VIETNAM

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP67B00446R000300180012-7
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 22
• Document Creation Date: December 15, 2016
• Document Release Date: October 6, 2003
• Sequence Number: 12
• Publication Date: July 8, 1965
• Content Type: OPEN

July 8, 19654pproved For R ~B831 is G1 7-B( 44 Qp0300180012-7
made As, provided in section 406 of this part, emphasis on State action, is a sound and
sonable, or unjustly discriminatory or unduly
preferential or unduly prejudicial."
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I
ask unanimous consent to have printed
in the h> CORD an excerpt from the re-
port (No. 387), explaining the purposes
of the bill.
There being no objection, the excerpt
was ordered, to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
S. 1727 pontains,provisions to strengthen
enforcement efforts against illegal carriage
and to require motor carriers and freight
forwarders to' pay reparations to shippers
oharged unlawfully high rates.
NEED FOR PROPOSED LEGISLATION
Illegal transportation is a major problem
requiring action by Congress. Illegal trans-
portation is big business. The Interstate
Commerce Commission, on the, basis of road
checks in 42 States, has estimated, that it
involves,. a minimum of $500 million a year.
Other experts feel the cost of illegal trans-
portation is even higher, amounting to from
i$1 to $6 billion a year. These experts base
this higher estimate on the obvious short-
comings of the 42 State road checks in which
many of the illegal carriers escaped detec-
tion.
While the annual cost of a billion dollars
or more, is a direct measure of the revenue
lost by the regulated carriers, both truckers
and railroads, to illegal transportation, the
problem is more serious than that. The loss
is serious in terms of the common carrier
industry because these carriers are the back-
bone of our national transportation industry.
These regulated carriers are of crucial im-
portance because of their public interest
obligation to serve all of the public, in virtu-
ally every community in America, in good
weather and in bad, and in good times and
in bad. Without common carriers with a
universal obligation to serve, transportation
would quickly deteriorate into a means of
promoting the economic activity of a few.
The public interest requires that we protect
these carriers against the abuses of illegal
carriers wlio assume no public responsibility.
The presence of highway poachers also
penalizes the shipper, the community, and
the public more directly. The illegal opera-
tor often evades tax laws as well as trans-
portation laws, apd the law abiding must
pay the difference. The public also pays
more for goods, because freight moved il-
legally takes revenues from the lawful com-
mon carriers, causing their rates to be raised
to pay the fixed. operating costs of labor,
maintenance, and equipment. Further-
more, the evidence to date indicates that il-
legal truckers are far more prone to highway
accidents than are the lawful operators.
This problem has been called the "gray
area" of transportation. This is a misnomer.
The problem is black and not gray. It arises
from illegal transportation, although such
illegal operations are frequently masked
under various disguises and facades to give
them the appearance of legality.
Combating Illegal carriage is not an easy
task, and even with new enforcement tools,
the illegal operator will not be driven off the
highways. S. 1727 would muster new weap-
ons in this legal fight against unlawful car-
riage. It would increase the penalties for
unlawful transportation activities, ease some
of the legal burdens which handicap the
enforcement efforts of the Interstate Com-
merce Commission, and provide new means
of legal recourse for those damaged by ille-
gal operations. Furthermore, S. 1727 would
clear tlie, way for,., improved enforcement co-
operation between the Interstate Commerce
Commission and the various State commis-
sions.
Federal-State cooperation, with primary
effective means of proceeding.. The States
share with the Federal Government an equal
interest in fighting illegal carriage. Only a
cooperative, coordinated enforcement effort
can end illegal carriage.
Section 1 of S. 7127 would authorize the
ICC to enter into cooperative agreements
with the States to enforce Federal and State
regulations concerning highway transporta-
tion. The rapid growth of communication
between the ICC and the States would im-
prove enforcement. Section 2 of S. 1727
would assist in the complete implementa-
tion by the States of existing operating au-
thority registration statutes. While multi-
state carriers could comply with uniform
standards of registration in a relatively sim-
ple operation, the illegal interstate carrier
could be subject to State penalties for failure
to register.
The approach embodied in S. 1727 has won
solid and widespread support from virtually
all segments of our highly competitive trans-
portation system. S. 1727 is supported by,
among others, the National Association of
Railroad and Utilities Commissioners, the
Transportation Association of America, the
U.S. Chamber of Commerce, the American
Trucking Association, the Association of
American Railroads, the Interstate Com-
merce Commission, and the Department of
Commerce.
The enactment of S. 1727 would be an ef-
fective, positive step toward ending the prob-
lem of illegal transportation, and thereby
strengthening and improving our national
transportation system.
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I
ask unanimous consent that the com-
mittee amendments be considered en
bloc.
The VICE PRESIDENT. Without ob-
jection, the amendments are considered
and agreed to en bloc.
The bill is open to further amendment.
If there be no further amendment to be
proposed, the question is on the engross-
ment and third reading of the bill.
The bill was ordered to be engrossed
for a third reading, was read the third
time, and passed.
EXECUTIVE SESSION
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr, President, I
ask unanimous consent that the Senate
proceed to consider executive business.
The VICE PRESIDENT. Is there ob-
jection to the request of the Senator from
Montana?
There being no objection, the Senate
proceeded to the consideration of execu-
tive business.
The VICE PRESIDENT laid before the
Senate a message from the President of
the United States submitting the nomi-
nation of Dr. Albert H. Moseman, of New
York, to be Assistant Administrator of
Technical Cooperation and Research,
Agency for International Development,
which was referred to the Committee on
Foreign Relations.
The VICE PRESIDENT. If there be
no reports of committees, the clerk will
state the nominations on the Executive
Calendar.
U.S. MARINE CORPS
The Chief Clerk proceeded to read
sundry nominations in the U.S. Marine
Corps.
15283
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I
ask unanimous consent that the nomina-
tions be considered en bloc.
The VICE PRESIDENT. Without ob-
jection, the nominations are considered
and confirmed en bloc.
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I
ask unanimous consent that the Presi-
dent be immediately notified of the con-
firmation of these nominations.
The VICE PRESIDENT. Without ob-
jection, the President will be notified
forthwith.
LEGISLATIVE SESSION
On request of Mr. MANSFIELD, and
by unanimous consent, the Senate re-
sumed the consideration of legislative
ask unanimous consent that I may be
permitted to proceed for 2 additional
minutes.
The VICE PRESIDENT. Without ob-
jection, it is so ordered.
Mr. MANSFIELD. .Mr. President, at
first glance, it seems logical to say, there
are missile sites around the Hanoi-
Haiphong complex; we are fighting
North Vietnamese; we have planes and
missiles that can reach the sites and
destroy them. Go ahead and bomb.
Then there will be no more missile sites.
Indeed, one might add, why not go the
whole hog and use nuclear bombs to
make doubly sure there will be no more
missile sites in the Hanoi-Haiphong
area. That, too, may have a certain
logic.
But on second glance, it is also to be
noted that there are missile sites in
China and Russia and the Chinese and
Russians are helping the North Vietna-
mese who are helping the Vietcong in
the South where Americans are fighting
on the ground. Our planes and missiles
can reach those more distant targets,
Why not go ahead and bomb them too,
with or without nuclear weapons? That
has, in some ways, a greater logic be-
cause the Russian missile sites are a far
greater threat than those clustered in
the Hanoi-Haiphong complex. The
Russian sites are zeroed in on the United
States itself, whereas those in North
Vietnam, so far as I am aware, cannot
even reach our forces in South Vietnam
and are not, in themselves, causing any
casualties among American forces in
Vietnam. The Hanoi-Haiphong missile
sites becomes a threat to our forces,
in short, only if it is intended to spread
the war further and change its nature
by massive air attacks on the civilian
populations of the Hanoi-Haiphong
complex, for then, presumably the sites
would be used against our planes. They
become a threat, in short, if it is in-
tended to deepen and expand the war.
If that is what is wanted, then the pro-
posal makes sense. But I do not believe
it was offered in that sense. As I under-
stand it, the proposal was offered as a
war-shortener, as an American casualty
reducer, and in that sense, it does not
make sense. On the contrary, if it were
followed it is more likely, by raising the
level of the conflict another notch, to
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 15284 Approved Fo~MesWSgQBR11WEEP6~0R000300180012A1y 8, 1965
bring on larger American casualties and sentatives, who is the leader of the Re-
a much broader and deeper U.S. involve- publican minority there. He has dem-
ment in Asia. It may be that it will come onstrated his patriotism time and time
to that. Circumstances may eventually again. I fully associate myself with his
compel such an action. But let there be comments as quoted a moment ago by
no illusion about what the proposal im- the majority leader. Although I have
plies. And speaking for myself I cannot no right to do so, I believe I may speak
understand the urgency in some quar-
ters-the anxiety to speed up the process
of a deeper American involvement which
can only induce greater American casu-
alties in this Asian war.,
But if that is what is sought, this prob-
able consequence of the proposal ought
to be recognized outright. Otherwise the
proposal is misleading and hardly con-
structive in its oversimplification of a
complex problem. If for no other rea-
son, it tends to stimulate false hopes and
unwarranted expectation in this Nation.
It implies great results at not too painful
a cost.
Simple logic is not often as simple as
it seems at first glance in critical inter-
national situations such as Vietnam.
This situation lies in the shadows of all-
out world conflict. The effort is being
made by the President, in the interests
of this Nation as well as the world, to pre-
vent such a conflict. And I would hope
that those who mount the civilian ram-
parts and cry "Charge!" would bear that
in mind.
The proposal which prompted this
statement was, undoubtedly, intended
to be helpful to the President, for, as
stated by the distinguished minority
leader of the House on July 1:
Republicans will continue to disregard
partisan considerations in foreign policy.
We will be guided by the national interest.
Whatever its intention, however, the
issue raised by this undoubtedly innocent
and nonpolitical proposal is far larger
than whether to bomb or not bomb cer-
tain missile sites in the Hanoi-Haiphong
complex. From an armchair, it is pos-
sible to outline a military strategy in an.
isolated situation of this kind and then
pass on to other problems while the con-
sequences unfold in a deepening crisis.
The President does not have that luxury.
He must continue to live every minute
with the ticking clock of an over-
whelming catastrophe, and it is brought
closer to midnight with each proposal of
this kind, if it is followed, whether it
originates here or in Peiping or Moscow
or wherever. The fact is that the Presi-
dent cannot afford to be either armchair
general or politican in a situation of this
kind. He can only be President. He
cannot make a decision without a con-
tinuing awareness of other decisions
which may flow from it. He cannot
speak "only for himself." He cannot
speak even for his party alone. In each
decision, he speaks for theentire Nation.
This is one reality which all of us ought
to bear in mind at all times if we wish
debate on this most difficult and delicate
situation to be helpful.
Mr. KUCHEL. Mr. President, this
Nation is in trouble. So is the cause of
freedom. The clouds on the horizon are
darkening, and growing larger. The
American people support the President
of the United States. No defense needs
to be made for the comments uttered
by our colleague in the House of Repre-
for my colleagues on this side of the
aisle when I approve completely the
statement attributed just now to our
colleague in the House of Representa-
tives. In the present crisis, the Repub-
lican Party acts as a group of Americans
dedicated to the security of the American
people and to the cause of world peace.
We enjoy free debate in this country;
and any time any Senator-on this side
of the aisle or on the other side of the
aisle-wishes to rise and make a com-
ment criticizing the President of the
United States, he has a right to do so.
Anytime any Member of the Congress or
any citizen of this country wishes to rise
and tell the President of the United
States what he believes ought specifically
to be done in South Vietnam or North
Vietnam, he has a right to do so.
I have listened in this Chamber on
more than one occasion to some of our
colleagues-perhaps I may be excused
for saying that they do not sit on this
side of the aisle-denouncing the policy
of the Government of the United States
in Indochina.
I repeat on this occasion that the
cause of freedom is. in trouble. Grave
and dark days are ahead. We passion-
ately pray for peace. Speaking for my-
self, I completely approve our earnest
exertions to try to find a way by which
unconditional talk may come about. At
the moment, the outlook is somewhat
bleak. The newspapers have told us how
the Red Chinese and the Ho Chi Minh
regime both have rudely and brusquely
shunted aside U Thant's suggestion for
discussion.
Speaking for myself, I earnestly ap-
prove what Dean Rusk said several weeks
ago: that all that is necessary for peace
in southeast Asia is for people to leave
their neighbors alone.
I do not consider that I am qualified
to give any advice on military under-
takings in the defense of South Vietnam
by the Government of the United States.
I am a layman; I am a U.S. Senator;
I am not a military expert. What I did,
and what every other Member of the
U.S. Senate, with two exceptions, did,
was to approve, last August, a resolution
clothing the President of the United
States with specific authority to take
such action as he deemed appropriate
with respect to the gathering storm. I
take it that that resolution represents
today, as it did last year, the earnest
judgment of the representatives of the
people, and of the people of the United
States themselves, with respect to the
responsibilities of the President of the
United States as the Commander in
Chief. It is our responsibility to let the
people of the world know that he dis-
charges that responsibility in time of
crisis with the approval of the'American
people. He will answer to the American
people for his conduct in accordance with
the constitutional processes. Meanwhile,
I am proud that my fellow Republicans
in the House and Senate support the
action of this Government in defense of
peace and freedom in southeast Asia.
NOTICE OF PROPOSED DISPOSI-
TION OF SUBGRADE SMALL DIA-
MOND DIES AND NONSTOCKPILE
GRADE BISMUTH ALLOYS
The VICE PRESIDENT laid before the
Senate a letter from the Administrator,
General Services Administration, trans-
mitting, pursuant to law, a notice to be
published in the Federal Register, of the
proposed disposition of diamond dies and
bismuth alloys held in the national
stockpile which, with an accompanying
paper, was referred to the Committee on
Armed Services.
