Hechler, Ken, W. Va______-
Dowdy, John, Tex --------- Helstoski, Henry, N.J__.-___
Downing, Thomas N., Va___ Henderson, David N., N.C__
Duiski, Thaddeus J., N.Y__1719 New House Herlong, A. S., Jr., Fla -----
Office Building Hicks. Floyd V., Wash_____
Duncan, John J., Tenn____ Holifleld, Chet, Calif......
Duncan, Robert B., Oreg___914 Lakeview Dr., Holland, Elmer J., Pa______
Fails Church, Va. k J NY
n
Dwyer, Florence P. (Mrs.).
N .J.
Dyal, Ken W., Calif -------
Edmondson, Ed, Okla __-___
Edwards, Don, Calif -------
Edwards, Jack, Ala________
Ellsworth, Robert F., Sans..
Erlenborn, John N., III ----
Evans, Frank E., Colo_____
Everett, Robert A., Tenn___
Evins, Joe L., Tenn -------- 5044 Klingle St.
Fallon, George H., Md___--
Farbstein, Leonard, N.Y-_-
Farnsley, Charles P., Ky__
Farnum, Billie S., Mich___
Fascell, Dante B., Fla__-___
Feighan, Michael A., Ohio_
Findley, Paul, III__________
Fino, Paul A., N.Y.........
Fisher, O. C., Tex---------- Calvert-Woodley
Flood, Daniel J., Pa_______TheCongressional
Flynt, John J., Jr., Ga_____
Fogarty, John E., .R.I------ 112335e NewBui Hiuse
Foley, Thomas S., Wash --_
Ford, Gerald R., Mich ----- 514 Crown View
Dr., Alexandria,
Va.
Ford, William D., Mich _-__
Fountain, L. H., N.C------- The Westchester
Fraser, Donald M., Minn___
Frelinghuysen, Peter H. B., 3014 N St.
NJ.
Friedel, Samuel N., Md----
Fulton , James G., Pa______
Fulton, Richard, Tenn ----
Fuqua, Don, Fla__-______
Gallagher, Cornelius E.,
N.J.
Garmatz, Edward A.. Md_-
Gathings, E..C., Ark______-
Gettys, Tom S., S.C___-__-
Giaimo, Robert N., Conn___
Gibbons, Sam, Fla --------
Gilbert, Jacob H., N.Y_-__-
Gilligan, John J. Ohio----
____-
Horton, a
Hosmer, Craig, Calif_______
Howard, James J., N.J____
Hull, W. R., Jr., Mo____----
Hungate, William L., Mo___
Huot, J. Oliva, N.H______-
Hutchinson, Edward, Mich_
Ichord, Richard (Dick),
No.
Irwin, Donald J., Conn____
Jacobs, Andrew, Jr., Ind___
Jarman, John, Okla __-____
Jennings, W. Pat, Va______
Joelson, Charles S., N.J___-
Johnson, Albert W, Pa____
Johnson, Harold T., Calif....
Johnson, Jed, Jr., Okla----
Jonas, Charles Raper, N.C__
Jones, Paul C., Mo-------- 111111Arrrm~nvy
Va.
Jones, Robert E., Ala ------
Karsten, Frank M., Mo____-
Karth, Joseph E., Minn____
Kastenmeier, Robert W.,
Wis.
Kee, James, W. Va-------- 5441 16th Ave.,
Hyattsville, Md.
Keith, Hastings, Mass ----- 5906 Barwick Rd...
Kelly, Edna F. (Mrs.), N.Y-
Keogh, Eugene J., N.Y----- The Mayflower
King, Carleton J., N.Y____-
King, Cecil R., Calif.......
King, David S., Utah______
Kirwan, Michael J., Ohio_-
Kluczynski, John C., IIl____
Kornegay, Horace R., N.C_-
Krebs, Paul J., NJ _______-
Kunkel, John C., Pa_______
Laid, Melvin R., Wis-_-__-
Landrum, Phil M., Ga_____
Langen, Odin, Minn_______
Latta, Delbert L., Ohio-----
Leggett, Robert L., Calif ---
Lennon, Alton, N.C__ -----
Lindsay, John V., N.Y_-_--
Lipscomb, Glenard P.
Calif.
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 Approved- For Release 200311 Q/10 :n CI:A-RQP67B00446R000300160021-9
It r .22,-1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD= HOUSE
Independence Day. On that day in 1918,
Byelorussians. became free and pro-
claimedtheir independence of Russia,
only to be robbed of it 3 years later by
the. Red army. These dauntless people
had peed suffering under the regime of
Russian czars for centuries. The czarist
government had done all in its power
to eliminate national traits among the
Byelorussians in its effort to russify
them. For many years the Byelorussian
language, culture, and traditional na-
tional festivals were banned, and the au-
thorities imposed the Russian language
upon the Byelorussians. Byelorussian
national literature was also proscribed,
and lovers of such literature were severe-
ly persecuted. Then the government
tried to spread and enforce the idea that
there was no distinct and different Bye-
lorussian national entity, and that the
people of Byelorussia were Russians, pure
and simple.
All such concocted and government-
decreed notions were anathema to the
Byelorussian$.. They were fully aware
of the government's intent, and were de-
termined to combat it with all the means
at their disposal. They knew that any
other course would have meant their ex-
tinction as a distinct entity. In the
adoption of this determined course, in
their vow to retain and maintain their
Byelorussian cultural heritage, they dis-
played their wisdom, their courage, and
their willingness to sacrifice and suffer
in defense of these ideals. This struggle
for national survival on the part of the
Byelorussian people continued for cen-
turies, and for centuries they carried on
their fight on both spiritual and cultural
fronts against an overwhelmingly power-
ful and ruthless enemy. At times their
cause seemed lost, and they themselves
must have felt downhearted, but they
were never in despair and never doubted
the righteousness of their cause. They
were right. Their day came and their
cause was won. They attained their
long-cherished and richly deserved goal
in 1918.
In causing the downfall of the czarist
regime, the Russian Revolution of 1917
at first seemed a desirable by-product of
the First World War, for, by that single
act, by the overthrow of the decrepit and
detested czarist autocracy, subjugated
groups in the Russian Empire were freed,
and proclaimed their national independ-
ence. In Byelorussia this act was con-
summated not only by the united effort
of the Byelorussian people, but with the
support of all minority groups in Byelo-
russia. When a government was set up,
it was recognized by a number of other
sovereign states, thus welcoming the new
state into the independent community
of nations.
Unfortunately, the newly born Repub-
lic of Byelorussia was faced with insur-
mountable difficulties. At the time the
countxy wad still under German occupa-
tion, and as the Germans withdrew after
the armistice, the Communist Russians
began to make trouble. While the Byel-
orussian Republic was doing all it could
to strengthen its position, the Commu-
nists were doing their utmost to under-
mine the authority of the Government
in the country. As it turned out, the
Government was never given the chance
to cope with the manifold problems it
was facing on all fronts. Local Commu-
nists and the agents of the Kremlin
were working for the overthrow of the
legally established Government, and this
they did with the active aid of the Red
Army, which early in 1921 invaded Byel-
orussia. It was soon overrun and made
part of the Soviet Union. Thus came
to an end the independent Byelorussian
Republic after a gallant but precarious
existence lasting about 3 years.
Since that fateful year, Byelorussia
has been and still remains part of the
Soviet Union, and its helpless people
victims of Communist tyranny. The
agents of the Kremlin have had such
a firm and unrelenting hold over the
country that no effort on the part of the
Byelorussian people has succeeded in
loosening their deadly grip. On the eve
of the last war, and even during that
war, Byelorussian tried hard to get rid
of their ruthless masters, but unfortu-
nately they alone were not equal to the
task. At the end of the war the Krem-
lin's grip over Byelorussia was even
tighter, and so it remains to this day.
These 10 million Byelorussian are not
free today, and none of them enjoy the
blessings of freedom. They are prisoners
in their historic homeland, and do not
even dare to celebrate their national
holiday, to observe their independence
day. But all lovers of freedom in the
free world, and especially we in this great
Republic, join hands with loyal Byelo-
russian-Americans in the celebration
of the 47th anniversay of Byelorussian
MORE ALLIED SHIPS GOI'NG' TO
NORTH VIETNAM IN U.S. PORTS
(Mr. ROGERS of Florida asked and
was given permission to address the
House for 1 minute, to revise and extend
his remarks, and to include extraneous
matter.)
Mr. ROGERS of Florida. Mr. Speak-
er, late evidence has been compiled
to show that more ships of the free
world have hauled Communist cargoes
into North Vietnam and picked up trade
from U.S. ports as well.
The vessel Spalmatori, owned by Spal-
matorl Cia. Nav., S.A., of Panama, and
flying the Greek flag, sailed from Lake
Charles, La., March 14, 1965, after hav-
ing loaded rice. The Spalmatori went
to Port Campha, North Vietnam, with
cargo from the Vietcong in November
1964. Last year the Spalmatori also
1964.
visited Tampa and Houston to pick up
and deliver cargoes for the United
States.
A week ago yesterday the Severn River
sailed from New York where she had
been tied up for a week because the In-
ternational Longshoreman's Association
had refused to load the ship because she
had been in North Vietnam last year.
The Severn River had also been in Rich-
mond and Norfolk last year for the
profits of American trade as well.
The ILA acted in the best interests
of American labor. The American mer-
chant marine, now employs only a frac-
tion of the workers it used to. The U.S.
shipping industry has slipped to the point
where it carries less than 10 percent of
this Nation's sea trade. The least we can
do in this country is deprive those foreign
flag interests which ship to our enemies
their profits taken from U.S. shipping.
Last year a total of 15 free world ships
hauled Red cargoes into Communist
North Vietnam and then came into
American ports to pick up or deliver
shipments for the United States as well.
I am inserting a list of those vessels
which went to North Vietnam and the
United States last year into the CON-
GRESSIONAL RECORD. I am making it
available in the hope that it will be help-
ful in efforts to deter further foreign
shipping interests who want to trade with
America and the Red Vietcongs at the.,
same time. The list shows the ships,
their owners, the flag, and U.S. ports.
The U.S. Government has spent some
$350 million in the past year in direct
subsidies to the American shipping in-
dustry. This sum shows the stake which
the U.S. taxpayers have in this Nation's
shipping industry. The subsidy is of
limited help, and surely the cargoes mov-
ing through our ports would be of greater
help if the majority of them were car-
ried in American ships. The figure
should be much greater than 10 percent,
and the least the Government can do is
deny American cargoes to foreign ship-
pers trading with the enemy.
I have introduced legislation to halt
shipments to or from the United States
aboard flagships engaged in trade with
North Vietnam. That legislation, H.R.
6154, is before the House Merchant Ma-
rine and Fisheries Committee, of which
I am a member. I urge early passage of
this measure as a first effort to cut the
Vietcong supply line and strengthen the
American shipping. industry as well.
The aforementioned list follows:
Greek _______-_-_
Knios Belle___________
Pioneer Shipping Development, Inc., Panama_
New Orleans.
Do-----------
Auastassia__________-_
Tarsiano Cia. Nav., S.A., Panama_____________
San Diego; San Fran-
Cisco.
Do----------
Apostolos Andreas- _ _ _
Santa Kateriiia Cia. Nav., S.A., Panama______
Guanica, P.R.
Do-----------
Sp a] matori _-----------
Spalmatori Cia. Nav., S.A., Panama--------
Houston; Tampa.
Do-----------
Constantinos____ _ _ ____
Conquistador Cia. Naviera, S.A., Panama_____
Houston; (twice).
Do-----------
Aley-onis______________
Merculinana Cia. Nav., S.A., Panamaa_______-
Cleveland; Detroit.
Do-----------
Eftychia______________
Marganonis, Dem. P., & Sons. Athens________
Norfolk.
Do-----------
Katerina______________
Marsiguro Cia. Nav., S.A.. Panama_________:
Los Angeles.
Lebanese__-_____
Rodos_________________
Orient Shipping Corp., Monrovia__ ----------
Tampa.
Do----------
St. Demetrius---------
26th October Maritime Co., Ltd., Monrovia__
New Orleans.
Italian------__---
Cesco Corrado ___-____
Corrado Sociedad di Navigazione of Genoa____
Los Angeles.
Do-----------
Panamanian-----
Marina G. Parodi_____
Severn River -___-____
Severn
Parodi Societa Per Azione Emanuela____-___-_
International Navigation Corp., Liberia- _ _ _ _ _
New York; Baltimore
(twice); Newport
News; Norfolk
(twice).
Richmond; Norfolk;
New York.
erman-__
west German---
Do ----------
Do----------
_______
Yugo Steinnes--------
Brake -----------------
Brake-----------------
Steinnes Hugh Eransozean Schiflahrt_________
Scipio & Co-----------------------------------
Baton Rouge.
(12 U.S. ports).
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(Mr. DERWINSKI (at the request" of
Mr. CLEVELAND) was granted permission
to extend his remarks at this point in
the RECORD and to include extraneous
shatter.)
[Mr. DERWINSKI'S remarks will ap-
pear hereinafter In the Appendix.]
CONCERNING THE CLOSING OF VET-
ERANS' ADMINISTRATION RE-'
GIONAL OFFICES AND HOSPITALS
(Mr. CLEVELAND was given permis-
sion to extend his remarks at this point
in the RECORD and to include extraneous
matter.)
Mr. CLEVELAND. Mr. Speaker, Jan-
uary 13 was a black day for veterans in
New Hampshire. That was the day that
the then Acting Director of the Veterans'
Administration published an order pro-
posing to close or reduce service in 17
regional offices, 11 hospitals and 4 domi-
ciliaries across the country.
Two regional offices affecting New
Hampshire were included. They are at
Manchester, N.H., and White River
Junction, Vt.
Since January 13, I have been working
hard to discover what justification there
could be for this order. I have found
none.
The VA made an effort to claim that
greater efficiency and economy would re-
sult from the order. It said the sum of
approximately $23,500,000 would be saved
each year, if this order were allowed to
go into operation. They told me this had
all been run out on a computer and that
was the answer and that was that.
GOVERNMENT BY COMPUTER
Now computers are very impressive, so
I inquired what the savings would be
from the order at Manchester and at
White River Junction. I was told,
through Mr. A. W. Stratton of the Vet-
erans' Administration, that the savings
at White River Junction would be around
$150,000 a year but he hastened to add
that this estimate was "very approxi-
mate." No estimates for Manchester
were provided at that time.
I wonder whether we ought to endorse
actions very damaging to the interests of
veterans or any other group of citizens
on the basis of "very approximate"
computers?
There is no question but that this ac-
tion will be damaging to veterans.
There are 81,000 war veterans in New
Hampshire. I am told that the Man..
Chester regional office, as of December 31,
1964, had 65,707 claims folders, 16,397
loan guarantee folders, 1,886 guardian-
ship folders, and 16,647 running awards.
The workload called for handling 4,588
claims folders in slow August 1964, 5,513
claims folders in average October 1964,
and 5,865 claims folders in peak Decem-
ber 1964. For the same months, the
workload called for handling of 1,968
loan guarantee folders in peak August,
1,906 in average October, and 1,624 in
slow December.
MISLEADING STATISTICS
The - Veterans' Administration asserts
that 90 percent and more of the business
at Manchester and White River June-
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE March 22, 1965
tion is by mail. Investigation shows this
to be misleading. It turns out that the
Veterans' Administration is not really
talking about what percentage of the
problems is handled by mail but rather
what percentage of total communications
is handled by mail and the VA includes in
this figure all mail received whether it is
administrative mail, mail for patients at
the hospital, mail dealing With supply
problems and so forth. This is according
to the manager of the regional office at
White River Junction, and the same is
true at Manchester. The true ratio of
personal contact is about one out of three.
CLEVELAND BILL A SOLUTION
In the Veterans' Affairs Committee, I
have a bill pending, H.R. 5028, which
would require, among other things, that
the Veterans' Administration maintain
at least one office in each State. I am
deeply concerned about the trend toward
centralization of personal services on the
part of the Federal Government.
Other Federal agencies, such as Social
Security Administration, Small Business
Administration, Federal Housing Admin-
istration, and others, maintain at least
one office in each State. This is proper
and I would be most reluctant to encour-
age an erosion of this principle.
LOSS OF SERVICE
At the present time, when a veteran
goes to the regional office with a case
which merits award, his case file is im-
mediately available, a meeting before the
adjudication board can be arranged at
once, speedy treatment obtained. If the
functions of the regional office are trans-
ferred to Boston, as is contemplated, the
veteran will have to go either to Boston
to a large, impersonal office, or depend on
the Vagaries of the mail. Personal con-
tact will be lost. Confidence will be lost.
Many of our older veterans have ar-
teriosclerosis with chronic brain syn-
dromes. Now, it is relatively easy for
them to go to White River Junction or to
Manchester in connection with their
claims. It is relatively easy for members
of their families or representatives of
service organizations to accompany them
and guide them around. Who would
meet them and look after them in Boston,
assuming they could withstand such a
long trip?
IS THIS ECONOMY?
Surely, the alleged saving of $231/2 mil-
lion in this day of the $100 billion Federal
budgets cannot justify such a loss of
service. In this connection, It may be in-
formative to note that the VA has out-
lined proposed spending for new hospitals
totaling $113 million. The details may
be seen on page 866 of the Federal budget
for 1965-66.
It appears that the only purpose being
served by this order is to permit the proc-
ess of centralization to go on, dehuman-
izing Government functions even more
than they are already. I strongly believe
this is wrong and against the best inter-
ests of the veteran, and, as a matter of
fact, contrary to the wishes of Congress.
For these reasons I strongly urge this
committee to exert Its great influence to
have the January 13 order rescinded and
to recommend enactment of my bill H.R.
5028 or similar legislation.
SOIL CONSERVATION CUTS SENSE-
LESS PENALTY TO SMALL FARMER
(Mr. CLEVELAND was given permis-
sion to extend his remarks at this point
in the RECORD and to include extraneous
matter.)
Mr. CLEVELAND. Mr. Speaker, dur-
ing the debate on the Appalachian bill,
I called to the attention of the House
how unfair I felt it was that while
$17 million was being authorized to im-
prove soil conservation services in the
11 Appalachian States, the administra-
tion announced plans to reduce funds
for the technical assistance program of
the Soil Conservation Service.
The administration estimates that
these cuts would save the Government
about $20 million. This is to be done
by setting up a revolving fund which
would be financed by charging the people
who use the technical assistance program
for this service.
LITTLE GUY TO PAY
Although this may look appealing on
paper, the impact on small landowners
and the small farmer, whose taxes, in-
cidentally, are being taken to help pay
for this program in Appalachia, would be
heavy. The usefulness of this valuable
program would be crippled.
The impact in New Hampshire would
be severe. It would mean that an ad-
ditional sum of $100,000 would have to
be raised each year to maintain the pro-
gram at present levels. Currently,
around 22 man-years of Soil Conserva-
tion Service help is financed annually
under the program. If the reductions
are adopted, it would mean the loss of
at least 11 people in New Hampshire,
unless the various districts could raise
the money.
The low-income farmer or landowner
would suffer the most because he could
not pay. It is doubtful that local gov-
ernment could or would raise the money.
Conservation benefits go far beyond
the immediate benefits to the land on
which they are applied. They affect pol-
lution, sedimentation, land-use adjust-
ments, the scenic countryside, and many
other aspects of land improvement and
conservation.
The administration's proposal would
bring about a loss in the quality of serv-
ice. Conservation personnel cut from
the payrolls could not readily be replaced.
The proposal would reverse a long-stand-
ing national policy of maintaining a
uniform system of land and water con-
servation assistance for the good of the
Nation.
SMALL DISTRICTS WOULD SUFFER
The various soil conservation districts
would be put in a position where they
would be competing with each other for
available funds both for operating the
districts and for the revolving fund to
hire Federal employees.
Among knowledgeable people in New
Hampshire with whom I have discussed
the problem, it is generally felt that
adoption of the administration's program
would reduce the application of soil con-
servation practices by 50 percent. Many
districts believe that the reduction would.
be greater.
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Ma ? q 22, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -HOUSE
It was also pointed out that super- over the $444,000 annual average ex-
visors would have to collect the moneys pended privately over the last 3 years.
and, therefore, would have to be paid for Thus, Mr. Speaker, the people of New
this. It has long. been the policy, how- Hampshire are utilizing this program at
ever, that district administrators serve an increasing rate. It is bringing tangi-
without pay and they have shown over ble benefits of lasting value.
the years that they are very dedicated You can see from the facts recited
to this 'job. above what a 50. percent reduction would
There was considerable feeling that the do to the New Hampshire land operator.
administration proposal would open the I am sure the situation must be the same
door for political pressures and that those all across the country.
that could pay would get the service The reductions proposed are unjust
while those who were too poor to pay and do not make sense. As we construct
would not. This would be a reversal of new multibillion-dollar programs of so-
present national policy for applying soil cial welfare, let us not dry up proven
and water conservation measures. It is programs of longstanding benefit, espe-
certainly contrary to the so-called war cially when they cost so little.
on poverty.
As I pointed out during the debate on
the Appalachia bill, the big programs in
this country are all designed to help the
big interests. The farm subsidy program
is of little or no benefit to the little man,
although he pays taxes to help finance
them.
. THE BIG GUY GETS BIGGER
Budget Director Kermit Gordon. stated
a few weeks ago that:
About 80 percent of our assistance goes to
the_ one million farmers whose average in-
come exceeds $9,500. The other 20 percent
of assistance is spread thinly among the re-
malning 2,500,000 farmers.
Last year's statistics from the Depart-
ment of Agriculture show that the 1,300
biggest wheat farmers in the country
qualify for annual payments averaging
$15,000 each, while the other 1 million
wheat farmers qualify for annual pay-
ments averaging but $58 each.
The small farmers and landowners of
my district get nothing at all from these
programs. Yet, they are being asked to
.assume additonal financial burdens just
to keep soil conservation assistance pres-
ently available to them.
On their behalf, Mr. Speaker, I protest.
Last year, technical assistance through
this program was provided to 3,396 New
Hampshire landowners and farmers.
Planning services were given to 8,673
persons, and basic plans were,prepared
covering more than 860,000 acres. Soil
surveys were conducted on 2,845,125
acres; water diversions affecting 192,683
feet were carried out; 1,605 farm ponds
were built and 925 fishponds were
stocked, Other practices were exten-
sively employed, including construction
of floodwater retarding . structures;
grade-stabilization structures; grassed
waterways and outlets; irrigation stor-
age reservoirs; irrigation system sprink-
lers; drainage mains or laterals; spring
development; field and contour strip-
cropping; wildlife wetland and habitat
development.
Town planning assistance rendered or
requested during the period included the
furnishing of soil survey information
and interpretations on limitations of the
suitability of land for agriculture, recre-
ation, housing, schools, industries, water
supplies, etc.
Exclusive of the watershed program of
Public Law 566, landowners paid $522,-
000 on construction of conservation
projects' in 1964, a substantial increase
(Mr. KEITH (at the request of Mr.
CLEVELAND) was granted permission to
extend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous mat-
ter.)
[Mr. KEITH'S remarks . will appear
hereafter in the Appendix.]
DEBT MANAGEMENT AS AN ECO-
NOMIC POLICY TOOL
(Mr. CURTIS (at the request of Mr.
CLEVELAND) was granted permission to
extend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous
matter.)
Mr. CURTIS. Mr. Speaker, one of my
chief complaints about administration
economic policy has been the relative
lack of public discussion devoted to debt
management as opposed to fiscal and
monetary policies. As administration
economists well know, managing the
huge and growing Federal debt has im-
portant economic effects, particularly on
the money and capital markets. Debt
management policies may actually con-
flict with and thwart other Government
economic policies. For example, one of
my fears during the tax cut debate-and
it was almost impossible to get the ad-
ministration to debate the issue-was
that financing the growing Federal debt
from savings would withdraw funds
needed for private investment, while fi-
nancing through the commercial banks
or the Federal Reserve would lead to in-
flation.
I have been encouraged recently by a
greater awareness among economists of
the key role that debt management must
play in framing overall economic policy.
A recent lecture by Robert V. Roosa,
former Under Secretary of the Treasury
and one of the ablest men in the financial
field, should do much to provoke thought
and discussion about the role and prob-
lems of debt management. One of Mr.
Roosa's main points is that, within limi-
tations, the Treasury should manage the
debt in such a way as to further the gen-
eral objectives of Government economic
policy. That the power of debt manage-
ment to perform this function exists is
clear from Mr. Roosa's statement that
it may at times have a power and signifi-
cance rivaling that of fiscal and mone-
tary policy.
While I would not agree with every-
thing Mr. Roosa, says in this lecture, I
5443
believe the issues he discusses are so im-
portant that it should be called to the
attention of the House. Under unani-
mous consent I include a copy of the
lecture in the RECORD at this point:
THE FEDERAL DEBT IN A MARKET ECONOMY
(Remarks by Robert V. Roosa)
This occasion today offers an opportunity
and an honor which, for at least three rea-
sons, I could not resist. First and para-
mount, it enables me to speak for all of you
in tribute to the half century of private en-
terprise in the public interest that has char-
acterized Frazar Wilde's career. In his own
firm, in the insurance industry, in the Com-
mittee for Economic Development, in the
Commission on Money and Credit, and in
numerous governmental bodies, Frazar
Wilde has brought creative imagination and
constructive energy both to designing the ob-
jectives and methods of responsible public
policy and to diffusing the understanding of
such policy among the public.
Second, having spent all of my profes-
sional life since World War II in either the
Federal Reserve System or the Treasury,
though I cannot now even informally and
unofficially represent the monetary authori-
ties, I am anxious to try to render a brief
accounting of what has been done thus far
toward fulfilling some of these objectives for
financial policy which Frazar Wilde has done
so much to mold, particularly through his
work in the Committee for Economic Devel-
opment which he now chairs, and most sig-
nificantly through the Commission on Money
and Credit which he chaired throughout its
profound reexamination of the financial sys-
tem of the United States at the beginning of
this decade.
Third, in the spirit which Frazar Wilde
has personified, that of exploring new poten-
tials through inviting criticism and debate,
I would like to look ahead toward some of
the possibilities for broadening or redirect-
ing the emphasis in our concern over the
public debt, and in debt management, dur-
ing the years ahead. In raising new ques-
tions for the future, I feel uniquely privileged
at this juncture in my own career. For the
first time in nearly 20 years I can speak
without fear that anyone might impute to
these remarks some motive or some implica-
tion with respect to the current actions or
intentions of the Treasury or the Federal
Reserve in the financial markets. And since
I am truly in a transitional phase, having
not yet settled into my new banking affilia-
tion on a regular basis, there can be no pos-
sible extrapolation of these remarks to in-
clude the responsibilities, or the views, of
any of my new partners.
The theme of these Wilde lectures, "The
Economy Men Live By," might be taken as a
provocative invitation to appraise the vari-
ous economic doctrines as well as the varied
economic institutions of all nations and all
ideologies. I am neither that adventurous
nor that ambitious. I' do want to think
aloud, though, about the financial side of
the kind of economy that most of us know,
and that we want to "preserve, protect, and
defend" while we help it to flourish and
grow.
This is the market economy, the economy
guided by individual choice, as reflected
through the flexible movement of individual
prices, and characterized predominantly by
private enterprise and private ownership.
Many of us like to think of it, moreover, as
the economy whose capital grows larger be-
cause the frontiers for its use are always
expanding and because its savings are abun-
dant, whose capital follows the incentive of
profit to find its most productive uses, and
whose savings are allocated to these uses
through efficient, informed, competitive
capital markets. We regard abundant sav-
ings, in turn, as the result of millions of
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE March 2~9, 1965
prudent decisions by millions of individuals This, stripped of details, was the Commis- recession period upon the generating of new
enjoying rising Incomes in an environment sion on Money and Credit's redefinition of money flows through a Federal deficit and
of prices that are, on average, relatively the role and potential usefulness of debt the creation of added bank reserves by the
stable. This, perhaps slightly idealized, is management: the Federal debt must, to be monetary authorities. But debt manage-
the financial side-the capital aide, if you sure, continue (alongside all other outlets ment was also being used. For at the same
will-of American capitalism. for the Nation's savings) to meet the test of time, in 1961 and thereafter, additions to the
But, more and more, many of us also real- investor acceptance. But the Treasury could very short-term debt were raising those in-
ize, as the inherent strength of this kind of and should, within the range of market ac- terest rates that could help to hold In the
economy thrusts it forward into larger mag- ceptability, offer marketable securities that United States the short-term funds that
nitudes, more intricate diversification, and would, as they worked their way into the Americans, following the free choice of the
more detailed involvement in the world out- credit and capital markets, tend to absorb market, had been sending abroad in in-
side, that there is also a useful, indeed a or retain or release funds In ways that would creasing amounts.
necessary, economic and financial role for help to further the general objectives of Along with that help to the balance of
Government to perform in these markets. Government economic policy. payments, which actually accompanied the
No one, or surely only a scattered few, would As a result of the accumulating indebted- stimulation of investment in the domestic
challenge today the need for a powerful cen- ness of a century and a quarter, the Federal economy, a gradual restructuring of the debt
tral bank in our kind of market economy. Government has come to account for a bloc was also being carried forward. Following
Yet during the founding years of the Fed- of outstanding securities so large that it lines initiated in 1960 under the preceding
eral Reserve, a half century ago, there were must always be a dominating influence in the administration, additions to the supply of
many who feared it as a menace to the free markets, both7the trading markets for out- longer term Government debt were counter-
economy. Questions now center instead, standing securities and the issuing markets balancing the possible risks of an unduly
not on whether it shall exist, but on how the for new obligations or refunding obligations. large accumulation of the Government debt
central bank's influence can best be exerted Grasping the meaning of that fact, the Oom- in the short-term area. Moreover, the ex-
to influence the general state of monetary mission, quite consciously, propounded a par- tension was being accomplished very largely
and credit conditions. For it is widely adox: for the free and private markets in through greater use of the advance refund-
agreed that this is the kind of governmental, money and capital to function will, not only ing technique which the Commission itself
function that accords with the nature of the technically but also In resisting cyclical recommended. And partly because of for-
market economy-an influence exerted fluctuations and in promoting the economys tuitous timing, it was proving possible to do
through the general framework: surrounding growth, a special responsibility had to be all of this without notably increasing the
the individual decisions, and not intruding exercised in those markets by the Federal interest rates that had to be paid on long-
directly into the decisions themselves. Government itself, through the management term money or interfering with an ample
Sheer size alone means that the Govern- of its own debt. flow of capital and credit into a growing
ment's own borrowing operations-the way The Commission in its studies also reached volume of domestic investment and reai-
it handles its outstanding debts and the way far into fiscal policy-Government revenues, dential construction.
it borrows new money-will, inescapably, be expenditures, budget deficits, and surpluses- Each of these-what has happened to af-
exerting a force of some kind upon the as well as into the monetary and credit policy fect short-term rates, the long term market,
money and capital markets. Must changes of the Federal Reserve, but I will leave the and the maturity composition of the debt
in the outstanding amount of publicly held fascinations of all those aspects of govern- structure-illustrate the way in which com-
Government debt, its distribution among mental financial policy for other speakers in plemmentary relations have evolved among
holders, and its composition by maturity, be this series. I want to focus on debt manage- monetary policy, fiscal policy, debt manage-
determined by chance, through a succession rant because, at least until the time of the ment, and the performance of the private
of on-the-spot decisions made opportu- Commission on Money and Credit, that as- financial markets over recent years. If in
nistically as the arrival of maturities or the pect of governmental financial programing commenting briefly on these developments
Government's need for cash push the Treas- had received only a small fraction of the I refer only to the past 4 years, that is be-
ury into the market every month or two! attention-and more importantly, only a cause I had a somewhat better view over that
Is this a set of forces to be exerted at ran- small fraction of the critical analysis-to period, but I am not for a moment forget-
dom, more or less capriciously offsetting the which central banking and fiscal policy have ting that the roots of much that has proved
impulses generated by monetary policy at so rightly been subjected for many years. practicable were planted earlier.
one- time, or enlarging those impulses at an- Yet, while clearly subordinate to these others, First a closer look at short rates-what
other time? Or can it be kept neutral? Or debt management may have at times, and happened, and why? Unlike previous post-
can it, should it, be channeled purposefully perhaps has had at times, a power and signifi- war recessions, that of 1960 had not brought
to help in meeting some of the same objec- cane nearly rivaling that of the others. To Treasury bill rates down to the 1-percent
tives being pursued by monetary policy, as a be sure, the fiscal function and central bank range, or lower. Reaching a bottom in the
part of the Government's overall economic are each the source of primal forces in the 21/s- to 21/4 -percent range, in August of 1960,
policy? economy. They add or subtract net changes they remained at that level for almost a year,
The answer that Frazar Wild and his col- to or from the grand aggregate of money and then began a gradual move upward that
leagues in the Commission on Money and flows. Debt management, by itself, does not. has continued into this past week, when 3-
Credit gave was a positive one: "The man- But unless the management of the debt month bills have been trading about S YS per-
agement * * * [of the publicly held debt] (both the outstanding debt and the current cent, some 1% percent above their lows of
* * * affects business and consumer be- changes in the amount outstanding) can be 4 years ago.
