THE WAR IN SOUTH VIETNAM

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP67B00446R000300170028-1
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 16
• Document Creation Date: December 15, 2016
• Document Release Date: October 7, 2003
• Sequence Number: 28
• Publication Date: January 1, 1965
• Content Type: OPEN

1965
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE 241
It can hardly be denied that, for some
years, outer system of government has been
challenger-until recently, quite covertly-
by the advancement, and in some cases the
adoption, of political and social philosophies
that are foreign to its concepts and which
have, in important particulars, succeeded in
changing its complexion.
Doubtless you, just as I, were taught as
toddlers around parental knees, and ever
since, that our Constitution was an inspired
document, whose concepts were next to
Holy Writ, and, until amended by the peo-
ple in the manner it prescribes, imposes
upon us a sacred obligation of, complete and
honest obedience to its terms.
With all this in our background it surely
is not amiss to note, as R. G, LeTourneau
reminded us in March of 1963, that the aver-
age age of the world's great governments has
been 200 years; that those governments
progressed through this sequence: (1) from
bondage to spiritual faith, (2) from spiritual
faith $o great courage, (3) from courage to
liberty, (4) from liberty to abundance, (5)
from abundance to complacency, (6) from
complacency to apathy, (7) from apathy to
dependence, and (8) from dependence back
again to bondage. He also reminded us that
Gibbon, in his "Decline and Fall of the Ro-
man Empire," isolated flvp basic reasons
why that great civilization died out. These
were (a) "the undermining of the dignity
and sancity of the home-the basis of all
human society, (b) higher and higher taxes
to fund the spending of public money for
free bread and circuses for the people, (c)
the mad craze for pleasure, (d), the building
of great armaments for the defeat of an ex-
ternal enemy when the real enemy was with-
in-the decay of individual morality and
responsibility, and (e) the decay of religion;
faith fading into mere form, losing touch
with, life and its power to guide the peo-
ple"-which, some thoughtful persons be-
lieved, resulted, at least partially, from what
they saw as the departure by some of its,
ministers of its creeds and pulpits for the
highly divisive forum of the political plat-
form.
Whether we are experiencing or threatened
with parallels are matters upon which your
analyses and cogclusions will be as good as
mine, and those_ matters I leave to you. But
whether we have kept faith with the Consti-
tution, and have heeded the warnings of
George Washington and others of our
Founding Fathers to be vigilant in protect-
ing our fundamental law aVinst the pres-
sures of erosion and usurpation, are matters
I will speak upon briefly.
I believe we ought to be able to agree
that words-though not ends in them-
selves-are our only tools and means of
communicating thoughts and ideas. Hence,
plain and unambiguous words surely should
be taken and adhered to in their commonly
accepted sense, for otherwise the result must
necessarily be the loss of all means of com-
municating with certainty; and all docu-
ments, however carefully prepared, would re-
sult in more scraps of paper. This, carried
to an illustrative extreme, would even make
it dangerous for a borrower or a lender to
sign or accept a simple promissory note.
Despite this simple grammatical fact, and
notwithstanding plain words of the Con-
stitution (when, indeed, they are plain, clear
and unambiguous-as, unfortunately, is not
always the case) and the warnings of Wash-
ington and others, it cannot be, and indeed
is apt, any longer denied that there has By article 2, section 8, clause 3, of the
been, particularly in the last three decades, Constitution, commonly known as the com-
a different kind of fidelity-if fidelity it merce clause, the States and the people 11 has been-to the meaning of the plain words granted power to the Congress "to regulate
in the Constitution by some than by others commerce with foreign nations, and among
of us. the several States, and with the Indian
Throughout the period just mentioned, it Tribes."
was thought, charged and protested by For no less than a century and a quarter,
many, who may be identified as "strict con- the phrase "commerce * * * among the sev-
struetionists," that our Constitution was be- eral States," as used in the Constitution, was
ing gradually, but steadily and continuously uniformly believed by the people and held by
expanded and changed by the definitional the spurts to embrace only that which had
and interpretative processes in both the actually been introduced into the stream,
legislative and judicial departments of the and was in the flow, of commerce between
National Government in usurpation of the the States. Thus, in seeming accord with
right of the people only to amend the Con- the accepted meaning of its plain words, the
stitution and then only in the manner speci- phrase "commerce * * * among the States,
fied in its 5th article, and in derogation of was expressly and repeatedly held not to em-
the 10th amendment which provides that brace those multitudinous local activities
"the powers not delegated to the United that are involved in producing the products
States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by of the field or factory-that production and
it to the States, are reserved to the States manufacture were not commerce even though
respectively, or to the people." the products, or some of them, might even-
Until rather recently, those who supported tually move, or indeed, might earlier have
what they called a policy of liberal construe- moved, in commerce among the States, and
tion vigorously denied that the Constitution were, therefore, not activities subject to the
was being changed or, in effect, amended in regulatory power of Congress.
those ways; but since recently the cumula- But in the latter portion of that period,
tive effect..-of those definitional and inter- the legislative department advanced, and the
pretative actions has become so evident, in judicial department sustained (without any
composite, as to be clear beyond rational dis- loud public protest-and most constitutional
pute, it is now rather freely conceded, even lawyers still think correctly), the concept
by the liberal constructionists, that a num- that whatever really and substantially bur-
ber of very substantial and far-reaching dens or affects commerce among the States
changes in the meaning of the Constitution falls within the powers "to regulate com-
have evolved from those processes. And so merce among the States" and hence is with-
today hardly anyone, familiar with the sub- in the power of Congress to regulate under
ject, denies that the meaning of our Con- the commerce clause; however the principle
stitution has actually been changed, and in that local production and manufacture is
effect amended, in substantial particulars by not commerce was repeatedly reannounced
the definitional and interpretative processes end stoutly maintained.
and is no longer a document of the mean- During the teens, some Federal officials and
ings adopted by our forefathers, as from time liberal constructionists, evidently chafing
to time amended by the people in the manner under the strict constitutional limitations
it provides. upon Federal powers over State and local ac-
But, while making these admissions of the tivities and seeking an expeditious way to
obvious, the liberal constructionists are not vest in the Central Government an effective
apologetic. Instead they seek to defend and control over those activities, advanced not a
.to justify. They argue that such changes of constitutional amendment .but the interpre-
the Constitution were both necessary and tative concept that the constitutional phrase
good for our Nation-in other words, that the empowering Congress "to regulate com-
ends attained have justified the means em- merce., * * * among the several States"
ployed. They say that the Constitution was ought to be held to include the power to
framed and adopted when, our society was control whatever is involved in the pro-
new and its economy was simple-the horse duction of goods in the fields and factories,
and buggy days-and that, if it was ade- The fallacies and dangers of that emerg-
quately to serve the needs of a growing econ- ing philosophy of construction were promptly
omy, it could not be held in a straitjacket demonstrated by many startled persons, in-
but had to be kept abreast of the times, and eluding President Wilson who protested in
that this could timely and efficiently be done these ringing terms:
only by treating the instrument as a living "May it-Congress-also regulate the con-
document of sufficient elasticity to permit its ditions under which the merchandise is
constructional expansion to cover the ever- produced which is presently to become the
changing needs, as they have viewed them, of subject matter of interstate commerce? May
a rapidly expanding population an ever more it regulate the conditions of labor in field
complex economy. They, of course, make no and factory?
mention of the obvious fact that these "Clearly not, I should say; and I should
changes were not brought into existence by think that any thoughtful lawyer who felt
amendments of the Constitution by the peo- himself at liberty to be frank would agree
ple in the manner it designated. with me. For that would be to destroy all
I have been asked, many times, how these lines of division between the field of State
changes in the Constitution were brought legislation and the field of Federal legisla-
about. Just how were they brought about? tion. The answer is not a mystery. In retrospect, "If the Federal power does not end with
it is quite clear that they were in large the regulation of the actual movement of
part, at least, brought about by a legisla- trade, it ends nowhere, and the line between
tive definitional process, aided and supported State and Federal jurisdiction is obliterated."
by a Judicial process of interpretation-not Despite the clear and overpowering logic
strictly of the provisions of the Constitution, of that protest, and the many similar ones,
but rather of legislative definitions of con- that emerging new philosophy of construc-
stitutional concepts. tion was not thereby ended but rather was
And I believe that-without reference to only temporarily driven underground.
any recent Federal legislative or judicial That philosophy was again openly renewed
actions, definitions or interpretations, which, under stress of the great depression of the
because they might be thought to be involved 1930's. The Chief Executive, in the evident
in current political debates, I naturally wish belief that Federal power to control the con-
to avoid-a simple concrete example from ditions of production in the fields and fac-
the relatively distant past will suffice to dem- tories was necessary to revive the nation's
onstrate how that process has operated to depressed economy, sought not an accom-
change in meaning, and, in effect, to amend, modating constitutional amendment, but
the Constitution. instead
re
il
d
p
va
e
upon Congress to enact
the Wagner Act which, by resting upon Con-
gress' commerce powers, sought to control
conditions of labor used in producing goods
in fields and factories on the ground that
such labor so affected commerce as to be
a part of it.
In that act, the term "commerce" was
conventionally defined, but the reach of the
act was attempted legislatively to be ex-
tended to activities "affecting commerce,"
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE January 6
w1 14;3h phrase, in turn, was there expansively
defined to include those activities which
"tended to lead to a labor dispute," and
which, Congress said, might in some way
burden or obstruct the free flow of com-
merce among the States.
The constitutionality of that act was as-
sciled in the Supreme Court in the Jones
and Laughlin case in the 1936 term. Under
the depressed conditions of the times and
pressures of the then current "court-pack-
ing" attempts, the Supreme Court held the
act to be constitutional. It turned Its deci-
sion. not on any interpretation of the words
of the Constitution by which Congress had
been empowered "to regulate commerce * *
among the States," but rather upon the
congressionally created concept of "affecting
commerce," and upon Congress' expansive
definition of that phrase in the terms stated.
It held, in essence, that those recurring local
activities, which bear a close relationship to
interstate commerce may, in some way, affect
commerce-which it felt the activities in-
volved in that case did, as nearly any imagi-
nable transaction or occurrence would-and,
in consequence, it upheld the act as within
the reach of congressional power.
The-opinion was written by the most able
and, universally honored Chief Justice
Hughes; and although it represented a de-
monstrably precipitous change from the
views he had numerous times, and only re-
cently before, expressed on the subject, he
was rather widely applauded at the time for
that decision upon the ground that it may
have saved the Court from further Executive
attack and attempts to pack it-sometimes
referred to as the "stitch in time that saved
nine."
However that may be, it can hardly be
denied that the decision did not turn upon
an interpretation of the words of the Con-
stitution empowering Congress "to regulate
commerce * * * among the States," nor
upon any other words in the Constitution it-
self'. Rather the decision turned upon an
interpretation of Congress' expansive phrase
"affecting commerce" and of its definition of
that phrase.
It is also clear, and worthy of minute
notice, that the Court's crucial phrase-"a
close relationship" to interstate commerce-
embraced a relative conception of uncertain
degree, requiring ad hoc determinations in
each case, which necessarily must be as
variable as the notions of men, including
judges, as to whether a particular activity
does or does not bear a sufficiently close re-
lationship to interstate commerce to meet
that announced vague conception; and thus,
in practical effect-at least in borderline
cases-the vital and momentous question of
Federal power over local activities was left to
a vague rule of men rather than to a definite
rule of law.
Even if the last stated conclusion can be
doubted, there can be no room to doubt that
the opinion in the Jones and Laughlin case
was a sharp break with what had been re-
garded as fundamental in the past, and It
opened the gates to such a vast expansion
of Federal power over local activities as left
the States, just as Woodrow Wilson warned it
would, without any line between State and
Federal jurisdiction. And, in the light of the
supremacy clause of the Federal Constitution,
the Federal Government was thus given, in
practical effect, power to control all local
activities which, in its view, bear a plose
relationship to interstate commerce, and it
seems that nearly every transaction, however
local in Itself, maybe said to do so.
if the latter statement seems extreme, let
it be remembered that this doctrine has been
applied to sustain a Federal statute imposing
criminal penalties upon a farmer for growing
wheat on his own farm to be fed on the
same farm to his own livestock. It would be
a little difficult to imagine an activity more
local than that.
These are the ways and means by which
the meaning of the Constitution has been
changed-specifically, these are the ways and
means by which the repository of general
governmental powers was changed from the
people and their respective States to the
Federal Government.
Whether these and like changes In the
Constitution were, as the liberal .crdnst
tionists claim, both necessary and good r
the Nation may well be very seriously
doubted, but even if, in any view, it can
honestly be said that those changes were
necessary and good for the Nation, it is
obvious that they were not made by the
people-they were not made by any amend-
ment of the Constitution by the people
themselves, or in the amending manner spec-
ified in the fifth article of the Constitution
Mather, it appears that they were made by
what George Washington called usurpation
which, he said, "is the customary weapon
by which free governments are destroyed."
Although our forefathers had learned from
experience and had warned us, we have had
painfully to learn for ourselves, that true
liberty cannot be preserved alone by words
or declarations, but, rather, as the late and
lamented judge, Learned Hand, in the re-
fiective wisdom of experience and full ma-
turity, some years ago reminded us: "Lib-
erty lies in the hearts of men and women;
when it dies there, no constitution, no law,
no court can save It; no constitution, no
law, no court can do much to help it."
Surely love for our Constitution and for
the liberties its plan and words attempt to
secure to us is not dead in the hearts of a
large majority of the American people.
Though it may seem to be dormant in the
hearts of some of us, It is in our blood and,
by patriotic arousal and determined effort,
it can be revived.
Surely we must make that effort with
resolution, and with faith in the fact that
kites rise highest against the wind. What
a shame it would be to fail, but how much
more the shame to fail even earnestly to
try.
The strength, or weakness, of America lies
not in its farms and forests, its factories
and fortresses, nor in the glorious achieve-
ments of its past generations, but it lies in
the patriotic character, strength, determina-
tion, and faith of its present people who now
control, and must be responsible for, its
destiny.
I close in the eloquent words of a great
American patriot, the late Gen. Douglas
MacArthur :
"Let us hope that this Nation will con-
tinue to be a rallying point to build courage
when courage seems to fail, to restore faith
when there seems to be little cause for faith,
to create hope when hope becomes forlorn.
May we sustain our two mighty symbols-
the cross and the flag. The one based on
those immortal teachings which provide the
spiritual strength to preserve the cause of
right and justice; the other based on an
indomitable will that human freedom shall
not pertlsh ro eart
HE WAR IN SOUTH VIETNAM
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, during
the previous session of Congress a great
and wonderful colleague of mine, the
Senator from Alaska [Mr. GRUENINGI,
and I discussed on the floor of the Senate
time and time again the United States
outlawry in South Vietnam.
Time and time again we pointed out
that the United States was acting in
South Vietnam completely outside the
framework of International -law. We
pointed out that the State Department
had been unable to submit a single tenet
of international law to justify unilateral
American military action in South Viet-
nam.
Up until the moment I now speak, the
State Department has yet to produce a
single tenet of international law to justi-
fy our unjustifiable and illegal course of
action in South Vietnam.
Since the previous session of Congress,
the Senator from Alaska [Mr. GRUEN-
INGI and I have not remained silent on
this subject. I am not so sure that we
were not the only two Democrats who
in the recent campaign discussed the
subject matter openly and frequently in
the campaign. I was given speaking as-
signments in 14 States during that cam-
paign and was very proud to be of service
to my great President and Vice Presi-
dent. But many times in those meetings
the issue of South Vietnam was raised,
and I did not duck the issue. Although
it was perfectly obvious that during that
campaign little was said by the candi-
dates on either ticket about the subject
matter of South Vietnam.
The only time the President of the
United States discussed it was in the
speech he delivered in the East, where
he discussed it briefly. I shall shortly
introduce his remarks in the RECORD.
But, Mr. President, I intend to continue
to discuss it, because in my judgment it
is the major, No. 1 issue which confronts
this country at this hour.
(At this point Mr. KENNEDY of New
York took the chair as Presiding Officer.)
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, unless
there is a successful solution to the crisis
in South Vietnam, I am satisfied that
the unilateral military action of the
United States in South Vietnam will be
the primary cause of leading Asia into
a massive war. We would be whistling
in the graveyard, or engaging in empty-
headed, wishful thinking, if we thought
that a massive war in Asia would stop
there. I am satisfied that it would lead
to a nuclear war, out of which there
would come no victor. This I have stated
many times.