PETITIONS AND MEMORIALS
Petitions, etc., were laid before the
Senate, and referred as -indicated:
By the VICE PRESIDENT:
A resolution of the House of Representa-
tives of the State of Louisiana; to the Com-
mittee on Labor and Public Welfare:
"H. RES. 603
"Resolution recognizing the need for sum-
mer employment for Oklahoma high school
and college students-noting the many
advantages derived by providing such
gainful employment-requesting the Okla-
homa State Employment Security Com-
mission and the Oklahoma State Person-
nel Board to distribute information and
material relating to this resolution to
Oklahoma employers and personnel offi-
cers--directing journal entries--and di-
recting distribution of this resolution
"Whereas thousands of Oklahoma high
school and college students have recently
completed another academic school year;
and
"Whereas a vital and integral part of their
education consists of an understanding of
the business community and employer-
employee relations; and
"Whereas innumerable advantages are de-
rived by both employer and student-
employee in providing ga)nful summer em-
ployment to these students; and
"Whereas it is a matter of economic neces-
sity for many of our outstanding high school
and college students to secure summer em-
ployment in order to continue their educa-
tion; and
"Whereas a concerted effort on the part of
all city, county, and State agencies and pri-
vate enterprises to find meaningful summer
employment for our high school and college
students would be in the best interests of
the welfare of the State of Oklahoma; and
"Whereas the President of the United
States has recognized the need for finding
summer employment for American students
and has initiated similar requests for aid in
securing such employment; and
"Whereas it is both fitting and proper
that the House of Representatives of the 30th
session of the Legislature of the State of
Oklahoma take official notice of the needs
for providing summer employment to stu-
dents and take action toward the accomp-
lishment of this objective: Now, therefore,
be it
"Resolved by the House of Representatives
of the 38th session of the Oklahoma Legis-
lature:
"SECTION 1. That the Oklahoma State Em-
ployment Security Commission and the Ok-
lahoma State Personnel Board are hereby
requested to distribute information and
material to all city, county, and State agen-
cies and private enterprises suggesting the
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July 8, 196Y CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE
lution 27A-65-1', to add to line 33: "Be it
further re`so'lved, '`I'o seek legislation to limit
the use'of eavesdropping' equipment within
any industry on their employees while they
are performing their' respective jobs" [Ap-
plause.]
President BEIRNE. I take by the response
that this amendment is seconded. Delegate
Hart may speak on her amendment for 5
-minutes.
Delegate HART. We, in the traffic depart-
ment are well acquainted with the use of
monitoring equipment in the central offices
in the Bell System. The use of such equip-
ment has resulted in discharges, suspensions,
and coercion. Only through law can it be
curbed effectively. The Bell System is a
perfect example of being able to use moni-
toring equipment excessively. The official
observing officers in the California 'Traffic De-
partment are CWA members doing observing
for the Federal reports that have to go in on
service. But thg company goes beyond this
and includes monitoring by central office
management and supervising operators
which causes constant harassment and un-
rest among the traffic employees. It is a
moral. igsue.
We do not live in a police state, so why
should we have to work in a police state?
I urge you to support this amendment.
[Applause.]
President BEgeNE. On microphone No. 3,
Delegate Watson, local 9430.
-Delegate JEAN WATSON (local 9430). Mr.
chairman and fellow delegates, I rise to sup-
port this amendment. This is a situation
which involves all of our operators across
the Nation. This is a tremendous weapon
which the company has to use against our
CWA traffic girls, which causes a great strain
on our girls, tremendous harassment.
This monitoring is said to be needed by
the company to offer good service to the pub-
lic. We maintain the device is not used for
this purpose only, but is used as evidence for
disciplinary actions against our girls.
I urge you to support this amendment.
[Applause.]
President BEIRNE. On microphone No. 8,
Delegate Lawson, local 9410.
Delegate ERMA LAWSON (local 9410). Thank
you. Mr. Chairman and fellow delegates:
I am standing here to ask for your support
on the amendment because eavesdropping is
a step backward. We, delegates of the Com-
munications Workers of America, know the
complex types of electronic equipment on
the market today and how easy it is to eaves-
drop on someone's conversation with this
equipment. So I ask this convention to pass
this amendment.
Thank you very much. [Applause.]
President BEZB.NE. On microphone go. 3,
Delegate Friday, local 9410.
Delegate JACK FRIDAY (local 9410). Mr.
President and delegates, I rise in support of
this amendment. Coming from a metropoli-
tan local, 50 percent of our members are in
the traffic department, toll, and information
operators.
As local president, I am consistently having
problems with the Pacific Telephone Co. re-
lating to excessive observations-what is
called on the box monitoring. The company
is harassing the girls by listening in and giv-
ing them extensive tests to the point that
they are actually being affected in their day-
to-day work. [Applause.]
I urge this convention to adopt this
amend>ent; President Beirne is well aware
of this problem. He recently testified before
a Congressional. committee with regard to
these tactics,
Now it is becoming more and more appar-
ent in the day-to-day working conditions of
our traffic, members. I urge you to adopt this
amendment. T}iank you. [Applause.]
President BEm s. Microphone No. 3, Dele-
gte"Wooten,local6222.
Delegate Lucn.I.E WoovEsr (local 6222, Hous-
ton, Tex.) ..Mr. Chairman and delegates, I
ask that you support this amendment be-
cause it is not only common in traffic, but
I would want you to be aware that it is very
prevalent in commercial.
In the office where I work there are five
different locations where people can listen
in on our conversations. This is done pri-
marily for discipline reasons.
In addition to that, in our downtown of-
flee, which is about 10 miles from my office,
they can listen to is. I understand that
they can even listen to St. Louis. In my
office alone there are 2 rooms where as many
as 12 people can listen to 1 conversation.
This, I think, is carrying it a bit far and
isn't necessary to give the customers good
service. Our privacy with the customer
should be honored.
Thank you. [Applause.]
President BEIRNE. Anything further on the
question? Are you ready for the question?
The question is on an amendment pro-
posed by Delegate Hart: "Be it further re-
solved, To seek legislation to limit the use
of eavesdropping equipment within any in-
dustry on their employees while they are
performing their respective jobs."
All those in`favor of the amendment sig-
nify by raising their right hand. Down
hands. Opposed by like sign. It is adopted.
[Applause.]
On resolution i7 as amended, the motion
is to adopt. On the question. Are you ready
for the question? All those in favor of the
motion to adopt resolution 17 as amended
signify by raising their right hand. Down
hands. Opposed by like sign. It is adopted.
[Applause.]
While calling forward the Appeals Commit-
tee, I would-now that you have acted on
resolution 17-like to make one or two ob-
servation, if I may.
Monitoring of employees, at least in the
Bell System, is not restricted to traffic. Mon-
itoring takes place in commercial, in ac-
counting, and especially in plant. Having
adopted your resolution 17, one matter which
may not have been spelled out in there,
should be suggested; namely, that when you
get home, not only let the foreman, or su-
pervisor, or acting vice president or assistant
vice president, or whomever in the tele-
phone company, know of your views, but let
your Congressman and let your Senator
know.
Part of my testimony, and the real con-
cern in this area is that there is so much
apathy in America, there are so many free-
doms being invaded that we take these
things as a joke, thinking because it is the
next guy, or the person next door, or the al-
leged crook who is being shadowed by the
electronic devices, that it is funny. It does
not affect-us because we are good law-abid-
ing citizens.
Well, looking at it that way means that
the men who fought in 1776 to say "you can-
not come in my front door without a war-
rant"-their revolution will have been in
vain.
I would urge all of you to read the book by
Orwell, entitled "1984," and see the pattern
developing now that leads toward "Big
Brother," and then get aroused and then get
mad, and then get after the governmental
leaders to say, "Cut this stuff out," for the
use of these devices corrupts the person using
them.
A good, decent supervisor in a telephone
company can -be cor`rupted by the octopus.
He gets to use it so much by saying, "I have
got it, and I have a bad one here, so I will
listen on this one all the time. I will keep a
record" and then do as they did in Michigan
after 3 months to suspend and later fire the
girl, because they kept the book.
It corrupts the person using it as well as
corrupting our freedom.
15379
Write to your Congressmen and Senators.
Send it to LONG in Missouri. He is standing
there all alone, trying to arouse the public
on this subject. He can only reach them
when he has a picture of an olive in a mar-
tini glass. The reaction is funny. Can you
imagine that? But the impact of that, the
real meaning escapes us for that can be
applied against us.
One of the great planks of the American
Revolution was the preservation of privacy.
[Applause.] It was when the Redcoats came
in the door, searching, that this Revolution
really started.
Poor Senator LONG -I should not say it
that way-courageous Senator LONG of Mis-
souri is standing there all alone, trying to
get the public to get aroused about this
thing, and they are not.
So you see, under our resolution 17, which
you have adopted, you have an obligation.
Do not forget it when you go away. Do not
listen attentively now, and when you get
home get all tied up with the kids, the wife,
and the job, and the park, and the overtime
and all that stuff, and you forget to write
a single letter.
Get mad at that stuff, because this is basic
to the preservation of our institutions in
America. This is basic to the preservation
of our freedoms. [Applause.]
PARENT PLEADS FOR GI
EDUCATION BILL
Mr. YARBOROUGH. Mr. President,
the fight against Communist aggression
is the fight against ignorance. If this
Nation cannot provide an opportunity
for the men and women who have fought
the physical fight against the threat of
communism to further advance their ed-
ucations we cannot expect to remain
strong in future years.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent that a letter in support of enact-
ment of the cold war GI education bill
(S. 9) be printed at this point in the
RECORD. The letter is from Mr. Alfred L.
Hill, 5509 Mapleleaf Drive, Austin, Tex.,
and is dated July 3, 1965.
There being no objection, the letter
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
AUSTIN, TEN.,
July 3, 1965.
Senator RALPH YARBOROUGH,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
Hon. SENATOR YARBOROUGH: Our coun-
try is now waging a war in Vietnam and this
is a war which will evidently not be con-
cluded without great cost both in materials
and in human life. The war is limited com-
pared with some in which Americans have
participated, the Korean war being one in
which some 60,000 members of the Armed
Forces paid the supreme price.
Our commitments are such that we can-
not pull out of Vietnam. We must not give
in to the Communists because we know they
will take the maximum with the minimum of
cost to them. We cannot compromise with
the Communists because they only under-
stand force.
I served in the U.S. Navy during World
War II, being assigned to Saipan, Marianas
Island for more than a year. I am proud
that I was able to serve my country in this
respect because I, like most men, have a
greater_ appreciation for my country having
sacrificed to support it.
I am writing you because I have a: son,
Jason D. Hill who is assigned to the U.S.
Army 173d Airborne ' Brigade, now holding
forth in a courageous manner in Vietnam.
My request is simple; I want our Govern-
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE July 8, 1965
merit to pass what may be similar to the APPEALS FOR PEACE
Servicemen's Readjustment Act of 1944, rn.+T'n-IA T.e..,..a.,..-,
e es an. at the same time pointed out
PEACE ECOR that, while communications in space are in-
Vietnam to go to college or university at the (EDrroR's NOTE.-This is a syndicated col-
expense of our Government. This It appears un, not an editorial. The views are those
is a responsibility our country owes to the the writer.)
men who risk their lives daily to protect us. WASHINGTON.-President Johnson has five
I hope you will use your influence to bring time in recent days addressed a direct appeal
about passage of such a bill. Now is the time to the people of the Soviet Union to join with
to pass a measure such as this because after the American people not only in a mission of
a crisis has passed the public either forgets Peace but in for sharing the e economic fruits of a
or becomes apathetic about their debts. While skin for instance, at the adua-
I am principal of then. I have a Springs neat tion exercises of Catholic University in Wash-
Wash-
appreciaation School for the value Austin. of an great in ton on June 6, the President appealed to
appreciation the leaders as'well as to the people of the
State College in San Marcos while enrolled "Come now, let us reason together. Our
as a freshman. I attribute this dropping out door is unlatched. Our table is set. We are
will the want tensions
to return to our
college times: I when his believe mill- he ready-we believe mankind is ready with us."
tar y But the appeals have not been answered.
turns t' obligations with his are he re- Mr. Johnson, evidently conscious of the
present esennfulfilled, t t good good provided health and con-
fldent spirit. silence in the Communist world, mentioned
I am asking this request to President John- this publicly on June 8. At a ceremonial
son and will also write Senator TOWER and signing of a bill establishing a National In-
Representative PICKLE. stitute for the Deaf, he said:
Sincerely yours, "Sometimes it seems that deafness is not
,,..~'" ^^*-? ALFRE L.. HILL. simply an affliction of individuals, but an
affliction of nations as well."
Th Pr id
IN
.,",. - acyt mee, ti.s a macocr or race,
communication between peoples is one of the
most challenging problems that face the
world today. On April 22 this correspondent
wrote in one of his dispatches :
"Oddly enough, the Western countries have
not realized that their most powerful weapon
today involves communication,-to penetrate
the countries which have totalitarian govern-
ments and to make the people realize how
much better their lives would be if they had
some of the conveniences and advantages
enjoyed by the people in the free countries.
"Millions of dollars are spent annually by
Western countries to broadcast news of polit-
ical speeches or highbrow arguments about
ideological questions, but the simple facts
of His are not hammered home to the peoples
behind the Iron Curtain. The contrast be-
tween the life of the average citizen in Brit-
ain or France or West Germany or the United
States and the life of the people in the
Soviet Union has not been thoroughly pub-
licized to points behind the Iron Curtain."
Mr. Johnson has since given plain hints
that the United States would be willing to
join in economic ventures which would truly
benefit the people of the Soviet Union if they
had the kind of government that was not a
menace to world peace.
Many persons will wonder whether this
will ever get through to the Soviet people.
But the facts are that, when a President of
the United States speaks, the radio carries
the. message everywhere and public discus-
sion is thereby initiated. It is by word-of-
mouth communication that messages of
importance to every nation are eventually
conveyed to the people even behind the Iron
Curtain.
Some of the things that Mr. Johnson has
said, now should be broadcast repeatedly by
the U.S. Information Agency. Excerpts
from his speeches need to be read and reread
in the Soviet Foreign Office. For Instance,
President Johnson said June 3 in Chicago:
"No true Soviet interest is going to be
served by the support of aggression or sub-
version anywhere in the world. We of the
United States of America stand ready tonight
as always to go with you onto the fields of
peace-to plow new furrows, to plant new
seed, to tend new growth-so that we and so
that all mankind may some day share to-
gether a new and a bountiful harvest of
happiness and hope on this earth."
Mr. Johnson was, of course, expressing In
polite language a disagreement with the doc-
trines of international communism often re-
ferred to as "Communist imperialism," which,
holds that peoples outside the Soviet Union
must be made subject to the dictates of
Soviet socialism.
This has led to infiltration and intrigue as
well as aggression conducted by Communist
forces not only in southeast Asia but in
Africa, Cuba, the Dominican Republic, and
other countries in Latin America.
The Soviet Union needs to be reminded
again and again that the United States stood
by Russia at a critical time in her life-when,
from 1941 to 1945, the military power of the
United States was thrown Into the balance
and helped to defeat Hitler, who had already
overrun a portion of the Soviet Union, caus-
ing the loss of millions of Russian lives.