havior and has a direct relevance for the at- appropriately adapted to these other policies, The reasons for wishing to bring about this
tainment Of our economic objectives" (p. the initial increases or decreases of money kind of a pattern in short-term rates have
100). They saw a danger of excess liquidity, flows that fiscal policy or monetary policy been clear enough. This was the first of the
a "potential built-in instability" (p. 103), in may have Intended to bring about can in- U.S. postwar recessions to occur after the
continued shortening of the publicly held stead be partly or, wholly absorbed through return of currency convertibility to most of
marketable debt and urged that the Treas contradictory debt management, or may even the other leading countries of the world, an
ury, underneath any other current consid- be swamped and lost in a wave of influences achievement long sought by all of us, and
erations it might have, work steadily to- that debt management has set flowing in the completed at the end of 1958. The pull of
ward a more balanced maturity structure. opposite direction. the money markets serving these newly con-
From such a position, they held-always Frazar Wilde and his colleagues on the vertible currencies, many of them experienc-
recognizing the exigencies of the need to offer Commission were not only right In the stress ing rising interest rates as they tried to com-
something the market would buy, and to that they put on all the, arms of govern- bat domestic inflation, would have been
keep the market reasonably receptive to mental financial policy. They were also strong in any case. But at this same time,
other offerings that still must come in the surely right (and even as late as 1961 they a rapid enlargement was taking place in a
future-" * * * management of the market- were among the pioneers) in stressing the new kind of market that had been develop-
able debt can and should make some con- need for Government to take full account ing "over the counter" among European (and
tribution to stabilizing the level of eco- of the array of various "mixes" that is pos- Japanese) banks and business firms-the
nomic activity" (p. 105). sible among the elements of these various Euro-dollar market. The higher interest
They saw, too, "compelling reasons why policies, as the Government tries to help rates available in that "extraterritorial"
monetary policy and debt management must influence needed structural economic change market exerted an intensifying pull upon
be formulated and executed in close rela- and growth, to help avoid or reduce the dollar deposits domiciled in the United
tionship" (p. 107). But they did not favor swings of cyclical fluctuations, and to help States. There was no choice, as Chairman
"so drastic a method as consolidation of the bring the Nation's international accounts Martin was one of the first to point out. The
Treasury and the Federal Reserve as a means into balance. Actually, new mixes among United States could no longer be "isolation-
of coordinating debt management and mone- various elements of these policies were al- ist" in its monetary and credit policy.
tary policy" (p. 109). They saw that the ready being explored within the Government Yet there were equally compelling domes-
need was not merely for a technical meshing as the Commission's formal report was being tic reasons to keep credit amply available at
of intricate administrative gears, but for as- completed in 1961. Emphasis was being home, and to make progress only slowly to-
surance on the policy level "that the moti- placed upon the need to improve incentives ward balance in the Federal budget. Indeed,
vating forces in the two institutions are both for expanding investment and output, along as a combined result of rising savings and
driving in the same direction" (p. 109). with the more customary emphasis for a promotive Federal Reserve policy over the 4
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~V~~UTA RECORD -SENATE 5371
paid directors and staffs whose duties it shall These, incidentally, are the three cases that There being no objection, the editorial
be to promote by every means possible a bet- have caused so much work for Oregon's new
ter coordination of all agencies engaged in public defender. Some prisoners in Oregon was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
crime control including police, courts, may be entitled to new trials because of as follows:
prisons, probation, parole, and prevention, these decisions. They have to do, generally, FM E AND FORGET
and to promote the employment of men with the right to a lawyer and the voluntary Mr. WHITENER'S omnibus crime bill for the
and women trained in the law and the hu- or involuntary nature of a confession. District of Columbia is to come before the
inanities in all these agencies. If elected, the Senator promised, he would House today. It embodies all the contempt
2. That the law schools (beignning, shall appoint Federal judges who would "redress and distaste which he and his Confederate
we say with the school of law at the College constitutional interpretation in favor of the colleagues feel for the residents of the Na-
of Wiliam and Mary) establish a program public." If that didn't work, he said, he'd tional Capital.
in the administration of the criminal law press for constitutional amendments, the ex- This bill ignores the District of Columbia's
which shall be open to 3d year law students, act nature of which he did not spell out. real needs. It ignores the carefully con-
lawyers, and other professionally trained spe- To roll back these decisions, either by ap- sidered proposals for dealing with crime
cialists who propose to engage, or are actually pointing hanging judges or by repeal of parts submitted to the Congress by President John-
so engaged, in any phase of crime control ac- of the Bill of Rights, would not be in the son. It ignores the procedural protections
tivity. Such a program might begin with cause of greater freedom. It would be, in- provided for free citizens by the Constitution
regular semester courses in crime control or stead, to invite the unreasonable searches of the United States. It ignores the realities
In highly intensive instruction through short and seizures against which the Founding of life.
term institutes combined with field training Fath
ers warned. And it would be to invite This legislation would be bad not alone for
under supervision for certification in the ad- the bright lights and the rubber hoses of the people of Washington but for the Ameri-
ministration of the criminal law. the third degree. can people as a whole. It is unbecoming to
Within the past 50 years, there has devel- Constitutional guarantees re there for a free society as well as hurtful to its Capital.
oped in the field of medicine a whole new people who need them. Most of us go It is legislation for a conquered province,
art of healing which bids fair to equal the through our whole lives and never, ourselves, not for an American community. We ask the
practice of medicine and surgery without need the right to trial by jury, the right to members of the House when they consider
in any way denying the importance of these a lawyer in a criminal proceeding, the right this measure today to ask themselves if they
ancient skills or diminishing their place. The to be faced by our accusers, or the right to would be willing to subject their own con-
development of psychiatry and psychoanal- bail. These precious rights are there for stituents to such tyranny-whether they
ysis based on the new and established con- those who need them. Those are the accused, would be willing to impose on their home
cepts of psychology has added greatly to the
medical schools, psychoanalysis has created - - '" e the words "under the law."
Innocence
institutes and disciplines of its Own su and guilt are not are passed detet-
plementing the basic training offered in the see mined it t that t each m aman. Laws see passed e
traditional schools of medicine. Is it too is treated fairly and of ve us, in y. time burden trouble,
much to propose that the-same sort of thing The bof
----- $ nrnnPm?c1:
i v'
OMNIBUS CRIME LA N
Mr. MORSE. Mr., President, the
House of Representatives is presently
considering a so-called omnibus crime
bill. In my judgment, that bill contains
many features which violate many pre-
cious constitutional rights and guaran-
tees. Therefore, I ask unanimous con-
sent to have printed at this point in the
RECORD an editorial entitled "No Free-
dom in the Third Degree" published in
my hometown newspaper, the Eugene
Register-Guard.
There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
NO "FREEDOM" IN THE THIRD DEGREE
Senator Goldwater has been having quite a
bit'to say about "crime in the streets." And
he's been getting mileage out of the issue,
too, inasmuch as nobody admits liking crime
in the streets. His problem, though, has
come when he has tried to make a Federal
issue out of it, after all he's said about keep-
ing the Federal Government out of the affairs
of local communities.
In a speech in Florida, where street vio-
lence has been quite an issue this year, the
Senator got around to clarifying what he
meant. He's really angry at the U.S. Supreme
Court. He said the Court 3 years ago held
that "No evidence could be used if police
investigators made some mistake-any mis-
take-in gathering the evidence." That's not
what the Court said in the milestone Mapp
case. It held only that evidence obtained in
violation of the Federal Constitution, which
evidence was already inadmissible in a Fed-
eral court, could not be used in a State court
either.
He also charged that the Court "held that
a voluntary confession made by a State pris-
oner was inadmissible because his lawyer
was not present when it was made. This was
held despite the fact that the prisoner ad-
mittedly knew of his right to remain silent."
Ope presumes that there he had reference
to the Gideon, Escobedo, or Jackson cases.
-AC or the runctions of law is to protect
the citizen from overzealous authority. This
is something the Senator
with all his talk
f
,
o
freedom, ought to know. A citizen can be
just as badly mauled by a town marshal and
a district attorney in a remote hamlet as he
can by Federal officers and a U.S. attorney in
Washington, D.C.
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, the om-
nibus crime bill that has been reported
by a majority, but not a large majority,
of the House Committee on the District
of Columbia, not only is an invitation
for the return of third-degree methods,
but involves police tyranny. There is
no place for that in the District of
Columbia.
I am satisfied that under the admin-
istration of Chief of Police Layton, there
is no desire on the part of the District
of Columbia Police Department to have
granted to the Police Department all the
shocking proposals contained in the
omnibus crime bill which a majority of
the House Committee on the District of
Columbia has recommended.
One such proposal is that Congress
enact a proposal of arrest for investiga-
tion. Imagine, Mr. President, in the
year 1965 legislators in a Congress who
really believe that a police department
should have authority, when they have
no evidence of proximate probable cause
for arrest, to put a hand on the shoulder
of a free American and drag him into
a police station, with none of the checks
available, that must be made available
to free men and women, against protec-
tion from the exercise- of third-degree
methods by the police.
The Washington Post has today pub-
lished an editorial entitled "File and
Forget." The editorial opposes the om-
nibus crime bill that has been reported
by a majority of the House Committee
on the District of Columbia. I ask
unanimous consent that the editorial be
printed at this point in the RECORD.
detention by police authorities and a police
censorship unfit for Yahoos.
So long as Congress insists on acting as
municipal council for the city of Washing-
ton, it has an obligation to act considerately
and conscientiously. That obligation im-
poses on the House of Representatives a plain
duty today to throw this mish-mash of re-
pression onto the refuse heap where it be
longs.
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, as a
member of the Senate Committee on the
Disstriet of Columbia, I wish to put a
persistent rumor to rest. The senior Sen-
ator from Oregon has no intention of
using any delaying tactic or dilatory
tactic to prevent the Senate from receiv-
ing at an early date whatever crime bill
the majority of the Senate Committee
on the District of Columbia wishes to
report. I shall vote against the bill that
is pending. I shall "do my best to offer
amendments that will bring that bill
within the framework of constitutional
guarantees, as I believe those guarantees
to exist. But if the Senate wishes to
march back into the past half dozen
centuries by passing Star Chamber pro-
cedure legislation, that will be a deci-
sion for the Senate to make. We shall
let the people of the country pass judg-
ment upon the Senate.
I introduce this material in the RECORD
today so that the Senate will have avail-
able to it what I consider to be material
that is a devastating answer to the un-
fortunate action taken by a majority of
the House committee when it voted and
approved this omnibus crime bill.
CRISIS IN VIETNAM
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent that a letter from
Dr. Milnor Alexander, legislative secre-
tary of the Women's International
League for Peace and Freedom, written
under date of March 19, 1965, addressed
to me; be printed at this point in the
RECORD. The letter contains a resolution
passed by the organization, calling for a
cessation of our warinaking policies in
South Vietnam and seeking to work
through international tribunals for a set-
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
tlement of the disputes in accordance
with the procedures of international law.
There being no objection, the letter
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
MczcH 19, 1965.
senator ERNEST GRUENING,
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATORS: The Women's Interna-
tional League for Peace and Freedom received
the last statement on the crisis in Vietnam
issued by Clarence E. Pickett, executive secre-
tary emeritus of the American Friends Serv-
ice Committee, on March 3. The statement
was dated March 1 and our national office
released it yesterday in connection with Clar-
ence Pickett's death. This was his response
to a wire sent to Nobel Peace Prize laureates
and other world leaders for a statement on
Vietnam
"The struggle in Vietnam is futile. It will
not really defeat the appeal of communism;
also it jeopardizes the good name of the
United States and sacrifices good American
and Asian lives. Statesmanship by America
calls for a commanding gesture for negotia-
tion and a facing of the real problem of
Vietnam--poverty, insecurity, and defeat. I
e a prompt turn in the direction of
ur
g
w
_
id
ead
-
yw+??"--?~__? _.. _- r__ _
espr
peace. tuic w
Would you please insert this in the Cox- outcomewof the persistent silence emanating fearful that it could not count either on
the concern RECORD as another indication of from the White House. It has been dispelled Russia or China in a showdown with the
the concern in this country about U.S. Policy but little if any by the white paper itself. United States. And even if it could count
in Vietnam. Thank you very much. That document labors hard to prove that the on China, it is not anxious to mortgage its
Sincerely yours, long and substantial U.S. commitment in independence to Peiping as the price for such
Dr. MrLNOR ALEXANDER, South Vietnam is in simple opposition to support,_.
Legislative Secretary. flagrant aggression mounted and sustained Russia is anxious to get negotiations going
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I ask by a Communst regime in the North against because a continued American escalation will
unanimous consent to have printed at "an independent people who want to make one day face her with a horrible choice. Ei-
their own way in peace and freedom." ther Moscow will have to support North Viet-
this point in the RECORD a letter from It speaks in plaintive detail about infiltra- nam and risk a confrontation with the United
Prof. Frank M. Whiting, of the Vniver- tion by guerrilla fighters, technicians, propa- States or else the Russians will have to stand
sity of Minnesota, addressed to me under gandists, political organizers, and secret by while a Communist state is being deci-
date of February 16, 1965. The letter agents, lavishly armed and equipped. But mated. In either case the Russians will lose.
expresses his disapproval ofthe country's it shies completely away from the circum- Meanwhile, in South Vietnam itself, the
policies in South Vietnam. stances that are confounding the speakers Communists are repeating the same mistake
There being no objection, the letter in Congress and the people at home. they made in Laos. They are driving the true
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, How strongly, one would like to know, do neutralist forces into the arms of the United
the South Vietnamese in general actually States. Just as the Pathet Lao drove Sou-
as follows: yearn to make their own way in peace and vanna Phouma and Kong Le into our camp,
UNIVERSITY OF MINNESOTA, freedom. For that matter, how independent so now the Vietcong is busy attacking
Minneapolis, Minn., February 16, 1965. are they? Are they, or are they not, being Buddhist monks whose only crime is to want
Senator WAYNE L. MORSE, dragooned into an army and forced to fight a genuinely neutralist Vietnam.
U.S. Senate, a battle for which they have little heart and These favorable circumstances, constituting
Washington, D.C. no stomach? Are they hopelessly split and as they do a certain vindication of the firm
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: On this frightening divided along religious and political and so- policy which the administration has pursued,
eve of what may well become a major and cial lines? Do they distrust and even despise confront the U.S. Government with nice
probably disastrous war in Asia let me ex- the leaders who, by their incessant toppling problems of timing. The opportunity for a
press my appreciation and gratitude to you and rebuilding of rickety governments, ap- useful dialog with Hanoi may be approaching,
for having seen clearly and having had the pear more concerned with self-aggrandize- The chance of a productive negotiation, in
courage to warn the Nation of the dangers ment than with national interest and demo- which the United States would not be pro-
long ago. cratic principles? seeding from weakness, may be coming more
Frank M. Rarig used to say, "A good theater Also unanswered is the big question that swiftly than anticipated only a few weeks ago.
man should be an expert at placing himself leaps up with every new Vietcong success To detect when that precise moment has gr-
in the other fellow's boots." Maybe this is deep inside the territory of South Vietnam: rived is the essence of the matter.
why, although they are making a mistake, I Are the Vietnamese, by and large, too war The President pas made an appropriate
can still understand why the poverty-ridden weary or too much intimidated to fight off response to the faint North Vietnam intima-
people of southeast Asia turn to China rather the invaders, or, as a matter of distressing tions of a greater readiness to consider rea-
than to us. Even more alarming, I think I fact, are they actually in sympathy with the sonable solutions. He used his press confer-
can see what I would do if I were in control Communists? ence Saturday to point out that the United
of Red China. I fear that I would launch Here are some of the matters on which States does not threaten the North Vietnam
an all-out war with conventional weapons, the American people need and ardently de- regime, that it has no desire to occupy or
thus placing America in the horrible dilemma sire full and reliable information. It is not conquer the country, that it seeks only the
of either being defeated or else turning to to be found in the white paper. The dogged end of aggression against South Vietnam.
massive bombing of cities, an act which avoidance of these matters is indeed dis- Events are a long way from a solution in
would win us the inflamed hatred of almost quieting at a time when there are signs of South Vietnam, but they may not be as far
everyone in the world and might easily lead greatly intensified American activity in Viet- as we feared from a situation in which a solu-
to the final atomic holocaust. nam, both North and South. tion could be profitably discussed. A climate
I realize that the alternative is probably Is not the hour at hand for an end to favorable to such a beginning has been cre-
e en withd wa. A t would se mttlemcent o- President Johnson's studied silence? ated-a situation in which each side is un.-
avl egra n that would seem weak, ow- comfortable with the predicament in which it
ardy, d degrading, and unpopular to most Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I ask finds itself. At some point of mutual discom-
AmeriCans, but almost anything is better in. unanimous consent that an editorial fort, the opportunity for a ceasefire, an armis-
could long run than a remote jungle war that
only b be won by the most inhuman mass published in the Washington Post on tire, or a pause may arrive. When it does,
slaughter of civilians in history. March 22, 1965, entitled "Time for Di- we should embrace it.
Mainly, I wanted to say that, although I plomacy," be printed at this point in the Whereas our agreement to a cessation of
realize that it must be lonely for you to be a RECORD. The editorial points out the war military action a month ago might have
voice crying in the wilderness, some of us
thank you nevertheless for your courage and
clear thinking.
Cordially,
FRANK M. WHITING.
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent that an editorial
published in the San Francisco Chronicle
of March 3, 1965, entitled, "Where the
White Paper Is Silent" be printed at this
point in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
Max. 3, 19651 of the Buddhist leaders in South Vietnam
WHERE THE WHITE PAPER IS SILENT off the fence and more openly into the in-
The U.S. white paper on Vietnam solemnly ternational political arena. Several of the
observes in its introductory paragraphs that Buddhist leaders have told the Americans
it is concerned with a new kind of war "as that they would support the bombing of
yet poorly understood in most parts of the North Vietnam and a continuation of the
world." war if the North did not soon agree to nego-
To that truism, it might well have tacked tiations on reasonable terms.
on the phrase "including the United States." We are thus approaching a point where
For here at home, the events in Vietnam are both the international situation and the
swathed in inscrutable mystery, as evidenced internal situation in Vietnam are such that
by the confusing differences of opinion cur- the United States could go to the negotiating
rently being expressed in the Halls of Con- table with impressive assets. North Viet-
l of continued American
f
f
u
ear
gress, and even more markedly by the be- nam is very
ilder ent of the American public. bombings which could eventually destroy her
.nhahty
propaganda nature of the white paper.
in my opinion, it makes it perfectly clear
that it was a very unfortunate paper be-
cause of the chain of inaccuracies to
which this administration has attached
its name.
There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
TIME FOR DIPLOMACY
The American escalation of the war in
Vietnam has so far produced a number of
favorable political consequences. It has ex-
acerbated the Sino-Soviet conflict. It has
produced the first dim signals of concession
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March 22, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD --SENATE
looked to the South Vietnamese like the
prelude to capitulation it would not look that
way now. If the defense of South Vietnam's
independenceand neutrality were to be trans-
ferred from the field to the conference table,
there is no reason to believe that gains of the
past few weeks would be lost, in terms of the
morale of the South Vietnamese. If nothing
were gained at the conference table and the
battle resumed, because the North Vietnam-
ese proved intractable, the morale and solid-
arity of the South might even be strength-
ened by putting the blame for the suffering
of the South where it belongs.
This country has nothing to fear from an
encounter at the conference table, in the
improved climate that has been created by
a renewed demonstration of ability and will-
ingness to pursue its original objectives in
South Vietnam. We must be ready to act
upon the first open and formal indication
that Hanoi really desires peace.
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent that a letter entitled
"Playing Russian Roulette in Vietnam,"
written by Lewis Mumford, published in
the San Francisco Chronicle of March 3,
1965, be printed at this point in the
RECORD.
There bei{ig no objection, the letter
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
PLAYING RUSSIAN ROULETTE IN VIETNAM
(NoTE.-The following letter on America's
role in Vietnam was written to President
Johnson by Critic Lewis Mumford-EDITOR.)
Mr. PRESIDENT: The time has cdihV 'fbr
someone to speak out on behalf of the great
body of your countrymen who regard with ab-
horrence the course to which you are com-
mitting the United States in Vietnam. As a
holder of the Presidential Medal of Freedom,
I have a duty to say plainly, and in public,
what millions of patriotic fellow citizens are
saying in the privacy of their homes. Namely,
that the course you are now following affronts
both our practical judgment and our moral
sense.
Neither your manners nor your methods
give us any assurance that your policy will
lead to.a good end; on the contrary, your. at-
tempt to cure by military force a situation
that has been brought about by our own ar-
rogant, one-sided political assumptions can-
not have any final destination short of an ir-
remediable nuclear catastrophe. That would
constitute the terminal illness of our whole
civilization, and your own people, no less than
the Vietnamese and the Communists would
be the helpless victims.
In embarking on this program, you are
gambling with your country's future, because
you have not the courage to discard a losing
hand and start a new deal, though this was
the magnificent opportunity that your elec-
tion presented to you. Your games theorists
have. persuaded you to play Russian roulette.
But you cannot save the Government's face
by blowing out our country's brains.
From the beginning, the presence of
American forces in Vietnam, without the au-
thority of the United Nations, was in defiance
of our own solemn commitment when we
helped to form that body. Our steady in-
volvement with the military dictators who
are waging civil war in South Vietnam, with
our extravagant financial support and under-
handed military cooperation, is as indefensi-
ble as our Government's original refusal to
permit a popular election to be held in Viet-
nam, lest communism should be installed by
popular vote. 'Your attempt now to pin the
whole blame on the Government of North
Vietnam deceives no one except those whose
wishful thinking originally committed us to
our high-handed intervention; the same set
of agencies and intelligences that inveigled us
into the Bay of Pigs disaster.
Instead of using your well-known political
adroitness to rescue our country from the
military miscalculations and political blun-
ders that created our impossible position in
Vietnam, you now, casting all caution to the
winds, propose to increase the area of sense-
less destruction and extermination, without
having any other visible ends in view than
to conceal our political impotence. In tak-
ing this unreasonable course, you not merely
show a lack of "decent respect for the opin-
ions of mankind, but you likewise mock and
betray all our country's humane traditions.
This betrayal is all the more sinister be-
cause you are now, it is plain, obstinately
committing us to the very military policy
that your countrymen rejected when they so
overwhelmingly defeated the Republican
candidate.
Before you go further, let us tell you
clearly: your professed aims are emptied of
meaning by your totalitarian tactics and your
nihilistic strategy. We are shamed by your
actions, and revolted by your dishonest ex-
cuses and pretexts. What is worse, we are
horrified by the immediate prospect of hav-
ing our country's fate in the hands of leaders
who, time and again, have shown their in-
ability to think straight, to correct their
errors, or to get out of a bad situation with-
out creating a worse one.
The Government has forfeited our con-
fidence, and we will oppose, with every means
available within the law, the execution of
this impractical, and above all, morally in-
defensible policy. There is only one way in
which you can remove our opposition or re-
gain our confidence; and that is to turn back
from the course you have taken and to seek a
human way out.
LEWIS MUMFORD.
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent that an article pub-
lished in the Jersey Times on January
1, 1965, by Robert S. Allen and Paul
Scott, entitled "United States Requests
Token Forces," be printed at this point in
the RECORD.
The article deals with a subject mat-
ter that I have discussed twice on the
floor of the Senate. It concerns the at-
tempts of our State Department to get
the heads.ofstate in Latin America to
make some token contribution, either
by way of military personnel or nonmili-
tary personnel or materiel to warmak-
ing policies in South Vietnam. Such
contribution would be made by these
Latin American countries to our great
detriment in Latin America. This course
of action on the part of this administra-
tion has stirred up, and rightfully so, a
great deal of resentment in a good many
Latin American countries.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
[From the Jersey Times, Jan. 1, 1965]
UNITED STATES REQUESTS TOKEN FORCES'-
LATIN COUNTRIES- GET STRONG APPEAL To
HELP IN VIETNAM
(By Robert S. Allen and Paul Scottj
At least five Latin American countries are
being strongly "urged" by the United States
to send token military or economic units to
strife-lacerated South Vietnam.
They are Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Peru, and
Venezuela.
Other South American nations reputedly
are under similar backstage pressure but
this has not yet been positively established.
The five definitely known to be impor-
tuned are among the leading beneficiaries of
U.S. aid. Latest available official figures
5373
show that since 1946 they have received the
following huge totals:
Brazil-more than $2.25 billion. This does
not include $1 billion in new credits the
United States took the lead in arranging last
month, with several other NATO countries,
to enable the reform regime of President
Humberto Branco to combat soaring infla-
tion and other grave economic disorders.
Chile-upward of $850 million, with new
large-scale aid proposals pending. Colom-
bia-more than $550 million, with additional
grants and loans under consideration.
Peru-upward of $500 million and, like the
others, seeking more funds. Venezuela-
around $350 million, of which. more than
$317 million has been in loans and only $18
million in outright grants. Since 1962 this
oil-rich nation has received less than $10
million in U.S. aid.
All these countries are markedly cool to
getting involved in the increasingly chaotic
and unpredictable South Vietnam conflict.
They are displaying distinct reluctance to
dispatching even token forces, such as medi-
cal or logistic units, or teachers, agricultural
experts, and technicians-as-the State De-
partment has pointedly "suggested."
Various objections are being raised, fore-
most among them lack of funds to meet the
considerable cost of "showing the flag" in
distant southeast Asia.
The United States countered by offering to
foot the bill.
Presumably that would include financing
transportation, pay, maintenance, and other
charges.
These urgent backstage exhortations and
proposals are in striking contrast to the ad-
ministration's cold-shouldering of offers from
three U.S. allies in the Far East to send thou-
sands of combat troops to South Vietnam.
South Korea, Nationalist China, and the
Philippines expressed readiness to send some
50,000 fully equipped and trained fighting
men.
In each instance, they were turned down.
The official explanation was that employ-
ment of these Asian battle forces would seri-
ously risk escalating the conflict into a major
war. Secretary of State Dean Rusk asked the
three allies to dispatch instead noncombat
elements, such as medical and logistic units.
All three have complied.
Another baffling South Vietnam enigma is
the role of Thrich Tri Quang, leading Bud-
dhist who was given refuge in the U.S. Em-
bassy in the 1963 struggle with the late Presi-
dent Ngo Dinh Diem.
U.S. intelligence has flatly tagged Quang
as an agent of Communist North Vietnam
acting on instructions from the Hanoi re-
gime.
Yet Quang is a key adviser of both Maj.
Caen. Nguyen Khanh and Buddhist members
of the civilian council that was abolished by
the. so-called young Turk generals with
Khanh's backing.
Quang also has been consulted by Deputy
Ambassador U. Alexis Johnson on establish-
ing a stable government in Saigon.
. Early last fall former Ambassador Henry
Cabot Lodge visited a number of NATO
capitals seeking assistance for South Viet-
nam. He undertook this mission as the per-
sonal emissary of President Lyndon B. John-
son.
Lodge's results were virtually nil.
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent that telegrams and
letters addressed to me, which bear upon
my position in opposition to the U.S. out-
lawry in South Vietnam, and certain
additional newspaper editorials, be
printed at this point in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the commu-
nications were ordered to be printed in
the RECORD, as follows:
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE March 22, 1965
FULLERTON, CALIF.,
January 23, 1965.
Jesus. It has led us to view the problems
of our world through khaki-colored glasses
and to assume that the only answers to those
problems are those which can be spelled
out in bombs-and twisted steel--and shat-
tered corpses. If negotiation-or referral to
the U.N.-or withdrawal-be no answer in
Vietn;un, then let me add: neither is an
expanded war. This philosophy of violence
has brought us to the verge of mental and
spiritual bankruptcy in a world that can-
not tolerate even one ill-advised miscalcula-
tion. Although this philosophy has been
thoroughly discredited by man's historic ex-
perience, it seemingly illustrates the observa-
tion that "the only lesson that history
teaches is that men will not be taught by
history." And from our crucified Savior I am
certain it evokes the same response now that
it did on that day when, weeping over Jeru-
salem, He said: "Would that even today you
knew the things that make for peace. But
now they are hid from your eyes" (Luke
19: 42).
But in our time of need, why should "the
things that make for peace" be hidden from
our eyes? First of all, let me suggest that the
things that make for peace are hidden from
our eyes because the things that make for
war have gotten our attention. Let us be
frank about it: waging war is more dramatic
and glamorous that waging peace. The poet
(Richard Le Gallienne) had hold of this
truth when he wrote:
"War
I abhor,
And yet how sweet
The sound along the marching street
Of drum and fife; and I forget
Wet eyes of widows, and forget
Broken old mothers, and the whole
Dark butchery without a soul.
"Without a soul-save this bright drink
Of heady music, sweet as hell;
And even my peace-abiding feet
Go marching with the marching street,
For yonder goes the fife,
And what care I for human life.
"The tears fill my astonished eyes
And my full heart is like to break.
And yet 'tis all embannered lies,
A dream those little drummers make.
"Oh. it is wickedness to clothe
Yon hideous, grinning thing that stalks
Hidden in music, like a queen
That in a garden of glory walks,
Till good men love the thing they loathe.
"Art, thou hast many infamies
But not an infamy like this-
Oh, snap the fife and still the drum,
And show the monster as she is."
Is the same not true of you and me? Are
we not captivated by the speed and power
of a silvery jet against a clear blue sky, little
realizing the terror which such a sight in-
spires in millions of our fellowmen who know
first-hand the fiery death it sows? Are we
not thrilled by the majestic sight of a sleek
missile rising effortlessly off Its launching
pad and moving unerringly toward its ap-
pointed destination thousands of miles
away, little realizing its opacities to carry
nuclear death to millions of our fellowmen?
Do we not shower our children with gifts of
toy guns-and toy tanks-and toy battle-
ships--and toy helmets, little realizing that
we are already conditioning them for their
roles as the soldiers of the next war?
Whether we are young or old, we must con-
fess that the things that make for war have
captured our imaginations and gotten our
attention, thereby hiding from our eyes the
things that make for peace.
Our first task then must be to seek ways
of attracting people's attention to peace-
making. The late Sir Basil Zaharoff, world
dealer in munitions, was on the right track
when he said, "Let enough people talk peace,
think peace, and dream peace, and there will
be peace on earth." Perhaps that's too over-
simplified, and yet it is true that that which
gets our attention usually gets us-and the
things that make for peace have been get-
ting neither. One of the motivations be-
hind the establishment of the U.S. Arms
Control and Disarmament Agency a few years
ago was to focus more of our Nation's at-
tention on this vital aspect of peacemaking-
but even yet, who has heard of this agency
or its work? Indeed, within this past week
Congress has been holding hearings in which
some have been urging the discontinuation
of this committee because they do not re-
gard its work as being relevant to our day.
Proponents for this committee's continua-
tion, I think, are basically united in their
feeling that the subject of arms control and
disarmament must not be permitted to slip
clear out of our attention. They would con-
cur with President Kennedy's stirring words
to the United Nations on September 26,
1981:
"Today, every inhabitant of this planet
must contemplate the day when it may no
longer be habitable. Every man, woman
and child lives under a nuclear sword of
Damocles, hanging by the slenderest of
threads, capable of being cut out at any
moment by accident, miscalculation or mad-
ness. The weapons of war must be abol-
ished before they abolish us.
"Men no longer debate whether armaments
are a symptom or cause of tension. The mere
existence of modern weapons-ten million
times more destructive than anything the
world has ever known, and only minutes
away from any target on earth-is a source
of horror, of discord and distrust. Men no
longer maintain that disarmament must
await the settlement of all disputes-for dis-
asmaments must be a part of any permanent
settlement. And men no longer pretend that
the quest for disarmament is a sign of weak-
ness-for in a spiraling arms race, a nation's
security may well be shrinking even as its
arms increase.
"For 15 years this organization has sought
the reduction and destruction of arms. Now
that goal is no longer a dream-it is a prac-
tical matter of life or death. The risks in-
herent in disarmament pale in comparison
to the risks inherent in an unlimited arms
race."
Yet even now there are some within our
Halls of Congress who would dismantle the
only agency our Government has for focusing
attention on the basic research necessary to
taking some first steps toward disarmament.
Let me say that it is at this very point that
I think the Peace Corps has rendered an in-
valuable service to our country and to the
world. It has helped to dramatize peace-
making, and thousands of our finest citizens
have enlisted to wage peace across our world.
