CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP67B00446R000300160027-3
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: U
• Document Page Count: 16
• Document Creation Date: December 15, 2016
• Document Release Date: September 25, 2003
• Sequence Number: 27
• Publication Date: March 8, 1965
• Content Type: OPEN

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ca ;ytion commissions in the field of soil budget includes a recommendation to cut Says LAIRD: "Though we do not win rolll
d water ? ebnservatioii ''The 'principal the appropriation for the Soil Conservation votes, we can win for America the all-impor-
March 8, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -- AYYIND1X
an
&ource` 6l the technical assistance to districts Service by $10 million. We feel that this Cant second look that may save us from
Is f oaf the oil. Conservation Service. out would virtually eradicate this agency, blindly accepting a Great Society that might
For, over 95 years this service has been which was established by F.D.R., has operated be just another great mistake, just another
provided free to all landowners. The present with signal success and always on a meager great scheme, just another great debt ac-
budget submitted for the U.S. Department of budget. cepted without due consideration."
Agriculture includes the following proposal: In order to raise the necessary funds, the Now, this is not to say that all of Presi-
"A reduction of $20 million is anticipated agency would have to charge fees for some dent Johnson's vast blueprint is bad. Cer-
for 1968 under legislation being' proposed to of its services which it has been providing tainly a part of it, handled with prudence,
authorize the establishment of a public free for the past 30-odd years. The SCS has may lead toward a better Nation. There are
enterprise revolving fund to finance in part benefited small landowners and the general other disturbing aspects of the Great So-
the cost of, technical services provided to soil public, whose interests are always served by ciety program, however, that contain pro-
conservation districts and cooperating farm- good land and water conservation practices. liferating seeds of costly growth, whose fu-
ers, ranchers, and other landowners in the The SCS has been performing in a new tore no man can reckon with any accuracy.
design, layout, and installation of planned and vital area by cooperating with commis- These are the projects that need a "sec-
soil and water conservation practices. The sions like ours in supplying technical assist- and look," and toward which responsible
proposed legislation would require that co- ante which small towns could not afford to Republicans must address themselves either
operating soil conservation districts or land- pay for and could not obtain elsewhere. Our with compelling arguments or sensible
owners and operators pay to the service up to commission works closely with our zoning alternatives.
50 percent of the cost of technical assistance board, which relies on SCS soil capability de-
furnished to help install planned practices terminations to back up its decisions. The
on their lands. Receipts derived from this SCS provides us with detailed information Act 1, the Funny Money Era
source and deposited in the fund would be on drainage conditions which play a vital
available in their entirety for installation role in proper zoning. The health officer re- EXTENSION OF REMARKS
services,", (From "Appendix to the Budget lies on their findings also. Their maps have
for Fiscal Year 1966.") been used in conjunction with our open or
The district supervisors are unanimously space recommendations for inclusion in our HON. JOHN J. RHODES
opposed to making charges for these services. forthcoming town plan. SCS representatives
They feel it would materially reduce the have given unstintingly of their time and . OF ARIZONA
amount of conservation practices being ap- resources, sending representatives to evening IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
plied on the land. By making charges for and Sunday meetings. We could not func-
these services, the bulk of the conservation tion without them. Tuesday, February 16, 1965
work would bedone on the land of a few The President's conservation program Mr. RHODES of Arizona. Mr. Speak-
The could afford to pay for such services. would be a farce If it should allow crippling
The small landowner who is in greatest need of this vital agency. Will you please use er, following is an editorial which ap-
of technical assistance could not afford to your good offices to keep the SCS function- peared in the Phoenix, Ariz., Gazette of
pay for the technical help. it would be dif- ing at top efficiency and try to increase, March 3, and which points up the dan-
ficult for this group of landowners to raise rather than cut, its modest budget. gers of-and the responsibility for-our
sui$eient funds to pay for the installation Sincerely yours, current silver coinage problem. Since
of conservation practices. ADELE RaISMAN, an, ivaluable coinage is his-
The present workload in each district is Secretary. an inherently nhe necessary to the stability of
greater than` what can be serviced with the torically li ited personnel now available. America's economic system, it behooves
he rapid change from farmland to other Urgent Second Look at Great Society all of us to think seriously and act wisely
land uses has created a need for technical in an effort to alleviate the situation with
guidance to additional individuals and plan- which we are presently faced.
ring groups. EXTENSION OF REMARKS The editorial follows:
Advance planning Is needed to adequately OF ACT I, THE FIINNY MONEY ERA
protect the land and avoid costly mistakes
through improper water management. HON. GLENARD P. LIPSCOMB It requires something less than an ad-
One of the fine programs which was en- OF CALIFORNIA vaned degree in economics to whet one's
acted by the Congress during the Roosevelt suspicions that something is seriously amiss
era was the establishment of this U.S. Soil IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES when normally sedate banks in some Amer--
can cities must exchange $1 in paper money
Conservation Service. The technical excel- Monday, March 8, 1965
lence of their staff and the contribution that and $1 in trading stamps for each $1 in
these staff members are now making to their Mr. LIPSCOMB. Mr. Speaker, under silver turned in to them.
various communities 3s irreplaceable, leave to extend my remarks, I submit The sad fact of life is that we are rapidly
President Johnson has Placed a very high for inclusion in the RECORD an editorial running out of silver; that the time is im-
priority on the preservation of our country's which appeared in the Wednesday, minent when the cost of using silver for coins
natural resources and technical guidance March 3, 1965, issue of the Los Angeles will be prohibitive, anyway, and that we
that F will be needed by our communities Times? must either abandon silver as a coinage base
throughout the country can only be supplied entirely, or sharply reduce the silver content.
by these Soll Conservation technicians. It The Times very appropriately points to At what cost to public confidence can only
would seem penny wise and pound foolish the need for close inspection of proposed be guessed.
with the programs now starting and spon= Government programs to avoid costly Both natural and unnatural causes are-
eared by the Federal Government. In grant error. It underscores the call by Rep- cited for this current kettle of fish that we
programs for natural resources to our States, resentative MELVIN R. LAIRD, chairman are in-and they range all the way from the
to deprive them of this professional know- of the House Republican conference, for increase in the industrial use of silver and
how that is presently available. the growth of the vending machine business
Your testimony before the appropriations a second look at Great Society proposals, to the spreading popularity of coin collect-
In previous years, has been excel- The editorial is as follows: ing. The real nub, however, is to be found
lento and much appreciated by the people in URGENT SECOND Loox AT GREAT SOCIETY In the Federal Government's long-time pre-
Connecticut. After reviewing the current occupation with playing fast and loose with
budget proposal, if you agree with the need Only an steamroller, steps deliberately finger front our currency for political purposes, and with
for continuing free technical services to pro- b asaw, steamrolle, tries or sticks his singlehandedly to into hold a its more recent refusal to realize that
buc
mote soil and water conservation, we would back a raging flood. Gresham's law-"bad money drives out
appreciate your support before appropriate good"-is still as valid now as it was in the
congressional committees to make known the
otic But to this sound a does not mwarningean when that the it is idisteam-- 16th To stimulate century.
nGedo foLCqn free world silver Production,
servation in Connecticut.
roller rolls, or the buzzsaw buzzes, or the and to conserve our coinage, the late Presi-
e . y.
e
Hon, WILLIAM S'T. ONGE, VIN LAn2D, OP Wisconsin, aC now gel e
HquSe, )3"ice 8uildzng, futility oftrying to stem the expectable flow money, the Federal Reserve notes, drove out
Washington, D.C. of Great Society legislation this year. After the good money, silver dollars. From a
DEAR .I.EP$ESENTATIVE T. ONGE: This com- all, the lineup is 295 to 140 in favor of the stockpile of more than 95 million cartwheels
mission has learned that the President's Johnson administration. in December 1962 (which the Treasury billed
As chairman of the policy-conscious House 25 percent by gold, but not redeemable. The
No ON on, CoConnnn C FebrOMMuaarry y 8, Y 8,965 Republican conference,- Representative MEL- move, unfortunately, flew directly in the face
ahSi On~oai. k l
d th f Gr sham's law Immedh/tel the had
o
apparently being developed. by the badly deemable 100 percent in silver-and replac-
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A1030 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -APPENDIX 'arch 8, 1965
as a 25-year supply) the supply fell to 3 mil-
lion in just 15 months and is now virtually
nonexistent.
Even if the silver were available, which It
is not, continued coinage is impossible since
silver, now trading on the free market, has
risen in price to $1.29 an ounce and has
reached the point where it has 'become
profitable to melt silver dollars down for
their silver content. Once the price rises to
$1.36 an ounce, which is inevitable, it will
then be profitable to melt down lesser silver
coins-quarters and dimes. The British
went through this politically explosive up-
heaval in the 1920's, to their everlasting
regret.
The upheaval we face in our currency is
going to be chaotic, and the current Demo-
cratic administration has no choice but to
accept responsibility for being the one that
politicked silver coins out of existence * *
for being the administration that debased
our currency and launched us on a funny
m'qney kick with ominous potentialities.
Sino-Soviet Conflict-Part III
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. CLEMENT J. ZABLOCKI
or WISCONSIN
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, March 8, 1965
Mr. ZABLOCKI. Mr. Speaker, at this
point I insert into the RECORD a second
article by Dr. Donald A. Zagoria, a mem-
ber of Columbia University's Research
Institute on Communist Affairs and the
author of the authoritative "The Sino-
Soviet Conflict, 1956-61."
In this article, which appeared in the
January 31, 1965, Washington Post edi-
torial section, Dr. Zagoria assesses some
of the probabilities and myths which sur-
round the question of American with-
drawal from southeast Asia and its effect
on Russia and China.
The article follows:
(By Donald S. Zagoria)
What would be the effect of an American
withdrawal from Vietnam? Is the domino
theory valid? Would withdrawal set in mo-
tion a chain of forces that would ultimately
spell the end of our position as a Pacific
power and a retreat "back to Waikiki"?
What would be the likely consequences else-
where in Asia of an American defeat in Viet-
nam? What effect would it have on Russia
and China?
None of these questions can be answered
with certainty because they Involve too many
imponderables. But it may be worthwhile
to try to assess some of the probabilities and
to dispel some of the myths.
Defeat for the United States In Vietnam-
no matter how it was disguised-would al-
most certainly encourage the Chinese and
other Communist parties in underdeveloped
areas to believe that the Chinese model of
"liberation war" is neither so risky nor so
pointless as the Russians have contended.
Chinese prestige In the international Com-
munist movement, particularly among those
parties in the neutral camps, would be en-
hanced and the "paper tiger" thesis would
probably be more widely accepted.
SEEK FERTILE SOIL
This does not mean that the Chinese or
other Asian Communists would run amok.
The Chinese would not necessarily encourage
other Communist parties to emulate Ho Chi
Minh of North Vietnam unless conditions
were deemed proper and unless there was a
pro-Western government In power that Peip-
ing wanted removed.
The Chinese are revolutionaries but they
are aware that a successful revolution or
"liberation war" must be carefully prepared
and that it must take place in fertile soil.
The ground for the Vietcong success today
in South Vietnam was carefully prepared
many years ago. Nor are the Chinese inter-
ested in indiscriminately promoting revolu-
tion. In countries such as Burma and Cam-
bodia, which have moved away from the
United States, Peiping shows little interest
In sponsoring subversion.
China's major goal is to remove American
influence from Asia. The promotion of "lib-
eration wars" is only one of several ways to
achieve that goal. What we can expect from
China in the event of the loss of South Viet-
nam, then, is increased pressure on other
pro-Western countries in Asia, such as Thai-
land and Malaysia.
Another important question concerns the
relationship between China and other Asian
Communist parties such as the Vietnamese.
This relationship is often oversimplified in
either of two ways. The first says that the
North Vietnamese and all other Asian Com-
munists are stooges or satellites of China.
This is not the case. The North Vietnamese
made their own revolution and have their
own interests, some of which overlap with
those of China and some of which conflict.
For years Hanoi sought to steer a middle
course between Moscow and Peiping. It
finally landed in the Peiping camp not be-
cause of any blind loyalty to China but be-
cause It decided that alliance with Peiping
would beat promote the goal of unifying
Vietnam under Hanoi's hegemony. Hanoi is
now it firm ally of Peiping because it has
little other choice, given its goal and U.S. op-
position to it. If it should achieve its goal,
however, a Titoist development would be
quite likely in North Vietnam.
The other oversimplification--at the op-
posite extreme-maintains that North Viet-
nam is now or can be thoroughly inde-
pendent of Peiping. For the foreseeable fu-
ture, Peiping and Hanoi have certain over-
lapping interests, the most important of
which is to eliminate American power and
influence from southeast Asia. To achieve
that goal, Hanoi needs Peiping's backing.
RUSSIAN MORAL SUPPORT
In the longer run, Chinese military power
and the logic of geography will keep Hanoi
in Peiping's sphere of influence, much as
Rumania remains in the Soviet sphere de-
spite her recent show of indePendence.
As to the Russians, an American defeat in
Vietnam would not likely bring about any
fundamental change in their interest in a
detente. The Russians would continue to
hesitate to risk any direct confrontation
with the United States by sponsoring "libera-
tion wars." But they would be more hard-
pressed to refute the Peiping argument that
the United States is a paper tiger and thus
might give increased moral support to such
wars.
The most difficult question in many re-
spects is: What effect would American with-
drawal from Vietnam have on other coun-
tries in south and southeast Asia that lie
within the shadow of China?
The view of Peiping from Bangkok is dif-
ferent from the view from New Delhi, and
even within one country there are great dif-
ferences of opinion. Nevertheless, in a trip
I made a year and a half ago through most of
Asia, I gained the clear impression that Chi-
nese power-even before Peiping's explosion
of a nuclear device-was beginning to make
itself felt as never before. I found what can
only be called a preoccupation with, and
growing respect for, China,
In Indonesia, both army leaders and mem-
bers of the political elite seemed to feel that
the mainland of southeast Asia will eventu-
ally be lost to China. General Nasution,
chief of the armed forces, told me that there
was no way to prevent this unless the smaller
countries in the area acquired a sense of "na-
tional identity" such as Indonesia has. A
high-ranking official in the Foreign Office
said Indonesia would have good relations with
China for the next 10 years but after that,
when China had gained the mainland of
southeast Asia, there would be a showdown
at the water's edge.
In one small Asian country, a government
official suggested only half jokingly that Rus-
sia and the United States ought to carve up
China now before it is too late.
In Pakistan, a high-ranking official sug-
gested that we ought to accept a neutraliza-
tion of Indochina inasmuch as the French
experience demonstrated that it is not pos-
sible to win a military victory. He made the
further point that the Chinese and North
Vietnamese might now be willing to negotiate
a political settlement in return for certain
quid pro quos,, whereas in a few years they
may well be strong enough to take what they
want without negotiating.
These were opposing positions but they
have a common denominator and one, I be-
lieve, that is widely shared in the area: the
view that Chinese power is increasing and
will have to be reckoned with by one means
or another.
In regard to Cambodia, there is a popular
aphorism: When China catches cold, Cam-
bodia sneezes. Prince Sihanouk, the Com-
bodian leader, has been saying for some time
that China represents the wave of the future
in southeast Asia-a situation he ascribes
largely to the failure of American policy-
and he has been acting accordingly. Al-
though there is a school of American opinion
that attributes paranoid tendencies to all
Asian leaders whom we find difficult to un-
derstand, there is no reason to believe that
Sihanouk is acting out of anything but a
realistic assesment of the balance of forces.
There was a paradox in all this, it seemed
to me at the time. Communist' China had
recently encountered serious economic diffi-
culties at home, and had separated itself
from the Soviet Union. One might have
thought that such developments would un-
dermine China's prestige in the world at
large. A common reaction in Asia to Pei-
ping's domestic problems, however, when
they were known about at all, was that they
were merely temporary setbacks.
Chinese discipline and determination-
these were the essential things that stood
out In the minds of the majority of the peo-
ple with whom I talked.
China's successful show of force against
India certainly did nothing to detract from
this image. Indeed, most Asians seemed to
lack sympathy for India, and several officials
were quick to say that India got just what
she deserved.
The smaller countries around the perimeter
of China stand in awe of her for many rea-
sons. Sheer size and proximity are of course
factors of great importance. If China rolls
in her sleep, one official told me, his country
might be crushed just by accident.
There are also important historical and
cultural factors. Much of the area around
China has at one time or another been under
direct or indirect domination by the Chinese
Empire. Some of the smaller countries paid
tribute to Peiping_ Chinese civilization
spread to-or strongly influenced-Korea,
Japan, the Ryukyus, and much of southeast
Asia. In short, China-long before it was
Communist-was accustomed to a dominant
role in east Asia and many of the smaller
countries in east and southeast Asia recog-
nizedher dominance.