Unfortunately, the appeals for a genuine
peace which President Johnson has been
making have thus far evoked no response
from the Kremlin. Perhaps this is because
the question of how to reply has caused de-
bate inside Communist Party councils.
It could be, of course, that Russia's in-
ternal situation does not permit the kind of
response that ought to be made, because
there are factions in Moscow which want
an even more aggressive course than has been
pursued by the Soviet Government. The
instinctive wish of the Russian people them-
selves, however, is for peace with America,
and hence nothing is lost by a continuance
of President Johnson's appeals to them to
manifest their desires in their own way to the
ruling authorities in the Soviet Union.
Mr. PROXMIRE, Mr. President,
during the past several weeks a small
number of our fellow citizens have seen
fit to comment adversely upon the pol-
icy of this Government in Vietnam. The
freedom to criticize the policies of their
Government is the inherent right of
every American. The President him-
self has said that he welcomes the con-
structive comments of all Americans.
But, Mr. President, an examination of
the substance of that policy is one thing,
a failure to recognize the reasoned path
leading, to such a policy is another. I
will never understand how the small but
vocal group of Americans opposed to the
President's policy in Vietnam can ignore
realities. The President of the United
States, the man with whom they purport
to disagree, is exerting every effort imag-
inable to secure peace in southeast Asia;
peace with honor.
At every conceivable juncture the
President has presented peaceful solu-
tions to the situation in Vietnam. He
never lets an opportunity pass without
reminding the Communist leaders that
he is willing to discuss peace at any time.
He uses all the varied methods at his
disposal to communicate the reasonable
and honorable position of this Govern-
ment to the Communists. In short, the
President is maintaining a constant flow
of alternatives to armed conflict in Viet-
nam. Those who do not accept the
President's refusal to abdicate Vietnam
to the Communists might well examine
his detailed efforts to bring about a
peaceful solution.
Mr. President, the noted columnist,
David Lawrence, has outlined the truly
monumental efforts of the President to
effect an honorable peace in Vietnam.
The various groups opposing the Presi-
dent's firm stand should first ' examine
the real facts in this connection.
I ask unanimous consent to insert the
column in the RECORD.
There being'no objection, the column
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows :
PROPOSAL TO DISPOSE OF ALASKA
COMMUNICATION SYSTEM
Mr. BARTLETT. Mr. President, this
week the administration sent to Congress
an important legislative proposal. By a
letter addressed to the President of the
Senate, and dated July 6, the Secretary
of the Air Force, Eugene M. Zuckert,
proposed legislation giving the Air Force
authority to dispose of such parts of
Alaska's commercial communication fa-
cilities presently operated by the Air
Force as it believes it would be in the
public interest to transfer. The letter
and its attached proposal have been re-
ferred to the Senate Armed Services
Committee under the direction of its able
chairman, the distinguished senior Sen-
ator from Georgia [Mr. RUSSELL].
Because the presentation of this pro-
posal at this time has great significance
for all Alaskans, and perhaps will be of
interest to the Members of the Senate, I
ask unanimous consent that the letter
from Secretary Zuckert, the attached
legislative proposal, and a section-by-
section analysis be printed at this point
in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the letter,
bill, and analysis were ordered to be
printed in the RECORD, as follows:
DEPARTMENT OF THE AIR FORCE,
Washington, D.C., July 6, 1965.
Hon. HUBERT H. HUMPHREY,
President of the Senate.
DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: There is forwarded
herewith a draft of legislation "To author-
ize the disposal of the Government-owned
long-lines communication facilities in the
State of Alaska, and for other purposes."
This proposal is a part of the Department
of Defense legislative program for the 89th
Congress. The Bureau of the Budget advises
that the enactment of this proposal would
be consistent with the administration's pro-
gram. The Department of the Air Force has
been designated as the representative of the
Department of Defense for this legislation.
This proposed legislation has been coordi-
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July 8, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL , RECORD-- SENATE
mentals and only occasionally add something
sophisticated, something "in."
"A couple of weeks ago," ' Devanas said, "we
had the effects of a heavy easterly wind which
had blown into the sound. I noticed on an
oceanographic level that the easterly had
brought in a considerable amount of seaweed
that is normally only found in the Gulf
Stream and in other warm water currents.
We had a kind of Sargasso Sea in the sound.
I talked about it and a lot of people called in
to say how much they appreciated that
touch."
FATHER AHAPIUS HONCHARENKO
Mr. BURDICK. Mr. President, today
I received a letter from Dr. Anthony
Zukowsky, president of the North Dakota
Chapter of the Ukrainian Congress Com-
mittee of America. The letter is most
Informative. It deals with the life of a
learned and colorful Ukrainian-Ameri-
can, the Reverend Ahapius Honcharenko,
or Father Honcharenko, as he was popu-
larly known.
Father Honcharenko came to America
In 1865. Inspired by the democratic
traditions of Western philosophy, and
armed with a perceptive understanding
of the American Declaration of Inde-
pendence, Father Honcharenko left
everyone he ever met with a bit more
respect for the principles of liberty on
which our Republic is founded. To mil-
lions of Americans of Ukrainian descent,
Father Honcharenko is respected as the
most eminent political immigrant ever
to come to America from the Ukraine.
I ask unanimous consent that an ar-
ticle entitled "Honcharenko, Patriot,
Exile," ,written by Irvin E. Thompson, be
printed at this point in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed In the RECORD,
as follows:
HONCFIARENISO, PATRIOT, EXILE
(By Irvin E. Thompson)
It was a real California morning, that
morning, when 19 Epworthians started on
their pilgrimage to see Honcharenko. The
day seemed made for the trip and the spirits
of the crowd mounted higher as they rode
around and over the hills 5 or 6 miles in a
big bus drawn by four horses. What a view
lay before them. The Bay of San Francisco
with its silver expanse stretching as far as
the eye could see, the acres and acres of
orchards and farms, the thousands of hills
covered with grazing cattle, until one of
the boys exclaimed as his attention was
called to it, "Why, that is in the Bible."
One could use pages in describing the won-
derful scenery but I started out to tell you
about Honcharenko.
Who Is Honcharenko The most interest-
ing person in northern California. You do
not believe it? Wait then until I tell you
about him.
He Is a Ukrainian Cossack, a native of Kiev
in southern Russia, - a regularly ordained
priest of the Greek Orthodox Church who
was banished from his native land and has
lived in exile for over 50 years.
What was his crime? Only that he de-
-nounced human slavery in the church and
state. for this he has gone through persecu-
tion and trials such as would do credit to the
early Christians. His motto is the motto of
the martyr: "Tribulations are my distinction
and poverty my glory.,,
On the morning of our visit he came hob-
bling out to the gate to meet us, greeting
us with hearty words of welcome, "Come in
my children, come in." His long, flowing
white beard, his fur cap and somewhat bent
shoulders gave him a venerable appearance
that recalled the patriarchs of the Bible. He
is now nearly 82 years old and his sight is
not so good as it once was, but here in this
retreat named "Ukraina" he has lived for
41 years, laboring with his hands for food
and clothing for himself and wife.
Close to the little three-room cottage
with its motto "Liberty" (in Russian), over
the door, is a tall pine tree nearly 3 feet
in diameter, which Honcharenko brought in
a little flowerpot when he came 41 years
ago. He still has the flowerpot to show to
visitors. Right by the house is a huge grape-
vine that came from Mount Lebanon, and in
the house souvenirs and clippings that are
priceless. Here is the table. used when the
liturgy of the Greek Church was celebrated
for the first time in America by Honcharenko,
in Trinity Chapel, New York City, by permis-
sion of Bishop Potter. This occurred on
March 2, 1865. Here, too, is the printer's
"stick" presented to him by Horace Greeley.
One could take a long article to describe the
interesting relics in this quaint old house,
where he and his wife live alone.
When he found that I was the pastor of
the Methodist Episcopal Church in Hayward
he exclaimed, "I am so glad to meet you.
Come and I will tell you what the Methodists
have done to me." And leading the way he
proceeded to tell of how Dr. Long and others
connected with the American Bible Society
had employed him to translate the Scriptures
into Slavonic, so that the poor people of his
country could get God's Word at a reasonable
price. Then in 1867 he came to San Fran-
cisco, where "Hallelujah" Cox, pastor of the
old Howard Street church allowed him to use
the Sunday school room of the church, in
which to hold services for his people. Here
the Methodists collected money enough to
help him publish the first tract ever and as
he said "to establish Russian printing in the
United States." Now there are over 100
Russian papers devoted to the cause of
liberty and to the Methodists belongs the
honor of starting the noble work.
The first tract published was "Come to
Jesus." Only one copy is extant and Hon-
charenko says he would not take a thousand
dollars for that. He later published the
"Alaska Herald" in the two languages for a
period of 8 years. At the request of the
authorities in Alaska he printed a Russo-
American primer for the children there. Six
hundred copies were Issued at a cost of $200,
of which the author received $21.75 for his
labor. The lessons were original to say the
least. No. 3 is a temperance lesson. There
is a picture of five bottles in a row and under-
neath these words:
"Here you see five bottles of whisky, It
is strange that wild men will not drink
whisky, because they say it is firepoison.
A great many men drink it and ruin them-
selves. Whisky corrupts people and makes
them very bad. Good people never take the
poison." Isn't that pretty good temperance
teaching?
Father Agapius Honcharenko was edu-
cated at the University of St. Petersburg,
where he graduated with honors and was
sent with the Russian Embassy to Athens.
He read to us in Greek and then traslated
for us the address-which he made before
King George of Greece, who died only a
little more than a year ago. It was while
in Athens that he was accused of treason
and an attempt made to carry him off into
exile in Siberia. Through the Intervention
of the British Ambassador he was released
and given his freedom at Constantinople.
Later he had a miraculous escape into Jeru-
salem, where he had been visiting the Holy
Sepulcher. For 2 weeks he was hidden from
his pursuers under a bed In the residence of
15385
the bishop of Jerusalem. Many times his
life was attempted and so he came to Amer-
ica to labor here for his people.
Honcharenko's connection with Alaska and
its purchase is very interesting. He was the
man more than any other who made it pos-
sible for the ignorant Russians to become
respectable citizens. One day in Market
Street, San Francisco, he was struck down by
thugs who wanted so fine gold specimens
from Alaska, which were in his possession
only a few minutes before. He still has the
handkerchief, stained with blood, which was
used to stay the wounds. Honcharenko did
much to call the attention of the Govern-
ment to the value of Alaska and has a letter
signed by Secretary Seward in regard to the
matter. Holding out the blood-stained
handkerchief he said, "Upon that blood $300
million in gold has been brought to the
United States.. His service has been so great
that the Government ought to pension him
in recognition of his labors.
I wish I had space to tell you all about
this wonderful man who speaks and reads
13 and 14 languages, of his connection with
the great men of Europe and America, for
as Honcharenko says, "I am better known
in Europe than I am in Hayward, where I
now live. Tolstoi. Yes, I knew him inti-
mately for many months. He was not a good
man."
That day, after we had eaten our lunch, we
all gathered around and listened as he told
the story of his eventful life and exhibited
many precious documents. Then we visited
the cave in the hillside where the aged priest
says his prayer and where he has baptized
more than a hundred Russian children and
two American children. After this there was
a trip to the fine mineral water spring and
last of all a visit to the spot where the final
resting place of our famous host is pre-
pared, waiting the call into another life.
Time to go home. It came all too quickly
and very reluctantly, indeed, we started on
the return trip, voting this the finest day's
outing ever planned by the department of
recreation and culture of the Epworth
League.
A few days later Father Honcharenko in the
regalia of his office, told the people of Hay-
ward from the pulpit of the Methodist
Church how much he and his cause owed to
the Methodist people. When that grand old
hymn "Faith of Our Fathers" was sung, he
exclaimed, "55 years ago I heard the same
hymn sung in the Methodist Mission in Bul-
garia, only in the Bulgarian language. I am
so glad I am here." And we were all glad too,
for the very countenance of this saintly
servant of God reemed to be a benediction
and many an eye was moist as the story was
related in a straightforward, but simple man-
ner. His life has been full of service for
humanity and there is surely a crown laid
up for him in that better land, where there
is no slavery or cruelty and where truth pre-
vails. One must be better for having come
in contact with such a life.
The Reverend Agapius Honcharenko (1832-
1915) first known educated Ukrainian patriot
was a neighbor and friend of Taras Shev-
chenko (1814-61).
He came to America on January 1, 1865,
and worked for the American Bible Society
in New York, translating the Bible into
church Slavonic, Into Bulgarian, and into
Arabic. He taught at St. Johns Episcopal
Seminary at New York and officiated at the
first Divine Liturgy at the New York Trinity
Episcopal Church on March 2, 1865. Later
that year on Anril 16th, he laid the corner
stone for the first Greek Orthodox Church
at New Orleans, La.
Moving to San Francisco in 1867, he estab-
lished a church there. Appointed by Secre-
tary Seward, as an editor of the Russo-
English semimonthly Alaska Herald in
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE July 8, 1965
which he often wrote about his subjugated
Ukrainian nation, and his friend, Taras
Shevchenko (1868-76).
He was the first man to write a Russian-
English grammar book (March 1868) `The
Russian and English Phrase Book", which was
used by the U.S. Armed Services in Alaska.
He was influential in Americanizing Alaska.
He organized the first Slavonic St. Method-
lus Benevolent Society at San Francisco and
helped countless refugees from Russian
Siberia.
On his land, following the earthquake at
San Francisco, hundreds of people, involved
in the tragedy stayed at his ranch "Ukraina"
near Hayward, Oalif.
He had his own cave on his land, the
Pechera, where he served Divine Liturgy
daily. Many Influential Americans includ-
ing General liallack, Secretary Seward, Hor-
ace Greeley, and J. Bennet were his personal
friends, yet he worked hard, was poor, and
died in poverty.
On his land he had many tents where each
year hundreds of tuberculosis patients came
to be cured.
TRANSFER OF EDUCATIONAL BENE-
FITS TO CHILDREN OF WORLD
WAR II AND KOREAN CONFLICT
VETERANS-RESOLUTION OF 442D
VETERANS CLUB, OF HAWAII
Mr. INOUYE. Mr. President, the 442d
Veterans Club, in Hawaii, is made up of
veterans of the 442d Infantry regimental
combat team, which fought so well in
France and Italy in World War II.
As a member of that organization, I
am pleased to report that the board of
directors of the 442d Club has adopted
a resolution in support of House bill 7531
and Senate bill 1512, which provide that
World War II and Korean conflict vet-
erans entitled to educational benefits
under any law administered by the Vet-
erans' Administration who did not uti-
lize their entitlement may transfer their
entitlement to their children.