This administration continues to argue
that we shall lose prestige if we change
our course of action in Asia.
I point out to the President of the
United States that we have no prestige
left in Asia because of our shocking
course of action in South Vietnam.
What do prestige and face have to do
with the United States doing what is
right? Nothing. If our course of action
in South Vietnam is wrong-and I am
satisfied that it is completely wrong-the
sooner we right it by taking the right
course, the better for the future of this
country.
Are we not going to learn from his-
tory? There were those in France who
argued for years that France could not
and should not get out of Indochina be-
cause she would lose face. After 240,000
casualties, the French people gave the
French Government its answer, and it
made very clear to that French Govern-
ment that it had better change its course
of action in Indochina. As all Senators
know, it did.
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -. SENATE
cord of 1954, which the United States did
not sign, and which John Foster Dulles
persuaded the first American puppet in
South Vietnam-President Diem-not to
sign.
They divided Indochina into four
parts; namely, Laos, North Vietnam,
Cambodia, and South Vietnam.
Today, France is hailed around the
world for her international statesman-
ship in following the course of action she
took.
There were those in France who said
that France would lose face and prestige
if she changed her course of action in
Algeria. In that instance, the leaders
of the French Government came to rec-
ognize before it was too late that France
was wrong in Algeria. De Gaulle, to his
everlasting credit, righted France's
wrong course and proceeded to change
the French course of action in Algeria,
Since when has the United States
reached such a hypocritical position that
it is going to run away from the right
and continue doing wrong?
The face savers are dead wrong in
their arguments about American policies
in South Vietnam, on the ground that we
cannot change our course. of action be-
cause we would lose face.
The sad and ugly realty, Mr. Presi-
dent, is that the face savers in South
Vietnam are in fact warmongerers. They
are the ones who wish to. rationalize and
alibi the unjustifiable killing of more and
more American boys.
Mr. President, I am for substituting
each and every one of them for drafted
boys in South Vietnam who fight in the
jungles of Vietnam for a cause that is
unwarranted because it is outside the
framework of international law. It is
one thing for us to sit in the comfort and
security of the Chambers of the Senate
and the House of Representatives and
wave that flag into tatters. That action
is nothing but paying disrespect to that
flag while American boys are being killed
in the jungles of South Vietnam. The
duty of our Government is to get back
within the, framework of international
law, to seek an honorable and negotiated
settlement of that war over there, pre-
serve the peace, and stop threatening the
danger of leading us into a massive war
in all of Asia.
As I said to the Secretary of State
yesterday, and I repeat today, a continu-
ation of the State Department policy in
South Vietnam is certain to lead to a
massive war in Asia; and that massive
war in Asia will be a nuclear war.
Neither the United States nor any other
country would be a victor in such a war.
Mr. President, I, plead and pray that
the leadership of my Government will
no longer seek to alibi and rationalize an
illegal course of American action in
South Vietnam. I plead and pray that
the leaders of my Government will seek
to apply the existing framework of inter-
national law and its procedures to the
war in South Vietnam.
As I said to the Secretary, of State
yesterday, when a question was raised
as to whit ,I would have the ;United Na-
tions do, my answer is, "Take jurisdic
tion."
Senator from Oregon. What would I
have the United. Nations do? Take ju-
risdiction under the, provisions of the
charter to which the signature of the
United States is attached.
The sad fact is that the United States
has run out on the United Nations. The
sad fact is that the United States, more
than any ,that
nation in the world-
and, sad to say but true, more than Rus-
sia-is undermining the United Nations
by its course of action in South Vietnam.
As I pointed out in my Syracuse Uni-
versity lecture, which I shall shortly
ask to have printed in the RECORD, ar-
ticle after article of the United Nations
Charter calls for the submission to the
United Nations for jurisdiction of al-
legations concerning violation of inter-
national treaties. It calls for some other
things, and offers two alternatives. But
I stress this point first,,because I wish
to warn the present administration that
if it follows its present course of action
in South Vietnam, in my judgment, it
will go out of office the most discredited
administration in all the history of this
Republic, because across this land, at
the grassroots of America, increasing
tens of thousands of American people
are asking the question, "Why unilateral
U.S. military action in South Vietnam?"
At long last there is hope now that we
shall have a debate in the Senate on
South Vietnam. All of last year the
senior Senator from Alaska [Mr.
GRUENINGI and the senior Senator from
Oregon did their best to get a debate in
the Senate on South Vietnam, and we
were met with silence on the floor of the
Senate, but pats on the back in the cloak-
room.
Mr. President, the American people are
entitled to a debate on the floor of the
Senate. The American people are also
entitled to the lifting of the rules of
secrecy by the State Department and
the Pentagon in regard to the war in
South Vietnam, for American boys are
dying. The parents of those boys-the
boys fighting over there-and every cit-
izen in this country are entitled to have
the truth about what is going` on in
Asia; and I charge on the floor of the
Senate today that the administration is
not giving the American people the truth
about what is going on in Asia. Read
some of the remarkable accounts and re-
sponses of the Pentagon and the State
Department. Newspaper correspondents
report allegations concerning violations
of the borders of North Vietnam, viola-
tions of international law in Tonkin Bay,
and violations of international law in
Laos. What is the response of the
State Department and the Pentagon to
these reports?
"No comment."
I trust that our Nation is not yet a
police state. But those are police state
tactics, Mr. President. As I said a few
moments ago, in discussing a bill I in-
troduced in the Senate, in a democracy
there is no substitute for a full public
disclosure of_ the public's business. The
war in South Vietnam does not belong to
the President of the United States. It
does not belong to Dean Rusk, the Sec-
retary of State. It does not belong to
243
McNamara in the Pentagon, or to Adlai
Stevenson in the United Nations, or to
Maxwell Taylor in South Vietnam. It
happens to be the problem of the Ameri-
can people. They are entitled to have
the facts and all the facts in regard to
Mr. President, as a member of the
Committee on Foreign Relations, I state
to the American people today one of my
great concerns. I have not been here
for 20 years without gaining a pretty
good intuition as to what is going on.
But I am satisfied that we have Govern-
ment officials who are more interested
in concealment than in telling the Amer-
ican people the facts. I am satisfied that
plans are underway for an escalation of
activities in Asia that are bound to lead
to a major war in Asia. While I might
disagree with our Secretary of State on
many things, I have a great admiration
and respect for him. As I told him yes-
terday, it saddens me to find myself so
completely against him on such a subject
as South Vietnam. On most issues of
foreign policy I find myself in complete
agreement with him. I am satisfied that
our great Secretary of State is concerned
about where the South Vietnam war may
lead. But the time has come for the
American people to give the present ad-
ministration its direction, for foreign
policy does not belong to this adminis-
tration. The old bromide that we hear
repeated so often in the Senate and else-
where in our country that foreign policy
belongs to the President of the United
States is, of course, complete nonsense,
for the President is only an administra-
tor of the people's foreign policy.
The American people will have to give
direction to this administration in re-
spect to the war in South Vietnam. I
say to them today that I am satisfied
that although they are a small minor-
ity, there is a group of officials in our
country, in and out of uniform, who ap-
parently think that we must prepare the
way for a bombing of nuclear installa-
tions in Red China.
How anyone could possibly think that
such a course of action on the part of
the United States could produce peace
is beyond my imagination. The danger
of provoking a major war in Asia on the
part of the United States is so great that,
in my judgment, the American people
should demand, without further delay,
that this question be taken to the con-
ference table.
I say again that the senior Senator
from Oregon has never favored our sim-
ply pulling out of Vietnam. The senior
Senator from Oregon has taken the posi-
tion that if the only course open to us is
to remain on a unilateral basis, we can-
not justify staying there under interna-
tional law. What I have urged, in
speech after speech and article after
article, is that we should make use of ex-
isting international agencies for the set-
tlement of this dispute, if possible, by
way of negotiated settlement, short of
war. So I have urged, time and time
again, and repeat this afternoon, that we
ought to try to use SEATO; but the fact
is that a majority of the SEATO nations
want no part of it.
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE - January 6
A foreign minister of Pakistan said
some months ago, in Washington, that
Pakistan had no intention of coming to
the assistance of the United States in
South Vietnam. I have called the roll of
the SEATO nations in speech after
speech, and I call it again this afternoon,
with the question on my lips: Where are
you in South Vietnam? Australia, New
Zealand, Pakistan, Thailand, the Philip-
pines, France, and Great Britain are not
there. It is quickly said that some of
them- are there in token; but it is a pretty
small token. The Australians have
probably some 60 or 70 advisory troops
there. There is some delivery of mate-
riel, mostly out of Australia-and at a
good dollar profit-in a few cargo planes
belonging to Australia. But there is no
active participation by Australia in the
war in South Vietnam.
If any countries have a large stake In
South Vietnam, if our claims are true,
they are Australia and her sister state,
New Zealand. In the lecture that I shall
introduce into the RECORD shortly, I
quote the Australian press-a Conserva-
tive press. The Australian press is
greatly concerned about U.S. plans for
escalating the war in South Vietnam.
The Australian press is saying some of
the very things I am saying as to the
danger of a massive war in Asia leading
to nuclear war. The "domino" theory
cannot be sold to Australia; they will not
buy it. It cannot be sold to New Zealand.
It is interesting to observe that there is
no great concern so far as Thailand and
the Philippines are concerned. We do
not find their troops dying in South Viet-
nam. Aside from the Vietnamese, the
only ones who are dying are American
boys. We cannot justify that.
Let me say something about the ques-
tion of SEATO. We do not hear the lack
of SEATO action discussed very much.
Although the SEATO nations have
pledged themselves under the protocol
agreement in the SEATO treaty to con-
sider South Vietnam an area of vital
concern and interest, they have also a
procedural rule of unanimity. It is- not
possible to get any action by SEATO
on a majority vote basis. The only way
to get any help from SEATO is to have
an individual SEATO nation, on the
basis of its own sovereignty, but not as
a member of the SEATO) treaty, come
into South Vietnam voluntarily. I
should like us to try to change that.
I should like us to try to see if we could
have SEATO-and I have said this for
many months-undertake a peacekeep-
ing action and try to bring about a cease-
fire, setting up a SEATO control for a
period, until stability and order can be
restored in South Vietnam.
I am afraid it is true, as has been
pointed out to me by so many persons,
,that we cannot get sufficient support in
depth from SEATO nations to accom-
plish that purpose. We may get some
token support from a few, but that will
be all. I shall have something to say
about token support momentarily.
I turn now to the possibility of recon-
vening the 14-nation conference. The
fact that that was first proposed by Pres-
ident De Gaulle, of France, is no reason
for not approving of it, but, rather, is a
reason for giving him credit for seeking
to work out a peaceful solution to the
war in South Vietnam.
The White House and the State De-
partment ought to be urging the recon-
vening of the 14-nation conference, to
the end of seeing what can be worked
out, if anything, to bring about a cease-
fire in South Vietnam and an admini-
stration of that country by a joint com-
mission, with a view to stopping the kill-
ing in South Vietnam.
It may be said that if that course of
action is followed, Communist nations
will be participating in any such joint
commission. Of course they will. We
Americans cannot wish Communist na-
tions out of existence. They are an ugly
reality on the face of the earth. But
we shall not defeat communism by fol-
lowing the course of action that we are
following in South Vietnam. To the con-
trary, in my judgment, we are making
more Communists around the world by
the unilateral action of the United States
in South Vietnam thaniwe have any rea-
sonable hope of defeating in South Viet-
nam. The use of the jungle law of mili-
tary force by the United States will make
more Communists around the world, not
reduce their number.
It may be said that if Communists are
placed in any representative positions,
the danger always is that they will pro-
duce conflict; that they will try to take
over; and that the action eventually will
end in chaos. Here again, we shall never
know until we try. I believe the time has
come for us to try, at least, to be law
abiding and to keep our commitments
under the United Nations Charter.
But it is said that the United States
is in South Vietnam because the Geneva
accords of 1954 are being violated. They
certainly are. They are being violated
by Red China; by North Vietnam; by
the Pathet Laos; probably, on some oc-
casions, by Cambodia; but also by the
United States and South Vietnam. The
record is undeniable. We cannot justify
refusing to go to the United Nations on
the basis of the argument that we are in
South Vietnam only to enforce the
Geneva accords of 1954. The United
States did not even sign them. We con-
vinced our puppet, Mr. Diem, that he
should not sign them. Neither the
United States nor South Vietnam ever
signed the Geneva accords. But my ar-
gument would be the same if we had.
The fact that the Geneva accords are be-
ing violated by Red China, North Viet-
nam, and other nations does not justify
the United States taking the law into its
own hands, so to speak, and setting it-
self up as the policeman of the world to
enforce the Geneva accords of 1954.
That is the responsibility under the
international law, of the United Nations,
or of a regional organization that is qual-
ified to function under the authorization
of the United Nations. No, Mr. Presi-
dent, we cannot justify our illegalities
in South Vietnam, our unjustifiable kill-
ing of American boys, or our participa-
tion in the killing of thousands of Viet-
namese on both sides in that great war
on that great hypocritical pretense that
we are there only because others are vio-
lating the Geneva accords of 1954. The
time has come for us to seek peaceful
procedures to stop violations by all par-
ties, including ourselves.
Mr. President, the American action in
southeast Asia has been the action char-
acteristic of a provocateur. We have
provoked incident after incident in
South Vietnam. There is no question
that the borders of North Vietnam have
been violated with our knowledge. There
is no question that we are supplying
materiel for those violations. We can-
not even get a categorical denial from
this administration that our own so-
called military advisers have partici-
pated in some of those transgressions.
Mr. President, as I said last year, we
were a provocateur in the Tonkin Bay.
We knew in advance of the bombing of
the North Vietnam islands that was going
to take place by the South Vietnam ships
that we furnished, that we armed, by the
personnel that we trained. We kept our
own destroyers in the proximity of the
bombing, in constant radio communica-
tion with our headquarters in Saigon.
We stated that we had a right to do what
we did. We had a right to be where we
were. I have never denied that. We
were on the high seas. And we had a
right to defend our ships from attack.
But, after we defended those ships, we
had no right to commit an act of aggres-
sion against the mainland of North Viet-
nam.
That was an act of war on the part of
the United States. As I said in the Sen-
ate at the time, and repeat today, what
we should have done at that time, once
our ships were defended, was to take the
charge of the violation of international
law by North Vietnam to the United
Nations immediately, and lay our charges
before the United Nations. We should
have found out if that body has become
nothing but a chatterbox, or is a great
fortress, enforcing the peace of the
world.
I want to find out whether the United
Nations has become naught but a great
debating society, or is an organized body
of nations pledgedto enforce the peace.
Mr. President, we have not taken our
case to the United Nations. What are
we afraid of? I think the American peo-
ple are entitled to have an answer to
that question. The only way to get an.
answer will be to have this administra-
tion, under this great President, lay the
South Vietnam crisis before the United
Nations and find out how much multi-
lateral support we can get. As I say in
the Syracuse lecture, I have asked for
nothing more than what Franklin Del-
ano Roosevelt asked for 20 years ago at
Teheran when he proposed at the Tehe-
ran Conference that all of Indochina be
placed under an international trustee-,
ship. He was blocked by Winston
Churchill. As I point out in the lecture,
Franklin Delano Roosevelt, knew that
the British would not favor it because
of the British colonial policy in south-
east Asia. France has already learned.
The Dutch have learned. The British
are learning, and the Americans ought
to learn" that white-man colonialism in
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Asia is Y ag dead as a dodo. We are note now, followed by complete chaos. Free- assistance-so that it can be said by
going to save it by killing American do? South Vietnam is ruled by mils- American officialdom that "We have the
boys.
t
What the United States has to face
up to is the reality that Asians are going
to control Asia`
One further word about the fallacious
Dulles theory about the dominoes, that
all of Asia will go down if one of the
countries goes down. What nonsense
that is. Tell it to Burma. Tell it to
Cambodia. Tell it to Australia. Tell it
to New Zealand, .
Even the Prime Minister of India in
the press today came out against Amer-
ican military action in South Vietnam.
The best way for the United States to
lose its sphere of influence in Asia is to
stay in South Vietnam on a unilateral
basis.