There is another way in which Asian re-
spect for Chinese power is nurtured: through
the overseas Chinese, who economically dom-
inate many of the southeast Asian countries.
Particularly in countries that recognize Pei-
ping, the Communist Embassy exerts a strong
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!arch 8, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL, RECORD, APPENDIX,
influence, on the local,. Chinese community.
Those'"Chil~ese b sinessmpm who do not co-
operateIwith Peiping will often find more co-
,operative Chinese opening up businesses
right across the street from them.
Even in such countries as Thailand, where
there Is a Nationalist embassy, many in the
large Chinese community take considerable
pride in the fact that there is a strong cen-
tral government in China once again and
that Peiping has been strong enough to defy
the world's two great powers, Russia and the
United States, It is this basic ; emontional
bond-similar tq.that which, ties most Jews
throughout the world to Israel-that con-
vinces many southeast Asian governments
that the Chinese,in their midst, are a poten-
tial fifth Column whether they are pro-
Communist.or pro-Nationalist.
Moreover, the 17 million Chinese overseas
are the fliost industrious and talented peo-
ple in southeast Asia. This is one-of the
reasons that there is a reluctance to assimi-
late diem, One Indonesian, official told me
the Chinese in Indonesia, outnumbered 6 to
1, worked three times as hard as, the Indo-
nesians. Similarly, I asked the Cambodian
Minister of Agriculture why the Cambodians
did not try to assimilate the Chinese . com-
munity, 'He said they couldn't afford to
because the Cambodians would wake up one
morning and find the whole National
Assembly in the hands of the Chinese.
There is yet another factor reinforcing
the respect for Chinese power. Some Asian
countries have strong pro-Peiping Com-
munist Parties, Their leaders hope to keep
these parties at bay by being friendly to
China. 'One of several reasons for the grow-
ing friendship of Indonesian President
Sukarno with China is that he wants to keep
his own pro-Peiping party in line.
In Burma, Premier Ne Win .also faces a
strong Communist Party that, unlike the
Indonesian party,. is engaged in armed strug-
gle against the Government. But Ne,. Win
nevertheless pursues a friendly policy toward
China.. His, calculation may be that if he
moved closer to the West, the Chinese would
give _substantial assistance to the Burmese
Communists, something they have refrained
from doing for the past decade.
In Cambodia, it is not an internal Com-
munist Party which Sihanouk wishes to
keep under control, but an external one,
namely the North Vietnamese. The North
Vietnamese represent to Cambodia both a
hostile communist state and, probably more
importantly, a traditional enemy.. To restrain
the North Vietnamese and to guarantee his
country's security, Sihanouk believes that he
can rely upon China. Sihanouk probably be-
lieves that by moving closer to China and
away from the West, he gives the Chinese
little incentive to sponsor communism within
Cambodia. And he is correct. Peiping does
not seek to subvert him. Might not the
Thais one day come to believe that a reap-
prochement with China would, benefit.
them in the same manner by ending Chinese-
supported; attempts to subvert the pro-West-
ern governriient:
Meanwhile In Cambodia and elsewhere, I
found a lack of confidence in the United
States. A sex lox 4nierican military officer in
Phnom Pgnh told me-before the withdrawal
of the American military mission-that sev-
eral American ofdgprr had directly asked their
Cambodian counterparts whether they felt
that they'' could count on American support
if the chips were down. The Cambodian off
cers replied that they had confidence in
individual American officers but none in the .
American Government. The ,fact that. the
American aid program was only on a year-
to-year basis was often cited as evidence of
the ambiguity of U.S. support.
Cgiixnlani4t Chipa's explosion of a nuclear
growing respect for China throughout Asia.
Of the only two Asian powers that could pos-
sibly stand as a counterweight to China, In-
dia has been humbled and Japan seems
ambivalent. There are powerful political
forces in Japan whose pressures will set severe
limits on Japan's ability to help the United
States contain Chinese power.
Against this background, it seems reason-
able to conclude that an American with-
drawal from Vietnam would strengthen the
view that is already widely held in much of
Asia: That Chinese power is growing and
there is little to stop it.
. Sihanouk, who clearly distinguishes be-
tween Hanoi and Peiping-he has based his
policy on an attempt to play one against the
other-has nevertheless long recognized that
whatever influence Peiping has over Hanoi,
any extension of Communist power in Asia
would change the balance of forces against
the United States. This is a basic fact of
life and Sihanouk has acted upon it. The
more the Communists have been successful
in South Vietnam, the more he has moved
away from the United States and closer to
China. A similar reaction will almost cer-
tainly take place elsewhere in Asia if the
United States withdraws. And to this ex-
tent the domino .theory works.
The problem of how to contain commu-
nism in Vietnam emerges inescapably as part
of the much larger problem of how to con-
tain Chinese power in Asia. While still in
the minor leagues as a global power, China
is now close to being the dominant regional
power in Asia. We must either reconcile our-
selves to this development or be prepared
for a long and costly effort. There is no
easier way.
Spangled Banner Deemed Worthy of
Awe, Respect
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. JOHN BELL WILLIAMS
OF MISSISSIPPI
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, March 2, 1965
Mr. WILLIAMS. Mr. Speaker, the
Yazoo City, Miss., high school paper, the
Yazooan, has again received an award
from the Freedom Foundation.
The editorial entitled "Spangled Ban-
ner. Deemed Worthy of Awe, Respect,"
and which appeared in the October 31,
1963, issue won the George Washington
Honor Medal.
Under leave to extend my remarks, I
include this prize-winning editorial which
was written by Miss Elizabeth Cooper,
now a student at Baylor University.
The editorial follows:
Henry Bennett describes the patriotic feel-
ing exhibited toward the American Sag in
"The Flag Goes By" when he pens "Hats Off :
The Flag Is Passing By."
Every nation claims a national flag as its
chief symbol, an image for the country's land,
its people, its government, and its ideals.
Men and women have died to protect their
national flag from dishonor and disgrace.
To honor and respect this national emblem
should not only be a responsibility, but a
privilege and honor; for the American flag
represents a heritage of toil, sweat, and tears
for freedom.
Recognizing the civic duty high school stu-
dents owe, to their country, the student body
pledges daily to "one nation under God, in-
divisible,, with liberty and justice for all."
A1031
U.S. Information Service Carries Our
Message to the World
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. DONALD M. FRASER
OF MINNESOTA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, March 8, 1965
Mr. FRASER. Mr. Speaker, the dedi-
cated work of the U.S. Information Serv-
ice has been evaluated carefully by the
oversea staff of the Christian Science
Monitor.
USIS is today frequently a target of
political groups which abhor freedom.
Nevertheless, the superb work of this
cultural arm of the American Govern-
ment has great impact on the search for
democratic ways of solving problems.
I therefore commend to my colleagues
the following report which appeared in
the March 4, 1965, issue of the Christian
Science Monitor:
THEY CARRY U.S. IMAGE TO THE WORLD, BUT-
The U.S. Information Service-USIS-
speaks to the world for America and its
policies. It attempts to project a rounded
view of the United States. A survey by the
Christian Science Monitor finds that USIS is
more effective than is generally known. But
the problems of USIS posts are many.
Libraries are sometimes targets for angry
protests against America foreign policy.
USIS programs do not always fit the needs of
local conditions. Monitor correspondents
here discuss the impact of USIS in various
parts of the world.
... ... FAR EAST
HONG KONG.-The triumphs and failures
of the U.S. Information Service in the Far
East are perhaps best illustrated by two
vignettes.
The setting for both is Djakarta, capital of
Indonesia.
Scene of the first 1s a pleasant street where
stands the American library operated by
USIS. Suddenly a marching mob, thought
to be heading for the American Embassy in
another part of the city, swerves and changes
course.
It rushes the library, smashes its way in,
wrecks the reading room, tears down the
American flag, and burns it.
The second vignette takes place a few days
later.
The scene this time is the home of an
American Foreign Service officer in Djakarta.
Being shown there is the USIS film "Years of
Lightning, Day of Drums," the film depicting
President Kennedy's achievements and fu-
neral procession. The film must be shown
in a private house because American films of
all kinds are barred from public viewing In
Indonesia.
After 90 minutes of this moving record the
lights are turned on and show Indonesian
women in the audience sobbing, the Indo-
nesian men grim and taut.
Perhaps the audience may not be pro-
American. But for a few minutes at least
this film has built a bridge of humanity be-
tween two peoples.
What propaganda specialist could ask for
more?
Such anomalies-the sacking of a USIS li-
brary yet the brilliant success of a USIS
film-in the same city just a few days apart,
indicate the range of reaction to USIS in
Asia.
Some old Far Eastern hands blast USIS for
lack of sophistication, They say too much
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD- APPENDIX March 8, 196'
"U.S. films are getting the American image
into every stratum of Mexican society from
city labor unions to country teachers and
municipal workers. This film audience was
vastly broadened recently by organizing film
clubs around the country and lending out
projectors. The films are exchanged every
week by mail."
Daily news reports are issued by USIS in
most of the countries. They are used in
varying degrees in the local newspapers.
Where there are newspapers with substantial
reputations, such as in Buenos Aires or Bo-
gota, these reports are less frequently used.
But in rural areas, they often reach a
broad spectrum of provincial readers. Vide-
otaped television programs and canned radio
broadcasts also make their impact In these
rural regions.
It may be that USIS operations in rural
areas are more effective than in the cities.
In Mexico City-and this would be true in
any capital city--the Communist competi-
tion runs higher.
Another area which sometimes defies
USIS treatment is the university campus.
The Communists are highly active on these
campuses. But every campus demonstration
has its subtle checkmate in cultural inroads
from USIS.
One of these is the free lending library
set up in every large Latin American city,
where university students may obtain books
Important for their course work.
USIS, through binational cultural centers
in many of the countries, offers a variety
of the propaganda program is packaged .in
bureaucratic Washington without consider-
ation for local conditions.
Instead of some heavy tomes they would
like to see in American libraries simple book-
lets on how to repair a bicycle or dig a
well.
Instead of films on art galleries In Buffalo
they would like to see animated cartoons
angled specifically for local audiences.
They are critical of the act of Congress
which bars USIS from competing with com-
mercial publishing houses and which, they
say, stultifies USIS publications.
Some are critical of the fact that non-
American authors are barred from American
library shelves.
But if USIS Is criticized, It Is also de-
fended. Some point out that one of Ameri-
ca's most successful propaganda displays-
of the space program and equipment-was
a packaged program from Washington.
It is argued that sackings of libraries do
not always indicate defeat. Sometimes they
are indications of the libraries' effective-
ness, so much so that anti-American dem-
onstrators desire to put them out of business.
Then again in one southeast Asian land
where the local government is trying to Im-
prove its image in a remote and Communist-
tainted region, the USIS is performing with
subtlety and sophistication. Much of its
effort is to bolster the government with im-
proved propaganda techniques without ever
thumping out the achievements of the
United States.
And in Vietnam, although there are USIS
officials of all calibers, there are men of
courage, initiative, and brilliant improvisa-
tion working for the USIS in the provinces-
all under the guns of the Vietcong.
"Maybe," says one American correspond-
ent long in the Far East, "it all depends on
the individual. The guy with enough dedi-
cation tempered with enough realism yet
still with enough imagination and profes-
sionalism-that's the guy that seems to do
a good job. But selling America in Asia
is an uphill job.
"This is very professional business, and
we can do without the amateurs, the bu-
reaucrats, and the nuts."
JoxN HUGHES.
LATIN AMERICA
SANTIAGo.-On balance, U.S. Information
Service activities in Latin America are tot-
ing up a number of solid achievements.
Surveying the hemisphere picture, corre-
spondents of this newspaper around the
hemisphere report that USIS operations
spend less than their various Communist
counterparts, but seem to be getting more
for their money. A survey by the Christian
Science Monitor shows:
USIS contributions to the press and to
radio and television is reaching an ever-
broadening spectrum of social classes in
these countries.
Student and professional exchanges, as
well as lending libraries, do undercut Com-
munist influences in the academic circles.
Binational centers, where English is taught
and special cultural programs are presented
are growing popxlar whether in capital cities
or in the countryside.
To be sure, not all USIS operations are
equally successful. USIS personnel in the
various cities surveyed are quick to admit
their problems. Some of this trouble stems
from personnel who are inadequately trained.
But the real problems which continue to
defy solution result from the sudden na-
tionalist- and Communist-inspired reaction
to an international crisis, and also from the
longstanding anti-Americanism based on
nationalist distrust of U.S. motives in the
area.
Marion Wilhelm, the Monitor's special cor-
respondent in Mexico City, reports:
- of courses in English. Thousands receive
such instruction in Argentina or Brazil, Co-
lombia or Mexico, Peru, or Guatemala.
In final analysis, the success of USIS
operations throughout the hemisphere, Mon-
itor correspondents indicate, is in clear ratio
to the type of personnel Involved in operat-
ing the various USIS missions. The person-
nel has been good, often excellent, in most
instances in the recent past.
Miss Wilhelm adds significantly from
Mexico:
"The United States appears to be reaching
more deeply into the national consciousness
by the very fact that it does not subsidize its
popularity."
She quotes a USES officer in Mexico who
says "Mexicans use our services because they
want to, not because we pay them to do it."
This seems true throughout the hemi-
sphere.
JAMES NELSON GOODSELL.
AT21CA
CAPE TowN.-On one of Addis Ababa's
main streets is a small office building whose
ground floor does one of the best businesses
in the Ethiopian capital. It houses the U.S.
Information Service library.
When I visited it a few months ago it was
crowded with Africans studying American
newspapers, books, and magazines.
"It's like this all the time," said the young
librarian in charge.
In many other African countries the pic-
ture is much the same.
This speaks of the African's hunger for
knowledge and also of the limited facilities
for study available to him. It is not neces-
sarily therefore a simple gage of his friend-
liness toward the United States. Nor of his
acceptance of American propaganda.
For when passions rise against US.
policies-such as American aid to Premier
Moise Tshombe of the Congo-libraries as
the most obvious American facility make
easy targets for protest and attack.
There is one rule of thumb that seems to
be pretty useful in judging the effectiveness
of USIS. The smaller and more underdevel-
oped a country, the more impact USIS ac-
tivities appear to have.
The information services provide not just
libraries but films, lectures, pamphlets on
the American culture and way of life, ma-
terial for use by newspapers, culturti ex-
hibits. In the smaller countries the dearth
of locally available books, teaching materials,
films, and so on, makes USIS activities stand
out.
In societies such as South Africa-with a
more sophisticated population, its own li-
braries, a more developed economy, and
better income even for Africans-the im-
pact is less. Furthermore here no one is
allowed to go out and proselytize in the
African areas. Permits are required to en-
ter them and the permits sometimes are
not easy to get.
Also the effectiveness of the US. program
depends on the attitude of the government
Involved. Some governments do not encour-
age widespread propoganda activities by for-
eign agencies.
Just down the street from the USIS li-
brary in Addis Ababa the Russians main-
tain a similar service. Some months ago it
had pictures of Soviet industries and pas-
toral scenes In the window. It was not
crowded inside.
Usually the U.S. information operation is
by far the largest of its kind.
In a way It is hard for an impoverished
African to relate himself to the "American
way of life" depicted in USIS films, pam-
phlets, and books In which workers have cars
and fine houses with modern equipment. it
seems so far off and unattainable.
Some time ago a group of Africans were
shown a film of life in an American city
which happened to show white street clean-
ers and a white woman scrubbing floors.
"But," they said to the man showing the
film, "do you really mean that white people
clean their own streets and wash floors just
like we do?"
Therefore there is a big gulf for USIS to
bridge. It is not easy for Africans to un-
derstand that America is great not only be-
cause it is basically wealthy but because its
people work hard to make it so.
This too is why Communist propaganda
succeeds at times. It tells Africans that
Americans are rich because they exploit other
people.
To people with few worldly advantages, the
call to socialism finds an answering ring.
Capitalism to them means exploitation. And
they equate the United States and capital-
ist exploitation, thanks to Communist prop-
aganda.
But this does not mean that American
propaganda goes unnoticed. For instance,
large numbers of African youth want to go
to the United States to study. Many more
applications are received than can possibly
be handled.
And there is a reservoir of goodwill in
many African states for the United States.
The free way of life is much admired. Amer-
ican power is respected.
All USIS activities are, of course, still just
the matter of throwing small pebbles in a
very big pond. But there is little doubt that
despite setbacks information services make
a contribution to a more accurate view of
the United States by many Africans.
ROBERT M. HALLETT.
INDIA
NEw DELHI.-In India's deep south, in a
region where every coconut tree then carried
a Red flag, I once visited a USIS reading
room. It was packed with Indians, many of
them students. A majority said they were
Communists.