If there is no objection, Mr. President,
I ask that the text of the resolution be
printed in the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD.
There being no objection,'the resolu-
tion was ordered to be printed in the
RECORD, as follows:
RESOLUTION OF THE 442D VETERANS CLUB, OF
HAWAII
Whereas there is pending in the Congress
of the United States of America the follow-
ing companion bills, H.R. 7631 and S. 1512,
both entitled "A bill to amend title 38 of the
United States Code to provide that World
War II and Korean conflict veterans en-
titled to educational benefits under any law
administered by the Veterans' Administra-
tion who did not utilize their entitlement
may transfer their entitlement to their
children"; and
Whereas although the beneficial educa-
tional opportunities under the GI bill were
theoretically available to all veterans of
World War U and the Korean conflict, the
force of circumstances for many of them
upon their return to private life were such,
whether because of limited educational
facilities, family situations which required
immediate earning of a livelihood, or other
reasons of urgency, that a great number of
them were unable to take advantage of the
benefits to which they were entitled, and the
GI bill became a meaningless document to
them; and
Whereas the aforementioned bills are a
great step in correcting to some degree the
lost opportunity suffered by many of those
who performed so valiantly in the service
of their country: Now, therefore, be it
Resolved by the 4424 Veterans Club of
Iionolulu, That it vigorously supports said
H.R. 7531 and S. 1512, companion bins in
the Congress of the United States of Amer-
ica, 89th Congress, 1st session, and favors
the passage thereof; and be it further
Resolved, That copies of this resolution be
transmitted to the Honorable DANIEL K.
INOUYE, Senator from the State of Hawaii,
and the Honorable SPAR1 M. MATSUNAGA,
Congressman from the State of Hawaii, both
of whom are distinguished veterans of World
War II.
"WE MUST SAVE OUR NATURAL
RESOURCES"
Mr. RIBICOFF. Mr. President, it
was with great pride and pleasure that
I read, in the July 4 issue of Parade
magazine, an article entitled "We Must
Save Our Natural Resources." The
article was written by Donald E. John-
son, national commander of the Amer-
ican Legion.
It is heartening and inspiring when a
great, patriotic organization like the
Legion takes it upon itself to espouse
the cause of conservation. The enlist-
ing of Legionnaires as stewards in the
preservation of this lovely country's na-
tural beauty is evidence that we are
making headway in our conservation
crusade.
With the voices of leaders such as
Commander Johnson crying "save our
resources," we take a giant step toward
the defeat of waste, ugliness, and blight.
We have a great President who has
pointed the way with his White House
Conference on Natural Beauty; we
have a dedicated and talented Secre-
tary of the Interior, whose book en-
titled "The Quiet Crisis" did much to
awaken the country; and now we have a
ready-made army of volunteers to heed
the leadership and take up the many-
faceted task.
I commend Commander Johnson for
his excellent message and his whole-
hearted commitment to the preserva-
tion of this land for ourselves and for
future Americans. With that thought
in mind, I ask consent to have Com-
mander Johnson's article, from Parade
magazine, printed in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
WE MUST SAVE OUR NATURAL RESOURCES
(By Donald E. Johnson)
One hundred eighty-nine years ago, on
July 4, 1776, our new Nation had less than
4 million people, with millions of acres of
beautiful virgin forests, clear streams, clean
air and abundant wildlife.
Today we have a population of 190 mil-
lion; we are a strong and prosperous Nation.
But, we are daily growing poor as we ravage
our forests, pollute our streams, and poison
our air. We must take steps immediately
to conserve our areas of natural beauty so
that our children can be assured that they
and future generations will have-their right-
ful heritage of outdoor relaxation. We must
preserve for them healthy areas in which they
may enjoy the traditions of America-"Let's
go fishing," "Let's have.a picnic," "Lets go
for a hike."
And the demand to enjoy those activities
is surging. Figures prove Americans of every
age are seeking the outdoors as never before.
Visits to State parks leaped from 114,291,000
in 1950 to 254,772,000 in 1960, and outdoor
devotees visiting National Park and U.S. For-
est Service preserves increased from 33,253,-
000 to 92,592,000 in the same period of time.
Yet during that explosive period total rec-
reational acreage in these facilities increased
only from 209,744,000 to 217,148,000-a mar-
ginal increase of land area of roughly 3.80
percent while use of State parks increased
over 100 percent and national park visits
tripled.
WARNING FROM UDALL
Secretary of the Interior Stewart L. Udall
has issued this warning:
"By 1970, about 210 million Americans
will be competing for the inner space of our
Nation. These Americans, flexing their
economic muscles, will press for their place
In the outdoor parklands of this country, and
Federal, State and local parks will have to
bear the main burden.
"The least this Nation can do, before our
land patterns become unalterably fixed, is to
preserve the few remaining extensive areas of
natural open space now, while there is still
time."
Our ancestors left us a legacy, the great
outdoors, broad lands, open seashores, clean
and lovely lakes, rivers and streams. All
of these are rapidly disappearing. We can-
not do less for our young people than save
our natural treasures.
The pattern we establish for outdoor rec-
reation in the next few years is destined to
be the pattern forever.
If we continue to permit the destruction
of our Nation's- natural resources tomorrow's
children will never know the feel of grass
underfoot, or see a bird on the wing. Even
our national symbol, the bald eagle, is to-
day threatened with extinction.
America must be for the youth of tomor-
row much more than TV sets, apartment
houses, crowded cities and express highways;
it must be a land of beauty, a land to be
loved for itself.
Senator KARL E. MUNDT, of South Dakota,
a champion of conservation, says: "With our
country experiencing a tremendous and dy-
namic growth in both population and eco-
nomic activities, 'tomorrow' may truly be
too late to save valued resources. Not only
is there a-threat to our wonderful wildlife
heritage, but many of our other precious nat-
ural resources such as woodlands, seashores,
lakes and streams can fall victim to unwise
uses or abuses."
If our national legacy of wide open spaces
is to be meaningful to our children and their
children we must act now-with all the pow-
TAYLOR
Mr. KENNEDY of Massachusetts. Mr.
President, it was with great regret that
I learned of the resignation of Gen. Max-
well Taylor. He has served ably in most
difficult times. His courage and calm
judgment have stood the Nation well.
His service will be missed.
Long before others, General Taylor
realized that America would need a much
greater capacity for warfare in the jun-
gles and the fields of far-off nations. As
Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff,
he led the effort to improve that capac-
ity. He pioneered the development of
the special forces, which serve in Viet-
nam today. As Ambassador, he dealt
admirably with the delicate political re-
lationships in that proud and war-torn
country. It is largely because of his
leadership that we have been able to
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE 15387
mount the kind of effort needed-mili-
tary, political, and economic-for the
cruel and difficult war in Vietnam.
Our regret is `moderated, however, by
the fact that'President Johnson has been
able to recall Ambassador Henry Cabot
Lodge to this assignment. Ambassador
Lodge has always answered his country's'
call, whether in the Senate, in the United
Nations, or in his former diplomatic as-
signment in Vietnam. President Ken-
nedy, who originally sent him there, al-
ways had the greatest respect for him.
So has President Johnson. His willing-
ness to serve is in the finest tradition of
the name he proudly bears and of his
State of Massachusetts, which has given
so many leaders to the Nation.
Ambassador Lodge has been close to
the situation in Vietnam, as it has devel-
oped over the last 3 years. Even when he
left the Embassy, he was continually in-
volved in the development of our strategy
and tacties. He has the respect of the
Vietnamese people, won in his tenure
there. He has the respect of the Amer-
ican people, borne of 30 years of public
service. Most important, his appoint-
ment will allow the continuity of leader-
ship and policy that is so necessary to
the acheeevement of our goals.
Our purpose in Vietnam has not
changed since his tenure as Ambassador.
It is to resist aggression; to negotiate,
where we can; to fight, where we must.
General Taylor represented that purpose
with distinction. Ambassador Lodge has,
and will in future months. All, of us can
be grateful that, once again, the gravest
of dangers has called for the finest of
leadership.
FOREIGN LANGUAGE LEAGUE
SCHOOLS, INC.
Mr._ MOSS. Mr. President, today I
want to, say a few words about an im-
portant experiment in international
understanding which stems out of my
home State of Utah. I am referring to
the Foreign Language League Schools,
Inc., of Salt Lake City, which comprises
the world's largest international high
school system.
Last year, this remarkable school,
which is incorporated under the laws of
Utah, sent over 2,000 students to five
different European campuses to study
French, German, and Spanish, and to
take courses In English, in art history,
and in European history and culture.
This. year, it is expected that over 2,500
students will be. located on 1.5 different
campuses: 2 in Switzerland, 5 In France,
3 in Austria, 3 in Spain, 1 in Italy, and 1
In Denmark.
In addition, at the request of the
French Ministry of Education, the league
'has organized an English-as-a-second
language school at the University of
Rochester, in New York, this summer;
and 113 French citizens, teachers and
students, are now arriving in the United
States, to pioneer this course. It is ex-
pected that next year about 1,000 French
teachers and students will come to this
country, under league arrangements.
Students in this unique high school
.have come from every State in the
Union except Mississippi and South
Dakota. There are also students ' from
Canada. One after another of these
students has said, upon returning home,
that the experience has been a "turning
point" in his life, and they agree that
traveling and studying in Europe have
made better world citizens of them.
The Foreign Language League Schools,
Inc., is the brainchild of Winnefred and
James DeBry. They got the idea for it
several years ago, when they visited with
a group of. high-school students, from 42
nations, who were studying German at
a school in Austria. The DeBrys re-
turned to Utah, and set in motion ma-
chinery to make it possible for young
Americans to attend schools in Europe.
Their undertaking has a double objec-
tive: that of improving the foreign-lan-
guage facility of young Americans, so
they can better converse and read in it,
and, as a result, can achieve a better
understanding of both their own heri-
tage and that of their counterparts in
European countries.
During the 6 weeks the American stu-
dents are on the campuses of their over-
seas schools, they spend about 3 hours a
day in classroom work, under the tute-
lage of native professors; and the re-
mainder of the day and the evening are
spent in participating in varied pro-
grams, which. include lectures; hikes;
films; visits in local homes; studying
commercial, civil, and industrial insti-
tutions; and generally getting acquainted
with the customs and people of the coun-
try in which they are studying. On
weekends, rich programs of guided tours
to nearby cities and countries are offered.
Chaperones are provided; and the full
cost of the 6 weeks' experience for each
student is about $1,000.
Endorsements of the Foreign Lan-
guage League schools have come from
educators, parents, and other persons, in
all parts of the country, who are ac-
quainted with the program. One of the
strongest statements came from Dr.
Sterling McMurrin, formerly U.S. Com-
missioner of Education, who now is pro-
vost at the University of Utah. Dr.
McMurrin said:
In educating for the world of today and
tomorrow, a world in which the barriers that
separate men and nations must be torn
down, there is no substitute for involvement
with another culture. To learn another lan-
guage is to acquire, the vehicle by which we
can overcome our provincialism and cultural
isolation and achieve an understanding and
appreciation of the life of those who before
were foreign to us. To learn a peoples' lan-
guage while living among them, observing
their habits and ways, studying their civic
institutions, and participating in their daily
activities is clearly an ideal method of cul-
tural education..
In examining the program of the Foreign
Language League schools, I have been im-
pressed not only by its apparent educational
integrity, but as well by the care with which
the league has provided for the needs and
welfare of the individual student. The un-
usual success of the league has been due to
careful planning, organization, and super-
vision. Its. eventual impact in expanding the
experience, knowledge, and vision of the
young people whom it serves would be quite
impossible to assess.
I take this opportunity, Mr. President,
to extend my congratulations to Mr. and
Mrs. DeBry for their courage and far-
sightedness in ' establishing the league,
and for the excellent administration
which has made it a success. I also ex
tend a greeting to,the French students
and teachers who are now arriving in the
United States, to study at the University
of Rochester.
I am confident that the Foreign Lan-
guage League Schools, Inc., are making,
and will continue to make, a substantial
contribution to better world understand-
ing and good fellowship.
REPEAL OF SECTION 14(b) OF THE
NATIONAL LABOR RELATIONS ACT
- (TAFT-HARTLEY)
Mr. MOSS. Mr. President, few issues
before Congress at this session have been
submerged in as much emotion and mis-
understanding as the President's request
for repeal of section 14(b) of the Na-
tional Labor Relations Act. Today, I
should like to discuss that issue.
Section 14(b) is the section, as all of
us know, which awards to individual
States the power to enact what have.been
called right-to-work laws. The effect
of these laws is to deny to management
and to labor the right to negotiate
collective-bargaining agreements which
contain a union-shop provision-that is,
a stipulation that every worker in a bar-
gaining unit or in a plant shall become
a member of . the union chosen by a
majority vote of the workers.
I have made a long and searching
study of the effects of section 14(b) ; and
I deeply and sincerely believe that re-
peal of this section is in the overwhelm-
ing best interest of both management
and labor in Utah and in the Nation.
Repeal would not, as I see it, abridge
personal freedom. Instead, it would
give workers a greater control of their
personal destiny, as befits every Amer-
ican.
Retention of section 14(b), on the
other hand, will continue to restrict col-
lective bargaining in the 19 States which
have enacted right-to-work laws, and
will make more difficult the achievement
of good relations between labor and
management.
Many persons do not seem to realize
that in order to be established in the
first place, a union must have the sup-
port of a majority of the workers. The
National Labor- Relations Board, a Gov-
ernment agency, is charged with the
duty of supervising elections by secret
ballot, when workers petition to have
union representation at a plant or place
of employment. By law, strictly en-
forced regulations surround the election,
and prohibit coercion of workers by
either labor or management. Only by
the free-will expression of a majority of
the workers is a union chosen to rep-
resent them in bargaining with man-
agement. It should be pointed out, as
well, that workers may, by secret-ballot,
vote to discontinue union representation.
At the end of any contract period, such
an election can be requested.
Under the laws of the United States,
once a union wins certification as the
bargaining agent, by secret vote of a
majority of the workers, it must repre-
sent all of the workers in that bargaining
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE July 8, 1965
unit or plant. It must represent both
those who voted for it and those who
ignore it. It secures for all of them the
contract benefits for hours, wages, safety,
and retirement which unions achieve
through collective bargaining.
Every employee is free to decide
whether he wants the plant in which he
works to have a union shop, or, if the
plant is already unionized, to decide
whether he wants to work there. In
this decision, there is complete freedom
of choice. However, once a decision is
made by the majority, as in any election,
all the workers must then abide by that
decision.