I shall support our staying in, and
have always tried to make it clear that
I shall support our staying in on a multi-
lateral peacekeeping basis, but not on a
warmaking basis. In the Senate, I shall
enthusiastically support funds for mili-
tary assistance to a peacekeeping corps,
to supply our fair share of, men for a
peacekeeping corps, acting under the
jurisdiction of any one of the three
agencies that I have mentioned, SEATO,
a reconvened 14-nation conference, or
the United Nations.
But if the ultimate choice is given us
of staying there on a unilateral basis,
with no jurisdiction being exercised un-
der existing international law procedures
by any one of these three groups I have
mentioned, or getting out, then I am for
getting out. But not until then. I do not
think we will ever have to. get out, be-
cause I think we will be surprised by the
ent}iusiastic response that a relieved
world will give to the kind of interna-
tional statesmanship I am calling upon
my Government to exercise in respect to
South Vietnam. I think it will be hailed
around. the world.
Of course, we shall have great difficul-
ties with that kind of operation, but we
are going, to haVe even more difficulty
with warmaking policies we are follow-
Ing that bring us to the brink, of war.
Note, I am not talking about token
support. I ain talking about good faith,
full support, on an international law
basis, with the membership, preferably,
of the United Nations, in which a peace-
keeping corps, with whatever numbers
and at whatever financial cost may be
necessary will carry out the principle
which Franklin Roosevelt proposed 20
years ago for this area. That was for
an internattional jurisdiction-call it
trusteeship or. whatever one wants to
call it, but international jurisdiction-
based on a ceasefire order, that would
bring about stability and freedom in
South Vietnam,
That statement causes me to comment
that all this talk about freedom, has no
bearing,u on realltx in South Vietnam,
for there no freedom in South Viet-
nam, and there has never been any free-
dom in South Vietnam since the United
States took over. There has been no
freedom in South Vietnam since the first
American puppet, Diem, became the first
dictator of South Vietnam, followed by
General Minh, followed by Khanh, and
ary tyrants acting under military die- following nations in." The American
tatorships carrying out American orders. people are not going to be fooled by that
No; we are not going to help the cause kind of hypocrisy, either. The American
of reality, or the cause of stability, or of people are not going to be fooled by token
freedom, in South Vietnam that way. assistance. I happen to know that there
The Secretary of State and the Secretary is already resentment on the part of some
of Defense have said that North Vietnam of those people-I speak as chairman of
and Red China and others should leave the Subcommittee on Latin American
South Vietnam alone. If we would go Affairs-with this approach. We are
over there, we would find in countries in told it is going to be used by Communists
that area that the sentiment is for the and non-Communists as pointing up
United States to let South Vietnam alone. that, because we provide so much foreign
The truth is that the war there is a civil
war. It is not a war between two na-
tions. It is a war civil in nature. It is
true that North Vietnam Is receiving as-
sistance, but it is true also that South
Vietnam is getting aid from the United
States, in the amount of over $1.5 million
a day now- and since the war began in
1946, $6 billion of the taxpayers' money
have been poured into South Vietnam,
not covering the cost of keeping Ameri-
can forces there. Much of that, I want
to say, and I say it sadly, has resulted in
great waste and has produced great
corruption in South Vietnam.
Mr. President, we are not going to end
this civil war by any of the ' courses of
action being recommended by the White
House, the State Department, and the
Pentagon Building. We cannot win this
war by the policies we are following.
We can win military victories. We can
bomb and kill by the thousands. We can
destroy the cities of Red China and Viet-
nam. We can destroy the nuclear in-
stallations of Red China. But we will
lose the war, for, do not forget, we are
dealing with a people and a philosophy
of a people to whom time does not mat-
ter. And after we win all these military
victories, what are we going to do with
South Vietnam and North Vietnam and
Laos and Red China and the rest of the
nations that will be involved, assuming
for the moment that we might get into a
nuclear war? We would have to police
them for decades. We have neither the
manpower nor the resources to rebuild
that part of Asia after that type of war.
We will inherit as a legacy for genera-
tions of Americans yet to come the un-
dying hatred of the yellow man. He will
hate us for hundreds of years. It will be
an unending war. Let us think not in
terms of the present time, but let us
think in terms of the next 100 years.
We have the responsibility in our time to
lay out courses of action that will not
produce the type of holocaust that will
bring about for millions of American
boys and girls the hatred of many people
of the world that will be incurred if we
continue to pursue our course of action
in South Vietnam.
TOKEN ASSISTANCE
I said I would make a brief comment
on token assistance. I am very disturbed
about some of the activity on the part
of the State Department, through the
American embassies In Latin America,
urging the heads of Latin American
countries and high officials In those
States to at least send something to
South Vietnam-an._ ktu1aiice .-or a
medical corps ar spme_ cQntjogency of
aid to Latin America, we are using it as
a means of pressure to obtain token sup-
port in Latin America for our policy in
Asia.
It should be repudiated. The State
Department should desist from any such
course of action.
Let us find out where the Latin Ameri-
cans stand in the United Nations. Let
us find out where the Latin American
countries stand with respect to the pro-
posal for the reconvening of a 14-nation
conference on the war in South Vietnam.
Let us find out where the Latin Ameri-
cans stand on SEATO as offering a juris-
dictional basis. Let them pledge their
support, if pledge their support they will,
to an international organization; but not
to the United States, which is conducting
this unjustified unilateral military ac-
tion in South Vietnam.
Such a course of action, of seeking to
get token support from nations into
whose coffers we are pouring millions of
dollars in military and economic aid is a
great mistake, and it ought to be stopped
immediately.
From time to time I shall discuss the
unjustifiable course of action of my
country in South Vietnam. Let me say,
as I have said before, If a declaration of
war is recommended by the President,
and the Congress of the United States
passes that declaration of war, the senior
Senator from Oregon will take the posi-
tion that we must unite behind the decla-
ration and do what we can to bring that
war to a speedy and successful end. But
until there is a declaration of war, our
position In South Vietnam cannot be
reconciled by the Constitution of the
United States. Under article I, section
8, of the Constitution, only Congress can
declare war, and no President has the
right to make war on such a sustained
basis as he is making it in South Viet-
nam In the absence of a declaration of
war. Let the record show that if I were
asked to vote for a declaration of war
tonight in connection with South Viet-
nam, I would vote against it, because in
my judgment the facts do no warrant
our declaring war. If the facts remain
that way, if, as, and when a declaration
of -wax is, proposed, I shall vote against it.
Buts if the facts change, so as to justify
a declaration of war under our Consti-
tution, the senior Senator from Oregon
will vote for it.
However, we should not be talking
about war at all. We should be talking
about how best to, bring about peace in
southeast Asia.
I .intend to continue here, and across
the country, to offer the proposal that
I have Q rered for_ more than a year, of
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE ? January 6
submitting this war in South Vietnam, But I would like to go back to the end prosecution of the war against Japan. The
as far as the U.S. participation in it is of World War II and examine the history possibility that these staging areas should no
concerned, to one of three agencies that of American relations with southeast Asia longer be available for use at our pleasure
to see lust how our policy led us to the vis-a-vis China is they for many of is worth a war
I have outlined again in this speech. present perilous situation.
We must do more than prate about sub- Twenty years ago almost to the very to retain at least one of them.
stituting the rule of law for the jungle month, the subject of postwar American When France finally gave up the struggle
law of military force; we must prat- policy in southeast Asia came in for study in Indochina, the United States refused to
Lice it; we must stop being hypocrites in the high levels of Government. A State sign the Geneva Accord of 1954, which ended.
about it. We must live our ideal of Department memorandum to President the war. And we prevailed upon a new gov-
peaceful pursuit in connection with dis- Roosevelt suggested that positive announce- ernment we had chosen to back in South
ments should be made of American policy Vietnam not to sign it either. We began to
putes that threaten the peace of the toward the former colonial areas of south- send military aid early in 1955, and we, along
world. east Asia being liberated from Japanese oc- with South and North Vietnam, were found
I close this subject matter, before I cupation. It suggested that specific dates by the International Control Commission to
turn to my next one, by asking unani- for their self-government be set as objectives be in violation of the treaty.
mous consent to insert in the RECORD at of American policy. The sad truth is that the threats of lead-
this point a lecture I delivered at Syra- We know from Cordell Hull's memoirs that ing American officials to make war on China
case University on December 14, 1964, President Roosevelt heartily endorsed that and the present war crisis, are the logical
policy. He believed that French dominion end of the dismal road in Indochina that
entitled "Is Our Policy in Vietnam Lead- over Indochina should not be restored. At John Foster Dulles set us upon in 1954.
ing the United States Into War?" the Cairo and Teheran Conferences he urged After failing in his efforts to keep the French
There being no objection, the lecture that It be placed under an international fighting on in Indochina, despiteAmerican
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, trusteeship as a final step toward independ- aid to their war effort and the promise of
as follows: ence. direct U.S. military action, Dulles re-
Is OCR POLICY IN VIETNAM LEADING THE Cordell Hull records that only Prime Min- fused to put the signature of the United
UNITED STATES INTO WAR? aster Churchill disagreed, and he quotes States on the Geneva agreement of 1954
Roosevelt as saying: "The only reason (the which marked the end of French rule there.
(Remarks of Senator WAYNE MORSE before British) seem to oppose it is that they fear South Vietnam also declined to sign. The
Syracuse University, Syracuse, N.Y., De- the effect it would have on their possessions most the United States said about the 1954
cember 14, 1964) and those of the Dutch. They have never agreement was that we would recognize it as
A few weeks ago, people laughed when liked the idea of a trusteeship because it is, international law and regard violations with
presidential candidate Barry Goldwater in some instances, aimed at future inde- grave concern and as seriously threatening
talked blithely of "interdicting" the routes pendence. international peace and security.
from North Vietnam into South Vietnam, "Each case must, of course, stand on its Among the provisions of the 1954 accords
especially by use of chemicals and radiation own feet, but the case of Indochina is per- was article 16: "With effect from the date
to defoliate the trees that conceal the jungle fectly clear. France has milked it for 100 of entry into force of the present agreement,
trails. years. The people of Indochina are entitled the introduction into Vietnam of any troop
But today there is every evidence that the to something better than that." reinforcements and- additional military per-
American Ambassador has returned to Sai- Today we are paying the price for our sonnel is prohibited."
gon from Washington with something very failure to carry out that policy. Within An exception was made for rotation of
similar to the Goldwater prescription for to years of the end of the war, the British, personnel, meaning French, already there.
the civil war in South Vietnam. the Dutch, and the French largely recog- Article 17 provided: "(a) With effect from
A traditional signpost that points to this nized, after years of war and the expendi- the date of entry into force of the present
conclusion is the increased emphasis in the ture of billions of dollars, that colonialism agreement, the introduction into Vietnam
White House communique on the Taylor is a thing of the past. It is the United States of any reinforcements in the form of all
talks, in the statements by the Vietnamese that has failed to recognize what Mr. Roose- types of arms, munitions, and other war ma-
Ambassador in Washington, and from official velt knew to be true: The era of white rule in terials, such as combat aircraft, naval craft,
sources in Saigon, upon infiltration of men Asia Is finished, whether it takes the form pieces of ordnance, jet engines, and jet weap-
and supplies from North Vietnam through of economic exploitation through direct rule one and armored vehicles is prohibited."
Laos into South Vietnam. or the form of manipulating governments to Again, an exception was made for replace-
This new emphasis is in total contrast to protect what we regard to be our interest- ment on the basis of piece for piece of the
the previous official testimony on this point the postwar American form of colonialism. same type and with similar characteristics.
presented to the Foreign Relations Commit- Roosevelt's policy died with him. Our pri- Article 18: "With effect from the date of
tee. In fact, no new evidence has been off- mary interest became one of bowing to entry into force of the present agreement,
ered to change the assessment that the great French wishes in all international matters the establishment of new military bases is
.bulk of the Vietcong rebels were local resi- to guarantee her support and participation prohibited through Vietnam territory."
dents, that close to 90 percent of their wee- in NATO, and we began financing the French For 10 years we have claimed that North
pons were captured from Government effort to recapture Indochina. We put over Vietnam was violating the accord by sending
sources, and that their civil war against the $11/4 billion into that futile struggle. And in help to the rebels against the South Viet-
Government would continue whether or not when the French finally gave up, we took it namese Government. But our solution was
it received aid or leadership from North over ourselves, not to go to the parties who signed the
Vietnam. agreement and who were responsible for its
But the 100 percent expansion of the WANTED: A WESTERN FOOTHOLD enforcement. Nor did we go to the United
South Vietnamese Air Force and the drum- All in all, it has cost American taxpayers Nations, the sole international body with
beating in both Washington and Saigon $5112 billion, exclusive of the cost of our own jurisdiction over threats to the peace.
about alleged infiltration from North Viet- forces, to try to keep a Western foothold in Instead we multiplied our own violations
nam, suggest to these experienced ears that southeast Asia. Some writers are working by joining in the fighting. Each time we
air attacks by U.S. jets flown by United hard to convince the American people that increase the number of American boys sent
States and Vietnamese pilots will soon com- all we are doing is maintaining a historic to that country to "advise" the local troops
mence in Laos, as they may already have American policy. Journalistic spokesmen for we violate the Geneva agreement of 1954.
begun In the demilitarized zone of North the Defense Department are vehement in de- Every jet plane, every helicopter, every naval
Vietnam. claiming that to lose our foothold in Viet- vessel we furnish South Vietnam or man
What this will accomplish, no one has nam is to lose all we fought for in the Pacific with American servicemen is a violation, and
explained. But it has long been obvious in World War II. so is every military base and airstrip we
that just as Chiang Kai-shek could never Nothing is further from the truth. Never have constructed there.
return to the Chinese mainland except on in our history have we had any kind of Yet we hypocritically proclaim to our-
the crest of a full-scale American invasion, foothold on the mainland of Asia. Before selves and the world that we are there only
neither can the patchwork Government of World War II, the most we ever had was the to enforce the Geneva agreement.
South Vietnam survive much longer except Philippines, which we voluntarily relin- Part of the 1954 agreement established an.
with full-scale U.S. military intervention quished in 1935 and formally freed in 1945. International Control Commission of Poland,
that escalation of the war will bring about. Since 1945, we have maintained base rights India, and Canada to investigate complaints
ORIGINS OF PRESENT POLICY In the Philippines, as in Japan; and we have of violations. As early as its report cover-
One of the most astonishing elements in kept a base in Okinawa, won by conquest. ing 1956, this Commission found both North
the discussions of this policy is the number Our Present "foothold" in South Korea Is a and South Vietnam had violated the accords
of Washington officials who will tell you legacy of World War II, not its objective. of 1954, the latter in conjunction with the
that getting into South Vietnam was a What these Defense Department spokes- U.S. military aid activities.
hideous mistake, but once involved we have men really have in mind are not the strictly The independent Commission, consisting
no choice but to continue. One wonders American footholds and bases in that part of of Poland, India, and Canada, found as early
how much blood they are willing to spill the world but the whole network of French, as 1956, that both North Vietnam and South
to pursue a policy they recognize was fal- Dutch, and British possessions that in World Vietnam were in violation of the accord,,
lacious from the beginning. Wax II were freely used by Americans in the and that the United States was in violation
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1965 CONGRESSIONAL. RECORD _-.SENATE Z7
with thee, because of the military aid that There never was a time when it was pos- South Vietnam and the great bulk of their
we supplied in direct violation of the articles sible for us to impose a government upon the weapons were taken from Government forces
of the accord which I have previously read. people of South Vietnam without constant or brought by defectors from Government
Immediately upon the signing of the 1954 fighting to keep it in power. Nor was it armies.
agreement, the United States began to sup- possible to "bring the boys home by 1965," The fact that It is really American in-
port the new government of South Vietnam or by any other date. Never could the war terests and not the interests of South Viet-
in a big way. In the letter President Eisen- be fought and won in South Vietnam alone, nam about which we are concerned is coming
hower wrote President Diem, a letter still because the Khanh junta-and any of its to the surface. Now, we hear that Ameri-
serving as the basis for our policy in 1964, successors and predecessors-could not sur- can prestige cannot take the blow of a re-
aid was pledged to Diem, and in turn, "the vive without the massive and direct American treat from South Vietnam; and if the, war
Government of the United States expects military backing that is possible only if the cannot be won there, then we must display
that this aid will be met by performance on war is expanded. our strength somewhere else. Our objective
the part of the Government of Vietnam in
-
...a~ -y Nreilence on
_ihe united crates is, of course, a full part- the '"
NO FREEDOM OR DEMOCRACY IN SOUTH VIETNAM ner in the Government of South Vietnam. I the mainland Of Asia.