I later twitted the Communist Chief Minis-
ter of Kerala State about the evident popu-
larity of propaganda from the enemy camp.
His reply: "Indian Communists enjoy wide
horizons."
Through periods of evident tension and dis-
cord between the United States and India
there has never been the slightest inclina-
tion anywhere to attack or burn a USIS
library or abandon any one of the many
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March 8, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD
Scientists of Kansas State University, Man-
hattan, 'the developers ofk hybrid wheat, not
only believe it will succeed-they 'think it
will create a tremendous expansion of the
seed industry and should provide 'new full-
and part-time jobs for several -thousand
The total seed processing industry in Kan-
sas no's' does a $44 million a year business.
The hybrid wheat seed industry, alone, could
be expected to be worth $100 million an-
nually. Its economic impact should .be felt
in all areas of the State, says Dr. Floyd W.
Smith, associate ,director of the Kansas Agri-
cultural Experiment Station. '
To commercially process the new hybrid
wheat seeds at least 50 new industrial
plants--an average of about 1 plant to
every 2 Kansas counties=-could be needed,
Smith says. "These processing lants would
be located in all parts of Kansaps," the Kan
sax State scientists continues. He adds that
his plant and job estimates are "ultracon-
servative."
The probability of hybrid wheat, which
promises increases of 20 to 30 percent in
yield, was revealed recently by Dr. Glenn H.
Beck, dean of agriculture at Kansas State.
Scientists largely responsible for the wheat
hybrid breakthrough are Dr. R. W. Livers at
the Fort Hays branch experiment station of
Kansas State University; his predecessor, Dr.
J, A. Wilson, now with a commercial seed
company at Wichita; and their colleagues at
Manhattan and Hays.
"If hybrid wheat is practical for field use,
and we think it will be in 3 to 5 years,"
Smith says, "we may see a revolution
in the manufacture of farm machinery."
For example, he expains, a new type of grain
drill will be needed. This,, and other
challenges to makers of farm equipment,
will create new , lobs in the agri-industries.
Because of hybrid wheat's probable sue-
cess, Smith also. anticipates increased use
of fertilizer :(already.a $50 million industry
in Kansas) and more farming by irrigation.
This means additional employment for per-
sons distributing fertilizer and irrigation
equipment. There also will be a special
need for more skilled workers such as
trained inspectors of commercial seed fields.
Hybrid wheat is certain to be adopted by
all progressive-wheat farmers, Smith believes,
However; it will present transportation prob-
lems not encountered by sorghum hybrid
seed producers. Almost 10 times as much
hybrid wheat seed as hybrid sorghum seed
is required to plant 1 acre. To facilitate
handling the vast bulk of the hybrid. wheat
seed is one important reason 50 or more
processing plants will be needed throughout
the State. Another significant reason is the
short period ' (about 21/2 months) between
the time hybrid wheat seeds will be harvested
and planted.
"Most gf the hybrid wheat seed will be
harvested' by the commercial planters in
late June, or early July," Smith says. "It
then must be processed at the various plants,
distributed to the farmers and put into the
ground by late September" Producers of
cosh aiid'sorghum hybrid seeds have about
an 8-month period ' between harv'e'st and
planting.
Kansas State University began research on
hybrid wheat at its Fort Hays branch in
195.7... pecause. wheat, unlike, corn or sor-
ghum, normally is self-pollinated, the
scientists faced the task of deve1oiing wheat
plants which would shed pollen more freely
in ;order to achieve cross-pollination, they
have been able to accomplish this under
laboratory and experimental plot conditions.
Now the seed is being tested, in-open
ilelds about the State. The?researchers are
watching, closely to see if their, "miracleO"
*sea, will, come through this, practical test,
They are confident it will,
APPENDIX
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
HON. GLENARD P. LIPSCOMB
OF CALIFORNIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, March 8, 1965
Mr. LIPSCOMB. Mr. Speaker, under
leave to extend my remarks, I submit for
inclusion in the RECORD an ' editorial
which appeared in the Thursday, March
4, 1965, issue of the Los Angeles Times.
The Times appraises various of the
objectives and the apparent potential
results of the administration housing
program and expresses deep concern.
I believe the Los Angeles Times ap-
praisal of the housing proposal will be
of interest to the Congress.
DOES DADDY ALWAYS KNOW BEST?
President Johnson's housing message to
Congress calls for conceptual departures
Which can only be described as incredible.
Granted, his goal of encouraging better
housing and more attractive cities is "lofty
and humanitarian," as House Republican
Leader GERALD FORD himself recognized.
However, Mr. Johnson's proposed methods
betray an eyebrow-lifting assumption that
local government as we. have known it is
obsolete, and must serve increasingly as a
mere extension of Big Brother's long arm.
The President pays lipservice to local
responsibility, vowing that the Federal Gov-
ernment can only "serve as a catalyst." His
own words, however, show that considerably
more is involved.
To encourage private construction of
500,000 dwelling units, Mr. Johnson pro-
poses that Washington pay part of the rent
for "families across a wide range of lower
and moderate income brackets."
Some of these direct subsidies would go
to families forced to move when their homes
are demolished for community improvement
projects.
The rental supplements also would go,
however, to help families in the $4,000 to
$6,500 income brackets move into better
housing than they otherwise could afford-
This Is. a laudable objective at first sight.
But the same logic could be argued Sotsub-
sidies to buy better clothing, longer vaca-
tions and bigger cars.
.Mr. Johnson bluntly explains, too, that
the subsidies will enable "families of differ-
ent income * * " to live together." In other
words, he apparently has decided that it's
somehow wrong for Americans to group
themselves according to income, and that
Washington has a responsibility to mix us
all together.
This is a novel approach to Federal hous-
ing action, to say the least.
In addition, the President proposed $100
million in Federal matching grants to help
cities build "basic community facilities."
He wants, too, a new program of federally
insured, loans for development of entire
planned communities and subdivisions.
,Under both these proposals, Federal aid
would be contingent upon the projects being
part of areawide plans approved by Wash-
ington-speciflcally, by the new Department
of Housing ' and Urban Development which
the administration proposes to create.
This is a sensible safeguard for the tax-
payers' money. But in practice It also would
transfer effective control of basically' local
affairs to a body of all-knowing bureaucrats
in Washington.
After all, what mayor could resist this
juicy Federal carrot? What incentive would,
,-s D'... A - -
A1017
remain for communities to solve their own
problems in their own way?
Aside from principle, the costs must be
reckoned. Mr. Johnson has prudently left
off the price tag for now, but his program
clearly would run at least $500 million a
year from the first-and would balloon higher
in future years.
President Johnson has no visible mandate
from the people for such a fundamental shift
in the functions of the local and Federal
Governments. Lawmakers of both parties
should withhold endorsement until and un-
less they, are very sure this 1s what the
American people want.
Sino-Soviet Conflict-Part I
TENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. CLEMENT J. ZABLOCKI
I?F WISCONSIN
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, March 8, 1965
Mr. ZABLOCKI. Mr. Speaker, as you
know, the House Foreign Affairs Sub-
committee on the Far East and Pacific,
of which I am chairman, will begin hear-
ings on the current conflict between the
two major Communist powers, the Soviet
Union and Red China.
The purpose of these hearings Is to put
together various points of view on the
Sino-Soviet dispute-its causes, effects,
implications for U.S. policy and prospects
for settlement. .
It has been my experience that there is
surprisingly little information on the
split at the congressional level. There
also is a serious lack of understanding by
the public of the impact which the dis-
pute is having on U.S, policy.
The hearings will, it is hoped, bring
the $ino-Soviet conflict into clearer
focus for those of us in Congress who will
be called upon to vote on legislation af-
fecting East-West relationships.
Among the experts who will testify
during the hearings, which begin Wed-
nesday, March '10, are the Honorable
George Kennan, former U.S. Ambas-
sador to . the Soviet Union and
Yugoslavia, and Dr. Donald Zagoria, a
professor at Columbia University and the
author of, the recent book, "The Sino-
Soviet Conflict, 1956-1961."
Last Sunday, in its editorial section,
the Washington Post published articles
by both of these gentlemen on the sub-
ject of the Sino-Soviet dispute. Their
views differ in emphasis, particularly on
the question of the effect which United
States efforts in Vietnam are 'having on
' Ambassador Kennan, now a professor
at the Institute for Advanced Studies,
Princeton University, believes that, U,8.
escalation of the, conflict in southeast
Asia could under certain circumstances
force the Russians back into a closer
relation to the Chinese.
Dr. Zagoria sees our actions in Viet-
nam as a cause of deepening tensions
between Moscow and Peiping. Because
of the pertinence of these viewpoints to
recent world events and' the upcoming
congressional inquiry, with permission I
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD APPENDIX March 8, 1965
insert in the RECORD Dr. Zagoria's article
of March 7.
Also with permission I make sub-
sequent insertions of Ambassador Ken-
nan's article and another Washington
Post editorial piece by Dr. Zagoria, which
.was published January 31. It is my
earnest hope that these articles will be
given careful attention by my colleagues.
[From the Washington (D.C.) Post,
Max. 7, 19651
UNITED STATES BOMBS WIDEN SINO-SOVIET
SPLIT-LIMITED ESCALATION IN VIETNAM
COULD HELP CREATE CONDITIONS FOR NE-
GOTIATED SETTLEMENT
(By Donald S. Zagoria)
The most significant consequence of the
,American bombings of North Vietnam is the
widening of the Sino-Soviet split. Instead of
bringing the two Communist giants closer
together-the possibility feared by many
Americans-the limited escalation of the war
has so far produced precisely the opposite
effect. History may thus be repeating itself.
The Cuban missile confrontation In 1962
,also exacerbated the Sino-Soviet dispute and
ended in Peiping's accusing Moscow of "capit-
ulationism" while Moscow accused Peiping
of "adventurism."
The evidence of the widening split on Viet-
nam is increasing. Chinese students'demon-
trating in Moscow a few days ago accused
the Russians of collaborating with the "im-
perialists" in Vietnam by not taking stronger
actions against American bombing.
Meanwhile, Soviet sources in southeast
Asia are reportedly charging that the Viet-
leong attack on the American installation at
Pleiku was a deliberate provocation designed
to force an American response, which would
in turn force the Soviet hand..
DIFFERENCE OF DEGREE
The immediate question at issue between
Moscow and.peiping seems to be the precon-
ditions for negotiation over Vietnam. During
the past few weeks, Moscow and Peiping have
voiced opposing views on this matter.
Moscow has not been as adamant as
Peiping about the withdrawal of American
troops from South Vietnam as a prerequisite
for negotiations. While Peiping's Foreign
Minister, Chen Yi, insisted that American
withdrawal was necessary before a settlement
was possible, Soviet Premier Kosygin said
that only an end of American bombing , at-
tacks on North Vietnam was needed, first
and foremost, to create conditions for ne-
gotiations
NO BLANK CHECX
That there exists such a dispute between
Peiping and Moscow is also suggested by
the recent Albanian charge that Kosygin
has advised the North Vietnamese to ne-
gotiate with the United States on the basis
of the continued presence of the American
forces in South Vietnam.
Finally, Peiping has indirectly warned
against any negotiations that would give
the outward appearance of fairplay and give
the United States a breathing spell.
These differences between Moscow and
Peiping clearly reflect a much broader dis-
parity of interest. Russia. cannot afford to
appear impotent in the face of continued
American attacks on a Communist state, but
neither is it interested in giving a blank
check to Peiping and Hanoi that would ena-
ble them to suck Moscow into a confronta-
tion with the United States.
Peiping sees a golden opportunity to. ex-
ploit the Soviet dilemma. Optimally, the
Chinese would like to force Moscow into a
confrontation with the United States in
southeast Asia that would end the Soviet-,
American detente, a goal Peiping has sought,
consistently over the past 'S years. If this
were to take. place, and the United States
backed down, there would be further proof of
the correctness of Maoist revolutionary
strategy.
If Moscow refuses to play this game, as it
has so far, the Chinese will accuse the Rus-
sians of "capitulationism" and hope thereby
to gain increased influence in the more rev-
olutionary section of the international Com-
munist movement.
The Chinese, in short, have much to gain
by opposing negotiations at this point while
the Russians would like to extricate them-
selves from the dilemma, and a negotiated
settlement is the only way out. This is why
Peiping insists on American withdrawal as
indispensable to negotiations-terms which
Peiping knows are unacceptable to Wash-
ington-while Moscow urges Hanoi to be
more flexible.
This is not to say that the Russians are
primarily interested in pulling American
chstnuts out of the Vietnamese fire. Mos-
cow has its own hand to play.
A RESTRAINT, AT LEAST
Nevertheless, the Russian desire to bring
an end to the war before Moscow is forced
to choose` between equally unpalatable alter-
natives does provide the germ of a common
American-Soviet interest. At the very least,
it acts as a restraining factor on Hanoi.
This situation can be exploited by a subtle
and flexible American policy. The U.S. ob-
jective should be to take advantage of the
common interest emerging between Moscow
and Washington in bringing the war to an
end on terms acceptable to both sides and
thereby help substitute Soviet for Chinese
influence in Hanoi. We have contributed to
this common Interest by our limited escala-
tion of the war, which has enabled the Rus-
sians to impress on Hanoi the desirability
of early negotiations.
Thus, by continuing this limited escala-
tion--but keeping it within well-defined lim-
its for the time being so as not to push the
Russians too hard-we would be giving them
one of two kinds of arguments they need In
Hanoi.
But at the same time that we provide the
Russians with sticks to impress Hanoi, we
must also provide them with carrots to en-
able them to sustain their difficult game.
Peiping is undoubtedly now telling Hanoi
that the Americans will not settle on any
reasonable terms until they are decisively
defeated and humiliated on the battlefield.
For the Russians to counter this argument
in Hanoi, they must know what terms are
acceptable to us and these terms must be
sufficiently realistic to tempt Hanoi to bar-
gain.
HONEY ON THE STICK
In exchange for a cessation of infiltration
of men and arms into South Vietnam, which
we are now correctly insisting upon, we
should at the same time hold out to Hanoi
the future prospect of economic assistance,
diplomatic recognition, and an eventual-close
association with a friendly, but, independent,
South Vietnam.
We should also continue to hold out the
prospect already suggested by Secretary of
State Rusk of an international effort to assist
the economic and social development of the
entire Indochinese peninsula. We should,
in effect, demonstrate our willingness to
recognize the legitimacy of the North Viet-
namese Government and to further its
economic development. It was, in part at
least, a desperate economic situation at
home that led Hanoi into sponsoring an
armed takeover of South Vietnam in the first
place, beginning In 1958.
With the widening of the Sino-Soviet
split, we have reached a dramatic new turn
In events that could pave the way to a set-
tlement between North and South Vietnam.
This would take place in the broader context
of a common interest between Moscow and
Washington in not allowing Peiping to be
the victor in Soviet-American confrontation
in which both have much to lose and noth-
ing to gain.
Voice of Democracy Contest
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. LUCIEN N. NEDZI
OF MICHIGAN
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, March 8, 1965
Mr. NEDZI. Mr. Speaker, each year
the Veterans of Foreign Wars conducts
a . Voice of Democracy contest. This
year, over a quarter of a million high
school students participated in the con-
test, with the winning contestant from.
each State to be brought to Washing-
ton, D.C., for the final judging. Under
leave to extend my remarks, I am pleased
to submit the winning speech of Miss
Barbara Jean Urso of Detroit, Mich., who
is a resident of my congressional district:
THE CHALLENGE OF CITIZENSHIP, 1964-65
(By Barbara Jean Urso, Detroit, Mich.)
I've been doing a great deal of thinking
about this challenge of citizenship, and I've
come to see citizenship as quite a bit more
than paying your taxes, voting, reading the
newspapers, and abiding by the laws. We can
do all of these things out of habit, curiosity,
or fear, and fail to find the true value of
citizenship.
I feel that, in order for something to be
really challenged, It must possess certain
qualities which are, in reality, being chal-
lenged.
I think that, in order to be a real citizen,
one must possess courage to defend one's con-
victions; love of family, of country, and most
of all, of one's God. Thus, the challenge is
not simply a threat to one's technical duties
and privileges, but is, in fact, a direct ques-
tioning of one's courage and one's sense of
morality.
I didn't realize this was so until late one
night as I watched the 11 o'clock news. A
Negro church In Alabama had been bombed.
This was really nothing startling until I
realized that four children had been mur-
dered in a house of prayer. In the following
months, in many places both North and
South alike, life became such a harrowing
experience that a man's right to walk a pub-
lic street was being contested. His right of
assembly, of worship, in short his right to
exist was being challenged. He accepted the
challenge, and he was not alone.