Beyond any speeches made or programs
launched, the Peace Corps has helped to at-
tract our attention to the problems of man-
kind; indeed, it has even served to attract
attention to the church's "peace corps" of
missionaries who have been all to often
almost unnoticed in their quiet overseas min-
istry to human needs. Last Sunday during
the church school hour we were privileged to
see the excellent sound-film, "Profiles of
Promise," which portrayed some of the
church's worldwide efforts to help people
help themselves, thereby creating the condi-
tions in which peace can prevail. However,
even when the church does its audio-visual
best to get people's attention focused upon
the need for service to mankind, these efforts
seem dull and drab by comparison with the
color and pageantry of a missile launching.
Nevertheless, in my considered judgment, this
must be our first task: to seek more effective
ways of attracting people's attention to the
things which make for peace which are pres-
ently hid from our eyes.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.:
We heard you tonight on "Newsmakers"
and I want you to know I thought your com-
ments and suggestions regarding foreign pol-
icy were excellent. Good luck to you.
JOHN F. .BISHOP,
A Republican From Fullerton, Calif.
MALIBU, CALIF.,
January 24, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.:
We support you, you expressed our view
tonight on CBS.
Mr. and Mrs. PETIT. L. DIXON.
Los ANGELES, CALIF.,
January 24, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.:
Thrilled by news conference on foreign
policy. You are absolutely right. Keep it
up.
PULASKI HEIGHTS
CHRISTIAN CHURCH,
Little Rock, Ark., March 5, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: To me you are one
of the few voices at the top who are making
any sense on our policy in Vietnam. I share
your concern-and this letter carries with it
my appreciation for your speaking out and
my best hopes that you may be heard far
and wide, so that some change may be made
in our present policy.
The enclosed sermon was my attempt to
raise my voice in opposition.
Best regards,
RHODES THOMPSON, Jr.,
Minister.
THE THINGS THAT MAKE FOR PEACE
(Sermon preached at Pulaski Heights Chris-
tian Church on Sunday, Feb. 28, 1965, by
Rhodes Thompson, Jr., minister; scripture:
Luke 19: 34-44.)
This morning as we sit here in the silence
of this sanctuary an escalating war is gaining
daily momentum in the steaming jungles and
soggy rice paddies of Vietnam. Perhaps at
this very moment, in our effort to win friends
and influence people in Asia, American jets,
flown by white American pilots, are dumping
their hungry loads of napalm jelly fire on
grass-thatched villages where hundreds of
bewildered brown-skinned civilians-among
whom there "might be" a few more wily
Vietcong guerrillas-are being transformed
into human torches. While we, in our well-
guarded and affluent society, have numbered
just over 300 casualties among our American
sons, our Heavenly Father is mourning the
loss of thousands of His children whom we
haven't even bothered to count. Meanwhile,
all too many voices in our land are calling for
more Asian bloodletting as the solution to
our tragic impasse in that corner of the
globe. Incredulously, we hear some of these
voices affirming that this is our only alterna-
tive to disaster, even if this course of action
should involve us in a full-scale war with
Red China and with Russia.
With all the fervor at my command and
with God as my witness, let me lodge my
vigorous protest. I do not propose to base
my objection on political grounds, although
my reading in recent weeks has led me to feel
a deepening concern even on this level.
Today I want to register my objection purely
and simply on Christian grounds. In short,
I abhor the philosophy of violence that has
gripped the architects of our political and
military strategy. This philosophy can find
no justification in the spirit ar teachings of
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Again, let ,me suggest that, having gotten know through Jesus Christ. We cannot con-
our attention, the things that make for war tinue to invest $850 per American family
have gotten our money. I think it would be in military expenditures and only $4 per
generally admitted that the real motivation American family in sharing our religious
behind our race to .the moon is the military faith with other peoples of our earth (quo-
one of maintaining supremacy over the Rus- tation from Henry Smith Leiper), yet con-
sians in space. In an article in the Saturday tinue to hope to harvest the fruits of peace
Review .on August 4, 1962, Warren Weaver on earth, good-will among men. Peace is not
raised some pertinent questions and shared the mere absence of war; peace is a positive
some disturbing facts, which may indicate state of relationship between men and na-
more clearly why the efforts to make peace tions. As such, it demands the payment
are hampered by a lack of funds for their of a price every bit as sacrificial as that re-
implementation. quired to win a war. In the early 1950's the
"It has been forecast that it may .cost $30 late Senator Brian McMahon asked the U.S.
billion to 'put a man on the moon.' But Senate to appropriate several billions of dol-
how much is $30 1,4111 0
n
o
.
"It is sobering to think of an alternative
set of projects that might be financed with
this sum. We could: give a 10 percent raise
in salary, over a 10-year period, to every
teacher in the United States, from kinder-
garten through universities, in both public
and private institutions; plus give $10 mil-
lion each to 200 of the best smaller colleges;
plus finance 7-year fellowships (freshman
through Ph. D.) at $4,000 per person per year
for 50,000 new scientists and engineers; plus
contribute $300 million each toward the
creation of 10 new medical schools; plus
build and largely endow complete universi-
ties, with medical, engineering, and agricul-
tural faculties for all 53 of the nations which
have been added to the U.N. since its found-
ing; plus create three more permanent
Rockefeller Foundations; and still have $100
million left over to popularize science.
"Whether you are primarily concerned
with national welfare, international pres-
tige, or science, weigh these alternatives
against a man on the moon."
Well, one does not have to weigh for long
these alternatives before realizing that so
long as the things that make for war com-
mand the major portion of the financial re-
sources of our Nation's annual budgets, the
things that make for peace will remain hid-
den from our eyes and from our thoughtful
consideration. That realization was alto-
gether clear to former general and then
President, Dwight Eisenhower, when he ap-
praised the international situation on April
16,1953:
"Every gun that is made, every warship
launched, every rocket fired signifies-in the
final sense-a theft from those who hunger
and are not fed, those who are cold and are
not clothed. This world in arms is not
spending money alone. It is . spending the
sweat of its laborers, the genius of its sci-
entists, the hopes of its children.
"The cost of one modern bomber is this:
a modern brick school in more than 30
cities. It is: two electric power plants, each
serving a town of 60,000 population. It is:
two fine, fully equipped hospitals. It is some
50 miles of concrete pavement. We pay for
a single fighter plane with a half-million
bushels of wheat. We pay for a single de-
stroyer with new homes that could have
housed more than 8,000 people.
"This is-I repeat-the best way of life
to be found on the road the world has been
taking. This is not a way of life at all, in any
true sense. Under the cloud of threatening
war it is humanity hanging from a cross
of iron, These plain and cruel truths define
the peril and point the hope that come with
this spring of 1953."
Twelve years have come and gone since
then-and yet today we find ourselves still
this part of his speech received wide pub-
licity in our newspapers. However, ? in a
largely unreported section of that same
speech he pled for a matching sum of money
to be devoted to imaginative peacemaking
efforts in the underdeveloped nations of the
world, and warned that if the latter sum
were not appropriated, the former expendi-
ture would bring our world closer to the
brink of disaster. You know the result of
his appeal: the things that make for war
got the money, and the things that make
for peace remained hidden from our eyes.
And now, almost a decade and a half later
you know the consequences of disregarding
his warning: a world closer to the brink of
destruction than it was then, and a chorus
of voices crying out for more war to solve
the problems of our day.
All that I have said thus far simply serves
to bring us to the heart of the matter; name-
ly, having gotten our attention and our
money, the things that make for war have
gotten our hearts as well. How great was
Jesus' insight into human beings when He
said: "For where your treasure is, there will
your heart be also" (Matthew 6:21). Mars,
the ancient Roman god of war, has become
our god; Mars now commands our resources;
and Mars has captured our hearts. Let me
offer as evidence our increasing tendency to
place our trust in force and power as the only
effective means of achieving our purposes in
the world. Of the Russians we often hear
someone say: "Force is the only language
they understand." But what of us? Force
is fast becoming the only language that many
Americans understand, and consequently the
only solution to international problems
which such ones can see are those which are
translated into the language of force and
violence. Few there are in positions of lead-
ership who believe that the power of love has
any part to play in international relations-
or in solution of the problems of Vietnam.
Indeed, many of us are apt to regard Jesus'
teachings about turning the other cheek,
loving our enemies, and forgiving 70 times
70 as starry-eyed idealism which has no rele-
vance to the complex problems of our world.
If you are wondering whose faith is in Mars
and in force as the still more excellent way
to solve our problems, I invite you to pay
particular attention to the statements which
are even now being daily made by some of
our respected statesmen regarding our course
of action in Vietnam. Many of them have
already struck my ears as nothing less than
bone-chilling battle cries.
Amidst the din of these cries for the ap-
plication of more violence, let me remind you
of the voice of One who is calling upon us,
believing the counsel and still paying the love to the problems of our world. Him we
bills incurred by those whose best answer Ave haccepted as our Lord and Saviour-and
to the tragic problems of our day is an as the Prince of Peace. Yes, despite our high-
expanded war in Vietnam, which carries with sounding professions of faith in Christ, our
it the risk of fanning those sparks into a practices led a thoughtful Jewish judge to
global conflagration of violence, remark: "It is the greatest irony in history
Permit me to go on record today as saying that the most militaristic and acquisitive
that peace will never be gained by utilizing nations in the world should have chosen a
the methods, of violence and war, else ours pacifist Jewish peasant not only as their
is a different kind of universe and ours a prophet but as their God," Christian friends,
different kind of God than we have come to time is running out in our world for those
5375
of us who profess such faith in Him to match
that faith with peacemaking.
The words of Benjamin Mays cannot but
impress us with our clear Christian respon-
sibility:
"We talk glibly about the Prince of Peace.
We sing fervently, 'Joy to the World; the
Lord Is Come,' `Silent Night,' 'Hark the
Herald Angels Sing,' and 'It Came Upon the
Midnight Clear'-and yet, as we sing, we pre-
pare for war. We go out to build the best
army, the finest navy, the most durable air-
planes, and each nation puts its chemists
to work to discover the most deadly gases.
The national debt may soar sky high, depres-
sions may come and depressions may go, un-
employment may mount on wings, and slow
starvation wages may take thousands to their
graves, but the preparation for war must go
on. And when the war comes, we bless it in
the name of Jesus. We call it a holy war, and
we ask God to join us in our holy crusade to
help kill other men who are His children and
our brothers.
"Let us hear the conclusion of the whole
matter. We cannot get rid of Jesus. The
only way to get rid of Jesus is to accept Him
in mind, in heart, and in soul. Jesus repre-
sents God and God is the absolute-not man,
not race, not economic nor political sys-
tems-but God. And whenever man in his
arrogance and pride sets himself up as the
absolute, he will be beaten to the ground."
What our broken world most needs today,
to use the words of Arthur Brisbane, is "a
peace conference with the Prince of Peace."
Jesus Christ is weeping over our world
today, of that I am certain. Across 19 cen-
turies of time I can hear the echo of His
words :
"Would that even today you knew the
things that make for peace. But now they
are hid from your eyes."
In this moment of international peril, may
our gracious God raise up some prophet from
among the statesmen of our world whose
vision is clear to see that which is hidden
from other eyes, and whose leadership will
be divinely inspired in causing others to see
and to lay hold of "the things that make for
peace"-before it is too late-before it is too
late-before it is too late,
THE DALLES, OREG.,
March 9, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MOUSE: If the facts presented
in this letter to the editor of the Oregonian
are true then I feel we have done the wrong
thing in Vietnam.
Are we so great that we can't swallow a
little pride or admit we are wrong? If this
is the case then in my opinion we have some
lessons to learn.
I will back you in your
not belong in Vietnam.
Sincrely yours,
MARCH 13, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Thank you for your
stand on foreign aid and Vietnam. Two of
the most insane issues facing this country.
How educated, informed person can believe
our money swelling the coffers of Communist
countries helps the United States is beyond
my comprehension. And what we are doing
in Vietnam I doubt God himselfs knows. A
meaningless slaughter of American boys and
men.
Sincerely,
(Mrs. C. F.) FRANCES BERNET.
GRANTS PASS.
ATLANTA LAUNDRIES, INC.,
Atlanta, Ga., March 4, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I heard your com-
ments about the war in South Vietnam over
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television last night on WAII, channel 11,
Atlanta, Ga.
I sure do agree with you. You are to be
commended for your statement.
I can't understand what is wrong with our
Government. When our boys are'dying over
there and not one British boy has been lost
and the British are sending supplies to North
Vietnam. Have we gone crazy, or what?
Please give me your opinion so I can write
my two Senators; maybe there's something I
don't know.
Sincerely,
WM. J. SHIRLEY.
LANCASTER, PA.,
March 5, 1965.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
Senate of the United States,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR: As a simple citizen of the
Nation, this is to express my sincere ap-
preciation to one of the few governmental
officials having the courage to remain con-
stantly opposed to our Government's Asiatic
folly.
I have no doubt that your adherence to
this stand is at considerable cost and at the
face of unbelievable pressure. You are, no
doubt, the recipient of scurrilous letters, the
butt of much invective, and object of intense
hatred from the military. Lesser men would
have capitulated, as did Senator SCOTT from
my own State. I would be proud to be one
of your constituents.
I'm afraid the cause is lost-and with it
all humanity. But, if any historians sur-
vive the holocaust, they will write that our
diplomacy manifested the sheerest stupidity
of all time while the fate of civilization hung
in the balance.
Don't let them silence you by crowding
you with other assignments, by threats, or
by any of the devious machinations practiced
by the hate merchants. Yours is about the
only strong voice left to speak for sanity.
our own strength to a point where we can
tell them off and they will listen. These
noble experiments are going to bankrupt
our Nation. We owe $50 billion more than
all other nations combined.
FRANK SORENSEN.
GROSSE PoINTE, MICH.,
March 7, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I've been wanting to
write you for years and thank you for rais-
ing your voice against all the injustices being
practiced around the world today.
So many people like me hear you and read
about your courageous speeches in the Sen-
ate, and though we agree with you and love
you for speaking out we fail to write and
tell you so. Forgive us.
History will record that only two voices
in the body of Congress were raised against
our idiots policy in southeast Asia.
May God bless you and Senator GRUENING.
Keep up the good work.
Sincerely
Mrs. HOWARD A. LEE.
BALDWIN, LONG ISLAND, N.Y.,
March 8, 1965.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR: Although, the writer is a
conservative he must by all state of con-
science support your stand regarding Viet-
nam. It may be very unpopular to state
that we are the aggressors, but the strange
fact remains we are just that. You have al-
ways had the courage of your convictions
and although the writer may have disagreed
with you on many issues, he cannot help but
agree with you on this and mind you this
is not the conservative point of view.
It is indeed a sorry thing to say but in
the writer's mind, the President has no ac-
tual sense of history, merely an academic
one. Although, you were in opposition
much of the time to the late Robert A. Taft,
the writer feels that if he were living today,
this great Senator would have taken the
same stand despite the opposition of the
White House.
Thanking you again for your courageous
stand.
Very cordially yours,
RICHARD V. GRULICH.
EUGENE, OREG.,
March 10, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I've lived in Oregon
only a year and a half. I am proud to be
a part of your constituency, for I approve
wholeheartedly of your stand on Vietnam.
Don't give up.
You're not getting enough publicity out-
side the State, I hear, but soon summer will
come and vacationers can spread the word-
I hope it's not too late.
Yours truly,
(Mrs. W. H.) RUTH A. SILLS.
WRIGHTSVILLE, PA.,
March 7, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
The Senate, Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR: Please keep talking about
our pitiful role in South Vietnam. The York
Gazette and Daily gives you good coverage.
I am a Democrat who is truly disillusioned
with our "reasonable" leader.
Sincerely,
PACIFIC SEED & IARD WARE CO.,
Portland, Oreg., March 9, 1965.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Keep up the good
work, get us out of Asia and Africa. It is
noble to go to the aid of others only as far
as you can without material injury to your-
self. I feel we are only mudding the waters
by meddling in others domestic affairs. Stop
throwing our assets around and we can build
WILDEWILLE, OREG.,
March 17,1965.
SENATOR WAYNE MORSE: We support your
stand on the senseless war in south Asia.
In this small community my thought seemed
to be shared by many others. Count on our
continued support.
We thank you for your actions in this re-
ADELAIDE BAINES.
WARD BAINES.
SAN DIEGO, CALIF.,
March 9, 1965.
UNIVERSITY OF OREGON DENTAL SCHOOL,
Portland, Oreg., March 8,1965.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Permit me to extend
my congratulations to you on your very
forceful Chicago speech on March 4. Many
of us hope and pray that our administration
will lend an ear to your clear insight to this
grave Vietnam problem.
Sincerely yours,
DUANE R. PAULSON, D.D.S.
CARTERVILLE, ILL?
March 7, 1965.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR MR. SENATOR: I add my small voice
to those opposed to the apparent policy of
the present administration in South Viet-
nam.
After 10 years and billions of dollars, plus
the most precious thing of all, the lives of our
soldiers, it is high time we recognize the fu-
tility of trying to save 15 million people from
Communist domination,, who apparently
don't want to be saved. At least not by us.
It might have been a different story if our
two countries were of the same racial and
cultural background.
I am completely confused as to just what
our present plans and policies are for South
Vietnam. All I hear is the timeworn phrase
"We must stop the spread of communism."
This has been garrotted by some politicians
and about 90 percent of the people for so
long that it has become meaningless.
Most certainly I believe that practically all of
us agree with its original concept, which I
believe was first promulgated by President
Truman. But the distortions to the original
concept, brought about by - the jingoism of
the McCarthy, John Birch, and like move-
ments, has created an atmosphere of un-
reasonable fear and suspicion to the point
where, I believe, otherwise straight thinking,
knowledgeable men are unconsciously en-
dorsing and advocating views and policies
contrary to their own deep-seated best judg-
ment.
I do not feel that there is any reason to
criticize President Eisenhower's decision to
intervene in Vietnam. At the time it looked
like the thing to do, and although there
were many problems, the chances for success
seemed to be on our side. So he could not
decide otherwise. But 10 years have brought
many changes, and our chances of success
have gone aglimmering, and our position is
rapidly becoming untenable.
The time has come for the Johnson ad-
ministration to clear the boards and take a
new look. Many an honorable strategic re-
treat has not only won the battle, but the
war.
We can ill afford to continue with a policy
that will eventually drive Russia into Red
China's camp. And how much longer can.
we hide our head in the sand and ignore
the existence of a nation of 650 million peo-
ple, even though they are our deadliest ene-
mies? And last, but not least, we cannot
afford to become involved in a war whereby
victory can be achieved only by destroying
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SIR: I, a former refugee from behind
the so-called Iron Curtain, agree fully with
you in regard to the dirty war In Vietnam.
We should not have been there at all because
we should not arrogate to ourselves the right
of meddling in other people's affairs. If we
wanted to defend freedom, to fight for free-
dom, the very place is here at home, in Ala-
bama, in Mississippi and other places.
I admire you for the courage of speaking
without fear your honest and independent
convictions, to serve truth and justice, and
to serve the best interests of our country
and the peace of the world. I am convinced
that the conscience of America is with you.
ourselves.
Sincerely yours,
WILLINGBORO, N.J.,
March 9, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I want to take this
opportunity to express to you my apprecia-
tion for the effort you have been making and
continue to make on behalf of a sane policy
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March g2, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD. -SENATE
only redeeming factor of our many branches
of government in the shameful policy we
have adopted in Vietnam. I thank you and
support you fully in the stand you have
taken, and hope that in time others will see
the only way to regain our self-respect and
dignity in the eyes of the world is to nego-
tiate and withdraw from a situation where
we never should have been in the first place.
Please continue in your efforts to bring
the truth before the American public and
know that you have the support of many.
Sincerely,
Virginia Hill
Mrs. TED HILL.
UNIVERSITY Or CALIFORNIA,
Davis, Calif., March 8, 1965.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I just 'wish to write
you a short note to commend your coura-
geous and intelligent position on Vietnam.
More voices with as much honesty and frank-
ness as yours are needed In the U.S. Senate.
Unfortunately the Senate lately has become,
or is becoming, a lobbyist group for the
military-industrial complex.. I hope you
continue to be outspoken and critical as long
as our administration preaches pulpy potato
love (The Great Society) while failing to
give the American people any answers except
the most unsatisfying cliches and empty
phrases. It Is frightening that the United
States is becoming a huge Disneyland, com-
posed of illusions and facades, behind which
such action, totally unjustifiable, as that in
Vietnam is, carried out, Again, thank you.
Respectfully yours,
ROBERT E. LOUGY.
MOUNTAIN LAKES, N.J.,
March 7, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR: Thank you for speaking out
ipenly on U.S. policy in Vietnam. I hope
end trust that you will continue to do so.
tule by force must end.
Sincerely,
PORTLAND, OREG.,
March 9, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
senate Office Building,
Vashington, D,C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I thank God for
'Our forthright and, courageous opposition
o the administration's Vietnam policy. I
= praying that you will find support in the
Senate and that God will move our troops
jut of Vietnam speedily.
I am writing today also to Representative
EDITH GREEN, President Johnson and the
Oregon Journal expressing my support for
your stand.
I shall be praying that God will give us a
leader, at the next presidential election who
will lead our Nation into a better under-
standing with all peoples of the world.
Yours sincerely,
DONALD W. NOVAK.
GENERAL INSURANCE Co. or AMERICA,
SAFECO INSURANCE CO. OF AMERICA,
Seattle, Wash., March 5, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Several times re-
cently I have heard you speak (TV), and read
your quotes regarding this mess in Vietnam.
Our damn Senate, President, Armed Forces,
and State Department are in conspiracy to
build (escalate) this mess into a war. But
this approach will. actually lead into another
type Korea, and eventually some type of
World War.
Speak out. Keep it up. You and yours
have our support.
HARRISON C. MACK.
INDIANAPOLIS, IND.
DEAR MR. MORSE: We very much thank and
appreciate you. We believe that you are
doing all that is possible for anyone to do--
regarding the situation in Vietnam.
We are sure living in terrible times and
only by God's help and prayers will we ever
make it through.
According to our faith in God will be the
answer. Our very earnest prayers are with
you now.
Sincerely yours,
Mrs. CECIL BEELER.
WHITMAN, MASS.,
March 7, 1965.
Hon. WAYNE B. MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Enclosed please find
copy of a letter sent to President George
Meany on March 2, 1965, on the situation in
Vietnam.
Please continue to do everything possible
to end this conflict and save our country
from further disgrace in the eyes of the
world.
Yours truly,
J. J. BELLEFENILLE.
MARCH 2, 1965.
Mr. GEORGE MEANY,
AFL-CIO Building,
Washington, D. C.
DEAR SIR AND BROTHER: You have just
recently, on behalf of the executive council
and yourself, endorsed the action of the
Johnson administration in escalating the war
in Vietnam. By this act, you have identified
yourself with Barry Goldwater, who cam-
paigned on such a program. The only other
support given to this act came from EVERETT
DIRKSEN and the Dixicrats.
Such support brings -shame and disgrace
on the labor movement in the eyes of 81
percent of the American people, who in a
Gallup poll recently called for withdrawal
of American troops in Vietnam and negotia-
tion of the issues involved. Strong voices
in Congress support this action,
History tells us that In 1776, a revolution
took place here to oust a colonial oppressors;
namely, George III and a new form of gov-
ernment was formed establishing freedom as
its cornerstone. This action was then op-
posed by the entire world, but it did not
deter this country one iota from setting up
this new form of republican government.
Recently we participated in a war, based
on the principle of four freedoms and the
right of nations to self-determination with-
out interference from any source whatever.
After the ouster of the French in Indo-
china and the 1954 Geneva Conference, set-
tlement of this issue, we then had no busi-
ness following the advice of John Foster
Dulles or Richard Nixon, thereby causing
more suffering to a nation that had already
suffered too much.
May I therefore, humbly suggest that you
reevaluate your position on Vietnam, and
that you base your decisions In the future
more in line with the expressed wishes of the
people, who, in the first instance, repudiated
such a policy at the polls last November.
Fraternally,
J. J. BELLEFENILLE.
NEW YORK UNIVERSITY,
GRADUATE SCHOOL OF ARTS AND SCIENCE,
New York, N.Y., March 8, 1965.
Senator WAYNE B. MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: In the loneliness of
the position you are espousing on the floor
of the Senate, in regard to shameful behavior
of our Government in South Vietnam, please
know that I am proud to be living at the
same time as you are.
5377
Your courage and patriotism is in the pure
line as exemplified by Washington, Jefferson,
and Lincoln. Please be assured that history
will accord you an honored place as one who
kept his sanity and courage when all around
him dropped their weapons and fled.
I salute you.
Sincerely yours,
MARTIN POPE,
Associate Professor.
ST. LOUIS, Mo.,
March 7, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: When Senator Gold-
water was running for President, I was afraid
that the people backing him were going to
make the same mistake German industrial-
ists did when they put Hitler into power in
Germany because they thougth they needed
a strong man to stand against communism.
It turned out that they lost everything they
would have lost even if Communists had
taken over.
Well, the voters turned Goldwater down
with a resounding thud, but it turns out that
President Johnson is doing exactly what the
voters were afraid Goldwater would if if he
got in. Apparently, Mr. Johnson is not the
man to bother with this nonsense about
democracy and a democratic government He
is running the country as he sees fit, and he
could care less whether the voters like it or
not Incidentally, he couldn't do a worse
job that he's doing
He is fighting an unpopular war, and if he
put it to a vote, he would find the voters
about 10 to 1 in favor of pulling out of Viet-
nam now without bothering about nego-
tiations. He has accomplished what seemed
almost the impossible, in bringing Russia
and China back together, which was a mas-
ter stroke in favor of world communism.
All in all, Mr. Johnson seems to be shaping
up as the most blundering, bullheaded ass
we have had In office since Herbie Hoover,
and he has all the earmarks of an emerging
Hitler, because he is setting up a dictator-
ship with all the means within his power.
The way he is going, all the Republicans
have to do in 1968 is to run anybody who
doesn't make waves, and he will win by as
large a landslide as Goldwater lost last time.
NICHOLAS PARKMAN.
GRAND COULEE, WASH.,
March 4, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE.
DEAR WONDERFUL SENATOR: We want to tell
you that we agree with you 100 percent on
your stand on the Vietnam situation. Keep
it up and may God bless you.
We think that bombing, etc., that our
country is doing is horrible and terrible.
We just wish that you were President of
this country. We are back of you in what
you are trying to do.
Sincerely,
Mr. and Mrs. WILLIAM EHLERS.
CHINESE OVERSEAS CHRISTIAN MISSION,
Timonium, Md., March 9, 1964.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR: You are absolutely right
in your stand on the war in Vietnam, and
you are the only leader I have heard who
dares stand up and be counted In opposition
to our warlike policy in Asia.
"Negotiation in strength"; i.e., from a "po-
sition of strength" is a reliance not upon the
justness of our case In southeast Asia but
upon our capability and willingness to de-
stroy human life. It is brinkmanship to the
nth degree, with the lives of our little brown
brothers and of our own GI's as the stake,
My wife and I were born and reared In
Asia and have spent 40 years as missionaries
in north China, 1911-51.
God bless you.
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE ,T 965
BROWN UNIVERSITY,
providence, R.I., March 6,1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building.
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I wish to say how
fine a role I think you have assumed in the
Vietnam debate. Your position has made it
possible for creative doubt to be a growing
factor in our southeastern Asian policies.
Sincerely,
NICOLAUS C. MILLS.
UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA,
Philadelphia, 11farch 10, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I have long wanted
to express my deep gratitude to you for your
magnificent and courageous fight for sanity
in our policy in southeast .Asia.' You have
performed, in my opinion, the highest form
of public service, and I am quite sure that
there are millions of Americans who feel the
same way.
It is unfortunate that, In spite of your
efforts, we appear to be at. a more critical
position than ever before, and under the di-
rection of a President who carried out a cam-
paign for peace, responsibility, caution, etc.
The opposition to Goldwaterism has been put
in a very awkward position by the fact that
their (and formally my) hero, the campaign
dove, is carrying out policies that appear to
be pure Goldwaterism.
Once again, please accept my thanks for
your superb efforts of the recent past, and
permit me to urge you to keep firing from
both barrels.
Sincerely yours,
EDWARD S. HERMAN,
Associate Professor of Finance.
PHILADELPHIA, PA.,
March 9, 1965.
wholeheartedly endorse the stand you have
taken on the Vietnam issue.
Very truly yours,
Mr. and Mrs. JAMES S. HILLAND.
CHICAGO, ILL.,
March 7, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate office Building
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR: I just heard your discussion
with Hans Morganthau on WBBM and I am
very, very grateful for your comments and
I appreciate your courage and forthrightness.
I agree with you wholeheartedly. Keep up
the prophetic task.
You might like to know that I am also
sending a letter of praise to WBBM since
you implied that radio- is meeting an infor-
mation-spreading need that the press is
not.
Sincerely,
PAUL VAN NESS.
P.S.- I have also written my Congressmen
of my opinions.
WAVERLY, NEBR.,
February 26, 1965.
SENATOR MORSE: We are with you all the
way on the Vietnam situation; keep talking
and telling the truth about this situation.
MERLE O. FUCHSER.
tiality; then foreign aid to the whole coun-
try, if requested..
We can hardly persuade the North Viet-
nam peasants to turn their backs on China
by bombing them. And the South Vietnam
peasants have no allies against our jugger-
naut except the Vietcong-or in the case of
the Buddhists, the fire.
Sincerely yours,
GERTRUDE K. STOUGHTON.
CULVER CITY, IND.,
March 6, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I congratulate you
on the long hectic stand you have taken re-
garding our policies in Vietnam. I would like
to encourage you to continue with your seem-
ly unpopular but just cause.
My purpose is to inspire you with the in-
formation that among the great majority of
my acquaintances I find that they hold opin-
ions comparable to yours.
Although we did not sign the Geneva Trea-
ty of 1954 I understand that our delegate,
Walter Smith, committed the United States
to honoring all but article 13. Therefore, I
contend that we are violating the Geneva
accords by intervening in the internal af-
fairs of the South Vietnamese.
As so-called champions of democracy, why
did we not allow the elections that were to
have taken place 2 years after the treaty
was signed?
We have Installed and supported an op-
pressive and unpopular government upon the
people of South Vietnam instead of democ-
racy. Our own popularity there is indicated
by the demonstrations of the Buddhists who,
I understand, make up the majority of the
people.
Guerrilla warfare is not practical without
the sympathy of the peasant class. Because
of their cooperation with the guerrilla forces
we have aided in tearing them away from
their 'homes and villages and under Opera-
tion Sunrise, have herded them into "strate-
gic hamlets." When the Germans did this
to political dissenters we frowned upon ac-
tivities so brutal and undemocratic and WE
MILLERSVILLE, PA.,
March 9, 1965.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
Senate office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I am concerned about
the continuing buildup of American forces
in Vietnam and our increased aggressive ac-
tion there. If democracy is to be successful
the people must receive adequate informa-
tion upon which to base their judgments.
I do not think that the majority of the
American press or the agencies of our Gov-
ernment have been supplying us with a
clear perspective of the situation in Vietnam
and southeast Asia and I want to commend
you for your efforts to give the American
public this vital information. I hope you
will continue to speak out against these ac-
tions and strive for a peaceful and moral
solution to the situation in Vietnam.
The EDITOR,
The Washington Post and Times Herald,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SIR: The verbal heart of our justifica-
tion for enlarging our participation in the
Vietnamese war is the contention that the
North Vietnamese are aggressing against
South Vietnam. Proof of aggression thus
far has consisted of showing that a quantity
of arms and men (minuscule relative to our
own contribution) has been transferred from
north to south; plus unverified and uncon-
vincing allegations of control of Vietcong
actions from Hanoi. However, if the revolt
against the Saigon Government was initially
largely homegrown, and If it has substantial
indigenous support, the use of the word ag-
gression to describe active aid to either side
is dangerous rhetoric. And if the Saigon
Government commands less support in South
Vietnam than the rebels, which may very
well be the case, our use of the word aggres-
sion to describe North Vietnamese support of
the Vietcong is hypocritical in the extreme.
What is really distressing is that our high-
est officials seem to regard their references to
Hanoi aggression, and our Own highly moral
defense of liberty in South Vietnam, as more
than the claptrap that it appears to be. Is
there nobody in Washington bold enough to
point out that the Emperor is without a
stitch of clothing?
Very truly yours,
EDWARD S. HERMAN.
c _T -I'M he a'atefirl if you would nub-
I would also like to call your attention
to the York (Pa.) Gazette and Daily. I am
sure you would find its editorial page a
refreshing change from the opinions usually
expressed by the Oregonian and the Oregon
Journal.
I recently changed my address to Millers-
ville State College from Oregon State Uni-
versity where I recently completed graduate
studies and if I could I would like to continue
receiving your newsletter.
Sincerely yours,
VERNE M. CHAPMAN.