In 1964, President Johnson refers to that am satisfied that since 1954 we have been The discrepancy between our announced
letter as the basis for our aid, but the part a provocateur of military conflict in south- interests and our real interests is the source
about reforms has long since been forgotten, east Asia and marched away from our obliga- of much of our difficulty with American pub-
In the decade following 1954, the United tions to international law. lie opinion about southeast Asia. As long as
States for all practical purposes made a pro- In recent months, evidence has mounted helping the a fiction could people be remain maintained" "free, " thutdpb po were
tectorate out of South Vietnam. Its new that both the Pentagon and the State De- almost any resrt fx-
government immediately became financially partment were preparing to escalate the war pected. U. the isintegrato could be n -
dependent upon us;- as rebellion against it into Laos and North Vietnam. American pattedBut toe h Vi t Vietnam iha of the pOlitis
grew, our level of aid was stepped up. By forces in nearby bases in the Philippines and cal fabric of South Vietnam has exposed this
1961, we had to send 15,000 American troops Okinawa have been poised for air attacks on discrepancy.
as "advisers" to the local military forces. The signs from ofamo Was even most
Today, the figure is 22,000. Laos and North Vietnam. The 7th Fleet Cate a recognition among even the most
When the pure government diverted itself has moved into the South China Sea and the ardent advocates of this U.S. policy in Viet-
Gulf of Tonkin, while the entry of ground
from 'fighting rebels to fighting Buddhists, a nam that it has been a failure. Of the alter=
Coup by military proteges of the United forces through Thailand into Laos has been
prepared. natives now being discussed, the one es-
States overthrew it. Within a few weeks, Last August, vessels we had furnished to poused so long by General Taylor and Sec-
another coup replaced the Minh junta with retary McNamara for Increased U.S. aid is
what American advisers considered a more South Vietnam were used to shell two islands rarely heard.
efficlent
what A military junta under Gemorl in the Tonkin Gulf belonging to North Viet-
nam. Meanwhile, American naval vessels That is because the preponderancn of
Khanh. In turn, the Khanh government patrolled a few miles seaward in international American money and militarynal equipment is
has been succeeded by a series of coalition,, waters could not not affect heavy that
the current one being headed by Tran Van . could
the situation. tuaSouth incremeViet-
Huong Those vessels were pursued by northern nam-at least the third d or sso o of it still under
At lo time have the people of this un- PT boats. ? Anticipating an attack, our de- Government control-has for many months
fortunate no time have
had the
government this their stroyers began the exchange of fire while they been completely saturated with U.S. money,
own choosing. country facta , the Khanh junta were still some 3 miles away. After the U.S. military equipment, and U.S. advisers,
justified its coup with the excuse that some second such incident, a well-planned relatia- both political and military.
Minh officers were pro-French, and might seek trey air raid was carried out against the ports Still the tide runs against us. Still the
some way of neutralizing the country. Just harboring the PT boats, political condition of the country deterior-
how these various creations of the his raid was not self-defense on our part; ates, and still the Vietcong raid with greater
ho these ariou from the old the U.S. .S. it was supposed to be a "lesson" to North success and audacity.
government which reeved as the Bao Dal French Vietnam. It was supposed to give her a taste So General Khanh openly calls for attacks
guppet, I have never been able t see. Yet of what would happen to her if she did not on North Vietnam by the United States.
American. leaders talk piously of defending e cease and desist from what we regard as her And his frank recognition of the failure of
freedom inSour Vietnam . interference in the affairs of South Vietnam. past U.S. policy is being echoed by more and
We my that one our objectives is the Today, one can only conclude that the lesson more of the American community of policy-
enforcement of the 1954 agreement. But was lost. makers who devised it in the first place.
it has never been explained why we have any It is evident that our military policy- The theory they are now advancing is that
business enforcing by force of arms an agree- makers believe that our losses in South Viet- the leadership for the Vietcong movement
ment to which neither we nor our client nam must be covered by fighting elsewhere. comes from North Vietnam and if we inflict
country is a signatory. Not able to win the battle against the local heavy damage upon the industry and trans-
Nor is it explained why enforcement can rebels, they believe American interests must portation network of that country, it will
only take the form of massive violations by be served by fighting where the power of cease and desist from whatever' succor it is
ourselves of articles 16, 17, and 18 of that American weapons superiority can be brought giving the Vietcong.
agreement. into play. All this assumes, of course, that the body
In the case of Laos, we did sign the Geneva Shortly before the election, James Reston and the muscle of the Vietcong resistance
accord of 1962, which sought to neutralize wrote in the New York Times: "While the would be rendered helpless without the vague
that country. Hence, we claim that the vio- political situation In Saigon is said officially and unknown amount of direction it re-
lations we have committed ourselves were to be deteriorating, the administration in- ceives from the north. It further assumes
undertaken only after North Vietnam vio- sists that there is no danger of collapse there that only the United States will decide to
Iated the accord first. Our violations have in the foreseeable future, and Ambassador escalate the conflict and that North Vietnam
taken the form of sending armed planes flown Maxwell Taylor has stated this week that and China will not respond by increasing
by American pilots over Laos. the Communist military assault on South their level of participation.
. The 1962 agreement permits military Vietnam is further from success now than These assumptions are so unsound as to
equipment to be brought into the country ever before. If this is true, it is difficult to render the theory even less likely to succeed
at the request of the Laotian Government, understand why some prominent officials, a than the present policy. They are sheer
but it forbids "the introduction of foreign few weeks before a national election, should guesswork, and they are the product more of
regular and irregular troops, foreign para- be talking so openly about expanding the embarrassment and frustration than of care-
military formations, and foreign military per- war, and not only advocating but almost ful thought about the long-range interests
sonnel into Laos." lobbying for such a course of action. of the United States.
Any American planes raiding Laos, whether "It is even possible now to hear officials IGNORING THE V.N. CHARTER
flown by Americans or South Vietnamese, will of this Government talking casually about If we expand the war into Laos, North
be in violation of the 1962 Laotian accord. how easy it would be to `provoke an inci- Vietnam, or China, in the name of protecting
Now we are faced with the collapse of the dent' in the Gulf of Tonkin that would jus- our investment in South Vietnam, it will be
government we have been supporting. It is of anattack on North Vietnam and thus, an outright American aggrandizement of the
becoming obvious that it was not a case Of according to this thesis, enable the United kind we have not embarked upon since the
our aiding an, established government; but States to bring strong military pressure on Mexican War. We will not only be inviting
of having created and maintained in office a the Communists there to let up on their Ares- disaster but will be flouting every principle
whole series of governments that have had sure on South Vietnam." of international
little or no support among the people. As Mr. Reston points out, our policy al- since World War II olicy we have espoused
We have been making covert war in south- ways has been described as helping a people Not the least of these is our signature on
east Asia for some time, instead of seeking to remain free from Communist domination. the U.N. Charter and our support of its
keep the peace. It was inevitable and in- We have stated over and over again that the activities. If our signature means anything,
exorable that we would have to engage in war had to be fought and won in South it requires us to observe article 2, section 4:
overt acts of war as we are now doing. Vietnam because the rebels were people of "All members shall refrain in their interna-
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248 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -- SENATE ` January 6
'One
the past and It Ads:
fce relations from the threat or use of either, nizat on, the terms of of fallacies of intervention,
years in South
force against the territorial integrity Y Org a
we claim we are acting in South Vietnam. Vietnam has been that the guerrillas in the
litical Independence of any y state, , or r in n any Asia Treaty
other manner inconsistent with the pur- Prime Minister Wilson has rejected a re- south were a creation of the north and not
poses of the United Nations." quest by President Johnson that Britain a genuine revolt against misgovernment'
Other charter provisions are specific as to send troops to join ours. But so did the "The French, who have bitter cause to
the duty of nations when they find them- President reject Wilson's request that the know more about the situation in Indo-
selves involved in a dispute. Article 33 United States help fry Britain's fish In Ma- china than anybody else, also oppose bomb-
states: laysla. Apparently each country will act uni- ing North Vietnam."
"Section 1. The parties to any dispute, the laterally in those places with a moratorium "After 16 years of ruinous civil war surely
continuance of which is likely to endanger on criticism of any illegalities or threats to commonsense would dictate to Washington
the maintenance of international peace and world peace that may result. that a political, not a military, solution is
security, shall, first of all, seek a solution Of SEATO members, only Australia has the answer."
by negotiation, inquiry, mediation, concilia- sent a token force. It now amounts to per- Although India is the one country of Asia
tion, arbitration, judicial settlement, resort hops 60 to 70 men, with a few air transport most threatened by China, even India has
to regional agencies or arrangements, or other planes and crews promised for the future. no desire to see a war break out, because in
peaceful means of their own choice." That is the measure of how our SEATO conditions of war between the United States
Notice that the controlling verb is "shall." allies feel about fighting in Vietnam. and anyone in Asia, nuclear weapons would
This is not an option but a directive. So far, The SEATO organization, in the first meet- be used sooner or later. Moreover, like Aus-
It has been ignored by the United States. ing of its foreign ministers in 1955, adopted tralia, India knows that in war, nations lose
It is cgynmonly said both in and out of what amounts to a bylaw requiring that all control of events. Nations are controlled by
government that the U.N. is a waste of time action taken by the treaty organization shall wars, and not the Other way around.
and that the Communists understand noth- be by unanimous agreement. Flat opposi- Official opinion in India has been expressed
ing but force. However, the line continues; tion by France and Pakistan has foreclosed for a 14-nation conference on Vietnam,
maybe at some future date we will find it any formal military action in Vietnam by That is the most sympathetic view of our
SEATO. position among any of the leading nations
to our interest to go to the II, This sup- Indeed, the largest newspaper in Pakistan, of Asia.
posedly sophisticated argument t ignores sev- Jang, recently editorialized: "As long as the How much further do we want to dig our-
eralpoints. United States is allowed to remain in the selves into this pit, started by the Eisen-
Firhe it may not the left to us to decide area she will continue to involve countries of hower administration and deepened by the
whether and . when the issue es t ahat g "any to the area in war. This is because the United Kennedy administration?
that brio. Article a 35 provides that States is out to encircle and destroy the FUTURE OF UNITED STATES IN ASIA UP TO PRESI-
any dis d of pute, or the any United situation Nations of the he nature bring People's Republic of China." DENT JOHNSON
any nature Australia is expressing alarm about That question is going to have to be an-
referred to in article 34 (threats to interna- the possible escalation of the war. The Daily
tional peace), to the attention Of the Se- Mirror, of Sydney, a relatively conservative swered by President Johnson alone. It is toe
curl Council or of the General Assembly." bad that all these chickens have all come
ty Australian paper, said on November 26: home to roost on his doorstep; but there
This means that if we wait for another noun- "noN`T BOMB HANOI they are.
try to invoke article 35, we can be sure it
will not be under conditions most favorable "There are ominous signs that renewed ef- The resolution passed last August by Con-
to us. forts are about to be made in Washington gress gave the President a blank check to
Second, the assumption by administration to stampede the Johnson administration use force in Asia. As a legal statement it
spokesmen that someday, sometime, some- Into agreeing to bomb North Vietnam. means little; but it was sought and given as
how, and under some other circumstances we "This would be the last throw in an effort a political backstop. On two other occa-
will seek U.N. action is an admission that to end the civil war that has racked South sions, similar resolutions authorizing a Presi-
the Issue is really one of U.N. jurisdiction. Vietnam for so long. dent to use armed force in given areas led
What they are saying Is that to adhere to "Any such reckless action could well prove right straight to war, One was with Mexico
the charter now would not serve American to be disastrous. At the best it is not likely in 1846 and a second was with Spain in 1898.
interests: the time to negotiate is when we to achieve its objective. At its worst it could Those resolutions, like the current one, were
dominate the battlefield. start a Korea-type war, with Chinese inter- supposed to prevent war by warning an ad-
This amounts to saying that any treaty vention, which might spread nobody knows versary of our intentions. But both had to
obligation that does not serve our national where. be followed by declarations of war.
interest is just a scrap of paper. These of- "The American Ambassador to South Viet- President Johnson has said little in public
ficials take the view that we may one day nam, General Maxwell Taylor, left Saigon on this matter except for what he said in a
resurrect the charter from the wastebasket yesterday to confer with President Johnson New Hampshire campaign speech last Sep-
but not until we think it serves our interests. and Defense Department officials. ternber 28, 1964. In responding to the Gold-
If this is to be our policy, then we are Before leaving he gave an indication of water prescription, he said:
helping to destroy the United Nations and his thinking when he said that Communist "So just for the moment I have not
all the advances in the rule of law in world forces 'outside South Vietnam' had played thought that we were ready for American
affairs that it represents. This will under- a major role in supporting the Communist boys to do the fighting for Asian boys. What
I have been trying to do, with the situation
mine our moral position and seriously coo- Vietcong insurgents.
promise our capacity for calling others to The reference was clear. Support for the that I found, was to get the boys in Vietnam
account for breaches of the peace. This is rebels, in his view, comes from North Viet- to do their own fighting with our advice and
already the case in connection with Mr, nam. ~It is logical to assume that he is with our equipment. That is the course we
,.hi w ig about attacking Hanoi the capital, are following. So we are not going north
Third, the "fight now, negotiate later" line For some me
time a steady flow of propaganda and we are not going south and run out and
is based on the wholly illusory assumption
that Red China and North Vietnam will do from the 'bomb Hanoi' school in Washington leave it for the Communists to take over.
what we refuse to do-negotiate when they has been trying to prepare the American We have lost 190 American lives, and to each
one of those 190 families this is a major war.
acre losing. Can we really expect that when people for such action. We lost that many in Texas on the 4th Of
China is in the same situation in which she "Yet there is very little evidence that sup-
was in Korea, she will negotiate instead of port for the Vietcong is coming from the July in wrecks. But I often wake up in the
pouring her hordes into the fray? I know no north. They are strongest in the southern night and think about how many I could lose
- tip of South Vietnam, farthest from North if I made a misstep. When we retaliated in
reason to justify either this wishful thinking
or the head-in-the-sand attitude that if we Vietnam, and they are armed largely with the Tonkin Gulf, we dropped bombs on their
American weapons captured from the Gov- nests where they had their PT boats housed,
kill enough and bomb enough, North Viet- ernment forces. and we dropped them within 35 miles of the
nam and Red China will yield. "They are, in fact, a strongly organized Chinese border. I don't know what you
UNITED STATES ISOLATED IN ASIA Communist movement capitalizing on popu- would think if they started dropping them
There is yet another element to this prob- lar dissatisfaction with the rottenness of sue- 35 miles from your border, but I think that
lem that has largely been ignored. That is cessive administrations in Saigon. it is a that is something you have to take into con-
the isolation we would create for ourselves serious fallacy to think- that bombing North sideration.
in Asia. Vietnam would end their activities. "So we are not going north and we are
There is no evidence that any other nation "Two of the most influential British news- not going south; we are going to continue to
would join us in expansion of the war into papers, the Guardian and the Times, con- try to get them to save their own freedom
Laos or North Vietnam. Although a spokes- demn the proposal to extend the war. The with their own men, with our leadership and
man for Thailand recently proposed that Guardian says that even if the present prop- our officer direction, and such equipment as
military forces from other Far Eastern na- agenda campaign is merely designed to put we can furnish them. We think that losing
tions join the United States in the fighting, the United States in a better bargaining 190 lives in the period that we have been
not even Thailand has actually sent any. position, it still does not seem a good idea. out there is bad, but it is not like 190,000
There are no British, New Zealand, French, "The Times says that the dangers 'scarcely that we might lose the first month if we
Filipino or Pakistani forces In Vietnam, need pointing out.' One of the risks, it says, escalated that war. So we are trying some-
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1965 - . CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE 249
how to evolve a _ way, as we have in some sonnel, much of the 7th Fleet, and extensive Such military action by the United States
other places, where the North Vietnamese air forces are now floundering in Vietnam. would make our country the most serious
and the Chinese Communists finally, after "The new adventures he is alleged to be threat to the peace of the world.