You see, in the North and South there were
young people, like you and me, who were
willing and eager to help him. I learned
then of Andy Goodman, James Chaney, and
Mickey Schwerner. To some people, they
were "brash, young punks, meddling in af-
fairs which were none of their business:" To
others, they were crusaders in a holy war, a
moral war against.terror and injustice.
Perhaps, as some people suggested, they
were meddling. Perhaps these same people
would be the type who bolted their doors,
shut their lights, and peered cautiously from
drawn shades while a woman, who was being
attacked on their doorstep, screamed for help
unheeded. The people who squirm and then
turn their backs on involvement.
But when I think of citizenship now, and
I think of it often, I think of Goodman,
Chaney, and Schwerner, and I thank God
that there are those who have accepted the
challenge of citizenship and who commit
themselves to the defense of human rights.
For, after all, are we not all committed to
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House of Represent~tiv~s
The House met at 12 o'clock noon.
The Chaplain, Rev. Bernard Braskamp,
D.D., quoted from the epistle of I Peter
5: 7: Cast all your care upon Him, for He
careth for you.
Let us pray:
0 Thou who art the Lord God Almigh-
ty, grant that we may meet the duties
and responsibilities of this new week with
a resolute faith in the guiding and sus-
taining presence of Thy spirit.
May we share the blessings of Thy
divine providence with the needy mem-
bers of the human family and in a spirit
that is truly indicative of a personal in-
terest in their welfare and happiness.
Inspire us with a clear understanding
and appreciation of the greatness and
glory of the ideals and principles of our
democracy which we cherish.
May we feel the constraints and cer-
tainty of its ultimate triumph when men
and nations shall be members of the king-
dom of peace and brotherhood.
In Christ's name we pray. Amen.
THE JOURNAL
The Journal of the proceedings of Fri-
day, February 5, was read and approved.
A 'message in writing from the Presi-
dent of the United States was communi-
cated to the House by Mr. Ratchford, one
of his secretaries.
(Mr. SIKES asked and was given per-
mission to address the House for 1
minute and to revise and extend his re-
marks.)
[Mr. SIKES addressed the House. His
remarks will appear hereafter in the
Appendix.]
THE SELMA, ALA., SITUATION
, (Mr. O'HARA of Michigan asked and
was given permission to address the
House for 1 minute and to revise and ex-
tend his remarks.)
Mr. O'HARA of Michigan. Mr. Speak-
er, at Selma yesterday, a savage attack
was made upon American citizens at-
tempting to secure their right to vote.
This storm-trooper-style action was un-
dertaken at the direction of a reckless
demagog. It must have shocked and
shamed every decent American.
Our Speaker, JOHN MCCORMACK, prop-
erly described yesterday's unconscion-
able activities at his press conference
this morning as a "disgraceful exhibition
of arbitrary power."
In ,this connection, it is interesting to
note that the advocates of States
rights now are calling for a convention
MONDAY, MARCH 8, 1965
to amend our Constitution. If this mis-
guided effort succeeds, the first duty of
such a convention should be a reexami-
nation of the doctrine of States rights
as it affects constitutional rights.
The eople of the United States cannot
and wil not condone outrages such as
that wjii occurred at Selma yesterday.
STA'CI'E DEPARTMENT'S WHITE
t PAPER ON VIETNAM
(Mr. MORRIS asked and was given
permission to address the House for 1
minute.)
Mr. MORRIS. Mr. Speaker, over the
weekend I read an advertisement ap-
pearing in the New York Times called a
reply to the State Department's white
paper on Vietnam.
Apparently this advertisement is the
brainchild of a publication known as I. F.
Stone's Weekly. Fronting for this so-
called independent weekly newspaper in
solicitation of funds for a surrender in
South Vietnam is a Dr. H. A. Crosby
Forbes. As you can imagine, this article
is critical of our actions and policies in
South Vietnam and suggests very strong-
ly that we should surrender and leave
the people of South Vietnam to the Com-
munists who are determined to force
their will upon all freedom-loving peo-
ple. Their arguments for surrender are
just as shortsighted as Prime Minister
Neville Chamberlain's theory of "peace
at any price" during the late 1930's in
the United Kingdom's relations with
Nazi Germany..
This article states that the North Viet-
namese support for guerrillas in South
Vietnam is no more of a secret than the
U.S. support of the South Vietnamese
Government against them. This is true
but there is one very, very basic differ-
ence in these two positions-the U.S.
Government is in South Vietnam at the
invitation and urging of the South Viet-
namese Government. The North Viet-
nam Communists are supporting naked
aggression against their neighbors, the
south.
Stone's Weekly also suggested that we
and the South Vietnamese Government
have violated the Geneva Agreement on
the partition of Indochina. We have not
violated any such agreement because
neither the United States nor the South
Vietnamese Government were signatories
to the Geneva accords.
It is time to support our President's
position in Vietnam, instead of gutter-
snipe attacks.
SCHEDULE FOR HEARINGS" ON PRI-
VATE IMMIGRATION BILLS
(Mr. FEIGHAN asked and was given
permission to address the House for 1
minute and to revise and extend his re-
marks.)
Mr. FEIGHAN. Mr. Speaker, many
Members have inquired of me concerning
the progress being made by the Subcom-
mittee on Immigration and Nationality
on private bills which they have intro-
duced. I am sure other Members who
have introduced private bills are simi-
larly interested.
Early in January, I requested the coun-
sel assigned to the subcommittee by the
gentleman from New York [Mr. CELLER]
to prepare a list of the bills ready for
consideration, together with a summary
of the individual case involved and to
present this material to me as chairman
of the subcommittee. Mr. Cline, the
counsel assigned, has not yet met this
request. As a consequence, the subcom-
mittee has not been in a position to con-
sider any of the pending private bills.
As soon as the counsel assigned to the
subcommittee meets my request, our sub-
committee will then be in a position to
announce hearings on private bills.
LAW ENFORCEMENT AND ADMINIS-
TRATION OF JUSTICE-MESSAGE
FROM THE PRESIDENT OF THE
UNITED STATES (H. DOC. NO. 103)
The SPEAKER laid before the House
the following message from the Presi-
dent of the United States; which was
read and referred to the Committee on
the Judiciary and ordered to be printed:
To the Congress of the United States:
Crime has become a malignant enemy.
in America's midst.
Since 1940 the crime rate in this coun-
try has doubled. It has increased five
times as fast as our population since
1958.
In dollars the cost of crime runs to
tens of billions annually. The human
costs are simply not measurable.
The problems run deep and will not
yield. to quick and easy answers. We
must identify and eliminate the causes
of criminal activity whether they lie in
the environment around us or deep in
the nature of individual men. This is a
major purpose of all we are doing in
combating poverty and improving edu-
cation, health, welfare, housing, and rec-
reation.
All these are vital, but they are not
enough. Crime will not wait while we
pull it up by the roots. We must arrest
and reverse the trend toward lawless-
ness.
This active combat against crime calls
for a fair and efficient system of law en-
forcement to deal with those who break
our laws. It means giving new priority
to the methods and institutions of law
enforcement-
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GRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE M L 0
r
1
To our police, who are our frontline,
both offensive arAd defensive, in the fight
against crime. There is a great need
not only for improved training of police-
ment but for all people to learn about,
to understand, and to assist the police-
man in his work;
To our courts, traditionally the symbol
and guardian of our cherished freedoms.
Local criminal courts are so overloaded
that their functioning is impeded and
their effectiveness weakened. More
courts and judges is one answer, but
every possibility of improvement must
be explored;
To our correctional agencies. We can-
not tolerate an endless, self-defeating
cycle of imprisonment, release, and re-
imprisonment which fails to alter un-
desirable attitudes and behavior. We
must find ways to help the first offenders
avoid a continuing career of crime.
No right is more elemental to our so-
ciety than the right to personal security
and no right needs more urgent protec-
tion.
Our streets must be safe. Our homes
and places of business' must be secure.
Experience and wisdom dictate that one
of the most legitimate functions of gov-
ernment is the preservation of law and
order.
Our system rejects the concept of a
national police force. The protection re-
sponsibilities lie primarily with State and
local governments.
That is right and proper.
Yet, crime is no longer merely a local
problem. Every city, every State is trou-
bled by the same hard statistical-and
human-facts. The extent and serious-
ness of the problem have made it of great
national concern.
Crime is as old as history. It is hardly
new to America. But in our increasingly
mobile, urban society, crime problems
are not only greater, they are immensely
more complex.'
We have not stood idly by in the. face
of these problems. Many cities and
States, as well as the Federal Govern-
ment, have developed new programs re-
flecting their growing concern.
Yet the crime rate continues to in-
crease.
The time has come now to check that
growth, to contain its spread, and to
a
c ,
965
There is misunderstanding at times berles, muggings, " housebreakings--are
between law enforcement officers and the primary law-enforcement respon-
some courts. We need to think less, how- sibility of State and local governments.
ever, about taking sides in such contro- When criminals cross State lines, how-
versies and more about our common ob- ever, Federal enforcement is also avail-
jective: law enforcement which is both able. Thus, Federal, State and local in-
fair and effective. We are not prepared vestigators may all join to pursue the
in our democratic system to pay for im- bank robber, the kidnapper or the auto
proved law enforcement by unreasonable thief. Federal assistance In these ac-
limitations on the individual protections tivities has been and can continue to be
which ennoble our system. Yet there is helpful.
the undoubted necessity that society be In some areas, however, the Federal
protected from the criminal and that the Government has a special responsibil-
rights of society be recognized along with Ity-organized crime, narcotic and drug
the rights of the Individual. control, regulation-of gun sales, and law-
As Mr. Justice Frankfurter once said: enforcement activities in the District of
A democratic society, in which respect for Columbia.
the dignity of all men is central, naturally I. ORGANIZED CRIME
guards against the misuse of the law en-
forcement process. Organized crime is a cancer in the city.
It has become an entrenched national in-
It has been said that the fault lies in dustry. It embraces gambling, narcotics,
poor living conditions, limited education, stock and bankruptcy fraud, usurious
and the denial of opportunity, loans, or corruption of public officials or
Plainly, laws are less likely to com- labor-management relations.
mand the respect of those forced to live Racketeering feeds on itself. Illegal
at the margins of our society. Stability gambling, for example, channels enor-
and order have little meaning and small mous profits to other criminal avenues.
advantage to those who exist in poverty, The citizen is the loser.
hopelessness, and despair. Organized crime also breeds lesser
The longrun solution to this view of crime. The police in our large cities
crime in jobs, education; and hope. This know from daily experience how much
is a goal to which this country is now street crime results, for example, from
committed. But we should remember narcotics addiction.
that not all crime is committed by those Perhaps the most alarming aspect of
who are Impoverished or those denied organized crime, however, is that it
equal opportunity. In any event, we erodes respect for the law. Corrupting a
cannot postpone our responsibilities to public official may lend respectability to
act against crimes committed today. the racketeer, as it destroys the under-
It has also been said that the fault pinning of law enforcement In a com-
lies in a deep moral decay, particularly munity.
among the young; that juvenile delin- Since 1961, the Federal Government
quency and high crime rates among has responded to this challenge in force.
younger adults have their origins In this We have secured new legislative author-
decay ity. We have achieved new levels of co-
In our increasingly complex society, it operation among the 26 different Fed-
is becoming harder to perceive and main- eral law-enforcement agencies. We have
tain clear moral values. But the great achieved new prosecutive energy. The
majority of our young people lead law- result has been a tenfold increase in
abiding, creative lives. - We need only racketeering convictions.
look to the spirit which characterizes our But this accomplishment represents a
youth today-the spirit of the Peace mere beginning. Much remains to be
Corps, of VISTA, of commitment to the done.
well-being and welfare of society. While Consequently, I am calling on the At-
crime by young people in our society is of torney General, the Secretary of the
very serious concern, it Involves only a Treasury, and the other heads of the
small proportion of our youth. Federal law enforcement arms to enlarge
We must, in short, understand that the their energetic effort against organized
reasons for the growth of crime are many crime. The Department of Justi
ill
ce w
new recognition to the fact that crime is and complicated. We must accept hard submit legislative proposals to the Con-
a national problem-and to intensify our facts at every turn. But like the related gress to strengthen and expand these
crime prevention and crime fighting at problems of poverty and of education, we efforts generally.
all levels of government. must face them squarely if we are to I urge the prompt enactment of these
THE ROLE OF THE INDIVIDUAL succeed. And we must succeed. measures.
The starting point for such efforts is Thus, while recognizing that the basic 2. DRUG CONTROL
the indvidual citizen. Law enforcement responsibility rests on local authorities, The return of narcotic and marihuana
cannot succeed without the sustained- we must also recognize the burdens they users to useful, productive lives is of
and informed-interest of all citizens. now bear. To assist them in bearing obvious benefit to them and to society at
It is not enough to reflect our concern these burdens successfully, I propose- large. But at the same time, it is es-
over the rise in crime by seeking out sin- Increased Federal law-enforcement ef- central to assure adequate protection of
gle answers or simple answers. They do forts; the general public.
not exist. The people will get observ- Assistance to local law-enforcement To meet these objectives, the Presi-
ance of the law and enforcement of the efforts; and Drug Abu Commission de Nanact-
law if they want it, insist on It, and par- A comprehensive, penetrating analys meat of a
is and a Federal recommended enact-
law in it. of the origins and nature of crime in l civil commiment ssaof
It has been said, for example, that the modern America. dealing with provide those alternative nco means of
fault lies with courts which "coddle FEDERAL LAW-EN8'ORCEMENT EFFORTS huana, users likely e to narcotic respond to and treat-
criminals," or, on the other hand, that The average citizen Is most directly ment and achieve rehabilitation. The
police officers do not observe the rights concerned with what is called crime in Commission also recommended that
of the individual. the streets. Crime of this kind-rob- those penalty provisions of the Federal
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March 8, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
Mr. WILLIAMS of, Delaware. Mr.
President, in commenting on the article
I call attention to the fact that on May
26, 1964, the Senate unanimously adopted
Senate Resolution 332, of which I, along
with the Senator from Kansas [Mr.
CARLSON] was the sponsor. I quote from
the resolution .because it is pertinent to
this subject.
Resolved, That the Attorney General'is
requested to investigate the alleged solicita-
tion of career employees by either political
party to purchase tickets to political fund-
raising dinners for the purpose of ascertain-
ing whether such solicitation by either
,political party has involved a violation of
existing laws, and (1) If it appears that any
such violation has occurred, to take appro-
priate steps to punish those responsible
therefor, or (2) if it appears that the alleged
solicitation was not in violation of existing
-laws, to formulate and recommend to the
Congress, within sixty days, the enactment of
such additional laws, or amendments to
existing laws, as may be necessary to prohibit
further solicitations of this nature.
Mr. President, this resolution was
unanimously adopted by the Senate. It
has not been 60 days, but 6 months, since
this resolution was adopted, we are still
waiting for a report from the Attorney
Genertal's office as to what he has found
as a result of the investigation which
we instructed him to conduct.
Perhaps the Attorney General can find
time to tell us what the FBI kound when
these charges were investigat that is
if they were investigated. ~
THE SITUATION IN WETNAM
Mr. CHURCH. Mr. President, times
of great national crisis, when American
bombs are being dropped, and American
lives are being lost, the easiest course
for any newspaper to take is the belliger-
ent stance of "Hit 'em again, harder."
An American newspaper which deserves
the highest commendation for restrain-
-ing itself during this current crisis is the
New York Times. The editorial "Nego-
tiate or Escalate," which appeared in the
February 25 issue, is one of a long, distin-
guished series of articles on Vietnam
which have appeared in the New York
Times during recent months.
I ask unanimous consent to have this,
editorial and another fine editorial en-
titled, "Realities Becomes Clearer," from
the February 23 issue of the Detroit Free
Press,. inserted at this point in the
RECORD.
There being no objection, the editorials
were ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
[From the New York Times, Feb. 25, 1965]
NEGOTIATE OR ESCALATE
It is time for someone in Washington to
remember John F. Kennedy's words in his
inaugural address: "Let us never negotiate
out of fear. But let us never fear to nego-
tiate."
The pressures on this country to seek a
negotiated settlement of the Vietnamese con-
flict are approaching a point ,where the
United States is being isolated. In recent
days Russia has joined France in appealing
for talks; the British would like to see, nego-
tiations started; ,the news from North. Viet-
nam hints at a desire to gpilfer; India had
previously expressed the same wish, and yes-
terday Secretary General Thant of the United
Nations disclosed that he has been engaged
in discussions with the United States and
other involved nations and has made con-
crete proposals for a negotiated settlement.
Washington, to be sure, is not quite alone.