Los ANGELES, CALIF.,
March 7, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORRIS,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: My hearty support
for your position on Vietnam.-
I believe that every bomb will drive the
Vietnamese closer to the Vietcong. Surely
the people in that unhappy country feel
more solidarity with each other, regardless
of political forms, than any of them do with
us-so utterly alien, so grimly insistent.
--
-
11`311 L111J Lc'uwi. '. va" ""S ..??y..?------ - ----- ..- --u -- - --
-
-
assure you that this letter or any reasonable nam-but how about independence from sure. that you and very few others will go
facsimile would not be published by any United States? Surely all Asian and other down on its pages as one of the voices of
Philadelphia newspaper. colonial peoples are united against foreign sanity raised amid the uproar of raving luna-
domination, clumsily designated foreign tics.
IOWA CrrY, IOWA, (military) aid. I voted for Johnson because he claimed
March 8, 1965. I have written the President and my Sen- to stand for peace and indicated that he
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: As citizens of the ators urging an immediate negotiated peace, would not close the door to the negotiating
United States and erstwhile Oregonians, we to be followed by a pullout and strict impar- table. He is not only a liar, but I am more
called strategic hamlets concentration camp:
then.
When we rain bombs upon the unsuspect-
ing people of Loss and North Vietnam w(
call it retaliatory. When the Japanese
bombed Pearl Harbor without a declaratior
of war we called it aggression.
It has reached a point now in this country
where we have defined war out of existence
According to my dictionary, to exert force of
violence against another is war. We redeflnf
war by saying that we are not in a state o:
war without the approval of the Congress
This is not a defining characteristic of war
Our people know that we cannot legislate
war out of existence by redefining the ware.
without the knowledge of analytical philos-
ophy.
Congress has given the President the pow-
er to defend South Vietnam but we don't
need a slide rule to figure out that defense
and aggression are two different things. Our
President tries in vain to foist upon the pub-
lic the idea that these two words have the
same denotation. This is the same as saying
that a gorilla and a mocking bird are of the
same species.
What is happening in this country today
is an insult to the intelligence of the Amer-
ican public. I very much resent being treat-
ed as though I were a nincompoop.
If our idiotic foreign policies do not end
up in a world holocast and humanity sur-
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convinceed every day that we have a madman
in the White House.
I was happy to participate in the Second
World War, fighting against the abominable
atrocious policies of nations that believed
in concentration camps and acts of unde-
clared war, Now my President implies that
I lack understanding; simply because I will
not condone the suppression of people who
for years of miserable, terrible revolution
have tried to become self-determining and
free to control their own destinies.
I'm afraid that, should my country need
my services in this war I would choose jail.
I never thought the day would come when I
would say that I am ashamed of being an
American but it has.
I leave it up to you, Senator GRUENING, and
a few others to restore faith in my country
and pride to myself.
I sincerely wish you well and please don't
give up.
Sincerely,
P.S.-It would be better to lose face than
one more precious life in Vietnam.
KINGSTON, R.I.,
March 7, 1965.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: From what we have
heard and read of your speeches and position
on the problem of South Vietnam, we feel
that you are taking a realistic view. Neither
the State Department nor anyone in the
administration has explained the indiffer-
ence, If not hostility, of the average South
Vietnamese to the U.S. program, or the con-
tinuance of, their poverty. If the two are
linked, and the guerrillas are supported by
the South Vietnamese, then why do we
bomb North Vietnam, unless we want to
draw China into the war? Wouldn't it be
better, as I believe you say, to negotiate un-
der U.N, auspices so as to pull out at mini-
mum cost before we antagonize irrevocably
other Asians (and indeed citizens of under-
developed areas in other parts of the globe
as well) ? Attempts to bomb both the
guerrillas and North Vietnamese inevitably
kill a lot of innocent people.
Many people that ' we talk with seem to
feel that the United States is making a big
mistake but there seems to be no way of
getting the President or the administra-
tion to be open and frank on the reasons for
our present policy. We just heard Dean
Rusk on TV. He said that the President was
acting as Congress wanted him to. But
aside, from your speeches and a few others
we don't think there has been a chance for
Congress to debate the question fully.
Very truly yours,
JOEL and BARBARA DIRLAIN.
BRYN MAWR, PA.,
March 9, 1965.
SENATOR WAYNE MORSE: I strongly endorse
your feeling about our position in South
Vietnam.
I am a retired schoolteacher having served
42 wonderful years with the future citizens
of the United States. I hope and pray
none of these former pupils of mine will
shed their blood in a war in which I feel
we should have not been involved, now or
never.
May God bless your effort in preventing
such a massacre,
Yours truly.
MARIAN C. CROOK,
CAMBRIDGE, MASS.,
March 9, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I am extremely glad
that you are making your misgivings, to say
the least,,about our present policy in South
Vietnam known in the Senate. You seem al-
most alone in your public opposition. I am
not as informed or as convinced as you In
this matter, but do feel that our present
policy of bombings, etc., is likely to end in
failure. Do you have a statement of your
views and/or working alternatives to our
present policy that you might send me?
Sincerely,
PETER W. CASTLE.
MARCH 8, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Last night I listened
to the taped discussion you and Hans Mor-
genthau made for WBBM radio station. I
agree with you wholly. After seeing the
newsreel of Selma, Ala., and the treatment of
our Negro people there I think the marines
should have been landed there to protect the
Americans of Negro blood treated so savagely.
Note I did not use the word "citizen"-that
privilege having been denied them so long.
I am Caucasian but hate to see such in-
justice.
Sincerely,
CHICAGO, ILL.,
March 9, 1965.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I am writing to sup-
port you in your position regarding our
Nation's role in the Vietnam conflict.
I agree that troops ought not to be sent
unless a war is declared by Congress. In my
opinion, our Federal troops would make a
greater contribution to freedom if they were
sent to Selma, Ala., to protect our citizens
from the guns, billy clubs, and horsewhips of
racist State troopers and other segregation.
ists.
Further American involvement in Vietnam,
in view of the growing peace movement there,
can lead only to stronger anti-American
sentiment. A negotiated settlement appears
to be the only sensible solution to this diffi-
cult situation.
Sincerely yours,
HELEN KARANII{.AS.
WATERBURY, CONN., March 11, 1965.
Hon. Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I am writing to you
because you seem to be one of the few sane
people left In our Government, unless the
others are afraid to speak out.
First, I want to thank you for your ex-
pressions of reason and humanity. It seems
like the only ray of hope left In the madness
that is overtaking us. Isn't there anything'
we can do to stop it?
It's true, I'm a mother of two sons, God
bless them, but I can honestly say that I
feel sorry for all the world's children who
have to live under the threat of nuclear war,
and now with the possibility and even the
probability of it.
President Johnson was elected as a Demo-
crat, but he is following the warlike path of
the Goldwater Republicans. He was elected
on a peace mandate, but he Is listening to
the Pentagon or the Military Establishment.
Can't he see that the military mind is warped
and sees the world in terms of military
strategy, assuming the military posture for
any problem that arises?
Vietnam and the Selma, Ala., incident
only reveal how callous we have become to-
ward human .life, . This is why the military
attitude can brainwash the people into
thinking that we must bomb China, even
with nuclear bombs, before China gets nu-
clear bombs. People just don't matter any-
more. I should think that people would rise
up en masse and demand that we stop this
killing. Can't they see the discrepancy:
using bombers against guerrilla fighters?
And now we are going from this immorality
5379
to greater immorality, in the name of anti-
communism. The southeast Asians will hate
us for killing them off. We are driving them
into communism, not stopping its spread.
Why can't we treat them as human beings
and help them better their lives, so that they
won't accept communism?
Please, I beg of you, do what you can to
make President Johnson listen to reason and
humanity. We mothers want our children
to live and to have a livable world to grow up
in. If we would teach them love il3stead
of hate, we would win over even the Com-
munists to love instead of hate. Killing
them and our children off will get us nowhere
except to "hell on earth."
Thank you very much for your kind at-
tention, and good luck.
Sincerely yours,
DOROTHY STEIN
Mrs. Morris Stein.
AQUn,A PRESS, INC.,
Noblesville, Ind., March 10, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: For some time I
have noted your intelligent and courageous
stand in respect to our position in Vietnam.
I want to commend you for your forthright
thinking both in your appearances on TV and
in the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD. Thinking
Americans should be grateful for your lead-
ership in the U.S. Senate.
Although our basic efforts are in the field
of social-economic reform so that our best
technology can be fully utilized for the max-
imum good of all the people, we know that
prevention of nuclear war must have first
priority. I am enclosing a copy of our mag-
azine, the Eagle's Eye, which contains the
main article on Vietnam.
We would appreciate being on your mail-
ing list for any releases from your office.
Very sincerely,
MELFORD PEARSON.
COMMUNITY CHURCH
(CONGREGATIONAL),
Hubbard, Oreg., March 11, 1965.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I Want to tell you I
am glad you are speaking out as you do in
opposition to the escalation of the war in
Vietnam. I think the situation is very dan-
gerous. I can't think of a worse place to be
involved In a conflict that could escalate Into
nuclear war. I agree with you that we don't
even belong there in a military way.
Keep the good work up.
Sincerely,
L. G. HANSCOM FIELD,
Bedford, Mass., March 11, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I am moved to write
to you, having noted the letter published In
the Boston Herald, Boston, Mass., yesterday.
You are right-we do not belong in Viet-
nam, and you are a most eloquent speaker on
this subject.
I hope that you keep right on, giving voice
to your beliefs on the subject, and perhaps,
in time, you will win more people to your
way of thinking.
You do not know me, but I am a person
who grew up in Baker, Oreg., went to Oregon
State University, later worked in Medford,
with the Public Welfare Commission, and
married a young man from out of State.
We have been here and there through the
years and hope to live in the Far West some
day again. My sister is married to John P.
Kerns, who is a son of the late J. W. Kerns
in Klamath Falls. We have had copies of
the Oregonian describing the great damage
wrought by the storms and floods. I hope
that Oregon will have some Federal help in
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getting the roads rebuilt so that the lumber
industry can be fully operational again.
My husband and I are on your mailing list
and we wish to continue to receive news of
Oregon and your own activities for its bene-
fit.
RUTH HILL HALLLWELL.
Mrs. Edwin H. Halliwell.
CANTON, MASS.,
March 11, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Please continue to
speak out against our escalation of the war in
Vietnam.
The white paper was absurd. If that is
all the evidence we have, than North Viet-
nam is helping the rebels less than I imagined
they were.
I am opposed to bombing, attacks- par-
ticularly those against North Vietnam.
Bombing is too inaccurate a weapon. I sus-
pect that the more we bomb the more rebels
join the Vietcong.
My ancestors fought against the British in
the American Revolution. I'm ashamed to
see American troops playing the role of Hes-
sians in an Asian revolt.
Please continue to advocate negotiations.
We should ask U Thant to sponsor peace
talks.
Sincerely yours,
B. F. GREENE.
LA GRANGE PARK, ILL.,
March 9, 1965.
Senator MORSE,
Senator from Oregon,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I heard over a broad-
cast a few days ago,that you were objecting
to the undeclared war in Vietnam.
I had despaired of any Senator standing
upon and objecting to the usurpation by the
executive branch of the right of Congress
only to declare war. The State Department,
says it isn't a war, but I don't think that
it can pull the wool over the public's eyes
to that extent.
I applaud your stand, and only wish that
yo were not a voice crying in the wilderness.
Sincerely,
DENVER, COLO.,
March 10, 1965.
WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senator from Oregon,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I wish to thank you
for your efforts in arousing public opinion
to the necessity of a peaceful settlement in
Vietnam and of our flagrant violation of in-
ternational law there. I have just sent let-
ters to my two Senators and my Representa-
tive urging that U.S. troops get out. I also
urged that those troops be sent to Alabama
instead.
I am a former resident of Oregon, and I
had the pleasure of voting for you there. I
wish that a man of your stature represented
Colorado.
Sincerely,
EAGLE ASSOCIATES,
San Francisco, Calif., March 6, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
HONORABLE SENATOR MORSE: Please accept
my commendations for your valiant efforts to
change our position in Vietnam and thus to
set us on a more moral and humanitarian
course. We have no legal or political rights
in Vietnam and are clearly and openly ag-
gressors. It is the highest exercise of patri-
otism to oppose the policies of our Govern-
ment when it is so patently wrong, for it
serves to correct this wrong position, thereby
strengthening it.
All considerations of humanity, morality,
legality, military fea?ibility, or political wis-
dom aside, the Vietnam venture is harmful
rather than helpful to our security and eco-
nomic stability. It absorbs the energies of
our best men, Lodge, Taylor, the Bundy
brothers, Rusk, and countless generals, ad-
mirals, and others as well as the President.
The talents of these men can be better em-
ployed elsewhere. It contributes to our
economic instability by depriving us of much
needed gold and constitutes a considerable
portion of our balance-of-payments deficit.
Sincerely yours,
EUGENE EAGLE, O.D.
CHAPEL HILL, N.C.,
March 10, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I guess I haven't al-
ways agreed with you in the past, but I do
completely on this Vietnam affair. I have
read all I can find on the matter, and I guess
I've become what Walter Lippmann calls a
neolsolationist.
Perhaps you can tell me how best to ap-
proach our two Senators on this matter. I
would like to make a letter to each of them
meaningful enough to awaken them to the
folly and danger of our involvement and
would appreciate any advice.
I have written to President Johnson about
this, and I intend to write to Senator FuL-
BR2GHT who seems (except on the racial mat-
ter) one of the more sensible of your col-
leagues.
Couldn't you get one of the TV networks
to set up a debate or panel or something of
the sort in which you show (publicly and
for the Nation to see and hear) the position
you hold? I would dearly love to have you
give Mr. Nixon a little lesson in statesman-
ship.
Keep up the good work you are doing and
let me know how I can help.
Sincerely,
ALLYN, WASH.,
March 5, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: We wish to once
again thank you for your efforts to modify
our country's actions in southeast Asia. Our
church group, after considerable study,
agree that you represent the proper course.
We have written our President asking him
to reconsider our present stand.
Very respectfully,
Mr. and Mrs. L. C. MORSE.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Please accept the
thanks of a citizen who is not one of your
constituents for your outspoken and repeated
opposition to the escalation of the war in
Vietnam.
I am in agreement with you 100 percent on
this issue, and hope that you will continue
to voice the opinion of those of us who be-
lieve with you that increasingly belligerent
activity on the part of the United States in
this area is dangerous, unnecessary, and en-
tirely counter to our best traditions.
Sincerely,
ISABEL R. CARROLL,
Mrs. Thomas A. Carroll.
NORWICH, N.Y.,
March 10, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate of the United States,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Although you are
not the Senate representative from my State,
I would like to congratulate you on your
stand on the administration's policy in Viet-
nam.
This country's present policy in Asia can-
not bring the desired results, it can only
lead to a major war and disaster.
I urge you to continue striving for a peace-
ful settlement of the issues, and I urge you
to continue your opposition to the adminis-
tration's current policy.
Respectfully,
BALTIMORE, MD.,
March 10, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I have long been
deeply appreciative of your clarity and cour-
age in urging our withdrawal from Vietnam.
I hope that you will not become discouraged
and will continue to work to extricate us
from a situation in which the worst of emo-
tions seem to be making the decisions,
rather than reason.
You are giving voice to the conscience of
mankind.
Most sincerely,
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
MY DEAR MR. MORSE: It seems to me that
our country is heading into a mess that we
will regret in Vietnam. Our only hope is in
what power our Senators and Congressmen
have. The present administration seems to
carry its own poll in its pocket for reference.
Surely it is not listening to the popular
sentiment (Gallup-80 percent to negotiate).
Please, Mr. MORSE, listen to us. Stop this
lunatic drive toward no return, Negotiate.
Sincerely yours,
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA,
Berkeley, Calif.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: You win my vote for
the greatest Senator of our time; this is of
course due to your courageous position on
Vietnam.
Sincerely yours,
STEPHEN SMALE,
Professor of Mathematics.
LITTLE ROCK, ARK.,
March 7, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I commend and sup-
port you, sir, on the stand you have consist-
ently taken in regard to Vietnam. This is
statesmanship' of thehighest order at a time
when it is most needed. I have followed
your public career for many years and have
always found you to have the courage of
your convictions regardless of whether or not
the issue was domestic or foreign affairs and
whether or not the stand you took was the
"popular" stand.
Why should we try to tell Vietnam how to
run its affairs when we can't even guarantee
the privileges of citizenship to people in
Mississippi, Alabama, and other places? It
seems to me we are driving the Philippines,
Malaysia, India, and other Asian nations
toward the Communist camp by our actions
in Vietnam. This is certainly no way to
gain or hold the confidence of the Asian
people.
I firmly believe that peace is within our
grasp if we could but see it. No, the world
would not be as we would have it, but at least
we could agree to disagree agreeably. Just
who do we think we are, anyhow? Going
into a situation like Vietnam on our own
and without United Nations sanction?
Keep up your efforts. There is an ever-
growing minority coming around to your
sensible thinking on this important matter.
Very truly yours,
TED H. CRABTREE.
P.S.-As you can see, among other things,
I'm not a typist.
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GARDINER, OREG.,
March 8, 1965.
further to the left than our foreign policy.
If men like yourself do not act, we in this
country will have drained our resources and
neglected our domestic problems. Our
children will be shackled to a huge national
debt derived from our blunders. This is
certainly not the worst thing. They will
have to raise their children in a less desir-
able atmosphere than we live in now, with
the whole world alined against us because
of our useless goals of our obsolete foreign
policy. After Vietnam, what next, Latin
America, Africa? This can go on and on.
Is this the heritage we want for our chil-
dren? Our children need colleges now so
they can enter the next decade gracefully.
There are hundreds of other urgent items
which need our attention more than Viet-
nam. Informed Americans know that we
have no more right in Asia than Asians have
In Selma, Ala. I wonder if there are
any Negroes from Selma in Vietnam. If
there are, I wonder if they ask themselves,
"What am I doing here?" I am sure the
answer usually given by our top men won't
inspire them much. I don't think Martin
Luther King would feel a trip to Vietnam by
him would be in the best interest of free-
dom.
We need a change in the State Department
with their horse-drawn ideas, and we have to
get the CIA out of foreign affairs which
should be left up to Ambassadors. The Cu-
ban fiasco, a product of the CIA; the Khru-
shchev and Eisenhower peace talks which
were sabotaged after a long preparation, by
the U-2 hoax, another CIA incident; and the
Congo crisis caused by the white mercenaries,
were armed, trained, and paid by the CIA.
The CIA is starting to make the Gestapo of
Hitler's time look like schoolboys. Most of
the CIA adventures are against international
law as well as our own. After Vietnam is
settled, the CIA has to _ go.
Yours truly,
Hon. Senator MORSE,
New Senate Office Building,
Washington,,D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Bless you for your
stand on "peaceful negotiations" in Viet-
nam. Thank God for our precious Senators
who have courage, mingled with wisdom.
hey are in the minority.
Why President Johnson is letting this
filling continue, without even considering
t negotiate is beyond my realm of under-
3 nding.
My heart bleeds for the American boys who
ave died in Vietnam, but my heart bleeds
r trie Vietnamese people who have
fed already.
We must stop this killing, or risk nuclear
aolocaust.
God bless you always.
Respectfully,
Mrs. WALTER CARTMELL.
GROVE CITY, OHIO.
RANDOLPH, N.Y.,
March 10, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR: My husband and I fully sup-
port you and those colleagues who recom-
mend negotiation and withdrawal from Viet-
nam.- We believe that was has been can-
celled out in this era of the bomb.
It is morally irresponsible to continue to
depend on a militaristic foreign policy. Even
to preserve "freedom,." For freedom cannot
be preserved while we are at war. We are all
slaves to this policy when we dare not speak
out according to our true convictions. For-
tunately some of us are not afraid, including
yourself, for which I am. supremely grateful.
We have lost prestige. It is now "us"
against the world. The United States can
gain back its prestige only by cooperation
among all the nations of the world to improve
the human condition. China and Russia
have both, in the past4 years, called for such
cooperation which we have firmly ignored.
It is only through recognition of Red China
that we can ever hope to begin to set the
world on an even keel. Then we could leave
no stone unturned to seek all avenues of
agreement between both China and Russia
and ourselves.
We are ruining our relations with Russia as
we seek to prove that China has been right
about us all along. It is frightening to think
what affect this can have on the Govern-
ment of Russia. Perhaps another overthrow
would mean a much harder line toward the
West,
So much could be said, but I shall close
with best wishes for your success. Do not
betray the American people as our President
has done. Keep freedom alive for without it
we cannot have peace.
Very sincerely,
LAURABELLE T. RICE
Mrs. Edwin It. Rice.
COLUMBUS, OHIO,
March 10, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
New Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: As a. mother of two
young children I wish to thank you from the
bottom of my heart for your brave stand on
the Vietnam crisis, Our children's future is
already hampered by the moral situation
here in America and instead of trying to
clean up our own backyard we are spending
millions sticking our nose in somebody else's
business. .I hate communism as much as
:anyone but if the majority wants it who are
we to change their minds?
God bless you.
Mrs. DONNA LOWER.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.:
I wholeheartedly support your position re-
garding our undeclared war in Vietnam.
As time goes on it is more and more evi-
dent that the U.S. position is a very bad one.
We can only continue to lose not only the
war but also the respect of the nations of
the world.
Respectfully,
MOUNT PROSPECT, ILL.,
March 8, 1965.
President L. B. JOHNSON,
The White House,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: Last night, I heard
Senator WAYNE MORSE and Dr. H. Morganthau
of the University of Chicago discuss the Viet-
nam situation on an audience-participation
program over Chicago radio station WBBM.
I am sure it will interest you to know that
over 80 percent of the persons calling WBBM
disagreed with our present Vietnam policies.
It was my belief over 90 percent of the in-
dividuals fully agreed with the viewpoints
held by Senator MORSE and Dr. Morganthau.
I am one of the individuals living in a sub-
urb with a heavy concentration of Republi-
can voters, who worked long and hard for
your election. One of the reasons I voted for
your administration was because of my com-
plete disagreement with Senator Barry Gold-
water's viewpoint on how he would handle
the Vietnam situation.
It is most discouraging to see we seem to
be pleasing the minority that agreed with
Senator Goldwater during the election and
causing dissatisfaction among the majority
that voted against the policy of bombing
raids on Vietnam.
During World War H, I participated in 30
bombing missions over Europe. Our base in
England was being bombed night and day by
the Germans. These bombing raids did not
weaken our morale. On the contrary, they
made us even more convinced our cause was
just. -
I strongly urge you to seek a negotiated
peace in Vietnam.
I also wish to see more action on the in-
justices taking place in Alabama and Missis-
sippi when U.S. citizens are deprived of their
constitutional rights to register to vote. I
feel it is more important for us to defend
democracy within the continental limits of
the United States than try to bring about
democratic principles in distant lands while
many of our citizens are deprived of their
constitutional rights.
I wish you much success in your progres-
sive administration programs that do not
deal with our present Vietnam policies and
pray that we are able to obtain a negotiated
peace in Vietnam before it is too late.
Sincerely yours,
F. J. GONZALSN.
POTTSTOWN, PA.,
March 10, 1965. .
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Your remarks on
Vietnam are the most daringly truthful of
those I have heard expressed. Don't let your-
self get whipped in line by the warmongers.
There are just a few Senators who have the
courage to maintain their identity. The
others sound like parrots. The future of
this country in the next decade will depend
on leaders like yourself-men who realize
the great revolution of mankind emerging as
a powerful political force throughout the
world. It we want any friends, we will have
to stop being the "heavy" in the world and
support left leaning revolutions which are
inevitable. Our domestic policy is much
PHILADELPHIA, PA.,
March 6, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
SENATOR WAYNE MORSE: There are many
people who strongly support your logical and
courageous stand on the Vietnam crisis.
Please continue to make your voice heard;
you represent those of us who are extremely
concerned over the military direction of U.S.
policy there.
REDMOND, OREG., March 10, 1965.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
417 Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: We have noted with
dismay the march of events in the Vietnam
situation along the very course you pre-
dicted almost a year ago. Your warning at
that time that certain elements were delib-
erately working to create an expanded mili-
tary operation is seen to be founded on
factual knowledge, and that adds substance
to your recent warning concerning eventual
involvement with Red China.
We support and applaud your stand on
this issue. We concur in the views you have
given, and express our hope that you will
continue to alert the people to the insidious
dangers that lurk in the current U.S. policy
in southeast Asia.
Discussing current events with friends,
acquaintances, and even strangers, we notice
most people quite dubious as to a hope of
desirable outcome in the Vietnam matter,
but find few who are forthrightly critical.
Confusion resulting from observance of the
inconsistency between the administration's
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statements and actions seems to inhibit
rational consideration.
So we are grateful that in Senator MORSE
we have a spokesman who gives a candid
exposition of the verities that do exist. Our
fervent hope is that more of our national
legislators will assert the prerogative of that
branch of our Government to keep at least
some braking pressure on the administration
and its war-bent military advisers.
Our very best wishes.
Sincerely,
DONALD S. KNOWLES,
Mrs. DONALD S. KNOWLFS.
CLAYTON, MO.,
March 11, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MoRs ,
Senate Office Building
Washington, D.C.
HONORABLE SIR: What has happened to
your wonderful stand on negotiated peace
In Vietnam. We need your magnificent
stature to help save the human race.
Please continue.
Respectfully,
MILTON R. ISRAEL, M.D.
SOUTH SIDE PHYSICAL MEDICINE CENTER,
Chicago, Ill., March 10, 1965.
DEAN RUSK,
Secretary of State,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SIR: This note is to register my em-
phatic dissent with respect to your policy In
South Vietnam. My reason for dissenting
are numerous and it would be presumptuous
of me to burden you with all of them, espe-
cially since you already possess full familiar-
ity with these reasons.
I want to say that my frustration as an
American citizen goes beyond. the matter of
finding myself In disagreement with the
policy. my Government Is following. My spe-
cial conundrum is that the party and polit-
ical standard bearers for whom I, as an in-
dependent, voted, presented to the Ameri-
can public a. clear Image of those who planned
not to escalate the war in southeast Asia.
The campaign phraseology still rings In my
ears. Now that phraseology has been con-
verted to the policies in action of the de-
feated party that I voted against. I feel
disenfranchised.
My faith in the sincerity of presidential
candidates' statements is not as strong as
it was. I feel that the creation of a climate
of world peace has been set back substan-
tially.
I trust and hope you still plan to negoti-
ate a settlement which is honorable and is
realistically compatible with a lasting
entente.
I hope Senator WAYNE MORSE will hereby
(on receipt of a copy of this letter) advise
me what I may do to further this course.
He has the support of the overwhelming ma-
jority of the people with whom I have per-
sonally discussed this matter. I 'hope I will
influence others to write similar letters.
Please-an-end to escalation. Not with-
drawal, but a negotiated peace based upon
reality and eventually self-determination of
the local population.
Respectfully,
ARTHUR A. Ronzi t Ez, M.D.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: My family is newly
restored to you as constituents. (Please en-
ter the address below on your mailing list in
place of past California and Connecticut ad-
dresses.)
We are late In expressing our support for
your position on Vietnam, but we support
you most fervently. Please persist.
Sincerely yours,
WILLIAM H. HALEWOOD.
PORTLAND, OREG.
ALRUQUERQUE, N. MEx.,
March 11, 1965,
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR: I am receiving letters daily
from all my friends abroad placing the Unit-
ed States of America in the same category
as Nazi Germany because of our aggression
in Vietnam. This makes me very sad and
ashamed since I was in Germany during the
reign of Hitler and cannot refute these
charges.
Knowing you to be one of the same men In
Washington who has urged negotiations, I
want to assure you of my continued sup-
port and hope that you will continue to
stand your ground. Otherwise, we are head-
ed for total destruction.
Yours sincerely,
MISS PAULA MAENAK.
OBERLIN, OHIO,
March 11, 1965.
The Honorable WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
MY DEAR SENATOR: I wish to thank you
for opposing our participation in the Viet-
namese civil war. It is reminiscent of Sen-
ator who courageously opposed our
fighting the Filipinos at the turn of the
century.
What have we to offer those unfortunate
people in Vietnam. Anarchy? Death? Let
us have the courage to admit that we are
not omnipotent. We cannot undo the ef-
fects of French colonial policy and Diem's
rule by- willing it. By supporting Diem, I
believe we lost the "mandate of heaven" in
the eyes of the people. To remain as a re-
actionary force is repugnant to me. After
all, when I read the story of the American
Revolution, it is not the Tories with whom I
identify.
Unfortunately for them, I do not think the
Vietnamese have the chance for freedom, as
we know it, whichever side wins. It's more
a question of who will be left to sign the
peace papers.
Yours truly,
Mrs. PHYLLIS KUESTNER.
HOLLYWOOD, FLA.,
March 10, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR: Woke up last night in a
cold sweat, after dreamed that I was partly
to blame for the Vietnam situation, because
of voting for AuH{O. On awakening I real-
ised I had done no such damn fool thing.
Might as well have though. Our actions
there, and lack of same in Selma, turns the
whole wide world against us.
Page Welch. Are you conscious agents?
JOHN W. HARVEY.
PORTLAND, OREG.,
March 12,1965.
SENATOR MORSE: The weight of one person's
opinion seems like a futile thing but let me
add my expression of opinion on the sub-
ject of Vietnam to those I know you are also
receiving.
I feel the United States has no right legally
to be in Vietnam at all. From all I have
read, I am sure that technically this is true.
But morally we have no right there. We
say we are trying to stop the spread of com-
munism when I feel that it is not our busi-
ness what form of socioeconomic power
structure they build. It may be our con-
cern but it is not our business. I think there
is a considerable amount of confusion gen-
erated by the equating of communism with
the Russian Government or, in this case,
communism with the Red China Govern-
ment. I think we have far more to fear from
the spread of China's power in the Vietnams
than we have of the spread of communism.
And I think the Vietnamese-North as well as
South-feel the same way. Historically they
have feared China. Since we will never
never win in Vietnam (out of an unthinka-
ble third and last World War), we are playing
exactly into China's hands.
I am carrying this letter on for too long.
If you have a pile of letters begging that
our Government place this problem square in
the lap of the United Nations-please add
this to the pile.
Sincerely,
DON CoxFREY.
P.S.-I know the U.N. is shaky. But 1 t
is how it grows and it needs to be pulled tod-
gether and take another step. i
CAMBRIDGE, IDAHO,
March 12, 1965.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SIR: I just heard your statement over-
the radio about Vietnam and I cannot ex-!-
press my thoughts in words how thankful I:
am to you that- you have so much courage
in the time like this, when most of the Sen-
ators support the President's war policy in
Vietnam.
I have talked to lot of Idahoans and most
of them say "If the election were to be held
today they would not cast their vote for Mr.
Johnson." I would not vote for him now
either.
I have written many letters to FRANK
CHURCH from Idaho about Vietnam and I
am very much satisfied that United States is
fighting a losing war. I use to live there
for some time.
I say thanks to your courageous work
there, and my hat goes off to you.
Very sincerely yours,
EDWARD WII.PONEN.
ADA M. WILPOHEN.
BERKELEY, CALIF.,
March 9, 1965.
The Honorable WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: The Berkeley Demo-
cratic Club in special called session took the
following position on the crises In Vietnam:
We support the prompt negotiation of a
cease-fire in Vietnam and settlement of the
Vietnamese civil war under supervision of
the United Nations. We oppose escalation
of the American military effort in Vietnam.
We wish to send our thanks to you, Sen-
ator MORSE, for your outspoken stand on this
subject.
Sincerely,
BERKELEY DEMOCRATIC CLUB,
ART WALENTA, President.
NAOMI McLANE, Secretary.
BERWYN, ILL.,
March 12,1965.
SENATOR MORSE: Thank you so much for
your stand on Vietnam.
Present events bear out your contention
that we (I sure don't) want to bomb Red.
China.
I would like to see peace In Vietnam soon,
Sincerely,
Mr. and Mrs. CHUTKA.
SPOKANE, WASH.,
March 11, 1965.
Hon. SENATOR MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
MY DEAR Sne: Out here in the West we are
very conscious of the great tragedy going on
day by day, and we are also looking hope-
fully and listening to such courageous men
as yourself, and Senator GRUENING, who are
taking the Vietnam question seriously and
asking for negotiations. I know it takes
courage but without that in this case there
will be no chance of survival--all of us older
folks that had sons in the last war (we had
five boys in it) do not want war any more--
my dear husband now dead-went to Alaska
to help in the last war as a civilian, and I
also worked to do away with war, and now
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look what we have to leave to the young
folks. This note is written to thank you
and commend you, and to tell you there
are people all around us who are waking up
to the fact that our foreign policy is all
wrong.
