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June 24, 1965
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'-June 24; 1Aroved For ReI4MK$AChRYB04lM300180020-8 makes many unhealthy conditions possible in the post office and Government offices, and I believe the best way to meet the sit- uation is to eliminate the provision and make the promotions automatic. After all. If an employee is not meeting acceptable standards of work, he can be separated as incompetent. If the supervisor takes this course, the em- ployee can defend himself through the ap- peals procedure. As it now stands, however, the employee has no real means of defending himself from possible vindictiveness and injustice. Mr. Chairman, in addition to H.R. 8995 to provide salary increases, I want to call the committee's attention to other bills before your committee, which I have introduced in behalf of Federal employees, and to urge your early consideration of them. H.R. 1020, providing for 30-year retirement without reduction in annuity; H.R. 1023 for an improved system of overtime compensa- tion for postal field service employees; H.R. 1021 to eliminate the use of work measuring devices in the postal service; H.R. 2612 to liberalize the annuities formula; and H.R. 1019 to provide an allowance for work cloth- ing of certain postal field service employees. I have also introduced H.R. 1013, which is before the Ways and Means Committee, to exempt from income tax the annuities and pensions of Federal employees. In conclusion, Mr. Chairman, I want to say that, if we are to maintain a high level of efficiency in our Government service-if we are to retain loyal and dedicated workers and preserve employee morale in the Govern- ment-we have a definite responsibility to provide them with adequate pay and with fair and equitable work standards and pro- motion schedules. We spend billions to close the missile gap, to lead the space race, and for foreign aid to improve the living standards of peoples around the globe. We must take action now to improve the living standards of our Fed- eral employees. Fe VIETNAM POLICIES (Mr.. PUR.CELL (at the request of Mr. ALBERT) was granted permission to ex- tend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and to include extraneous mat- ter.) Mr. PURCELL. Mr. Speaker, recently we have been hearing more criticism of our policies in South Vietnam, particu- larly from some of our college campuses. Seldom, however, do we have an opportu- nity to get the views of those who are paying the heaviest price, the American fighting men who are helping South Vietnam defend itself. I was privileged to receive a copy of a letter written to the editor of the Denton, Tex., Record Chronicle by a resident of Denton serving in South Vietnam, Lones E. Taylor, AMII3, U.S. Navy. I particularly want to call attention to his pointed question: We sacrifice everything dear to us, some even their lives.. Is it too much for us to ask and expect that you at home have faith and back us just a little? For us to fail to stand with this young man, those who serve with him, and the South Vietnamese, will only delay the time when we would be fgrced to call a the expansionist policies of the Communists in Asia. If we are to con- tain them, and we must do this sometime or perish, then we must recognize that although South Vietnam might not be the most ideal place for the confronta- tion, the time to make our determina- tion clear to the Communists is now. Americans like to win. This , is our nature, and it is very difficult for us to live with a situation where we can fore- see a long period of struggle ahead beset. with so many problems. But, if we are to prevail in this conflict, we must real- ize these difficulties will be with us and we must recognize the need to continue to support our effort in South Vietnam. I commend this letter to my colleagues: A LETTER ON VIETNAM JUNE 13, 1965. DEAR EDITOR: Whether or not you print this letter is up to you and your paper, but I feel I must write what I and many men over here in the Vietnam war feel. As for myself, there were many reasons I stayed in the Navy (of which money certainly wasn't one) love of my home, family, and most of all, my country. I've never thought of myself as being very patriotic, but the more I read of papers back home, it turns my stomach to think that people can think so little of this wonderful country that we live in. Among other things, the Navy has helped me to grow into a mat and accept my re- sponsibilities as a citizen of America, for which our forefathers fought and died so graciously and willingly. Has everyone forgotten the basis that this country was founded on? Or don't they teach that in our colleges and universities today? I have always regretted that I didn't at- tend college first instead of going into serv- ice, but now I'm not too sure. I would hate to think that I had the outlook on life and would so willingly turn down responsibility as students over the country today are doing. They are making a mockery of everything that true Americans believe in today. When they protest the war in Vietnam and policies of our Government leaders by picketing the White House, burning their draft cards and doing many other disgraceful and unpatri- otic things, it only shows their lack of learn- ing and understanding. They don't care what they protest, or even care whom or what it hurts. YOUTH WILL GOVERN WORLD I realize they are only a small percentage of our young students, but if left to grow, could be our entire country, for the youth of today will govern the world tomorrow. Most of this is caused by fear. No one wants war or to die in a far land that has little meaning to their lives. This is not so. We over here know what we're fighting for. It isn't like the Korean war. We know now that we must fight communism anywhere over the world where it threatens free people that are depressed, poverty stricken and that are being eaten alive by the Communist machine. Not only for these reason but for our wives, families, and even our forefathers that have died be- fore us. We are over here now trying to do our job as we know it, but it is hard to have faith and fight for what we know to be right when people at home have no faith and aren't backing us as they should. Sometimes we wonder if you even care about us or your- selves. Every day some of our shipmates fail to re- turn to the ship (USS Midway), but they go each day knowing if they the we will carry on to win over communism in the end. QNE..I.ORE CQPEFORT We left our comfortable homes, our wives and families to spend lonely, endless days at sea, our only comfort the fact that someday we'll be able to return in peace, for a while anyway. 14217 We sacrifice everything dear to us, some even their lives. Is it too much for us to ask and expect that you at home have faith and back us just a little? We are the ones fighting now and we're not complaining about it. Are people so afraid that they might be asked to fight a little for what (if anything) they believe in? There isn't any one of us here who wouldn't like to change places with any student back home, but we believe in freedom. Doesn't anyone else believe in freedom any more? Evoryone wants peace, but to me it matters a great deal the price I have to pay for it. How can we expect to have peace and free- dom at the expense of countries like South Vietnam if we turn our backs on them? NO LONGER ANGRY When I started this letter I was angry, but now I have compassion for those who believe that peace is good no matter what they have to do or what rights they have to give up to get it. If we follow this line of thinking we'll soon have nothing else to lose and will be lost and buried by communism, because there will be nothing else to hope, believe, or fight for. Has our morality dropped so low? I've lived all my life in Denton prior to joining the Navy and I love the town and people. When this is over (the war), I plan to take my discharge with 61/2 years' active service and return to my wife and children to take my place in a community that I'll be proud of. I have heard of no such demonstrations from the campuses of Denton and this makes me proud and very happy. If this letter serves no other purpose, I hope it will make a few people realize what I have tried to say and just understand a little of what is facing us. We'll do the job. You just give us some support and we'll all be fulfilling our job. Give us back our faith in the American people again. Respectfully submitted. LoNES E. TAYLOR, AMH3. NEW YORK CITY IN CRISIS-PART CVI (Mr. MULTER (at the request of Mr. ALBERT) was granted permission to ex- tend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and to include extraneous mat- ter.) Mr. MULTER. Mr. Speaker, I com- mend to the attention of our colleagues the following article which appeared in the New York Herald Tribune of May 3, 1965, concerning the Women's House of Detention in New York City. The article is part of the series on "New York City in Crisis," and follows: NEW YORK CITY IN CRISIS-PRISON REPORT ATTACKED (By Alfonso Narvaez) New York City's Women's House of De- tention found itself enmeshed in another controversy yesterday as Democratic mem- bers of the State and city government at- tacked Deputy Mayor Edward Cavanagh's recent report that charges of "snake-pit" conditions at the prison "were without sub- stance." They called for continued investi- gation into conditions at the penal institu- tion. Assemblyman Joseph Kottler, chairman of the assembly committee on penal institu- tions, charged that Mr. Cavanagh's report, made public last Tuesday, was "totally inade- quate and one sided." He said that despite the fact that overcrowding at the prison had been alleviated, "it is still a snake-pit." Mr. Kottler, interviewed on WCBS-TV's "Newsmakers." said that he had the recorded Approved For Release 2003/10/15 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000300180020-8 14218 Approved Fir fr lA~/1i~ BDPfl7B 6R000300180 e 24, 1965 testimony of four other former inmates of the prison who corroborated charges of ram- pant Lesbianism, rats, vermin, poor food, and humiliating internal examinations. Mr. Kottler brought with him to the studio three women who had been arrested during a civil rights demonstration last Oc- tober and who had been held in the House of Detention for 5 days. After the telecast, the women charged that they had been subjected to inadequate medi- cal attention and humiliating examinations and that they had seen Lesbian activity, rats, and. other vermin. TAKEN AWAY Helena Lewis, 28, of 20 West 10th Street, said that they had been searched practically in public for narcotics. She said that everything had been taken away from them, including medicine that had been pre- scribed for her by her doctor. One of the other women, a psychologist at a residence for neglected girls, said that one of the guards patted some of the prison- ers as they waited for their examination. Mr. Kottler said that he was hopeful that two State investigations would begin soon to look into conditions at the prison and others throughout the State. He said that he had sponsored legislat'on calling for the creation of a joint legislative investigation committee and that Speaker of the House Anthony J. Travia favored the proposal. In a radio interview on "The WINS News Conference," city Councilman Paul O'Dwyer sharply criticized Mr. Cavanagh for his "po- litical" report refuting charges against the prison. "I would say that he was a less than im- partial reporter in connection with that sit- uation," Mr. O'Dwyer said. "Several of us intend to make an investigation or an in- quiry of our own therein the coming week." Mr. O'Dwyer said that the report by Mr. Cavanagh had been made to offset a damag- ing report by Herman T. Stichman, Governor Roc:kefeller's special investigator, and to "come in to sort of put up a defense." DISCOUNT REPORTS Mr. O'Dwyer said that he would discount both reports and rely on statements by Cor- rections Commissioner Anna Dross, who "for the last 12 years has been screaming that conditions are bad in the Women's House of Detention." During the last 2 months more than eight women have complained publicly about their treatment at the prison and have testified before various investigating committees of the conditions there. If the 3 proposed investigations take place, they will bring to 10 the number of committees that have probed into charges of overcrowding and homosexual activity first made public by an 18-year-old Benning- ton College freshman, Andrea Dworkin, who had been arrested during a pacifist demon- stration and who could not raise $500 ball. She has recently been subpenaed to appear before a May grand jury investigating condi- tions and treatment at the, 33-year-old prison, at Greenwich Avenue and West 10th Street. The prison has been the target of count- less investigations ever since it first opened "as the greatest step forward in prison his- tory." The prison, originally designed to house 401 inmates, held as many as 650 when charges of "snakepit" conditions were aired last month. As a result of Deputy Mayor Cavanagh's preliminary investigations more than 100 women were transferred to the top floor of the Brooklyn House of Detention, which usually houses only men. At last reports, there were 450 inmates housed in accommodations for 457. Reports of shocking conditions at the prison and the mixing of young first of- fenders and other persons not yet convicted of crimes with hardened female prisoners tend to highlight another apparent failure in the administration of New York City. NEW YORK CITY IN CRISIS- PART CVII (Mr. MULTER (at the request of Mr. ALBERT) was granted permission to ex- tend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and to include extraneous mat- ter.) Mr. MULTER. Mr. Speaker, the fol- lowing article concerns the role that businessmen should play in solving some of New York City's problems. The article is part of the series on New York City in Crisis and appeared in the New York Herald Tribune on May 4, 1965. The article follows: NEW YORK CITY IN CRISIS-DAVID ROCKE- SELLER'S CALL FOR URBAN ACTION (By Barrett McGurn) David Rockefeller, president of the Chase Manhattan Bank, said yesterday that "pri- vate business" Is the key to solving the crises threatening major cities from one side of America to the other. Federal, State, and municipal funds com- bined will never amount to more than "seed money" in the face of the towering and multiplying needs of this country's great urban centers, the 49-year-old financier- philanthropist said. For every dollar put up by Government, private business will have to raise five in order to assemble the immense sums need- ed, Mr. Rockefeller calculated. Mr. Rockefeller made it clear that his analysis applied specifically to crisis ridden New York, the largest of the world's urban concentrations. He spoke in Miami Beach to the 33d an- nual convention of the Edison Electric In- stitute. He talked of America's great cities and mentioned that success in this country in meeting the challenge would be a model for the whole planet. Mr. Rockefeller pointed out that the growth of city difficulties has been compared by the United Nations World Health Organization with war and peace as a foremost issue of the remaining 20th century years. He frequently cited the woes and efforts of New York in arguing his major thesis: - Business should shoulder its large share of the burden, but more favorable tax struc- tures are needed as an inducement. "The major investment must be under- written by private sources. "And to attract such substantial funds, we must take steps to make investment in urban redevelopment more appealing in competition with other opportunities. "Modifications in some existing tax regu- lations, and the use of vehicles that would be free from some tax restraints, offer pos- sible avenues of approach. "Properly conceived, taxes can be made to stimulate growth as well as produce revenue." LEADERSHIP Mr. Rockefeller's comments were the latest contribution to a great public forumon the crisis of such areas as New York City, a colloquy which has mounted in intensity since the start of the continuing Herald Tribune series on "New York City in Crisis." Like two other episodes, the formation of a Committee of 14 to cope especially with the New York blue collar job drain, and the creation of the Committee of 65 to combat the commuter rail crisis, Mr. Rockefeller's contribution was based on the prime as- sumption that business leadership must be part of any solution to the city's ills. Mr. Rockefeller Is a member of the Com- mittee of 65. His Chase Manhattan board chairman, George Champion, is a key figure in the Committee of 14, and is immediate past president of the 197-year-old New York Chamber of Commerce, which sounded the first call for business leadership in tackling the difficulties of a city in crisis. Mr. Rockefeller's comments were consid- ered particularly significant because of his prominent position in New York civic and financial circles. He has often been sug- gested as a Republican candidate for mayor or as the leader of a businessmen's drive to combat New York's difficulties, but always has refused to join his brother, the Governor, in anything smacking of politics. Mr. Rocke- feller is, however, president of the Down- town-Lower Manhattan Association, which has led the way in New York local reform by injecting hundreds of millions bf dollars of new life into the once-fading Wall Street financial area. Mr. Rockefeller made these remarks on the importance of the problem of the in- creasing urbanization of America: "The United Nations World Health Organi- zation declared recently that 'after the ques- tion of keeping world peace, metropolitan planning is probably the most serious single problem faced by man in the second half of the 20th century.' Indeed, it is a problem of such enormous magnitude, baffling com- plexity and immense diversity that it coln- pels our attention and our energies. "We are coming to realize the immense dangers of an uncontained population explo- sion and all this portends for inhibiting ma- terial progress. Now we must also acknowl- edge the dangers Inherent in an uncontrolled population implosion, the tremendous influx of people into huge urban centers and the self-generating congestion of our cities." STIMULATING NEWS (Mr. MULTER (at the request of Mr. ALBERT) was granted permission to ex- tend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and to include extraneous matter.) Mr. MULTER. Mr. Speaker, we are all delighted with the President's act in signing the excise tax reduction bill on Monday. The following editorial from the New York Journal American of June 21, 1965, comments upon that and sev- eral other pieces of good news: STIMULATING NEWS President Johnson signs today the bill providing for $4.6 billion in reductions on excise taxes on a wide variety of consumer goods. It should be a vitamin shot to the economy. The President estimates the bill will re- lease about $1.75 billion in extra purchasing power during the remainder of this year, and another $1.75 billion next January when further excise cuts of $1.6 billion are sched- uled. Together with this development is the stimulating announcement by the President that the Federa: budget deficit for the year ending June 30 will be about $3.8 billion- $2.5 billion less than his estimate last January. For the most part the lower budget deficit Is attributed to last year's cut in corporate and personal income taxes. Economists hold it has stepped up demand for goods and services, thereby increasing corporate and personal incomes and raising Federal revenues. Other aspects of good news are: The administration's program to out the dollar drain of Government programs abroad has reduced the net balance-of-payment costs by 23 percent. or $635 million. Approved For Release 2003/10/15 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000300180020-8 Approved For Release 2003/10/15 CIA-RDP67B00446R000300180020-8 June 24, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD.- APFENDIX No National Outcry Against Chicago Del~aonstratioas EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JAMES D. MARTIN Or ALABAM4,. IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, June 24, 1965 Mr.'MARTIN of Alabama. Mr, Speak- er, under permission to extend my, re- marks in the RECORD I would like to He said, "the urban ghetto of Chicago, and everywhere it exists, feeds on its own filth- then spreads its poison, physical and moral, through the whole body of our population." It was such a little while ago that Chicago's press and public officials-and some clergy- were so generous with their carte blanche cas- tigation and condemnation of the South. I knew and said then that there would be a day of reckoning for such hypocrisy. No, I find no satisfaction in the realization of that prediction. Only sadness-to see the storm clouds gather. include, an 'tile by Paul Harvey which Alibates Flint Quarries Reveal Early appeared in the Gadsden, Ala., Times on June 20 -Mr. Harvey's discussion of the lawlessness in Chicago as contrasted to that in, Selma, Ala., shows clearly the double standard exercised by much of the news media and others in their continu- ing attacks upon the South. [From the Gadsden Times, June 20, 1965] FERMENT, BITTERNESS, AND THE THREAT OF BLOODSH,.ED TAUNTS LIFE OF CHICAGO (By Paul Harvey) This Is Chicago. The long, hot summer has begun. In the concrete canyons of the Loop and in the steamy asphalt jungles which su;round It, there is ferment, bitter- Three weeks ago in Chicago, Harlem Con- gressman ADAM CLAYTON POWELL urged Ne- groes to seek for themselves "audacious power." Coincidence or not, since that speech the tempo of marching, picketing, demonstrating has increased in Chicago. During the 2-day visit of the astronauts, the entire city held Its breath over the brazen boast by a rabble-rousing "rights" leader who threatened to "do something that will upset the whole country." He didn't. Overwhelmed by official pleading, public indignation, and newspaper warnings "not to go too far," the demonstrators kept their peace for 24 hours. The. nyyxt day the midcity marching began again, protesting "de facto school segrega- tion," demanding the outster of School Su- perintendeint Willis. Every day now it's something else. A local demonstration leader says the "real target is Mayor Daley." "If we can topple the Daley machine In Chicago, we can topple the machine of any northern City. If we can't do it with marches we' Will take economic means.,, . Comic-crusader Dick ` Gregory urged fol- lowers to turn on all water faucets and thus cripple the city's water supply. He and, 440 others Including James Farm- er, were arrested, earlier this month, detained, then released, As these were handcuffed and tossed into police vans, tlie'Chicago-press gave this local story less picture coverage than it customer- -fly gives to similar incidents in the South. Selma, Ala.'s mayor wondered why. He sent a telegram to senator PAUL: DouGLAs asking why Mrs. Douglas did not participate in the demonstrations in Chicago. She had ,gone all the way to Selma, Ala., to march, said vIayor Joe Smitherman. j, oo niiyg t0 Selma, Ala., was in our na- tlona}.,).merest, certainly you could do as muCh'gooc'1`in taking the same action in your own State.'