g Ming worn down, conclude that they will proposing would only shove this country "The slaughter of American boys in South
leave their neigrbors alone, and if they do even deeper into an Asian quicksand. Vietnam and the continued killing of both
we will come home tomorrow." "The United States is not legally at war South Vietnamese and North Vietnamese, as
The question .now is whether President with North Vietnam or any other country in the result of illegal and unjustifiable aggres-
Johnson can bring himself to do the only Asia although it is true that we are engaged sive unilateral military action by the United
thing that can be done in Asia to escape an in unilateral military action in South Viet- States in southeast Asia, constitutes the
expanded war: to bring other interested par- nam in violation of our international treaty writing of a bloody and shameful page in
ties into a multilateral political agreement obligations under the United Nations Char- United States history. Our Government, to
for southeast Asia. ter. In the absence of a declaration of war, date, has made no attempt to take the
This could take the form o' a United Na- the State Department and the Pentagon southeast Asia war to the conference tables
tions jurisdiction along the Rites proposed so Building cannot justify under international of the United Nations or to the negotiations
wisely by President Roosevelt; or it could law the continuation of our acts of aggres- of a reconvened Geneva Conference.
take the form of seeking a SEATO action sion against the borders of North Vietnam, "Instead our Government is permitting the
that would police South Vietnam while a Cambodia, and Laos. Pentagon Building and the State Department
political solution is developed; or it could "Contrary to repeated newspaper misrep- to conduct an undeclared war in Asia to the
take the form of a new 14-nation conference resentations of my position of the past year consternation of millions of people through-
among the same nations that arranged the in opposition to United States military out the world, including people in the United
1954 Geneva accord. action in South Vietnam, I have not advo- States.
* The further we go in expanding the war- cated only that the United States stop mak- "A civil war prevails in South Vietnam. It
the more agreements we violate and the more lag war in South Vietnam; but rather I have cannot be settled by unilateral United States
people we kill in the name of peace-the advocated that the United States insist that intervention. The Pentagon Building and
more military opposition we harden against the United Nations or SEATO or a recon- the State Department are playing into the
us in North Vietnam and China-the more vening of the 14-nation Geneva Conference hands of our despicable Communist enemiea,
we alienate ourselves from the now-Com- assume jurisdiction over the threat to world and they are frightening our friends among
munist nations in that part of the world- pe-ce in southeast Asia. the free nations of the world who want no
the more impossible any peaceful solution "I have advocated that the United States part of United States outlawry in Asia.
becomes. contribute its share of assistance to the es- "The time has come for the American peo-
In the last 10 years, we have learned that tablishment of such a United Nations pro- ple to make clear to the Johnson administra-
we are not masters of events in Vietnam, de- gram which would amount, in effect, to the tion that the slaughter of American boys in
spite our biilioas of dollars and our thous- setting up of a United Nations Trusteeship southeast Asia must stop immediately.
ands of troops on the scene. It has not been over war-stricken South Vietnam until peace "The time has come for member nations
shown that any stepped-up investment of can be restored. This, in essence, is the of the United Nations to impose all the sane-
blood or money will make us masters. same program as President Franklin Roose- tions of international law available through
It still is not too late for President John- velt recommended for all of Indochina 20 the procedures of the United Nations Charter
son to lead the American people out of this years ago. to stop the United States, South Vietnam,
morass. Whether he leads us out or further . "If the State Department and the Penta- North Vietnam, Laos, Red China and Russia
in, will be the first great test of his adminis- gon Building continue with advocating ex- from a further endangering of the peace of
tration. pansion of the South Vietnam civil war into the world by expanding the civil war in
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, as I a war against North Vietnam and Laos and South Vietnam to a major war in Asia."
said
earlier , Con MO in this r. Pre since as I possibly Red China by American military -
forces, adjourned last fall, from time to this administration toopaccounting. Every DECEMBER 22, 11664.---."Our point in Vietnam has reached the point wht wherre elwe
g we
time, I have discussed the war in South day produces increased evidence that the cannot even put together a government,"
0 Vietnam. In order to keep the record American people are becoming fed up with Senator MORSE said today.
straight-I understand there are those the continuation of unjustified slaughter of "General Khanh and his fellow military
who have been heard to say that I have American boys in southeast Asia. progeny of the American aid program have
been surprisingly Silent on the SUbjeCt "The unilateral military action of the no capacity to govern, nor even to carry out
be er during ly sile t on the su ask United States in Asia should be stopped, and the military end of the civil war. Appar-matt
adj
-I our unanimous consent that the following cedures of international law Insist a that
applied through h govern, they do not intend to let anyone else
press releases on the subject matter be the United Nations Charter should be used This either.
in South Vietnam is the fruit
inserted in the RECORD at this point: in meeting the threat to world peace in Asia of 10 years of American mistakes. It Is the
The press releases of November 23, which is growing more dangerous by the result of installing one clique of corrupt tin-
1964, November 27, 1964, December 22, day." horn generals after another to carry out
1964, December 23, 1964, December 24, American interests, with no thought whatso-
1964, December 30, 1964, and January 5, NOVEMBER 27, 1964.-Senator WAYNE MORSE, ever for the interests or well-being of the
1965. Democrat, of Oregon, issued the following 14 million people of South Vietnam.
statement today on the southeast Asia crisis: "These generals and their civilian counter-
There being no objection, the press "Ambassador Maxwell Taylor is back in parts have been living off American aid for
releases were ordered to be printed in the United States appearing on television, 10 years. They have made corruption a way
the RECORD, as follows: radio and in press conferences where he is of life. They have done nothing to unite
NOVEMBER 23, 1964.-Senator WAYNE, spreading his propaganda and alibis in sup- their country or to reform their society so as
MORSE, a member of the Senate Foreign Re- port of increased United States military ac- to remove the appeal of the Vietcong, and
lations Committee, said in a press statement tion in southeast Asia. they never will so long as American boys are
today that "widespread circulation is being "Taylor should be kept in the United States there to die for the status quo. These men
given in today's press to a State Department permanently. His Deputy Ambassador, Alexis are accomplished only in maladministration.
and Pentagon Building trial balloon on Johnson, should be recalled along with him. "To place the lives of American soldiers at
South Vietnam. These two Ambassadors have not only been the mercy of these flunkies is to throw away
"The dope story is that Ambassador Tay- complete failures as far as bringing about those lives. The administration must stop
for is on his way back to the, United States greater internal stability in South Vietnam concealing from the American people the fu-
from South Vietnam to recommend an ex- but they have been in league with war ex- tility of what we are being asked to do in
,pansion of the South Vietnam war into pansionists in the South Vietnamese mili- Vietnam, and the futility of the American
North Vietnam and Laos by United States tary establishment, headed by America's No. deaths there.
bombing a limited number of selected tar- 1 puppet, General Khanh. "It is obvious that there is no will among
gets and bases in North Vietnam and Laos. `Taylor's last appearance before the Senate its people to fight the rebels. There is no
"I hope there is no basis in fact for these Foreign Relations Committee convinced me incentive for 14 million people in South
stories of proposed warmaking. On the oth- that he is a key leader among United States Vietnam to put down some 35,000 rebels.
er hand, if they prove to be accurate, then in military and State Department warmongers The only incentive is with those who have
my judgment, Ambassador Taylor should be who are seeking to extend the war in Asia waxed fat off American aid, but for them
summarily fired and all others in the State in the absence of a declaration of war, the status quo is the most profitable situa-
Department and Pentagon Building who may "Any proposal to use American men or tion. We must stop protecting these corrup-
be associated with him in any such recom- equipment to commit acts of bombing, selec- tionists with American lives.
mendation of international outlawry on the tive or general, in North Vietnam, Laos or "There must be a complete change in our
part of the United States, elsewhere in Asia in the absence of a declara- policy and a complete change in the person-
"It was on General Taylor's recommenda- tion of war by Congress, constitutes acts of nel responsible for it. The administration
tion of 1961 that 21,000 U.S. military per- aggression on the part of the United States. must face the fact that the Taylor-McNa-
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE 'January 6
mars policy is a failure. It must stop the
further slaughter of American boys and start
finding the political solutions that should
have been devised 10 years ago. Those whose
advise brought the country to this debacle
must be replaced with men willing to do
what should have been done long ago, and
that is to place Vietnam under international
auspices."
Senator WAYNE MORSE, a member of the
Senate Foreign Relations Committee, today
made the following statement about South
Vietnam:
"President Johnson must lay the Vietnam
problem before the United Nations. The loss
of one more American life in defense of the
hopeless chaos in South Vietnam would be
inexcusable.
"The military and civilian factions in Sai-
gon are indulging in their struggle for power
with the understanding that American mili-
tary power will always protect them from
their excesses and from whatever- follies they
may commit. The masses of the South Viet-
namese people, however, are demonstrating
no interest in defending their country. for
the benefit of these factions and profiteers.
"Sending American boys to their death
for these greedy and incompetent cliques
should no longer be sanctioned by the Amer-
ican people.
"President Johnson cannot justify further
pursuit of the costly and dangerous Taylor-
McNamara policy in that country"
obligations of American unilateral military
action in South Vietnam.
"We are not defending freedom in South
Vietnam, because there has never been a free
government in South Vietnam. That un-
fortunate country has always been ruled by
a dictatorship acting as American puppets.
"The American people will not be de-
ceived much longer by the administration's
propaganda about alleged freedom in South
Vietnam. Only an aroused American public
opinion can now stop the unjustifiable kill-
ing of American boys in South Vietnam."
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I have
before me a few comments from Ameri-
can newspapers bearing on the subject,
which I should like to make a part of my
speech.
I therefore ask unanimous consent
that there be inserted at this point in
the RECORD an editorial from the Provi-
dence journal of December 24, 1964, en-
titled "U.S. Withdrawal From South
Vietnam."
There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
U.S. WITHDRAWAL FROM SOUTH VIETNAM
The crisis in Saigon has-grown to the point
where American policy must be backed by
firm decisions; no longer can we drift along
in the hope that time will cure the Viet-
namese situation. Withdrawal will be a
serious blow to our prestige in Asia, but
harsh facts dictate the need for tough-
minded policy decisions now.
This country cannot and must not at-
tempt to go it alone in southeast Asia or in
any other region or country where our pres-
ence and our help are not wanted by local
governments. We are in South Vietnam to
help the Vietnamese win the war, not to re-
place them or to win the war for them.
Implicit In the congressional resolution
authorizing American aid, including the use
of armed forces, to maintain the peace and
security of southeast Asia, is the understand-
ing that nations seeking our help will estab-
lish, maintain, and observe reasonable
standards of partnership.
Today in Saigon, power rests on the gun
barrels of dissident young generals. Any
civilian government they allow to exist will
be a facade, and the thrust of attacks on
Ambassador. Maxwell D. Taylor makes it
plain that the generals propose to rewrite
the terms of partnership to their own benefit.
America cannot afford to let the generals
milk us of arms and cash, turn the country
into a military dictatorship, and run the
war for their private prestige and personal
profit. If the terms of partnership are
changed unilaterally, there will be no part-
nership. We were asked to help-but in a
common cause.
Withdrawal from Vietnam need not mean
withdrawal from southeast Asia or the frus-
tration of the congressional resolution on
:DECEMBER 24, 1964.-Senator MORSE said to-
day that Secretary Rusk's press conference
remarks about South Vietnam "were further
evidence that Rusk's department has failed
to work out a sound American policy in
South Vietnam.
"His feeble platitudes did not hide the
fact that American soldiers are being sacri-
ficed for a small group of men in South
Vietnam who live off American aid. Amer-
icans are not dying for anyone's freedom in
Vietnam; they are dying only to save a few
'faces' in Saigon and Washington.
"It Is the Pentagon that has fashioned the
present disastrous policy in Vietnam. It is
a policy that promises perpetual war at best,
and a bigger and expanded war at worst.
"Mr. Rusk must know that only Viet-
namese will ever unify Vietnam. Americans
will only divide it so long as any faction
there depends upon U.S. aid for its existence.
There will never be any American-sponsored
'unity' in South Vietnam. What we need
from Mr. Rusk is not more tranquilizing
but an American policy in Asia that will be
based on realities."
DECEMBER 30, 1964.-Speaking again today
of our problems in South Vietnam, Senator
WAYNE MORSE said:
"Contrary to oft-published reports, it is
not my position that the United States
should merely 'get out' of South Vietnam.
"We should get out in the sense that we
should stop making war there, for U.S. Inter-
ests, and stop making an American puppet
out of South Vietnam,
"That unfortunate country should be put
under international auspices through the
United Nations, a new 14-nation conference,
or even through SEATO. In any of these
procedures, there will be an important role
to be played by the United States.
"It Is the continued use of South Vietnam
as a battleground for American interests
and prestige that must stop because it can
only end in disaster for the United States."
JANUARY 5, 1965.-Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Democrat, or Oregon, issued the following
statement today on President Johnson's
state of the Union message:
"The rhetoric of the foreign policy part of
the President's speech does not camouflage
successfully the illegality under our treaty
and whose people are demonstrably ready to
fight to preserve their freedoms.
Withdrawal from Vietnam, in short, need
not mean the disappearance of our presence
or our strength from southeast Asia. A re-
inforced 7th Fleet alone gives us con-
tinuing, meaningful power that even Red
China will hesitate to provoke and certainly
is not prepared to attack.
If we leave Saigon, we shall leave in honor,
not because we broke promises to South
Vietnam but because the Vietnamese refused
to keep the terms of agreement under which
we went there. An agreement to help is
just that, not a promise of an unending free
ride for a clique of power-hungry generals.
Withdrawal will not be easy, but St's time
that we faced up to the prospect of leaving
instead of simply appealing for a unity that
grows more unlikely every day. If we do
leave, we must take, however, this one solid
fact with us: In the future, we must help
only those nations genuinely dedicated to
self-help. All else is dangerous delusion.
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent that there next fol-
low in the RECORD a very brilliant analy-
sis, by Richard Starnes, entitled "Shame-
ful Mess," published in the Washington
Daily News of January 4, 1965.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
SHAMEFUL MESS
(By Riphard Starnes)
The pretense of legality cloaking American
intervention in southeast Asia grows more
threadbare with every passing hour.
U.S. aircraft are preparing to launch
strikes against parts of the miscalled Ho Chi
Minh Trail that cross Laos, in clear violation
of the Geneva accord Of 1962, which we
signed.
The 1962 pact, which undertook to neu-
tralize Laos, prohibits "introduction of for-
eign regular and irregular troops, foreign
paramilitary formations, and foreign military
personnel into Laos."
Our excuse for this calculated violation of
a solemn covenant is that North Vietnam
violated it first. Even if this is true, it re-
veals a corrosive cynicism on the part of the
one nation on earth that has always preached
the rule of law in international affairs.
Leaving for the moment the moral and
legal character o` our resolve to enlarge the
war, we find that the more practical aspects
of the decisions are no more durable. The
theory (which. even our most ardent war
hawks cannot really believe) is that bombing
the Ho Chi Minh Trail will somehow per-
suade North Vietnam and Communist China
to withdraw support from the Vietcong in-
surgency that is winning South Vietnam.
There are three tragically dangerous fal-
lacies involved here-fallacies that could cost
a great many young American lives.
Fallacy 1: That any amount of bombing
(short of laying a massive radioactive carpet
across the waist of the peninsula) would be
Korea proved that no amount of
effective
help those governments willing to fight .
for themselves and cooperate honorably in conventional bombing could diminish the
joint restraint of internal and external at- enemy's ability to supply his troops. There
tank. is, moreover, not one shred of credible evi-
dence that the bulk of munitions used by the
We can offer Malaysia a more active par- Vietcong originate in the north. At the out-
ticipation (with Great Britain) in the de- set, the Vietcong used crude homemade
fense of that nation against Indonesian as- weapons, but the bulk of their arms now are
sault. We can affirm our support of Thai- captured or otherwise acquired from the woe-
land, although the Thai, almost wholly sur- fully inept defenders of South Vietnam.
rounded by Communist or Communist-lean- Fallacy 2: On no evidence at all, the
ing countries, may elect to survive by at- proponents of escalation insist that this
tempting some sort of coexistence. demonstration of Western armed power
But most of all, we can do no less than would create an atmosphere in which nego-
restate our historic ties with the Philip- tiations for peace could be undertaken from
pines and Australia, our two best friends in a position of strength. This reasoning sim-
the Pacific, each with a stable government ply won't float, for It assumes that North
dedicated to the principles of the free world Vietnam and Red China would be willing to
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1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD SENATE
do what. we ourselves are so unwilling to
do-that is, negotiate from a position of
weakness.