But if a State has enacted a so-called
right-to-work law, workers who wish to
do so can refuse to pay their share of
maintaining the bargaining agent for
contract benefits. Thus, they become
free riders. They flout the expression
of the collective will, but receive the
benefits gratuitously.
Those who argue about the right of
the average worker not to join a union
overlook the right of a group of indi-
viduals to express themselves through
their organization, and to benefit by the
expression of collective will through the
collective bargaining process. Collec-
tive bargaining means all members of
the group. No one should hold himself
as superior or unaffiliated.
Abiding by the will of the majority has
never, to my knowledge, been considered
a violation of the doctrine of individual
freedom. But today, in the debate about
repeal of section 14(b), it has become the
paramount issue.
Yet, it is no more a violation of human
freedom to require a worker to pay dues
to -a union than it is to require a student
to pay his activity fees, or a lawyer to
pay dues to the bar, or a doctor to belong
to the county medical society before he
practices in local hospitals.
The stockholders of a corporation have
to abide by what the majority of stock-
holders decide in choosing directors who
manage the money which has been in-
vested. If a stockholder does not like
what is being done, he has the freedom
to sell his shares, and to invest elsewhere.
There are those who contend that a
job is different from a profession or an
investment. There are differences; but
the basic principles abide. No worker
has unlimited freedom. Every job has
its conditions: starting time, work rules,
job requirements, rate of compensation.
Some persons object to them; but they
obey them-if they want the job.
Let me make clear that nothing in
the proposed legislation would force
workers in plants throughout Utah to
join a union. This is a decision which
the workers in each plant will make for
themselves, with complete freedom of
choice.
The repeal of section 14(b) would not
change in any respect the Federal law
governing the conduct of government-
supervised, secret ballot elections when-
ever Utah workers request to be repre-
sented by a union. Every worker has
a free, unbiased vote. If a majority of
the workers in any Utah plant or bar-
gaining 'nit were to vote against having
a, union, no union would. be established
there. Furthermore, if, on majority
vote, a union was established, no worker
would have to join that union in order
to get a job in that plant. But if the
employment contract contained a union
security provision, then, after a period
of 1 month or more, he must accept the
contract conditions, including his duty
to pay union dues. Of course, he has- a
right to work elsewhere, if he so chooses.
An interesting situation prevails in
Utah: A number of the large corpora-
tions which are located there also have
plants in other parts of the country.
In many instances, these corporations
have negotiated union security agree-
ments in other States. I think it is sig-
nificant that these employers are not
opposing repeal of section 14(b). They
evidently believe, as do many other
corporations and businessmen, that
management and labor should have the
right to negotiate union security con-
tracts if they wish to do so.
A former Republican candidate for
the Presidency opposes section 14(b) on
this basis. Gov. Alfred M. Landon of
Kansas, who ran for the Presidency in
1936, has stated emphatically:
Every employer has the right to sign a
contract for a union shop if he wants to.
Yet, the so-called right-to-work legislation
would deprive the employer of that right.
Opposition to section 14(b) comes
from many persons in all walks of life,
and of all political shades and persuas-
ions. Business, political, religious, and
civic leaders throughout the country
have spoken out against the ban on
union shop agreements. They have de-
clared, in public statements, that the
union shop makes for mature labor-
management relations, industrial peace,
and close cooperation between employ-
ers and employees. Let me quote from
statements, by some of them:
John F. Kennedy:
Let me make it clear once again, as I have
in the past, that whatever office I shall
hold-I shall always be unalterably opposed
to the so-called right-to-work laws at any
level, Federal or State.
W. Willard Wirtz, Secretary of Labor:
Any logic of the situation and any practi-
cal considerations require, suggest, demand,
and warrant the immediate repeal of Section
14(b) of the Taft-Hartley Act.
James P. Mitchell, former Secretary of
Labor, under President Eisenhower:
They call them "right-to-work" laws, but
that is not what they really are * * *.
In the first place they do not create any
jobs at all. In the second place they result
in unnecessary and undesirable limitations
upon the freedom of working men and
women and their employers to bargain col-
lectively and agree upon conditions of work.
Third, * * * they restrict union security
and thereby undermine the basic strength
of labor organizations.
I oppose such laws categorically.
Edmund "Pat" Brown, Governor of
California:
I am unequivocally against legislation
which would deny a freedom of choice for
employees and their employer to agree or dis-
agree on these matters (a union security ar-
rangement) * * * Government should in-
trude as little as possible Into free collective
bargaining.
George Romney, Governor of Michi-
gan:
These (right-to-work) laws, whether na-
tional or State, are not the answer because
they deny to workers the same organization
right exercised by stockholders. Manage-
ment and its policies are the result of ma-
jority votes by stockholders, and minority
stockholders must accept the will of the ma-
jority or sell out. In the American economy
and political system, workers must have
these same rights of organization.
William Scranton, Governor of Penn-
sylvania :
I have never been in favor of right-to-
work legislation, and am not now * * * I
know of no leader in either party in our
State who favors right-to-work legislation.
THURSTON B. MORTON, U.S. Senator
from Kentucky:
It is my deep conviction that decisions re-
lating to the union shop should be deter-
mined by collective bargaining between em-
ployers and unions and not through right-
to-work laws. -
MARGARET CHASE SMITH, U.S. Senator
from Maine:
Back in 1948, when I first ran for the U.S.
Senate, I publicly stated my opposition to
the so-called right-to-work proposal. It was
known then as the Barlow bill. I have not
changed my mind since, and I am still op-
posed to the right-to-work proposal.
National Council of Churches, general
board:
To the extent to which labor and manage-
ment act with a high degree of social re-
sponsibility in the process of bargaining, they
should be given freedom to deal with issues
of mutual interest. One such issue Involv-
ing this freedom which has come to the fore-
front of public attention is the right of two
parties to include in a bargaining contract
the element of union security, as represented
by membership as a basis of continued em-
ployment. On this point, it Is the opinion of
the general board of the National Council of
Churches that union membership as a basis
of continuing employment should be neither
required nor forbidden by law; the decision
should be left to agreement by management
and labor, through the processes of collec-
tive bargaining.
Rabbinical Council of America:
Right-to-work (is) a camouflage * * * to
weaken and undermine responsible, demo-
cratic unionism. * * * (It) makes the non-
union worker a moral parasite in a demo-
cratic labor force.
Catholic Church opinion, as expressed
by Rev. Benjamin Masse, S.J., associate
editor of America-National Catholic
Weekly Review:
The overwhelming majority * * * of
Catholics justify the union shop in theory
and practice, and oppose the present cam-
paign to outlaw It. At least a dozen arch-
bishops and bishops have publicly taken
stands against State right-to-work laws.
Rev. William J. Kelly, former chair-
man of the New York State Labor Rela-
tions Board:
Right-to-work laws are immoral according
to Catholic social teaching.
John I. Snyder, Jr., chairman of the
board and president of U.S. Industries,
Inc.:
As an employer, and from the point of
view of what is good for an employer, I am
firmly opposed. to any so-called right-to-work
law. * * *
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E
Jule 8, 19 i CO SI At R -s
As I mentioned earlier, my bill would
provide that the traffic branch shall be
open in the evenings for business.
Mr. President, this is a common pro-
cedure in many cities comparable in size
to the District of Columbia.
Furtllermore, the bill I am offering is
not a substitute for the bill offered by the
chairman of my committee earlier today,
the Senator from Nevada [Mr. BIBLE].
It is a bill that supplements the bill
which he has introduced.
I feel that it is very Important that
this branch be open during the evening
hours, so that people who are charged
with traffic violations may - have their
cases heard in the evening after work, so
that they will not lose a day's pay. I
have a strong suspicion that some people
are paying fines, though they are con-
vinced they are innocent and would be
found innocent by the court if they went
to court, because it is cheaper to pay the
fine than lose a day's work waiting for
their case to be adjudicated. I see no
special problems involved in having the
traffic branch open in the evenings. I
am informed that the Central Violations
Bureau, which Is a branch of the court
of general sessions, is open in the eve-
nings so that people may pay their fines.
Mr. President, one of the bnefits of my
bill for the improvement of law enforce-
ment in the District of Columbia would
be the diminishing-or should be the di-
minishing-of traffic ticket fixing in the
District of,Columbia. If we can supply
the people of the District of Columbia
with an adequate traffic court to quickly
hear these traffic cases, then, it seems to
me, some of the fallacious arguments ad-
vanced, by way of expediency by the
office of the Corporation Counsel for the
District of Columbia would vanish. For
as I have been heard to say heretofore,
and will speak 'at some great length on
in the near future, I believe that we must
take further seps to stop traffic ticket
fixing, even to' the degree that it still
persists.
Let me also point out that those who
believe that my bill may result in all ex-
penditure of public funds and no income,
and that it ,will be an added burden to
the taxpayers, had better take a good look
at the statistics.
I do not like to put this problem on
a money basis, but the fact is that if we
have traffic courts available during the
hours fgr which my bill would provide,
Including evenings, then the Corpora-
tion Counsel should have less concern
about fixing traffic tickets, violators will
be taken to court, and the income re-
ceived from the fines and penalties Im-
posed on those found guilty will pay
many times over for the extra cost of
the court which is proposed to be estab-
lished in the bill.
I have been told that the amount of
mopev flowing 'into thTreasury of the
J?istr'lc Slf Columbia, which otherwise
would; ,aye, been lost as a result of my
cainpaign to bring to an end or greatly
diniinlsli the traffic ticket fixing racket
in the District of Columbia, is somewhere
in the neighborhood of $300,000.
Fake, that figure, and we have a rather
good idea of how important it was that
as elalnan.ol the subcommittee of the
District of Columbia Committee with
jurisdiction over law enforcement prob-
lems and police administration, this
abuse should be stopped.
. I express my deepest appreciation to
the Police Department, and, let me say
goodnaturedly, to my colleagues in the
Senate-in giving me support, both moral
and otherwise, in trying to bring about
a cleanup in the traffic ticket fixing
racket which had developed in the Dis-
trict of Columbia, with thousands of
traffic tickets a year being fixed, a large
percentage of them being fixed through
what we call "pull"-political and other-
wise.
We cannot have efficient law enforce-
ment unless we provide the necessary law
enforcement facilities to bring about that
efficient and effective law'enforcement.
There is no doubt in my mind that the
lack of a traffic court in the District of
Columbia is part of the cause-I stress
the word "part"-for some of our prob-
lems in regard to traffic control in the
District of Columbia.
I also believe, Mr. President, that with
the establishment of a traffic court, there
would be a more uniform administration
of penalties administered to those per-
sons found guilty than under the present
system of rotating judges.
The present system makes possible the
practice of some lawyers of shopping
around for the "right kind" of judge to
hear their clients' case. With the as-
signment of two judges to the traffic
branch, the quality of their work could
also be more closely observed by the
press and the public. A great deal could
be done by these judges in the field of
traffic safety and traffic education.
I have precedents galore from other
cities of comparable size which carry out
the proposal I am now suggesting for the
District of Columbia, of having judges on
a full-time basis specially assigned to the
traffic bench.
As for the need for the other addi-
tional judges provided for in my bill, I
rest my case on published statistical ma-
terial showing the serious backlog of civil
cases as well as the fact that the juris-
diction of the court has been recently
Increased. There is no sign that there
will be any decline in the number of
cases reaching the court in the near
future.
I know of the great interest that Sena-
tor BIBLE, the distinguished chairman of
our committee, has expressed on the sub-
ject of adding additional manpower to
the court of general sessions. I pledge
my efforts to assist in every way I can
to see that additional manpower is at-
tained for this court as quickly as pos-
sible.
I wish to supplement his proposals by
providing, in addition, for two so-called
traffic judges, who would spend their
time hearing traffic cases and seeing to it
that people get quick, efficient, and fair
WAR IN`VrETNAM-REPLY TO
WALTER LIPPMANN
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent that there be pub-
lished at this point in my remarks the
15391
column written by Mr. Walter Lippmann
published in today's Washington Post.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the REC-
ORD, as follows:
ORDEAL OF DECISION
(By Walter Lippmann)
The President must often feel that he is
between the devil and the deep blue sea-
between the devil of unlimited war and the
deep blue sea of defeat. The dilemma is a
cruel one, and for some time now, since the
rejection in April of his offer to negotiate, he
has had no policy for winning the war and
only a speculative hope as to how to bring
it to a decent end.
He has hoped that a military stalemate
would produce an acceptable negotiated set-
tlement. Our present objective is to stave
off military defeat in the south and soften
up the north by limited bombing. By
autumn we ought to know whether the cur-
rent administration strategy is based on a
true estimate of the state of the war, or
whether It is, as some of us fear, a device
for putting off the evil day of having to
decide between unpleasant alternatives.
If the current strategy is successful, it will
be a most happy surprise. If, by the au-
tumn, Hanoi with Peiping's consent agrees
to negotiate at all, it will at least mean that
there is a pause in the relentless movement
toward a larger war. But there will still
remain the very great question of whether
the Vietcong and Hanoi and China will agree
to any settlement which bears some recog-
nizable resemblence to the objective of an
independent South Vietnam which the
President and Secretary Rusk have been talk-
ing about.
Were this to become possible in the au-
tumn, it would be a miracle. For we would
have snatched a moral victory from the jaws
of a military defeat. It seems most unlikely
that it will happen. It is unlikely that the
Vietcong will be ready to quit if it does not
win a military victory during this monsoon
season. The Vietcong and its allies have
been at war for 20 years, and there is no rea-
son to suppose that they are not prepared to
go on for many more monsoon seasons.
As for inducing North Vietnam to pull
back, it is significant, as we know from Sec-
retary Rusk, that Hanoi has thus far refused
even to talk about some kind of cease-fire
in return for a cessation of the bombing. It
looks as if Hanoi has taken into account that
it will probably be bombed, has discounted
its losses in advance, and is prepared to com-
mit its formidable army to the war. From
their point of view the stakes are very high.
If the hope of a stalemate to be followed
by the negotiation of an agreeable settle-
ment fades out, the President's Republican
critics will demand that he win the war by
devastating North Vietnam. The Republi-
can activists, Messrs. FORD, and LAIRD, have
taken up where Barry Goldwater left off,
that is with the simple-minded notion that
this war, and virtually any other war, can
be won by bombers. It will not be easy,
however, for the President to refuse to try
strategic bombing. For if he holds back, he
has no way of proving that the policy will
not work. This will be especially awkward
if large numbers of American infantrymen
are bogged down in South Vietnam. The
evil consequences of unlimited bombing
upon the whole international situation
would not be visible until the policy is un-
dertaken.