Yours very truly,
EUGENE, OREG.,
March 12, 1965.
he Honorable WAYNE MORSE,
S nate Office Building,
ashington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: We are terribly con-
c rued over the situation in Vietnam. We
elieve, as you do, that there must be a ne-
otiated settlement between the south and
t e north and the United States must with-
raw.
Your forthright stand on this issue Is both
onstructive and courageous. We thank you
nd we pray that reason and right may pre-
I wail before the present U.S. policy of increas-
ng military intervention leads to a full-scale
Asian war.
Sincerely,
Mr. and Mrs. E. W. ANACHER.
FIRST BAPTIST CHURCH,
Junction City, Oreg., March 9, 1965.
The Honorable WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C.
DEAR MR. MORSE: I admire your courage to
speak up about Vietnam. When I read the
enclosed news item and then the editorial
from the Oregonian this morning I felt sure
that many would agree with you and not
with the editor. But since you people get so
much criticism I want you to know you have
supporters too.
I write as a World War II veteran, not a
-pacifist, and a registered Republican-for
whatever that's worth.
Sincerely yours,
CHAMPAIGN, ILL.
DEAR SIR: Just wanted to let you know
that I agree with your statements on Viet-
nam. Please keep doing whatever lies in
your power to prevent escalation and to ob-
tain a negotiated settlement followed by
withdrawal.
When the President asks Congress to de-
clare war, I'll be counting on you to lead the
forces. who try to defeat the request.
I have written to my own Senators, DOUG-
LAS and DIRKSEN, about my feelings on this
matter. I have also written to HUMPHREY
and Johnson. Is there any more that one
lone citizen can do?
Mrs. B. ALBERT.
TUCSON, ARIZ.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washintgon, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: In these timep of
great troubles in Vietnam it is very encour-
aging to realize that at least a few Members
of the Congress realize the real situation in
southeast Asia.
I am only 16 years old, but I feel that for-
eign policy of my country is important to all
Americans, regardless of their age.
As far as Vietnam is concerned, I feel it is
bad for any nation to defy a Geneva agree-
ment and enter a country in the midst of a
civil war. What is even more disturbing to
me, is that our President, whose campaign
I aided, seems to have no regard for human
life, having ordered bombings as if they were
a routine t1ing.
I.hope that more Congressmen and Sen-
ators will see Ws' argument and also urge
the United State's withdrawal from South
Very sincerely yours,
KEN KAISERMAN.
CAMBRIDGE, MASS.,
March 12, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I attended your lec-
ture here at Rinn Tech auditorium this
evening and wish to applaud your comments
in writing. Yours was the most cogent criti-
cism of the U.S. policy, or what one can make
of it, in Vietnam that I have yet heard from
a public official. I only regret there was not
more time for questions.
Your analysis of principles and the facts
of United States, South Vietnamese, Viet-
cong, and North Vietnamese actions seemed
sound; your concluding comments on social
and economic goals were particularly appro-
priate. I find only one lack in the analysis
and proposals you gave, and in those of your
comments that have reached the Congres-
sional Quarterly: Insufficient emphasis of
the exceedingly diverse and complex cultural
patterns of the peoples living in the area of
land called Vietnam, as well as in southeast
Asia in general, and their historically isola-
tionist ways of life. No government or trus-
teeship that seeks to insure peace and
complexity without serious weakening. The
Vietcong certainly have not. Their provis-
ional governments, as you are no doubt
aware, are carefully tailored, as circumstances
permit, to the variations presented by each
community; their goal is not homogeneity
or military victory, but simple expansion of
control.
I look forward to hearing your voice con-
tinued in this much needed protest and hope
you will be joined by some of your less bold
colleagues before long. There is much need
to show the President that he has neither
consensus nor acquiescence on these Issues,
Sincerely,
G. CRAIG BOLON.
PROVIDENCE MEMORIAL HOSPITAL,
El Paso, Tex., March 11, 1965.
The Honorable WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: This is a voice from
such a far country on the border that you
may hardly recognize it. At least I want
you to know my thankfulness for your in-
cisive thinking and clear courage on the
Vietnam crisis. Power to you.
I have just read Hansen Baldwin's article
advocating a million men and all that goes
with it as the solution. So he would put
that land and people through the meat
grinder with our boys. Actually, I can't be-
lieve that he is serious unless he has taken
leave of his senses. This would indeed be
going It alone. We should recognize that
he and his company are eyeless in Gaza,
reaching for the pillars to pull down this
temple of civilization upon us all.
With every good wish,
Cordially yours,
PAUL NEWTON POLING,
Chaplain.
BERKELEY, CALIF.,
March 11, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SIR: I honor and commend you for
your intelligent, hence courageous, stand on
American military participation in Vietnam.
It is now overwhelmingly clear that such par-
ticipation, especially the attacks on North
Vietnam, do not even make sense militarily,
let alone diplomatically or ethically. I de-
voutly hope that your judgment of this as
preparation for a war on China proves to be
wrong. Perhaps because of your speaking out
it can be avoided. I honor you for your stand
and hope that you will be able to maintain in
the face of majority pressure for war and ir-
rational action. I hope that your example
5383
will stir your colleagues to like action, and to
an examination of the realities, as opposed
to the rhetoric, of the situation.
Best. wishes for yourself, and for the tiny
voice of sanity you represent.
Sincerely,
-INDIANAPOLIS, IND.,
March 8, 1965.
DEAR SIR: I admire your courage in the
stand you have taken on the crisis in Viet-
nam.
My hopes, and prayers are for you. I truly
believe that our only hopes of averting an
all-out nuclear war is to withdraw our troops,
and negotiate for peace. For the sake of all
present and future Americans hold firm in
your stand for peace. May God bless you.
Thank you.
Mrs. ROBERT RICHARDSON.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: We are truly grate-
ful to you for your enlightened and cou-
rageous stand on our disastrous policy in
Vietnam. We strongly support your call
for a negotiated settlement.
Very truly,
Mr. and Mrs. ELIAS TANENBAUM.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I wish to commend
you very highly for your stand in favor of
peaceful negotiation of the present conflict
in Vietnam. You may be sure that millions
of intelligent American citizens back you in
this stand and are not taken in by the pres-
ent dangerous policy of the administration
to escalate the war. President Eisenhower,
in making his farewell address to the Nation,
warned of the menace to freedom by a pow-
erful "military-industrial complex." It cer-
tainly seems that this group now dictates
policy and humanity is again faced with the
terrible danger of a thermonuclear holocaust.
Keep up your struggle against the forces
which are leading mankind to disaster, con-
tinue to be fearless in exposing them, dis-
regard the criticism of colleagues who have
jumped on the bandwagon of "brinkman-
ship" and know that you are on the side of
the human race and certainly have the back-
Ing of the majority of our citizens whose
voice is not heard by the ruling clique.
Sincerely,
ROBERT W. HELRIEGEL.
SAN FRANCISCO, CALIF.
ASHLAND, OREG.,
March 10, 1965.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I hope the letters
and poll printed on the page of the San Fran-
cisco Chronicle enclosed will encourage you
in your fight against our increasing, and in-
creasingly futile and murderous meddling in
Vietnam, where we've far less excuse and
chance of success than King George III had
in his American Colonies in 1775-83. It's sad
we've forgotten so much, so soon-but please
keep trying.
Yours truly,
[From the San Francisco (Calif.)
Mar. 9, 19651
VIET PULLOUT IS FAVORED IN POLL
The northern . California public is dis-
enchanted, dismayed, concerned and confused
by the state of affairs in South Vietnam, ac-
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE March 22, 1965
cording to the balloting in the Chronicle poll Marines will not solve the problem. Short Walter S. Strauss, San Rafael: "In par-
-on the Vietnam dilemma. of the direct application of nuclear devices ticular reference to question No. 6, I feel.
Two out of three respondents say they are the United States would never be able to will that there is a very substantial difference
confused about what we are fighting for, six a ground war against the Chinese on the between the Vietnam and the Korean con-
out of seven say they are disenchanted over southeast Asian peninsula." filet.
the South Vietnamese Government, and the Carolyn Allfree, Woodland: "Thank you for "In the latter, the United States had sup-
depth of their concern is made evident by the your thought-provoking questions. They port from other members of the United Na-
large number of comments which they en- helped to clarify the problem in my mind tions and, certainly full support and co-
closed with their ballots. in letters to the and lead me to examine my opinions and operation from the South Korean Govern-
editor today will be found a sampling of these personal motives as a `citizen of the United meat and people. None of this is true in
Although the Johnson administration Walter Ballin, San Francisco: "I believe -- Dorothy Heinemann, Concord: "If t
Californians are opposed to intensifying ac- be resumed. The conference should agree the thought of Cuba, 90 miles away, b
majority opinion of 54 percent actually wants
to see the United States pull out of South
Vietnam. Respondents do not feel that U.S.
security is at stake there; 80 percent deny
that our security is essentially involved.
(The State Department, however, is sending
form letters to its correspondents saying:
"We are involved in Vietnam because * * ?
our involvement is essential to American se-
curity.")
In an altogether confused situation, what
seems clearest is the desire of the Chronicle
poll respondents to get the United States ex-
tricated somehow from Vietnam, to get the
United Nations to accept responsibility for
maintaining Vietnam's territorial integrity
and to seek the neutralization of the country
through negotiations involving the major in-
terested nations, including Communist China
and the Soviet Union.
The percentage favoring the bringing of
China and Russia into negotiations was 82,
which corresponds precisely with a Gallup
poll sampling of nationwide opinion.
In a dispatch to the New York Times,
James Reston wrote after a journey through
the South that be had found the mood in
the country about Vietnam to be an odd mix-
ture of concern and trust in the President.
Reston heard no serious discussion of the
Vietnam problem. To judge from the in-
tensity of feeling displayed by most of our re-
spondents, that is not the case here. -
probably vote for communism, but if that
is what the people want, that is their right,
and no nation (including the United States)
has the right to interfere in the internal af-
fairs of another country."
M. Mattson, San Francisco: "I think that
it is idealistic to hope that we will win
the war the way things are going. Un-
fortunately, we simply must fight harder in
order to progress to victory. South Vietnam's
war is now also our war. Our prestige, for
whatever it's worth, and our security, in-
directly, are involved and threatened. The
United'Nations is simply not strong enough
to contain the war, although, I agree that it
would be much safer to hand the whole thing
over to them * * *
"South Vietnam is simply another Com-
munist stepping stone to world domination.
They must be stopped somewhere. South
Vietnam is just as good as anyplace."
H. E. Soderstiom, Healdsburg: "It seems to
me that the Communist issue is greatly over-
done in Vietnam as it is elsewhere. I think
the issue in Vietnam is the age-old issue of
the people versus the landed gentry plus the
military.
"Why is it that our country, founded in
revolution, always takes the side of the status
quo, against the revolution?"
George S. Koch, Berkeley: "It seems to me
senseless to carry on military operations in
a country where it would seem we really are
not welcome by the majority of the people.
CONFUSION AND CONCERN OVER, VIETNAM At least the people (the little people) do not
DILEMMA seem to want our kind of freedom and de-
Alice E. Gina, and Jimmie Ginn, San Fran-
cisco: "If the United States had not gone to
South Vietnam's aid in 1954, It seems certain
that the Vietnamese would be ruled by a
government of their own choice. They have
had, instead, a series of military dictators
fighting for U.S. handouts. * * *
"Democracy, by definition, cannot be im-
posed. A correct U.S. policy in Vietnam
should stem from the principle that a gov-
ernment derives its just powers from the
consent of the governed."
mocracy, as they know it by our actions-air
raids on villages where nonmiltary people
are killed and so on.
"Before it is too late-let us get the world
into a conference to settle this affair-our
do it yourself program just isn't worth it."
R. S. Adams, Oakland: "I am convinced
that the Vitnamese people would be better
off with a Communist government than they
have been under the control of foreign mil-
itary and Roman Catholic rule.
"United States ambitions in Vietnam in-
Walter Gerstel, El Cerrito: "We must end elude all the evils of extraterritoriality from
the disastrous Kennan-Dulles containment which China suffered until the Communists
doctrine in favor of positive, peaceful mess- ended it. This opinion does not all imply
-ores of the foreign aid without military and a favorable attitude toward communism in
political interference, perhaps of the Peace the rest of the world-but it would probably
Corps type. be an improvement over the status quo in
"Leaves from the `Teahouse of the August South Vietnam where, again, the Catholic
Moon'-again we are finding ourselves teach- politicians block all social evolution."
ing the natives democracy even if we have John Laurie, Nevada City: "The issue of
to kill every single one of them." the war in Vietnam is the sameas the issue
Gilbert F. Whipple, San Francisco: "A of the Korean war. The issue is whether the
traditional peasant population which has Communists should be allowed to conquer
suffered the dubious advantages of 60 years and subjugate the world by the use of.force.
of French colonial rule, Japanese occupation The value of Vietnam lies not in whatever
and then a succession of reactionary auto- small strategic value it may have. Vietnam
crate-and military strongmen and which has Is a symbol to the entire world of our deter-
been brutally terrorized by the forces on both mination to resist the spread of communism
sides of the conflict, confined in concentra- and to allow the peoples of the world to
tion camps and shuffled about the country, choose their political philosophies by their
is unlikely to recognize the inherent advan- economic and social merit rather than by
tages of constitutional government and the their local military strength.
free enterprise system, in whose name these "We must * ? * make it our intention to
barbarities have been committed. supply enough aid to the Vietnamese people
The really unfortunate fact is that In this to insure the speedy defeat of the Vietcong
instance even blowing the whistle for the aggression."
one. Laos auu ,ne IJ 1- m r ,,.
American weapons just as close as we can
get to China with whom we decline even tl'o
speak?
"Is it 'unprovoked aggression' when a per, son born in Vietnam, and whose parents an d
grandparents were born there, sets off
bomb at an American military installation h
their country, and then is it perfectly al
right and a victory to burn and desire:
Vietnamese people, houses and villages be
cause someone there does not hold the of
facially approved made in America' opinions':
James C. Brown, Felton: "I believe thr
United States has problems enough here
at home to solve and it is notnecessary to
expend billions in taxpayers' money and sac.
rifice the lives of our soldiers to impose our
way of life on a people who clearly are not
adapted to our kind of society.
"China has been exploited by Japan,
Russia, Great Britain, France, and the United
States. A new era has dawned and we must
recognize that China is a dominant force
in the world and any settlement of southeast
Asian problems will have to have China's
concurrence."
Philip S. Whalen, Palo Alto: "It is far past
time to shape a more human definition of
victory in Vietnam. The program of devel-
oping the lower Mekong Basin, in which sev-
eral countries have already participated for
several years, is eminently constructive,
humanly beneficial, and relatively immune
to political attack.
"Introduction of a United Nations presence
in the form of a much-needed security force
for that program would give the U.N. prestige
and influence in southeast Asia. As a coun-
ter to Sukarno's and Mao's unprincipled, war-
like goals there, this would constitute both
a substantial and genuinely moral victory
for us."
THE CHRONICLE POLL: RESULTS OF BALLOT
No. 45-Dn,EMMA IN VIETNAM
Following are the results of ballot No. 45 of
the Chronicle poll which appeared on this
page February 23. The percentages indi-
cated are based on the total number of bal-
lots received. Where the "Yes" and "No"
percentages do not add up to 100, the differ-
ence represents ballots expressing no
opinion.
1. Eleven years ago the United States be-
gan giving military aid and advice to the
South Vietnamese to help them resist infil-
tration and takeover by the North Veitna-
mese.
(a) Do you think it was wise to take that
step onto the mainland of Asia? Yee, 28
percent; no, 70 percent.
(b) If the United States had not gone to
South Vietnam's aid in 1954, do you think
communism would control the country to-
day? Yes, 53 percent; no, 27 percent.
2. Today South Vietnam admittedly has
not achieved the political and military sta-
bility which the United States set out to en-
courage, and the situation is deteriorating.
Check which of the following courses of ac-
tion you favor:
(a) Hold the line against widening the
war. Yes, 24 percent; no, 16 percent.
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Mrxrc 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
(b) Increase action; do whatever it takes to our Nation white in a 30-year war on the
win, even if that means widening the war. Asian mainland.
Yes, 14 percent; no, 34 percent. Please keep plugging away loud and clear
(c) Pull out of South Vietnam. Yes, 54 until our President shakes loose of the war
percent; no, 16 percent. hawks and narrow thinkers and gets our
(d). Obtain the U.N.'s acceptance of re- Nation on the path to peace,
sponslbiltty for maintaining the territorial Sincerely yours,
ztegrity of South Vietnam. Yes, 63 per- RICHARD SAHOGIAN.
ent; no, 11 percent.
3. From what you know about the prin-
iples of the South Vietnamese Government,
,re your sympathies with it? Yes, 12 per-
ent; no, 76 percent.
4. Do you feel it is essential to our security
hat the U.S. Armed Forces hold South
Tetnam? Yes, 19 percent; no, 80 percent.
5. Do you feel that the issues in the Viet-
camcoullict are basically the same as those
In the Korean conflict? Yes, 44 percent; no,
44 percent,
6. General de Gaulle and U Thant are
pressing for negotiations among the major
interested nations for the neutralization of
Vietnam and other parts of southeast Asia,
(a) Would you favor inviting Communist
China and the Soviet Union to sit in on these
negotiations? Yes, 82 percent; no, 16 per-
cent.
7. U.S. forces in South Vietnam now num-
ber about 24,000. Many are draftees who
complain they do not know why they are
there or what they are supposed to be fight-
ing for.
(a) Do you share this confusion?. Yes,
61 percent; no, 34 percent.
(b) Would you favor a policy of sending
only volunteers-not draftees-to military
duty in Vietnam? Yes, 32 percent; no, 46
percent,
HELPER, UTAH,
March 12, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SIR: I want to tell you that I am in
full accord with your opinions expressed
concerning Vietnam. We have no business
there and should get out at once. Our ac-
tions there is a worldwide disgrace. We are
in there on the excuse that the South Viet-
nam Government invited us in to help. But
that was some nine governments ago, and
the Vietnam people are not with us in this
struggle.
I am suspicious that the administration's
real reason for intensifying the campaign
there is to inveigle Red China into the con-
flict so we can, with some reasonable excuse,
obliterate China's nuclear potential before
they get it perfected. I vigorously disap-
prove of this, too.
It is, disgraceful to know that the United
States sends marines and others to establish
"freedom," in Vietnam, while it will not do
likewise for its own people here at home in
South.
The most powerful country in the world
cannot save a country from communism, or
any other "ism," if most of that country's
people do not also have their heart in the
struggle. And the South Vietnam people do
not.
Keep up the fight. Some one must. I
wish that our own Utah Senators would do
likewise. If I can help you in any way, I am
glad to do so.
Yours truly.
SCAPPOOSE, OREG.,
March 10, 1965.
DEAR SENAToR Moasz: Thank you for put-
ting into, words what many of us feel about
our policy in Vietnam.
Our `.`egcal ion" of this war in North Viet-
nall and eventually China can only lead to
world war III and disaster., We will bleed
No, 51-11
Los ANGELES, CALIF.,
March 12, 1965.
Senator WAYNE L. MORSE,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR MR. SENATOR: I wish the President
would listen to your advice on Vietnam.
His wisdom, practicality and morality are
in sharp contrast to the phony psychology
at the basis of our present policy.
I am dismayed and heartsick, after voting
and working for Mr. Johnson, that he repudi-
ated his campaign pledges and appropriated
the mad policies of Mr. Goldwater.
You are a great patriot and I hope that
you and your colleagues of like mind will
get increasing support to result in a change
toward peace instead of war (undeclared).
Thank you.
Yours very warmly,
HAROLD N. EVANS.
MEXICO, Mo.,
March 12, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Please keep talking.
Your voice is strength to thoughtful Ameri-
cans and those of us who have sons in mili-
tary service,
Gratefully,
MARY SEARFOSS.
CHICAGO, ILL.
SENATOR MORSE: Please keep on with try-
ing to get us out of Vietnam.
Everything happening there proves out
your contention that the United States
wishes to get at Red China.
Enclosed is a column by Mr. Akers that
has a quote made by President Johnson
about Vietnam,
What a change from then to now.
What a "Great Society" we are getting.
Has Vietnam always been used as an ex-
cuse or is this of recent origin?
I hate reading the papers lately-all it is
about is Vietnam, the racial strife out South,
the teenage problems (I do not blame the
youngsters, it is the terrible headlines they
are subjected to; they feel they must live
fast-they might not be around for long),
the violence found out in the streets, etc.
Sincerely,
STEPHANIE CHUTKA.
[From the Chicago (Ill.) Sun-Times,
Mar. 10, 19651
TIME WILL TEST VIETNAI4t POLICIES
(By Milburn P. Akers)
On February 10, 1954, President Dwight D.
Eisenhower said he "could conceive of no
greater tragedy than for the United States
to become involved in an all-out war in
Indochina."
When he made that assertion the position
of the French, who had spent nearly 8 years
trying to reestablish themselves in their col-
onies of Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia, was
becoming desperate, They were destined to
surrender at Dien Bien Phu in a few months.
Throughout that long and bloody stlkug-
gle (France had an estimated 172,000 casual-
ties, the Communist Vietminh more than
three times that number, and approximately
250,000 civilians had been killed) the United
States supported France unstintingly with
economic aid.
As the French situation degenerated, Paris
sent numerous emissaries to Washington
seeking active military intervention by the
United States, pleading, when its army was
under siege at Dien Bien Phu, for an airlift
of sufficient size to supply its troops.
It was in this context that President Eisen-
hower publicly stated his determination that
the United States avoid an all-out war in
Indochina. It was in the same contetx that
a Senator from Texas, Lyndon B. Johnson,
declared in Senate debate that he was
"against sending American GIs into the mud
and muck of Indochina on a blood-letting
spree to perpetuate colonialism and white
man's exploitation in Asia."
It was in the same context that Can. Mat-
thew B. Ridgway, then Army chief of staff,
reported that "the price of victory in Indo-
bhina would be as great as, or greater than,
that we paid in Korea." Ridgway also in-
sisted that the United States could not win
without involving its ground troops.
It was less than a year earlier that John
Foster Dulles, then Secretary of State, had
hailed the so-called Navarre plan as one
"designed to break the organized body of
Communist aggression (in Vietnam) by the
end of the 1955 fighting season."
That turned out to be wishful thinking.
Gen. Henry Navarre, author of the Dulles-
approved plan to reestablish French control
in Indochina, subsequently informed his
government (in a secret report later made
public) that the war in the southeast Asian
peninsula could not be won in a military
sense, and that all that could be hoped for
was a "coup nul, " or draw.
The French were fighting Vietnamese
Communists in 1954; Communists who, in
fact, were led then as now by Ho Chi Minh
who had, then as now, Can. V. Nguyen Glap
as his chief military commander, one whose
strategy and tactics proved superior to any-
thing shown by the elite of the French gen-
eral corps. The enemy was the same in 1954
as now.
The Geneva (Switzerland) accords of 1954,
which came after the French surrender at
Dien Bien Phu, split Vietnam in two. A
Communist entity was established in the
north and a supposedly pro-Wetsern one in
the south, for the revolt against French ef-
forts to reestablish themselves did not receive
united backing among the Vietnamese them-
selves, Many fought with the French.
The Eisenhower administration, which had
supported the French effort financially and
with military equipment, took the South
Vietnamese regime of Ngo Dinh Diem under
its wing and poured in vast amounts of
economic aid and provided a group of 600
military advisers to assist Diem in training
an army.
All the while the Vietcong initially in-
digenous Communist guerrillas-were in-
creasingly harassing the Diem regime. By
1961 they had gained such foothold that
Ho Chi Minh, Communits master in North
Vietnam, decided to play a bigger hand in
South Vietnam.
The late President John F. Kennedy, de-
cided to give Diem even greater assistance.
Since the decision, the United States has
become increasingly involved. It now has
more than 26,000 soldiers and marines in
South Vietnam; its Air Force is engaged both
in South Vietnam against the Vietcong and
in North Vietnam in strikes against Com-
munist military installations. We continue
to maintain the fiction, however, that we are
in South Vietnam merely as advisers to the
Saigon government.
The shape of things to come-still far
from discernible-will demonstrate whether
Eisenhower and his chief of staff, General
Ridgway, were correct, or if Presidents Ken-
nedy and Johnson, and Can, Maxwell Taylor,
followed a wiser policy.,
 5386
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE March 22, 1965
Will the result be a "coup nul," as the
French general predicted was the most that
could be expected at that time?
MADISON, Wis.,
March. 3, 1965.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I have had an Op-
portunity to read only small snatches of your
speech before the Senate In which you
pointed out what should have been known
by all long ago: that our foreign policy is in
many instances our oil policy. As you no
doubt know, the wire services and big city
dailies in the Middle West ignored your
speech in their reporting. Although I am not
technically one of your people, I believe that
all progressives look upon you as more or less
their man for today. If it would be possible
I would be most grateful to you and your
office if they could send me the text of the
above-mentioned-speech in full.
Your position on Vietnam is, along with
those of a few other sane Senators, the only
reasonable solution to that rotten mess.
Your position has the added virtue of having
been proposed long before most of the others
rpoke out. For many years now I have re-
spected you as a man who serves the people
of the United States in their continuing
battle against entrenched privilege, greed,
and power. You are, furthermore, the great-
est Senator since George Norris.
Very sincerely yours,
Rev. RUSSELL G. GEEN.
PORTLAND, OREG.,
March 9, 1965.
Hon. Senator WAYNE MORSE,
The Senate of the United States,
Capital Hill,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Please continue in
your stand against our Vietnam policy. All
the many arguments against it that I can
think of you have expressed better in your
speeches, Yours is one of the few voices
of reason-please continue to make it heard.
When I became a citizen of this country
last year I did so with the conviction, which
many Europeans used to share, that America
was the great moral power in this world.
This conviction is receiving a serious blow.
Not only are we not acting in Vietnam's in-
terest, but I believe, not even in our own.
Please persevere In your efforts to enlighten
Congress and the American people.
Sincerely,
BRIGITTE DEWOLFE
Mr, FRED DEWOLFE.
NAPLES, FLA.,
March 7, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
SENATOR MORSE: I agree with your views
on U.S. foreign policy, Vietnam Issue specifi-
cally. I only wish your opinions could be
carried to the people with greater frequency.
I know you spoke at Stanfordthis past week,
yet I have not been able to find any coverage
of your speech in the press. Is there any
place to which you would direct me?
Yours,
EUGENE, OREG.,
March 13, 1965.
Government in that country become more
and more appalling each day.
Sincerely,
DETROIT, MICH.,
March 8, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SIR: I wish to express my whole-
hearted support for your courageous stand
on immediate negotiations to- end the war in
South Vietnam. I would welcome your send-
ing me copies of your speeches on this
subject.
Enclosed is a copy of my letter to Presi-
dent Johnson urging an immediate end to
the war. Please let me know what I can do
to help you In your struggle for a peaceful
world.
Sincerely yours,
DETROIT, MICH.,
February 14, 1965.
President LYNDON B. JOHNSON,
The White House,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR PRESIDENT JOHNSON: f am horrified
at our three unprovoked air-raid attacks
against North Vietnam. If some foreign
power had done this to the United States,
we would all rise in Indignation against such
barbarism.
These air strikes are obviously moves in
a titanic chess game played by our mili-
tarists, using the lives of 180 million Amer-
icans as pawns. When the game has been
escalated to the point of firing off of atomic
missiles, 100- million or more American lives,
Including your, family and mine, will be
sacrificed to the whims of these callous war
hawks. None of the issues at stake can
possibly be worth the extermination of our
country.
I supported your election campagin be-
cause you and the Democratic Party prom-
ised us peace. When Senator Goldwater ad-
vocated the bombing of North Vietnam and
the introduction of atomic warfare, he was
considered a maniac and thoroughly repudi-
ated by the American people. Now you ap-
pear to be carrying out the Goldwater sui
cidal war program.
The Pentagon war hawks must not be per-
mitted to plunge the world into annihila-
tion. I strongly urge that you take immedi-
ate and urgent steps to stop our headlong
race into world war III. I recommend that
you order the immediate return home of
all our Armed Forces. This will not only
assure the preservation of world peace, it
will also put an end to our gold drain which
is already shaking the foundations of our
economy.
You now have the historic choice of un-
leashing a terrible atomic war which would
destroy all humanity, or of taking your place
in history as a great humanitarian alongside
of Washington, Lincoln, and Roosevelt by
acting to preserve world peace. Your order-
ing our Armed Forces to return home will
have the support and blessing of the over-
whelming majority of the American people.
Very respectfully yours,
MAX WENDER.
FSOTHILL COLLEGE,
Los Altos Hills, Calif.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Your recent speech at
Stanford gives some of us who have dispaired
of late at the turn of events in Vietnam some
hope that we are not sliding down thegrade
of war without a whimper. Your voice of
dissent loud and clear is a fine display of
personal courage and high morality. It Is
necessary if our children are to learn that
democracy means something more than
"rally round the flag" in times of great
issues.
I might say that your attempt to keep the
press here from misinterpreting your speech
by placing the body of that speech in their
hands met with little success. The San
Francisco Chronicle of Friday, March 5 madr
it seem as if you were accusing the Air ForcE
of deliberately provoking a war with China
Might I have a copy of that press release
so that I may have it to document your
opinion on this matter?
Yours truly,
W. E. TINSLEY,
Department of Philosophy.
SAN FRANCISCO, CALIF.,
March 8, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: You have my full
admiration and support for your courageous
stand on that Vietnamese tragedy. If you
have available copies of statements of
speeches you have made on our Vietnam
policy, I would appreciate whatever you can
send. I would- like to distribute them to
those with whom I work.
Sincerely yours,
ROBERT DRESBACH.
KIRKLAND, ELLIS, HODSON,
CHAFFETZ & MASTERS,
Chicago, Ill., March 8, 1965.
Ron. WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Although I have
heard comments of high praise concerning
your taped Interview last Sunday on radio
station WBBM, I am- disappointed that I
was able to hear only the last portion of the
broadcast. My personal inclination leads
to serious misgivings concerning the direc-
tion of the administration's direction in
Vietnam. However, the "news blackout"
(particularly in the Chicago press) makes it
difficult to make an Intelligent evaluation
of the facts pro and con which underlie the
current course of events in southeast Asia.
For this reason, the factual objectiveness
of your remarks was refreshing and helpful
to those seeking an enlightened evaluation
of the U.S. commitments in Asia.
Since, as I mentioned, I was not able to
hear the complete broadcast, I am anxious
for further information. I wonder if you
have reprints of any speeches you may have
made in which you have detailed the factual
basis for your beliefs concerning Vietnam.
I would appreciate any such information.
Congratulations on your conscientious ef-
forts to objectively challenge further U.S.
commitments without full disclosure of the
facts and enlightented debate of the conse-
quences of such commitments.
Sincerely yours,
CRAIG W. CHRISTENSEN.
WINCHESTER, MASS.,
March 8, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I want to express
my appreciation for your courage in speak-
ing out against the present administration's
decision to escalate the war in Vietnam.
There has been a conspicuous lack of candor
on the part of the President and his advisers
regarding the situation there. That it has
reached a critical stage is clear by now.
Your speeches on the Senate floor have
been only very sketchily reported by the
daily press and I would therefore appreciate
receiving some of this material and your
views. - -
Very truly yours,
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENAWE MORSE: You are commended
on your fight to stop escalation of the war
In Vietnam and to seek peace through nego-
tiation. I urge you to continue in your
efforts. The aggressive actions taken by our
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 March ,22,. 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD- SENATE
FLUSHING, N.Y., Your constant fight for peace, Senator, is
March 12, 1965. well known and appreciated. While there is
Senator WAYNE MORSE, still time, a still greater effort must be made
Washington, D.C. in Congress to stop the drift toward total
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I support your effort destruction. I am fully confident that you
,o persuade the President to mediate the war will do more than your share to realize this
n Vietnam. Please continue; we wish we worthy goal.
ad more courageous people like you. I remain,
Please send me a copy of your speech of Very truly yours,
arch 2, also any other material on Vietnam
t at you have available, including previous
s eeches of yours.
Thank you for your continuing efforts on
behalf of peace.
Sincerely,
BEATRICE BOYER.
MELROSE PARK, PA.,
March 15, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: My wife and I
warmly support your position on Vietnam.
To further that position I hope that you can
do something to broadcast publicly the
number of women and children that our suc-
cessful air strikes in North Vietnam have
succeeded in killing. The American people
are entitled to know how many nonmilitary
persons have to b mutilated or killed in
order to prove that peace is the wisest policy.
Sincerely yours,
EDGAR H. SCHUSTER.
NANCY P. SCHUSTER.
EL CERRrEO, CALIF.,
March 15, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: We want you to
know that you have citizen support in your
pursuit of a sane U.S. policy toward Viet-
nam.
We feel we must seek peace under any cir-
cumstances in that country.
PAUL LICHT, Ph. D.,
BARBARA LICHT.