Underlying all else is fallacy three: That
the insurgency in South Vietnam Is primar-
ily an external war of aggression. Again,
there is no real evidence of this. The war
is nurtured and encouraged by North Viet-
nam, 'to be sure, but there is no assurance
that Hanoi could stop the war even if it so
willed.
In Korea we hypnotized ourselves Into
believing that Communist China would not
enter the war. We are now in the process
of repeating this catastrophic piece of self-
deception. On past performance, Red China
is calculated to respond in kind if the United
States falls into the trap of stepping up the
war in southeast Asia. It is a mistake to
assume that this would simply result in
another Korea. It would result in something
infinitely worse, for we are now dealing with
a Communist China that has the bomb,
Thus the smallest increment in the war
contains the frightful seeds of nuclear holo-
caust.
There are, sadly, times when such terrible
risks must be taken. The Cuban missile
crisis was one such time, for it threatened
the very existence of the American nation.
No such threat exists in South Vietnam.
The fact that the Vietcong are Communists
does not make the war any less a civil war.
Talk that we are fighting to keep a foothold
on the Asian mainland makes no more sense
than the Soviet gibberish that it was install-
ing defensive missiles in Cuba. It is equally
indefensible.
American Interests in the Western Pacific
can be handsomely garrisoned from Okinawa,
the Philippines and South Korea. There is
no more military rationale for risking war
over South Vietnam than there is moral or
legal justification.
President Johnson needs to remind him-
self of Clemenceau's dictum that war is too
important a concern to be left in the hands
of generals, and he needs to find the courage
and statecraft to extricate us from the
shameful mess we are in in southeast Asia.
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent that there be in-
serted in the RECORD at this point a
column entitled "Bipartisan Mistakes in
Vietnam, written by Drew Pearson and
published in the Washington Post,
Friday, December 4, 1964.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
THE WASHINGTON MERRY-Go-ROUND--BI-
PARTISAN MISTAKES IN VIETNAM
(By Drew Pearson)
When you read over the file on'Vietnam and
`French Indochina, you get no tingle of Amer-
ican pride.
For after 18 years of Western civilian and
military aid-8 under the French and 10
under the United States and after $7 billion
of American money plus the services of
thousaxids of Western advisers, South Viet-
nam_ is worse off than at the end of World
War II,
Furthermore, if a vote were held in South
Vietnam today, the majority of Its people
would probably vote to have the United
States, with all Its aid, all its advisers, and
all its troops, go home.
These 'are, the facts, unpleasant as they
maybe.
The mistakes are bipartisan. 'Both the Re-
publican and the Democratic administrations
made them, ' $oth sides made grandiose
promises, both waved the flag of unfulfifled
,achievement.
John Foster -Dulles on October 6, 1953,
stated that a stronger French position in
No. 3-17
Indochina was his "brighest achievement for
the year."
But 1 year later, France had tossed In the
sponge. It was out of Indochina altogether.
Seven years later, April 20, 1961, John F.
Kennedy told the American people: "We dare
not fall to see the insidious nature of the
new and deeper struggle. We dare not fail to
grasp the new concepts, the new tools, the
new sense of urgency that we will need to
combat it In Cuba or South Vietnam,"
And 10 years later, January 1964, Presi-
dent Johnson was making the same prom-
ises: "We shall maintain in Vietnam Ameri-
can personnel and materiel needed to assist
you in achieving victory"
RECORD OF THE COST
One month later, Secretary of Defense
McNamara made the most sensible state-
ment of the entire 18-year period of flag
waving. "I don't believe," he said, after
returning from Vietnam, "that we as a na-
tion should assume the primary responsi-
bility for the war in Vietnam. It is a war
that can only be won by the Vietnamese
themselves."
Meanwhile the American people have-been
getting only fragmentary information re-
garding the burden, the bungling in Viet-
nam. The record shows, for instance, that
in 1953 the United States paid $300 million
for training Vietnamese troops under the
French. And General de Gaulle, believe it
or not, protested.
It shows that between 1950 and 1952, the
United States footed one-third of the French
war bill in Indochina, sending 228 warplanes,
235 naval vessels, 775 combat vehicles, and
1,300 trucks. In 1953, furthermore, the
United States spent $100 million building
airstrips for the French. One year later,
the French got out.
Added together we spent about as much
on the French in Indochina as we spent
to rebuild metropolitan France under the
Marshall plan.
There was one cautioning voice at the
time, that of Senator MIKE MANSFIELD, of
Montana, later to become Senate majority
leader. "We should end all but humani-
tarian aid to South Vietnam," he said in
1955. He later claimed, after a Senate in-
vestigation, that President Eisenhower had
censored and kept secret a report on the
evaluation of U.S. aid.
Aid continued at around $200 to $300
million a year under Mr. Eisenhower, then
was- stepped up under Mr. Kennedy. As a
Senator, J.F.K. had been one of John Foster
Dulles' faithful supporters.
On October 26, 1961, he exchanged let-
ters with President Diem regarding military
assistance, following up the exchange on
November 9, with 200 Air Force instructors,
plus heavy amounts of Air Force equipment.
EVENTS IN 1962
By February 8, 1962, a total of 5,000 U.S.
military men was in South Vietnam, ac-
tively engaged in battle. On June 25, 1962,
the International Control Commission
charged South Vietnam with violating the
1954 Geneva agreement by accepting U.S.
military men and making a factual military
alliance with the United States.
Meanwhile Presidents Kennedy and Diem
had exchanged further correspondence
charging the Communists of North Viet-
nam with unceasing violation of the Geneva
treaty.
Since the assassination of President Diem
there has been no political stability what-
soever. Premiers and military dictators
have come and gone, some picked by the
United States, none able to remain in power
more than 5 minutes without the United
States.
All of this is_ why silent sentiment has
increased among the men who have to do
251
the fighting to turn over the entire Viet-
nam problem to the United Nations.
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent that there be insert-
ed in the RECORD an editorial published
in the Washington Post ofpecember 22,
1964, entitled "Empty Sack?" It refers
to an analysis of the situation in South
Vietnam by the editorial writer of the
Washington Post.
There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
EMPTY SACK?
Unless a stable, continuing government
can be established in South Vietnam, the
U.B. Government, whatever its preferences
and wishes, may be compelled to withdraw its
aid and support. The sixth uprising in 14
months almost eliminates the assumption
that there is a South Vietnam Government
competent to extend a request for aid and
capable of utilizing whatever aid is extended.
The rebelling generals have made it quite
clear that some of the young leadership of
the armed forces is interested first in promo-
tion and pay, thereafter in personal and
family prerogatives, then in the distribution
of American aid and only then,, if there are
any intellectual or emotional resources left
over, in fighting the Vietcong.
The United States has frequently expressed
and has continuously demonstrated its will-
ingness to help defend the freedom and inde-
pendence of small countries who do not have
the economic or military resources to defend
themselves against Chinese Communist ag-
gression. That willingness persists, but it
cannot be effective in a country which is not
willing or able to use its resources in its own
behalf. The indispensable ingredient of an
endurable situation in South Vietnam is a
stable civilian government backed by a mili-
tary force appropriately subordinate to civil-
ian authority. No amount of American aid
can make up for the lack of this ingredient.
Unless it is present, no foreign power can
save Vietnam. Efforts to do so will con-
stitute an attempt to prop up an empty sack.
It does not much matter what we would
like to do in South Vietnam. What we would
like to do is governed by what we can do and
what we cannot do. And It is becoming in-
creasingly clear that, without an effective
government, backed by a loyal military and
some kind of a national consensus in support
of independence, we cannot do anything for
South Vietnam.
When we decide that the hope of putting
together these elements of success can no
longer be entertained, the United States must
have the courage to confess the unattain-
ability of its ends and courageously aban-
don them. The economic aid and military
power of the United States are going to be
needed by countries that have the restraint,
national discipline, and military purpose to
use them effectively. They must not be
wasted in a futile attempt to save those who
do not wish to be saved.
If the warring factions in South Vietnam
extinguish the last spark of hope and con-
fidence, we will need to make it clear that
they and not we have made the decision to
give up the fight. This country will depart
with a heavy heart;'for the subjection of the
unfortunate people of South Vietnam seems
inevitable. Our national honor and interest,
alike compelled us to help themselves; but
neither honor nor interest requires us to
continue that help a moment beyond the
instant when it is clear that all help will be
unavailing. We are very close to that
decision.
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent that there be in-
serted in the RECORD an editorial entitled,
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD SENATE January 6
"Time for Decision," published in the
Oregonian, of my State, for Tuesday,
December 22, 1964.
I hope that my inserting the editorial
from the Oregonian will not cause the
editorial writer of that newspaper too
great a shock. I believe I have dem-
onstrated over the years that whenever
I find that in my opinion the Oregonian
is right about something, which is sel-
dom, I always give due credit for such
writing.
Therefore, I ask unanimous consent
that there may be printed in the RECORD
at this point this editorial, which is criti-
cal of our policy in South Vietnam.
There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
TIME FOR DECISION
The latest military coup In South Vietnam,
the sixth change In governmental power in
14 months, comes near the end of the wet
season and in a period of increasing Com-
munist military attacks. Obviously, the role
of the 22,000 U.S. military men assigned to
help the South Vietnamese defend their
country from the Vietcong is made more diffi-
cult..
None of these military and civilian up-
heavals at the top levels of government, in-
cluding the ouster and murder of President
Ngo Dinh Diem and his ruthless brother,
Ngo Dinh Nhu, has touched the main prob-
lem. That problem is the inability of the
government to compete with the Vietcong
agitators in winning the support of the Viet-
namese farmers and villagers outside Saigon.
The "young generals" who arrested 9
remaining members of the civilian High Na-
tional Council and about 20 other generals
and politicians left the new premier, Tran
Van Huong, Chief of State Phan Khac Suu
and Lt. Gen. Nguyen Khanh, chief of the
armed forces, in their offices. But it is ap-
parent these will take orders, for the time
being, at least, from the "Young Turks." A
new civilian government is promised. But
this. too, is window dressing.
Some politicians under Buddhist attack
were among those arrested. But so were
some Buddhist leaders. The Buddhists
called off weekend demonstrations while ap-
praising the new situation. But nothing in
the change in military authority promises
satisfaction to the Buddhist politicians. In-
deed, nothing is likely to satisfy them except
all-out Buddhist authority, possibly accom-
panied by a blood bath of Catholics.
The proclaimed goal of the "young gen-
erals" is to mediate religious and political
differences, to achieve national unity and
to "annihilate the Communists." The junta
has power. Its leader is Brig. Gen. Nguyen
Chanh Thi, commander of the 1st Army
Corps, and it includes Air Force Commander
Brig. Gen. Nguyen Cao Ky, Marine Corps
Commander Brig. Gen. Le Nguyen Khang
and 4th Army Corps Commander Brig. Gen.
Nguyen Van Thieu. But these are only un-
familiar names to the Vietnamese people
who help or join the Vietcong, either be-
cause they want to or are afraid. not to. They
have no popular following among people so
drained by years of war that they want peace
above all and care nothing about the ideo-
logical beliefs of their rulers.
It is absurd for the U.S. diplomats
to hint that aid will be cut off from the
South Vietnamese Government because
some generals have usurped the power earlier
usurped by other generals. The Johnson
administration cannot any longer postpone
a decision. If it has no plan which has a
hope of defeating the Vietcong, and only
intends to hang on, 1t must continue to aid
whatever batch of generals or politicians is
on top at the moment. The alternatives are
to strengthen American forces and do more
of the fighting for the South Vietnamese,
or to get out. It is President Johnson's
move.
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent to insert in the CON-
GRESSIONAL RECORD an editorial published
in the St. Louis Post Dispatch of Decem-
ber 27, 1964, entitled "What Kind of Re-
gime?" It is a very keen analysis of the
corrupt regime that prevails in South
Vietnam.
There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
WHAT KIND OF REGIME?
A news dispatch from the Far East the
other day raised the question of whether the
United States is justified in insisting on a
civilian government in South Vietnam in
view of the fact that Asians generally are
not politically mature enough to fulfill all
the demands of democracy.
It was pointed out that parliamentary de-
mocracy works in India, Japan, the Philip-
pines, Malaysia, and Ceylon, all of which,
excepting Japan, had long experience with
Western teaching. Japan developed inde-
pendently. But of the others, mainland
China, North Korea and North Vietnam are
.Communist controlled, and there are mili-
tary regimes in South Korea, Thailand,
Burma, and Pakistan. Formosa, Indonesia,
Laos, and Cambodia have outward demo-
cratic forms, but are authoritarian.
It is certainly true that self-rule is an ad-
vanced concept, outside the frame of refer-
ence of many Asians. Democracy is expen-
sive, and it connotes an informed and politi-
cally alert population. But the fact that it is
difficult of attainment is no reason why it
should not be urged universally by the United
States. The United States may often have
to settle for less, but it should not be in the
business of advocating less.
The United States is right in demanding a
civilian regime, in Saigon as a condition of
support. The reason is that the civilian gov-
ernment, which was cut to pieces a week ago
by a group of young military officers, was
reasonably representative of the population
and was struggling to solidify itself. The
United States must be interested in the wel-
fare of the people of a country, rather than
their rulers. We have too often made the
mistake of supporting dictatorships, military
and otherwise.
The excuse is made that Saigon is engaged
in a guerrilla war, and needs military direc-
tion. But military interests were adequately
represented in the duly constituted govern-
ment of Premier Tran Van Huong. The over-
all policy direction of the civil war, as well as
the negotiations for the eventual peace,
should be in the hands of civilians.
There is also a practical reason why the
United States should not support the mili-
tary clique that seems to be dominant in
Saigon at the moment. Its leadership is
likely to be transitory, and there is no evi-
dence that the military can do better than
the civilians. The dictatorial Diem regime
was overthrown 2 years ago by the mili-
tary. The soldiers failed to establish a viable
government. There have been six upheavals
in the last 14 months. One of the regimes
that went under was headed by Lt. Gen.
Nguyen Khanh, who was highly regarded by
the United States: He is still chief of the
armed forces, but he failed to attract popular
support as Premier
So those who advocate a military regime
for Saigon ask for what has already proved
a failure, and more than once. And they ask
the United States to desert principles for
expediency. We cannot and should not dic-
tate the form of another country's govern-
ment, but we can and should encourage
governments that are responsive to the will
of the people.
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent that there be in-
serted in the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD an
article from the New York Journal-
American of December 29, 1964, entitled
"We've Had It."
It covers not only the views of the
editor on the South Vietnam subject, but
also his views on our shameful policies in
giving further support to Nasser in
Egypt, as well as the views of the editor
in regard to the assessment crisis in the
United Nations.
There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
WE'VE HAD IT
Because we've been a Nation of even tem-
per, controlled strength and persistent peace-
ful purpose, we've endured for years a vicious
kicking around. Our patience and generosity
have misled certain high-handed and low-
minded adversaries into the blunder of re-
garding us a namby-pamby, wishy-washy,
faltering paper tiger.
There are indications in Washington at
long, long last we're near the turning point.
It's time to get tough. Being tough doesn't
mean being rough. It means that enough is
enough. We're fed up. We've had it.
Frustrated by our insistence on a civilian
government if our cooperation is to continue,
General Khanh who yearns to be South Viet-
nam's military overlord with his army in full
charge, suggests the Yankee pack up and go
home. Leaving Vietnam may not be a bad
idea. But not to go home, which would be
to abandon southeast Asia.
We are not there to take care of South
Vietnam but to stop communism.
We can move over a bit to friendly stable
Thailand and its fine American-trained Air
Force, fine airfields and deep-rooted concern
over possible Communist aggression. Thai-
land is a nation of proud independence.
Thailand would be a convenient replacement
for our South Vietnam futility. We could
even continue providing Saigon with some
arms, fuel and economic aid and let Khanh
and his stripe squirm in their barrel of
worms.