In order to resist the Republican attack
and satisfy our deepest interests, the Presi-
dent will need, I think, to make a decisive
change of policy. He needs a new policy
which will override the debate about victory,
or. withclrawgl, and will make feasible his
hope of an eventual negotiated settlement.
The new policy would have to be, it seems
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to me, a pullback of our forces from the de-
fense of villages and small towns to one or
more highly fortified strongpoints with cer-
tain access to the sea, and then to advise
Saigon that it should seek to make peace with
the Vietcong and with North Vietnam.
This would not be a withdrawal from
southeast Asia, such as Senator MORSE has
been advocating, for the American presence
would remain, providing a sanctuary against
the persecution of our friends and a basis of
influence while a new order of things in Asia
is being negotiated. There would not be
much glory in such a strategic retreat. But
it would not be a surrender. It would be
honest and honorable; since it would be
feasible, it would be credible. It would ex-
tricate us from a war that cannot be won
at any tolerable cost; it would disentangle
us from a political commitment that is
grossly overextended and leave us with the
possibility of playing a significant part in
the eventual settlement with China.
W. MORSE. Mr. President, in the
course of the column, Mr. Lippmann, for
whom I have great respect an-& admira-
tion--in fact, I point out in the letter,
which I shall read momentarily, that I
have found him to be a very reliable
source of information in connection with
America's war of outlawry in Asia-he
committed one of the few errors that I
have found him guilty of, when he said:
This would not be a withdrawal from
southeast Asia, such as Senator MORSE has
been advocating, for the American presence
would remain, providing a sanctuary against
the persecution of our friends and a basis of
influence while a new order of things in Asia
is being negotiated. There would not be
much glory in such a strategic retreat. But
it would not be a surrender.
Mr. President, Mr. Lippmann is not the
only journalist who has formed the er-
roneous impression that the senior Sen-
ator from Oregon, during the'past years
in his many speeches here in the Senate
and across the Nation, advocates getting
out of South Vietnam.
That has never been my position.
What I have urged is that the United
States change its status in South Viet-
nam from one of unconstitutional war-
making, which violates international law
and treaties, point by point.
I: have advocated that we stop our war-
making and join in a multilateral effort
with other nations in keeping the peace.
There is as much difference between the
status of warmaking and the status of
keeping the peace as there is between
high noon and black midnight.
I wrote Mr. Lippmann the following
letter this morning:
JULY 8, 1965.
Mr. WALTER LIPPMANN,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR MR. LIPPMANN: I think you know the
high regard in which I hold you, both as an
individual and as a keen student of foreign
relations problems.
Time and time again during the past 2
years, I have used your penetrating articles
on the U.S. undeclared war in southeast Asia
to buttress my criticisms of unilateral U.S.
military action in southeast Asia.
For 2 years, I have urged that the United
States, in keeping with its obligations under
the United Nations Charter, formally lay be-
fore the Security Council a request that the
United Nations take full and complete juris-
diction over the threat to the peace of the
world in Asia. In those speeches, I have
pointed out that If Russia or France or any
other member of the Security Council should
veto a U.S. resolution calling for United Na-
tions jurisdiction over the threat to the peace
in Asia, the United States should then call
for an extraordinary session of the General
Assembly of the United Nations and lay the
issue before the General Assembly. At no
time, have I advocated that the United States
should withdraw from southeast Asia.
In your column this morning, I was very
disappointed to read these words, "This would
not be a withdrawal from southeast Asia,
'such as Senator MORSE has been advocating,
for the American presence would remain,
providing a sanctuary against the persecu-
tion of our friends and a basis of influence
while a new order of things in Asia is being
negotiated. There would not be much glory
in such a strategic retreat. But it would not
be a surrender."
Contrary to advocating a U.S. withdrawal
from southeast Asia, I have, in speech after
speech In the Senate and on platforms across
our country during the past 2 years, urged
that we change our status in southeast Asia
from one of warmaking to one of peacekeep-
ing and that we urge other nations to join
us in a multilateral peacekeeping operation
in southeast Asia in place of our present uni-
lateral military warmaking policy.
In the early months of my rather lonely
campaign against our country's military out-
lawry in Asia, I urged that we formally call
upon SEATO to join us in multilateral,
peacekeeping activities in southeast Asia. I
also, in many of my speeches, urged that we
formally call for a reconvening of the 14-
nation conference that gave birth to the
Geneva accords.
However, from the very beginning of my
discussion of this crisis during the past 2
years, I have pointed out, time and time
again, that in keeping with out clear in-
ternational law obligations under the United
Nations Charter, we should call upon the
United Nations to take jurisdiction over this
serious threat to the peace of the world. In
speech after speech in support of my posi-
tion, I discussed the precedents of United
Nations peacekeeping action in the Congo,
the Gaza strip, Cyprus, and Kashmir. On
some occasions, r pointed out that I thought
the multilateral action of the United Na-
tions in Korea was very instrumental in
bringing about the final settlement of that
war.
It has always been my view that if the
United States had continued the fight in
the Korean war alone without United Na-
tions intervention, that war would have
dragged on for years and years, just as I
think the present war in southeast Asia will
drag on for many years if we continue fol-
lowing a go-it-alone policy. Granted that
Australia and the Philippines are making a
token contribution to the war effort at the
present time, the fact is that their participa-
tion in the action is also completely outside
the framework of the United Nations.
For a long time, Senator GRUENING and I
stood alone in the Senate in our advocacy
of the substituting of the rules of interna-
tional law for the jungle law of military
might by which the United States through
its administration has besmirched its pro-
fessed ideals. Recently, a few other Sena-
tors have seemed to join us, at least part
way, in advocating resort to submitting the
Vietnam war issues to the United Nations.
I trust that you will not consider me pre-
sumptuous in writing this frank letter to
you, but I, of course, owed it to myself to
correct your error in stating that I advocate
United States withdrawal from southeast
Asia. On this point, my major thesis has al-
ways been that the United States should
stop making war in Asia, and through exist-
ing treaty obligations, call upon all other
signatories to join in a multilateral effort to
keep the peace in Vietnam. We will never
know how such an approach will work until
we try it. We owe it, not only to our own
generation but to future generations.
With best wishes,
Sincerely yours,
WAYNE MORSE.
P.S. I am enclosing speeches and materials
of mine on the southeast Asian crisis that
rebut a statement in your column this morn-
ing, attributing to me an advocacy of U.S.
withdrawal from southeast Asia:
1. A CONGRESSIONAL RECORD reprint of a
speech I made in the Senate on January 6,
1986. You will find a paragraph marked on
page 2.
2. A speech I made on January 15, 1965, at
the University of Chicago, with statements
markedon page 17.
3. A press release for February 8, 1965,
which likewise refutes your statement.
4. A press release for May 9, 1965.
5. A speech I made in the Senate on July 1,
1965-see page 12.
6. A speech I gave at Millersville State
Teachers College on July 6, 1965-see pages
6, 10, 11, and 12.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent that there immediately follow in
the RECORD excerpts from those speeches,
press releases, and other material to
which I referred in the letter to Mr.
Lippmann.
There being no objection, the excerpts
were ordered to be printed in the REC-
ORD, as follows:
[Jan. 6, 19651
I say again that the senior Senator from
Oregon has never favored our simply pulling
out of Vietnam. The senior Senator from
Oregon has taken the position that if the
only course open to us is to remain on a
unilateral basis, we cannot justify staying
there under international law. What I have
urged, in speech after speech and article
after article, is that we should make use of
existing international agencies for the settle-
ment of this dispute, if possible, by way of
negotiated settlement, short of war. So I
have urged, time and time again, and repeat
this afternoon, that we ought to try to use
SEATO; but the fact is that a majority of
the SEATO nations want no part of it.
[Jan. 15. 19651
The question now is whether President
Johnson can bring himself to do the only
thing that can be done in Asia to escape an
expanded war: to bring other interested
parties into a multilateral political agree-
ment for southeast Asia.
This could take the form of a United
Nations jurisdiction along the lines pro-
posed so wisely by President Roosevelt; or
it could take the form of seeking a SEATO
action that would police South Vietnam
while a political solution is developed; or
it could take the form of a new 14-nation
conference among the same nations that
arranged the 1954 Geneva accords. -
[Feb. 8, 19651
We should have called upon the nations
who signed the Geneva accords in 1954 and
all the nations who signed the United Na-
tions Charter to join with us in taking joint
action under one of those treaties to enforce
the peace and negotiate an international
settlement of this threat to world peace.
Bombing North Vietnam is but a prelude
to years of guerrilla warfare against the
United States in Asia. We should stop our
warmaking and call upon members of the
United Nations to join in a program of
united peacekeeping in Asia.
[May 9, 1965]
I am not asking, and have not asked, that
we get out of South Vietnam. I am asking
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that our allies come on in and be of assist- the United States requests a urgent and im-
ance to us in Asia, not to make war but to mediate meeting of the Security Council to
enforce the peace, just as we cooperate with discuss the matter of the war in Vletnar.L and
other nations in enforcing the peace in the the extent of the threat it poses to inter-
Gaza Strip, in Cyprus, and in the Congo. national peace and security.
Don't forget that there we have insisted that That would put the issue where it belongs-
the procedures of the United Nations be fol- before the United Nations. Security Council.
lowed, But in South Vietnam, we are urg- That would achieve what the Senator from.
ing the substitution of American jungle law Idaho calls soliciting the help of the United
of military might for the rule of law. Nations in finding a peaceful solution.
I am only asking that we walk back in- POSSIBLE SOLUTIONS THAT COULD BE PROPOSED
side the framework of our Constitution and BY THE UNITED STATES
the framework, of the United Nations. I
think we ought to first try to work out an
honorable negotiated settlement in accord-
ance with ,the principles of international law.
This is WAYNE MORSE reporting from Wash-
ington, D.C.
[July 1, 1965]
OBLIGATIONS TO SOUTH VIETNAM SECONDARY
TO THOSE of U.N. CHARTER
There is nothing in what I have discussed
that would be inconsistent, either, with our
commitment of support to South Vietnam.
Article 51 of the charter affirms the right
of individual or collective self-defense "until
the Security Council has taken the measures
necessary to maintain international peace
and security: Measures taken by members
in the exercise of this right of self-defense
shall be immediately reported to the Se-
curity Council and shall not in any way
affect the authority and responsibility of the
Security Council under the present charter
to take at. any time such action as it deems
necessary in order to maintain or restore
international peace and security."
If the Security Council' declines to take
jurisdiction, or if it fails to take action that
effectively stops the war, the United States
is free to come to the support of South Viet-
nam, just as other nations are free to come
to the support of North Vietnam.
We can continue to help South Vietnam_
until the U.N. acts to restore peace. But let
us not forget that our 1954 commitment to
South Vietnam was no treaty, and it pledged
only American aid in the form of goods.
Even that was to be in return for certain
actions on the part of the South Vietnam
Government, actions which, it has. not to
this day carried out. Our commitment was
contained not in a treaty but in a letter
from our President to President Diem, and
it extended our foreign aid "provided your
Government is prepared to give assurances
as to the standards of performance it would
be able to maintain in the event such aid
were supplied."
The Government of South. Vietnam has
been unable to fulfill its obligations. Yet
we have gone infinitely beyond our obliga-
tion, into cobelligerency. By so doing, we
have become involved in a situation that
brings us under those provisions of the
United Nations Charter, to which we are
treaty bound.
[July 6, 1965]
That is why I believe it is in our interest
to stop the war, and to exhaust every pos-
sible means of doing that through the United
Nations. We.cannot stop the war alone. But
the United. Nations, could, if it would, and the
United States has more to gain from a U.N.-
imposed peace than from a continuation of
the fighting that can lead anywhere but to a
victory on our terms.
We can place the issue before the U.N. very
simply, by means of a letter addressed to the
President of, the Security. Council. That is
our, primary, duty. In so doing, we do not
necessarily`have to propose a specific action
to be taken. But I believe the U.S. Ambas-
sador should address to the President of the
Council a letter, declaring ,that acting under
these articles of the United Nations Charter,
It could well be that Security Council
members who are not directly involved in
Vietnam as yet could come up with some
proposals for handling the problem that
would be more successful than what the
United States could promote, But we could
offer some resolutions.
One of them might take the form of calling
upon the Secretary General to bring together
the participants in the Geneva Conference of
1954, to discuss the means by which a cease-
fire may be obtained and steps which may be
taken to maintain the future independence
of and peace among the states of Indochina.
That would provide a means of seeking a
political solution and, settlement.
But it is even more important that we call
upon the Security Council to take action to
stop the fighting, and send to Vietnam a
peace mission. We could, do that through a
resolution taking note that the Geneva Agree-
ment of 1954 has been widely violated by
signatories and nonsignatories alike, and that
as a result a condition of war exists in South
Vietnam, North Vietnam, and Laos that con-
stitutes a breach of the peace and threatens
international peace and security, and which
directs the Secretary General to call upon
member states to furnish forces and equip-
ment for a United Nations force to separate
the belligerents and maintain a cease-fire in
South Vietnam, North Vietnam, and Laos
pending a political settlement of their dis-
pute.
Quite possibly the sending of a peace force,
and the effort to negotiate through a recon-
vening of the Geneva Conference could both
be proposed. They are not consistent.
OBLIGATIONS TO SOUTH VIETNAM SECONDARY TO
THOSE OP U.N. CHARTER
There is nothing in what I have discussed
that would be inconsistent, either, with our
commitment of support to South Vietnam.
Article 51 of the charter affirms the right
of individual or collective self-defense "until
the Security Council has taken the measures
necessary to maintain international peace
and security. Measures taken by members
in the exercise of this right of self-defense
shall be immediately reported to the Security
Council and shall not in any way affect the
authority and responsibility of the Security
Council under the present charter to take
at any time such action as it deems neces-
sary in order to maintain or restore inter-
national peace and security."
If the Security Council declines to take
jurisdiction, or if.it fails to take action that
effectively stops the war, the United States is
free to come to the support of South Viet-
nam, just as other nations are free tocome-
to the support of North Vietnam.
We can continue to help South Vietnam
until the U.N. acts to restore peace. But
let us not forget that our 1954 commitment
to South Vietnam was no treaty, and it
pledged only American aid in the form of
.goods. Even that was to be in return for
certain actions on the part of the South
Vietnam Government, actions which it has
not to this day carried out. Our commit-
ment was contained not in a treaty but in
a letter from our President to President
Diem, and it extended our foreign aid "pro-
vided your Government is prepared to give
15393
assurances as to the standards of perform-
ance it would be able to maintain in the
event such aid were supplied."