Communist China has been adamant against
negotiations, and it is quit possible that
Peiping will refuse to talk. However, Mr.
Thant, President de Gaulle and the Russians
believe that China can be induced" to join
a reconvened meeting of the 14-nation
Geneva Conference.
Yesterday it was announced that American
jet bombers, with Americans manning the
weapons as well as the controls, are now
fighting in Vietnam. Their involvement
makes Americans open combatants in the
war, not just advisers; thus the conflict
has again been escalated. Correspondents in
Washington are being informed that U.S.
policy now permits attacks on North Viet-
nam even without further provocations.
The point of no return on a wider war may
be at hand.
A State Department spokesman goes on re-
peating that the United States will reject
negotiations so long as Hanoi supports the
Vietcong guerrillas; Peiping says it will not
talk until all American troops are out of
Vietnam. Both preconditions are utterly
unrealistic. One of the fundamental rea-
sons for negotiations is precisely to arrange
for a cease-fire and nonintervention.
Unquestionably, President Johnson wor-
ries about the. effect on SQUth Vietnamese
morale of any move toward negotiations, but
the recent upheavals in Saigon have indi-
cated that the will to resist the Vietcong,
even among the commanders of the armed
forces, is already near the vanishing point.
Time is working against the United States.
Secretary Thant is right in saying that the
situation is going "from bad to worse." The
notion that to negotiate would be a defeat
for the United States has become one of the
most pernicious misapprehensions of the
conflict. The United States is amply prov-
ing its military strength and its determina-
tion to stay in South Vietnam in present
circumstances. An agreement to negotiate
surrenders nothings; it opens up the possi-
bility for determining whether the goals of
effective neutralization now being sought
militarily can be achieved at the conference
table.
The most significant thing that Secretary
Thant said yesterday was this: "I am sure
that the great American people, if it only
knows the true facts, will agree with me that
further bloodshed is unnecessary and that
political and diplomatic negotiations alone
can create conditions that will enable the
United States to withdraw gracefully from
that part of the world."
President Johnson is the man to whom
the American people look for the true facts.
[From the Detroit (Mich.) Free Press,
Feb. 23, 1965]
REALITIES BECOME CLEARER
Saigon's coveters of power have been at
each other's throats again. As usual, only
two things can be said with certainty.
One is that whichever faction winds up in
possession of the symbols of government, it
will hold them only briefly. The" other is
that real government will not exist.
The war against the Vietcong rebels will
be prosecuted only feebly, and concern for
South Vietnam's bedeviled people will be
nil.
All of which renders the assignment which
the United States has given itself in South
Vietnam impossible. We cannot assist a na-
tion to win a war when interest is lacking
Moreover, as truth has finally emerged,
it becomes evident that?while the South Viet-
nam war has multiple facets, its chief char-
acteristic is that ,pf a civil war. And out-
siders have no business. intervening in civil
4223
Unfortunately, the United States has got-
ten so involved that we can hardly pile our
people aboard homeward bound ships and
planes and stop writing checks.
However, nothing but folly prevents the
United States from changing course-ac-
cepting realities which became evident
months ago.
What we need is not more scuffling on hope-
less battlefields, but a search for some for-
mula, some accommodation which will per-
mit a truce, and provide footing for
permanent peace.
Had the past couple of years seen as much
zeal put into this search as has been given
to the compounding of futilities, both this
country and South Vietnam would have been
better served.
While the successive coups say nothing for
South Vietnam's ability to attain self-gov-
ernment, they may have the virtue of shak-
ing our policymakers awake. In that light,
the latest one may not be all bad news. At
least it cannot breed more chaos than there
already was.
ESTABLISHMENT OF JOINT COM-
MITTEE ON THE ORGANIZATION
OF THE CONGRESS
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I
ask unanimous consent that the Senate
proceed to the consideration of Calendar
No. 67, Senate Concurrent Resolution 2,
the so-called Monroney resolution, and
that it be made the pending business.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The con-
current resolution will be read.
The concurrent resolution (S. Con.
Res. 2) to establish a joint committee on
the organization of the Congress, was
read, as follows:
Resolved by the Senate (the House of Rep-
resentatives concurring), That there is here-
by established a Joint Committee on the
Organization of the Congress (hereinafter
referred to as the committee) to be com-
posed of six Members of the Senate (not
more than three of whom shall be members
of the majority party) to be appointed `by
the President of the Senate, and six Members
of the House of Representatives (not more
than three of whom shall be members of the
majority party) to be appointed by the
Speaker of the House of Representatives. The
committee shall select a 'chairman and a vice
chairman from among its members. No rec-
ommendation shall be made by the Commit-
tee except upon a majority vote of the Mem-
bers representing each House, taken sepa-
rately.
SEC. 2. The committee shall make a full
and complete study of the organization and
operation of the Congress of the United
States and shall recommend improvements
in such organization and operation with a
view toward strengthening the Congress,
simplifying its operations, improving its rela-
tionships with other branches of the United
States Government, and enabling it better to
meet its responsibilities under the Constitu-
tion. This study shall include, but shall not
be limited to, the organization and operation
of each House of Congress; the relationship
between the two Houses; the relationships
between the Congress and other branches of
the Government; the employment and re-
muneration of officers and employees of the
respective Houses and officers and employees
of the committees and Members of Congress;
and the structure of, and the relationships
between, the various standing, special, and
select committees of the Congress: Provided,
That nothing in this concurrent resolution
shall be. ,construed to authorize the Commit-
tee to make any recommendations with re-
spect to the rules, parliamentary procedure,
practices, and/or precedents of either House,
or the consideration of any matter on the
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE March 8, 1965
floor of either House: Provided further, That
the language employed herein shall not pro-
hibit the committee from studying and rec-
ommending the consolidations and reorga-
nization of committees.
SEC. 3. (a) The committee, or any duly au-
thorized subcommittee thereof, is authorized
to sit and act at such places and times during
the sessions, recesses, and adjourned periods
of the Eighty-ninth Congress, to require by
subpena or otherwise the attendance of such
witnesses and the production of such books,
papers, and documents, to administer such
oaths, to take such testimony, to procure
such printing and binding, and to make such
expenditures, as it deems advisable.
(b) The committee is empowered to ap-
point and fix the compensation of such ex-
perts, consultants, technicians, and clerical
and stenographic assistants as it deems nec-
essary and advisable.
(c) The expenses of the committee, which
shall not exceed $150,000 through January 81,
1966, shall be paid from the contingent fund
of the Senate upon vouchers signed by the
chairman.
(d) The committee shall report from time
to time to the Senate and the House of Rep-
resentatives the results of its study, together
with it recommendations, the first report
being made not later than one hundred and
twenty days after the effective date of this
Concurrent resolution. If the Senate, the
House of Representatives, or both, are in re-
cess or have adjourned, the report shall be
made to the Secretary of the Senate or the
Clerk of the House of Representatives, or
both, as the case may be. All reports and
findings of the committee shall, when re-
ceived, be referred to the Committee on Rules
and Administration of the Senate and the
appropriate committees of the House.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there
objection to the present.consideration of
the concurrent resolution?
There being no objection, the Senate
proceeded to consider the concurrent
resolution.
VA ADMINISTRATOR, WILLIAM J.
DRIVER APPLAUDS GI BILL
Mr. YARBOROUGIL Mr. President, in
the course of past hearings conducted on
the cold war GI bill the Subcommittee
on Veterans' Affairs has had the privi-
lege of hearing testimony from numer-
ous outstanding leaders in both the arts
and the sciences in support of this
worthy and necessary legislation. Many
of these prominent citizens look back
with pride upon the fact that without
the valuable economic assistance pro-
vided them by the GI bills of World War
II and the Korean war, they would have
been unable to further their education
and thus attain the positions of leader-
ship and responsibility which they
occupy today.
One of these prominent leaders on the
American scene who recognizes the value
of the UI bills Is the new Administrator
of the Veterans' Administration, Mr.
William J. Driver. Mr. Driver expressed
his personal indebtedness to the GI bill
in an illuminating article which ap-
peared in the February 1965 issue of the
Veterans of Foreign Wars magazine.
He said he might not have finished law
school and probably would not now be
Administrator had it not been for such
bills.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent that the article indicating Mr.
Driver's recognition of the benefits pro-
vided by the GI bill be printed at this
point in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
NEW VA ADMINISTRATOR: WILLIAM J. DRIVER
At 8 a.m. OIL January 4, William J. Driver
walked across the hall from his old office,
crossed the threshold of another marked
Administrator, and assumed his duties as
head of the largest independent agency of
the U.S. Government.
Those steps set a first.
As the President commented, when he an-
nounced his Intention in late December to
nominate the Deputy Administrator to suc-
ceed John S. Gleason, Jr., as Administrator
of Veterans' Affairs, Mr. Driver is the first
Federal career official to direct the affairs of
America's former servicemen and women.
Mr. Driver, at 46, is the second youngest
VA Administrator, Gleason was 45 when he
took the oath of office in 1961.
Gleason's resignation, effective January 1,
was tendered to allow him to resume a bank-
Ing career and direct other business enter-
prises n Chicago.
The announcement of Driver's appoint-
ment was highly pleasing to officers of the
Veterans of Foreign Wars who actively sup-
ported his nomination to the high post. He
is a life member of VFW Post 8816, Roches-
ter, N.Y.
The new Administrator is a 6-foot-3, 190
pound veteran of World War II and Korea
who has spent 16 years in the Veterans' Ad-
ministration.
Driver has a common Interest with the 8
million World War II veterans who took ad-
vantage of the GI bill to further their edu-
cation and 3eclaim the classroom oppor-
tunities they lost temporarily while In uni-
form, Early after his association with the
VA in Washington, he attended law school
at night under the GI measure and earned
'his LL.B. degree in 1952.
A grateful beneficiary of this wartime leg-
lslation, he- told newsmen shortly after the
announcement of his appioutment as Ad-
ministrator:
"I wouldn't have made it through law
school without the GI bill. So you might
say ,I wouldn't be here today without it."
The new Administrator's earlier education
was received In his native Rochester, N.Y.,
where he was graduated from high school
and from Niagara University. At Niagara he
underwrote his college expenses by working
with a Rochester insurance firm before re-
ceiving his degree in business administra-
tion cum laude in 1941.
Administrator Driver served during World
' WarU as a commissioned officer with Head-
quarters, Adjutant General, European
Theater, from 1942 until his separation in
1946. His military decorations include recog-
nition from Great Britain, France, and the
United States. He holds the Legion of Merit,
the Bronze Star, the Order of the British
Empire and the French Croix de Guerre.
Driver joined the VA in 1946 as special as-
sistant to the Assistant Administrator for
Contact and Administrative Services.
During the Korean conflict he returned to
duties with the U.S. Army and served with
the office of the Assistant Chief of Staff, G-1.
He returned to the VA in August 1953.
His postwar VA career included duties with
the Compensation and Pension Service, and
'later as Chief Benefits Director before be-
coming Deputy Administrator in February
1961.
Driver holds the VA's two highest awards:
The Exceptional Service Medal and the Meri-
torious Service Medal.
His distinguished record of service won
for him, at our 1964 National Convention,
the VFW Medal of Merit and these richly
earned words from Past Commander in Chief
Joseph J. Lombardo: "In appreciation of
your personal cooperation with the VFW
and for your exemplary record as an ex-
ceptionally able administrator recognized as
one of the top career officials in the Federal
Government.
The National Civil Service League also took
cognizance of Mr. Driver's unique achieve-
ments by giving him its Career Service Award
as one of the 10 outstanding men in Federal
public service.
On the occasion of that honor, Gleason told
Driver that "Your selection for a 1964 Career
Civil Service Award reflects two facts. Pri-
marily, of course, the selection stems from
the significant contributions that you have
made in your 16 years with the Veterans'
Administration, most notably your initiating
or bringing to fruition:
"A new veterans pension law, Public Law
88-211, which is more equitable to veterans
and taxpayers.
"The work measurement and performance
standards program which provides knowledge
essential in improving our ability to render
service,
"The large scale application to veterans
benefits of automatic data processing and the
establishment of a new Department of Data
Management- to assure achievement of the
full potential of advanced electronic man-
agement tools.
Equally important, your selection for this
high award is in reality a tribute to the
quality and dedication of the employees of
the Veterans' Administration. The honor
you have won further confirms the conclu-
sion I reached shortly after I became Ad-
ministrator of Veterans Affairs: that in my
years of experience in banking and business,
and in military affairs, I have never known
a group more devoted, diligent, and produc-
tive than those who serve their country
through their work in the Veterans' Adminis-
tration."
Mr. Driver is in hearty agreement with
that evaluation of VA employees.
"They're a great group of people," Driver
declared. "Their teamwork and devotion to
duty has astounded every Administrator. 1:
am aware that the Administrator gives broad
policy guidance in the conduct of VA opera-
tions, but it Is the individual employee who
gives the Veterans' Administration a con-
tinuity of purpose to the humanitarian serv-
ice for which our agency exists."
During his 16 years of association with the
VA and his steady advancement to more im-
portant duties, Driver has been eminently
successful at thinking for himself and en-
couraging others to think for themselves,.
The popular cliches of conformity just don't
fit him. His years in Government service
have sharpened his sense of the critical im-
portance of teamwork whether it be high-
level administrative decisions or direct per-
sonal service to veterans. But he has never
lost sight of the value and role of each in-
dividual on the team.
And he has never lost sight of the mission
of the VA.
"We are in business to provide high-quality
service to which our veterans and their de-
pendents are entitled," he has said. "The
VA is a big agency which produces a lot of.
statistics, but we do not deal in statistics.
We deal with human beings. The statistics
are but a measuring rod of the individual
human impact that VA makes each day and
each hour on the important, individual con-
cerns of people."
THE ALABAMA TRAGEDY
Mr. YARBOROUGH. Mr. President,
we cannot win the war for liberty and
democracy and freedom of opportunity
around the world by losing it at home..
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
and 1s probabiy the next logical step in filling
in and rounding out our educational system.
Or, Bethel had helped Israel, Mexico, and
Puerto Woo to set up schooling for careers
in the solft-goods industries.
Before coming to the Fashion Institute, the
was director, from 1937 to 1953, of New Haven
College, a community college operating at
Yale University.. He had lectured on Indus-
trial Administration at Vale from 1950 to
1952.
Earlier he held administrative posts with
the Hamden High School, Hasbrouck Heights,
N.J., High School; Nevada, Mo., High School,
and Adrian, Mo., High School.
HELD.YALE DOCTORATX
He was born in Warrensburg, Mo., and
graduated from Central Missouri State Col-
lege in 1928. He held a master of arts degree
from Columbia and a Ph. D. from Yale.
Dr. Bethel had edited and was coauthor
of three textbooks on industrial manage-
ment.
A former president of the American Asso-
ciation of ,Junior Colleges, he was a director
of the Council of Higher Education Institu-
tions of, New- York City and a member of the
State Advisory Council on Higher Education.
Surviving are his widow, the former Lola
Cavan; two daughters, Mrs. Douglas McGre-
gor and Kathleen; three sisters, Mrs. Robert
Blockman, Mrs. Robert Powell, and Mrs. Curt-
ly Dp Witt, and one grandchild.
A memorial service will be held at 4 p.m.
in the Congregational Church of the Re-
deemer in New Haven.
THE SITUATION IN SELMA, ALA.
Mr. JAVITS. 'Mr., President, I ask
unanimous consent that I may be per-
mitted to speak for 10 minutes on a cer-
tain subject.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. With-
out objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. DAVITS, Mr. President, anyone
who has been listening to the radio and
watching television, or reading the
papers today cannot help but be shocked
by the exercise in terror which goes un-
der. the name of police action in Selma,
Ala., as illustrated yesterday by the
breaking up-with great violence, many
injuries, and hospitalizations-a peace-
ful, nonvIolent march of 600 Negroes
who were seeking to assert their consti-
tutional rights of free speech and peti-
tion. I use every word with great un-
derstanding, as a lawyer, of what the
words mean. That is what they were
doing in their march.
I am lawyer enough to know that it
must be assumed they were well aware
of the order of Governor Wallace, which
said that such a march should not take
place. But I have very grave doubt as to
the legality of this order. These orders
have been tested before in the courts.
Yesterday in Selma a disgraceful dis-
play of terror was used to inhibit the ex-
ercise by citizens of their constitutional
rights, and their right to test whether
or not those.rights existed in a given
situation..
It is one thing to arrest Negroes, even
if they are arrested under some phony
statute which.. does not have a basis in
law, or on an order of the director of
public safety, a.police chief, or a Gover-
nor, which orders have no basis in `the
law.
That is. very different from breaking
up a peaceful, nonviolent exercise with
the use of terror. It is at the least an
effort to negate the law.