BUFFALO, N.Y.,
March 15, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Foreign Relations Committee,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR: President Johnson's expan-
sion of American aggression in southeast
Asia shows his contempt for the American
people who voted overwhelmingly for peace
in last November's election. I am wonder-
ing if we have representative government any
more, or has the Administration gone insane?
It is very evident that the "military indus-
trial complex" of which President Eisen-
hower warned has now Superseded Congress
in making important decisions, with the
Pentagon sadists in the driver's seat.
The incinerating of helpless peasants and
their children with napalm bombs, the herd-
Ing of whole communities into concentration
camps, the poisoning of food crops and des-
struction of homes are crimes which,put the
United States outside the pale of civiliza-
tion. These barbarous acts have only been
paralled by the Nazi monster of Europe.
And all these excesses are necessary we are
told to "preserve freedom in southeast Asia."
At the trials of the Nazi criminals in Nur-
emberg, the Court held that the German
people were equally quilty in that they failed
to stay the hands of the sadists. All human-
ity, Including the World Council of Churches,
the Pope, and our European allies call for an
end to this genocidal war and for an early
negotiated peace. In reply, President John-
son lands additional forces in South Viet-
nam and steps up the bombing of North Viet-
nam. Someone is Washington is itching for
a world holocaust. The collective voice of
the American people must rise to a crescendo
and stop these maniacs from destroying the
world.
Senator WAYNE MORSE
Senate Office Building
Washington, iD.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I have followed with
interest your recent statements on our
policy in Vietnam. For whatever good it
does, I just wanted to thank you, since I
agree substantially with them.
Sincerely yours,
REUBEN ELSENSTEIN.
MARCH 15, 1965.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: First let me tell you
that I agree 100 percent with your stand on
the Vietnam mess and I hope and pray that
many more Senators will come to see things
your way.
Second I also agree with you 100 percent
regarding our foreign aid spending because
it is just the same as throwing this good
money and material down the sewer.
Third, do you print a newsletter like the
one that Senator NEUBERGER does and if so
would you please be so kind as to place my
name on your mailing list.
And last but not least can we of the U.S.
Postal Service count on you to support any
fair legislation that our organizations might
be seeking.
Please continue to take the independent
stand when it is the right thing to do re-
gardless if not popular with the Demo-
cratic Party. We need more men like your-
self in the Congress and I hope and pray that
you will be' in the U.S. Senate for many
more years.
May God bless you,
Very truly yours,
CHICAGO, ILL.
March 13, 1965.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SIR: Please accept my expression of
admiration and gratitude for your efforts
toward world peace. It is Inevitable that
men of your vision and courage are sub-
jected to criticism and abuse but be assured
that millions, like myself, are admiring and
grateful.
Sincerely,
MAURICE H. SCHY.
BERKELEY, CALIF.,
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Your statement at
Stanford University was an oasis of clarity
in a desert of blind administration policy.
Please be assured that many Americans cling
to your continued courageous statements de-
crying American attempts to wreak its will
in Vietnam through pure bullying power.
Our course seems morally indefensible, and
conceivably strategically ridiculous-or disas-
trous. Power politics in the nuclear age
merits only derision, as an instrument of
ohildren-but the associated horrors force
us to substitute "shame and terror for
laughter.
International policing and international
consensus are the only goals worth working
for these days. As the most powerful Nation
on earth, we, above all, should lead the way
5387
toward such an end. We have the poten-
tiality to be an inspiring force, but if we
insist on attempting to rule the world, we
can expect to go the way of Rome, Napoleon,
and Hitler.
But while the country allows WAYNE MORSE
to speak, I can still be proud of what the
United States stands for-and hope that
someday such voices will be multiplied suffi-
ciently to change our militaristic stance.
Sincerely,
FRESNO, CALIF.,
March 12, 1965.
Senator. WAYNE MORSE,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I wish to take this
opportunity to congratulate you on your
principled stand in regard to the U.S. unde-
clared war in Vietnam.
In my estimation you are a giant among
pygmies. Your steadfast stand is beginning
to gain some support from other Congress-
men.
It appears President Johnson and his
clique are a stubborn lot so it is going to be
a tough struggle to reverse their disastrous
course.
Again, many thanks for your good work.
Yours respectfully,
ARMAS WIDGREN.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR MR. MORSE: Again, congratulations
on your firm stand on Vietnam. You must
try for more and more publicity of your
views and your reasons for holding those
views.
Your TV statements on Vietnam hearten
me greatly. They make me realize that in-
sanity is not unanimous in the U.S. Senate.
Respectfully,
CLEVELAND, OHIO,
March 16, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Washington, D.C.:
Please stop bombings of North Vietnam be-
fore we have a war with China. Negotiate.
THOMAS A. ZEITZ.
NEW YORK, N.Y.,
March 13, 1965.
Hon. Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR: Perhaps shock treatment
might wake the President to the truth * * *
that most of our people are against the Viet-
nam war. Start a movement toward im-
peachment. This might make the front
pages and make everyone realize the insan-
ity of our actions.
I voted for J.F.K. only because I was so
much against Goldwater. Johnson promised
peace. He has betrayed me and the Amer-
ican people, in fact, the whole world. The
New York Times of March 7 even Indicates
he personally may have selected some of the
targets for bombardment.
Bold action is indicated. Please keep up
your wonderful work.
You are, to me, one of the few honorable
Senators.
Respectfully,
CHICAGO, ILL.,
March 14, 1965.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: This is to express
strong support for your sane, courageous
stand on South Vietnam. I have written
many letters to Senators, Representatives,
and others in support of your urging of nego-
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE -March 22, 1965
tiations, a reconvening of the Geneva Con-
ping to realize that it must keep up with
[From the St. Louis (Mo.) Post-Dispatch
ference, and the peaceful administration of
the people.
Mar. 19, 1965]
Vietnam.
Thank you for whatever you may be able
SILENCE ON THE NEW ASIAN WAR: SENATOR
Thank you for your dedicated service to
to send.
REPLYING TO WHITE PAPER, URGES Pusan
our Nation.
Respectfully and cordially yours,
To INSIST ON DISCUSSION
Respectfully yours,
Miss ELLEN THOMAS.
Mrs. ROSE Boise.
(From an address by WAYNE MORSE, Demo
crat, of Oregon)
WOOSTER, OHIO,
March 12, 1965.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: From what I read
in the papers and hear over the radio we
seem to be getting more deeply involved in
Vietnam each day. It sounds like we are not
only involved in the civil war of an Asiatic
nation, but are in the middle of a fight be-
tween Catholics and Buddhists.
There seems to be considerable doubt as to
whether the majority of South Vietnamese
understand what they are fighting for, and
our present tactics may not help much.
On February 27 Drew Pearson's column re-
ported Gen. Samuel Williams, former U.S.
military adviser to President Diem, who says
"Every non-Communist in a villege that we
bomb is going to be a darned good Commu-
nist by the. time we get through."
Several times recently I have heard a news
report indicating that you are one of the few
Senators who dares, not only to think for
yourself, but to express your views even when
most everyone else is "parroting" what they
think the most influential Government lead-
ers and citizens want to hear.
It certainly is difficult to understand why
we can spend billions of dollars trying to
preserve freedom and protect South Viet-
namese from the brutalities of communism,
but are helpless to prevent the same kind of
treatment of citizens in Alabama and Missis-
sippi by city and State officials.
Please continue your courageous leader-
ship.
BERKELEY, CALIF.,
March 16, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C.:
Protest insane Asia policy. Demand
McNamara and Bundy brothers resign.
WOODY BANES.
NORTH HOLLYWOOD, CALIF.,
March 15, 1965.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I am very much in-
terested in your statements relating to the
official white paper on Vietnam. I am pre-
paring a term paper for college, and would
appreciate your sending me both a copy of
the white paper, and your answer. I am
not quite sure just what the white paper
means--does it represent what is referred
to in slang "a whitewash" or to use a more
dignified term, a rationalization of our policy
there.
I assure you that you have the whole-
hearted support of thousands and thousands
of Americans, but somehow this support is
not evidenced in the reports of the news-
papers. The major magazines editorially sup-
port the present escalation, and try to play
down the people's outcry for negotiations
and peace.
At the moment I am reading Carl Sand-
burg's "The War Years" (life of Lincoln)
and it seems that the forces against Lincoln
were highly publicized while the people's
voices were played down. The role of the
press it seems to me has always been to with-
hold what the people are saying. Today how-
ever, the civil rights movement seems to
have caught on and even the press is begin-
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SIR: I appeal to you (one of our
enlightened Senators) to urge the President
to lift the veil of silence surrounding our
Asiatic policy, and to use an possible chan-
nels to negotiate for peace in Vietnam.
W. Lippmann, in the March 15 issue of News-
week, and the editorial article in the New
York Times of March 10 clearly state the
reasons for such actions.
The President was elected mainly because
of his nonmilitary attitude to a solution
of the Asian situation, consultation with
our allies, neutrals, and a regard for world
opinion, as well as self-determination, should
be factors in our foreign policies, and de-
terring influences in the escalation of the
war. Any other course will tarnish our
image, gain us enemies, and add to our
burden in the loss of men and fortune.
The military faction should not influence
our judgments. I doubt if we have the
support of the Buddhists (who constitute
the majority in South Vietnam) if we have
to export their priests. Again I urge you to
renew your efforts for peace.
Sincerely your,
SOLOMON SCHIFF.
[From the St. Louis (Mo.) Post-Dispatch,
Mar. 19, 19651
THE HARD MORSE HEAD
You need a good, hard head to keep on
battering it against the wall of official propa-
ganda. We are grateful that Senator WAYNE
MORSE, of Oregon, has one. President John-
son may succeed in silencing some critics
of his Vietnam policy, but he will not silence
Senator MORSE, whose analysis of the State
Department's white paper- is excerpted on
this page. Right or wrong, the Senator is
performing apublic service by insisting that
policies which could lead to nuclear war
shall at least be discussed; and on the whole,
in our opinion, he is right.
The power of Government to dominate if
not control public opinion on the most mo-
mentous issue of our times is frightening in-
deed. For various reasons, many Americans
appear to have abdicated their responsibility
of judgment in foreign affairs; they do not
feel competent to have an opinion on mat-
ters so remote and complex.
The fallacy here is that judgments on
the big issues of foreign policy-the issues
that decide the very destiny of man-do not
actually depend on esoteric knowledge avail-
able only to highly trained "experts." The
basic questions are simple. Every American
is entitled to an opinion on them even
though his information may not be as ex-
tensive as the State Department's.
If the typical American knows what is
right and decent in Alabama, he is capable
of knowing what is right and decent in
South Vietnam. It is not right, it is not
decent, to wage war in Asia on the hypo-
critical pretext that we are seeking peace.
President Johnson's intentions may be
good, but he still has around him advisers
who have never been able to think up any
foreign policy for the United States except
anti-Communist "containment," which is
not a policy so much as a bankrupt state of
mind. As John K. Galbraith said the other
day, foreign policy has become "a favored
field for those who have a nostalgia for past
error." It is time that the enormous error
of our Vietnam policy be corrected, and men
like Senator MORSE are doing a great service
by saying so.
Last summer and fall, many voices wei
raised by American politicians and by ti
political generals of South Vietnam to "go
north." The war in South Vietnam was be-
ing lost. Gen. Nguyen Khanh, one of the
passing parade of Vietnamese leaders, was
anxious that the losses in the south be cov-
ered by expansion of the war into North Viet-
nam by the United States. A presential cam-
paign was being conducted in the United
States almost entirely on the issue of who
was placing his faith in military power to
solve all our problems and who was not.
On September 28, 1964, at Manchester,
N.H., President Lyndon Johnson said of all
this :
"So just for the moment I have not thought
that we were ready for American boys to do
the fighting for Asian boys. What I have
been trying to do, with the situation that I
found, was to get the boys in Vietnam to do
their own fighting with our advice and with
our equipment. That is the course we are
following.
"So we are not going north and drop bombs
at this stage of the game, and we are not
going south and run out and leave it for the
Communists to take over. We have lost 190
American lives, and to each one of those 190
families this is a major war * * *:'
Time after time, the spokesmen for the
administration told the public and told con-
gressional committees in private that what
was going on in South Vietnam was essen-
tially a civil war.
Yet last month all these policy statements
of why expansion of the war would serve no
purpose were thrown out by the same people
who had made them. Something called a
white paper was published by the State De-
partment to coincide with the change in
policy. But this white paper did not afford
any explanation or any reason or any justi-
fication of a change in policy.
What it did in fact was to confirm and
verify what we have been told so many times:
that somewhere between 10 and 20 percent
of the number and about 10 percent of the
weapons of the Vietcong rebels come from
outside South Vietnam.
That is what the white paper confirms.
That is all. It does not even claim that the
war is any less a civil war than it ever was.
The white paper estimates that a maximum
of $7,100 infiltrators entered South Vietnam
from the north from 1959 through 1964. Yet
with the known casualties and the estimated
current guerrilla force, these men from the
north still constitute at most 20 percent of
the Vietcong. The confirmed infiltrators
constitute only 12 percent.
Everything in the white paper with the
sole exception of the boat sunk on February
16 of this year was known to the administra.
tion last summer and last fall when the
President said "we are not going north," and
when both the Pentagon and the State De-
partment insisted that no useful purpose
would be served in the south by attacking
the north.
And today it is still just as true as it was
then that the Vietcong rebellion is essen-
tially a South Vietnamese affair in personnel
and weapons.
The white paper is the signal for a new war,
because we could not win the one that was
already going on.
The committing of 3,500 marines to ground
combat is only the first installment of U.S.
ground forces that will be needed. I am
satisfied that what is behind our expansion
of the war is a design to match our half mil-
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arch 22, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE -5389
li n ground forces in Europe with half a power has moved from battlefield to market- me that the elementary and secondary
Ilion in Asia, to act as the "tripwire" that place. In today's economic warfare, Krupp education bill proposed by the President
w uld bring the full American nuclear power is again proving itself preeminent. for enactment than
t bear upon China should she make any Here's what Krupp is up to. This biggest has
any a such better chance
legislation foe
ove to support local governments. of all private industrial empires, this per- my memory.
That is the direction we are now taking sonification of capitalism, this symbolic tar- In addition, the administration's high-
i1i It is the direction of singlehanded get of Russian propaganda, is going into er education bill offers considerable
S. containment not only of China but of all partnership with the Polish Government. promise for dealing with the problems
political movements that seek to remove Believe it or not, Krupp is putting its which beset our colleges and universities
Western Influences from southeast Asia. No money into a joint venture to produce and the students who attend them. I am
longer do we propose to organize groupings machine tools at a new plant to be put up particularly interested in title III of that
of friendly countries to act in concert, such near Warsaw. No question about it, this is bill which is devoted to strengthening
as the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization. not an essay in reparations or aid. It Is a
No longer do we plan to seek the concerted business proposition, and Krupp makes no our less developed institutions of higher
action of our Western allies. bones about expecting to do well out of it. learning. In recent years the Congress
We are now committed to "going it alone" This projects a pretty high rate of return, has provided substantial assistance to
and putting American soldiers Into Asia on ALWAYS POLITICAL ANGLE higher education in the form of research
whatever scale needed to carry out this grants through the National Science
objective. Not that there isn't a political angle to this
The pretense that we are in South Viet- latest move of Krupp's. The way things Foundation, the National Institutes of
nam to help the people win a fight for free- work in Europe, there always is when a `Health, NASA, the Department of De-
dom has been entirely dropped. From now major corporation makes a major move fense, and other Federal departments
on, the war will be conducted by Americans, abroad-in Europe, foreign investment and and agencies. Also, the fellowships and
under American command, for American ob- foreign trade are extensions and expressions other assistance provided in the Na-
jectives. of foreign policy (a lesson which Americans tional Defense Education Act have made
I am satisfied that the President under- have yet to learn). a significant contribution. However, by
stands the inherent fallacies in his presump- The main political purpose behind this the nature of such assistance it all too
tion that we can bring the Vietcong to heel economic move is a scissors play on East
by bombing North Vietnam. He knows the Germany, which will thus be caught between often goes to those institutions which
American people will understand them, too, new enemy West Germany and old enemy have already established themselves as
if there is any discussion in depth of Asian Poland. By extension, this serves a more leaders in the various fields of academic
affairs. general political purpose; namely, to in- endeavor. As all too often is the case,
His announced policy requires North Viet- tensify the competitive splits among the the rich have gotten richer and the poor
nam to stop aiding the rebels, it requires the hungry satellite countries. Washington is have gotten poorer. Schools which have
for the first time alert to the opportunities
Vietcong collapse era result, and it re- limited financial resources and, there-
quires stability to emerge in South Vietnam, arising from this competition and the eco- fore, less prestigious faculties are often
all as a result of these bombings. The like- nomic and social unrest it reflects.
lihood of any of these things happening is Here's the economic meaning of Krupp's left in the dust in the race for NEA fel-
so remote that I do not wonder at the mas- [Bonn-blessed] partnership with Polish lowships, research grants, and other
sive campaign with the press and Members statism. Not merely West Germany, but all benefits which flow from Federal pro-
of Western Europe , simply has too much in- grams.
without houtr ai support what j being done dustrial capacity to earn its living by taking i rasin raising questions or objections. in its own washing-that is, by consuming Title III of S. 600 offers promise for
I hope that silence on the part of the what it is capable of producing. directing Federal assistance where it
American public and its Congress will not is needed most, and I am pleased that
continue. If it does, that silence will be CONTINUING TO EXPAND the Education Subcommittee of the La-
broken not by wisdom but by casualty lists. Far from solving this problem of excess bor and Public Welfare Committee has
I do not suggest. that South Vietnam is capacity, the Common Market has intensified begun hearings on the bill.
not of interest to us. But it is not tl e kind it. For all of Western Europe is continuing
of vital interest that deserves to be protected to expand its productive capacities-and, be In an effort to aid the committee in
by American blood. It is the kind of interest it noted, the business incentive to invest in its consideration of this legislation, I
that should be the subject of discussion with expansion has increased even faster than have addressed a letter to the chair-
other affected nations, and there are many Americanized living standards and the popu- man of the committee suggesting an
nations that are even more vitally affected lation growth have increased consumption. amendment to title III which I believe
than we are. More than ever, Europe must export to live: would be of particular benefit to many
That is why I continue to hope that the What's more, everyone in Europe knows it. small colleges which are struggling to
President will respond to U Thant's appeal Everyone in Europe also knows that there
for negotiations under United Nations aus- isn't going to be any unemployment in West- meet increasingly heavy demands. I
pices. And above all, r hope that the Amer- ern Europe. French President Charles de know this subject is of concern to many
ican people will bestir themselves to examine Gaulle may talk all he pleases about what is Senators and particularly to many of my
the Implications of our present bourse in sound in finance but, if times get tough, colleagues from the South which has a
Asia, and make their voices heard in support France will follow the rest in subsidizing em- disproportionate number of the poorly
of U Thant, Pope Paul, and the Council of ployment by dumping surplus production financed institutions in our country, and
Churches. Otherwise, we stand to awaken abroad.
only when we are being drenched in blood and Right now, Europe's money men have the I ask unanimous consent that the letter
for an objective that is not shared by any jitters for fear that the United States may to which I have referred and the amend-
of our allies or even by those nations in Asia "solve" its supposed payments crisis by drain- ment be printed at this point in the REC-
whose really vital interests are at stake. ing Europe of the dollars that have been ORD.
lubric ti h boom Ch t i ti 1
a ri
er arac er
d
POLITICS` ECONOMICS BEHIND
KRUPP DEAL
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent that an article by
Eliot Janeway, entitled "Politics, Eco-
nomics Behind Krupp Deal," published
on February 24, 1965, be printed at this
point in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the REC-
ORD, as follows:
POLITICS, ECONOMICS BEHIND KRUPP DEAL
(By Eliot Janeway)
NEW YORK, February 24.-Once again, the
biggest businessman in Europe is Krupps
.
,
When the weapons of war were just liulle
and bombs, Krupp was the armament king.
Now that nuclear weapons have transformed
the nature of war, the struggle for national
g
s ca y, There being no objection, the letter an
Krupp is making a beeline for the closest proposed amendment were ordered to be
dumping ground in sight.
But the biggest dumping ground for any printed in the RECORD, as follows:
European industrial surplus is the United U.S. SENATE,
States. If we try to look too good dollarwise, March 19, 1965.
and in the process put too much of a squeeze Hon. LISTER HILL,
on Western Europe moneywise, we are likely Chairman, Committee on Labor and Public
to find ourselves flooded with distress Euro- Welfare, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C.
pean products dumped 'here at giveaway DEAR MR. CHAIRMAN; It is my understand-
prices. Krupp's move into Poland is an early ing that your committee will begin its con-
warning signal that its energetic salesmen sideration of the higher education bill pro-
must be expected here, too. posed by the President (S. 600) following the
IMPROVEMENT OF AMERICAN EDU-
CATION
Mr. FULBRIGHT. Mr. President,
Congress has a unique opportunity to
enact significant legislation for the im-
provement of American education. As
a long-time proponent of Federal assist-
ance to education, it is encouraging to
completion of work on the elementary and
secondary education legislation. I would like
to draw the committee's attention to one
section of the bill which I believe can be
improved.
Dormitories, administration buildings, and
libraries are vital to the quality of our uni-
versities and colleges and the Higher Edu-
cation Facilities Act of 1963 provides the
means for developing these tangible assets
of our Institutions of higher learning. It is,
however, the intangibles that in the final
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE March 22, 19
analysis distinguish the quality schools from
those unable to keep pace with the increas-
ing demands upon our colleges and univer-
sities. It is no secret that the collective abil-
ity of a college faculty determines the qual-
ity of education available to its students. A
very fine article on this subject inthe Febru-
ary issue of Indicators, published by the De-
partment of Health, Education, and Welfare,
contained this comment: "A professor is a
prism through which the light of the past
is refracted to the present; rare is the per-
son who can give in his teaching a quality
of instruction that he himself has not been
given."
All higher education suffers from an in-
ability to offer salaries which are competitive
with those available in private industry.
And, the rising cost of higher education to
the students makes it increasingly difficult
for those interested in a professional teach-
ing career to obtain an advanced degree with-
out incurring debts which are not easily
repayable from an instructor's salary.
While true of American education gen-
erally, the difficulty of obtaining advanced
degrees is compounded for many faculty
members in our institutions in Arkansas and
other Southern States. Only 43 percent of
the faculty members in institutions in the
South hold doctorate degrees as against a
national average of 51 percent. Fifty-five
percent of college level teachers in the West
and Southwest and 54 percent of such teach-
ers in the North Atlantic region have doc-
torates. While the process of education is
not so mechanical that a perfect parallel
can be drawn between the percentage of
Ph. D. 's on a faculty and the quality of its
instruction, it is fair to say that in general
the additional work required for such ad-
vanced degrees contributes materially to the
worth of the institution and the character
of the degrees it confers.
Southern colleges and universities which
have long labored under the handicap of
inadequate financial resources have only
16 percent of the Nation's teachers who hold
doctorate degrees. Teachers' salaries in both
private and public colleges and universities
in the South are considerably lower than
in other sections of the country and, in part,
this accounts for the disparity between edu-
cational opportunities available to southern
students.and those open to students in other
sections of the country. The inability of
many potential teachers to pay the cost of
their own higher education also contributes
to this deficiency.
These circumstances have particular con-
sequence for colleges which historically have
ser?red Negro students and for Negro teachers
who on the average are less able than whites
to pay the costs of higher education. Only
28 percent of the faculty members in Negro
institutions, most of which are located in the
South, have Ph. D.'s, Ed. D.'s or the equiva-
lent. This depressing statistic has immediate
relevance to the future course of race rela-
tions in our country.
I do not mean to imply that all colleges
and universities in need of help are in the
South or that they are limited to institutions
which historically serve Negroes. All higher
education is beset by higher costs, rising en-
rollments and increasingly complex subject
matter. However, these burdens fall with
added weight on less developed colleges, a
disproportionate number of which are in the
South. The proposals contained in title III
of the higher education bill recommended by
the President offer hope for effective action
to strengthen these schools wherever they
may be. Paying special attention to these
needs will benefit all American education
and, indeed, our entire society.
I believe it is unrealistic, however, to con-
clude that many faculty members from top-
flight colleges and universities will be in-
duced to teach in the "developing institu-
tions" by a fellowship paid by the Federal
Government as proposed in title III. This
statement is not made in opposition to this
concept, which should be tried. It is offered
as a realistic appraisal of a difficult problem.
The increasing pressures on our entire edu-
cational system require our better colleges
and universities to resist any efforts to lure
away members of their faculties no matter
how worthy the cause. I discused this pro-
posal with a top administrator' at Columbia
University recently and was told that Colum-
bia's faculty is so structured the necessary
leaves of absence would be almost impossible
to arrange both because of the many grad-
uate programs which depend on top profes-
sors and the immediate need for classroom
teachers.
Thus, the problem which afflicts all higher
education in this country centers on an
overall lack of qualified teachers rather than
merely a poor distribution of them. New
legislation in this field should focus on
the development of new talent in greater
quantity if significant progress is to be made
in improving "developing institutions."
Rather than trying to relocate teachers in
these schools, we should provide the means
for creating new ones to serve them. I
believe the most realistic and potentially
fruitful way to do this is through providing
fellowships for faculty members in such
Institutions to obtain advanced degrees,
thereafter returning to their schools and
helping to raise their academic standing.
It is the opinion of the Office of Education
that section 304(a)2 of S. 600 is sufficiently
broad to include such a program through
grants to developing institutions. However,
I would respectfully submit to the committee
that an amendment giving specific sanction
to such a program Is in order. Enclosed is a
draft of an amendment to achieve this pur-
pose which I hope will be acceptable to the
committee. It would permit the develop-
ment of study programs for teachers de-
signed to promote the improvement of spe-
cific departments and areas of instruction in
developing institutions. Using a system of
project grants as proposed in the bill and
my amendment would tailor Federal assist-
ance to specific needs.
This concept is by all odds compatible
with the aims of S. 600. It would provide the
bootstraps which do not now exist for many
poorly financed institutions. Its adoption
would be in the interests of many poorly
endowed and supported colleges and thereby
of enormous potential benefit to young peo-
ple who because of geography, background
and lack of money cannot attend well-sup-
ported and prestigious colleges and univer-
sities.
I would be happy to discuss this matter
with you, Senator MoRsE, or the committee as
a whole if you feel it would be helpful.
Sincerely yours,
J. W. FULBRIGHT.
Amendment by Mr. FULBRIGHT, S. 600, to
strengthen the educational resources of our
colleges and universities and to provide
financial assistance for students in post-
secondary and higher education:
On page 30, line 8, before the semicolon
insert a comma and "including fellowships
leading to advanced degrees".
PROPOSED VOTING RIGHTS
LEGISLATION
Mr. ELLENDER. Mr. President, on
March 16, the day after the President
made his emotional speech before a joint
session of Congress, I made a short state-
ment to the Senate. It appears at page
5022 of the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD, and I
ask unanimous consent that it may be
printed in the RECORD at this point in my
remarks.
There being no objection, the stat -
ment was ordered to be printed in t e
RECORD, as follows:
VOTING RIGHTS
Mr. ELLENDER. Mr. President, I do not pre-
tend to know what the voting bill will con-
tain which the President states he will send
to Congress, but if I am.to judge from what
he said last night at the joint session of
Congress, I have no doubt that it will con-
tain language whereby Congress will fix the
qualifications of voters.
It is my judgment that if the President
is successful in having Congress enact such a
law, every Representative and every Senator
will have violated his oath of office to defend
and protect the Constitution, because the
right to prescribe qualifications for voters is
left to the State under article I, section 2 of
the Constitution.
Mr. President, I do not like to say this, but
I am sorry to note that the President has
fallen to the will and the actions of Dr. Mar-
tin Luther King in providing for this pro-
posed legislation. He has even adopted the
demagog slogan "We Shall Overcome." Dr.
King knows, deep down in his heart, that
there would be few Negroes eligible to vote
if given a fair qualification test. I do not
mean only Southern States, but all States.
King's plan is to have Congress enact a law
abolishing voter qualifications. In other
words, the applicant for registration would
merely be required to give his name, age,
and length of residence in the State in order
to qualify to vote.
The action taken by Dr. King in Selma and
other parts of the South is regrettable. If
such action should be continued, it may lead
to anarchy in government. Are the States
no longer to be allowed to maintain law and
order? Is responsibility for protection of life
and property to be taken away from local
authority? The first duty of any govern-
ment, national or local, is to maintain in-
ternal order. Are we to allow the agitators
and demonstrators to take over control of
the streets and public buildings? Appar-
ently the National Government is prepared
to do so.
I have been a Member of this body for 28
years. It is my judgment that bypassing
the courts, making shortcuts, and bypass-
ing the Constitution, will lead us to a gov-
ernment where our cherished freedoms will
become but memories. Our Government is
not so weak that it must succumb to every
threat.
I grant that in some States of the South-
In some counties and in some parishes in my
State--things have been done which should
not have been done, in order to prevent
Negroes from voting. However, if Senators
were to take the trouble to look at the rea-
sons why this was done, they would probably
be sympathetic---
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. BASS in the
chair). The time of the Senator from Louisi-
ana has expired.
Mr. ELLENDER. Mr. President, I ask unani-
mous consent that I may proceed for 3 addi-
tional minutes.
The PRESIDING OFFIcER. Without objection
it is so ordered.
Mr. ELLENDER. It is my judgment tf.at
Senators would be sympathetic to those echo
tried to prevent the registration of 1'- all-
fled voters. In my State, there a parishes
where. Negroes outnumber whites 3 to 1. If
Congress should enact a law whereby all the
citizens of those parishes would be able to
vote overnight, without regard to qualifica-
tions, we would have governments in the
counties and in many of the cities in the
hands of incompetents.
That is why, as I have stated, the people
there have guarded voting rights, in the
hope that they could maintain sound local
governments and in time Negroes would be-
come competent as a result of being better
educated.
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 Mardi 22, i965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
He was broke when he reached America as Dykeman had its share of human drama.
a refugee from Russia and he was broke many He was one of 30 passengers who had to get
times thereafter. Twice he left Alaska broke, out and walk in the water to pull the boat
determined that thi
s was no place for him.
Loussac's life history reads like an adven-
ture tale. He was born 27 miles from Mos-
cow, Russia, on July 13, 1882, the son of a
manufacturer of mouldings. An engineering
course at the Imperial Polytechnical Insti-
tute at Moscow was chosen for him by his
parents, "probably because my mother liked
the dark green uniforms with gold buttons
and braid that the students wore," he said.
But his education there was a short one
for in his first year, the future Alaskan was
expelled from school. He was accused of
participating in a revolutionary movement.
Loussac explained that this charge was based
on the fact that he had been studying some
of the more liberal literature of the time.
He went to southern Russian to visit his
grandmother and crossed the border into
Germany, while government officials searched
for him. This was the beginning of a trek
that led to the United States.
Arriving in New York City at the age of 18,
without money and unable to speak English,
he got a job running errands for a corner
drugstore in a Russian neighborhood. A man
returning from the Klondike visited in the
neighborhood and the drug clerk heard glow-
ing tales of the discovery of gold at Dawson.
The man emptied large nuggets from his
pockets to support his claims. The stam-
pede was on in full force and the man's
statements were supported further by bizzare
newspaper accounts of the streams flowing
on golden beds and the mountains sparkling
with nuggets.
In 1901 the drug clerk quit his job to. go
to Alaska and get rich. He sneaked rides in
freight cars to get to the West. Often he
cajoled brakemen and conductors, and en-
joyed the luxury of caboose accommodations
as he wended his way through the farm
country of the Middle West.
At Great Falls, Mont., he worked in a drug
store for 9 months, concluded that he ought
to get a pharmacist's degree if he was ever to
advance in the drugstore business and headed
East to earn a degree in pharmacy.
In 1907, Loussac went West again; this
time witl} a few dollars in his pocket and a
pharmacist's sheepskin.