} "" LeRoy Collins, president Johnson's trouble- shooter ; in race "relations, i Chicago last week,' ,urged northerners to'vview'their own ghettos instead of concentrating on southern ncctal problems"` He termed Chicago's South Side ..,Negro neighborhoods "sickening," "a disgrace." American History EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. RALPH YARBOROUGH OF TEXAS IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Thursday, June 24, 1965 Mr. Y'ARBOROUGH. Mr. President, now pending before the Parks and Rec- reation Subcommittee of the Senate In- terior and Insular Affairs Committee is a bill, which I have introduced, to estab- lish the Alibates Flint Quarry, on the Canadian River, as a national monu- ment. Discovered in 1925, this 300-foot-wide, mile-long shard of a ridge, about 35 miles northeast of the present city of Amarillo, is one of the most significant archeolog- ical finds of our time. Alibates flint was the best material for making weapons and tools that the early American man could find; and this particular quarry is the only place where it could be ob- tained. Two ancient Pueblo-type villages and numerous campsites have already been discovered, and indicate that a com- munity developed around the quarry. Further archeological explorations will surely uncover many more significant relics of these early years of our conti- nent's history. In order that further explorations may be promoted and, in order that this im- portant monument of early America may be secured for the intellectual enrich- ment and pleasure of all the people of Texas and of our Nation, both present and future, I feel that it is the responsi- bility of this Congress to preserve the Alibates flint quarry as a national monu- ment.., Recently, an article entitled "Alibates Flint Quarry Pinpoint 'Longest Story"' was published in the Amarillo Sunday News-Globe of May 16, 1965. The article was written by Thomas Hough. I ask unanimous consent that the article be printed in the Appendix of the RECORD. There being no objection, the+e~article was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: [From the Amarillo (Tex.) News-Globe, May :6, 1965] ALIBATES FLINT QUARRIES PINPOINT LONGEST STORY , (By Thomas Hough) AMAitILLO -=Walking over' the Alibates flint quarries in the Texas Panhandle makes a A3315 famous stone wall are recent innovations in man's life upon earth. . The quarry contains the longest story ever told. When naked early man killed the giant mammoth for food, he used the best weapons he could get: That is why Alibates flint holds such a prominent place in archeology. Because of a $5-year secret by a dedicated amateur archeologist, and the administra- tive skills of an Amarillo businessman, the priceless story in the quarries now will be preserved for all mankind. The businessman is Henry Hertner, a former city commissioner, who took the lead in bringing the project to the attention of Government officials so that the site could be protected as a monument to prehistoric free enterprise. Sac in .1925, Floyd Studer, of Amarillo, discovered the quarries on one of his many field trips. Studer probably has done more poking around in the Panhandle than any other single person. Many of his artifacts from a lifetime of collecting are displayed in the Panhandle Plains Historical Museum at Canyon. Studer knew he had a great discovery, but he bad no_ way of exploring it. So he kept it'a secret. , He did share his discoveries with a few prominent archelogists. They determined that flint from the Alibates quarries had been taken into Canada, to California-in fact, all over the West. Alibates flint made the best weapons and tools that early American man could find. And there was only one place in the world where it could be obtained-out of the 300- foot-wide, mile-long shard of a ridge about 35 miles northeast of the present city of Amarillo. Archeologists say the flint must have had extreme value in order for early man to have carried it so far away from the quarries, Today a person can see the hundreds, at last count, 550 pits that pock the area. An- cient man used poles, stones, and his hands to root through the weathered surface rock to get solid flint. . Two ancient Pueblo-type villages and numerous campsites in the area indicate that at one time flourishing communities existed. Competent exploration of ancient civiliza- tion takes time and money. Progress is slow. Studer continued to keep secret the location of the quarries. But then the Canadian River Water Au- thority began planning Sanford Dam to con- tain Lake Meredith. The water will be used by 11 west Texas cities, and the lake is planned as a recreation area for water sports enthusiasts. VFW Citation to the Defenders of Quemoy EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. DANIEL J. FLOOD OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, June 24, 1965 Mr. FLOOD. Mr. Speaker, the Vet- erans of Foreign Wars, as Members of this House are well aware, is one of our most helpful and influential national or- ganizations. One of the reasons the VFW's views are respected and listened to is that the VFW officials know what they are talk- ing about. For example, in matters per- taining to national security and interna- person realize that the Pyramids and China's tional policies, the VFW speaks with per- Approved For Release 2003/10/15 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000300180020-8 A331G Approved For Release 2003/10/15 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000300180020-8 CONGRESSIONAL. RECORD- APPENDIX June 24, 1965 zonal knowledge. The VFW national commander and the organization's na- tional security director have seen per- sonally the troubled spots that are of such deep, concern to our Nation. Within the past few weeks National VFW Commander John A. Jenkins, of Birmingham. Ala., who is weal known to Members of this House, and the VFW National Security and Foreign Affairs Director, Brig. Gen. James D. Hlttie, U.S. Maril)e Corps (retired),' personally visited southeast Asia, including battle fronts in South Vietnam. In so doing,. the VFW commander performed a truly valuable service to our country and its fighting men. As representative of the 1,800,000 overseas combat veterans, Buck Jenkins could personally assure our fighting men-and he did-that our country is behind them and they are not forgotten in the far away battlefields. There was another great service per- formed by the VFW through Commander Jenkins. During his visit to the Repub- lie of China, he flew in a Republic of China Air Force plane to the off-shore, and regularly shelled, island of Quemoy. This island of Quemoy is an outpost of freedom in Asia and is a bastion of the free world's defense against aggressive communism in the western Pacific. On behalf of the Veterans of Foreign Wars of the United States, and as a, re- sult of a resolution unanimously adopted by the VFW dt its 1964 national conven- tion, in Cleveland, Ohio, Commander Jenkins presented a VFW certificate of admiration and appreciation to the mili- tary and civilian defenders of Quemoy for their contribution to the defense of the free world. It is such things as this which the VFW does to strengthen our defense against communism, that has earned the VFW such high esteem in the United States and overseas. Commander Jenkins' remarks were brief but eloquent, and because of the Importance of the occasion, as well as what the VFW commander said, I in- clude his presentation address at the conclusion of these remarks: REMARKS OF JOHN A. JENKINS, COMMANDER IN CHIEF, VETERANS OF FOREIGN WARS OF THE UNITED STATES, PRESENTATION OF THE VETERANS OF FOREIGN WARS CITATION TO THE MILITARY AND CIVILIAN DEFENDERS OF QUE- MOY, QUEMOY, REPUBLIC OF CHINA, MAY 12, 1965 One of the high privileges that comes to me as the commander in chief of the Vet- erans of Foreign Wars of the United States, is to present on behalf of the VFW, citations honoring those who have contributed to the defense of the free world. Today, it is my privilege and pleasure to participate in such a presentation. I bring you the greetings and respects of the 1,300,000 overseas combat veterans who comprise the membership of the Veterans of Foreign Wars of the United States. Every member of the VFW is a combat vet- eran. Because of this experience, our mem- bers respect and admire those whe have demonstrated heroic bravery In the face of enemy attack. We of the VFW ,share with freedom-loving peoples everywhere a devotion to liberty and a determination to defend freedom against the evil attacks of communism. We know that the free world can be protected only by people who believe so deeply in freedom that they will die to preserve it. Because we recognize these things, we recognize the Importance of Quemoy and the heroism of those who have defended it so bravely and effectively. -Consequently, the thousands of delegates attending the 1964 convention of the Vet crane of Foreign Wars of the United States in Cleveland, Ohio, last August, unanimously voted to award an official citation of the Veterans of,Foreign Wars to the military and civilian defenders of Quemoy. This decision by the convention was made for many reasons: Because of the bravery and the determina- tion you have demonstrated in beating back repeatedly the onslaughts of Communist aggression. Because of the brave manner in which you defy communism while living on an island of freedom literally under the guns of communism. Because in defending Quemoy against Communist aggression you are preventing communism from seizing Quemoy, which is one of the most strategically important posi- tions in the defense of the free world. And finally, we of the VFW take this means of expressing to the military and civilian de- fenders of Quemoy our admiration and our gratitude for all these things which you have done in the defense of your. freedom, and most assuredly in the defense of free peoples everywhere. At this time `it is my privilege, as com- mander in chief of the Veterans of Foreign Wars of the United States, to present this official citation. It Is our hope that it will be for you a lasting reminder of the friend- ship, admiration, and esteem in which you are held by the members of our organization. It is our hope, too, that although we may be separated from you by the thousands of miles of the Pacific Ocean, you are not forgotten, and that what you have done, and what you are doing in the defense of freedom, is prominently in our #heczg#t@ and our hearts. I e EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. GEORGE A. SMATHERS OF FLORIDA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Thursday, June 24, 1 965 Mr. SMATHERS. Mr. President, as President Johnson recently said on na- tionwide television, the genius and strength of America rest largely with our freedom to debate and criticize our national policies. Certainly, no thinking American wants to curb that freedom of discussion. By the same token, however, no American wants this precious liberty to damage the many other freedoms for which the United States stands. Unfortunately, I feel that the loud and, in far too many cases, uninformed criticisms of America's commitment in Vietnam have, indeed, damaged the cause Of world freedom. Max Freedman, in an article entitled "The Progression in Vietnam Debate," which was published in the June 23 is- sue of the Washington Star, made this point quite clear. Mr. Freedman noted that President Johnson has made every effort within reason to find a peaceful settlement In Vietnam. The President has tried to meet every legitimate request. First, there was the demand for negotiations. The President eloquently appealed for negotiations, with his offer of unconditional discus- sions. The Communists turned a deaf ear. Next came the demand to halt the bombing. The President ordered this pause. Again, the Communists refused to help find a way to peace. Now there is the demand for negoti- ations with. the Vietcong. Criticism is essential to our democracy. But, in this case, such criticism seems to be strengthening the Communists' determination to control all of southeast Asia. Mr. Freedman pointed out this danger : Over the weekend President Ho Chi Minh, of North Vietnam, was quoted as saying that the Communist military effort Is receiving encouragement from the criticisms heard inside the United States. I strongly support President Johnson's leadership of the free world. Communism knows one language; that is the language of strength and determi- nation. The United States has the strength. President Johnson has dis- played the determination. I recommend that the entire Freed- man article be read. At this time I re- quest consent that it be printed in the Appendix of the RECORD. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: THE PROGRESSION IN VIETNAM DEBATE (By Max Freedman) In the White House they are drawing up an interesting list of the various stages that have marked the public debate on Vietnam. First there was the demand for negotia- tions. This demand died away when the President went to Baltimore and made his offer of unconditional discussions. Then there was the campaign for a pause in the bombing. When President Johnson ordered this pause and nothing happened to bring the Communists to the conference table, the agitation became far less vehement. Now there is a demand for direct negotia- tions with the Vietcong. The White House is struck by the progression of these de- mands. The argument moves from a simple request for negotiations, to a campaign against bombing raids on North Vietnam, to a demand for a negotiated settlement based on direct talks with the Communist guerrilla forces in South Vietnam. Always the pres- sure is on the United States to make the first concessions to the Communists. In pointing to these facts, White House officials make no criticism of the group of Democratic Senators who have become the public opponents of U.S. policies in Vietnam. The President himself has acknowledged that these Senators have both "the right and the duty" to express their convictions on such a major aspect of U.S. policy. Officials in the White House are not opposed to criticism. They are wondering instead whether the critics are sufficiently aware of the uses to which their protests have been put by the Communist side. Instead of persuading the Communists that the time had come to seek a negotiated settlement, these American criticisms have had the opposite effect. They have hardened the Communist military campaign, led them to hope that the United States may yet be- come grievously divided, and pushed the Approved For Release 2003/10/15 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000300180020-8 June 42,196S COINGRESSIONAL RECORD-APPENDIX A3317 Gomalunists further avay from the confer- this significant national holiday by dis- to accommodate a large expansion of Scott's e`nce im. playing this beautiful banner for 31 Paper-producing mill. Over , h w@@kend-President "Flo thi Mlnh days WILLIAM H. KENDALL, a 17ox'tli ietnam, was quoted In Pravda as The club has the enthusiastic endorse- President. saying that the communist military effort is receiving encouragement fro the criticisms ment and cooperation of the city officials m heard inside the United States: who have issued a proclamation desig- Now the last thought in the mind of any noting July as "Rally Around the Flag" Senator is to say or do anything that will month. Other organizations are coop- bring'aid and comfort to the Communists. erating with the members of the club in Not a single critical Senator is trying to help devising ways and means of rendering the iroinmunist side, Without exception all special courtesies and respect to our na- of them are, trying to save the United States tional flag which stands for the United from following a path that they 'conceive' to be full of mischief and danger. Their con- States of America, "one nation under victions command respect even when they do God, indivisible, with liberty and justice not carry agreement; for it is never easy to for all." against a mounting war fever. Such special recognition by the Loyal stand 61# But it cannot be challenged by anyone who Boosters Club._is a splendid way of pay- has studied --the' uses made in Hanoi and ing homage to this shining symbol of our Peiping of these senatorial criticisms that national sovereignty, our glorious past, they have an impact which quite often mocks and the promise of our future greatness. tore the p are men of the speakers. These Sena I would like to commend the Loyal , men of .. experience and patriotism. . It surely should 6e possible for them, within Boosters Club for this admirable tribute. the traditions of 'responsible debate, to criti- Each member of its organization and all cite their own Government without giving of the others cooperating in this splendid comfort and encouragement to the Commu- action have given us a patriotic example nists. After all, they could have been no worthy of praise and emulation. H with H nhi h Wh t o i e use happier than t e Minh's interview with Pravda. Incidentally; fak-too much has been made of Senator 3: WILLIAM FULBRIGHT'S meeting with the President before his recent speech in the Senate. As chairman of the Senate For- eign Relations Committee, the Arkansas Democrat has his own constitutional duties to discharge. His ability to command a na- tional Or indeed a world audience does not depend on his being a spokesman for the White House. It depends on his own in- trinsic, wisdom. Nobody understands this better, than the President. That being clearly understood, 'it should be added that it is utter nonsense for the Republican Party to pretend that FULBRIGHT is challenging the President's program. Johnson is pledged to a policy of uncondi- tional. That means he is ready to go to the conference table'without-pre- conditions of any kind. He is ready to listen to everything without agreeing t6 anything Quite plainly 'there can be no settlement, as FULBRIGnT has said, without concessions from`both,sided . The President has no quar- rel at all 'with that position. He merely reserves the right to decide for himself at the proper time what precise concessions are in fact essential to a settlement. He would like'that fact to be thoroughly under- stood he HON. 'FRANK CHELF OF KENTUCKY IN THEHOUSI; OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, June 24, 1965 Mr" CH, LF'. Mr. Speaker, the Loyal Eopsters Chub of Bellevue, Ky., located in the k$prth_ Congressional District which I have-thehonor to represent here has passed a resolution calling for every one of its approximately 70 members to fly our American flag every day during the mooith of July. '1'hIt, club,'which is one' of the oldest in norheln Kentucky, felt that instead of,pelebrating gone day of Independence of our country, it would like to observe INTERNATIONAL PAPER CO., New York. International Paper Co. has been an in- dustrial citizen of the Mobile area since 1928 and the headquarters of our Southern Kraft Division has been located there since 1930. We have very deep roots in this enterpris- ing, fast-moving community. Mobile has been home to several thousand of our em- ployees and to many of us from other parts of the company. Mobile also has been a gracious host on the frequent occasions when we have visited there. But much more important to our company has been the economic and business climate that has been fostered in Mobile by the public spirited. businessmen and community leaders who set the tone for the city, Mobile welcomes growth; it welcomes innovation and expansion; it looks to the future. To a large extent, this sound, business- oriented background has encouraged us to invest more than $67 million in expansion and development of our Mobile operations since 1954. One of the most important sin- gle aspects of our operations in Mobile has been the establishment and growth of our Erling Riis Research Laboratory. Named for the former head of our southern operations and a longtime Mobile resident, this lab- oratory is one of the outstanding pulp and paper research organizations in the coun- try- We look forward to our future associations with your progressive, alert community. The combination of a growing complex of mod- ern industry and a stable, hard-working, cordial populace, makes Mobile almost unique of all the cities in the Gulf South region. EXTENSION OF REMARKS of HON. JACK EDWARDS OF ALABAMA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, June 24, 1965 Mr. EDWARDS of Alabama. Mr. Speaker, industrial expansion in Mobile and other parts of southern Alabama is continuing at a rapid pace. Leaders of industry have on many occasions indi- cated their successful experience with growth operations in our area. As examples I call attention to the two following statements: LOUISVILLE & NASHVILLE RAILROAD, Louisville, Ky. The Louisville & Nashville Railroad is proud of its past association with the development of the city of Mobile and is confident of fu- ture progress in which we expect to partici- pate. The location?of Mobile provides a fortu- nate environment and a sunny industrial climate for the import and export of many commodities,. As Alabama's only port, Mo- bile offers a growing operation that already ranks among the top 10 ports of the Nation. This status has been achieved largely through efforts of the Alabama State docks organization, which has provided facilities for convenient and economical transfer of ,goods from ship lines through an extensive rail distribution system to all parts of the United States. The L. & N. the establish- ment of the State docks by deeding a sub- stantial block 'of its property to the State early in 1926. This railroad has also cooperated with the Alabama Development Association, the Mo- iz1le.Area:,Qham ci S1 ODmmerce and?civic leaders in promoting development for indus- trial use of 7,400 acres near Mobile. - Establishment of competitive freight rates has further encouraged industrial expan- sion at Mobile. Tangible results of these ef- forts include a recent expansion of Interna- tional Paper Co.'s Mobile operation and the establishment by the Scott Paper Co., in co- operation with the L, & N? of a warehouse RICHARD C. DOAN, Chairman of the Board. Employment of Older Workers in the U.S. Government EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. LINDLEY BECKWORTH OF TEXAS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, June 24, 1965 Mr. BECKWORTH. Mr. Speaker, for a long time I have been interested in the extent to which the older people of our Nation have opportunities to be employed by the Federal Government. I have feared that it is entirely too difficult for an older person to get work with the Federal Government. I desire to include in the RECORD a letter which was written to me.June 8, 1965, by Chairman John W,,, Macy. Chairman Macy has sent to me some very informative figures. I ask to include these figures in the CONGRES- SIONAL RECORD. U.S. CIVIL SERVICE COMMISSION, Washington, D.C., June 8, 1965. Hon. LINDLEY BECKWORTH, Chairman, Subcommittee on Civil Service, Committee on Post Office and Civil Serv- ice, Washington, D.C. DEAR MR. BECKWORTH: This letter is in reply to your Inquiry of April 16, 1965, ask- ing for information that might serve to up- date your subcommittee on developments in ApprovedFor Release 2003/10/15 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000300180020-8 A3318 Approved For Release 2003/10/15 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000300180020-8 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD- APPENDIX June 24, 1965 the program to insure there Is no discrimina- tion against older persons in connection with Federal employment. There has been no indication of need for a special drive in this area of placement of people and none has been undertaken. The reports received in our Bureau of Inspections have not shown any cause for concern. So far as we have any reason to believe the selection of older people from our registers is in reasonable relationship to the number ,who apply and are qualified. The GommLs- sion, however, is staying alert to any, changes. We have In process a study of the Federal employee population by age which should shed further light on the overall situation. We expect to have the report by early sum- mer and will send you a copy as soon as it is available. One enclosure. is the statistical material we prepared last year and submitted to the edi- tors of the 1964 annual report of the Presi- ( nt's Council on Aging which was issued under the title "Action for Older Americans," The ;waterial which we submitted was more comprehensive than the editors found oc- casion to use, It may be of interest to you. Last year the Commission sponsored a bill 11 to require mandatory retirement at age 70 after 5 years of service rather than after 15. Employment beyond 70 could still con- tinue but on a. year-to-year basis. We felt that such a measure would encourage agen- cies to appoint more people of really ad- vanced years so far as normal employment prospects are concerned. The bill was re- introduced this year as H.R. 442. A copy of our report on it is enclosed. Another enclosure of possible interest to you in connection with age and employ- ment is a reprint of an early retirement sur- vey from our Civil Service Journal, "Thirty- eight Years Is aPIenty." Finally, it is my understanding that some of the agencies in the excepted service have elected to follow the same "no age limit" employment policy now required of all in the competitive service. The Bureau of Medicine and Surgery of the Veterans' Ad- ministration is one of these. I hope that this survey of developments will prove helpful to your subcommittee. Sincerely yours, JOHN W. MACY, Jr., Chairman. +al ewploye s covered by retirement system, by sex, age, and length of service, June 30, 1963 LTatimates based on a 10-percent sample of employees under the Civil Service Retirement Act] Age and isggth ofaer sloe Total Number of employees Percent distribution 1 Male Female Percent male Total Male _ Female Totah_~ ---- ----- - --_.