It seems very clear that wise govern-
ment would never indulge in such action.
That statement is true without regard? to
the intentions of those who promoted the
march. Perhaps their intention is to in-
vite just such violence, but their inten-
tion has no bearing on the matter.
There is in Selma, a direct confronta-
tion between the United States and the
State of Alabama. This situation has
arisen before. President Eisenhower,
under the authority of title 10, section
333 of the United States Code, sent troops
to Little Rock to deal with such a situ-
ation. That section_reads as follows:
The President, by using the militia or the
armed forces, or both, or by any other means,
shall take such measures as he considers
necessary to suppress, in a State, any insur-
rection, domestic violence, unlawful combi-
nation, or conspiracy, if it-
(1) so hinders the execution of the laws
of that State, and of the United States
within the State that any part or class of
its people is deprived of a right, privilege,
immunity or protection named in the Con-
stitution and secured by law, and the con-
stituted authorities of that State are unable,
fail, or refuse to protect that right, privilege
or immunity, or to, give that protection; or
(2) opposes or obstructs the execution of
-the laws of the Ualted States or impedes the
course of justice under those laws.
In any situation covered by clause (1),
the State shall be considered to have denied
the equal protection of the laws secured by
the Constitution.
Later, President Kennedy, acting un-
der the same statute, sent U.S. marshals
to Alabama to deal with a similar situa-
tion. There was also an occurrence of
this kind in Mississippi.
It seems to me that the time has come
to act. The subjecting of American citi-
zens to brutality inflicted under the color
of law is both senseless and shocking.
The law is quite adequate to give the
President power to proceed. I think, in
all fairness, that anyone who has seen
or read of this occurrence must come to
the conclusion that affairs in Alabama
have gotten completely out of hand.
There is no reason why the President
cannot declare that the incidents in Sel-
ma do not represent law and order as we
know it in our country. The Selma police
have taken the law into their own hands,
Abdication of law for anarchy is equally
bad for whites and Negroes and it is un-.
conscionable for the police to substitute
their terror for law,
In view of the bloody heads and terror-
filled attacks which. have been reported,
it is indeed a grim Monday morning if
we say that , the Federal Government has
no responsibility to maintain law and
order. It has exactly that responsibility
when the rights of citizens of the United
States axe involved 43, they are here. I know that great movements do not
end without some kind of sacrifice. Many
sacrifices have.been made in these cases.
But great movements should not take
place under the law of the jungle and the
law of tooth and claw, but under the rule
4201
Mr. President, I end where I began.
There is a confrontation between the
United States and the State of Alabama.
We have had such confrontations before
in civil rights and we shall have them
again.
This is the. time when the. United.
States must take its full responsibility to
protect the lives and safety of its citizens,
inasmuch as these are matters that can
under law be redressed by the Federal
Government. In section 902 of the Civil
Rights Act of 1964, Congress contem-
plated such application in providing as
follows:
SEC. 902. Whenever an action has been
commenced in any court of the United States
seeking relief from the denial of equal pro-
tection of the laws under the 14th amend-
ment to the Constitution on account of race,
color; religion, or national origin, the At-
torney General for or in the name of the
United States may intervene in such action
upon timely application if the Attorney Gen-
eral certifies that the case is of general pub-
lic importance. In such action, the United
States shall be entitled to the same relief
as if it had instituted the action.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
time of the Senator has expired.
Mr. JAVITS. I ask unanimous con-
sent to proceed for 2 additional minutes.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without
objection, it is so ordered '
Mr. JAVITS. There are many such
actions pending, arising out of the Selma
situation and I would hope that the At-
torney General would carefully consider
this section of the new law.
In this particular matter, as happens
from time to time, we have reached the
boiling point. Let us not get beyond the
point of no return. It is time for the
United States to assert itself in respect
of Selma, Ala., in no uncertain terms
and say whether or not excessive police
action is violating the due process of law.
It is clear that such action was taken to
a degree which really was not required by
the conditions, or the laws as they were
interpreted by the Governor and authori-
ties of the State of Alabama. In my
judgment, this is unacceptable, to the
pointu{(h_ere the President will, I hope,
assll~ne direct authority in the situation.
E MESS IN VIETNAM-VI
hastily conceived and clumsily executed
maneuver to gloss over the actualities of
the situation in Vietnam, the State De-
partment issued its so-called white
paper on Vietnam.
A leading editorial in this week's New
Republic says of this publication that
at its best it is "entirely ungonvincing:"
At its worst, says the editoriall, "it has
a desperate purpose: to prepare the mor-
al platform for. widening the war."
I share,, the New . Republic's mistrust
of any document that seeks to persuade
by half-truths, by half-quotes, by omis-
sions, and by twisting the facts. The so-
called white paper is guilty of these
serious faults.
The excellent editorial in the New Re-
public contains a point-by-point analysis
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE March 8, 1965
of the white paper on Vietnam and shows
that there has been an obvious attempt
to mislead the American people and to
use the "double think" technique of try-
ing to convince them that black is white.
I ask unanimous consent that the en-
tire editorial be printed in the RECORD
at the conclusion of my remarks.
The PRESIDING OFTUCER. Without
objection, it is so ordered.
(See exhibit 1.)
Mr. GRUENING. In the same pub-
lication, in an article entitled "Not for
Attribution," Alex Campbell gives a vivid
account of the manner in which the
white paper was issued and explained.
I ask unanimous consent that Mr. Camp-
bell's article be likewise printed in the
RECORD after the previous insertion at
the conclusion of my remarks.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without
objection, it is so ordered.
(See exhibit 2.)
EXHIBIT 1
THE WHrri ' PAPER
The best that can be said about the State
Department's white paper on Vietnam Is that
it is entirely unconvincing. The worst is
that it is contradictory, illogical and mis-
leading. It has a desperate purpose: to pre-
pare the moral platfo?m for widening the
war. The bombs which United States and
South Vietnamese attackers hurled at North
Vietnam last week were probably being
loaded as the white paper was distributed
in Washington. Still, American sensibilities
demand some small assurance that precipi-
tous acts of war spring not from blind frus-
tration but from considered judgment. The
white paper attempts to prove that escala-
tion is the only reasonable response to a
war which is quite simply a case of "flagrant
aggression" by North Vietnam.
Not even the North Vietnamese would
deny that they have given the Communist
Vietcong in the south some measure of mili-
tary aid and moral support. It is hard
enough to find a purely civil war in history,
and, increasingly in this century internal
conflicts are attended by international kib-
itzers on all sides-in the Congo, the Yemen,
and Cuba, no less than in Vietnam., But the
State Department is out to prove much more
than meddling: North Vietnam, it says, "has
used every resource of its own government
to carry out its carefully planned program
of concealed aggression. North Vietnam's
commitment to seize control of the south
is no less total (equally total? or more
total?) than was the commitment of the
regime in North Korea in 1950." Then be-
gins a summary of the massive evidence of
North Vitnamese infiltrators make up the
filled and picture-padded pages.
All the State Department's Himalayan
labor has brought forth a mouse of an argu-
ment. The first conclusion made is that
North Vietnamese infiltrators make up the
bulk of the Vietcong forces, and 19 cases are
cited as proof, complete with photographs of
the men, their military history and dramatic
narrative ("Then the more than 300 men be-
gan. walking to the south; they marched by
day, rested at night"). But of the 19 In-
filtrators, 16 are South Vietnamese natives
who were returning to their homeland, 1
is unidentified by place of birth, and only
2 are North Vietnamese. All were cap-
tured in either 1962 or 1963, although the
white paper can't be that outdated; it con-
tains other material about 3 weeks old.
In a very short section which appears to be
an afterthought, six more infiltrators of
North Vietnamese"origin are named, without
photographs or military history. They pro-
vide the only evidence for the paper's con-
tention that "as many as 76 percent of the
more than 4,400 Vitcong who are known to
have entered the south in the first 8 months
of 1964 were natives of North Vietnam."
Figures are given to support the State
Department's claim that "infiltrators from
the north-allowing for casualties-make up
the majority of the so-called hard-core Viet-
cong." But the white paper conspicuously
ignores its own advice; it does not allow for
casualties among the 19,500 confirmed and
1.7,550 estimated infiltrators of the past 5
years. Allowing for the generally accepted
Vietcong casualty rate of 50 percent, half
of the infiltrators must be removed from
battle each year. In the hard-core Viet-
cong force of 35,000 and the full army of
115,000, that leaves a current total of only
4,200 confirmed and perhaps 3,300 more es-
timated infiltrators--of whom perhaps fewer
than half are native North Vietnamese.
But the State Department would have
it both ways: Even if careful readers of the
white paper should discover that North Viet-
namese aid the Vietcong in roughly the same
proportion that Americans aid the Govern-
ment troops, they are assured that mere num-
bers are unimportant. The infiltrators are
as tough as tigers, and 10 feet fall. "The
infiltration of 5,000 guerrilla fighters in a
given year is the equivalent of marching
perhaps 50,000 regular troops across the
border," cautions the State Department.
Though the Vietcong fights against all the
State Department holds dear, neither napalm
in the south nor bombs in the north seems
to shake its determination. What the white
paper does not explain Is the stubborn cour-
age and tenacity of the Vietcong of what-
ever provenance or hardness of core, year
after year, for none of the usual rewards and
against staggering odds of survival.
The second conclusion the white paper
draws is that war material from North Viet-
nam and Its Communist-bloc allies is pour-
ing into the south. The paper is crowded
,with photographs of weapons, like a mail-
order catalog, to bring home the full im-
pact. But the long inventory of all Com-
munist-made weapons captured from the
Vietcong in an 18-month-period from June
1962 to January 29, 1.964, includes only 22
crew-served weapons (mortars, recoilless
rifles, etc.) and 155 smaller arms, hardly
enough to equip one of the 139 Vietcong
companies. These weapons could have come
from anywhere, including Alexandria, Va.,
where a private arms supplier lists almost
all of the items mentioned. Communist
weapons captured from the Egyptians by
Israeli soldiers in 1956 turn up regularly on
the open market, in enough quantities to
allow any government to prove Communist
involvement in the rebellion of its choice.
Before it became necessary to deny the
existence of a civil war in South Vietnam,
American military men admitted that about
230 percent of the Vietcong's weapons were
unwittingly supplied by the United States
by loss, theft, or sale by enterprising South
Vietnamese. It now appears that the experts
were wrong; if only 177 foreign weapons
could be found in Vietcong hands In 18
months, the enemy must be 99-percent
equipped with American materiel. Obvi-
ously no believable case for a claim of mas-
sive arms infiltration could be built on the
official list in the white paper, even stretched
as it is by the inclusion of every bullet, mess-
kit, and pair of socks. And so, quite provi-
dentially, a larger supply of infiltrated arms
was found in a sunken North Vietnamese
junk in a southern harbor, just as the white
paper was being prepared. In the annals of
mystery ships, this one poses a fine puzzle.
Perhaps the combined United States and
South Vietnamese naval patrols are more in-
efficient than is usually conceded, but the
ship? was the first encountered in the history
of the war. In any case, it hardly merits the
full-throated treatment afforded by the
white paper. The ship was about the size
of a Coast Guard cutter, or slightly larger
than the original Santa Maria, carrying about
one-seventieth of the tonnage of a standard
World War II Liberty ship. In relation to
the amount of arms supplied regularly to the
South Vietnamese by the United States, its
supply was insignificant.
The white paper fails to sustain its two
major contentions, that there is a large,
militarily crucial infiltration of both men
and materiel from Hanoi. It also fails to
make its political points. The State De-
partment claims that hostilities in South
Vietnam began in 1959, as "a brutal cam-
paign of terror and armed attack inspired,
directed, supplied, and controlled by the
Communist regime in Hanoi." But it was
the late President Diem's abolition of the
elected village councils in 1956 which made
South Vietnam a true dictatorship and
alienated a sizable proportion of the popula-
tion.
In. response, the rebellion began early in
1957. It is still an ugly war. According to
the white paper, the Vietcong killed 1,359
civilians last year. According to our allies
the South Vietnamese, and not reported in
the white paper, the United States kills
about 20,000 villagers and volunteers every
year, largely by napalm bombing. The white
paper cites as evidence of North Vietnamese
involvement, a report of the International
Control Commission for Vietnam, which
criticized Hanoi's activities in June 1962.
The paper does not include item 20 of the
Commission's report, however, which charges
both the United States and South Vietnam
with violating the 1954 Geneva Agreement
on Indochina. Nor does it mention the
Commission's reported criticism on February
13 of American attacks on North Vietnam,
which were called unjustified. The paper
destroys all credibility when it selects those
findings of the Commission which seem to
help its case, and than ignores those which
contradict it.
To misunderstand the war in Vietnam is
to condemn the United States to dishonor,
defeat or worse. The white paper repeats
the misunderstandings of the last 6 years,
and compounds them with deception. It is
no good pretending that there is no civil war
in progress in South Vietnam, and that the
whole bloody business would end If North
Vietnam would "leave its neighbor alone"
There is no point in maintaining the fiction
that the United States is involved "at the
request of the people of South Vietnam," as
the white paper does. There is no demo-
cratic way for the people of South Vietnam
to express themselves-Diem and his succes-
sors have seen to that. If asked, and they
will not be, the people of South Vietnam
would doubtless want to send everyone away,
Americans, Vietcong regulars and North
Vietnamese. The white paper says that this
war is not like any others; that is true, and
banal. Like all of the guerrilla wars of our
generation, this one cannot be settled one
way or the- other by military action. The
white paper cannot change a complex politi-
cal conflict into a simple casegf aggression
over a border.
EXHIBIT 2
NOT FOP, ATTRIBUTION
(By Alex Campbell)
Some scores of journalists were asked by
telephone on Friday night, February 26, to
drop by the State Department Saturday
morning, to pick up a document called "Ag-
gression From the North: The Record of
North Vietnam's Campaign To Conquer
South Vietnam," and to attend a briefing on
it by a Government spokesman. In room
2113, the office of the State Department's
News Division, the journalists were handed a
bulky mimeographed document that was
dated February 26 but also had on its cover,
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,March 8, 1965
CONGRESSIONAL ,. RECORD -,SENATE
quoted from, or used in any way." After a and I hope from yours ".
-quick glance the correspondents, who read "Bill," another journalist asked, tactfully
the New York Times as.a necessary part of changing the subject, "why does it say in
their job, realized they had read all the juicy the second paragraph of the introduction to
bits in that morning's Times. 'Aggression from the North' that the war in
An official of the News. Division said the Vietnam is 'a new kind of war'?"
Government spokesman would give the brief- The spokesman said there had been a
ing in room 1912. Room 1912, in another steady rise in the number of infiltrators but
part of the building, was a big conference he agreed it was "not a quantum jump."
room, with a lecture platform and rows, of Someone asked what, a quantum was. Look-
confortable chairs. The correspondents sat ing more than ever like his brother, the
down and began reading "Aggression From spokesman told him.
the North" while awaiting the Government Another correspondent wanted to know
spokesman. The contents said they would why the document finished on page 71, be-
find a conclusion on page 74, but "Aggression fore the conclusion and the appendices, and
From the North" had only 71 pages, and where was the missing map? The spokes-
there were 9 appendixes missing as well as man had a man from the news division
the conclusion. Page 5 was blank, except explain that the,mimeograph that the
for the word "Map" and a caption saying, journalists had been given was incomplete
"This map shows the infiltration route from and that a full, printed version would be
North Vietnam to the south followed by VC ready for them after the spokesman finished.
Sgt. Hyunh Van Tay and a group of North. The correspondents were curious about the
Vietnamese Army officers and men in Sep- 81-millimeter mortars that the Vietcong are
tember 1963. Tay was captured during an now using. They asked if these vyere Ameri-
engagement InChuong Thien Province in can mortars that the Vietcong had captured.