We have squandered millions on aid to
Egypt and Algeria.
These ingrates lead the malicious chorus
of vituperation over our part in rescuing
hundreds of beleaguered people from the
murderous savagery of the Congolese rebels.
Our Embassy library in Cairo is burned.
President Nasser rejects our protest against
the wanton killing of two civilians in an un-
armed commercial American plane. He brags
of sending arms to the Congo rebels, and
when we object in the U.N. he accuses us of
"interfering" with Egypt's foreign and do-
mestic policies.
OK--let us cease interfering completely.
A few years ago we saved this crummy
dictator's neck by Interfering-on his side-
when our good and old friends, Great Britain
and France, decided to take over the Suez
Canal.
We badly ruffled our allies' feelings, but
did we get any credit or thanks from or make
a friend of Nasser? No, indeed.
As a matter of fact were it not for the
stubbornness of John Foster Dulles, we would
have sunk heaven knows how many of the
American taxpayers' dollars into the Aswan
Dam. Dulles in effect said "not for or by
a dam site."
So let's leave Nasser alone, as he demands.
We can, and should out off economic aid
to him.
Let Nasser turn to the Congolese rebels
for his food supply.
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And the same goes for. Algeria and other
nations whose dictators play the same game.
Russia owes the United Nations $52.6 mil-
lions toward the cost of the Congo and Mid-
dle East peacekeeping operations.
She has owed it more than 2 years.
Moscow has refused to pay. A compro-
mise, face-saving for Russia, has been pro-
posed, involving a special fund to which
Russia could contribute. We are willing, to
go along with the arrangement, which Rus-
sia continues to spurn.
Article 19 of the U.N. Charter says a mem-
ber more than 2 years delinquent in pay-
ments is to be deprived of its Assembly vote.
We didn't write the book. But we subscribed
to it, Russia subscribed to It. It's time to cut out the dillydallying and
go by the book. No rubles, no representa-
tion. In plain English, put up or shut up.
And if the U.N. Assembly does 'not stand
by this, then, of course, should we continue
to pay our share?
The Hearst newspapers long have advo-
cated a harder line in our foreign policy.
It's time to.take an unyielding stand'toward
our adversaries and our make-believe friends.
Its the American way to be enduring, to
suffer even continuing frustrations in our
hope of eventual restoration of reason oyer
madness. But the limit has been reached.
-Its time now to be tough. Its time for a
new broom to sweep clean. Let that be our
resol-ution for ther new year.
THE FLOOD DISASTERS IN THE
PACIFIC NORTHWEST
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I wish to
-call the attention of the Senate to,the
great calamity which has struck the west
coast.
Tomorrow, the Members of the Oregon
congressional delegation in both Houses
will introduce in each House the first of
what may probably be a series, of bills
..seeking to use, the services of the Federal
Government and the appropriations of
the Federal Government to alleviate, to
the extent that it is possible under the
law, the great human suffering and
heavy losses that the people of the west
coast have suffered in the recent past.
The hour is late, and I shall be discuss-
Ing this subject matter at other times in
the Senate-as we take up necessary legis-
lation. But there are a few points I wish
to make hurriedly.
First, let me express my thanks and
my commendation to the Governor of
the State of Oregon-Mark O. Hatfield-
for the diligence and dedicated public
servccg he has, rendered to the people of
my State during these days of travail
In Oregon.
Under existing law, as Senators know,
the first responsibility when a disaster
strikes a State rests upon the shoulders
of the Governor, to determine the extent
of the disaster and to determine'whether
it is of such proportions that it meets the
criteria necessary to declare an area a
disaster area, and then to issue a,procla-
mation to that effect and notify the
Federal Government.
Immediately upon the breaking of this
terrible and horrible tragedy upon the
people of not only my State but also
parts 'Of the States of Washington, Cali-
fornia, and Idaho, the Governor of Ore-
gon reached me by telephone and de-
scribed the situation and stated that he
.would remain in frequent contact with
me in my position as head of the Oregon which had been built in that area of the
delegation, and would keep me advised Willamette River were sufficient to hold
and the other Members of the delega- back the water so that the Willamette
tion-through me-advised, as to the River did not overflow its banks to the
tragedy and its extent. degree it overflowed them farther down.
He did that. I, of course, in turn, on The capital city of my State, Salem,
behalf of myself and members of the and the surrounding area, suffered great
Oregon delegation, pledged to the Gover- losses. The last report I had was that
nor that we would do everything we could 27 major bridges had been washed out.
to be of maximum assistance to him and For days, every major highway in the
to the people of my State. State was closed. Road damage rose to
The Governor declared the State a unbelievable proportions. A good many
disaster area under the requirement of of our lumber mills-the main source of
the law, and transmitted the proclama- employment in my State-are located on
tion to Washington. We assisted in or near river banks and a good many of
having it processed in less than 2 hours, those mills were washed out. Access
because the Federal officials had already roads to commercial timber stands were
been aware of the situation in Oregon also destroyed.
and had sent Federal officials into the I shall insert in the RECORD and dis-
State and knew whereof the Governor cuss in the days to come the evidence
spoke. which is being supplied -me daily, as to
The declaration was approved at the what this flood has done to the economic
administrative level and then rushed by life of my State from the standpoint of
plane to Johnson City for the considers- employment alone, due to the damage
tion of the President of the United that the lumber industry has suffered.
States. It was only a matter of formal- Thus, I could go on and point out the
ity, for the President had already fully great damage to houses-houses washed
informed himself in regard to the crisis away, houses ruined, livestock losses
and had signed the Federal order im- which were tremendous; but the country
mediately. Since that signing, the area knows and the Senate knows whereof I
has been a disaster area, including also speak.
parts of Washington, California, and The Oregon delegation, along with the
Idaho. Washington, California, and Idaho dele-
This afternoon, I have not recited the gations, are all deeply concerned over
extent of the losses, the damage and the the great losses which were sustained
suffering, except to say that this tragedy from this terrible tragedy.
has been unequalled in the history of my
State. Oregon has had nothing like it
in all its history. That is because of a
combination of natural circumstances-
often described as resulting in "acts of
God" which produced this terrible flood-
that we had a long, hard freeze, which
is not common in our State. Many
Senators know that the Willamette Val-
ley, where the greatest loss occurred-
although it spread, too, into many other
parts of the State-is an area that sel-
dom gets snow in the winter. The
ground is seldom frozen. The pastures
are used the year around. We have
heavy rains, but the freeze that oc-
curred-and it was a hard freeze-made
the ground so hard that the water could
not be absorbed into the ground and it
just flowed off. It was followed by a very
heavy snow in the mountains.
Then; more bad luck was added by
what we call a Chinook rain or thaw im-
mediately following. A Chinook rain
or thaw-an old Indian term-is a very
sudden rise in temperature bringing
warm rain which melts the snow at a
rapid rate and develops flood.
The waters of part of the Willamette
Valley at times were 12 feet above flood
crest. Later, I shall discuss the great
benefits that the people of our State en-
joyed in these days of tragedy as the re-
sult of existing public works develop-
ments in the form of dams built by . the
Army Engineers, and dams and recla-
mation projects built by the Bureau of
Reclamation.
My hometown of Eugene was very for-
tunate. Some loss occurred there, of
course. But compared with other parts
of my State, the loss in Eugene was de
minimus. That was because the dams
Tonight, we are all greatly concerned
because the reports that we have been
receiving during the day indicate an-
other flood stage is developing. There is
great concern that there may be an ad-
ditional major tragedy, although the
last report I had from Salem gave some
hope that the waters might start re-
-ceding in a matter of hours.
I know that the committees of the
Congress are going to be anxious and
willing to be of assistance; yet, as the
senior Senator from my State and speak-
ing in behalf of my junior colleague and
also in behalf of my colleagues on the
House side, both Democrats and Republi-
cans, I can say tonight that speed and
time are of the essence in this matter.
The matter of emergency assistance
which is being obtained under the emer-
gency program is going forward at a
rapid rate. I have, not the slightest crit-
icism about the highest of praise for the
response of the Federal Government.
)One could not have received more
sympathetic and helpful cooperation
from the President of the United States
than the Oregon delegation has received
in regard to this Pacific coast disaster.
But the Congress has an obligation-and
I know it will assume it-of proceeding
with dispatch in passing whatever im-
plementing legislation is necessary to
make available Federal assistance to the
people of my State and the other States
involved. In a good many instances we
shall have to make low-interest rate
loans available to. help rehabilitate the
economy, to get men back to work, and
to try to restore the economic dam-
age that the State has suffered, and we
will have to . appropriate these funds
promptly.
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254 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SE d-
As I indicated heretofore, the Decem- to reduce the impact of the floods and Frederick Lewis Deming, of Minnesota, to
ber flood in the State of Oregon was one storms on the lives and businesses of Oregon be Under Secretary of the Treasury for Mone-
of the most devastating floods in its re- citizens. tary Affairs, vice Robert V. Roosa, resigned.
Delegation members are also working with VETERANS' ADMINISTRATION
corded history. The damage inflicted the Federal agencies to determine what ad- W. J. Driver, of Virginia, to be Administra-
upon private and public property totaled ditional congressional authorization might tor of Veterans' Affairs, to which office he
hundreds of millions of dollars, and be needed to speed and make more effective was appointed during the last recess of the
many lives were lost in the floodwaters. such agency programs in the flood-swept Senate,
There were more than 20 lives lost In my areas of the State. The members pledged COUNCIL OF ECONOMIC ADVISERS
State. The total loss of life in the whole that everything is being done and will be
area may reach 40. done to get all the Federal assistance pos- Arthur M. Okun, of Connecticut, to be a
Mr. President, Federal and State offs- sible for Oregon's flood areas. member of the Council of Economic Advisers,
to which office he was appointed during the
cials responded promptly with help in Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, the sever- last recess of the Senate.
the flood-ravaged areas, and they are to ity of the damage in Oregon warrants NATIONAL COMMISSION ON TECHNOLOGY, AU-
be commended for the remarkably fine immediate study, not only by Federal TOMATION, AND ECONOMIC PROGRESS
job they did under difficult and trying agencies, but also by the Congress. The following-named persons to be mem-
circumstances. Therefore, I cannot urge too strongly bers of the National Commission on Tech-
I repeat that I do not see how anyone that an appropriate committee of the nology, Automation, and Economic Progress,
could have done more in carrying out Senate send committee and staff mem- to which office they were appointed during
the duties of his office than the Governor bers to the west coast to study the needs the last recess of the Senate:
of our State did. He and I agreed that I and make recommendations to the Con- Benjamin Aaron, of California.
could be of the greatest assistance if I Joseph A. Beirne, of Maryland.
gress concerning funds and -additional Daniel Bell, of New York.
stayed on the Washington, D.C., end of legislative authorizations that will be re- Howard R. Bowen, of Iowa.
the telephone line. I sent to Oregon my quired for reducing to some extent, the Patrick E. Haggerty, of Texas.
administrative assistant, Mr. Berg, and impact of this disaster in Oregon and Albert J. Hayes, of Maryland.
made available to the Government my a number of other Western States. Anna Rosenberg Hoffman, of New York.
executive assistant in Oregon, Mr. Mr. President, the entire Oregon con- Edwin H. Land, of Massachusetts.
Charles Brooks. gressional delegation is working on legis- Walter P. Reuther, of Michigan.
I also made available to the Governor lation designed to help-our State in con- Robert H. Ryan, of Pennsylvania.
John Snyder,
very close associate of mine in public nection with this great disaster. When Robert t , of New York.
M. Solow, of Massachusetts.
life in Oregon, Mr. Ed Spencer, the post- this legislation is introduced, it is our Philip Sporn, of New York,
master of the post office at Salem and earnest hope that it will have prompt Whitney M. Young, Jr., of New York.
the former State chairman of the Demo- action in committee and in the Senate. DIPLOMATIC AND FOREIGN SERVICE
cratic Party. Governor Hatfield, Travis The needs are great, and we are sure the The following-named persons, who were
Cross, an assistant to the Governor, Congress will respond. appointed, during the last recess of the Sen-
Warne Nunn, also an assistant, and the ate, to the offices indicated:
Governor's other associates extended Ben H. Brown, Jr., of South Carolina, a
every possible cooperation to my assist- ADJOURNMENT Foreign Service officer of class one, to be
ants as they worked together in connec- Mr. CURTIS. Mr. President, I move Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipoten-
tion with the governmental problems that the Senate adjourn, under the or- tiary of the United States of America to
that were involved in the tragedy. Liberia.
der previously entered, until 12 o'clock William A. Crawford, of the District of Co-
Much remains to be done before we noon tomorrow. lumbia, a Foreign Service officer of class one,
can say that we have done everything The motion was agreed to; and (at to be Ambassador Extraordinary and Pleni-
humanly possible to help those who were 5 o'clock and 12 minutes p.m.) the Sen- potentiary of the United States of America to
the hardest hit by the flood. My col- ate adjourned, under the order previously Rumania.
league [Mrs. NEUBERGER] and I and the entered, until tomorrow, Thursday, Jan- The following-named persons, who were
entire Oregon delegation in the House uary 7, 1965, at 12 o'clock meridian. ate, during the last recess of the Sen-
sively , to the offices indicated:
of Representatives are working inten-
Ralph A. Dungan, of Pennsylvania, to be
to ascertain the extent of addi- Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipoten-
tional funds required by Federal agen- NOMINATIONS tiary of the United States of America to
cies to continue their programs to reduce Executive nominations received by the Chile.
the impact of the flood on Oregon's citi- Senate January 6, 1965: William H. Sullivan, of Rhode Island, a
zens and the public facilities of the State. Foreign Service officer of class one, to be
Today we issued a press release ex- THE JUDICIARY Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipoten-
plaining the nature of our work in that Manuel L. Real, of California, to be U.S. tiary of the United States of America to the
attorney for the southern district of Cali- Kingdom of Laos.
respect. I ask unanimous consent that forma for the term of 4 years. He was ap- The following-named persons, who were
the text of the release be printed at this pointed during the recess of the Senate. appointed during the last recess of the Sen-
point in my remarks. DEPARTMENT OF INTERIOR ate, to the offices indicated:
There being no objection, the release John A. Carver, Jr., of Idaho, to be Under Now Foreign Service officers of class two
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, Secretary of the Interior, to which position and secretaries in the diplomatic service, to
as follows: he was appointed during the last recess be also consuls general of the United States
Members of the Oregon delegation in the of the Senate. of America:
Congress are surveying the entire range of DEPARTMENT OF COMMERCE Antonio Certosimo, of Arizona.
Philip
Federal assistance programs available to H. Chadbourn, Jr., of California.
John T. Connor, of New Jersey; to be See- William B. Connett, Jr., of New Jersey.
the flood.stricken areas of Oregon to deter- retary of Commerce. Livingston D. Watrous, of Massachusetts.
mine the amount of additional funds Gov-
ernment agencies will require to meet the FEDERAL TRADE COMMISSION Now Foreign Service officers of class three
staggering needs. Mary Gardiner Jones, of New York, to be and secretaries in the diplomatic service, to
In a joint statement today, Senators a Federal Trade Commissioner for the unex- be also consuls general of the United States
WAYNE MORSE and MAURINE NEUBERGER, Rep- pired term of 7 years from September 26, of America:
resentatives EDITH GREEN, AL ULLMAN and 1989, to which office she was appointed dur- Frank C. Carlucci, of Pennsylvania.
ROBERT DUNCAN reported that conferences ing the last recess of the Senate. Charles Gilbert, of Florida.
are being scheduled with the Bureau of the DEPARTMENT OF INTERNAL REVENUE John L. Hagan, of the District of Columbia.
Budget and the President's Office of Emer- For appointment as Foreign Service officers
Bence Planning. Sheldon S. Cohen, of Maryland, to be Com- of class three, consuls, and secretaries in tb.?
Detailed and "expanded contacts are be- missioner of Internal Revenue, vice Mortimer diplomatic service of the United States of
ing made with all Federal agencies that M. Caplin, resigned. America:
could be of any assistance in extending aid TREASURY DEPARTMENT John P. Condon, of Oklahoma.
to flood areas, including the Department of Mitchell Rogovin, of Virginia, to be an Herbert G. Ihrig, Jr., of Washington.