-r---------- ----- --------- 2,300,000 1,739,480 560,520 75.6 100.00 100.0 100.0 By age :I_ Under ears rrs F -- - -?-- ------- --------- to 29years a 14,080 107, 630 3,410 51, 700 ,870 10,670 55, 930 24.2 48.0 .6 . 4.7 .2 3.0 L9 10.0 _------ - - __ __-_-_ _---_-?_- _?____.__-_ soto31yeslrs---------------------------- ------------------------ 171,280 W4, OW 123.790 188,750 47,490 46,150 72.3 80.4 7.4 10 2 7.1 10 9 8.5 8 2 85to19 S s__________________________________________________-_ 49 to 44years_-- -__.___---- __------------------------------ 318, 500 418 070 260,960 332 950 67,540 85 120 78.8 79 6 . 13.8 18 2 . 14.4 . 12.1 45 to 49 years_--_-------- __------------------ ---------------- 50 to 34 years , 371,930 , 293,950 , 77,980 . 79.0 . 16.2 19.1 16.9 15.2 13.9 ---------------------------------- ................. 55 to 59 years--------------------------------------------------- - 285,050 211..300 217,170 147 630 67,880 53 670 76.2 73 3 12.4 8 8 12.5 8 6 12.1 EOtof#years_--_~.- . ..................... 114,830 , 81,710 , 33,120 . 71.2 . 5 0 . 4 7 9.6 6 9 86 0 49years-- -_.._-- ?_____________ 70 to74years P,,079 42,460 13,610 75.7 . 2.4 . 2.4 . 2.4 ----- -------------- - ---- ----------- -- '75 years and over -___ _ - 5,980 380 4, B90 310 1,290 70 78.4 81.6 .3 .3 .2 Sy I of oervica group: Uader6yeass _-_-_-_ -____---------------- __?_.-___ 5to9 ea 313,040 168,960 146,080 53.3 13.6 9.6 26.1 y r$-------------- --------- -___________ 10 to 14 years -----_-__--- ?_________________________________ 440, 6M 485,820 324,490 326,000 116,010 109,320 73.7 74.9 19.2 18.9 18.7 18 7 20.7 19 5 15 to 19 years ----------------------------------------------------- 20 to 24 years. -------------------------------- -_ _____--. 463,390 - 45 287,200 .379 6W 86,100 77870 81.0 83 0 19.7 19 9 . 21.1 . 15.4 26 to 29 years. ----------------------------- --- ____. 1 84f1' 05,490 17,350 . 886.9 . 1.8 6 1 13.9 3 1 30 to 34 years----------------------------------------- _ 36to39years 41,2bf1. 36,490 4,760 88.5 1.8 . 2.1 . .8 - . ------------------ --___-----------------_--_?---_- 40 to 44 years --------------------------------- _------- _ 24,240 9,650 22,240 8 910 1,900 740 92.2 92 8 1.1 4 1.3 .3 45 to 49 years-_____-__--_ ________________________---___,_ 50 years and over------- ----- --- 2, 190 810 , 1,800 L 380 . 85.7 . .1 ? .5 .1 .1 .1 - ----- ----- -- ----------- -------------- 100.0 ) ( (5) -------------- r Percents are rounded dependently and not forced to add to totals. I Ir t ghee age for all tployees, 43.1 years; for males, 43.5 years; for females, 42 years. Total Less than 20 20 to 29 30 to 39 40 to 49 50 to 59 60 to 69 70 and over Qauerai Aoeoant' Office ------- artmew o#x St e ~ _. 4,758 5 002 76 148, 818 887 980 1 091 1,227 1 569 1,249 980 400 318 ______________ 8t'tlHEnt Of t13E Treasmy_ 19epartment 82, 997 1,784 11,078 , 18,194 , 25,244 18, 398 8,205 ----------- -- 96 996,030 15,726 121; 465 259,348 340, 315 191,561 65,912 1,713 Office of the Secretary of Defense and other Defense impartment of the Army ----------- 21,457 356,338 835 6,914 3,580 44 391 5,098 92 589 6,756 118 794 3,897 fig 567 1, 252 23 468 38 Department of the Navy ------------------- Department of the Air Force - 331,480 288 765 4591 3,886 , $5,108 3 7 , 77,435 , 118,710 , 69625 , 25,421 , 615 %90 ------------------------- , 8,3 6 84, 225. 96, 055 48,472 15 771 470 Department of Justice -_______-_.._ - _?------------ Poet (3ffice Department ___..___________________ A t of the Interior- 17,971 588,409 53 900 454 5,567 1 067 2 130 78, 018 4,156 159, 908 5,901 196,299 3,957 106810 1 1,327 41, 546 47 1, 234 r _ ---------- -.-_ partment of Agriculture__-.. _____-_--__.___- D rt , 110, 046 , 2, 576 9, 449 19, 890 13,850 27 580 15,106 29 850 1D, 726 23 435 3, 512 7 041 190 174 epa ment of Commerce___ -------- 11spartnlent ail aber..._ , 31,124 8 929 732 535 6,391 0 , 7,561 , 8257 , 6,122 , 2,025 36 Department of 1lealtdi, Education ~:d W.eYfare. __, , 73,161 3,298 1, 68 16 099 1,777 7 840 2, 665 20 160 1,743 12 298 638 2 961 11 Civil Service C,,ommisaion_ _ _ General Services Administration 4,123 166 , 514 , 972 , 1,463 , . 704 , 291 105 11 -------------- i sousing and 73ome Finaum Ageney------------- f --- 31,518 13,469 305 519 2,851 1, 546 5,887 2,235 9,828 652 3 8,260 3 362 4,789 2 055 ? 98 100 orms tionAgency _______-.,___--__.----------- - ---` n Interstate {Commerce COmXal9don- 4,271 2 442 234 74 683 222 975 , 1,073 , 877 , 429 ------ -- -- - -- ---------------------- _ NationalAer uticsand$paceAdministration --------- Veterans 'Ad t , 23;666 671 5,1170 518 7,972 827 6,711 530 2,060 271 556 -- -------- 46 (s ratiom :_- --_------ ~__--_---. 176,234. 1,445 22,E 44,575 69,235 34,828 13,540 310 NOTE.-These data have been drawn from a random sample of approximately 10 percent of the Federal work force and are therefore subject to sampling error. Excludes 40re nationals pvwseak the AffloW for International Development and the Peace Corps in the Department of State, the Federal Bureau of Investigation in the Department of Justiee, the Alaska Railroad and the .GteoiogLcal Survey In the Department of the Interior oomnslsaioned officers of the Coast and Geodetic Survey in the Department of Commerce, and the commissioned corps of the Public Health Service in the Department of B'eedth, Education, and Welfare. Approved For Release 2003/10/15 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000300180020-8 ? Averagelesgth of service for all employees, 14.2 years; for males, 15. females, 11.2 years. TABLE 1.-Distribution of paid Federal civilian employment, by selected agency aad by age group, June 30, 1962 June 24, i pproved For Re lC aftW1 fj AhCI ftQJW004J 8300180020-8 bases is so large, that the removal of this market, through conversion of burners on these bases to natural gas, would clearly make it uneconomic for the mines to continue to operate. Officials of the Department of Defense had carefully` and single mindedly studied this conversion proposal. In fact, it is precisely because the consid- eration was so single minded that greater and more important considera- tions than the estimated $1 million a year saving, which would, ostensibly, be realized from conversion by the Federal 'Government, have been completely over- looked or have been given too little con- sideration. Even if the presumed saving could have been realized-and I have serious doubts about that, the mischief which would be done by conversion would far outweigh, in the national interest, any economy which might result. There comes a time, I believe, when we should, in effect, stand back and ask ourselves just what it is that we are attempting to defend by means of our defense ef- forts. If it is not a sound economy, with successful operating industries, gainfully employed workers, with the families of these breadwinners living in security, and the generation of all the beneficial side effects for the economy which such activities produce, what is it we seek to defend?. ,Without its coal mines, the Matanuska Valley would have become an economi- cally blighted area-a little Appalachia in the heart of the 49th State, where, not decay and retrogression, but growth and hope should be, and have in general been, the watchwords. Conversion by the military to natural gas would have resulted immediately in the unemployment of about 125 men who mine and handle coal which goes to Fort Richardson and Elmendorf Air Force Base. These men are in most cases long- time residents of Alaska. They have families. It is not overstating the case to say that in the. area of the mines there is nothing else to provide the kind of economic activity which would permit these men and their dependents to con- tinue to live there. Thus, the making. of the appropriation for conversion sought by the Defense Department would have destroyed an industry and would have wrecked the economy of an important section of Alaska. It is my belief that conversion in the Anchorage area would, in the natural course of events, be followed by similar conversion north of the range at the Fairbanks area bases, so that it would be only a, matter of time until Alaska's coal mining industry would be wiped out en- tirely. In short, the cost of conversion, $1,- 560,000, would not only be a waste of the taxpayers' dollars, but would also lay the foundation, for a continued annually greater cost of_ operation of these mili- tary bases which the same, taxpayers would be compelled to pay in perpetuity. Wht.?wo ate, dealing with, here, Mr. President, is . not only, a few columns of figures. . What We are dealing with is also the destiny of, human beings. In addition- to thy direct effects which I, have been discussing, there would be many incidental and, related results, all of them destructive and unfortunate. The Alaska Railroad, owned by the Fed- eral Government, now moves, the coal from the mines at Palmer, Eska, and Jonesville to the bases. This transpor- tation activity makes possible a quality and frequency of railroad service and a level of rates on commodities other than coal which Ithe people of Alaska-al- though they often grumble about them- have managed to tolerate. Removal of the coal-transportation activity would hurt the railroad and also would hurt the people of Alaska who depend upon its rates and services. An alternative, which I hardly think the Bureau of the Budget or the Congress would look upon with great favor, would be to subsidize the operation of this Government-owned railroad, in order to make up for the losses of traffic. This would, indeed, be robbing Peter to pay Paul. The computations, on which the sup- posed saving to the Federal Government from conversion were based, relied on a price of gas of 29 cents a thousand cubic feet delivered to the Defense Depart- ment. No other purchaser, wholesale or retail in Alaska, has up to this time, ever been able to enjoy a gas price that rea- sonable. There is reason to believe that a realistic price would be about 10 cents higher, or 39 cents a thousand cubic feet. At such a price-which I am fearful the gas supplier would have to move to, in years ahead, in order to remain solvent, there would be no saving at all to Uncle Sam from conversion. In fact, the fuel cost would be higher than the cost of coal has been in the past 2 years. In addi- tion, of course, we would have gone to all of the expense and trouble of converting. Let us consider what the situation would be after conversion to natural gas at these bases. It is fairly well conceded that in that area petroleum fuels are not competitive. With the coal mines out of business, their plants dismantled, and their employees dispersed, natural gas would be the fuel in the area. Not only the defense bases, but also the pri- vate consumers, would be wholly depend- ent on it, alone. All would have to pay whatever price was demanded. It should be understood that there is no free play of competition in connection with this matter. The pipeline company, which has quoted a gas price to the Defense De- partment, is the only supplier now in a position, or likely to be in a position in the foreseeable future, to deal with the Government, With coal out. of the pic- ture, this natural gas monopoly would completely rule the situation. I applaud the action of the Armed Services Committee; and I hope this false, alleged economy will now be dropped, not only for the fiscal year ahead, but also for the future. "FAIR FIGHTS AND FOUL"-BOOK BY JUDGE THURMAN ARNOLD Mr. McGEE. Mr. President, some years ago "a "lucky lawyer" came out of my State, and, after serving for a time as a professor of law at Yale, gravitated to Washington,, to serve as Assistant Attor- 14169 ney General in charge of the Antitrust Division of the Department of Justice. Later, he sat on the U.S. Court of Ap- peals, and also founded a significant law firm here in our ,Nation's Capital. Judge Thurman Arnold has written of his life-the "life of a lucky lawyer," as he calls it-in a book, just released, en- titled "Fair Fights and Foul." An excel- lent review of the book by a fellow at- torney, James Rowe, is published in to- day's issue of the Washington Post, along with an article based on a recent inter- view by Morton Mintz. The interview makes the point that Judge Arnold is still quite willing to "light matches in powder mills." I ask unanimous consent that the book review and an article from the Washington Post be printed. in the RECORD. There being no objection, the review and the article were ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: [From the Washington Post, June 24, 1965] THURMAN ARNOLD RIDES AGAIN RELIVING .SPECTACULAR PAST (Reviewed by James Rowe) "Fair Fights and Foul," by Thurman Arnold, Harcourt, Brace & World, 292 pages, $5.95. Once upon a time, around 1940, there was an iconoclastic Yale law professor who, when sent to Washington, turned into a fearsome dragon. Even today any big businessman over 50 shivers and trembles in his' boots at the magic phrase "Thurman Arnold." But the dragon has mellowed since he was the greatest trustbuster of them all, not even excluding his own two great trustbusting heroes, Teddy and Franklin Roosevelt. So he has written a mellow book. It is as always sardonic, witty, anecdotal and it shines with a literary polish. All this one could expect from the author of the "Folk- lore of Capitalism," a brilliant pyrotechnic display which burst like the 4th of July over the legal firmament two decades ago. The difference is that his new book has an increased urbanity. No longer is Arnold in- dulging in scintillating advocacy for one of his varied causes. Today he is indulging in a review of his attitudes and beliefs. He is looking back and pointing out with a modesty somewhat striking in Thurman Arnold how right he was on the various fields of battle. And incredibly, it does seem he was always right. There is too little of the unforgettable man, the personality, color and excitement of Thurman Arnold in this book, except for his youth in Wyoming, Princeton, and Har- vard Law School, and law practice in Wyo- ming. After a few years of teaching at Yale Law School, of which he still has a rather high opinion, Arnold took on a variety of legal tasks in Washington. Then Roosevelt appointed him Assistant Attorney General in charge of the Antitrust Division of the Department of Justice. Those, as he says, were the great days; when he led possibly the single most talented staff of lawyers ever seen in Washington. In 4 years he brought more prosecutions for vio- lation of the antitrust law than had taken place during the preceding 50 years. He insists nevertheless that the antitrust law is more important as a symbol of an Ameri-. can belief than it is in practice. ` Still this is not simply a book on antitrust law. Arnold has opinions on everything, in- cluding working for the Government (which he liked), the Civil Service (which he would abolish because it is inefficient), the Federal court of appeals (on which he sat briefly but left because he knew he was by temperament an advocate and not an impartial judge). Approved For Release 2003/10/15 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000300180020-8 Approved Fe6?6f M app JO/l lCS RP&7,gW 6R0003001809 -p 24, 1965 He discourses on balanced.budgets, Keynes- ian economics, the printing of money, and fiscal policy, the New Deal and the Great Society, which pleases him greatly. He expounds a fascinating theory that Thomas Jefferson and Andrew Jackson were the William McChesney Martins of their day and Alexander Hamilton the Leon Keyserling. It may be true but, as he has said in other connections, it will take generations before this theory becomes general belief. For many years the author has been in Washington private practice. Although he discourses happily about law firms and law schools, the book spends no time on the cases which have made him a successful corporate lawyer. He prefers his "public" cases- Esquire, Playboy, and obscenity, the Latti- more case, and the Bailey and Peters cases. He does not refrain from paying his due respects to the memory of Senator Joseph McCarthy and to timorous Government ex- ecutives. Be :tells about his rescue of poet Ezra Pound from St. Elizabeths and from trial for treason. It would have been fun if he had put more of himself, rather than his ideas, into the telling. But the ideas and the causes are fascinating and interesting enough for every- one, not only the lawyer but also the histo- rian, the sociologist, psychologist, and even the general reader. It is quite clear that this dragon lived happily ever after. STILL ICONOCLASTIC JUDGE ARNOLD CALLS CIVIL SERVICE A HANDICAP (By Morton Mintz) After Thurman W. Arnold took over the Justice Department's Antitrust Division dur- ing the New Deal, he says in his new book, "indictments of respectable people began to pour out. He prosecuted oil firms, General Electric the American Medical Association, the Asso- ciated Press. "Cries of outrage could be heard from coast to coast," Arnold writes in "Fair Fights and Foul," which Harcourt, Brace & World is publishing today. "I was pictured as a wild man whose sanity was in considerable doubt. One major news- paper referred to me as 'an idiot in a powder mill'.,, Arnold is now 74, founding (and active) partner in the influential law firm of Arnold, Fortas & Porter and basking in prestige. He is addressed by many as "judge," having served on the U.S. court of appeals here. But the willingness to light matches in powder mills-for what Arnold deems good and sufficient reason-is still there. It burned brightly in an interview the other day. There is, he said, "no justification any more" for the civil service. This brought a lighted match closer to the powder than does his book, in which he is content to call it "a serious handicap to Government effi- ciency." SURVIVES AS A SYMBOL Interview or book, his objections are the same. Civil service, he says, survives "as a symbol of the Government's fairness to its employees." But, he writes in "Fair Fights," the symbol has little relation to reality: Civil service affords practically no protec- tion in the tenure of Government service. The head of a department, if he is con- scientious, can always get rid of an em- ployee by the process of a reorganization that abolishes his job. "If he is not conscientious, he can file a list of charges against an employee, listen to the employee's defense In an absentminded way, and then fire him. "The employee can appeal to the courts, if he wants to spend his money use- lessly * * * I have undertaken cases of dis- charged employees where I was convinced that the evidence of bias was clear and con- vincing. I lost them all. "On the other side of the ledger, civil serv- ice puts a handicap on the official's judg- ment in selecting his staff * * * "If corporate management had to go through this process of subjecting the per- sonnel and salaries of its staff to some higher authority, even the ordinary citizen unversed in the mysteries of corporate operation would be able to detect that it was nonsense. "But any kind of restriction on Govern- ment management would be regarded by the same citizen as a necessary and wholesome restriction in the interests of preventing Government executives from ruining their own departments by the free exercise of their feeble personal judgments." SACROSANCT POSITION "Thus the civil service has acquired an impregnable position in the mind of the pub- lic as a symbol of respectability and decorum in the conduct of Government affairs. Any- one who doubts it is apt to be charged with being contumacious toward holy men." Here, from the interview, are other matches carried by Arnold to other powder mills: Little that was taught at Princeton when Arnold was a student there was relevant to the development of the social institutions of the outside world. But faculty members and students in today's teach-ins, seemingly so relatedto the outside world, are, if anything, even more detached from the realities. Arnold, it should be noted, believes that President Johnson will prove to be "one of the greatest Presidents we have ever known." Like private industry, Government needs some "cleansing process" to get rid of its incompetent managers. Many of them got where they are because good men, finding that a Government career is not considered "a career of honor" by the people, get out. The people thus have a self-fulfilling prophecy. "Big business is very inefficient, but is judged by its best examples. Government is very efficient in some things-look at the moonshot-but is judged by its worst examples." Regulatory agencies become "captives of the people they regulate." The regulators are beset "by the pressures of wanting to be liked by the people they regulate" and from whom they may later seek employment. So what they do is to turn to "harass- ment" of the small, rather than the regula- tion of the big. Arnold would have liked to title his book "Life of a Lucky Lawyer," but his publisher talked him out of it. He regrets that he dealt with the late Sen- ator Estes Kefauver in the book solely in the unfavorable context of his crime investiga- tion. In other respects, such as Kefauver's leadership of the Senate Antitrust Subcom- mittee, Arnold considers him "a great man," and wishes he had said so. Finally, he wishes his manuscript dead- line had not prevented him from saying more in praise of the performance of President Johnson. Pb c e, VI AM DIALOG Mr. McGEE. Mr. President, the Washington Star of June 23, in com- menting on C.B.S. television,' Monday night, upon the debate between propo- nents and opponents of the administra- tion's Vietnam policy, makes the point that the university professors opposed to the presentcourse of events have offered us nothing which could rationally be de- scribed as an alternative. The editorial also points up the effec- tive and articulate affirmation of our Government's mission by the President's assistant, McGeorge Bundy, whose ap- pearance served, as the editorial put it, "a useful purpose." The same could be said, I may add, for those on the other side. I ask unanimous consent that the editorial from the Washington Star be printed in the RECORD. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: VIETNAM DIALOG The "Vietnam dialog" presented by CBS Monday night obviously did not convert any of the professors to the administration's point of view. Nevertheless, the show served a useful purpose. It demonstrated, for one thing, that Mc- George Bundy is indeed a formidable oppo- nent on the debating platform. He was more than a match for the representatives of the "academic community," singly or collectively. And the President's aid was especially effec- tive in carving up Prof. Hans Morgenthau, who Is generally thought of as the guiding spirit of the academic critics of our policy in Vietnam. More importantly, it demonstrated that you can't beat something with nothing. In this instance, Bundy's something was a clearly articulated definition of the admin- istration's policy and program. The policy has not yet achieved the desired result. But we may know more about its usefulness 6 months from now, and in any event It con- stitutes a tangible, affirmative course of ac- tion which can be stated In terms that are understandable. The great weakness of the position of the other side was that it offered nothing which could rationally be described as an alterna- tive. Mr. Morgenthau said he is "opposed to our present policy in Vietnam on moral, military, political and general intellectual grounds"- an interesting rhetorical exercise, but it means little or nothing. He also mentioned five alternatives to our present policy, and said he favored the fifth. What is it? "I think our aim must be to get out of Viet- nam," he said, "but to get out of it with honor." This is an alternative? President Johnson has said essentially the same thing on half a dozen occasions. One thing more. Mr. Morgenthau seemed to take as his model the French withdrawal from Algeria and Vietnam. He failed to men- tion that in each case the French were wag- ing a purely colonial war, which is quite a different thing from honoring treaty commit- ments for the sole purpose of helping South Vietnam maintain its independence in the face of plain aggression by the Communists. FE- 1,441 - THE PROGRESSION IN VIETNAM DEBATE Mr. McGEE. Mr. President, as one who has taken his stand early and firmly in support of the administration's policies in Vietnam, I have always wel- comed debate on the subject, particu- larly with my colleagues here in the Senate who may disagree, at least on certain points of policy. Such debate is needed, especially in major policy areas. Nonetheless, Mr. President, Max Freedman, writing in Wednesday's Washington Star, has called attention to the uses to which our adversaries have put some statements of disagree- ment. His article is worthy of note by the Members of this body. Therefore, I ask unanimous consent that the article be printed in the RECORD. Approved For Release 2003/10/15 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000300180020-8 'i26 24, 1A p roved For Rei ' i . I AE1 ft 00gf ?M300180020-8 14171 was recreation area. Both will be built ordered to be printed in the RECORD, tional or indeed a world audience does not around an artificial lake to be formed as follows: depend on his being a spokesman for the [From the Washington Star, June 23, 196b Fite House. It depends on his own intrin- by a reservoir, and both will be con- J sic wisdom. No body understands this bet- strutted by the Federal Government. In 'T'HE PROGRESSION IN VIETNAM DEBATE ter than the President. the case of Tocks Island, the reservoir (By Max Freedman) That being clearly understood, it should will be constructed by the U.S. Army In the White House they are drawing up be added that it is utter nonsense for the Corps of, Engineers; Glen Canyon has an interesting list of the various stages that Republican Party to pretend that FULBRIGHT been built by the U.S. Bureau Of Recla- have marked the public debate on Vietnam. Is challenging the President's program. mation. Tocks Island is somewhat First there was the demand for negotia- Johnson is pledged to a policy of uncondi- smaller than the Glen Can tions. This demand died away when the tional discussions. That means he is ready yon recreation President went to Baltimore and made his to go to the conference table without pre- area, but would be developed for the same offer of unconditional discussions, conditions of any kind. He is ready to listen purpose-to provide recreation for the Then there was the campaign for a pause to everything without agreeing to anything approximately 30 million people who live In the bombing. When President Johnson, in advance. within 100 miles of th3 area. There are ordered this pause and nothing happened to Quite plainly there can be no settlement, not that many people, of Course, living bring the Communists to the conference as FULBRIGHT has said, without concessions that close to Lake Powell' but, over a table, the agitation became far less Vence from both sides. The President has no quay- period of time, it will undoubtedly merit. re1at all with that position. He merely be- tract far more than 30 million to enjoy Now.tiiere is a 'demand for direct negotia- serves the right to decid^ for himself at enjoy tions with the Vietcong. The White House the proper time what precise concessions are its unique beauty. Is struck by the progression of these de- in fact essential to a settlement. He would The pamphlet describing Tocks Island mantis. The argument moves from a sim- like that fact to be thoroughly understood is not, I admit, fully in color; but it is ple request for negotiations, to a campaign here no less than by the Communists. handsome, nonetheless, with a two-color against bombing raids on North Vietnam, cover and double-page map, and with to a demand, fora negotiated settlement stunning halftones and glowing prose. based on direct talks with the Communist THE LAKE POWELL BOOKLET It is without question a "sales pamphlet" guerrilla forces in South Vietnam. Always Mr. MOSS. Mr. President, I read with for Tocks Island. the pressure is on the United States to make considerable astonishment a speech It happens that I favor the estab- the first concessions to the Communists. made on June 7 in the House of Repre- lishment of the Tocks Island recreation In pointing to these facts, White House sentatives by Representative JOHN P. area, and I shall do what I can to see officials make no criticism of the group of Democratic Senators who have become the SAYLOR, of Pennsylvania, in attacking that it becomes a reality, by voting either public opponents of U.S. policies in Vietnam. the Bureau of Reclamation and the De- for Representative SAYLOR's bill or for The President,, himself has acknowledged partment of the Interior for issuing 'a the companion bill introduced by Senator that these Senators have both "the right booklet of color photographs of Lake CLARK, whichever comes before me. and the duty" to express their convictions Powell, the lake created by construction As a matter of fact, I am in favor of on such a major aspect of U.S. policy. Of- of the Glen Canyon Dam. extendiri our ficials in the White House are not opposed g present system of park- to criticism. They are wondering instead Although this is one of the most spec- and seashores and monuments and recre- whether the critics are sufficiently aware tacular and inviting of the Nation's new ation areas as rapidly as we can investi- of the uses to which their protests have playgrounds, and one which makes a gate appropriate areas and can assure been put by the Communist side. mighty contribution toward meeting the ourselves that they meet the necessary Irstead. of persuading the Communists recreational needs of our growing popu- criteria. I am convinced that our pop- that the time had come to seek a negotiated lation, Representative SAYLOR calls the ulation growth makes it mandatory that settlement, these American criticisms have Lake Powell booklet a "blatantly illegal we provide more outdoor recreation sites, had the opposite effect. They have hard- lobbying campaign." He sees in it an and that we must set aside those sites ened the Communist military campaign, led them to,hope that the United States may effort by the Bureau of Reclamation to now, before they are swallowed up by ex- yet become grievously divided, and pushed promote other Colorado River reclama- panding industry and agriculture or by the Communists further away from the con- tion legislation which will create similar urban sprawl. ference room. lakes which can be used for recreation. I have no objection, as Representative Over the weekend President Ho Chi Minh In view of the strong language Rep- SAYLOR does, if the publications of the of North Vietnam. was quoted in Pravda as resentative SAYLOR used on June 7 in Department of the Interior explain the saying that the Communist military effort criticizing the Lake Powell booklet and merits of an area before it is established, 1s receiving .encouragement from the criti- its publication by a bureau of the De- or after it is ready for visitors. Neither Cisms heard inside, the United States. Now the last thought in the mind of any partment of the Interior, I did a "double do I object, as Representative SAYLOR Senator is to say or do anything that will take" when, some 5 days later, on June does, if the booklet also looks to the bring aid and comfort to the Communists. 12, I was handed a very attractive and future, by discussing the potentialities Not a single critical Senator is trying to help artistic booklet on the proposal to esta- of other sites in the area which might the Communist side.. Without exception all blish Tocks Island National Recreation become available for recreation if dams of them are trying to save the United States Area in Representative SAYLOR's State are built by the Corps of Engineers or from following a path that they conceive to of Pennsylvania and the neighboring by the Bureau of Reclamation. The be full. of mischief and danger. Their con- State of New Jersey. The Tocks Island people are interested in what victions command respect even when they do American not carry agreement; for it is never easy to booklet was likewise published by one of their Government is doing for them, and stand out against a mounting war fever. the bureaus of the Department of the how it is being financed, and what it But it Cannot be challenged by anyone Interior-in this instance, the National proposes to do in the future, and how who has studied the uses made in Hanoi Park Service. The only difference is those plans will be financed. and Peiping of the senatorial criticisms that that the Tocks Island book is provided I believe that most of the nature lovers they have an impact which quite often free, while the Lake Powell book is sold and conservationists in the country feel mocks the purposes of the speakers. These by the Government Printing Office for the same as I do about developing rec- Senators .are men of experience and patriot- ism. It surely should be possible for them, 75 cents a copy. A copy of the Tocks reation sites as a "new part" of our heri- within the traditions of responsible debate, Island booklet was given to me when I tage of natural beauty. This is put very to criticize their. own government without made a Senate Interior Committee field well in the closing paragraphs of the giving comfort and encouragement to the trip, on Saturday, to Pennsylvania and Lake Powell booklet, which I shall quote: Communists. After all, they could have been New Jersey, to see, with the committee, There is a natural order in our universe. no happier than the White House with Ho the section which would be created as God created both man and nature. And Chi Minh's interview with Pravda. Tacks Island National Recreation Area, man served God. But nature serves man. Incidentally, far too much has been made of Senator J. WILLIAM FULERIGHT's meeting by means of a bill which Representative Man cannot improve upon nature. But, With the, President .before his recent speech SAYLOR has introduced. as he has since the dawn of history, man in the, Senate.. As, chairman of the Senate I noted immediately a number Of must continue to adapt natuin to his needs. Still, process of adapti pre reign Relations Committee, the Arkansas similarities between the Tocks Island FA serve-in that balance-the whole naturalt hen- Democrat ,has his Own constitutional duties recreation area. and the Gl en Approved For Release 2003/10/15: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300180020-8 Approved For Rele 0 DP 6R000300180(9494 24, 1965 14172 CONGRESS C The Colorado River and its basin are a on for the limited amount of private land more open. When you come to a ranch, are great and abundant treasure house of net- that gives access to the Government parks your expected to spend Wene ti ee th re.' ural resources and natural wonders. and forests. reas of the Mountain emote now are being opened up. One area us husband the one wisely. Let us FIVE THOUSAND FIVE HUNDRED DOLLARS A HALF e area is the North Park country of Colo- enjoy the other fully. ACRE redo mentioned by Mr. Krakel. This region One striking example such yed yed e of this scramble is lies to the northwest of Denver. found at Jackson, county seat of Teton At Walden, Colo., Mayor Herbert W. Berry AMERICANS "DISCOVER" THE WEST County. In that county, 97 percent of the has this comment; AGAIN land is U.S. owned. The small enclave of "We are beginning to get quite a play Mr. SIMPSON. Mr. President, the private land in an area known as Jackson from people coming in looking for a piece Hole is surrounded by the Grand Teton Na- of land. Of course, one problem is that June 21 issue of U.S. News & World Re- tional Park, Teton National Forest, and so much of the land around here is in na- pert contains an interesting report on a Bridger National Forest, tional forests, but there are some cabin cultural phenomenon which many know "Land in this valley can't be touched for sites available." as the "rediscovery of the West." It much less than $1,000 an acre now," says To the north of Walden, on the Wyoming seems that many of our good friends in Warren O. Erbe, a real estate agent in Jack- side of the border, some developments simi- the East and in the South are only now son. "A small piece of land just south of lar to those around Jackson Hole are under- town was subdivided in the spring of 1964, way. discovering what we in Wyoming have and lots of about half an acre in size were In southern Montana, at Red Lodge, the known for many years; namely, that no- offered for $3,000 apiece. Now the price has same story of a scramble for private land where on this globe is the sky quite so jumped to $5,500." adjacent to wilderness attractions set aside blue, or are the mountains quite so im- A group of Jackson businessmen has by ace Government is found. posing, the people quite so warm, or the bought 360 acres about 5 miles south of Red Lodge is situated at one gateway to handiwork of a benevolent Creator quite Jackson. The land Is to be subdivided into the Custer National Forest, which holds the so evident as in the great Rocky Moun- building sites of about 4 acres. People spectacular Beartooth Mountains. In these taro West. who build homes on these lots will be able mountains is one of the 51 "wilderness areas" As if the natural beauty and the to arrange with a development company for set aside in the Western States by Congress year-round management that will include in 1964. healthful climate were not enough, tray- renting the homes to other vacationers and A second ski layout will open near Red elers to the State of Wyoming Will re- protecting and maintaining them. oP privately eeive 'an extra measure of western hos- Jackson Hole is billed as a year-round LLodge odge this land winter: extending A along finger Rook rva up pitality this year as my fellow Wyoming- recreation center. One ski area has been to the entrance to the Custer Forest Is now ites celebrate our State's diamond jubi- operating for several years. Now a second being subdivided. On up the Rock Creek lee. Earlier this, year, I wrote to each of ski layout is under construction on a former Canyon about 60 miles is the Cooke City en- my colleages, and suggested that they dude ranch that lies up against the Grand trance to Yellowstone National Park. avail themselves of the peasure of a visit Teton Mountains. Lots for individual homes have been platted on land at the Commenting on renewed interest in the to the Equality State. I was delighted at base of the new ski operation, and several Mountain West, Dr. Harold McCracken, di- the enthusiastic response; and, in that have already been snapped up by out-of- rector of the Whitney Gallery of Western spirit I take this opportunity to remind town buyers. Art in Cody, says: them that if we who serve in Congress A boomlet more modest than that around "I can't count the number of people who and can ever complete our business in the Na- Jackson Hole is underway about 40 miles through a the gallery land nask country where tion's Capitol, each of us can enjoy part to the southwest in the area of Alpine Junc- Y n piece of the summer in wonderful Wyoming. tion. Here there is a limited amount of They express a strong desire to get away non-Federal land available along the Pali- from the problems of cities and their I ask unanimous consent that the &r- sales Reservoir. suburbs." t1Cle eAgain" be printed ` the RE ORD Natives of the Palisades area tick off its Cody has been a tourist attraction ever with Again" be printed in the RECORD attractions: (1) three national forests- since "Buffalo Bill" Cody gave the town its with my remarks. Caribou, Bridger, and Targhee; (2) fishing in name by settling there after his days as a There being no objection, the article four rivers that run into the reservoir-the scout during the Indian wars. Until re- was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, Snake, the Salt, the Grays, and McCoy Creek; cently, much of the demand for land in the as follows: (3) a ski slope and lift that will open next Cody area has come from people able to buy [From the U.S. News & World Report] winter; (4) hunting in the autumn-elk, sizable acreage. Now, however, a Cody real deer, duck, geese. estate man reports that pressure is growing DISCOVER" THE CODY, NS " urge n t WEST AGAIN Though well-known attractions of the to subdivide ranchland along the south fork: CDY Wyo.-An on the part of. more mountain West, such as the Grand Tetons of the Shoshone River. and more people in the crowded East to get and Yellowstone Park, are getting more New highways and airports are making the .away from it all and to get out into the crowded every year along their main high- Mountain West more accessible. A paved wide open spaces is being noted in new areas ways, outdoorsmen say you don't have to runway is being added to the airport at of the American West. venture far off the beaten track to find real Walden In the North Park country, and this Earlier, this urge led to the upbuilding of wilderness. area is also to get some new and improved California and the Pacific coast. Then n the "I've fished for 2 or 3 days at a time highways. Cody plans to lengthen the run- same urge sparked it boom in the desert in the Jackson Hole and Yellowstone coun- way at its airport. Red Lodge opened a new St Now there is an upsurge of interest in the try and never saw a soul," says Dean Krakel, mile-long runway in 1964. mountain West-a region of rugged beauty a native westerner who now is director of WARM WORDS FROM NEWCOMERS and grandeur that stretches away to the west the "Cowboy Hall of Fame" In Oklahoma People who have given up careers to move and northwest of a line drawn from the foot- City. And, Mr. Krakel adds, "I've camped west say they have no regrets. hills of the Colorado Rockies to South Da- in the North Park country of Colorado for a "My income this year will be about a kota's Black Hills. week at a time in absolute solitude." third of what it was, but I get to see three THEY COME, THEY SEE, AND-- A BIGGER SKY times as much of my family," said a young This new boom goes beyond tourism. Peo- Ask Mr. Krakel what accounts for the grow- physician who gave up a practice in Phila- ple often come first on a sightseeing trip, ing interest in the Mountain West, and he delphia to move to Cody. "The children like what they see, and then buy or build gives this answer: like the schools and their new friends. My vacation homes to which they return year "I think its because a lot of people are wife has learned to ski. You couldn't get after year. Some even cut loose from careers reasserting a certain amount of individual- her out of here with a stick of dynamite." in the East and move west to stay. ism. You feel more like an individual out Another factor in the upsurge of interest The future of the boom in the mountain West. The wind blows a little harder, it's in the Mountain West is explained by a West, say those who are watching it grow, colder, the sky is bigger. developer at Jackson: is assured by the fact that vast areas of "The people you meet in the West are dif- "Americans have more discretionary in- wilderness and scenic beauty have been set ferent. They walk differently, and they're in come to spend than ever before. With the aside permanently in national parks, forests, less of a hurry. And the concepts of time tax break you get on vacation property, many and monuments. and of space are considerably different. As find that they are able to afford a second "Remember this," says it Cody man who one old fellow said to me: 'It's 15 miles home in the Rockies." was born and raised in the high country" of from my place to the mailbox, and it's a long The "tax break" this developer mentioned Wyoming: "You don't have to worry about ways from there into town.' " stems from regulations of the Internal Reve- this country being overrun and desecrated. Summing up his answer, Mr. Krakel says: nue Service that permit depreciation allow- The Government has most of it nailed down." "Westerners are more conscious of what the ances for vacation homes if they are rented More than half the land in the Western . weather is doing. They are more self-sum- part time and thus become income-producing States is U.S. owned. Now the scramble Is cient and more independent. Friendship is property. Approved For Release 2003/10/15 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000300180020-8 June 24, 1~~Broved For ReI & A A f l 00 ft 00180020=8 14103 The title was amended, so as to read: Mr. MANSFIELD. Madam President, created by Reorganization Plan No. 7 of 1961. "A bill for the relief of Ailsa Alexandra I ask unanimous consent that the order Pursuant to the procedures applicable to congressional consideration of executive re- organization proposals in this form, no PURPOSE of THE BILL The PRESI15 MO OFFICER (Mrs. amendments could be made at the time Con- The purpose of the bill, as amended, is to NEUBERGER in tihe ehair).' Without bb- gress considered the proposal. This restric- waive the . excluding provision of existing jection, it is so ordered. - tion has contributed to the seriousness of law relating to' one who is afflicted with the problem created by the provisions of the citizen veteran of our Armed Forces. The bill will enable her to enter the United States for the purpose of marriage and to thereafter reside permanently in the United States. The bill has been amended in ac- cordance with established precedents JOANNA K. GEORGOULIA The Senate proceeded to consider the 'bill (S.',519). for the relief of Joana K. Oeorgoulia ,which had been reported from the Committee on the . Judiciary with amendments on page 1, line 4, after the word "Act,", to strike out "Joana" and insert "Joanna"; at the beginning of line 7, to strike out "Joana" and insert "Joanna"; and in the same line, after the word "by", to strike out "Mr. George H. Jules,,a citizen" and insert "Mr. and Mrs. George H. Jules, citizens"; so as to make the bill read: Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That, in the administration of the Immigration and Nationality Act, Joanna K. Georgoulia may be classified as an,eli ible orphan within the meaning of section 101(b) (1) (F), and a pe- tition may be filed in behalf of the said Joanna K. Georgoulia by Mr. and Mrs. George H. Jules, citizens of the United States, pur- suant to. section 205(b) of the Immigration and Nationality Act, subject to all the con- ditions in that section relating to eligible orphans. The amendments were agreed to. The bill was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading, was read the third time, and passed. The title was amended, so as to read: "A bill for the relief of Joanna K. Geor- goulia." PURPOSE OF THE DILL The purpose of the bill, as amended, is to grant to the alien child to 'be adopted by citizens of the United States the status of a nonquota immigrant. The bill also provides for the filing of an eligible orphan visa peti- tion in her behalf by her prospective adop- tive parents. The amendments are technical in nature. Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr, President, that concludes the call of the calendar. I wish to express my thanks to the dis- tinguished Senator from Idaho for his courtesy ORDER OF BUSYNESS Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, will the Senator from Idaho [Mr. CHURCH] again yield without losing his right to the floor? Mr. CHURCH. I yield. -Mr. MAN8FL D. Mr. President, the Senator from Idaho is about to make .,a most important speech. 