The Government of South Vietnam has
been unable to fulfill its obligations. Yet
we have gone infinitely beyond our obliga-
tion, into cobelligerency. By so doing, we
have become involved in a situation that
brings us under those provisions of the
United NationsCharter, to which we are
/ _`~~ SUPPORT O T RESIDENT AND
THE WAR IN VIETNAM
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, writing
in yesterday's Washington Post, Colum-
nist Roscoe Drummond is applying the
theory that if one says something is so,
perhaps it will be so. That is a common
device among journalists whose profes-
sion is commentary, rather than report-
ing. Many of them slip over into the
realm of trying to manufacture events
or situations, instead of reporting them
or commenting on them.
Mr. Drummond has consistently sup-
ported the administration policy in Viet-
nam. He has "commented" on criticisms
of it just as though the critics were di-
recting their remarks to Drummond's
own policy. He has answered the criti-
cism faithfully, and sought to down-
grade and dismiss the critics.
Today, Mr. Drummond is trying to end
the debate over Vietnam by prounouncing
it ended.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent that the column entitled "Debate
Concluded; Defense of Vietnam Sup-
ported" to which I referred, written by
Mr. Roscoe Drummond be printed at
this point in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
DEBATE CONCLUDED-DEFENSE OF VIETNAM
SUPPORTED
(By Roscoe Drummond)
The debate is over. The verdict is in. By
now President Johnson knows he can count
on the decisive support of Congress and the
country behind his decision to defend South
Vietnam.
For a time it looked like touch-and-go and
many though the President's public backing
was crumbling. The professorial teach-ins
crying, "Get out of Vietnam" were contagi-
ous. Poets writing L.B.J. about how wrong
he was seemed to be getting a better hearing
than Rusk and McNamara.
But it was the Qpposition to the defense
of Vietnam that was crumbling, not the sup-
port. Although there has been no formal
referendum, the national decision is amply
clear. Here is the evidence:
Top Republican spokesmen-Senator Ev-
ERETT DIRKSEN and Representative GERALD
FORD, the minority leaders in Congress, who
have given Mr. Johnson strong support over
Vietnam from the beginning, have just re-
newed their bipartisan backing.
Democratic leaders in Congress-like Sen-
ators J. W. FULBRIGHT and FRANK CHURCH-
who have been sharply critical of the Presi-
dent's course in Vietnam, are now agreeing
that for the United States to withdraw or
give up would be disastrous.
The public critics of the Government-like
Hans Morgenthau, of the University of Chi-
oago, the leading professional teach-in-
have talked so much and said so little that
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the country could not fail to see that they pealed to the United Nations to inter-
had no constructive alternative. vane
This undermined their criticism so badly The American public place great, al-
with the public that Professor MorgerithAU most unlimited, confidence in their Pres-
had to shift his stance and say he was was against
withdrawal ident, largely because they have to, In his
.
Some sincerely say, "Let's negotiate." The handling of international affairs because
United States has offered unconditional dis- the administration does not give them
you can't negotiate at an empty table.
Some sincerely say, "Quit escalating the
war." The fact is that U.S. military power
is being used with care and measure. It is
the Vietcong who are raising the level of ter-
ror and escalating the fighting.
Some sincerely say, "The real struggle in
Vietnam is economic, not military." It is
both, and Vietnam cannot begin to make
real economic progress, until the aggression
is ended and the fighting stopped. At which
time, as the President has announced, the
United States will provide general aid.
And what next? There is no certain an-
swer. We don't know how long it will be be-
fore the aggressor has had enough. But
there is no reason to think that the Viet-
cong are going to overrun South Vietnam if
we are prepared to stay the course. I give
you the words-and the faith-of Capt.
James Spruill, U.S. Army, written to his wife
in the United States a few days before he
gave his life in Vietnam.
"I feel there is too much talk of despair.
Above all, this is a war of mind and spirit.
For us to despair would be a great victory
for the enemy. We must stand strong and
unafraid and give heart to an embattled and
confused people. At the moment my heart
is big enough to sustain those around me.
Please do not let them, back where you are,
sell me down the river with talk of despair
and defeat. Talk instead of steadfastness,
loyalty, and of victory-for we must and can
win here.
"There is no backing out of Vietnam, for it;
will follow us everywhere we go."
Another American has said: "We will not
withdraw. We will not grow tired. We will
not be defeated."
That was the President of the United
States. It is evident by now that his goal
is the goal of most Americans.
Mr. MORSE. Unfortunately, Mr.
Drummond's effort is not going to have
any more effect than his previous efforts,
and those of so many of his colleagues,
have had in ending the debate over
American policy in southeast Asia.
That debate is growing and spreading,
and it will continue to grow and spread
with .very new shipment of Americans
into the Asian ground war, with every
shipment of coffins with the bodies of
American troopers in them as they ar-
rive at the west coast.
Like so many columnists of recent days
who reflect administration policies, Mr.
Drummond seeks to make much of the
fact that President Johnson has the gen-
eral support of the .country, and of the
Congress, in his conduct of affairs in
Vietnam. But he, too, prefers to ignore
the basic assumption of this support,
which is that the American people gen-
erally do support almost any foreign
policy of a President until it proves
unwise or disastrous over the long run.
There is not the slightest doubt, for
example, that the American people would
also express support for President John-
son's handling of Vietnam if he an-
nounced that our original aims there are
to those who want to know the depth of
this support. It is not a support of a
given policy so much as it is support of
the Office of the Presidency. We all
know that the American people are
deeply fearful of the Nation's involve-
ment in Asia. We know they shun the
prospect of another ground war in Asia.
We know they doubt the validity of the
argument that we are defending the
freedom of South Vietnam, because they
know there is little semblence of freedom
for the people of South Vietnam under
the procession of military governors we
have more or less appointed to rule
South Vietnam and have supported as
our puppets. The American people at
the grassroots are beginning to recog-
nize that there has never been any free-
dom in South Vietnam from the time
that the United States set up its first
puppet government in South Vietnam
back in 1954.
The American people are already be-
ginning to hold for an accounting the
spokesman for this administration who
have been misrepresenting to the Ameri-
can people that we are in South Vietnam
to uphold freedom.
I have asked for 2 years, and again to-
night, what freedom? When was there
any freedom in South Vietnam? There
has not been an hour of freedom in South
Vietnam since the United States took
control of that unfortunate country by
taking over the South Vietnamese exiled
from Washington, D.C., and New York
City, militarizing him, financing him,
setting him up in power; and when Diem
could not deliver, we proceeded to sup-
port puppet after puppet.
We are now supporting one of the most
vicious military dictators that has ever
been imposed upon South Vietnam by the
U.S. Government. After I finish a bit of
research on that man's horrible and
shocking record, I shall address the Sen-
ate on the information I am now analyz-
ing.
Here is one Senator who will not tell
the American people that we are in South
Vietnam to support freedom, because it is
not so. It cannot be so, for there is no
freedom there. American boys are dying
in South Vietnam tonight to support a
military dictatorship in South Vietnam.
I am satisfied, may I say for the benefit
of the apparent lack of information of
Mr. Drummond or his willingness to
write contrary to information that he
knows, that when the American people
find out the sordid facts of the kind of
government we are supporting in South
Vietnam, this administration will hear
from them.
I say once again to my President, "Do
you think the Republicans will continue
impossible of achievement, and under- to support you in regard to the war in
took a general withdrawal. So would Asia? Watch them when public opinion
the American people support President starts to turn. They will trample each
Johnson's handling of Vietnam if he ap- other in trying to get off your ship of
state. Mr. President, you are already
getting a little taste of what you can ex-
pect from Republicans. High leaders in
the Republican Party are already public-
ly advocating the bombing ofHanoi and
the Chinese nuclear installations in Red
China, and criticizing you because you
are not doing it. That is the height of
foreign policy of irresponsibility being
demonstrated by Republican leaders in
this country in these hours."
I repeat, as I discussed at some length
only a week ago today on the floor of the
Senate, that I am satisfied that the bomb-
ing of Hanoi and the bombing and/or
bombing of the Chinese nuclear installa-
tions would bring Russia into the war,
and Russia would not confine her fight-
ing in China.
I say to the President, "We cannot
bomb Hanoi without killing Russians, and
Russia has as much right in Hanoi as we
have in South Vietnam. But if you wish
to follow Republican advice, you will lead
our country into a massive war in Asia,
and the American people will repudiate
you, because the American people will
learn that there is not the slightest justi-
fication for your continuing the uncon-
stitutional war that you are now con-
ducting in Asia."
I respectfully say to my President
again, "if you are to engage in making
war in Asia, you should get back into the
framework of the American Constitu-
tion-and you are acting outside of it
now-and bring to the Congress a recom-
mendation for a declaration of war."
Only Congress, under article I, section
8, of the Constitution can declare war.
Congress cannot delegate to you, Mr.
President, the power to make war in the
absence of a formal declaration of war.
It has almost reached the point where
it would appear that Members of Con-
gress are perfectly willing to ignore the
language of the Constitution, although
each of them walked up to the Presiding
Officer's desk in, their respective Cham-
bers and swore to uphold the Constitu-
tion. I have no intention of violating
my oath.
My view is that the war in southeast
Asia cannot be supported in the absence
of a declaration of war. As I said last
Thursday, but wish to repeat again and
shall repeat many times in the months
ahead, because I want Mr. Roscoe Drum-
mond to know he could not be more
wrong than to assume that the debate
on the war in southeast Asia has ended..
so far as the senior Senator from Oregon
is concerned, the debate has only started;
and so far as increasing thousands of
people in this country, who are being
asked to express themselves on the war
are concerned, the debate has only
started.
There will be those who would like to
end the debate. There will be those who
will advocate repressive measures to
silence those who refuse to rubberstamp
the President in the outlawry by our
country in Asia. But we are perfectly
willing to be judged by history. We have
no intention of being a part of the pro-
gram of concealing from the American
people the facts about the war is Asia.
I wish to say a word again tonight, for
the RECORD, for the reservationists to
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read tomorrow, for frequently I speak respect to the Formosa resolution; as I fit of a lot of doubts. But if he makes a
to the reservationists in the Senate. ,, Do refused to vote power to the President mistake that costs the American people
Senators remember them, Mr. President? at the time of the Lebanon crisis. a lot of blood, they will take the first op-
Not'so many weeks ago the President sent But note, Mr. President, that when we portunity on the first election day to put
to Congress his request for a $700 million considered the Cuba resolution, the Cuba someone else in charge. That means
appropriation for South Vietnam, but resolution was completely changed. In 1968.
admitted at the very time he sent the the Cuba resolution, as to which I spoke I thought that Walter Lippmann, in a
message that he did not need he money at length in the advocacy of this change, recent column, very wisely pointed out
because he had authority to transfer in my cdpacity as chairman of the Sub- to this administration that it has no as-
whatever funds he needed to supply our committee on American Republics Af- surance of reelection in 1968, for much
troops with whatever equipment they fairs, no political authority was given to will depend on the course of the foreign
needed; and, of course, so long, as they the President of the United States. The policy that this administration takes in
are over there, the senior Senator from Cuba resolution squares with the Con- the months between now and November
Oregon wants our troops to have the stitution. 1968.
equipment they need to protect them- The Formosa resolution, the Lebonon The only thing under those circum-
selves. or so-called Middle East doctrine resolu- stances that could reelect the present
But on that occasion the President tion, and the southeast Asia resolution administration, in my judgment, would
said, in effect, that he was using that bill of last August, and also the bill that be for the Republican Party to out-war-
to obtain again from Congress a vote on was passed a short time ago, cannot, in monger the Democratic Party, and be-
whether it supported his policies in Viet- my opinion, be squared with our obliga- cause some of the Republican spokes-
nam. Three Members of the Senate re- tions under the Constitution. men these days indicate that they would
fused to go along with the bill. I was If Mr. Drummond thinks that the de- not hestitate to take. us into a nuclear
proud to be associated with the Senator bate has been ended on this vital issue, war.
from Wisconsin [Mr. NELSON] and the he could not be more mistaken. I say I do not believe that President Lyndon
Senator from Alaska [Mr. GRUENINGI to him that he has not heard anything Johnson will fall victim to that kind of
and seven Members of the House who yet in regard to the discussion that will
refused to go along with it. take place in this Republic in the months bad gets. an However, oppo i I say to 1968 that tion To me, the most interesting part of ahead, as more and more American flag- does gets an to a massive in 1968 that
that debate was to hear Senators whom draped coffins come back from south- but dvt advocate United war Asia,
I referred to as reservationists claim east Asia. At long last, the American t advocates the United States keeping
that in voting for that bill they wanted people will be heard from; they are not faith with its own ideas and returning
it understood that they were not going to take it in silence, That is why of its therul rule of es ofd law for in the substitution
rubberstamping the President, They I continue to plead with my President of r the jungle law in
wanted it understood that they expected to change our status from warmaking military might, he will be in trouble in
to be consulted before any decision was to peacekeeping in southeast Asia, and 1968-and, may I say most respect-
made by the President to send any con- to live up to our obligations under the fully-he should be.
siderable number of additional troops to United Nations Charter and stop being Mr. President, I want to help my ad-
South Vietnam. They expected to be a violator of the United Nations Charter, ministration avoid that eventuality. So
consulted in regard to our military plans as we are 24 hours of the day and night. do a great many other Members of Con-
in South Vietnam. Lay the issue before the United Nations gress who are critical of our present
I could not believe my ears. The in keeping with the procedures of the policy in Vietnam because we believe it
RECORD will show that my reply was: charter and ask the other signatories to cannot succeed and that it will bring re-
"You are being consulted now; and this the charter-which countries have ex- pudiation to the administration if it is
is the last time you will be consulted, if actly the same moral and legal obliga- pursued to its bitter end.
you support this vote of confidence in tions as does the United States-to as- That is why we are trying to bring
the President this afternoon, for it is sume their fair share of responsibility for out the facts about the United States in
perfectly clear in the language that he is bringing a peaceful settlement to this Asia. That is why we are trying to show
asking for that the President has been war-torn part of the world that, day by that the United States stands ne better
perfectly frank, forthright, and honest day, increasingly threatens the peace of chance of remaining on the Asian main-
with Congress in asking for these votes the world. land than have other Western nations
of confidence." No, Mr. President; far from the debate before us. That is why we are urging
The Senate voted that vote of confi- being silenced, may I say for the bene- that the help of the United Nations in
dente; and several times since then, as fit of Mr. Drummond that the debate is seeking peace in Vietnam be sought.
thousands more American boys have growing over the wisdom of the course of As the military buildup continues, as
been sent to Vietnam, I have, on the action in Asia that commits us ever more the casualties rise, and as the participa-
floor of the Senate, asked the reserva- deeply to ground action and brings us tion in the war of the Soviet Union and
tionists: "Were you consulted?" I ask into closer conflict with the great Com- China draws closer, the level and the ex-
them, for the RECORD, tonight: "Was munist giants, Russia and China. I do tent of the debate in this country will
any Senator who stood here a few weeks not think I tell Mr. Drummond anything also grow, because the American people
ago and said he would vote for the $700 he does not already know if I tell him have never yet relinquished final control
million appropriation to give the Presi- that there is increasing debate within over their affairs to any public official,
dent a vote of confidence, consulted? the administration itself over our policy. and I am sure they are not going to
Were they consulted prior to today, Of course, most spokesmen for any ad- start with the war in southeast Asia.
when we received the announcement of ministration prefer that all debate over In closing this subject matter, for the
the latest contingent of several thou- policy take place behind closed doors and benefit of Mr. Drummond, I say: "You
sand new troops being sent to South not on the floor of Congress or among could not be more mistaken if you think
Vietnam?" Of course they were not. It the general public. that the debate on the war in Vietnam
sounded good for the record; but the But the public pressure is growing; the has ended." One is going to see a
fact is that when the resolution of Au- continued support for the President is growing interest and concern on the part
gust, a year ago, was voted, and when more and more contingent upon his of increasing thousands of Americans in
the bill of a few weeks ago was voted, achieving success not only in curbing regard to the policy of making war in
the,Senate rubberstamped the wishes of communism but in keeping a major war southeast Asia, and the subject matter
the PresideXit of the United States. from breaking out. If the casualties rise will be the subject matter of debate.