April 1964." At the foot of page 8 it said, The spokesman said they were "Chinese-
!'Insert picture of Major Dan on this page," made copies of American weapons." The
and in the middle of page 12'it said, "Insert journalists wondered how he knew that, He
picture of Thao." One or two journalists said the Vietcong had 130 81-millimeter
wondered aloud if it was a do-it-yourself mortars, and the Americans in Vietnam had
press kit, and if they ought to start coloring lost only ld, so obviously the Vietcong's mor-
Major Dan and Thad by themselves, or wait tars couldn't all be ones they had captured.
for the Government spokesman. He added that nothing like a, majority of
Other correspondents were reading in the Vietcong weapons were captured weapons,
document about Tran Quoc Dan, Nguyen and the Vietcong were becoming increasingly
Thao, and Nguyen True. They were infil- dependent on shiploads of ,arms from out-
trators sent from the north into the south, side, as they switched to more sophisticated
who had soon realized from talking with weapons of larger caliber. However, he ad-
the local people that what they had heard mitted that the Vietcong in spite of their
in the north about conditions in the south bigger, more sophisticated weapons seldom
was wrong, ad they had defected. Some hurtled themselves against the South Viet-
correspondents wondered if the way to handle namese and American forces at even bat-
infiltrators was to send defectors back north talion strength.
to tell the rest of the people there how Finally, a journalist asked what the docu-
wrong they were about the south. But went meant when it said that the United
most thought the one honest man in the States would.coutlnlle necessary measures of
document was Nguyen Hong Thai, a defector defense against aggression from North Viet-
who explained that he had begun to be name, until the regime in Hanoi decides to
depressed by combat conditions and the halt its intervention--in the south, or until
rigors of guerrilla life. effective steps are taken to maintain peace
"Aggression From the North" had its own and security in the area.
description of life in the south.. It said, Bill," asked the correspondent, "what is
"The military and insurgency situation was .that 'or' about?"
complicated by a quite separate internal The spokesman said he wouldn't elucidate
political struggle within South Vietnam it. It is policy, and so has to stand on its
which led in, November 1963 to the removal own bottom."
of the Diem Government and its replacement As he got up to go, one correspondent
with a new one. Effective power was placed remarked that "Aggression in the hands of a military revolutionary rFrom the North"
council. There have been a number of stood on its own bottom as far as he was
changes an the leadership and composition concerned,
of the government in Saigon in the ensuing
period." Most of the journalists thought EFFORTS TO DEAL WITH RACIAL
this too-bald and almost as misleading as IMBALANCE IN NEW YORK PUB-
what the infiltrators from the north were
told about the south. LIC SCHOOLS
Reading on, they learned that the infil- Mr. JAVITS. Mr. President, I have
trators sometimes carry "a small knife that
can inject poison into the body of a victim;' two other matters to discuss.
and that they get their instructions over I call attention to a situation which
the official government radio in Hanoi, which is developing in New York relating to
sends them their orders "in veiled code " efforts to deal with racial imbalance in
This puzzled the journalists who read on our public school system, which indi-
another page, of the document that infiltra- sates how sharply different the situation
tion groups are issued "a set of black civilian is when the community, State, and
pajama-like clothes, two unmarked uni- municipal governments have an under-
forms, rubber sandals, a sweater, a ham- standing of constitutional rights mosquito, netting, and, waterproof ghts and
sheeting." No radios. equal opportunity for education, and, on
the State Department's spokesman turned the other hand, when the so-called social
up, looking remarkably like his brother in order is geared against it, and every step
the White House, and asked the journalists must be literally dragged out of the
not to name him in their stories, though he authorities by court action.
wou d,;answer.#izeir questions.
111 " a journalist asked him, "why is It is for that reason that I ask unani-
this document marked for release, at 6 mous consent to have printed in the
o'clock tonight when it was In the Times RECORD Various newspaper articles and
this morning?" editorials ;aboi, t tile, Inttgration plan of
4203
the city of New York in its public school
system, widely published this morning.
There being no objection, the edito-
rials and articles were ordered to be
printed in the RECORD, as follows:
[From the New York Times, March 8, 1965]
GROSS INTEGRATION PLAN BACKS ALLEN ON
SCHOOLS; OMrrs BUSING AND PAIRING-
REFORMS ADVISED-NEW GRADE PATTERNS,
SHIFTING OF 32,000 STUDENTS URGED
(By Leonard Buder)
Basic changes in the city school system
to provide better integration and improved
education were proposed in a report made
public yesterday by the Board of Education.
The plan, which would cost $28 million to
Implement, was prepared under the direc-
tion of Dr. Calvin E. Gross, the deposed
Superintendent of Schools.
The report did not propose the compulsory
assignment of busing of white children to
heavily Negro schools to correct racial im-
balance. Nor did it recommend any new
elementary school pairings or junior high
school zoning changes to promote integra-
tion.
The introduction of such measures on a
limited basis last fall evoked bitter protests
from white parents and led to charges that
more drastic action would be put into effect
next September.
DPHOLDS ALLEN REPORT
The report called for the adoption, as the
basis for school. policy, of the recommenda-
tions made last spring by a special advisory
committee appointed by Dr. James E. Allen
Jr., the State education commissioner.
Civil rights groups have made this a princi-
pal demand.
In addition, the report urged these specific
measures:
The transfer of 32,000 sixth- and ninth-
grade pupils next fall to junior and senior
high schools, respectively.
The addition of a fourth year to high
school programs.
The conversion of all regular academic and
vocational high schools into 4-year compre-
hensive secondary schools by 1972-73.
The elimination of two all-Negro junior
high schools next September. Twenty-eight
other de facto segregated junior high schools
would be closed in the following years if
Negro parents were willing to send their
children to integrated schools elsewhere.
The creation of six educational complexes,
or clusters, to test new patterns of organiza-
tion, including a 4-year middle school rec-
ommended by the State committee.
The elimination of all short-time instruc-
tion in the elementary schools by 1967-68.
Efforts to strengthen the education of the
so-called disadvantaged children, Including
the establishment of more prekindergarten
classes.
A system-wide emphasis on promoting bet-
ter human relations.
NO COMMENT BY BOARD
Dr. Gross' report, which he completed on
his final day in office last Thursday, was en-
titled, "Blueprint for Further Action Toward
Quality Integrated Education." It was re-
leased by the board without comment.
Dr. Gross was placed on a forced leave of
absence with pay, and the board is now look-
ing to settle his $45,000-a-year contract,
which has 4 years to run. The board has
expressed dissatisfaction with the superin-
tendent's leadership during his 2 years in
office, including his asserted slowness in
drafting a satisfactory integration plan.
Last Friday James B. Donovan, president of
the board, said the report was intended to
provide a basis for further discussions and
public hearings. The board is scheduled to
adopt an integration plan for next fall at its
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4204
CONGRESSIONAL. RECORD.- SENATE March 8, 1965
Dr. Gross noted in his preface that 9
months of "Intensive study and planning"
had gone into the report. Dr. Jacob Land-
ers, assistant superintendent in charge of
coordinating integration efforts, played a
major role in the staff.
"The record of New York City in the field
of quality integrated education is second to
none among the large cities of our country,"
the superintendent said in his opening state-
ment. He added: "Although much has beeh
done, it must also be recognized that even
more remains to be done."
The key recommendation in the Gross re-
port, was the proposal that the Allen com-
mittee report provide the guidelines for all
school integration policies.
A major recommendation of the State com-
mittee was that the city's present 6-3-3
pattern of education (6 years of elementary
school and 3 years each of junior and senior
high school) be changed to a 4-4--4 arrange-
ment. -
This would provide for 4-year neighbor-
hood primary schools; integrated 4-year mid-
dle schools, covering grades 5 through 8 and
drawing pupils from a wider area: and in-
tegrated 4-year comprehensive high schools.
WIDE EFFECT NOTED
Although Dr. Gross in his report acted
upon many of the State committee's recom-
mendations he did not urge committing the
system to a 4-44 pattern.
"Transformation of the school system to a
4-4--4 organization wuold entail the conver-
sion of some junior high schools to high
school annexes and of many elementary
schools to middle schools," he said.
"The educational dimensions of the 4-year
middle school remain to be explored."
In line with the State committee's recom-
mendations; Dr. Gross proposed that the-4-
year comprehensive high school become "the
basic organizational unit of secondary edu-
Cation."
All high schools, he said, should become 4-
year comprehensive schools "as rapidly as
possible except for special academic high
schools [the Bronx High School of Science
and others] and unit trade vocational schools
[such as the High School of Printing].."
However, Dr. Gross noted that because of
various factors, including ethnic considera-
tions, he was recommending for next fall that
comprehensive programs on the ninth-grade
level be started at only two schoolsr-John
Jay in Brooklyn and Woodrow Wilson in
Queens.
Oomprehensive schools provide a wide
range or programs, including academic and
vocational courses.
Dr. Gross emphasized that new high
schools should be built in integrated and
predominantly white areas. He added that
a vast stepup in building was needed to
provide suitable accommodations for the in-
creased number of pupils who will be at-
tending high schools because of their take
over of ninth-grade classes from the junior
high schools.
As a further step toward reducing racial
imbalance, Dr. Gross proposed that Negro,
and Puerto Rican pupils be given the option
of attending any regular city high school
they choo6. subject only to space limitations.
The shift of 17,016 ninth-grade pupils to
the high schools next fall, as proposed by
Dr. Qrosa,_ would mean a vast acceleration
of a move started last September when 4,717
ninth-grade pupils were transferred.
. Next fall, if the recommendations are Im-
plemented, nearly"half of the city's ninth-
grade pupils would be attending classes in
high schools, the report said.
One reason for the shift of the ninth-grade
pupils to senior high schools is that it cre-
ates room in the junior high schools for ele-
mentary school pupils. This, In turn, frees
room and staff in the elementary schools so
they can reduce overcrowding and-add serv-
ices and programs, Including prekindergar-
ten classes.
The six proposed educational complexes
would establish clusters of primary schools
centered on a middle school for academic
and administrative purposes.
Each complex would be a somewhat auton-
omous unit, headed by an official who would
have authority to move teachers and pupils
among the member schools to provide better
education and integration. Additional serv-
ices, personnel, and facilities also would be
given to these complexes.
The complexes would involve primary and
middle schools of varying grade structures.
One would be a 4-4 complex-4-year pri-
mary schools (kindergarten through fourth
grade) and a 4-year middle school (fifth
through eighth grade). This would be set up
in Queens and affect Junior High School 126
and Public Schools 7, 83, and 171.
OTHER COMPLEXES LISTED
Three would be 5-3 complexes-primary
schools ranging from kindergarten through
fifth grade and middle schools covering the
sixth, seventh, and eighth grades. These
would involve the following sets of schools:
Bronx: Junior High School 22 and Public
Schools 53, 90, 114, and 132,
Brooklyn: Junior High School 246 and
Public Schools 92, 181, and 139.
Manhattan: Junior High School 44 and
Public Schools 9, 87, 166, 191, and 199.
The remaining two complexes would be
6-3, involving no departure from the present
grade pattern, although one is listed tenta-
tively and may be shifted to a 5-3 setup.
These two complexes would affect the fol-
lowing schools:
Brooklyn: Junior High School 162 and
Public Schools 123 and 299.
Queens (tentative 6-3 arrangement) :
Junior High School 180 and Public Schools
104, 114, 183, 47, and 225.
The report called for public discussion
and hearings on the concept of educational
parks-large-scale complexes containing
high schools and possibly community facili-
ties, such as libraries and museums.
The omission of additional pairings--the
most controversial feature of last fall's inte-
gration program-was in line with a prom-
ise that there would be a careful evaluation
of them before new pairs were created.
At present there are five pairs in which
white and Negro schools have been com-
bined for integration purposes. In these
pairings, one school takes all the pupils in
the combined for certain grades and the oth-
er schools take them for the remaining
grades.
GROSS PREPARED PLAN BUT NAME IS OMITTED
The integration plan issued yesterday by
the board of education is described on its
pale blue cover as "recommendations of the
superintendent of schools to the board of
education."
But nowhere. in the 145-page report does
there appear the name of Superintendent
Calvin E. Gross, under whose direction it was
prepared. The date on the cover is March
5, 1985, 1 day after the board placed Dr.
Gross on a 3-month leave of absence with
full pay after having advised him privately
the week before to look for another job.
A last-minute addition to the report, writ-
ten in red pencil on the cover, describes his
recommendations as "proposals for discus-
sion." Board President James B. Donovan
explained on Friday that the report would
become final only after full public hear-
ings.
[No credit line given j
ORDERLY SCHOOL PLAN-INTEGRATION BLUE-
'PRINT AVOIDS PAIRING AND BUSING To
ACHIEVE STABLE GOALS
(By Fred M. Hechinger)
The new blueprint for "further action to-
ward quality Integrated education" in the
city schools aims at bringing about a con-
sensus. To achieve this, the superintendent
and his staff risked abandoning some of the
flashy devices of integration and tried to
attract attention to the long-range, orderly
reorganization of the schools. There is no
call for increased use of that highly publi-
cized device-the Princeton plan, or the pair-
ing of two schools as a means of getting a
better racial mixture. The bus as a major
instrument of integration has been sent back
to the garage.
Instead of viewing integration as a con-
stant reshuffling of children, the report's
main efforts are directed at bringing about a
stability of school attendance, without at the
same time freezing the system into a segre-
gated mold.
What are the major assumptions on which
consensus could be expected to jell?
The great majority of parents, white and
Negro, do not want young children to be
taken out of the neighborhood school, espe-
cially when this means bus transportation.
FOUR-YEAR SCHOOL BACKED
The great majority of educators favor the
4-year, comprehensive high school over
the 3-year school and over separate academic
and vocational schools. The weakest link in
the present system is widely believed to be
the 3-year junior high school of grades 7,
8, and 9.
The usually unspoken but cricial assump-
tion of any successful integration plan fur-
thermore is that it must do nothing to speed
the exodus of white children as well as
middle-class Negro children from the city's
public schools. Consensus therefore Is not
only desirable but essential.
Based on these areas of substantial com-
mon ground, the new blueprint, in effect,
asks parents and, of course, civil rights lead-
ers to accept the following long-range pre-
mises:
The proposed 4-year, comprehensive high
school system would be a boon to everybody.
It would permit a better, more cohesive and
challenging curriculum by giving all aca-
demic subjects a longer stretch of work under
the same educational auspices. But since
the high schools are the largest institutions
and least neighborhood-bound, they already
are and would most readily remain the most
naturally integrated ones.
By reducing the elementary schools from
6 to S years-with the possibility of an even-
tual further reduction to 4 years-the neigh-
borhood school is maintained. But since it
is naturally most vulnerable to de facto seg-
regation, children may move out 1 year
sooner.
As children move into the new middle
schools-the former junior highs-commu-
nity preferences are more easily taken into
account. Middle schools can, if the local
parents prefer it, be situated outside a de
facto segregated neighborhood.
Why have the much-advertised devices,
such as pairing, been played down in the
new report? A major reason is undoubtedly
that most experts agreed from the outset
that these devices, at best, would affect only
a few children in the fringe areas of the
ghettoes; at worst, they would have to be
constantly readjusted to shifting population.
In addition it was feared that these de-
vices, unpopular with many white parents,
would create more rather than fewer seg-
regated schools.
What about the Allen report? That docu-
ment, prepared in May of 1964 by the Ad-
visory committee on Human Relations and
Community Tensions, appointed by Dr.
James E. Allen, Jr., the State education com-
missioner, has been widely adopted by the
civil rights leaders as a blueprint for action.
In fact, one of the picketing slogans has
become: "All the way with Commissioner
ALLEN REPORT ACCEPTED
Part of the effort at gaining consensus
therefore appears to be the opening sentence
of the new report, which says: "The super-
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March 8, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE..
STATEMENT OF S$NATOR V'IXK$ JfAN.~SFIELA To
THE DEMOCRATIQ , CQNFE$ESCE~_ MONDAY,
MARCH 8, 1965, 10:30 A.M.
This meeting has been called to bring the
confereii,ce. up to date on the legislative situ-
ation, to report on leadership meetings with
the President and to consider any other mat-
ters which members may wish to have con-
sidered qn an informal basis..
First, the legislative situation. In the first
2 months of this session, we have disposed of
just about every measure which the Senate
could reasonably have been expected to con-
sider up to this point. I want to express my
deep appreciation to the chairmen and mem-
bers of the committees for bringing the so-
called reruns and other bills to the floor ex-
peditiously and, to all members for their co-
operation on the floor. We have been able
to act on important measures in excellent
time and in excellent order. I refer to the
agricultural supplemental, Appalachia,
water pollution, the coffee legislation, the
Inter-American Development Bank, presi-
This record which is. outstanding in every
respect has been achieved on an orderly
schedule, with reasonable hours and an ap-
propriate Lincoln recess. There is every rea-
son to hope that we will be able to continue
in the some fashion for the balance of the
session, including the previously announced
recesses,, hopefully, to a midsummer ad-
journment.
There is, as you know, the conference re-
port on the Inter-American Development
Bank and a Disarmament Agency bill on the
calendar for 17oday. We will have, shortly,
the Monroney congressional study bill. The
rule 22 matter, although it will be reported
as ordered, may be held up for the time be-
ing. May I say Senator RUSSELL did not in
any way request the postponement of rule
22 but the leadership on both sides desires
that it b@ postponed temporarily. Inci-
dentally, I saw Senator RUSSELL last Satur-
day'at Walter Reed and I'm happy to report
he is conyalescing nicely.