'I suggest the absence of a quorum. The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The clerk will call the roll, The legislative clerk proceeded to call Favorable reports have been received by all agencies concerned, Hearings were held by the Senate Subcommittee on Merchant Ma- rine and Fisheries on the companion bill, S. 1348, on May 25 and no opposition was FTHE VIETNAM IMBROGLIO Mr. CHURCH. Madam President, on February 17, I spoke in this Chamber to urge a negotiated settlement of the war in Vietnam. At that time, negotiation was a dirty word in Washington; since that time, I am gratified that a negoti- ated peace has been expressly made the object of American policy in southeast Asia. In view of the expanding nature of our military involvement in South Vietnam, it is difficult to see how the Vietcong can expect to score a conclusive military de- cision. On the other hand, any quest on our part for a durable victory on the bat- tlefield is equally dubious. Senator FUL- BRIGHT, the distinguished chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee, wisely summed up the matter last week, in these words: It is clear to all reasonable Americans that a complete military victory in Vietnam, though theoretically attainable, can in fact be attained only at a cost far exceeding our interest and our honor. With this statement, I am in full agree- ment. It obviously serves the American interest to reach a political settlement in Vietnam, whenever this can be ac- complished on acceptable terms, and in a manner consistent with the commit- ments we have given to the Saigon gov- ernment. Now that this objective has become our avowed goal, there is a very real need for us to discuss, here in the Senate, in this historic forum of free and open debate, not only the direction of our policy, but new steps that might be taken in pur- suit of a negotiated peace. To remain silent, when the prospect of a widening war confronts us, would be to shirk our duty; worse still, it would be to behave like a mock parliament of a totalitarian state. Let me make my own position plain. In the past, beginning more than a year ago, I have publicly criticized American policy in Asia. But, in his handling of our predicament in Vietnam, I have not criticized the President. I realize that Lyndon Johnson is in the position of a man being asked to unscramble an omelet, many years in the baking. He is a man of peace, and he has been working ceaselessly to restore peace in southeast Asia. Like Kennedy before him, President Johnson inherited an American obliga- tion in South Vietnam, which must, and will, be honored. Often he has stressed Approved For Release 2003/10/15 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000300180020-8 MARITIME COMMISSION I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to the consideration of Calendar No. 353, H.R. 5988. The PRESIDING OFFICER. The bill will be stated by title. The LEGISLATIVE CLERK. A bill (H.R. 5988) to provide that Commissioners of the Federal Maritime Commission shall hereafter be appointed for a term of 5 years, and for other purposes. The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection to the request of the Senator from Montana? There being no objection, the Senate proceeded to consider the bill. The PRESIDING OFFICER. The bill is open to amendment. If there be no amendment to be proposed, the question is on the third reading of the bill. The bill was ordered to a third reading, was read the third time, and passed. Mr. MANSFIELD. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the RECORD an excerpt from the report (No. 364), explaining the purposes of the bill. There being no objection, the excerpt Was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: PURPOSE OF THE BILI. The purpose of this legislation is to change the term of office of Commissioners of the Federal Maritime Commission from 4 years to 5 years and to provide that a Commis- sioner whose term has expired will serve until his successor has been nominated and approved with the advice and consent of the Senate. GENERAL STATEMENT Under the present law the Federal Mari- time Commission is composed of five mem- bers, each appointed for a 4-year term. Therefore, the terms of two Commissioners expire simultaneously. This situation could create a serious problem by preventing the continuity of service which is essential in any regulatory commission. The legislation would have no effect on the 4-year terms of Commissioners presently serving. - The. problem of a possible lack of continu- ity could be seriously aggravated under the present law by the absence of any provision which authorizes Commissioners to continue to serve until their successor has been nomi- nated and approved by the Senate. This standard provision is found in the basic law establishing the terms of Commissioners on other regulatory agencies. This bill would extend that provision to appointments made to the Federal Maritime, Commission. This aspect of the problem is particularly acute at the present time because the terms of office of the Chairman and of another member of the Federal Maritime Commission expire on July 1 of this year. If these offices are not filled under the present law by that date, no action could be taken by the remain- ing three Commissioners except by unani- mous consent until the vacancies are filled. This undesirable,sitlation could be avoided by prompt enactment of the bill. Approved FF iWIO/AiC DPgl(R 46R000300180~ P 24, 1965 that we seek no wider, war, but in the face of mounting Vietcong pressure against the embattled Saigon govern- ment, the President has also emphasized that "we do not plan to come running home and abandon this little nation, or tear up our commitments, or go back on our word." I fully support the President in this position. I have consistently backed him in the stepped-up military action he has ordered, including the bombing of supply routes in North Vietnam. These bombings, together with the American troop movements into South Vietnam presently taking place, should make it abundantly clear that the vast resources of the United States are now fully arrayed behind Saigon. THE STUBBORN WAR Within the past few weeks, American military strength in South Vietnam has doubled; at the present rate of input, it will double, again before the end of the year. Our bombing of the north, once sporadic, has become systematic. The mission of our combat troops, once con- fined to sentinel duty at a few air bases, steadily expands toward a general Amer- ican engagement in the war. We have too much muscle power to be driven out. We are capable of occupying and holding South Vietnam with our own military might. Hanoi cannot possibly defeat the United States. Yet the war goes on. Last April, in his notable peace-seek- ing address at Johns, Hopkins, President Johnson threw open the door to the con- ference table by announcing his readi- ness to commence "unconditional dis- cussions with the governments con- cerned." He declared that "the only path for reasonable men is the path of peaceful settlement." The terms he of- fered were anything but onerous. He said: Such peace demands an independent South Vietnam-securely guaranteed and able to shape its own relationships to all others, free from outside interference, tied to no alliance, a military base for no other country. By the standards of past wars, these are unusually generous terms. North Vietnam would escape unpunished for her aggression. An independent, non- alined South Vietnam would pose no threat to Hanoi. Moreover, such a set- tlement would bring about the orderly withdrawal of American troops from southeast Asia, for which the Commu- nists have long and loudly campaigned. Yet the war goes on. This obstinate Communist refusal to end the shooting is all the more vexatious in face of Johnson's indicated readiness to contribute a billion dollars, once peace is restored, toward an international co- operative effort to develop the mighty Mekong River. The great rewards of such an enterprise-including electric power-could be fully shared by North Vietnam, as well as South Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia. The President has made clear: We would hope that North Vietnam would take its place In the common effort just as soon as peaceful cooperation is possible. Obviously, the words of pe-tee cannot begin in earnest until the wastes of war have ended. Yet the war goes on. Two explanations, both of which de- serve careful assessment, suggest them- selves: First, Hanoi still anticipates vic- tory on her own terms, despite Saigon's success in securing the United States as a fighting partner; and, second, Peiping presses for a prolonged war as the best device available for advancing China's larger ambitions in Asia. THE VIEW FROM -HANOI If Hanoi's intransigence is rooted to the belief that the Vietcong will even- tually prevail, what accounts for it? The answer given widest favor in this country is that Ho Chi Minh feels that we will grow weary of the war, and that Amer- ican public opinion will then force us to pull out. Accordingly, homefront critics of our Vietnamese policy are admonished that their complaints will be interpreted in Hanoi as proof of our waning resolu- tion. Students and faculty on our cam- puses, protesting the deepening American involvement in an Asian war, are scolded for giving false hopes to the enemy. Presumably, nothing less than total con- formity of opinion throughout the United States will suffice to persuade Ho Chi Minh that our country will not soon abandon the Saigon government. Undoubtedly, the college "teach-ins," the protest rallies, and the occasional picket lines demanding our withdrawal, are sources of encouragement for Hanoi. But since when have free people not be- haved this way? Only dictatorships stifle dissent. As long as Americans stay free, differences of opinion, on foreign as well as domestic issues, will continue to be vigorously and openly expressed. Any American foreign policy which depends, for success, upon a monolithic accept- ance at home is foreordained to failure. However, this argument, so well de- signed to dampen homefront opposition, is much too convenient to be very con- vincing. Hanoi is surely aware that the United States has yet to quit a fight. In two World Wars, we settled for nothing less than unconditional surrender; in the Korean war, we fought on against the\ onslaught of Red China until all of South Korea was resecured. Never have we shown a lack of staying power under fire. Besides, the President himself has made it unquestionably clear that the United States will "stay the course" in Vietnam. His words are as irreversible as his deeds: - We will not be defeated. We will not grow tired. We will not withdraw, either openly or under the cloak of a meaningless agree- ment. - His pledge is sealed with American blood already drawn. The whole world bears him witness. Congress has also made its position apparent. By nearly unanimous votes, the members of both parties have given unmistakable evidence of their willing- ness to supply whatever money the war may require. Our annual outlay, which until recent years was $200 million, has risen to $2 billion. If the burden were to again increase 10-fold, it is evident that Congress would readily vote the funds. - Indeed, the case is so lopsided that it should be plain by now, even to the most indoctrinated Communist, that the ex- panding military involvement of the United States cannot be dismissed as some sort ,of death agony, staged to give temporary cover to an impending Amer- ican withdrawal from southeast Asia. It is far, more likely that Ho Chi Minh is counting not so much on Washington as on Saigon itself to call it quits. And with some reason. An endemic instability engulfs the city. One coup follows an- other with such frequency that corre- spondence with the Government might well be addressed: "To Whom It May Concern." President Johnson cannot unite the spoiling factions. A competent and effec- tive government in Saigon, capable of giving sustained direction to the war, can only be established by the Vietnam- ese themselves. They keep failing the test; no formula for stability emerges; no bonds endure between the Buddhists, the Catholics, and the self-seeking mili- tary rivals. The political situation seems to worsen dayby day. Under the `circumstances, it is small wonder that public confidence crumbles away, or that this erosion should be further aggravated by the changing face of the war. For the more the war is transformed into an American engage- ment on the mainland of Asia, pitting the West against the East, white men against brown, the more the fighting takes on the outer appearance of the former war for independence against the French. In the countryside of Vietnam-and those who have been there as I have, will read- ily testify that this is the case-the level of sophistication is very low. Inhabi- tants of the rice fields and jungles, where the guerrilla war exists, are apt to mark an enemy more by the color of his skin than the uniform he wears. As larger numbers of Americans move in and take over, as the changing complexion of the war becomes more evident, Ho Chi Minh may well surmise that time plays on his side. He may anticipate, as the months go by, that the incessant propaganda cam- paign of the Vietcong is bound to sound more plausible and appealing; that the Americans have come to reimpose the hated imperialism of the past; that the generals rotating on the roost in Saigon are contemptible puppets; that the peo- ple must join together in one great liberation front. The continuing war, moreover, may bludgeon into the arms of the Vietcong a multitude that cannot be beckoned in. The guerrilla fighter is ruthless, but he kills with cunning, discriminating be- tween friend, follower, and foe. Not so with napalm dropped on a native vil- lage-it burns blindly and converts ' all suffering survivors into foes. An Ameri- can veteran of the jungle fighting in Vietnam has well observed that the best weapon for successfully prosecuting a guerrilla war is a knife; the worst, an airplane. So there are good reasons for Ho Chi Minh to play a waiting game. The Viet- cong grow stronger. Saigon staggers un- der mounting blows. If a protracted war involving increased numbers of Ameri- can troops will win the Communists added favor among the people, the temp- tation to persist is compelling. After all, the American presence in South Vietnam Approved For Release 2003/10/15 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000300180020-8 June 24, roved For Reim I91M I PHR809kO iffM3 14105 will become very awkward, if not_ unten- the weapons, food, training, and supplies, In the final analysis, it is their war. They able, once it is no longer possible to tell given Saigon by the United States. Thus, are the ones who have to win it or lose it. the enemy apart from the people. Then, to much of Afro-Asia, the war seems a We can help them, we can give them equip- Hanoi may well reason, peace will come mismatch, with the rich and mighty ment, we can send our men out there as on her terms. American Nation cast in the role of bully, advisers, but they have to win it-the people of Vietnam against the Communists. i'HE PRE`SSVRE FROM I'EIPING while struggling little North Vietnam Those who argue expansion of aerial There is also .a heavy external pres- plays the stalwart underdog. Hanoi, attacks to the north misunderstand the sure upon Hanoi to carry on, imposed after all, is not about to take over the from two directions-by the Vietcong do- world. nature of the situation. As leading spokesmen for the administration have ing the fighting, and lght China, the So the it is that Vietnamese war is American actually participation working noted, the basic problem is in the south. chief beneficiary of the e fighting. Every g Although aerial attacks on the north day it is clearer that the Chinese, above against our larger interests in Asia. The may slow down supplies, they are no sub- all others, want to see the war prolonged. longer it lasts, the more convincing China stitute for effective military and political Peiping exhorts Hanoi to keep up the appears as the self-styled champion of action on the ground of South Vietnam fight and taunts us to do likewise with Asia for the Asians; the faster Chinese itself. tiger" insults. Among all Coin- influence in neighboring lands spreads . Further acceleration of the war from a trickle to a tide, gathering in northward should be resolutely resisted. monist. leaders, it is Mao Tse-tung who such smaller countries as Burma and. Otherwise, the time will come when most adamantly opposes any negotia- Communist China feels obliged to enter tions. He wants the wax, to. continue, Cambodia, and provoking such larger the war. because the longer the conflict lasts, the countries as India and Pakistan into open If that were to happen, the dimensions better China is served. criticism of American policy: of the calamity would be mammoth. Un- Mao's shrewd- appraisal of the war in Indochina, has proved a great misfoor tune, It has enabled him to use us, along with the Vietnamese, to further his de- signs on Asia. These designs are well enough known. As the giant of Asia, unfettered of her colonial bonds, China is determined to reclaim her place as the dominant power of the mainland. She would redraw old boundary lines, dating back to the an- cient empire, through the assertion of claims which,have nothing to do with communism. For example, less than 3 years ago, in the border dispute with In- dia, Chiang Kai-shek publicly affirmed China's right to the territory sought by Mao. As with the Soviet Union, the ter- ritorial aspirations of Red China spring more from national tradition, than from the doctrines of Marx or Lepin. And, just as the Communist leaders in the Kremlin, following the Second World War, reimposed the Russian sphere of influence over the Balkans, earlier exist- ing under the czars, so the Reds in Pei- ping, after 1954, have sought to reestab- lish over Indochina the sphere of influence so long enjoyed by the Chinese emperors. This region, in fact, bears a resemblance to the Balkans, consisting as it does of small, bordering countries, over which China looms like a dragon above a handful of lizards,. In the natural course of events, we cannot hope to deny China her influence in southeast Asia, any more than China can deny us ours in the Caribbean. The best we can do is to slow down the Chi- nese penetration, so that the larger of her neighbors, countries like India and Pak- istan, can gather the strength necessary to furnish the mainland of Asia with an effective counterpoise to Chinese power. Unfortunately, the American involve- ment in a protracted war in "the Balkans of Asia" works directly against these ends. As most Asians are inclined to see it, the United States has intervened in a war that is primarily a Vietnamese affair, regardless of whether the struggle is viewed as an insurrection in the south, or a covert war by the north against the south. Either way, American troops, not Chinese, are in the fight; American planes, not Chinese, are doing the bomb- ing. Whatever aid China has given Hanoi is outweighed many times over by longing the war makes Hanio increas- ingly dependent upon China for weapons and supplies, compromising her hard- won independence., Within the Commu- nist camp, the continuing war can be pointed to by China as proof that the Russian argument, for peaceful coexist- ence with the West is absurd, while with- in China itself, the daily tongue lashings administered to the "American devils in Vietnam" furnish .,,,the ed government with a convenient whipping post around which to rally the people to greater en- deavor at home. THE. SEARCH FOR A SOLUTION Much as we need a solution, it will not be found in retreat. Were we to decide to abandon South Vietnam after so lavishly committing our prestige there, our withdrawal would surely undermine confidence in the United States through- out the Far East. Other little countries which now rely on us, like Thailand, Laos, and even Taiwan, would be de- moralized. China would profit most from the triumph of the Vietcong which would soon follow an American decision to give up the fight in South Vietnam. Therefore; we must remain in the war until a basis for its settlement is found. But let us concentrate our attention, and our military action as well, in South Vietnam, where the outcome will be de- termined anyhow. The war in Vietnam is as much a polit- ical struggle as it is a military one. In- deed, I think if we looked at it closely we would decide to concentrate more work in the political and economic areas to help meet the threat of the Vietcong. As our former Ambassador, Henry Cabot Lodge, said during his tour of duty in Saigon: The Vietcong campaign is, above all, a political affair. When the Vietcong have had enough and decide to stop fighting, they simply melt in with the people. If the peo- ple were to deny the Vietcong, they would thus have no base; they would be through. The essentially political nature of the struggle has led American officials who know most about the situation to cor- rectly observe that the present conflict is essentially a South Vietnamese war which can only be won by the South Vietnamese themselves. As President Trannedy said shortly before his death: doubtedly, given our heavy dependence upon naval and aerial power, we would attempt to confine the land war to south- east Asia, where Chinese armies would soon fill the jungles. We would strike back through the air, observing no sanc- tuary, but as long as we used conven- tional weapons, we could never subdue China through bombing alone. By sending five or six combat divisions into battle-the balance of our uncom- mitted army-we could probably convert South Vietnam into an American mili- tary outpost. A stalemate would de- velop, and, finally, in order to end the attrition, we would negotiate a truce with Red China, much as we did in Korea. The truce would conform with the reali- ties of the situation, leaving us in pos- session of South Vietnam, and the Communists in occupation and control of the rest of Indochina. Beyond southeast Asia, on the broad global front, the intensified struggle in Vietnam could yet lead to a shotgun marriage between the feuding titans of the Communist world. The promising thaw in our relations with the Soviet Union will then give way to a full re- sumption of the cold war, with our ad- versaries joined together again in common cause. This may still be a part of the price we shall pay for the corner into which we have been painted in Indochina. These, then, are the two horns of our dilemma: If we abandon the war in Viet- nam, China gains; if we fight it out, China also gains. Why should not Mao Tse-tung work so feverishly against a negotiated settlement? It is the one escape hatch which may still be within our reach. .Seymour Topping, writing from Saigon for the New York Times, confirms this analysis by observing that President Johnson's offer for unconditional peace talks was a blow to Red China. Topping writes : Peiping's propaganda denunciation of the "negotiations plot" has been almost hyster- ical. Acceptance by Hanoi of this offer would mean the strengthening of the positions in southeast Asia of Peiping's two chief ad- versaries, the United States and the Soviet Union. THREE PROPOSALS FOR ACTION It is, alrg dy very late. We should waste no time on recriminations over Approved For Release 2,003/10/15 CIA-RDP67B00446R000300180020-8 14106 Approved FCo6 gl gMJJ0/ RDP5f7 R46R00030018092u(e 24, 1965 ident managed to strengthen it some 4 months ago, by making his still-unac- cepted proposal for unconditional peace talks. If the Communists are determined for the war to last, we can at least keep placing the responsibility where it be- longs-squarely on their backs. Another' argument, often used to cast scorn upon any suggested resort to the United Nations, is to the effect that oth- er countries would send no more than token forces anyway, so that the United States would still have to bear the brunt of what Secretary Rusk has called "a mean, dirty war." That, of course, was the case in Korea, but conducting the campaign there under the U.N. flag proved a great advantage to the United States. The same would hold true in Vietnam. Until recently, even more curious than our failure to turn to the U.N. has been the evident disdain we have shown for any contact with the Vietcong. Official- ly, we cannot extend to the Vietcong the autonomous recognition they desire, because we see the war as a case of indirect aggression by the north against the south, and regard the Viet- cong-including its many members who are residents of the south-as merely the agents of Hanoi. Nevertheless, there is nothing in our theory of the war to preclude Hanoi from including representatives of the Vietcong in any delegation the Govern- ment of North Vietnam may send to the conference table. In fact, the inclusion would tend to bear out our official view- point. Recognition of this, at long last, may account for the slow melt in our frozen posture which now appears to be taking place. Secretary Rusk has in- dicated, in response to recent inquiries, that he would not interpose an objection if Hanoi chose to include Vietcong spokesmen among her representatives. I think we should affirmatively declare our willingness to deal with the Vietcong on this basis. For too long, we have sought to exclude them entirely, though they are the very combatants opposing us, a posture so rigid and unreal as to have given a certain currency to the Commu- nist charge that we really do not wish to negotiate. Though the United States cannot deal directly with the Vietcong, we ought not to oppose peace talks among the Viet- namese themselves. The warring fac- tions-Saigon, the Vietcong, and Hanoi- should explore the prospects for finding a formula to silence the guns, and to escape the pincers of the great-power squeeze which 'threatens to undermine the neutrality and independence coveted by all of them. Finally, I believe that the time is ripe for us to vigorously