What is. my . interpretation of the vote. to the hundreds, or to the thousands, then In discussions in innumerable commun-
I shall be glad to have my descendants public support and congressional sup- ity and neighborhood groups across the
read that I did not vote for it; as I did port for the President and his office, and land, one can go into practically no
not, in 1955, seek to vote to the then his policy will dissolve overnight. drawing room and stay for more than 10
President of?thetd States, Mr. El- The American people put Lyndon to 15 minutes without someone raising
senhower, a power that he was not en- Johnson in charge of foreign policy last the issue as to whether we are right or
titled to have under the Constitution in November. They will give him the bene- wrong in our outlawry in southeast Asia.
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15396 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE July 8, 1965
Mr. President, let me say for the bene- Congressmen and Senators returning to really in effect telegraphed to the world
fit of Mr. Drummond that he will observe Washington today after the weekend cele- what our plans were, for this was a
more and more debate in the editorial bration of the independence of the United military appointment. I have not been
states will best contribute to the preserva- surprised at a single military escalation
columns of this country, for more and tion of that independence by carrying on a that has taken place under Taylor's
more editors in the country are becom- full-scale debate to a conclusion. The ra-
ing more and more Concerned about the tionai way to conclude would be to put the ambassadorship.
justification of the foreign policy that question to a vote: Is the United States pre- Mr. President, it was bad news to read
the President of the United States is pared to declare war? that Henry Cabot Lodge was appointed
following under the advice of McNamara, If that bald proposition were put, it would as Ambassador to Saigon to succeed
Taylor, Lodge, the Bundys, and the unquestionably be defeated. And it is not Taylor, because he was one of the
inconceivable that a congressional refusal to triumvirate who was another assistant
others who have been talking in terms declare war in southeast Asia might provide architect in drawing the blueprint for
of a preventive war in Asia. just the impulse to bring about serious ne-
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con- gotiations. an escalated war in southeast Asia.
sent that there be printed at this point This appointment is most unfortunate,
in the RECORD an editorial entitled, "De- Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, a part of and I shall vote against it when the
bate and Vote On Vietnam War," pub- the editorial reads as follows: confirmation vote is called for in the
lished in the July 6, 1965, edition of the The depth of public division and con- Senate.
San Francisco Chronicle. fusion over Vietnam, even as the American As I have said so many times, I do
There being no objection, the editorial troop buildup in southeast Asia escalates not feel very happy when I have to
toward 75,000, is revealed by the following express these great differences On for-
as ordered to be printed in the RECORD, statement from the latest Gallup poll:
as follows: "The number of people who would like to eign policy with my administration.
DEBATE AND VOTE ON VIETNAM WAR see this country stop military action is al- But I wish to make very clear that I owe
The depth of public division and confusion most the same as the number who would it to the President.
over Vietnam, even as the American troop like to see us step up our efforts-about one It was said to me the other day, in
in four. One person in three is unable to all good nature, by a very distinguished
buildup , is in
revealed by southeast the Asia escalates following statement atemeent nt toward formulate any opinion."
ng It certainly should not be surprising to American that Prime Minister Wilson
75,,0
from the latest Gallup Poll. learn that there is no consensus of public has his back benchers, but the President
The number of people who would like to opinion on the Vietnam conflict, much as of the United States has his Wayne
see this country stop military action is almost President Johnson would like to feel he has Morses. My reply was that the best
the same as the number who would like to one. The Gallup poll is merely confirmation friends Prime Minister Wilson has are
see us step up our efforts--about one in four. of what has been revealed by the teach-ins, his back benchers, because if one. has
One person in three is unable to formulate
any opinion." by letters to newspaper editors, and by ordi- sincere and honest differences of opin-
It certainly should not be surprising to nary curbside conversations. ions with the policies of his government
learn that there is no consensus of public I say to Mr. Drummond that the de- and he sits in a position of trust,
opinion on the Vietnam conflict, much as bate is on, and it will continue as long such as a seat in the U.S. Senate,
President Johnson would like to feel he has as we follow a military warmaking he owes it to his President and to the
one. The Gallup Poll is merely confirmation course of action i Litk ast Asia. people of his country to express the
of what has been revealed by the teach-ins, ! J differences of opinion and let the facts
by letters to newspaper editors, and by ordi- be his judge and let history render the
nary curbside conversations. RESIGNATIO 01~ . MAXWELL verdict.
t
o
At last Congress seems to be waking up
the disturbed public mood. As one forum TAYLOR The Cleveland Plain Dealer of Mon-
where discussion of Vietnam policy ought to Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I was day, July 5, had an editorial which I
has igorous and elvoluble, y and, Congress ups now asked an hour or so ago by the press would suggest that Mr. Drummond and,
habeen relatively we think, distress- other journalists who seem so bent on
ingly apathetic. But last week the opening for my reaction to the news announce- getting us into an escalated, massive war
bate were what heard.oI It weould abe genuine ment has Ambassador Maxwell to Saigon and in Vietnam read. It is entitled "The
certainly it is desperately needed. that the President has appointed Henry Bolero Dance In Vietnam." I ask unani-.
Congressman MELVIN It. LAIRD, the chair- Cabot Lodge to take his place. mous consent that the editorial be
man of the House Republican Conference, I paraphrase what I said to the press. printed in the RECORD at this point.
recently said that the Administration was I said that it is good news to learn that There being no objection, the editorial
"needlessly sacrificing" American lives if its Gen. Maxwell Taylor has resigned as was ordered to be printed In the RECORD,
objective was a negotiated settlement. Were
the administration to persist in that, LAIRD Ambassador to Saigon, for he should not as follows:
said, it might lose Republican support. He have been appointed in the first place. THE 13OLERO DANCE IN VIETNAM
urged more airstrikes and suggested Hal- I spoke and voted against him in the On February 18, 1964, Defense Secretary
phong in North Vietnam. as a target. Committee on Foreign Relations. I Robert S. McNamara declared that the strug-
Senator MIKE MANSFIELD, the Democratic spoke and voted against him here on the gle in Vietnam was a "counterguerrilla war
majority leader, took out after LAIRD. He that can only be won by the Vietnamese
said he was disturbed by demands upon the floor of the Senate. themselves."
President to follow a policy of "what can I pointed out before that he was one He said, "our responsibility is not to sub-
only amount to an indiscriminate slaughter of the assistant architects, the chief stitute ourselves for the Vietnamese but to
of Vietnamese by air and naval bombard- architect being the Secretary of Defense, train them * * *." The United States, he
meet-a slaughter of combatants and non- Mr. McNamara, who drew the blueprint asserted, "will pull out most of its troops by
combatants alike * * *?" for the escalated war in North Vietnam 1965 even if the anti-Communist drive there
In rejoinder, Representative GERALD R. that has vone tenet after falters."
FORD, the House Republican leader, came that has before another n that At the time, the United States had 17,000
strongly to the support of LAIRD. The Presi- international violated olate law. I said "advisers" in Vietnam. Today, there are 53;
dent said FORD "must not yield" to some I knew of no qualification that fitted him 500 U.S. troops there substituting them -
Democrats who would abandon south Viet- for the ambassadorship in Saigon. selves in a counterguerrilla war they pre-
nam, must not make any settlement involv- The predictions I made at that time sumably cannot win.
ing a coalition government with the Com- have been proven true over and over This is war, and complete candor cannot
munists, and should force the North Vietna- again under his unfortunate work as be expected from the Defense Secretary or
mere to terms by bringing air and sea power from President Johnson. Military security
to bear on "significant military targets" in Ambassador in Saigon, for the political forbids any revelation of decisions.
North Vietnam without committing ground situation and the military situation have But the jump from the 685 U.S. military
forces on a grand scale. deteriorated under this American Am- personnel in Vietnam at the beginning of
FoRD's prescription was then attacked by bassador who at one time was chairman 1962 to the 53,500 troops there now must announc Senator GEORGE D. AIKEN, of Vermont, see- of the Joint Chiefs of Staff of the come h the as a loud and clear United States es public that one-ranking Republican on the Foreign Re- Defense Department. moving steadily toward a second Korea in
FIELD,s Committee. He said that, like MANS- A military person should not have which as Senator EVERETT DIRKSEN has
y'mnt he was disturbed by Republican state- been put in that position, and his ap- mentioned, 150,000 American troops may
intensify" urging the war Asia; President he "to feared It broaden might intment aroused great criticism and soon be embroiled. the win. n the Repubbllicans the title itle of "the he PO
wn for r the suspicion in many capitals of the world. While McNamara continues to baffle his
war party." He is entirely correct in this. But, Mr. President, the appointment news conferences with military jargon and
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6''
g p
f guetheplicatioe telling of the u ispitches recommends that the General Accounting There being no objection, the review
Office recommendations be adopted. was ordered to be printed in the REC-
ity of U.S. weapons for jungle fighting, of the
inability of U. S. troops to locate the enemy Those involved the wage increase ORD, as follows:
made of the ambush.
For what exact information the public has
been given about the increasing throb of the
terrible Viet bolero dance, news reporters on
the scene must be given most of the credit.
They, have depicted the Vietcong as the
master jungle fighters they are, even better
than they were 10 years ago when the humili-
ated and routed a battlewise French Army
led by the best French military brains.
They have reported the preposterous 4,000-
mile flight made by 30 B-52's which plastered
a Vietcong forest with thousands of bombs,
apparently without a single Vietnam
casualty.
Like the French, the American supply lines
are overextended for this faraway war and,
like St. Cyr, West Point does not'specialize in
%jungle strategy.
While information out of Washington re-
mains guarded and confused, the public must
get prepared for involvement on a Korean
scale.
Any willingness on the part of either Hanoi
or Red China to negotiate is out of the ques-
tion at this time. Why? Because they obvi-
ously are winning in their type of war.
These are, the facts, regardless of what
Washington says.
LEGISLATIVE APPROPRIATIONS,
1966
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, turning
to another matter, I invite the attention
of Senators, very briefly, to the report
of the Committee on Appropriations on
the legislative appropriation bill for 1966,
headed by the subcommittee chairman,
the Senator from Oklahoma [Mr.
MONRONEY].
It will be recalled that a few weeks ago
I deplored in the Senate the fact that
the Senate is not the best of employers.
It will be recalled that I pointed out, as
the chairman of the Subcommittee of the
District of Columbia Committee holding
hearings on a minimum wage bill for the
District of Columbia, that I had evidence
that the Senate paid some employees less
than $1.25 an hour. I knew that was
true of some of our service employees in
the Senate restaurant.
I am delighted, and I want to highly
compliment. the members of the Appro-
priations Subcommittee that had juris-
diction in making recommendations for
legislative branch appropriations this
year. Listen to this:
The committee recommends an appropria-
tion of $246,000 for the Senate restaurants.
The deficit in the operations of the restau-
rants during fiscal year 1966 is estimated
to be $121,000. In addition, there is a deficit
from prior fiscal years of $25,000. The bal-
ance, $100,000, is recommended to provide
for a wage increase for the restaurant em-
ployees. The General Accounting Office, at
the request of the Committee on Rules and
Administration, made a detailed study of the
Senate restaurant operations, including the
wages paid to its employees. As a result, a
report hh5 ,been submitted by the General
Accour tiz1g Office representatives recom-
niending increases, in wages for the em-
proyees, which w,ili,,result in Increased cost
,aggregating $134,000. per year.
Under existing law, it is the responsibility
to the Committee on Rules and Administra-
tion to supervise the operation of the restau-
rants. Thg Committee on Appropriations
The sum of $134,000 additional was not
provided since this sum was based on a full
12-month operation, and because of the late
BOOKS OF THE TIMES-THE WESTERN SIDE OF
OUR CONTINENTAL STORY
(By Charles Poore)
b
Earl P
y
omeroy;
date the full amount will not be required. 413 p ges;Knopf; $3 95.)
Furthermore, the committee believes that When he went out West in the 19th cen-
prices in the Senate restaurants should be tury, an indomitable old pioneer once proudly
increased in order to assist in financing these said, "I was worth nothing-and now I owe
wage increases. The committee recommends $2 million."
to the Committee on Rules and Administra- That may be a pittance by our lavish
tion that price increases and wage increases modern standards. Call it a paltry, twisted
be effected as soon as possible. With price status symbol if you will. Yet it gives a
increases effected, the deficit for fiscal year truly human scale to those great spacious
1967 should be materially reduced. lands Earl Pomeroy leads us through in "The
In the event the Committee on Rules and Pacific Slope," a splendid, scholarly history
Administration does not see fit to order wage of California, Oregon, Washington, Idaho,
increases into effect, the Architect of the Utah, and Nevada.
Capitol is directed to return the $100,000 to Here is no Wagnerian-Spenglerian decline
the U.S. Treasury. of the W-+ a+:.........