On the balance of the legislative pro-
gram, at a recent meeting with the com-
mittee chairmen. I have been advised that
committee work on other measures is pro-
ceeding very well. In that connection, may
I say, that at the last leadership meeting on
last Tuesday with the President-the second
this session-I reported to him on the need
for the executive branch to speed up the sub-
mission to th Senate of draft legislation to
carry out the intent of many of the ex-
cellent presidential messages which we have
had so far this session. I have been assured
that this will be done.
Other than,that, there is not a great deal
to report on the leadership meetings. I be-
lieve the President is quite content with
the progress on the legislative program in
the Senate. He has not made any comment
at the leadership meetings on the discussion
of Vietnam on the floor or on any, repeat,
any Senator's speech in connection there-
with. In my judgment that is a most ap-
propriate course for the President to follow
just as the debate itself has, in general, been
most appropriate and helpful from the point
of view of illuminating the great complexi-
ties of this situation and its implications
for the ;national interest. Newspaper ac-
counts have appeared which alleged that
the President and the majority leader have,
in effect, twisted arms on the Vietnam issue.
Because of these reports I will read what I
said to the caucus on January 3 and inserted
in the RECORD for January 22.
I would anticipate that during the years
ahead, the Nation will reach decisive cross-
roads at several. points in foreign policy.
The preponderant responsibility in these
matters rests with the President. He will be
confronted giitli, grave questions not. only in
Vietnam but elsewhere in Asia,. not only in
NATO but in Europe as a whole, not only in
the Congo but' throughout Africa, not only
with regard to fiscal difficulties but with a
general organizational disarray in the United
Nations.
I would hope that Democratic Members,
Indeed, all Senators would bear in mind at
all times the great burdens which the Presi-
dent carries for all of us in these decisions
of foreign policy. I would hope and expect
that we will give him every support, by word
and vote which can, in good conscience, be
given. And I would hope that Members
qualified in questions of foreign policy would
not hesitate, after careful study, to speak out
on them. Contributions have been made,
from time to time, by Members of the Sen-
ate, to the more effective formulation and
conduct of our foreign relations. While
such contributions usually come from mem-
bers of the Foreign Relations Committee,
others with experience and knowledge of
these matters have frequently been most
helpful. And clearly, we are at a stage, now,
in world developments when prudent contri-
butions of thought and idea can be very use-
ful.
Before opening the meeting to general'dis-
cussion, I should like to fix your attention
for a moment on the foreign aid legislation.
I think you are all aware of the attitudes
and difficulties which exist- on this question
and the importance which the President at-
taches to it. I do not expect or ask any
member to forego his convictions on the bill
or any part of it. But I do think we should
give it every consideration and try to avoid,
at all costs, getting into a protracted proce-
dural jam over it. I would appreciate any
expressio of view on how this matter may
be expediti usly handled.
JOINT SENATE-HOUSE REPUBLICAN
LEADERSHIP-STATEMENTS BY
SENATOR DIRKSEN AND REPRE-
SENTATIVE FORD ON VIETNAM
Mr. DIRKSEN. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous ' consent to have printed in
the RECORD the statements made by my-
self and Hon. GERALD FORD, a Member of
the House of Representatives, in behalf
of the Joint Senate-House Republican
leadership.
There being no objection, the state-
ments were ordered to be printed in the
RECORD, as follows:
STATEMENT BY SENATOR DIRKSEN
In days past, the members of the joint
Senate-House Republican leadership have
expressed support for a stiffened American
military position in South Vietnam. At the
very time we spoke, the Soviet and Red
Chinese regimes were warning the United
States against such action and promising
the North Vietnamese increased military
assistance. In many nations throughout
the world, Communist agents were organiz-
ing riots and demonstrations against Amer-
ican diplomatic establishments in an all-out
propaganda drive against the United States.
Secretary of State Dean Rusk has stated,
as American policy, that there can be no
negotiations on the Vietnamese issue so
long as the Communist nations promote
aggression against South Vietnam. We be-
lieve this a worthy policy. In fact, we ad-
vocated it. . .
We suggest that logic would have the
United States carry this policy one step
further.
The Soviet Union hasegri_ espousing a
policy of "peaceful coexistence." This pol-
icy was welcomed by the Kennedy and
Johnson a,dmiuletrations, and numerous
4169
moves were made to demonstrate American
readiness to respond, particularly in the
fields of trade, communications and diplo-
matic relations.
Yet the fact remains that the Soviet Union
and the other Communist nations have not
diminished, but stepped up, their promo-
tion of subversion in the neutral and free-
world countries. South Vietnam is only the
most glaring example. The continued sup-
plying of Cuba, the subversion In South
America, notably Venezuela, and in Africa,
notably the Congo, and the ceaseless agita-
tion throughout southeast Asia, are typical.
The only thing peaceful about "peaceful
coexistence" is the title. In any relaxed
relations, it is the United States that is sup-
posed to do the relaxing. The Communist
nations continuously outrage the rights of
other nations. Too long have we heard the
trumpet of retreat from those who seem to
favor another Munich.
If we are not going to negotiate the
Vietnamese question until the aggression
against South Vietnamese ceases, an equally
necessary step would be to stop entertaining
the overtures of the Communist nations for
broader trade and diplomatic relations and
to intensify our efforts to persuade our
friends abroad to do the same, until the
Communists have demonstrated their good
.faith in areas where not only freedom but
life and death are at stake.
STATEMENT BY REPRESENTATIVE FORD
During the past 3 years the Soviet Union
and other Communist nations have, under
the so-called peaceful coexistence policy,
made measurable gains in trade and diplo-
matic concessions from the United States
while offering little in return. Here are some
examples:
An agreement has been initialed for the
establishment of a New York-Moscow air
route which the Soviet Union has long
sought.
An American-Soviet treaty has been nego-
tiated, which now awaits Senate approval,
that would give the Soviets consular offices
they want in New York, Chicago, and San
Francisco in exchange for similar American
consulates in Russia which would avail us
little and only give the Communists more
targets for mob violence.
Having purchased $140 million worth of
badly needed U.S. wheat on which the Amer-
ican taxpayer paid $44 million in subsidies so
the Soviets could buy it far below our do-
mestic price, Russia has now bought $11 mil-
lion in soybeans which the New York Times
speculated might be going to Cuba.
In response to Communist bloc overtures
for expanded trade, President Johnson has
named a committee to explore stepped-up
sales, and the Commerce Department's issu-
ance of export licenses for sales to Commu-
nist nations has been increasing steadily.
Even more significant, our Government
last month backed down completely on its
widely publicized call for the Soviet Union
to pay up its assessments to the United Na-
tions, and then compounded this loss of face
by lifting a 3-month freeze on voluntary
contributions to the U.N. out of the U.S.
Treasury.
From a standpoint of bargaining, we con-
stantly give much and get little or nothing
in deals with the Communist nations.. We,
the members of the Joint Senate-House Re-
publican leadership, urge a "no concession-
no deal" policy, meaning that the Commu-
nists must be ready to make concessions as
the price of agreements with the United
States. Until we and our allies arrive at such
a- policy, we can only expect more Koreas
and Vietnams and an ever-widening circle of
Communist subversion_ilround the earth,
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE March 8, 1965
EXECUTIVE COMMUNICATIONS,
ETC.
The VICE PRESIDENT laid before the
Senate the following letters, which were
referred as indicated:
AMENDMENT OF AGRICULTURAL AD.TDNTMENT
ACT of 1948, RELATING TO 'UNIFORM PRO-
VISIONS FOR CROP LIENS
A letter from the Secretary of Agriculture,
transmitting a draft of proposed legislation
to amend the Agricultural Adjustment Act
of 1938, as amended, to provide uniform
provisions for crop liens, interest on unpaid
marketing quota penalties and the persons
liable for such penalties for all commodities
for which a marketing quota program is in
effect (with an accompanying paper); to the
Committee on Agriculture and Forestry.
FACILITATION OF WORK OF DEPARTMENT OF
AGRICULTURE
A letter from the Acting Secretary of Agri-
culture, transmitting a draft of proposed
legislation to facilitate the work of the De-
partment of Agriculture, and for other pur-
poses (with accompany papers) ; to the Com-
mittee on Agriculture and Forestry.
REPORT ON AGREEMENTS UNDER TITLE I, AGRI-
CULTURAL TRADE DEVELOPMENT AND ASSIST-
ANCE ACT
A letter from the Associate Administrator,
Foreign Agricultural Service, Department of
Agriculture, transmitting, pursuant to law,
a report on agreements under title I, Agri-
cultural Trade Development and Assistance
Act (with accompanying papers); to the
Committee on Agriculture and Forestry.
HOUSING AND URBAN DEVELOPMENT ACT OF
1965
A letter from the Administrator, Housing
and Home Finance Agency, Washington, D.C.,
transmitting a draft of proposed legislation
to assist in the provision of housing for low-
and moderate-income families, to promote
orderly urban development, to improve liv-
ing environment in urban areas, and to ex-
tend and amend laws relating to housing,
urban renewal, urban mass transportation,
and community facilities (with an accom-
papingpaper); to the Committee on Bank-
ing and Currency.
CONTINUATION OF STUDY OF EFFECTS OF
INSECTICIDES, HERBICIDES, FUNGICIDES, AND
OTHER PESTICIDES UPON FISH AND WILD-
LIFE
A letter from the Assistant Secretary of the
Interior, transmitting a draft of proposed leg-
islation to amend the act of August 1, 1958,
relating to a continuing study by the Secre-
tary of the Interior of the effects of in-
secticides, herbicides, fungicides, and other
pesticides upon fish and wildlife for the pur-
pose of preventing losses to this resource
(with an accompanying paper); to the Com-
mittee on Commerce.
PROPOSED LEGISLATION RELATING TO FEDERAL
POWER COMMISSION
A letter from the Chairman, Federal Power
Commission, Washington, D.C., transmitting
a draft of proposed legislation to amend the
Federal Power Act to prohibit abandonment
of facilities and service without the consent
of the Federal Power Commission (with an
accompanying paper) ; to the Committee on
Commerce.
A letter from the Chairman, Federal Power
Commission, Washington, D.C., transmitting
a draft of proposed legislation to amend sec-
tion 202(b) of the Federal Power Act with
respect to the interconnection of electric
facilities (with an accompanying paper); to
the Committee on Commerce.
REPORT OF BOARD OF TRUSTEES OF THE FEDERAL
OLD-AGE AND SURVIVORS INSURANCE TRUST
FUND AND. THE FEDERAL DISABILITY IN-
SURANCE TRUST FUND
A letter from the Secretary of the Treasury,
managing trustees of the trust funds, and
members of the board of trustees of the
Federal old-age and survivors insurance trust
fund and the Federal disability insurance
trust fund, transmitting, pursuant to law, a
report of that board, for the fiscal year ended
June 30, 1964 (with an accompanying re-
port); to the Committee on Finance.
ACT To REMOVE TAx BARRIERS TO FOREIGN IN-
VESTMENT IN THE UN ED STATES
A letter from the Secretary of the Treasury,
transmitting a draft of proposed legislation
to amend the Internal Revenue Code of 1954
to remove tax barriers to foreign investment
in the United States, to make certain techni-
cal amendments, and for other purposes
(with an accompanying paper); to the
Committee on Finance.
REPORT OF SOCIAL PROGRESS TRUST FUND
A letter from the President, Inter-Ameri-
can Development Bank, Washington, D.C.,
transmitting, pursuant to law, a report on
the social progress trust fund, for the calen-
dar year 1964 (with an accompanying re-
port); to the Committee on Foreign
Relations.
WILD RIVERS ACT'
A letter from the Secretary of the In-
terior, transmitting a draft of proposed legis-
lation to reserve certain public lands for a
national wild rivers system, to provide a
procedure for adding additional public lands
and other lands to the system, and for other
purposes (with accompanying papers); to
the Committee on Interior and Insular
Affairs.
PAYMENT OF OPERATION AND MAINTENANCE
CHARGES ON CERTAIN PUEBLO INDIAN
LANDS
A letter from the Assistant Secretary of
the Interior, transmitting a draft of pro-
posed legislation to authorize the Secretary
of the Interior to contract with the Middle
Rio Grande Conservancy District of New
Mexico for the payment of operation and
maintenance charges on certain Pueblo In-
dian lands (with an accompanying paper);
to the Committee on Interior and Insular
Affairs.
REPORT OF ATTORNEY GENERAL OF THE
UNITED STATES
A letter from the Attorney General, trans-
mitting, pursuant to law, his report on the
activities of the Department of Justice, for
the fiscal year ended June 30, 1964 (with an
accompanying report); to the Committee on
the Judiciary.
AMENDMENT OF BANKRUPTCY ACT AND CIVIL
SERVICE RETIREMENT ACT, RELATING TO TEN-
URE AND RETIREMENT OF REFEREES IN BANK-
RUPTCY
A letter from the Director, Administrative
Office of the U.S. Courts, Weshington, D.C.,
transmitting a draft of proposed legislation
to amend the Bankruptcy Act and the Civil
Service Retirement Act with respect to the
tenure and retirement benefits of referees
in bankruptcy (with an accompanying pa-
per); to the Committee on the Judiciary.
SUSPENSION OF DEPORTATION OF CERTAIN
ALIENS
A letter from the Commissioner, Immigra-
tion and Naturalization Service, Department
of Justice, transmitting, pursuant to law,
copies of orders suspending deportation of
certain aliens, together with a statement of
the facts and pertinent provisions of law per-
taining to each alien, and the reasons for
ordering such suspension (with accompany-
ing papers); to the Committee on the Ju-
diciary.
REPEAL OF PROVISIONS OF LAW CODIFIED IN
TITLE 5, UNITED STATES CODE, SECTION
39
A letter from the Assistant Secretary of
the Interior, transmitting a draft of pro-
posed legislation to repeal the provisions of
law codified in 5 U.S.C. 39, and for other
purposes (with an accompanying paper) ; to
the Committee on Post Office and Civil Serv-
ice.
VARIATION OF WORKWEEK OF FEDERAL EMPLOY-
EES FOR EDUCATIONAL PURPOSES
A letter from the Assistant Secretary of the
Interior, transmitting a draft of proposed
legislation to permit variation of the 40-
hour workweek of Federal employees for
educational purposes (with an accompanying
paper); to the Committee on Post Office and
Civil Service.
PETITIONS AND MEMORIALS
Petitions, etc., were laid before the
Senate, or presented, and referred as
indicated :
By the VICE PRESIDENT:
A resolution of the Legislature of the State
of Utah; to the Committee on Appropria-
tions:
"SENATE CONCURRENT RESOLUTION 1
"Resolution of the Senate and House of Rep-
resentatives of the State of Utah (the Gov-
ernor concurring therein), requesting the
Congress of the United States favorably to
consider the Bonneville unit of the central
Utah project
"Be it resolved by the Legislature of the
State of Utah (the Governor concurring
therein):
"Whereas the citizens in the State of
Utah have for many years looked forward to
the time when water from the Colorado
River could be made available to meet the
essential needs of areas of this State; and
"Whereas the continued economic growth
of the State requires this supply of water
to meet the increased municipal, industrial,
and agricultural requirements of areas with-
Ih the State; and
"Whereas the State of Utah by the Colo-
rado River compact of 1922 and the Upper
Colorado River Basin compact of 1948 is en-
titled to portions of the waters of the Colo-
rado River; and
"Whereas on April 11, 1956, the Congress of
the United States authorized the central
Utah project; and
"Whereas on March 25, 1964, the Central
Utah Water Conservancy District was formed
as an organization to represent the citizens
to be benefited by the central Utah project
and to enter into agreements with the Fed-
eral Government; and
"Whereas the U.S. Bureau of Reclamation
has studied the engineering and economics
of this project, have made available a
definite planned report, and submitted in the
original budget to Congress of $3,600,000 to
initiate construction on the Bonneville unit
of the central Utah project; and
"Whereas it is believed that all necessary
documents and required prerequisites to
construction will be finalized within the
next few months; and
"Whereas there is a desire on the part of
all the citizens of the State of Utah that the
construction of this project begin during the
fiscal year 1966; and
"Whereas the President's budget as sub-
mitted to the Congress of the United States
did not include funds for the purpose to
initiate construction on the Bonneville unit
of the central Utah project: Now, therefore,
be it
"Resolved, That the 36th session of the
Legislature of the State of Utah (the Gov-
ernor of the State of Utah concurring there-
in), do hereby unanimously request and pray
that the 89th Congress of the United States
will favorably consider this important and
long awaited project to the State of Utah
and thereby appropriate sufficient funds so
that construction of the initial features of
this project can be started during fiscal year
1966; be it further
Approved For Release 2003/10/10 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000300160027-3