proclaim the prin- ciple of self-determination for the peo- ple of South Vietnam. Whether the south should merge with the north under the rule of Hanoi, or remain separated under a government in Saigon, should be decided by popular vote. The manner and method of the vote would have to be worked out by nego- tiations. The timing would have to await a cease-fire and the restoration of the requisite internal order. To insure the integrity of the election, we might propose its supervision by the U.N. If these arrangements could be made, both sides should pledge themselves to abide by the results. Our belief that Hanoi will never per- mit free elections in the north-which has often been emphasized as an argu- ment against the proposal-does not justify denying them in the south. We have often asserted that the Vietcong is a militant minority which seeks to forcibly impose its will upon the people of South Vietnam. If this is so, the peo- ple themselves will furnish the proof in a competently conducted election; if it is not so, then by what right would we deny the country to Ho Chi Minh? There are some who ridicule any proposal for a popular referendum upon the ground that the Communists would never agree. All the more reason, I should think, to put them to the test, right out in the open, before the eyes of the watching world. What better way to prove that the Communists are relying on bullets, not ballots, to further their ambitions? Perhaps the war has gone beyond the turning point. It may be that Hanoi in- tends to continue the fight, regardless of what we may now do or propose. The conference table may be off in the dis- tance, at the end of a long and tragic trail of casualties still to be suffered. But we cannot know this positively without first making the proposals. If they are rejected, we will have lost nothing for having tried. Our interest calls for no less than a ceaseless effort to find an honorable basis for settling this war. After all, thefuture of Asia will not be determined in the jungles of Vietnam. Peiping knows her real rival is New Delhi. Why else did China seek out the opportunity to humiliate India in the border war of 1962? If the future of freedom in Asia is to be decided in any one place, it will be on the Indian sub- continent, not in the little Balkan-type countries of Indochina, where our ener- gies are now being so largely absorbed. Freedom, as a matter of fact, is not really at issue in South Vietnam, unless we so degrade freedom as to confuse it with the mere absence of communism. Two dictatorial regimes, one sitting in Hanoi, the other in Saigon, struggle for control of the country. Whichever pre- vails, the outcome is not going to settle the fate of communism in the world at large, nor the problem of guerrilla wars. They did not begin in Vietnam and will not end there. They will continue to erupt in scattered, farfiung places around the globe, wherever adverse con- ditions within a country permit Com- munist subversion to take root. Nor can it be soundly contended that the security of the United states requires a military decision in South Vietnam. Our Presence in the Far East is not an- chored there. Saigon does not stand guard over Seattle. We conquered the Pacific Ocean in the Second World War. It is our moat, the broadest on earth, from the Golden Gate to the very shores of China. There is no way for the land- locked forces of Asia to drive us from the Pacific; there is no need for us to past mistakes which may have led us into the Vietnam imbroglio. The upper- most requirement now is to find a solu- tion. How do we bring Hanoi to the con- ference table ready to settle on honorable terms? The answer, if there is one, must lie in the calculated use of the mailed fist and the velvet glove. Admittedly, the stepped-up American military pressure is intended to summon Hanoi to the conference table. But this alone will not suffice. It is obvious that further diplomatic moves are called for. I would propose : First. That we abandon our unilateral posture in Vietnam by soliciting the serv- ices of the United Nations in the search for a peaceful settlement. Second. That we affirm our willingness to deal with representatives of the Viet- cong, as part of any delegation Hanoi may send to the conference table. Third. That we advocate genuine self- determination for the people of South Vietnam, as the basis-for an agreement settling the war. These proposals should be additional to, not substitutes for, the terms of peace offered by President Johnson in his laud- able Johns Hopkins address. Naturally, we should continue to reiterate the Pres- ident's declaration that we want no mili- tary foothold in Indochina nor alliances there-that our objective is independence and neutrality for the countries of the region and nothing more. The method we should adopt, the tac- tics we should employ, in attempting to engage the services of the United Na- tions, are matters for the State Depart- ment. Whether we should try, under U.N. auspices, to reconvene the original signatories to the Geneva accords, or seek direct U.N. intervention through the Security Council, or whether we should pursue Secretary General U Thant's in- timation that the good offices of the U.N. might be utilized to mediate the dispute, are matters that cannot be resolved here. But this war does threaten world peace, and the U.N. did intervene to restore internal order in the Congo. The situa- tion in Vietnam is sufficiently similar to make the crisis there an entirely appro- priate subject for U.N. action. Indeed, our failure to take the con- troversy to the U.N. long ago is a puzzle- ment. It is said that the U.N. faces bankruptcy from past peacekeeping mis- sions, and is quite unable to assume further burdens. Yet, a U.N. peace force in South Vietnam could be financed by voluntary contributions, the same as oth- er ventures in the past. Even if the United States had to pay the bulk of the cost, the amount would be less than our present outlay. It is also said that if we, were to ask for U.N. intervention in the Security Council, Russia would probably veto the proposal. Perhaps this would happen, perhaps not. The Soviet Union has cause to want China restrained in south- east Asia, and the U.N. could well rep- resent the most acceptable means avail- able. But if Russia were to veto our proposal, the onus for the continued war would fall on the Communists. Our po- sition would not be weakened but strengthened, the same as the Pres- Approved For Release 2003/10/15 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000300180020-8 June 24, 1968pproved For rr_,1I gt?99 Af : &W676 00300180020-8 14107 retain a military base on the mainland As the Senator has said, while all of I bad the opportunity to see warfare not of Asia. us have great sympathy for the President so very far from this area, and it was very So, Madam President, we should has- and want to do what we can to hold up mean. I would Involving wthe ith igreatndi dismay on a ten to explore any road that might lead his hand, this does not give us any ex- land armies on the continent of Asia. so to a satisfactory political settlement in cuse to remain silent in the face of an my question is whether there is anything Indochina. Hanoi still has reason to issue that affects our constituency and in the resolution which would authorize or bargain, for she covets her independence the peace of the world. The President is recommend or approve the landing of large and has cause to fear China. The same giving the Nation his energy, his talent American armies in Vietnam or in China. holds true for Laos, Cambodia, and South and his judgment without stint. Mem- The chairman of the Foreign Rela- Vietnam, all of which have historically bers of the Senate can do no less. We tions Committee replied as follows: resisted Chinese dominion. Even the owe it to ourselves and to our consti- Mr. PULBRIGHT. There is nothing in the Soviet Union should have incentive to tuents and to mankind to speak our con- resolution, as I read it, that contemplates work for a settlement-that will foreclose victions and share our insights ever when it. I agree with the Senator that that is the the prospect of a Chinese occupation of it takes us on a course that may vary last thing we would want to do. However, southeast Asia. in some degree from the administration the language of the resolution would not pre- Despite the discouragement in the position. vent it. It would -authorize whatever the news from Moscow today, in the rejec- I have noted in recent days that there Commander in Chief feels is necessary. It tion given the delegation from the Qom- Is some feeling in portions of the press does not restrain the Executive from doing monwealth countries, which is attempt- is. Whether not that should ever in the executive branch of our Gov- is a matter ter or of wisdom under the done he circum- Ing to find support for a peaceful settle- ernment that perhaps Congress said the stances that exist at the particular time it ment in southeast Asia, nevertheless it last word on Vietnam last August, when is contemplated. Speaking for my own com- remains true that Russian interests we agreed to the Bay of Tonkin resolu- mittee, everyone I have heard. has said that would be served by an end to the war in Lion, which, we are now told, was a blank the last thing we want to do is to become southeast Asia which so augments Chi- check to the administration to do what- involved in a land war in Asia; that our nese hegemony over the continent. ever they saw fit in the conduct of this power is sea and air, and that this is what ,These propitious factors, still working war. we hope will deter the Chinese Communists in our favor, are likely to be the first and the North Vietnamese from spreading casualties of a widening war. As the Senator from Idaho will re- the war. That is what is contemplated. The member, that was not the intent in the resolution does not prohibit that, or any Mr. McGOVERN. Madam President, minds of many Senators at the time the other kind of activity. will the Senator yield? resolution was approved last August. Then in additional colloquy partici- Mr. CHURCH. I am happy to yield I have before me an article, taken from pated in by the Senator from Wisconsin to the distinguished Senator from South the June 18, 1965, issue of the Washing- [Mr. NELSON], the Senator from New Dakota. ton Daily News, written by R. H. Shack- York [Mr. JAVrTS], the Senator from Mr. MCGOVERN. Madam President, ford, which reads: Kentucky [Mr. MORTON], and myself, the the Senator from Idaho has delivered President Johnson has thrown down a Senator from South Dakota, it was made another thoughtful,and balanced analy- challenge to the Congressional critics of his quite clear that no fundamental change sis of the crisis crisis in yietnam, one in a se- policies in Vietnam. in the character of the war was con- ries of statements he has made on an He dares them, in effect, to try to repeal templated. The resolution of last Au- equally high plane over the past year on the resolution the House and Senate passed gust was endorsed primarily because it this very important subject... last August after the Tonkin Gulf shooting was viewed as an endorsement of the I said on the floor of the Senate yes- incident. President's carefully limited retaliation terday, following the speech of the Sen- That resolution gave congressional bless- ator from New. York [Mr. KENNEDY], ing in advance to anything President John- to the attack on our destroyers by North that I believed it to be one of two spe- son might do in Vietnam. Vietnamese PT boats. cially outstanding speeches delivered on And the President made it clear yesterday I should like to ask the Senator from the floor of the Senate this year. Many during a long, rambling "impromptu" press Idaho if he would care to comment on very fine speeches have been delivered, conference that he isn't about to let his the contention that is being voiced now but I thought tspeech of the Senator former colleagues on Capitol Hill forget that in some quarters that the Senate, having and. the f tech Senator they gave him a green light to do anything endorsed the resolution of August 1964, from New ht the p he decides is necessary in Vietnam. no longer has any reason to s ered by the Senator from Idaho several peak out months ago, in which he outlined the Madam President, my understanding on the issue of Vietnam. dangers of our deepening military in- may be faulty-and if it is, I hope the Mr. CHURCH. Whatever interpreta- volvement in Asia and Africa, consti- Senator from Idaho and other Senators tion is placed upon the resolution to tuted two of the very important ad- who are on the floor will correct me- which the Senator from South Dakota dresses that have been given this year. but it seems to me that at the time we has referred, certainly no one can con- I commend the Senator on his ad- gave our support to that resolution last tend that by it we pledged ourselves to dress today, and associate myself with August, the colloquies that developed on silence in the future. Much has hap- what he has had to say, especially with the floor of the Senate among various pened since that resolution was passed. his point that it is absolutely essential Senators and the chairman of the For- The character of the war is changing, to the national interest that the Senate eign Relations Committee, who was regardless of what may be said about not shirk its responsibility, but debate handling the resolution for the admin- it officially. this issue fully and extensively , and istration, made it quite clear that we When does the war become a land war openly. did not contemplate any radical change between the United States and Asian I do not agree with the notion that in our role in the war. The character of forces on the Asian mainland? When congressional debate in any way under- our role at that time was an advisory our land troop level reaches 100,000? cuts the position of the United States in one, as the Senator from Idaho said to- When it reaches 150,000? When we have world affairs. day. We. were there in a training and a quarter of a million troops there? The Senator from Wisconsin [Mr. advisory capacity, and we made it clear We know the facts. We continue to NELSON], who is on the floor, answered time after time that the war had to be increase the number of American troops this contention eloquently several days won by the South Vietnamese themselves. in South Vietnam, and we continue to ago when he said that we should not Neither the administration spokesmen broaden the terms of -their engagement surrender one of ot}r most precious na- nor Members of the Senate contemplated with the enemy. If we are to be honest, tional privileges, which is the privilege of a major combat role for American troops we must at least observe that a broaden- free debate and free discussion, merely in Vietnam. ing of our participation in the war is because there are hostile forces in the Let us consider, for example, this taking place. world who have never known freedom, colloquy, which, developed with the Sen- I believe that we must go even further. and who, therefore,' do not understand, ator from Maryland [Mr. BREWSTER]. Unless we are nothing but a mock par- how important free speech is to us. He said: ]lament,, we must honor our constitu- Approved For Release 2003/10/15 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000300180020-8 Approved For Release 2008/10 15 F&RF~67P 00030018002 14108 CONGRESSI N L 1~ ne 24, 1965 tional responsibility to advise and con- I am happy to say that that editorial, South Vietnam, I voted against the sent on this country's foreign policy, while it contains a great deal of truth, is measure, not because I did not know the which is placed in the bosom of the not entirely true as long as we have the money would be needed sometime though Senate. clarity of thought and the courage that it was not needed then-I voted against I have tried to make it clear that, has been manifested here today by the the resolution for precisely the reasons though I have been for some time a critic Senator from Idaho. I again associate stated by the Senator from Idaho; the of the general trend of American policy myself with his remarks. reason that we in the Senate do have a in Asia, I have never criticized the Presi- Mr. CHURCH. I thank the Senator responsibility publicly to discuss and to dent himself. I understand the difficult very much for his generosity. carry on intelligent debate about the role problem that confronts him. I have Mr. NELSON. Madam President, will of the United States in Vietnam and nothing but compassion for him. I the Senator from Idaho yield? everywhere else in the world. know he is striving every hour of every Mr. CHURCH. I am happy to yield to I stated at the time that all the money day to find some honorable basis for a the Senator from Wisconsin. necessary would be provided to carry on settlement in southeast Asia. Mr. NELSON. I join the Senator our enterprise there; but I read about But I know also that there are pres- from South Dakota in commending the the request on my way to my office in the sures in this Government-pressures in- Senator from Idaho for making what I morning and learned that it was in- deed upon the President himself-to ex- consider to be a very thoughtful speech tended that. the Senate should vote on it pand the war in southeast Asia in ways on this great and significant issue. I do in the afternoon. It was the unnecessary that I would regard as highly imprudent not believe that anyone has delivered a speed with which we were acting with- and prejudicial to the best interests of speech with which I would agree 100 per- out adequate discussion that I objected the United States. If we in this Chamber cent-including my own speeches 2 days to. Precisely for that reason columnists are to remain silent, if none of us will later. But the speech of the Senator are writing, and the people across the stand up and say, "We think this advice, from. Idaho contained a great deal of country are saying, that this institution these pressures, if you will, are inimical wisdom, and a great deal of courage was is nothing but a rubberstamp. to the best interests of this country," required for the Senator from Idaho to I endorse the Senator's view that it is Who will speak? Who will speak? deliver it. absolutely necessary in a free society to The distinguished Senator from South I was interested in noting the com- insist upon a continuous public discus- Dakota had the courage months ago to merits by Senator MCGovRN on the Sion of these great international issues. speak and he has since spoken up con- Tonkin Bay resolution. I would hope I had always thought there was uni- sistently for his views, that those who write and talk about what versal agreement on that point. How- The other day I read a column by the Tonkin Bay resolution means would ever, Senator CHURCH and the Senator learned columnist, Mr. Eric bstan. take the trouble to read the RECORD of from South Dakota [Mr. MCGOVERN] He made the observation, in substance, August 6 and August 7 and consider the were present at a small meeting in which that the Congress is subdued, as though views of the spokesman for the Foreign we were told by a distinguished repre- the United States were involved in a Relations Committee and the spokesman sentative of the State Department that full-scale war. of the administration who stood on the these discussions on the Senate floor He observed, in so many words, that floor of the Senate and interpreted the were misunderstood in Saigon. The im- there is a wartime psychology which has resolution. His interpretation of that plication was that for that reason we taken over here. resolution and what it meant and what ought to be silent. He said he had just Madam President, we are not yet in the intent was is different from what read the speech made by Senator CHURCH a full-scale war. There are still ways many writers and others are saying was and the speech of Senator MCGOVERN. to be explored to find an honorable set- the intent of that resolution. He said these speeches were intelligent made tt. The President himself has The Senator from South Dakota CMr. discussions of the issue before us in made that the avowed i goal inc f our policy. policy. MCGovERN], quoted from a statement South Vietnam. But he said everyone Thereforn, I say it nc upon by the Senator from Arkansas [Mr. does not read the speeches of Senators. por Senator to what eanssat to ex- FULBRIGHT] on August 6. He said: People read reports in the newspapers. plore possible ways ws and means, to make Speaking for my own committee, everyone Those reports do not exactly reflect what that I have heard has said that the last thing Senators say. What is reported in the voice againe again, st pr r apessu surees s in all, this city to cahis oicy we want to do is to become involved in a newspapers then goes into the rumor would expand the war into what I would land war in Asia. mill in Saigon. It becomes further dis- regard as catastrophic dimensions. A torted. His whole point was that it is a land war in Asia against Asians, if his- On another occasion, in response to kind of dangerous thing for us to exer- tory is my teacher, would be a war that a question I raised on August 6th, the cise our right of free speech-a right for would find no durable, or desirable reso- Senator from Arkansas [Mr. FULBRIGHT] which blood has been shed for over a lution for this Government or for our said: thousand years. Should we give up our people. I personally feel it would be very unwise rights because the people in some dicta- I thank the Senator for his remarks. under any circumstance to ptit a large land tonal country do not understand what Mr. McGOVERN. Madam President, army on the Asian continent. freedom is all about? This position i.. the Senator referred to the column by For purposes of interpreting the in- absolutely unacceptable to me. I think Mr. Sevareid, in which the writer com- tent of the Tonkin Bay resolution, all we it is unacceptable to all thoughtful peo- mented, on the absence of real, searching have is the colloquy on the floor of the ple who are concerned about freedom. debate on the issue about which we are Senate in which the Chairman of the and what it means. speaking. There has come to my atten- Foreign Relations Committee appeared Mr. CHURCH. I could not possibly tion an editorial by Mr. John S. Knight here to speak in behalf of the adminis- agree more. I do not for a moment con- published in the Akron Beacon-Journal tration and in behalf of the Foreign tend that protests against American of April 4, in which, in a rather lengthy Relations Committee. policy on campuses, at teach-ins, or stu-? and thoughtful editorial, he makes the So I recommend a reading of the dent picketings that have occurred in observation: record of those days so that at least we some places, or even in addresses on the Time was When great debates on foreign may have an understanding of what was floor of the Senate, no matter how care-- policy enlivened the Senate and informed intended by the administration at the fully they may be made, can be grasped the Nation. But today the voices of op- time the Tonkin Bay resolution was at as straws in the wind by Hanoi or by position are muted. before the Senate. Peiping. But that is the price we pay He added: I was pleased to hear the observations for being free. That is the meaning of we have today no Borahs, Tafts, or La of the Senator from Idaho about the role a thousand years of struggle for freedom. Follettes to challenge the creed of conform- of the Senate and the House of Repre- A free people must behave in this way, ity. No men of great moral courage who sentatives on this question. At the time because-barring a general war--vigor-- would risk defeat rather than surrender a shred of principle. The voices of dissent the request came to the floor of the our dissent will exist in this country to have been stilled, and the great issues lie Senate for $700 million so that we would any given policy, in any given situation, smothered by a pall of medocrity. have funds to pursue our enterprise in at home or abroad. Approved For Release 2003/10/15 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000300180020-8 June 24, 19417proved For R g ~ 1 . Cj % 7J3OQ# X0300180020-8 It makes no sense to say, "You may discuss domestic matters, but dissent must end at the water's edge. Foreign matters are the ones most vital to the survival of our Nation and the health and safety of our people." That is why the Constitution vested in Congress the power to declare