"Zac," as he became known throughout
the Territory, could never resist the urge for
new adventure. A life of quiet security had
no attraction for him. During the next
10 years he found himself in and out of Alas-
ka three different times, each time going
of gold only to return to Seattle broke and Loussac adopted the slogan "We've got what have become aware that talk of proposed
discouraged. you want when you want it.,, He gained a of
peace the V etcoanions could undermine the spirit
A summer prospecting for gold on the reputation for being a wide-awake, progres- g'
beaches of Nome convinced the young sive merchant. He used to run a daily news- the In a Marines tes Danangerday on the arrival b-
pharmacist that that was not the life for paper ad entitled "Loussac's Daily Gossip" ori , the , the National u
Lib-
him. Therefore when fall arrived and he with a subhead "Cents and Sense." For sev- gretian Front, me uoliticgl base of the South
was offered a trading post in Unalakleet, Zac eral weeks at the beginning of a new year, Vietnamese Communist guerrillas, warned:
made the deal without seeing the property. he would title his column "Full Speed military pr "The U.S imessure toperialists defeat us eat us at expect liuse
He caught the next boat for Unalakleet and Ahead," and proceed to tell what a wonder- a political
found the flourishing business establishment ful past year he had had and how he antici- conference."
consisting of a 10 by 12-foot shack, in which pated the new year would be even better. The front added that it would defeat the
there were 15 cases of Carnation milk; 1 red He was continually offering special serv- Americans, "even if one or two hundred
thou U on
ur tend ory. aggressive troops edre land he
fox skin without a tail; a celluloid cribbage ices to his customers. For instance, in the o
board; 2 silk tents; and a gross of whiskey early days when busines was not as brisk as our struggle could The front year that ~
glasses, but no whiskey. Recognizing a bad it becamse during World War II, he would struggle could take "10 or 20 years."
bargain, he shipped out as a steward on the provide a writing desk, paper, and envelopes Analysts in the U.S. mission in Saigon said
next steamer for Seattle, waiting table and without charge for anyone wanting to drop the opposition to negotiations had been a re-
washing dishes to pay for his passage. into one of his drugstores to write a letter; curring theme since the last air strikes
Loussac lived on 10 cents a day that winter a Toledo weighing scale on which they could against North Vietnam, a week ago.
in Seattle. Part of the time he slept on a learn their weight free of charge; a free de- On one level the Communists were answer-
mattress in the back of a hardware store. livery service; a mail service which guaran- ing Western press commentators who have
Zac's capacity for making friends wherever teed to send out an order the same day it conjectured that the air attacks were aimed
he went kept alive his zest for living. It was received. Customers were invited to at making Hanoi more receptive to meaning-
seemed too that he was destined to continue come in and play the latest phonograph rec- ful talks.
meeting Alaskan enthusiasts who lured him ords. He shipped in fresh cut flowers regu- But both the front and the Hanoi radio
North time and again. Among his many ex- larly, which was a luxury in the preaviation broadcasts are often used to inform political
periences of going into business and going days. cadres in isolated sectors of South Vietnam
broke in various Alaskan towns, perhaps one Loussac served three terms as mayor of of Communist policy direction.
of the most colorful was his stay in Iditarod Anchorage. He is a past president of the American interpreters of North Vietnam-
in 1910, Even the trip down the river from Anchorage Chamber of Commerce, the Rotary ese propaganda accept as genuine the Com-
over shallow spots. It took them 3 days to go
90 miles. They were almost chewed alive by
mosquitoes. One man got lost and went in-
sane wandering through muskeg and swamp.
When "Zac" finally got to Iditarod, he and
Jimmie Fay, with whom he had previously
been in business in Haines, pitched a tent
and set up their drugstore. They took in
between $20 and $40 a day. Prices were In-
flated because of the scarcity of goods and
the difficulty in transporting them that far
during the brief shipping season. For ex-
ample, a pound of epsom salts would sell
for $1; a whisk broom was $1; in fact, most
any item which would sell for a dime in
Seattle, would bring a dollar in Iditarod.
Two ounces of opium or spirits of camphor to
cure cholic in a horse would sell for $20; it
was $3.50 in Seattle.
When winter came they stayed comfortable
in their tent by covering it with boards.
Fay sold his interest to "Zac" and returned
to Haines. The following April, fire leveled
the entire business district of Iditarod.
"Zac" lost everything. He had no insurance.
The local banker had so much confidence
in "Zac's" business ability, however, that he
built him a two-story building and loaned
him $12,000 to buy new stock. Thus "Zac"
was back in business better and deeper than
ever before in his life. All would have been
well had not the miners decided to give up
their claims and leave for a new gold strike
in Ruby. This meant bankruptcy for the
remaining businesses. The following year,
the Yukon Gold Co., a New York outfit, got
millions out of the ground around Iditarod.
It took Loussac 10 years to pky off his in-
debtedness as interest rates were so high in
those days that it actually meant paying
almost twice the amount of the debt. After
coming to Anchorage in 1916 and going into
the drug business here, he again went into
debt to the local banker, at one time as much
as $40,000. In fact, it was not until 1939
that he was completely out of debt for the
first time since 1900.
Anchorage was but a tent town on the
banks of Chip Creek when Loussac setup his
drug business. Besides owning two drug
stores, he was one of the organizers of the
Evan Jones Coal Co., one of Alaska's major
coal sources. He was always active in civic
affairs. At one time he-was deputy grand
arctic chief of the Arctic Brotherhood an
5343
Club, Igloo No. 15, Pioneers of Alaska, and a
member of the Masonic Lodge. He has been
a member of two territorial boards-phar-
macy and housing authority.
Marriage was an experience which Loussac
postponed until 1949.
Being a connoisseur of the fine arts, Lou-
sac began collecting Sydney Laurence oil
paintings while the artist was a resident of
Anchorage.
In 1946 Loussac founded the Loussac
Foundation to promote recreational, cultur-
al, scientific, or educational activities in the
Anchorage area. He hoped it would help
keep people in Alaska.
In setting up his foundation, Loussac said:
"The people of Anchorage have been good to
Mr. CHURCH. Mr. President, several
worthwhile articles pertaining to Viet-
nam have recently come to my attention:
two from the March 10 issue of the New
York Times; a column by Walter Lipp-
mann, which appeared in the Washing-
ton Post; an article by Mary McGrory,
from the Washington Evening Star; and
a column, by Drew Pearson, entitled
"Vietnam Fallacies."
I was especially interested in the dis-
patch from Saigon, which appeared in
the New York Times, which began:
Evidence collected here indicates that both
North and South Vietnamese Communists
have become aware that talk of proposed
peace negotiations could undermine the
spirit of the Vietcong.
Those in this country who deplore talk
of a negotiated settlement should take
such reports from Vietnam into account.
I ask unanimous consent t:lat these
articles be printed at this point in the
RECORD.
There being no objection, the articles
were ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
[From the New York Times, Mar. 10, 1965]
VIETCONG, FEARING FOR MORALE, TRIES To
COUNTER TALK OF PARLEYS
exclusive men's club made up of pioneers. SAIGON, SOUTH VIETNAM, March 9.--Evi-
It is no longer in existence- dente collected here indicates that both
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munist's stated opposition to a negotiated
settlement.
They cite the adamant statements of the
last week as further proof of the view ex-
pressed in Washington that Hanoi does not
seek the kind of talks advocated by France,
the Soviet Union, and other nations.
The analysts here have even noted that
in the last several days Communist broad-
casts have omitted the phrase "Thuong
Thuyet," the Vietnamese words for negotia-
tion.. Instead they talk about "settlement"
or "final solution."
The morale factors among its troops has
also disturbed the South Vietnamese Govern-
ment as reports of impending peace talks
have circulated.
In a conference of South Vietnamese dip-
lomats held today the tone was militant. The
official Vietnamese press summarized the
view of the meeting as pledging "no com-
promise with aggression * * * no interna-
tional solution that is not endorsed by the
Vietnamese Government and people."
[From the New York Times, Mar. 10, 1965]
FOREIGN AFFAIRS: VIETNAM-WHY PARIS
DISAGREES
(By C. L. Sulzberger)
PARIs.-Before departing for Vietnam it is
worth examining France's position on the
crisis, a position founded on cold analysis
even though we don't accept its tenets or
conclusions. The essence of this French
analysis is that China will never admit an
American military presence on the Asian
mainland.
might permit a negotiated settlement on ac-
ceptable terms. It sees China worrying
about increased Soviet influence in Indo-
n.esla.-again at Peiping's expense. China
cannot give Sukarno the kind of weapons
Russia provides as he accelerates his cam-
paign against Britain.
According to this French theory both
Peiping and Hanoi would be willing to nego-
tiate on Vietnam and neither would insist
on departure of American troops from South
Vietnam until after a peace conference had
arranged its neutralization. The only Com-
munist precondition, it is argued, is that
U.S. bombings of the North must cease be-
fore negotiations start.
Paris reckons North Vietnam would accept
a genuinely neutral South Vietnam and
would like to work out economic and cus-
toms arrangements with such a state, devel-
oping unofficial contacts similar to those be-
tween West and East Germany and only
contemplating unification as an eventual
dream. It also feels China would much
rather persist with long-range subversion
and penertation programs in southeast Asia
than chance outright war.
PATTERN OF LOGIC
How accurate an estimate this is cannot
be judged. Washington discounts many of
these assumptions and feels that if French
counsel were now pursued it could lead to
disruption, collapse, and ultimate communi-
zation of southeast Asia all the way to Singa-
pore. Nevertheless, whomever history proves
right, there is a pattern of logic in the
French analysis. The transatlantic dis-
agreement on this issue is deep seated and
genuine. And Paris is convinced that, un-
like Cuba, Vietnam Is not a vital U.S. con-
cern.
only into Western civilization, should be re-
sisted, if necessary, by American arms.
Now there is a case to be made for the
globalists. It is true that the loss of any
territory on earth to a hostile Communist
power is against our interests and in some
measure diminishes our security. We would
certainly be safer if all the nations of the
earth agreed with us.
The opposing conservative view today is
that while we have Important Interests on
the Asian and African Continents, they are
not vital interests which would justify a
unilateral American commitment of our
military forces. In these areas, which are
beyond the limits of our strategic interests,
the sound policy is to rely on collective se-
curity. Thus, we should not involve our-
selves in a war in Asia where Americans, and
as a matter of fact Americans only, fight
Asians.
The neoisolationists, who regard the
whole Western society as a vital American
strategic interest, are a long way from being
the isolationists of the 1930's. But they
have common differences with the globalists.
They view certain regions on the Asian and
African mainlands as places where we have
Interestsbut not vital interests. There the
neoisolationists believe in working with
and through the United Nations and other
collective' organizations.
Lest this be misunderstood, let me say
that this argument is entirely and solely
about military intervention. It Is not about
economic assistance, technical assistance, the
Peace Corps, cultural exchanges. It is about
where and when, and where and where not,
American fighting men should be sent to in-
tervene unilaterally.
[From the Washington Evening Star,
Mar. 5, 1965]
VOICE CHIEFS CHAFE AT CURBS
(By Mary McGrory)
THE FRENCH VIEW
Paris' viewpoint may be summarized ac-
cordingly: Although the Chinese have not
yet reacted dramatically to U.S. bombard-
ments of North Vietnam and prefer to avoid
direct military confrontation with the United
States, there may well be riposte at unex-
pected points and sooner than Washington
anticipates. Thus, for example, there could
be a spread of the "revolutionary warfare"
fungus to Thailand and the Philippines,
which for years we have deemed secure.
The French, who have long if unhappy ex-
perience in the Far East and who still main-
tain extensive services there, including an
embassy in Peiping and a "trade mission" in
Hanoi, are convinced there are in fact two
Chinese policies. These sometimes conflict
as applied on a short-term basis.
Ideologically, China pushes outward in all
directions, seeking to establish preeminence
in. the world Communist movement through
propaganda and subversion but nationally,
Chinese tactics are more prudent and wish
to avoid any confrontation that could lead
to major war. Thus, at this juncture, while
Peiping hopes ultimately to extrude Western
influence from Asia (including both Amer-
ica's and Russia's), it privately cautions ex-
tremists among Its own friends.
COLONIAL EXPERIENCE
The French attitude is undoubtedly
marked by their own sad terminal experience
with Asian colonialism. Nevertheless, they
think the United States deceives itself and
endangers world peace by insisting on pro-
tecting South Vietnam, whose population
wants only `an end to fighting; that Russia
could be genuinely helpful. in neutralizing
South Vietnam and ultimately in helping
North Vietnam pry itself loose from China.
This objective was perhaps frustrated by
Washington's decision to bomb North Viet-
nam while Soviet Premier Kosygin was in
Hanoi, trying to enhance Russia's influence
there at China's expense. Paris Insists
Kosygin was forced by U.S. actions to adopt a
sterner public position than he had in-
tended.
FACTORS IN FRENCH RECKONING
If the present crisis can cool off a bit,
France still conjectures there are factors that
[From the Washington (D.C.) Post]
THE NEOISOLATIONISTS
(By Walter Lippmann)
A respected colleague of mine, Mr. Richard
Wilson who writes for the Washington Eve-
ning Star, suggested the other day that many
of us are returning to the isolationist views
of Senator Taft and of President Hoover.
This, If I may say so, is like saying that a
man who has cut back from being an ad-
vanced alcoholic to being a moderate drinker
is a teetotaler.
Yet is is true that there is an affinity be-
tween the old isolationists and what are now
being called the "neoisolationists." Simi-
larly, there is an affinity between being a
teetoaler and a moderate drinker; both of
them regard habitual drunkenness as a dan-
gerous evil. The old isolationists believed
that the vital Interests of the United States,
the interests for which the country should
go to war, lie within the boundary of the
two oceans. They regarded a military com-
mitment across either ocean as unnecessary
.and unwise.
Their opponents in the 1930's, the inter-
ventionists of the Second World War, be-
lieved that the Atlantic Ocean was not a
strategic boundary but was in fact the inner
sea of the Atlantic Community. The Atlan-
tic Community-which was regarded as in-
cluding Australia, New Zealand and the
Philippines-was approximately coterminous
with Western civilization.
The issue between the old isolationists and
the old interventionists was strongly de-
bated. However, the two took it for granted,
regarded it as a matter of course, that Amer-
ican military commitments were to serve
only the vital strategic interest of the United
States.
After the Second World War there broke
out the cold war with Soviet communism.
A new strategic doctrine, known as the Tru-
man doctrine, alas put forward. It said, or
was understood to say, that the spread of
communism anywhere on the globe, and not
Henry Loomis, departing director of the
Voice of America, made a farewell speech
that had a special meaning for the people he
left behind.
Everyone present in the departmental
auditorium knew what he meant when he
said in the course of his lengthy remarks:
"The Voice of America is not the voice of the
administration."
This point has been at debate since the
Voice was first heard some 20 years ago, and
the controversy has heated up since the in-
tensification of the war in South Vietnam.
Oldtimers in the Voice say they are going
through a period almost as bad as the Mc-
Carthy era and-in a way-worse, as in those
days, the Voice pretended to be little but a
propaganda arm.
In 1960, under President Eisenhower and
after much study, the agency finally received
a charter which gave it the green light to be
candid and objective in the manner of the
British Broadcasting Corp.
But since the raids on Pleiku, say Voice
officials, they have been chafing under the
heaviest censorship in their history. No
dispute over handling of news has arisen, but
every commentary must be cleared with the
policy department of the Voice's parent
agency, the U.S. Information Agency, before
broadcast.
The USIA has the benefit of advice from
the State Department and the White House,
and Loomis said in his speech that the
Voice's problem is not just to communicate
with different cultures, "but with the rest
of the Government."
Voice officials have given up trying to rea-
son with State Department policymakers
who think Voice commentary should be as
authoritative as a statement by the Presi??
dent or the Secretary of State.
Others "downtown" think, according tc
Loomis and his associates, that nobody it
foreign countries will know that somethin:
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22, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD SENATE
4'as happened if it is not mentioned on the men, backed by $4 billion of American money. These are some of the problems the State
/Voice. In vain, they have pointed out that Ho now has an army of 270,000 men and if Department is beginning to pose for the
in many nations the listener has his choice he wants to move south our bombing raids White House now that Secretary Rusk has
of national radios. would never be able to halt him. History recovered from his illness.
Last week brought two clashes within the shows airplanes cannot find troops on foot The alternative of putting the crisis be-
agency over how the difference of opinion on in the jungle. fore our South Vietnam policy should be re- However, it is highly doubtful that Ho sianstin annex remely awkward position asuto
fleeted., could call off the Vietcong war against us in whether they ought to use the veto. The
For a daily roundup of worldwide editorial South Vietnam even if he wanted to. You United Nations would probably call for a
opinion, the Voice included a critical, front have to remember that the Vietcong were cease fire and appoint a commission to study
page editorial in the Paris newspaper Le part of the force that also fought for 8 the situation.
Monde. It was deleted downtown. years, with implacable will, to get the French The best long-range hope for the United
Again, a critical portion of a New York out of Indochina, and we have merely sub- States in Indochina is Titoism. Ho Chi
Times editorial, calling for a Presidential stituted ourselves for the French. The Viet- Minh could be another Tito if we don't drive
statement on Vietnam policy and advocating cong are equally determined today to get him into the hands of the Chinese as we
negotiation, was edited out of a Voice broad- all white men out.
cast. have been doing. It is important to remem-
"We are getting so afraid to be honest, we underethehtermseof thev1954tGenev
Indochin that the Thais, a agrees mesa have hated and feared Tthe Ch nesefor
can't even reflect any diversity or discussion," ment, there were approximately 90,000 Viet- centuries. If given a chance for independ-
said one Voice veteran. Minh pro-Communist guerrilla fighters left. ence they don't want to come under the
On another recent occasion, there was dis- They became the Vietcong. Already tough domination of the Chinese dragon.
agreement over how much of Senator THOMAS revolutionaries, they are now doubly effec- These are not happy alternatives, but this
.Dorm's proadministration speech on Vietnam tive because they have seized new, modern is the situation which the Johnson admin-
should be, carried, as against how much of American arms.
Senator FaANB CHURCH'S antiadministration American intelligence shows that very few sion,tion has inherited from 18 years of era-
speech. of the Vietcong infiltrated down from the
A background broadcast had been held up north until last year. It is estimated that
for several days until CHuRCH's critical in 1964 between 4,000 and 5,000 men moved THE BUREAU OF LAND MANAGE-
speech was answered, and then the voice was in. Therefore, Ho Chi Minh would have lit- MENT AND SOIL CONSERVATION
instructed to call it not a debate but a tie control over them, even If he wanted to
discussion. yell uncle as a result of the United States Mr. MCGOVERN. Mr. President, re-
"We're getting like Radio Moscow" said one retaliatory raids. cently I addressed the National Asso-
Voice official. "That is precisely what they Our intelligence also shows that the Viet- ciation of Soil and Water Conservation
do. They never quote unfavorable editor- cong is composed of about 35,000 hardcore Districts. A fellow speaker on the
lals." fighters, plus 65,000 militiamen-a total of
The Voice has not been permitted to about 100,000. This is enough, given sup- Stoddard, association's was Chares d
send out any background commentary on port from the countryside, to engage in hit- Stoddard, Director of the been r of up
negotiations for fear it will be misinterpreted and-run operations indefinitely. Management, who has bebuilding up
as a sign that they are coming. Loomis and 3. The United States has told our allies increased cooperation between the soil
others think the Voice has built up a repu- privately that we are ready to negotiate a conservation districts and his agency.
tation for objectivity and credibility that settlement In Indochina but that we want I ask unanimous consent that Mr.
guards against such misunderstandings. to negotiate from strength, Unfortunately, Stoddard's very illuminating address be
"Some people think the Voice in a national the longer we remain in South Vietnam the printed in the RECORD, for it contains
emergency should be a tactical weapon," says more our strength deteriorates.
Loomis, "but we think we should be a stra- When we had 1000 American advisers in ment ac activities and Bureau o Land Manage
tegic weapon, building up a confidence over Vietnam, as in the early days of the Eisen- merit policies
of wide
the long haul." hower administration, we were probabl interest.
Everyone agrees that the Voice was first stronger than today. President Kennedy There being no objection, the address
"bent" during the Cuban missiles crisis of boosted the number of Americans to 20,000 was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
October 1962, when the administration and President Johnson has raised the total as follows:
quite frankly managed the news. But that to 23,500, but we are in a weaker position
was quickly over. People at the Voice are to negotiate because today the Vietcong JOINT ACTION TOWARD COMMON GOALS
now disturbed about the heavyhanded occupy about two-thirds of the country. (Remarks by Charles H. Stoddard, Director,
propaganda line that has been in effect the The real problem of strength is the local Bureau of Land Management, U.S. Depart-
last month. South Vietnamese Government, and the ment of the Interior, before the National
So Loomis' speech was much appreciated. more the generals concentrate on their own Association of Soil Conservation Districts,
Only, as one of his listeners said, "I wish it personal ambition rather than the welfare Portland, Oreg., Feb. 10, 1966)
had been made by somebody other than a of the country, the weaker becomes our Just about a year ago, at your Kansas City
retiring director-, strength to negotiate. convention, I was honored with your Dis-
WHAT the Washinugton Post] NEXT? tinguished Service Award. I accepted that
VIETNAM r m the
JOHNSON INHERITED SIT- The above three points are the heart and plaque with mixed feelings of pride and
[FNATIONrIoNm .WHICH U.S. INSTEAD OF FRANCE soul of the Vietnamese problem. What humility, and hung it prominently over my
Is IN Tx.W therefore, are the alternatives facing the Fork In Washington. That was a rash act.
United States? Fora year now that symbol of achievement
(By Drew Pearson) They are: To place the matter before the has been on display; but I've been able to
There are three Important fallacies to be United Nations Security Council, which has see it, too, and ft's been a daily reminder of
hasn't considered
considered . regarding the Vietnam crisis never been given the Indochina problem in what us job een achieved, of what a tre-
President Johnson inherited. the past; or to continue bombing farther mendous olies ahead.
1. We contend that we are in South Viet- and farther north. With that sword of Damocles over my
nam at the request of the popular govern- In the latter event, the Communist world conscience, I put In a busy year. Today, I'd
ment, to protect freedom. This is pure bunk. is in an extremely strong position to retali- like to review with you the progress we've
The government has changed so often that ate in four widely separated areas: made over the past year; more importantly,
no one can keep track of whether Big Minh
1. Ho Chi Minh can move
perhaps
let'
ith
t
,
w
his well-
Little Minh, or Minnie Mouse Is in power' trained army from the north.
There have been 14 changes of government 2. The Red Chinese could move in on the
since January 30, 1964, which is an average of islands of Quemoy and Matsu, which lie only
one government per month. The govern- 3 and 12 miles respectively from their coast,
ment is of the military, by the military, and and take them fairly easily, since most of
for the military, and Vietnamese civilians the U.S. 7th Fleet is tied up in the Gulf of
have no illusions about it. Tonkin.
2. We be way to sto 3. Vietnameselifight ngtishbybreta i ory rands in Korea Where South Korea is still protected
against the North. There are many indica- only by a truce.
tions that this also is pure bunk. First, the 4. If the Russians wanted to enter the pic-
North Vietnamese are led by Ho Chi Minh, a ture they could exert a squeeze on Berlin
tough guerrilla fighter who battled against with another blockade, thus requiring the
the French} for ,8 years and defeated the United States to divide its attention between
French Army, totaling 380,000
.ream of the Asia and Europe.
No. 51-6
,
s
ry to see where we're heading.
PARTNERS IN PROGRESS
I use the word "we" advisedl
y, meaning
by it not the "we" of the Bureau of Land
Management, nor even the "we" of BLM-
SCD relationships. I mean "we conserva-
tionists and land administrators, we-all of
us-responsible for lands and resources.
Whether we work for the Government or for
ourselves, whether our organizations are
public or private, our basic goals must. be
the same. They will be, if we approach our
work from the standpoint of what's good for
America.
My theme today is "cooperation." In the
context of public land management, that
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means organizations working as allies, to
fulfill the promise of these lands. And even
those of you not directly involved in this
work are affected by it because, like all our
people, you are shareholders in this land.
Like "conservation" itself, "cooperation"
can be used as a pious means to uncoopera-
tive ends. Even among men of good will,
great injustices can be done in the name of
good causes; and in land management, that
cause is too often the defense of private land
against public interest, or of public land
against private interest.
Let me say now that BLM does not accept
this state of affairs. Our work is predicated
on the belief that there Is no real difference
between public and private lands-only the
incidental one of who holds the title.
In the long run, titles are irrelevant.
When a water table falls, it doesn't matter
who owns the surface-the important thing
is to get it restored. Erosion and fire attack
land without consulting ownership records;
and all of us lose when one of us loses
soil. The real question is, "Who can do the
best job of meeting the Nation's resource
and recreational needs?" And there is no
blanket answer, ideals and prejudices not-
withstanding.
Who can do the job? The job begins with
this question, and this is where public and
private interests begin to merge.
Irk the West, where BLM administers 175
million acres of public domain, the question
is crucial. On the vast stretches of public
land, far from urban centers which might
need land to accommodate growth, the Fed-
eral Government must shoulder the respon-
sibilities of protection, of resource produc-
tion, of managing the land in accordance
with modern-day needs. The Government
must operate effectively where other sectors
of the economy cannot. Since these large
blocks lie adjacent to private lands, they
must be managed as an integral part of the
local economy.
But we also have numerous public tracts
intermingled with private, local government
and other Federal lands. These are the cri-
tical areas. Here the programs of all land-
holders must be coordinated. To ignore this
need--to allow one segment of the land to
deteriorate while replenishing others-is to
hamstring the whole works. In our jigsaw
land patterns, one ill-fitting piece can ruin
the whole picture.
`.this is our concept of cooperation. Let
me describe now how BLM is putting the
concept into action,
NEW LAWS FOR A NEW ERA
For a starting point, let's go back to last
September, when the President signed into
law three bills with far-reaching effects on
public land administration: Public Law 88-
606, which establishes a Public Land Law
Review Commission; Public Law 88-607, the
Classification and Multiple Use Act; and
Public Law 88-608, the Public Sale Act.
Along with other new conservation laws,
these reflect a new congressional awareness
of the vital role conservation must play in
our society. They are part of the unmis-
takable mandate for conservation Congress
gave us last year. And although over-
shadowed by such dramatic legislation as
the land and water fund and the wilderness
bill, their effects may be even more signi-
ficant.
In passing them, Congress may have had
these words of the President in mind: "For
a century we labored to settle and to subdue
a continent. For half a century we called
upon unbounded invention and untiring in-
dustry to create an order of plenty. The
challenge of the next half century is whether
we have the wisdom to use that wealth to
enrich and elevate our national life, and
to advance the quality of our American
civilization."
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE March 22, _.
Let's review these bills:
The Public Land Law Review Commission
Act begins by setting forth the policy of
Congress: that the public lands of the United
States shall be "retained and managed or
disposed of, all in a manner to provide the
maximum benefit for the general public."
This rather bland statement has great sig-
nificance. For the first time, Congress has
indicated that some of the public lands ad-
ministered by BLM may stay in public own-
ership. The only indication of intent up to
this point has been the Taylor Grazing Act,
which authorized management "pending
their final disposition." By leaving tenure
open, that phrase also left the possibility
of effective long-term management in doubt.
It remained so until this policy statement
opened the door to retention.
Over the next 4 years, the Commission will
review the laws governing public land ad-
ministration, plus the policies and practices
of administrators. It will survey present and
future demands for this land, gather neces-
sary data, and recommend changes necessary
to carry out the policies set forth in the act.
While the Commission deals with new pol-
icy, the Classification and Multiple Use Act
is a vehicle for experimenting with new tools.
It requires the Secretary to "develop criteria
by which he shall determine which of the
public lands shall be disposed of and which
shall be retained and managed." It then
requires the Secretary to use these standards
in classifying the land for retention or dis-
posal, and to manage the retained areas un-
der multiple use and sustained yield prin-
ciples.
The act states that lands shall be disposed
of when they are required for the orderly
growth and development of a community.
The closely related public sale law permits
sale of lands for this purpose, on condition
that the community has appropriate zoning
regulations in effect. On this score, by the
Way. House Interior Committee Chairman
WAYNE AsPINALL made the intent of Congress
clear when he said: "The burden is now on
the local communities to act affirmatively
in establishing comprehensive zoning regu-
lations where they do not already exist. The
development of many western communities
depends upon making lands available for
non-Federal use. Whether they will be of-
fered for sale under this legislation is now
squarely up to the communities themselves.
It is not sufficient that a token zoning regu-
lation be enacted; it is necessary that it be
forceful and enforceable. Failure of local
government agencies to act responsibly and
constructively can only result in creating
the impression that the Federal Government
must retain control over public lands after
they have passed from Federal ownership."
Let me comment here that your districts
cau play an Important part in community
growth under this act. As local communi-
ties prepare to acquire land, you can encour-
age them to zone not only to insure "orderly
development," as the law requires, but to
think of conservation and wise use as the
paramount values.
in 10 of our Western States, the country is
authorized to plan and zone land, to regulate
land use, to protect the land from damage
by conflicting uses. Most States also au-
thorize soil conservation districts to apply
the necessary land treatment measures, and
to encourage conservation. All the require-
ments for teamwork are at hand; now it's up
to us to carry the ball.
MEETING THE CHALLENGE
Now the onus Is on us-all of us concerned
with public domain. The work we accom-,
plish now will very likely influence the Com-
mission's report and resulting legislation.
We--our generation-is challenged to fulfill
the promise of our resource heritage.
BLM's first step in this direction was ,.
develop classification standards, the yard-
sticks by which we can measure the relative
values of public or private ownership for any
given tract. I said this was a first step-
but before taking it we had to do some pre-
liminary groundwork.
On the ground, this consisted of inven-
torying the public lands, finding out what we
had. We found that the land falls naturally
into four general categories, three for man-
agement and one for disposal.
The management categories are:
1. Areas with the best-blocked land pat-
terns, which can be encircled by a boundary
and given a name. The land pattern in these
units runs about 70- to 80-percent public
land, except for several checkerboard areas.
We expect these areas to remain under BLM
multiple-use management.
2. Fragmented land pattern areas which
are highly valuable for recreation, among
other uses, and require Federal management.
3. Specialized areas, such as game ranges
and key recreation areas.
The single transfer category includes scat-
tered and intermingled lands which are not
suited to continued Federal control, but
could be better used if transferred to local
ownership, under the public sale law, as need
for community development.
Now, there was another phase of ground-
work, and this had to take place in our or-
ganizational heart. It had to do with chang-
ing attitudes-laying aside the hidebound
ideas that would Obstruct change; rising from
the rut of outmoded traditions. in many
ways, this was the more challenging task;
but certainly those who accept leadership in
a changing world must be willing to change
themselves. I think our actions will reflect
our efforts to do just this.
For example, we're now laying our pro-
posed classification standards before the peo-
ple who will be most affected, and asking for
their opinions. We're going to involve these
people right from the beginning-not only to
give fair consideration to all interests, but
to draw on their knowledge of the land and
its best uses. After the criteria become reg-
ulations, the public will again be consulted
on how they affect specific tracts. Only then
will classifications take place. We are, in
other words, inviting our multiple publics to
participate in our multiple-use decision-
making process.
At the moment, the guidelines look like
this :
Land would be transferred from Federal
ownership if it's needed for orderly com-
munity growth (residential, commercial, or
industrial), if it has high agricultural value,
or Is suited to such public uses as parks or
public buildings.
Values ranging from mineral production to
wilderness would be grounds for retention.
So would such conditions as the need for
public multiple-use management, unstable
soils needing special protection, long-term
investments required for resource develop-
ment, esthetic qualities that should be pre-
served, and the need for land to support
management programs on adjacent acres.
Gentlemen, in offering policy proposals for
public consideration, we ride no white
charger to the outer limits of democracy.
We are, in fact, exercising the will of Con-
gress-public hearings are required by the
Classification and Multiple-Use Act. But the
attitude that no agency can do its job inde-
pendently of those It seeks to benefit, tha C
pnagement is more a matter of people than
of land-this has taken on a new significance
in our operations, and given us new impetus.
It is one way we are responding to the
President's call, early last year, for "creative
federalism," which he said will require "new
concepts of cooperation." We want to weave
this thread through all our programs, into ea
firmer fabric of cooperative work.
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March 22, -1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE 5327
Boy scout"), and Dr. Harold Richards-are
all truly great men. I may be prejudiced,
but I feel that Harold E. Brooks of Armour
& Co., is one of the truly great. He is the
man who laid out the Fox College plan for
selecting students, a broad course of subject
content with' high graduation standards-
truly a great plan for success. He is the
man who set up a formula that would guar-
antee a 100 percent placement of all our
graduates during that dark period in our
history when there were 15 million unem-
ployed out of a work force of 35 million-no
small achievement.
Naturally, out of 3,300 Fox College gradu-
ates of the past 33 years, there are many
who approach greatness. A number of these
gradu tes are, today, members of the clergy,
both Protestant and Catholic. Yes; there
are great teachers and leaders In the other
professions among the Fox College graduates,
and as you would expect, a great number
of outstandingly successful business people,
operating with honor and high service. How-
ever, I rather suspect that if history accords
any one of these 3,300 Fox College graduates
with achieved greatness, it will be Eddie
Kapelinski, of the Richard's Paint Co. His-
tory has rated Abraham Lincoln as the great-
est man of the 19th century. History may
rate Winston Churchill as the greatest man
of the 20th century. However, it is too early
to say. The greatest man of the 20th cen-
tury may still be in one of our classrooms
today. But of this I am sure, America's fu-
ture greater needs will call forth greater
men.