Interior, Department of Agriculture, Army Assistant General Counsel in the Depart- For appointment as Foreign Service of-
Corps of Engineers, Small Business Admin- ment of the Treasury (Chief Counsel for the ficers of class 7, vice consuls of career, and
istration, Housing and Home Finance Agency, Internal Revenue Service), vice Sheldon S. secretaries in the diplomatic Service of the
and others whose programs could. be used Cohen. U ';ted States of America:
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX
the passing 22 years ago of one of Amer-
ica's greatest scientists, most unusual
teachers, and most unselfish contributors
to the welfare of our people. It is with
pride in an eminent fellow American and
with gratefulness for his inspiring exam-
ple that I rise to pay him tribute.
By the time of his death George Wash-
ington Carver, the son of Negro slaves,
had gained international renown for his
work in the field of. agricultural research.
He was unexcelled as an agricultural
chemist, and he, probably more than any
other single human being, had enabled
the South to lift itself from despair and
poverty by overcoming the destructive
tyranny of a one-crop policy.
Born in Missouri about 1864, he was
kidnaped as a baby anu redeemed by a
master in exchange for a $300 racehorse.
By the age of 10 his master, recognizing
the boy's intelligence, permitted him to
leave in search of schooling and the youth
set out penniless to acquire an education.
He worked his way through grade
school in four nearby towns, through
high school in Minneapolis, Kans., and
for 3 years attended Simpson Col-
lege in Iowa. Then, at the age of 32, in
1896, his years of struggle and patience
won him a master of science degree from
Iowa State College at Ames.
It is to the great credit of these schools
that they did not make race or color the
basis for entrance, for in extending edu-
cation to young Carver they helped to
mold one of America's most remarkable
figures.
Dr. Carver was a modest man. I sug-
gest that he would want us to use his life
as an example of what this world might
be like if there were equality of educa-
tion for all citizens.
He became more than a good agricul-
tural chemist. He became a superlative
botanist, a teacher of great stature, an
extraordinary inventor, a profound sci-
entist, an unexcelled pioneer in the ap-
plication of chemistry to industry, and an
unselfish, devoted humanitarian. When
he said these words, he genuinely and
humbly felt them:
There is goodness in everything * * ?, I
am only a trailblazer for those who come
after me.
This trail that Dr. Carver was to blaze
led him first to become director of the de-
partment of agricultural research for the
Tuskegee Institute at the request of
Booker T. Washington. It was here in
a poorly equipped laboratory that he be-
gan the astonishing series of creative ex-
periments that brought him fame.
Recognizing the soil-exhausting ef-
fects of cotton, Dr. Carver began preach-
ing crop rotation to the deprl'ssed Ala-
bama farmers. In his soft, shy manner,
he urged them to alternate with soil-en-
riching crops such as peanuts and sweet-
potatoes. As the South slowly heeded
his advice, he worked endlessly in search
of new uses for the products that were
soon to become surplus foodstuffs.
In his laboratory he developed some
300 synethic products from peanuts, in-
cluding milk, butter, cheese, coffee, flour,
breakfast food, ink, dyes, soap, wood
stains, and insulating board. His efforts
lifted the peanut industry from a lowly
state to a multimillion dollar yearly busi-
ness.
From the sweetpotato he developed
118 products, such as tapioca, starch,
vinegar, molasses, library paste, and rub-
ber. He used pecan nuts, soybeans, cot-
ton, cowpeas, and wild plums to produce
valuable new products. He made syn-
thetic marble from wood shavings; dye
pigments from Alabama clays; mats and
carpets from okra fiber, and fertilizers
from the muck of swamps.
His output was phenomenal and he
might easily have become a millionaire.
But Dr. Carver steadfastly refused to ex-
ploit his discoveries, gifts he felt to be
from God. His discoveries became the
world's property, and to him, as to all
great teachers, the reward lay in the
thrill of expanding man's horizon. He
put it very simply:
Whatever helps the southern farmer helps
the entire South. And what helps the
South helps everybody.
Dr. Carver's was a natural humility.
He considered his abundant talents to be
a sacred trust. The harshness of his
early life did not embitter him nor did
the honors of his later life make him ar-
rogant or proud.
In 1953, his birthplace in Missouri be-
came a national monument. A bronze
bust immortalizes the man who, born a
slave, became a scientist, a pioneer, and a
benefactor of his country. It is proper
that we remember him, and we do so in
gratitude.
Short Sight in Washington: Men of Vision
Created Imperial
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. BOB WILSON
OF CALIFORNIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, January 6, 1965
Mr. BOB WILSON. Mr. Speaker, as a
native of the great Imperial Valley of
California, I have always followed with
interest its tremendous progress as one
of the most important agricultural re-
gions of the country. For this reason, I
include in the Appendix the following
editorial:
[From the San Diego Union, Jan. 2, 1965]
SHORT SIGHT IN WASHINGTON: MEN OF VISION
CREATED IMPERIAL
It took big men with courage, vision, and
fortitude to make an agricultural mecca out
of the United States last frontier in Im-
perial Valley.
They came to the valley when it was
bone dry. They suffered privation, hard-
ship and want in a vast, sprawling desert re-
gion hostile to man. With their imagina-
tion, initiative, and calloused hands they
conquered the region and made I. a show-
case for farming.
Now men of Washington would undo all
of this with strokes of a bureaucratic pen.
Meddling bureaucrats told Imperial Val-
ley farmers and ranchers they cannot have
water unless individuals own only 160 irri-
gated acres each.
In Imperial Valley, water is life itself. The
sudden Department of Interior dictum on
land ownership overlooks water rights dat-
A47
ing back to first settlement of the valley, a
superior court decision, and a ruling of then
Interior Secretary Ray L. Wilbur in 1933.
The decisions held that the 1902 Reclama-
tion Act did not only apply to lands with
water rights already under cultivation, such
as those in Imperial Valley. To have held
otherwise would have been an ex post facto
decision.
A solid foundation and the 1902 decisions
gave Imperial Valley the impetus to prosper
and make full use of the All American Canal
for irrigation. For 31 years no official voice
was raised in protest.
Now the 'Secretary of Interior has ruled
that the 160-acre limitation must apply,
whether or not the area is large enough to
form an economic farming unit.
It must be assumed that regardless of
who owns how much land the total water
use in the 430,000-acre irrigation district Is
the same. What then are the underlying
motives of the Secretary of Interior to make
his move at the present time?
Isn't It strange that the Department of
Interior deciision on Imperial Valley came
at a crucial time in California's negotiations
to keep its rightful share of 4.4 million acre-
feet of water annually in perpetuity from
the Colorado River?
California claims this right is inherent in
any discussion of a Pacific Southwest re-
gional water plan, which is a significant fact.
Secretary of the Interior Udall only wants the
right to exist 25 years.
This is the second body blow the Federal
Government has dealt Imperial Valley farm-
ers this year. The first was a decision not to
renew the bracero migrant labor program
which is so important in harvesting valley
crops. These are strange acts from a govern-
ment which says it is trying to help agricul-
ture.
Mr. Udall's decision for Imperial Valley is
blatantly political leverage and an insult to
all Californians. The full force of official,
legal, and public opinion must be brought to
bear to make him back down.
Wheat and Our Hopes
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. GARNER E. SHRIVER
OF KANSAS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, January 6, 1965
Mr. SHRIVER. Mr. Speaker, within
the past few days the head of the United
Arab Republic in strong language de-
nounced the United States which has
provided food and economic assistance
to his country. This was another in a
series of incidents which point up the
urgent need for a complete reappraisal
and reevaluation of the United States
foreign aid program.
Under the leave to extend my remarks
in the RECORD, I - include the following
editorial from the Wichita, Kans.,
Eagle which appropriately places the
arrogance of Nassar in a proper light,
while at the same time focusing atten-
tion on a general misgiving of the Amer-
ican public regarding our whole policy
of foreign aid. The editorial follows:
WHEAT AND OUR HOPES
Only days ago Egypt's Nasser was telling
Washington to go to hell, or the Arabic
equivalent of that. Now the newspaper, Al
Abram, the organ of his regime, says Egypt
is "by no means a party to an inexorable
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX January 6
enmity either with the American people or
their Government."
Why the abrupt change? The only reason
anyone has thought of up to now is our de-
cision to ship $17-million worth of surplus
wheat to the hungry United Arab Republic.
This, said Al Abram, was "an initiative
worthy * * * of being pondered upon and
encouraged."
All of which probably doesn't mean much,
although American diplomats in Cairo are
reported to be "encouraged" bythe softening
of the official line toward the United States.
If the diplomats ara pleased, there is some
evidence that the American public, or much
of it, is not. A sampling of opinion in
Wichita showed opinion running heavily
against sending wheat to Nasser in - light of
his outburst. And there exists among many
of us a deeper misgiving about our whole
policy of foreign aid, which often seems to
benefit most the people who like us least.
The policy is based upon the conviction
that communism and disorder feed on hun-
ger and deprivation, and that if we can con-
tribute enough of our bounty to the world's
underdeveloped nations we can create an
economic stability and a sense of individual
well-being. that will diminish enmities and
bring more concord into international affairs.
It is an approach that is both hopeful and
humane, but It would be easier to support
it if there was more evidence that it is work-
ing. It has been in effect for 20 years, and
its proponents can say only that perhaps it
has helped to keep our differences from
flaming into war.
Everyone has conceded that it will require
a great deal of time and patience to establish
anything approaching world peace. It may
be that if a shipment of wheat will ease a
Nasser's anger for the moment that is the
Death Quiets Critic of Wierd Viet War
tape, iodine swabs banned by the Army
Surgeon General and tourniquets ordered
destroyed in 1951.
The latest story of obsolete weapons
appeared in the Thursday, December 24,
1984, edition of the Indianapolis Star.
It was a report from an Army captain
who had been killed in action on Decem-
ber 12, 1964. The captains' letters told
of obsolete weapons highly dangerous to
fire that could explode in a man's face.
It is a shocking report by a career
soldier with no ax to grind with the De-
fense Department.
Every Member of Congress will want
to read this Associated Press dispatch,
which, under unanimous consent, I pub-
lish in the REcoan in its entirety.
The story follows:
DEATH QUIETS CRITIC OF WEIRD VIET WAR-
YANK FOUGHT REDS, BUREAUCRACY
(By Charles Stafford)
BRADENTON, FLA.-Capt. John King's war
was "long periods of boredom interrupted
by short periods of intense hell."
His was wornout weapons, loneliness, an
enemy that melted away, waste, leaders who
he said sought advice but didn't heed it, a
superior who he said refused to forward his
critical report.
Capt. John King died December 12 in
South Vietnam, a bullet through his head.
He was a Bradenton man, the son of Mrs.
Thomas J. Brooks and John H. King. He en-
listed at 17, fought in Korea, rose from pri-
vate to captain in 15 years. He had a wife
and rive children in Sebring. Mrs. King Is
expecting a sixth child next month.
At 32, John King was a career soldier.
His war came to life in the letters that
arrived at the home of his mother and step-
father following his arrival in Saigon In late
September. It ended with a telegram.
October 3: "Indications are that we are
going to win here, but not overnight.
"It will take some time. If we lose this
country, which is the entry into southeast
Asia, there will be no telling what else will
go to the Reds."
October 10: "On your question of Christ-
mas, thereis nothing I can think of that I
need. I would appreciate your just adding
whatever you planned spending on me to the
children's Christmas.
"It certainly is lonesome here for some
reason. I guess it's because everybody is so
Intense and continually looking over their
shoulder."
October 28: "The area that I am in is way
down in the delta. Because of the size of our
force, we are fairly secure inside the
bounds of the Klen Long district. However,
we are completely surrounded for miles by
the Vietcong. So the only way into this
area and out is by helicopter * * *.
"We go in battalion-sized search and clear
operations daily. So far we have encountered
very few enemy as they keep moving away
from us. They will not fight unless every-
thing is in their favor."
caliber round of ammunition and drop it
through the muzzle end of the barrels of our
M-1 rifles and it will fall out the breech
end of the barrel with little or no resistance.
The same holds true for the carbines, Thomp-
son submachine guns, 30-caliber machine-
guns. Many parts essential to the function-
ing of our weapons are missing * * *. I
have written my superiors on two different
occasions explaining the condition of the
equipment that we must fight with and have
attempted to solicit help to rectify this, as
these weapons are highly dangerous to fire
and could easily explode in a man's face
* * * so far nothing has been done."
November 19: "There has been very little
go!n7 on here in the way of a war. * * *
They [the Vietcong] seem to have evaporated
from this area. That doesn't make me un-
happy mind you but our intelligence, such
as it is, keeps telling us that they're here,
but we haven't made a contact in better than
a week.
"I guess this is just like, or sim'Ylar to,
Korea in that we are plagued with long
periods of boredom interrupted by short
periods of intense hell * * *.
"The United States is wasting millions
of dollars a year having advisers here. These
people don't know-they don't know, and
are either too proud or too stupid to
admit it * * * they listen to our advice and
agree that we are right, and go right ahead
and execute operations that violate every
basic principle of tactics * * * the only way
this war will ever be won is the United States
to step in and say our advisers are going
to plan every tactical operation at every level
of command * * *.
"Please do not publish anything I've said
here, at least not now. Ha Ha."
November 26: "We arrived here in Viet
Hank after 4 days of traveling ' * * the
third day was by far the most hectic for us.
We covered 14 miles of jungle, rice paddys,
and canals completely dominated by Viet-
cong. Every trail and road was saturated
with mines, boobytraps, ane. sniper fire; * * *
during this move we had 1 man killed and
11 wounded, all due to mines and booby-
traps."
December 1: "I'm in what appears to be
hot water at the present time. I'm not
sure how serious it is, but I believe I have
the right people behind me * * * you see,
at the end of each month, I must prepare a
written statistical and command valuation
of the battalion I'm advising. That I did
for the month of November, based on factual,
recorded observation maintained by myself
and Sergeant Jones in each day's operation.
"For the report to be of any value, it
must be truthful and accurate and this is
the manner in which I prepared my report
? ? * all the essential and important parts
of the report had to be rated unsatisfactory,
showing the battalion commander and his
unit to be ineffective * * e.
"Well, my Immediate superior * * * will
not forward my report to division. He ob-
viously does not want the truth to be known
EXTENSION OF, REMARKS
or
HON. RICHARD L. ROUDEBUSH
OF INDIANA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, January 6, 1965
Mr. ROUDEBUSH. Mr. Speaker, sev-
eral months ago, prior to the October 3,
1964, adjournment of the 88th Congress,
I received a disturbing report on the lack
of adequate ammunition and weapons
for American fighting men in South
Vietnam.
As the report came from a military
man with firsthand experience in South
Vietnam, and a fine service record, I re-
garded the information as accurate and
factual.
American servicemen bartering for
ammunition and using second-rate
equipment seems incongruous with a $50
billion annual defense budget.
The Secretary of Defense immediately
issued a denial, maintaining ample am-
munition is available and the latest
equipment is being used.
Since that time there have been other
reports of lack of ammunition and obso-
lete weapons, including the discovery
that some World War II first-aid kits
had been issued in South Vietnam, with
rusted safety pins, mildewed gauze band-
ages, mildewed first-aid dressings,
waterstained and unusable adhesive
November 5: "I received the hunting knife D.C. - I have refused so far to lie, so as to
you sent me. The knife is just exactly what make him and his counterpart look good,
I needed and certainly will come in handy for if I do this there is no reason for any
for many things, primarily to eat with and of us being here trying to advise and risking
find water on the trails. When we run out our lives each day. Colonel Preston * *
of water, we need a sharp knife to cut Is behind me so far. We are having a big
through heavy vines and bamboo to steal the meeting on this subject tomorrow. If I don't
potable water stored r, King fellows." win tomorrow, then I guess I'm in for
About mid-November, King wrote his sister, trouble."
Mrs. Roy Howell, of Bradenton. There was
nothing unusual about it, except that it in- December 12: "The Secretary of the Army
cluded a page from another letter, which has asked me to express his deep regret that
presumably had been meant for a friend in your son, Capt. John E. King, died in
service. Vietnam on December 12, 1964, as the result
It read, in part- - of hostile action * * * he was accompany-
"These weapons are completely worn ing Vietnamese army when they were am-
out * * *. I can take an unexpended 30- bushed and attacked."
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