war, recognizing that .this, above all other decisions, was the most fundamental that a government could make. So we have to conduct foreign policy In full recognition that we are and shall remain a free people. I tried in my ad- dress to point out that I do not believe that dissent from some quarters within the United States is the reason why Hanoi persists in the war. There are much better reasons. But this argument serves those who would quiet all dissents, who would have us act like some monolithic mass; who seem to believe that our efforts against totalitarianism in the world should be conducted as though we were ourselves bound in a totalitarian straitjacket. The Senator is correct: We in the Sen- ate have a duty to speak up. I have tried to execute that duty today by point- ing out that I fully support the Presi- dent's efforts, and that I am in full agreement with whathe said in his Johns Hopkins address-namely, that he is pre- pared to enter into unconditional discus- sions looking toward a political settle- ment in southeast Asia. The new proposals I have made may not work; but no one yet has shown me how this. country would be weakened by trying them. Until someone does, I shall continue to stress them. I thank the Senator from Wisconsin for his contribution to the debate. Mr. CLARK. Madam President, will the Senator from Idaho yield? Mr. CHURCH. I am happy to yield to the Senator from Pennsylvania. Mr. CLARK, Madam President, I should like to join the Senator from South Dakota and the Senator from Wis- consin in their commendation of the splendid address just made by the Sena- tor from Idaho. I find myself generally -in agreement with what he has said; specifically, I am impressed by the con- structive suggestions he has made in the course of his remarks. However, I should like to express a slightly differ- ent view, to this extent: We in,'the Senate should stop acting defensively a66-ttt our constitutional duty to debate foreign policy in the Senate. Of course we must debate the Vietnam situation. Of course we must debate the Dominican Republic situation. Of course we must stand in support of the Senator from New York [Mr. KENNEDY] in the brilliant address he made yester- day, in which he said, "Let us stop all the nonsense about the proliferation of nuclear weapons and try to reach an ac- commodation which will lift the burden of nuclear terror off the shoulders of the world." I intend to pay no attention ' to the Columnists hawks and the military for whom they front. Let the Messrs. Alsop, Hanson Baldwin, and William S. White, and the militarists for whom they front, take their particular positions with re- spect to muzzling the Senate and cutting off debate in the name of phony patriot- ism. I say let us stop talking about our right to debate. Of course we are going to debate, and we need not be defensive about it. I should, like to ask the Senator from Idaho a few questions of substance in connection with his splendid address. First, does he not find himself in sub- stantial agreement with the recent speech by the distinguished chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations [Mr. FULBRIGHT] in this regard? Mr. CHURCH. I do. Mr. CLARK. Next, I wonder whether we do not have to take a somewhat more pessimistic veiw of the situation in South Vietnam than is represented by the ad- ministration's position at the moment or by the attitude taken by our good friend, the Senator from 'Connecticut [Mr. DODD], on the floor of the Senate not too long ago. I should like to make an ob- servation and ask the Senator from Idaho to comment on it. I am gravely concerned about what has happened in Saigon. I consider the installation, as premier, of Air Force General Ky to be a move of desperation. I am terribly upset about his announce- ment, as reported in the New York Times, that he has set up sandbags for public executions in the city square without trial, of individual citizens of South Viet- nam who may or may not be profiteers, and the like. I wonder what the Senator's view is concerning the sincerity with which we can support a kind of government which appears to deny every principle of free- dom and democracy for which we are fighting. We have said we are in Viet- nam to protect freedom, but I am afraid history will show that it is a freedom which, for more than 1,000 years, the people never had. I wonder what the Senator from Idaho thinks about the contention that we are holding up the alms of a free people who, for some reason, seem to have chosen a government that makes Tony Imbert's government in the Dominican Republic look like a democracy. Mr. CHURCH. Madam President, I am afraid that we Americans have a tendency to wrap any American engage- ment abroad in a thick ideological cloak. Ever since we entered the First World War, we have converted our fights into moral crusades. Even 'now we talk about the free world, and our duty to stand as its sentinel on its every bound- ary, against communistic transgression. Heaven knows' that I find communism repugnant. Everything that I believe in is contrary to Communist doctrine and Communist objectives. However, in all candor, I admit that communism is not the only kind of tyranny in the world. If we take a look at the countries sur- rounding the Communist world, we have to look very hard to find one that is a free land. From Japan to Israel, with the exception of India and Malaysia, most of the countries are tyrannies. Many of the tyrannies are so reprehen- sible to the people living within the countries that, in this era of rising pop- lar expectations, there will come revo- 14109 lutions against them. I hope that the Government of the United States will not become so single-purposed in its fix- ation with communism that it places this Nation in the position of defender or pro- tector over every rotten tyranny in what we euphemistically choose to call the free world. If we do that, our policy will never work. This is an era of great fer- ment in the world. There will be other revolutions in many of these countries. For us to take the position that we are to be a kind of global policeman with the duty of imposing a Pax Americana, and with a military obligation to inter- vene to put down every future effort to overthrow established governments would be a foolish and futile enterprise, compared with which I can think of no example in the long course of history. Rome governed the ancient world by conquering it, and thus imposed a Pax Romana based upon a universal order of Roman law and government. That is .not possible in the modern world, and it is the furthest thing from the American purpose or desire. Mr. CLARK. Madam President, I completely agree with the Senator from Idaho. I should like now, if I may, to turn his mind to another, and perhaps unduly pessimistic, point of view. There are those, including the eminent Colum- nist Walter Lippmann, who believe that the time might well be past when we can negotiate with Hanoi, or . even Peiping or possibly even with the Vietcong, and that we have reached a point of no re- turn in that regard. I ask my friend the Senator from Idaho to comment as to what we could do if, after having "stood firm" during the monsoon season-and I agree that we should, because I see no alternative and am in complete accord with both the President and the Senator from Arkansas [Mr. F'uLBRiGHTI in that regard-at a cost of perhaps thousands of American casualities, the monsoon season comes to an end and we still have a foothold in Vietnam and there is no negotiation. Then what should we "do? Should we go on interminably in a war which shows little hope for this country? Should we join our'Republican friends who say that if that happens they will take the case to the country against the administra- tion? . . I ask these questions not rhetorically because I am not sure that I have the answers. I believe that the Senate de- bate should be one in which we should think through the problems and attempt ' see what will happen when we get by to the monsoon season. Mr. CHURCH. Madam President, I thank the Senator from Pennsylvania for making a very excellent point. I am told that the French, during the last phases of their attempt to preserve French rule in Vietnam, used to reas- sure themselves that things would be dif- ferent after the monsoon season. I believe it is also true that the ad- vice we were giving the French in Viet- nam, in those days, is very similar to the advice that the French are now giv- ing us, 10 years later. I can only say that I have made some proposals which I believe are worthy of Approved For Release 2003/10/15 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000300180020-8 Approved Fo g 1 1 EbAff P6 0 R000300180029, e 2.4, 1965 Saigon, our prestige would begin to rise again. Does anyone think that French pres- tige has suffered since France managed to recognize that the era for the" white man's control over Africa and Asia has ended, that is to say, since France stopped trying to preserve French do- minion in that part of the world? I realize our purpose is not the same as the French was. We all know it. It does not do any good to keep pushing this open door. The point is not how we see our purpose, or what we know it to be. The question is, How do the Asians see the war which outwardly seems to so much resemble wars with which they have had familiarity-the colonialist wars against the French, the Dutch, the British, the legions of the Western World. I do not, I might add, have great faith in wars. Wars in thiscentury have done more harm to the Western World than good. Rather than furnishing solutions, each great war created still bigger prob- lems. Our purpose is to seek a settlement in southeast Asia. That is the basis of our hopes; and then American prestige will ,soar again in the eyes of the peoples of Africa and Asia. Madam President, I promised to yield the floor, and I am happy to yield the floor, so that the distinguished Senator from New York [Mr. JAVITS] may be recognized. Mr. JAVITS. Madam President, I shall take only a few moments. I ask the distinguished Senator from Idaho to bear with me. I have read his statement with great interest. I - did not, unfortunately, be- cause of committee meetings, find it pos- sible to be present with other Members of the Senate during his delivery of the speech. I would like to put his speech in focus with respect to the resolution that I am about to introduce. I consider the resolution a comple- ment--and I use the word advisedly-to what the Senator from Idaho has laid be- fore us. The dialog must go on, but a debate without an instrument of author- ity before us for action is a very different kind of dialog from that which occurs when there are committee hearings, committee consideration, debate, and a vote. That is what I am trying to bring about. When Congress passed Senate Joint Resolution 189 of August 10, 1964, it gave the President originally a big mandate. As Commander in Chief, he did not need it, but in our. Government it was wise to get the advice and consent of Congress for such an important action. That resolution gave the President a blank check to use our Armed Forces, but it gave him a blank check only in the frame of reference at that time : that we were in South Vietnam as advisers, that we would strike back if we were attacked, as in the Gulf of Tonkin, that we would protect our bases, and that we would use the kind of discretion which was neces- sary under the prevailing conditions. Now less than a year later we see the likelihood of a land war on a long-term basis. - Of course, the answer of the Senator from Idaho and the Senator from Pennsylvania [Mr. CLARK] is right. We understand we are waiting for a break in time and are trying to push all the levers we can in order to get that break, that does not mean we should not stay there. We are mired there, if that is what we want to call it. I try, in this resolution to do three things. One, to have Congress join the President in laying down our objectives in South Vietnam-that we have no designs in North Vietnam, for example? and are willing to go back to the 1954 Geneva agreement, which has been referred to by the Senator from Arkan- sas [Mr. FULBRIGHT], by other Senators, and by the majority leader, who is one of the most knowledgeable Senators in foreign affairs. The second point is to have Congress join with what the President said at Johns Hopkins-That we are ready to negotiate, even, as some have said, if it means having some representatives of the Vietcong in North Vietnam costumes in a delegation. The third point is to declare our read- iness to use every medium the United Nations offers in trying to arrive at a solution. It must be remembered that when the President was urged to say that he was willing to negotiate, he said he had said it 43 times, but when he said it the 44th time, at Johns Hopkins, the world heard it and said, "Now the United States is willing- to conduct absolutely untram- meled discussions." So it is in this case. The President says he has a mandate. It is reported that he carries it around in his pocket and will-show it to demonstrate that he is acting in team with the Congress.. But the words of that mandate no longer mean what was intended in the light of the situation at that time. A new joint resolution would lend the solidarity of the President, the Congress, and the peo-. ple to our effort. I have read what the Senator has said, just as he has read what I have said. I would be much comforted by his com- ments on this matter. I am trying to add a proper compliment to the dialogue which has taken place by a distinguished group in this Chamber. Mr. CHURCH. I understand exactly what it is the Senator is attempting to do. In a way, he is furnishing an in- strument to cope with the mounting frustrations in Congress over this situa- tion. Mr. JAVITS. Exactly. Mr. CHURCH. His proposal is wor- thy of the most serious consideration by the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, because We are all groping for some answer, and we want to look very care- fully at the one the Senator from New York has taken the initiative to offer today. Mr. JAVITS. I am grateful for the comments of the Senator from Idaho. I yield now, without losing my right to the floor, to the Senator from Ohio [Mr. YOUNG]. Mr. YOUNG of Ohio. Madam Presi- dent, I thank the distinguished -Senator serious study. If they were tried, they might work. If they do not work, we shall not be weakened in any way. In the meantime, I concur with the Senator from Pennsylvania [Mr. CLARK] and with the distinguished chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee [Mr. FULBRIGHTI that we must stick _itout, be- cause we have made a commitment. Whether it was a wise or an unwise com- mitment is not the point. Once a coun- try like the United States pledges itself to assume an obligation, that obligation must be honored. At the same time, we must continue to try to find a basis for a satisfactory settlement in Vietnam. One of the ways to do it is by continuing the debate on the floor of the U.S..Sen- ate. I now yield to the Senator from Utah. Mr. MOSS. Madam President, very briefly, I commend my colleague the Sen- ator from Idaho for his usual, thought- ful and very courageous exposition of a problem that I am sure bothers us all. I find myself in concurrence with the speech that the Senator has delivered today. I congratulate him on his cour- age in coming to the floor and trying to open and expand the dialog on the sit- uation in Vietnam. It seems to me that the Senator from Idaho has said, in a little different way, something that was said on the floor yesterday when the problem of nuclear proliferation was being discussed, and that is that we in the United States, merely because we are the greatest and richest country in the world, must take the initiative in seeking a way out of this problem, rather than comporting our- selves as though we were fearful of our prestige, fearful of being thought to be compliant, fearful of taking_ the steps that a truly great nation should take. I find that implicit in the three pro- posals the Senator has made, which are : first, that we seek to have the United Nations enter this matter; sec- ond, that we affirm our willingness to deal with representatives of the Vietcong as part of the negotiations; and, third, that we advocate genuine self-determi- nation for the people of South Vietnam, as the basis for an agreement settling the war. I believe that these are great and worthy programs, and that we should have continued debate on the floor of the Senate. We should fulfill our position as part- ners in this form of government and in our general policy. I commend the Senator from Idaho. Mr. CHURCH. Madam President, I thank the Senator very much for his words. One final word concerning the pres- tige argument. The continuing war in southeast Asia, in my judgment, is stead- ily eroding American prestige in the eyes of most of the ordinary people in the Afro-Asian world, because they see the war differently than we see it.. That is why Red China is so interested in seeing the war prolonged. If we were able to find a basis for a settlement that we could live with, that would not represent ei- ther unilateral American withdrawal or a repudiation of our commitment to Approved For Release 2003/10/15 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000300180020-8 7cne 24, roved For Relt 75& &4ffiYMAl * 1T00 Mq( 300180020-8 from New York. I am in agreement with Vietnamese regime. He had not re- everything just said on the floor. turned to South Vietnam before the mili- Throughout the speech of the distin- tarists took over there and threw out the gutshed senior Senator from Idaho, I civilian regime. This demonstrated to have been listening, and I compliment me the instability of the Saigon govern- and congratulate him on his excellent ment, but it also demonstrated the poor appraisal of our predicament in South judgment of Ambassador Taylor or the Vietnam. He has rendered a real and poor information which he is receiving. needful public service today. Some may Madam President, in. having someone argue with his conclusions, but after in Vietnam to give a new look at the sit- listening carefully to his speech, I find nation as our Ambassador there, it seems that his logic appears unassailable. Like to me that the President would do very him, I fully support the President in his well indeed were he. to recall Ambassador 'determination ?to maintain our commit- Taylor and assign either Ambassador W. menns to the. South Vietnamese Gov- Ayerell Harriman, or former U.S. Sena- ernment, such as it is, as there is not tor Kenneth Keating, of New York. much of a government there at the pres- Either of these two men would have ent time. the confidence of the country. W. Ave- ,I also agree with the. Senator from rell Harriman, in particular, is an ex- Idaho that perhaps further steps may ceedingly skillful diplomat. I am cer- be taken toward bringing the North tain that the senior Senator and the Vietnamese regime to the conference junior Senator from New York [Mr. table ready to settle this terrible con- KENNEDY] who was in the Chamber a flict on honorable terms. moment ago listening to this debate- The -threefold proposal which he has would agree with me that a man who set forth seems to me to be an excellent attains a high public office in the State beginning toward that desired end. I of New York and deals with a great am hopeful that they will be given seri- many groups and factions, grows to be- ous consideratton in the Senate. come a great man and a truly great At this time, I should like to add one American-as are the two New Yorkers more proposal to those made by the dis- I have named. tinguished Senator from Idaho. Since I again urge that the President re- the appointment of Gen. Maxwell place Ambassador Taylor with an out- Taylor as our Ambassador to South Viet- standing civilian who has the confidence nam, the situation militarily and polit- of the American people and who can Ically has gone from bad to worse. bring a fresh approach to our dea4ings I fully concur with the statement made with the South Vietnamese Govern- by the distinguished senior Senator from ment-or should I say governments, as Pennsylvania [Mr. CLARKI that, despite it is not known from day to day who is the statement made by one of our col- running that unhappy country. A man leagues who spent a week in Vietnam on such as Ambassador W. Averell Harri- one of those guided tours which Sena- man, or former U.S. Senator Kenneth tors sometimes take, and who stated in Keating would make an outstanding rep- May, and repeated 'in June, that we resentative of our Nation in Saigon. were winning the war in South Viet- I thank the Senator from New York nam, the facts are exactly to the con- for yielding to me. trary. The events of history show that Mr. CLARK. Madam President, will he is wrong, that the situation over there the Senator from New York yield to me Is very bad militarily for the cause of for 30 seconds? the South Vietnamese people and for us. JAVITS. I am glad to yield to the The blame, or some part of it, may or SenaMr. tor from Pennsylvania.' may not be partly that of Ambassador Mr. CLARK. Madam President, in Taylor, but it is obvious that he has out- connection with the colloquy engaged in lived his usefulness as our Ambassador to South Vietnam. morning, I ask unanimous consent . I again urge that the President replace to ceptive have and printed well- in the reasoned RECORD articles two writ- Founding per- with an outstanding civilian. civilian ten by the well-known commentator Fathers provided that civilian Walter Lippmann. The first is entitled authority must always be supreme over "The Sharpening Predicament in Viet- the military. nam," and the other is entitled "The Recently, when Ambassador Taylor was in Washington, I asked him some Fierceness of Red China." Both of these questions at a joint meeting of the.Com_ articles were published in the Washing- mittee on Armed Services and the For- ton Post this week. eign Relations Committee, at which time There being no objection, the articles he made a bad impression upon me. The were ordered to be printed in the RECORD, senior Senator from New York has re- ferred on several occasions to the great statement of the President of the United the United States was ready to negotiate unconditionally. In answer to a question I asked Ambassador Taylor, he referred to the.. proposed negotiations as "con- versations." It must take a military mind, in my judgment, ,to draw a dis- tinction between negotiations and con- versations. Before. Ambassador Taylor left the United.States, he stated that he saw no probability of a change in the South [From the Washington Post, June 22, 1965] THE SHARPENING PREDICAMENT IN VIETNAM In his press conference last Thursday, the President quoted some secret reports he had received from a foreigner who had made contact with a high official in Hanoi. The President meant to convince our people that he had tried and failed to "get them (the North Vietnamese) to talk to us." The first secret report was on February 15, very shortly after our bombing offensive had begun. The second report was on June 7, when the bombing policy had been in opera- tion for 4 months. The substance of both 14111 reports was the same. Neither the threat of the bombing nor the results of the bombing had induced Hanoi to.take an interest in negotiating peace with the United States. There is no doubt that the President is correctly informed. Hanoi will not negotiate with Washington because it is convinced that Saigon has lost the war and that we cannot reverse the results. In Paris a few weeks ago I talked with a number of specialists in southeast Asia, both French and Vietnamese. I asked them what would happen if the President ordered the bombing of Hanoi and Haiphong and invaded with a very large army. It would only make more certain, they said, the ultimate domination of Vietnam by China. For the result of all our bombing in the north and of all our fighting in the south would be to wreck and ruin the whole of Vietnam to a point where the Vietnamese themselves would be quite unable to recon- struct their economy. They would have to turn to China. For the United States would find no government which it could support, and amidst the dev- astation only an oriental dictatorship would be able to deal with the chaos and the misery. I have learned over the years to have great respect for the judgment of these men with whom I talked. They have the advantage not only of the long French experience in Indochina but also of their