Probably the No. 1 person on my list of
great men is Dr. Lubera-never found want-
ing' over a 30-year period-always said the
right thing at the right time, and always did
the right thing at the right time. Believe
me, Dr. Lubera, as the educational director
of Independence Hall Association, it is a real
pleasure and a great privilege for me to pre-
sent this most deserved and well-earned
citation.
This Day-day, I3-hour citation reads
thusly:
"D-DAY H-HOUR CAREERS CITATION TO
DR. THADDEUS J. LUBERA
"For his dedicated years of distinguished
service to education.
"For his immeasurable contribution to the
lives of thousands of young people.
"For his invaluable contribution to the
growth, development, and success of hun-
dreds of business and industrial firms and
professional organizations in which his grad-
uates are rendering high service.
"For his extensive contribution to the so-
cial and economic welfare of his community.
"For his instilling a deep appreciation and
reverential-gratitude for our American herit-
age in his students as expressed in their
acceptance of the challenge of active Amer-
ican citizenship.
'For his exemplary qualities as a true gen-
tleman and a kindly neighbor."
OVERINVOLVEMENT OF UNITED
STATES IN EX-COLONIAL RE-
GIONS OF THE WORLD
Mr. CHURCH. Mr. President, on Feb-
ruary 17, I spoke on the floor of the Sen-
ate suggesting that the United States had
become overinvolved in the ex-colonial
regions of the world, including the area
which was formerly French Indochina.
I was pleased to see that George F. Ken-
nan expressed similar thoughts in his
recent Walter E. Edge lecture at
Princeton.
T, greatly respect the foreign policy
judgment and experience of Ambassador
Kennan. A career Foreign Service offi-
cer, he served with distinction as Chair
man of the Policy Planning Council in the
State Department, as Ambassador to the
Soviet Union and later, as Ambassador
to Yugoslavia. He helped to author the
containment policy in Europe toward the
Soviet Union which the United States
followed after the Second World War. As
well as having practical experience in
dealing with the Communist countries,
he is also one of the most noted scholars
in the field of Communist-Western rela-
tions, and the author of many books and
articles in this field, including the noted
work "Russia and the West Under Lenin
and Stalin." Professor Kennan is cur-
rently engaged in scholarly research at
Princeton University.
. In his recent lecture, Kennan made
two comments which I think of as valu-
able guideposts for our policy in the ex-
colonial world:
There is one thing we might usefully bear
in mind. The surest way to invite a strong
and effective Communist involvement in sit-
uations of this nature is to involve ourselves
heavily, particularly in a military way.
Later in his address, Ambassador Ken-
nan remarks:
I can think of nothing we need more, at
this stage, than a readiness to relax; not to
worry so much about these remote countries
scattered across the southern crescent, to let
them go their own way, not to regard their
fate as our exclusive responsibility, to wait
for them to come to us rather than our
fussing continually over them. The more we
exert ourselves to protect them from com-
munism, the less the exertion they are going
to undertake themselves.
In his lecture Ambassador Kennan
wisely cautions us to remember our re-
lations with the other nations of the
world when determining United States
policy in Vietnam. As he points out, it
would scarcely be to our advantage to
help heal the Sino-Soviet split by driv-
ing Communist China and the Soviet
Union back together again.
I ask unanimous consent to have Am-
bassador Kennan's lecture, entitled "A
Case for Sparing the Spurs: Forcing
Russia's Hand on Big Issues Could Push
Kremlin Into Siding With China on
Vietnam," published in the Washington
Post of March 7, be printed at this point
in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the lecture
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
[From the Washington (D.C.) Post, Mar. 7,
19651
A CASE FOR SPARING THE SPURS-FORCING
RUSSIA'S HAND ON BIG ISSUES COULD PUSH
KREMLIN INTO SIDING WITH CHINA ONE
VIETNAM
(By George F. Kennan)
(NOTE.-The following is excerpted from
the recent Walter E. Edge lecture at Prince-
ton University by the former Ambassador to
the Soviet Union and to Yugoslavia, an au-
thority on world communism.)
Moscow is faced today with Chinese pres-
sures of the heaviest possible sort which not
only demand an immediate deterioration in
Russia's relations with the West but obvi-
ously have as their concealed aim the provo-
cation of actual hostilities between Russia
and the West at the earliest possible
moment.
The Soviet leaders are well aware of this.
They understand its dangers. They propose,
I am sure, to resist these pressures to the best
of their ability. But there is one area of
world affairs where they are extremely vul-
nerable, where the Chinese have important
tactical advantages and where the Soviet
leaders can be, and are being, pressed con-
stantly into positions and actions that com-
promise their relations with the United
States in particular. This is the area of the
so-called' anti-imperialist movement.
What is involved here is the question of
leadership among the various anti-Western
and anti-American political forces now com-
peting for ascendancy in the newer or less
developed countries of Asia, Africa, and Latin
America. To the extent that these conflicts,
these so-called anti-imperialist struggles, are
highlighted before world opinion; to the ex-
tent that they engage the attention of the
great powers and become theaters and testing
grounds of great-power rivalries; to the ex-
tent that it becomes impossible for the So-
viet Union to ignore or remain aloof from
them, Moscow sees no choice but to come
down strongly on the anti-Western side, even
at the cost of damage to its relations with
leading Western countries.
ITS ONLY FUTURE
One may well ask why this should be so;
what importance these new countries have
for Moscow that could justify so costly a re-
action. I can give you only a partial answer.
because I myself believe this reaction to be
exaggerated, oversensitive and not fully war-
ranted even by the political self-interest of
the Soviet regime. Nevertheless, to a certain
extent one can see and understand, if not
approve, its rationale.
In Europe and North America, the Com-
munist movement, as a dynamic advancing
political force, is dead. If it has a future
anywhere, it is in these developing areas and
particularly in the new states, where firm
political traditions and institutions have
not yet formed; and here the possibilities,
from Moscow's standpoint, lie less in the
prospect of creating real Communist sys-
tems (for this, the prerequisites are lack-
ing) than in the possibility of dominant
influence being exerted from some Commu-
nist center over these inexperienced regimes;
of their being developed as instruments of
major Communist policy in the game of in-
ternational policies.
Moscow believes-Moscow is almost obliged
by doctrinal conviction to believe-that
these anti-Western forces, euphonistically
referred to as the anti-imperialist ones, are
bound to be generally successful, politically,
on the local scene, at least in the struggle
against Western influences; and noting the
fumbling, ineffective quality of our own re-
sponse, I must say I think they have some
reason ' for this belief, insofar as it is we
Americans who are primarily involved at the
Western end.
The great question, in their view, is: Which
Communist center is to preside over these
various victories and to reap the various
fruits? To abandon this field of political
contest, or even to neglect it, means, as they
see it, to present it on a silver platter to the
Chinese. For this, they are not prepared.
DANGEROUS INDIFFERENCE
Their foreign relations operate in three
great areas: the world Communist movement,
the underdeveloped and new nations and
the Western World. In the Communist
movement, their position is already under
heavy and effective Chinese attack. Their
relations with the West, while valuable to
them, cannot, at this historical juncture, at
any rate, be expected to carry the entire
burden of their international position. A
Soviet foreign policy based exclusively on
relations with the West would practically
undermine the rationale for the mainte-
nance of Soviet power in Russia itself.
Aside, therefore, from the fact that they
regard the governments of the new nations
as their natural and traditional clients, the
Soviet leaders cannot afford, for wider rea-
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE March 22, 1965
eons, to stand aside from the struggle for
predominance over them. Any such passivity
could easily be made to look like indifference
to the prospering of the Communist cause
generally and would at once be exploited
by the Chinese as a means of discrediting
Soviet policy and completing the destruc-
tion of Moscow's influence and leadership
in the world Communist movement.
And beyond that, it would risk the loss
of access to this entire theater of interna-
tional politics, where a continued Soviet pres-
ence could alone make the difference between
effective Soviet participation in world affairs
and a total and ruinous isolation.
In summary, then, we have before us, in
the person of the Soviet leadership, a regime
subject to strong compulsions toward better
relations with the West, yet conscious of
having an extremely sensitive flank in Asia
and Africa which it can protect only at the
expense of its relations with the West; walk-
ing a very narrow tightrope among these con-
flicting pressures; vacillating, weaving this
way and that; responsive to the shifts in the
world scene; its behavior, for this reason, in
.part the product of the way we ourselves
play our hand and in this sense susceptible
in some degree to our influence.
PEIPING'S DIRECTION
Two possibilities now present themselves.
One is that our relationship with Moscow
deteriorates; that Moscow, as a consequence,
finds it necessary to hold more closely to
Peiping in order to compensate for the loss
of its Western card; that Moscow then throws
itself even more frantically and, having little
to lose, even more recklessly and wholeheart-
edly, into the anti-imperialist struggle, heed-
less of the effect on Soviet-American rela-
tions, coming to regard as its major objective
not the preservation of an effective balance
between the Chinese and ourselves as factors
in Russia's external situation, but rather,
successful competition with the Chinese for
leadership in the political struggle for our
destruction. This alternative 'would not sat-
isfy in all respects Chinese desiderata, for the
Chinese-Soviet rivalry would continue to be
operable in many forms. But it represents
in general the direction in which the Chinese,
as well as many neo-Stalinists in the Soviet
Union, would like to see Soviet policy move.
I would militate for increased unity
throughout the Communist bloc as well as
for sharper and more uncompromising tactics
toward the West. It would compound the
effectiveness of the forces now marshaled
against us. It is difficult to see what ultimate
conclusion it could have other than a world
war.
The other possibility is, of course, a con-
tinued improvement of Russia's relations
with ourselves. This is one that would
strengthen the hands of both powers with
relation to the Chinese. The Russian hand,
because the value of the Soviet alternative
to the acceptance of Chinese pressures would
be enhanced; our own hand, because the in-
tensity of the forces ranged against us would
be reduced and because Soviet interests
might even work in many ways to reinforce
our own position.
In drawing the picture of these alterna-
tives, I should like to avoid the impression
that they are absolutes. There is nothing
I can conceive of, short of a world war,
which could throw the Russians entirely into
the Chinese camp. Conversely, any improve-
ment in Russia's relations with the West
should not be expected to go so far as to
produce any total break with Peiping.
What I am talking about here are tend-
encies rather than finalities; but they are
tendencies of great importance, and the
fact that neither would be likely to be car-
ried to a point of absolute finality does not
obviate the enormous significance that at-
taches to the choice between them.
We should recall at this point that the
present unhappy state of our relations with
China, hopelessly anchored as it appears to
be in the circumstances of the moment,
should not and must not be regarded as a
final and permanent state of affairs. The
Chinese are one of the world's great peoples,
intelligent and industrious, endowed with
enormous civilizing power and with formi-
dable talents, cultural and otherwise. It is
wholly unnatural that the relations between
such a people and our own should be as they
are today.
Dismal as are the immediate prospects, we
must look forward to the day when we come
to terms in some way with the prevailing
political forces on the Chinese mainland.
This, however, like any other adjustment of
international relations, will take bargaining
and compromise; and if the final relationship
is to be a sound one and to bear weight, both
sides must have a reasonable bargaining pow-
er when they finally sit down to accommodate
their differences.
Only If the Soviet Union is kept in the
running as an independent force in world
affairs, enjoying and valuing a constructive
relationship with the West. and thus being
not solely dependent on the Chinese con-
nection and not helpless in the face of Chi-
nese demands-only if these conditions pre-
vail will we have a chance of working out our
long-term relationship to China on a basis
reasonably satisfactory to ourselves. A well-
ordered relationship with Moscow is, in other
words, essential to the constructive and
healthy adjustment of our long-term rela-
tions with China.
If, in place of the preservation and en-
couragement of Russia's independent role,
we force theRussians back into a closer re-
lation with the Chinese, or even into an in-
tense and exclusive competition with the
Chinese for leadership in the destruction of
our world position, we will not only inten-
sify the effectiveness of the forces ranged
against us at this particular moment but we
will complicate greatly, and not to our own
advantage, the problem of the eventual com-
position of our difference with both the Rus-
sians and the Chinese.
If this view be accepted, it becomes, as
you see, an urgent requirement of Ameri-
can policy to ease in every proper and con-
structive way the relationship between the
Soviet Union and the United States. This
has nothing to do with fatuous one-sided
concessions designed to win gratitude on the
Soviet side. As one of my Foreign Service
colleagues used to say, you can't bank good-
will in Moscow, and I would be the last to
advocate anything of that sort.
But what you can do is to hold out to
Moscow a plausible prospect of accommoda-
tion in those issues that are theoretically
susceptible of solution in this way, and avoid
the accenting of those that are not. This,
as I see it, means serious effort on our part
to provide a reasonable basis for accommo-
dation in the great issues of Germany and
of nuclear weapons control-in those issues,
in other words, that affect primarily the
European theater and are central problems
of Russia's relationship with the West; and
at the same time to deemphasize wherever
possible conflicts that fall under the Com-
munist category of the anti-imperialist
struggle, conflicts in the face of which Mos-
cow, when its hand is forced, is bound to
come down formally on the anti-American,
if not the pro-Chinese, side.
It does not appear to me that American
policy of recent years stacks up very well in
relation to this requirement. I have not
seen the evidence that we have done all we
could do to find agreement with the Soviet
Union in matters of Germany and disarma-
ment.
Needless irritations, such as the Captive
Nations Resolution and various antiquated
trade restrictions, are still permitted to im-
pede the development of Soviet-American
relations. And our present involvement in
Vietnam is a classic example of the sort of
situation we ought to avoid if we do not wish
to provoke In Moscow precisely those reac-
tions that are most adverse to our interests.
It is largely as a consequence of these stra-
tegic errors that we find ourselves in the
dangerous and unpromising position we oc-
cupy today.
It will be asked of course, particularly in
connection with the problem we now have
on our hands In Vietnam, what else we
could do than what we have done in situa-
tions of this sort.
I would be the last to generalize about
such situations, or to suggest that a hands-
off policy is everywhere possible and desir-
able. But there is one thing we might use-
fully bear in mind. The surest way to in-
vite a strong and effective Communist in-
volvement in situations of this nature is to
involve ourselves heavily, particularly In a
military way.
Where we lay off, the road may be open,
ostensibly, to Communist intrigue and pen-
etration (it is usually open, no matter what
we do) and there may well be takeovers by
political forces that make a pretense of
Marxist conviction and look to Moscow or
Peiping for economic aid and political sup-
port. But this is not always so intolerable
to our interests as we commonly suppose.
The less we are in the picture, the less is
there any excuse for actual military inter-
vention on the part of the Communist powers
and the greater are the chances for rivalry
between Moscow and Peiping for political
predominance in the region concerned. But
in the absence of a Communist military pres-
ence, and where this Chinese-Soviet rivalry
exists, the local regimes, whether nominally
Communist or otherwise, are almost bound
to begin to act independently in many ways-
to develop, in other words, Titoist tendencies.
And this is not always the worst solution,
from our standpoint. It is harder for either
Moscow or Peiping to interfere extensively
with a regime that calls itself Communist
than with one that does not. And since we
have not engaged our prestige extensively,
the situation affords to the Communist pow-
ers no such opportunities for political gains
at our expense as those the Chinese and
North Vietnamese Communists are now reap-
ing in Vietnam.
I can think of nothing we need more, at
this stage, than a readiness to relax: Not to
worry so much about these remote countries
scattered across the southern crescent, to let
them go their own way, not to regard their
fate as our exclusive responsibility, to wait
for them to come to us rather than our
fussing continually over them. The more we
exert ourselves to protect them from com-
munism, the less the exertion they are going
to until rtake themselves.
ST. PATRICK'S DAY SPEECH BY
SENATOR MANSFIELD ON FOR-
EIGN RELATIONS AND VIETNAM
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, on
St. Patrick's Day I delivered a speech
in Chicago to the Irish Fellowship Club.
The speech deals primarily with foreign
relations and particularly with Vietnam.
in the latter connection, there are set
forth three suggested general principles
whose universal acceptance would ap-
pear to me to be the first step to the
restoration of peace in Vietnam and its
maintenance throughout southeast Asia.
There is also reference in the speech
to the reappearance in force of late of
such words as "isolationism" and "inter-
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 March 22, 1965
5329
nationalism" in public discussion of for- in the fury of a vast upheaval. This up- we seek to. prevent it, no matter what fore-
eign policy issues. These terms, in my heaval is not necessarily what many of the bearance and restraint we may practice.
judgment, are not conducive to intelli- Inhabitants may have sought. But whether That, no man can foretell, But I can tell
gent understanding of the grave issues sought or not, they are engulfed by it and you that the President of the United States
they must live with it and work out their who bears the terrible responsibility of deci-
which confront the United. States in own destinies within its dimensions. sion, whose finger is on the nuclear trigger,
Vietnam and elsewhere, issues which Into this vast change in Vietnam and has not harkened to the siren call of easy
should be considered freely on their own southeast Asia,, our own Nation has been victory in Asia, or anywhere else. In this
merits and without the brands of disdain projected. It is a recent involvement which, respect, President Johnson carries the same
being applied either way. The Nation for a long time, was scarcely perceptible. burdens as his predecessors, the late John
requires deep thought and thoughtful Indeed, it is difficult to grasp the rapidity Fitzgerald Kennedy and Dwight D. Eisen-
ideas on foreign policy, not synthetic and the extent of our involvement in south- hower. And all of them have recognized,
labels, There is no automatic virtue in east Asia without having had some firsthand under the weight of these burdens, the ne-
either experience with it from the onset. When cessity for prudence and restraint.
pure old-fashioned isolationism i first visited southeast Asia a dozen years There are no quick or easy answers to the
or internationalism, if, indeed, they were ago, I had to check a map to be certain of difficulties in southeast Asia. But there are
ever very pure. If either is pursued the capital cities of the more remote nations, solutions-just solutions--if all concerned
willy-nilly, on the assumption that there And the maps often did not agree, so little face the realities of the situation in Viet-
Is, we are likely to wind up in the same interest was there in that part of the world nam. And the sooner all concerned recog-
place-in a self-isolation or in all isolated at the time. When I visited Laos in 1953, nize these realities and are prepared to
internationalism. So I would hope that I found two Americans-two Americans- begin an earnest search for these solutions,
we would recognize that resolution of the two Americans-in the entire country and the better. The natural jungles of Vietnam
both on officiaal assignment. When I visited are extensive enough without adding to
complex-problems which, face us in the Saigon in that same year, there were scarcely them the manmade wastelands of war. The
world is not going to be obtained with 100 Americans in all of Vietnam, including lot of the people of Vietnam-north and
either of these outdated remedies. Our the North. south-is bitter enough without the acrid
task is to think through those problems Now, a dozen years later, the number of additions of a spreading and deepening con-
through the,process of reason and dis- Americans in Vietnam-in South Vietnam filet.
cussion and arrive at answers which, alone-is in the vicinity of 30,000 and, ac- The President has no choice but to con-
whether they result in doing less or more cording to the latest reports, there are, even tinue on the course now being followed un-
abroafic situations, are, never- now, requests from Saigon for the assign- less those who have engaged us are prepared
abroad theless, in attuned to the needs of the ment of additional U.S. Army troops, to face these realities. And from the point
The need for American personnel in of view of our own national Interests, it is
Nation. order to prevent a collapse in South Viet- essential that we consider what it is that
I ask unanimous consent that the nam has increased- steadily in the past 4 has prompted us to make and to continue
speech I delivered be printed in the REC- years. It has increased drastically since the to make the sacrifices of life and resources
ORD at this point. unfortunate and distresing assassination of which we have borne in Vietnam. I would
There being no objection, the speech the one Vietnamese leader who had man- point out to you, that current estimates
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, aged to maintain a measure of stability in place that cost at $2 million a day, not to
as follows: South Vietnam-the late President Ngo speak of the priceless lives which have been
Dinh Diem. In place of his steady hand, spent and will be spent. These costs are not
ST, PATRICK'S DAY, 1965, SPEECH OF SENATOR there has been a succession of hands pro- declining: they are rising. I would point out
MIKE MANSFIELD., DEMOCRAT OF MONTANA, duced by coup-on-coup in Saigon. to you, further, that by far the largest sin-
GIVEN BEFORE THE IRISH FELLOWSHIP CLUB Many of us who have witnessed this grow- gle expenditure of foreign aid goes to Viet-
AT THE SHERATON CHICAGO HOTEL, CHICAGO, tag involvement over the years have been nam,
ILL., WEDNESDAY, MARCH 17, 1965 deeply concerned by it. That is no secret. I do not want these sacrifices and, particu-
Where change is greatest in our lives but I, personally, have expressed that concern larly, the sacrifices of lives to go on 1 day
where we do not see it or sense it so readily many times in the past. Yet the fact re- longer than necessary. I know that you do
is in the world beyond our borders. It is to mains that three Presidents in succession- not want that either and I am certain that
that world and our relations with it that I Eisenhower, Kennedy, and Johnson have the President does not.
would address your attention for a few found no satisfactory and persuasive alter- But neither do we wish-any of us-to
moments. native to it. And so far as I can see, the abandon, half down the road, a burden which
I do not think it inappropriate to intro- prospects now are that the American in- was lifted in the interests of freedom and
duce a serious note on a day usually given to volvement in Vietnam will deepen further in our own security.
conviviality. It ought not to be forgotten before it lightens. That is the only context in which a just
that the man-the saint-who Is honored Let me say, in all frankness, that I do not peace can be sought in Vietnam. And it is
here, tonight, walked in a world which was know when and on what terms the conflict in that context that I ask you, tonight, to
neither pleasant nor carefree. Rather, it was in Vietnam will end. I can tell you that consider the principles of our national in-
a deeply troubled age in which the rock which the President has no Intention of permitting terests in that remote region and with the
had been Rome had crumbled. It, too, was a it to end in a sudden and abject withdrawal vast changes which have occurred, in Asia
time of change. It was a time of chaos, born of American forces. But I am persuaded, and in the world during our lifetime.
of ignorance and arrogance, of superstition to, that it will end at some time as all con- As a first principle, I would suggest that
and suffering. It was a time when an isolated filets eventually end, at a conference table. we seek no colonies, or bases or any other
and bucolic Ireland was at last being stirred It is significant that such public opinion permanent American establishment in Viet-
into upheaval by a birth in a stable many polls as have been taken reflect the same nam or on the southeast Asian mainland;
d what we do not seek for ourselves we
miles and three or four centuries away, view. A vast majority of the American peo- an
And, tonight, I would remind you that St. ple express support, both, for the military will oppose for any other outside power.
Patrick's Day comes, not only to Chicago and measures which the President must take and Second, I would suggest that we seek, not
the United States but to Saigon, Vietnam, the hope for an end of this conflict, to dominate, but to live in an equitable
and throughout a troubled southeast Asia. In In short, the American attitude, insofar peace and in a peaceful commerce and com-
that distant region, halfway around the world as it is reflected in these indicators, was munion with all the people of southeast
from this city, there are those who will also formulated originally by the late President Asia; and what we seek for ourselves we
celebrate this day. But the green they will John Fitzgerald Kennedy. He expressed in recognize as the right of others to seek for
wear will be the camoilauge green of jungle it-as he knew so well how to express-the themselves.
warfare. In that region, too, there is the dual sentiment which resides in the heart of And, third, I would suggest that we are
chaos born of ignorance and arrogance and America. We will do, as Americans, what- prepared for an end to the use of force
of superstition and suffering. There is up- ever needs to be done to insure justice and throughout Vietnam at the earliest date
heaval and change-immediate and incipient, the national tranquillity. But we will not consistent with the right of the peoples of
that
in Vietnam and throughout southeast Asia. glorify war as an end in itself. In Vietnam, themselves, region ree adetm the hete their nd ag es-
A region of immense size is involved. It Is we do not desire the sacrifice of a single life sion w ichfree lg them and ag many
a region larger than, the United States and beyond what may be necessary years. bring year . What has plagued them for too
forgo, we
-composed of as many human beings as live about an equitable solution. s, W er are must also to epa e, we
in our country plus in
millions more. Insist that others must also be prepared to
,any There are those who say "let us with- forgo.
There, too, the rocks of stability have draw" which we will not and those who So far as I can see, that is all we seek in
crumbled In these years of our times. The say "let's get it over now" which is not a Vietnam and southeast Asia and that is all
peace of the ricefields and the quiet of the prescription for victory. It is an invitation we should seek in good conscience and in
juiagle have been _,shattered, A culture of to an extended war which will take us on a good sense in that remote situation.
many cultures, a politics of many politics, a road that leads ever deeper into Asia. It I wish I could tell you that Vietnam is
people of many peoples have been caught up may come to that in the end, no matter how all that need, intrude in the way of inter-
No. 51--L4
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5330 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE March 22, 1965
national concernon this pleasant gathering For us, these changes infer the need for have expanded the average span of life
tonight. But I cannot, in all honesty, omit continuous adjustment in our policies within over 10 years since 1930?
reference to the changes which are occur- the basic design of our relations with Europe. In 1930, the life expectancy of our peo-
ring in Africa and, notably, in the Congo. I am hopeful that we will retain a close com- ple was 59 years. Today, in 1965, it is in
There, too, in remote and little-known munication with Western Europe and, to excess of 69 years; and, for all I know,
places, a new era is emerging from beneath that end, do whatever can be done to close
the crumbled stability which heretofore was the unfortunate breech in warmth and it has probably gone over the 70-year
imposed from without. The colonies are understanding which has opened with France. mark-great testimony to America, to its
gone or almost gone. In their wake has At the same time, I would also hope that scientists, and to those who are in the
appeared a churning mixture of national- we might continue to lighten the burden of healing arts and related professions.
Ism, tribalism, racialism, democracy, com- expense for the defense of Western Europe The Empire Trust letter published by
munism, Islamism, and Christianity. And which we have borne in a somewhat one-
the tEmpire Trust CO. of New York City,
whole is heated with the immense and sided arrangement since the end of the war. the h "U.S. Pharmaceutical In-
who inhabit the continent. foreign aid, at a time when Europe is gen-
Here, the American involvement is, as it erally in a good position to share these costs a history of progress in medicine in this
once was in Indochina, minimal, and in a more equitable fashion. Nation uncompared to any other nation
h
scarcely perceptible. Here, too, there are
those, including myself, who have expressed
a concern over the years that the involve-
ment in Africa might deepen beyond what
was necessary and appropriate. Here, too,
as it is on the Asian mainland, the American
interest is limited. Here, too, if can be
nothing more than support of African
freedom in stability and of peaceful com-
merce and communion with the peoples of
Africa.
There was hope, not so long ago, that the
United Nations would provide an avenue
through the quicksands of African change
into an era of peaceful relations. There was
a hope, not so long ago that the United
Nations would provide a buffer to insulate
the emergent nations from the clashing in-
terests of outside powers. But that hope
foundered in what transpired in the Congo.
And It has been assailed, again, by the orga-
nizational disarray and the financial difficul-
ties of the United Nations. So I would say
to you, tonight, that unless there is a rebirth
of capacity In the United Nations to deal
with these matters, the United States, along
with other nations, is likely to be plunged
more deeply and more directly into the affairs
of the African Continent. The world may
well face in Africa in the near future what
it now sees in the critical confrontation in
Vietnam and southeast Asia.
The situation which exists elsewhere in
the world is neither as grim as that in Viet-
nam and southeast Asia nor as ominous as
that of the Congo and Africa. The danger
signs remain in the Middle East, to be sure.
The division of Berlin and Ger`inany and the
division of Korea are reminders of the un-
finished business of past wars which at any
time may demand final resolution.
But, there is another side of the coin. In
Latin America, for example, the Cuban
experience-shattering as it was--has not
been repeated elsewhere. The Alliance for
Progress which was set in motion by the late
President Kennedy has been continued with
vigor under President Johnson. It has been,
by all reports, most effective and most help-
ful in assisting the republics to the south
to strengthen their stability and to accelerate
their progress. Some of the Latin American
have scored enor-
Mexico
bl
t
ti
,
y
ons, no
a
na
mous economic advances. And as this prog- must have been five or six since last Octo- On the wall above the white-jacketed
ress has become manifest, our commercial ber. Every time I went there and every pharmacist his diploma from the College of
and other relations with that nation have time I got out feeling pretty good I con- Pharmacy of Columbia University is dated
benefited greatly. templated the research and the progress 1930.
In Western Europe, there! has been a sus- we have made in the field of medicine "When I was a student, we had basically
tained stability and economic advance. On and pharmaceuticals. threeprimary ingredients to work with. As-
the other side of the Continent, the eastern pirin, phenacetin, and caffeine. Then,- de-
Europeans are obviously exerting a greater How grateful I - am that through the pending on the prescription, we combined
degree of independence than at any time in years there has been a concern for the these in various formulations with codeine,
recent memory. health and welfare of all peoples who are quinine, and belladonna. That's all we had
These changes for the better are of im- a part of our Nation and that through our for over half--well over half-of all the pre-
mense importance to all of us. Western free enterprise system miracles have been scriptions we filled, 30 some years ago.
Europe is no longer as it was, scarcely 15 years developed to bring comfort and longevity "My older brother remembers the influ-
ago, totally dependent on us for its survival on this earth of hope and anticipation. enza epidemic of 1918," he went on. "Re
in freedom. Eastern Europe is no longer How often do we Americans fully realize saw his best friend at school on Friday, and
automatically responsive to the call of Soviet the following Monday his friend was dead.
command. Indeed, even Albania, not to and appreciate the advantages that are * * * Today people get flu shots-but no
mention Yugoslavia, is capable of ignoring ours today because those before us cared, influenza vaccine in those days."
that call and others, if they cannot yet say those of our time care and act, and have "The first real breakthrough was the
"no," can at least say, "yes, but-." contributed to the health measures that sulfa drugs," his colleague joined in. "Then
are to make the adjustments which are
necessary in this era of change that we
abandon, at last, the cliches of isolationism
or internationalism. Neither can meet the
needs of the Nation in these critical times.
There is no turning back the clock. But
neither is there any virtue in keeping the
hands of the clock ahead of the actual time.
It is not isolationism or internationalism
to consider the principles of a just peace in
Vietnam even as we pursue the bitter con-
flict in which we have become involved and
with which we must stay until that peace is
achieved. It is commonsense and sound na-
tional and international interest.
It is neither isolationism nor interna-
tionalism to consider other means-through
a restored and reorganized and financially
stable United Nations, if that is possible-
to avoid a series of Vietnams in Africa. It
Is commonsense and sound national and in-
ternational interest.
It is not isolationism nor internationalism
to consider ways of diffusing the burdens of
responsibility and costs which we still carry,
largely in a one-sided fashion for the de-
fense of the West and for foreign aid at a
time when we are in balance-of-payments
difficulties and Europe has a greater capacity
than heretofore. It is commonsense and
sound national and international interest.
These, then, are the thoughts which I
would leave with you tonight. And I would
ask you for patience and trust of the Presi-
dent, whose burdens are great as are those
of any President. I would ask you to think
through these immensely difficult questions
of foreign relations so that you will under-
stand what it is that confronts him. I would
ask you, even when you differ with him, to
appreciate that he is acting, as God gives
him the capacity, in the interests of the
people of the Nation and for the peace and
security of all of us.
e
on earth, which not only lengthened t
average span of life of its citizens, but
also brought physical and mental com-
fort, fast recovery, saving of lives, and
material savings to individuals, all to the
benefit of industry and Government.
Many people in various professions and
walks of life have made incalcuable con-
tributions to the health and welfare of all
our people-children and adults alike-
which includes researchers, manufac-
turers, and the pharmaceutical industry.
May these partners in "the business of
living" be ever challenged for greater
works.
I ask unanimous consent that this fac-
tual article be placed at this point in the
RECORD.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
THE U.S. PHARMACEUTICAL INDUSTRY-
"THE BUSINESS OF LIVING"
(Harassed from within and without, this
vital contributor to our economy continues
to do more for the health of mankind than
does any other industry in the world.)
"Accused of cynical opportunism, em-
broiled in legislative and jurisdictional con-
troversy-the U.S. pharmaceutical industry
has become the subject of attack and rebut-
tal, claim and counterclaim to an extent
perhaps unparalled in the recent history of
any other American industry.
"The pharmaceutical manufacturing com-
munity is not without blemish. Like every
other business community, it too, is plagued
by some irresponsible corporate citizens,
whose malfeasances have been increasingly
attributed to the industry as a whole. As
a result, the industry's magnificent achieve-
ments-its monumental role in the pre-
vention, cure, treatment, and alleviation of
disease-have become obscured in the pub-
THE U.S. PHARMACEUTICAL lie mind.
INDUSTRY "This letter, therefore, is issued in the
Mr. DIRKSEN. Mr. President, not so public interest * * ? because the products
and the problems of this vital industry affect
long ago I was in the hospital. I have every one of us-literally where we live"--
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