contacts, through the large Vietnamese colony in Paris, with Hanoi, and even with the Vietcong. They are prophesying now that while U.S. military power can destroy the political and economic structure of Vietnam, it cannot transform the defeated Saigonese into vic- tors. The more the devastation, the more certainly will China be the ultimate winner. Does this mean that the time has passed, owing to the irreparable losses in South Vietnam, when the President can hope to induce Hanoi to negotiate with him? If he means with him, I am afraid there is no doubt it means just that. It is no less true, I think, that he is now unable, even if he were willing, to negotiate with the Vietcong. At this grim juncture, the President is threatened at home by a Republican ma- neuver which he cannot easily dismiss. Messrs Laird and Ford told him last week that if his objective is nothing better than a negotiated peace, he is committing many too many American troops. This is an ex- ceedingly shrewd political maneuver. For, if the President continues his present policy, which is to commit an increasingly large ground army in order to produce a stale- mate, he will be accused of wasting Ameri- can lives for no real purpose. Messrs. Laird and Ford, on the other hand, will go to the country saying that if the President had only dared to bomb Hanoi and Haiphong, the United States would have had a victory with- out casualties on the ground. It would not be true because all experience goes to show that wars cannot be won by bombing alone. But it would be effective demagogy. The President is in a squeeze because his limited policy has failed and an unlimited policy would incur greater risks of great war than he has a right to take. The moment of truth is drawing near, a moment when he will have to ask himself whether, since he cannot negotiate with Hanoi, someone else can. In the months to come he will have to consider whether the only course still open to him is to encourage the Vietnamese- Hanoi, Saigon, Vietcong--to negotiate with each other. If they could work out a deal among them- selves, it would no doubt mean that our influence in Vietnam had sunk to a very low' point, except as we recovered some of it in assisting the reconstruction of the country. But there may be some consolation in the fact that a Vietnamese solution made by the Vietnamese might lay the foundations of Approved For Release 2003/10/15 CIA-RDP67B00446R000300180020-8 Approved C)gN R A1O/R1 RDPS IQj 46R000300180dun e 24., 1965 an independent Vietnam, Independent of the United States to be sure, and, in some meas- ure, independent also of China. (From the Washington Post, June 24, 19651 THE FIERczNEss or RED CHINA (By Walter Lippman) The quarrel in the Communist camp has become evermore ferocious and from our point of view evermore interesting. We have to begin by making a guess as to why, as the military situation in Vietnam grows worse, the Sino-Soviet quarrel becomes fiercer. There must be something of very high im- portance at stake between Moscow and Peiping. My guess-there is no way of knowing-is that the intensification of the quarrel is due at bottom to Red China's fears that there is in the making a Soviet-American under- standing for the containment of China. If this came about, China would be strategi- cally surrounded. There would be the Soviet nuclear power along its northern frontier and there would be American nuclear power, allied in some measure with the Soviet Union, along the Chinese southern and southeastern frontiers. China's fear that this might happen could explain a number of otherwise puzzling things. It could explain Pedping's recent accusation that the Soviet Union is an Amer- ican stooge conspiring to end the war and deprive Peiping of a total victory. It could explain the fact, which has now been con- firmed officially by the "Soviet Union, that Peiping has been opposing and obstructing Soviet military aid to North Vietnam. For if the Russians appeared as the principal military defender of Hanoi, they would ac- quire a principal influence on the settlement of the war. Moreover, if my guess is correct, the Chi- nese Government believes that if the war can be made to go on to the bitter end, the result will be to expel the Soviet Union and the United States from its southern border- land. Without having to fight itself, Red China would then fall heir to the wreck and ruin of Vietnam, and the historically anti- Chinese people of Vietnam would be deci- mated and prostrated. These are high stakes, and only high stakes can account for the fierceness of the Chinese campaign against the Russians. If the hy- pothesis is correct, the first practical conclu- sion, we must draw from it is that we must not be overzealous. The Soviet Union is still a Communist society, and we must not em- barrass it by treating It as if it had turned renegade. We should act on the principle that the Soviet Union is a mature Communist society, and because of that--since both of us are mature societies-we have a common vital interest in coexistence and world peace. It is not for us to make ostentatious and dramatic overtures to Moscow. But we can move with deliberation to remove the minor irritations, as for example, over the payments to the U.N. Beyond this, we should let other governments make the running while we hold on in South Vietnam and ponder the crucial and unavoidable decision of whether to encourage negotiation among the Viet- namese. The fierce intransigence of Red China is a fact. Potentially and theoretically it threat- ens everyone. The great question is whether Red China's militancy and expansionism will be moderated in the course of time or in- tensified during the few years that remain before Red China becomes a nuclear power. It is a gamble, of course. But I myself am betting that moderation will appear in the course oftime and natural evolution and can be brought on by patience, firmness, and dip- lomatic skill. The alternative is preventive Back in the late 1940's when the cold war had begun, when Stalin was at his worst, I was invited to lunch in the Pentagon with a high official. The object of the lunch was to persuade me to write articles in favor of launching a preventive nuclear war against the Soviet Union. Stalin, I was reminded, waS a villain who was moving step by step toward the conquest of the world. There was no stopping him by measures short of nuclear war, and as we had the air force and the nuclear bombs while Stalin did not yet have them, it was our duty to strike him before he struck us. Not to do so would be criminal negligence. , If we flinched and waited, we would lose the future. I did not write the articles, but the luncheon made a profound impression on me, particularly in the years which have followed during which the Soviet Union has emerged from Stalinism. We gambled correctly, that Stalinism would pass, and we won that gam- ble. We shall have to take t" same gam- ~q L; JOINT RESOLUTION D IGNED TO TRIGGER HEARINGS AND DEBATE ON VIETNAM POLICY Mr. JAVITS, Madam President, on several occasions in the past 2 months- ever since it began to appear likely that American troops in large numbers would be sent into ground combat in South Vietnam-I have urged the Pres- ident to consult Congress by means of a joint resolution to approve and support such an important new phase of United States participation in the Vietnam struggle. Laying a new resolution be- fore Congress to follow the August 10, 1964, resolution, passed after the Bay of Tonkin incident, would have been a most desirable and 'responsible action on the part of the administration. But it has not been done. I am, therefore, intro- ducing today a joint resolution-which I send to the desk and ask that it be ap- propriately referred and printed in the RECORD-which raises the issues and will, if acted on, inspire the hearings and debate which the' situation `requires. The PRESIDING OFFICER. The joint resolution will be received and appro- priately referred; and without objection, the joint resolution will be printed in the RECORD. The joint resolution (S.J. Res. 93) to promote the maintenance of interna- tional peace and security in southeast Asia, and to supplement Public Law 88- 408, introduced by Mr. JAVIxs (for him- self and Mr. RANDOLPH), was received, read twice by its title, referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations, and ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: S.J. RE5. 93 Whereas the Congress by joint resolution approved August 10, 1964, declared that it "approves and supports the determination of the President, as Commander in Chief, to take all necessary measures to repel any armed attack against the forces of the United States and to prevent further aggression" and further declared that "The United States regards as vital to its national interest and to world peace the maintenance of interna- tional peace and security in southeast Asia" and "is, therefore, prepared, as the President determines, to take all necessary steps, in- cluding the use of armed force, to assist any member or protocol state of the Southeast Asia Collective Defense Treaty requesting as- sistance in defense -of its freedom"; and Whereas the deliberate and systematic campaign of aggression that the Communist regime in North Vietnam is, waging against its neighbors and the nations joined with them in the collective defense of their free- dom has risen in intensity and constitutes a threat to international peace and security which is not being met by action of the United Nations or other international agen- cies; and Whereas the people of South Vietnam and the peoples of southeast Asia continue to desire the assistance of the United States in protecting their freedom and their right, to be left in peace to work out their own des- tinies in their own way; and Whereas the United States has no terri- torial, militiry, or political ambitions in that area, and the President has expressed the determination of the people of the United States that the United States is prepared to engage in uncondiional discussions and nego- tiations to bring about a condition of peace and security in southeast Asia; and Whereas the intensification of the aggres- sion against South Vietnam requires the United States so materially to increase the means for defense against such aggression, including the use of the Armed Forces, as to make advisable a further joint resolution of approval and support by the Congress: Now, therefore, be it Resolved by the Senate and House of Rep- resentatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the Congress ap- proves and supports the decisions made by the President, as Commander in Chief, in im- plementing the joint resolution of August 10, 1964, to promote the maintenance of in- ternational peace and security in southeast Asia. SEC. 2. The United States declares its deter- mination, consonant with the Constitution of the United States and the Charter of the United Nations and in accordance with its obligations under the Southeast Asia Collec- tive Defense Treaty, to take all necessary steps, including the use of armed force, as the President determines, for the purposes set forth in section 3, to assist any member or protocol state of the Southeast Asia Col- lective Defense Treaty requesting assistance in defense of its freedom. SEC. 3. The United States affirms that the objectives of the United States are to bring about the cessation of hostilities by cease- fire or other appropriate means and the res- toration of peace, tranquillity, and security, and the observance of international treaties and agreements in South Vietnam, and to assist South Vietnam in obtaining a full opportunity for self-determination, religious freedom, economic and social progress, the establishment and strengthening of free institutions, and the enjoyment of friendly relations with its neighbors. The United States is ready, whenever and wherever there is any willingness by the other appropriate parties to do so, to undertake honorable negotiations to attain these objec- tives. Sze. 4. The United States regards inter- national action to assure conditions of peace, security, and freedom in southeast Asia to be most desirable and is ready to join with other appropriate parties in assuring the maintenance of international peace and ap- plying within that area the principles and provisions of the United Nations Charter. SEC. 5. This resolution shall expire when the President shall determine that the peace and security of the area is reasonably assured by international conditions created by action of the United Nations or otherwise, except that it may be terminated earlier by concur- rent rsolution of the Congress. Mr. JAVITS. Madam President, in this connection, it is important to note that Congress contemplated a continu- ing role, in conjunction with the Presi- dent, in the making of our Vietnam pol- icy. The intent of Congress to main- Approved For Release 2003/10/15 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000300180020-8 June 4, 1A19Proved For Relyr (3gp61 A f 1 ft WLB00ti"~J300180020-8 14113 twin continued participation is most is whether we are prepared to send some Mr. AIKEN. Has the Senator drawn strongly evidenced by its explicit reser- hundreds of thousands of our troops into conclusion from the latest r drawn of the right to terminate by con- combat as we did i any K , n orea, if news- ment in South Vietnam? I refer to the 'current resolution the joint resolution sary-for it may become necessary. It is South Vietnamese breaking off relations of. . August 10, 1964. Congress having whether we are ready to face the Amer- with France and closing down all - news thus reserved this right, the time has scan casualties of a long, drawn-out land papers in the country except two, which now come to exercise it, when we seem struggle-for we may have to. It is we presume are completely controlled by about to enter upon a new dimension of whether we are prepared to risk a con- the Government. I value his conclusions the struggle nqt contemplated last frontation with Communist China or the rather highly. Has he drawn any con- August. Soviet Union, for we may have to. elusion as to this latest development? Madam President, I have explained The President may have the legal au- Mr. JAVITS. Madam President, it the major sections of the joint resolu- thority to make these decisions, but as a means a tight control by a government tion in colloquy with the Senator from matter of policy they should not be made which is ruling by emergency power. Idaho [Mr. CHuacHJ, showing that it by him alone, without congressional ap- That is the meaning also of the new does actually accommodate the new sit- proval and support. Prime Minister's statement that he will uation which I have described by setting ' The President should not risk leading shoot people without trial and take simi- forth, first, our readiness and willingness the Nation, step by step, into a major lax measures. This recalls Korea under to enter into negotiations-in which the conflict from which there is no honorable Syngman Rhee, when we found ourselves Vietcong or similar forces could con- retreat-not without a clear mandate between an imminent dictatorship and eeivably play a role as part of the North from the people and a united and deter- the necessity of protecting what had been Vietnamese delegation; second, the ob- mined country solidly behind him. An accomplished there in the way of freeing jectives of the United States, which are out-of-date resolution-and that is what South Korea. This is one of the endemic confined to the situation in South Viet- the resolution of August 1964 is-is not problems of our presence In South Viet- nam and include acceptance of a settle- enough. Neither is a Gallup poll. nam and what makes me ask the ques- ment for neutralization of that area We are on the threshold of crucial de- tion: "Do the people of South Vietnam adopted in 1954 in Geneva; and third, cisions, with large segments of the people want us there?" If they do not want us the acceptability of the United Nations anxious and uncertain, restive and con- there, do we still propose to stay? to the extent that it can feasibly act in fused. The probing and informed de- I conclude by saying to the Senator this area in whatever role may be found bate which the resolution I have intro- that this becomes a major factor in best, especially with the hope of bring- duced is designed to stimulate would con- whether we should continue. I am with ing about a cease-fire and the initiation tribute immeasurably to a better under- my colleagues in the Senate who have of negotiations between the parties. standing of the whole Vietnam conflict spoken this morning, and with the Presi- First, this new resolution is needed be- and the proper role we can play in that dent, in saying that we should carry on if cause the resolution of August 10, 1964, part of the world. For there are still a we are at all able to do so. However, the is out of date. It was passed under great many nagging and worrisome ques- question involves the South Vietnamese wholly different circumstances, at a time tions unanswered, and a great many governmental framework in which we are when we were not bombing North Viet- fears to be laid at rest. being asked to carry on. We need to have nam' as part of the defense against the Some of the important questions which clear information on this, we need to di- Vietcong, when the South Vietnamese need to be answered, always consistent gest it, and we need to see whether we Government looked relatively stable un- with security considerations-and i am can bring any influence to bear to see der General Khanh and when we were confident that it can be done that way- that human rights and liberties are re- there at the request of such a govern- are these: spected. It is not a question which I can Ynelit. The likelihood then of direct U.S. First. What is the exact nature and answer categorically by saying, for ex- involvement in ground combat in a large- extent of the new combat responsibilities ample, that if we find it is a dictatorship scale struggle on the Asian mainland was our forces are assuming in Vietnam? we should get out. But it is a question not anticipated; we were not then on the Second. What is the nature and area to which we should get an answer, be- verge of committing ourselves to such a of the conflict as now contemplated? cause the answer will influence our total conflict. Third. Is it clear that the people of judgment as to what we should do. .. Second, the resolution is needed to South Vietnam still want us there? Mr. AIKEN. Is that not a condition provide a clear opportunity for the For- That is a very critically Important ques- which was written into the resolution eign Relations and Foreign Affairs Com- tion. of last August, which is now interpreted mittees to hold hearings in an attempt Fourth. At whose invitation are we in various ways? Did we not in fact to bring out the relevant facts and clari- now participating in the struggle there? commit ourselves to help those countries fy the issues, and. an opportunity, too, Fifth. What do the people of southeast in southeast Asia when our help was re- for full debate on the floor of both Asia and other parts of Asia think about quested and wanted? Houses-not undirected, sporadic de- the escalation of our involvement in this Mr. JAVITS. And also, may I point bate-such as we have had this morn- conflict? out, we said to protect their freedom. ing and on other occasions-but debate Sixth. How much help are we getting Mr. AIKEN. Yes. focused on specific language, carrying from our allies, especially our SEATO Mr. JAVITS. If there is no freedom, the responsibility of positive action. allies, and what is the likelihood of get- there is no freedom to protect. Finally, the resolution is needed be- ting more help? Mr. AIKEN. Do not the latest acts in cause the decisions now being made by Seventh. What practical possibilities South Vietnam strongly indicate a trend the President are crucial. Let us remem- exist of regional or United Nations action toward a form of government which we ber that great powers do not bluff. Once with respect to Vietnam? We hear a are committed to oppose with all rea- a great power commits Itself to a course great deal about the Secretary General sonable means? of action, it cannot fail to carry through going out there. What, indeed, can the Mr. JAVITS. Exactly. The trend without serious consequences both at U.N. do? Let us remember that when should be arrested. It is much easier to home and abroad. The United States the Security Council voted to undertake do that in the open, on the floor of the cannot become directly involved in the responsibility of the conflict against Senate and on the floor of the House, ground combat in South Vietnam, re- the North Koreans, the Russians, for the than in the privacy of an executive serving the right to change its mind later moment, were not on the Security Coun- department. on. If things go badly, I have no doubt cii, and therefore not able. to cast a Madam President, these are not the that we will send in more troops, and veto. only questions. There are many others more, and still more, for there will be Eighth. How much help are the Com- of equal importance to be answered. In- no turning back and we will be commit- munist getting and where is it coming deed, one of the most vital questions is ted as,col pleteiy as we were in Korea. from? this: What do we expect to gain from a The real question, is not, whether we Mr. AIKEN. Madam President, will decision to commit increasing numbers are willing to send another 21,000 troops the Senator yield? of U.S. troops to ground combat roles? to Vietnam to help the South Vietnamese Mr. JAVITS. I yield to the Senator We seem to be girding ourselves for a during this summer's monsoon rains. It from Vermont. long and bloody summer,in the hope that, Approved Fbr Release 2003/10/15: GIA-RDP67B00446R000300180020-8 Approved For Release 2003/10/15 : CIA-RDP67B00446R0003001809( 2k, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE in Senator FULBRIGHT'S words, "When Mr. President, I ask unanimous con- may at all times be safe in our own the current Vietcong offensive has run its sent to add the name of the Senator homes. course without decisive result, the Com- from West Virginia [Mr. RANDOLPH] as All of -us-every citizen-has a duty munists will be disposed to take a differ- a cosponsor of the joint resolution. and a responsibility to see that our lawn ent view of our standing proposal for un- The PRESIDING OFFICER, With- are enforced; a duty to support and assist conditional negotiations." I would not out objection, it is so ordered. our law enforcement officers in their ef- be quite so sanguine as the Senator from Mr. JAVITS. I thank my colleague forts to r to t sorease is ciet . more Mr. P widen Arkansas about the prospects of success- for yielding. the crime fully forcing the Communists to the con- tressing-it is alarming. From 1958 to ference table by denying them their COINAGE OF THE UNITED STATES 1964 the total major crimes in this coun- haped-for military victories this summer. try jumped from 1,645,200 to 2,604,400- The PRESIDING OFFICER. Under an increase of 959,200 in that 7-year And this summer stal evit? will the unanimous-consent agreement en- period. In 1964 there was an increase t"-far c I may, into, the Chair lays before the Sen- of 13 percent over 1963. By 1975 it is it in not t s , "u o nto do it"-for achieve nsayicng, analysis, not o painful l ate the unfinished business, which will estimated that our population will reach in the last the least not fore- be stated. 225 million. A projection of the crime se all the rush alternatives. cBut I do hoeasea The LEGISLATIVE CLERK. A bill (S. rate increase at 10 percent annually- probable c rh to the conference table as a 2080) to provide for the coinage of the and not at the 13 percent rate of increase n result. Let us not once United States. that occurred in 1964-indicates that 10 about blinded by unwarranted optimism m aVietnam. The Senate resumed the consideration years hence our citizens will have more If one remembers nothing else I say, of the bill (S. 2080) to provide for the than 7 million major crimes inflicted one I hope he will remember this. We hear coinage of the United States. urpo a them. T hat poou e in the Unator 32 so many stories that the troops will be Sc for tates. back in 1 year, or that we are on top of UNPRECEDENTED LAWLESSNESS IN Projected at the same rate of 10 per- teg sieuaithi a week see it all . LtTHE UNITED STATES cent until 1985 it is indicated that more unwarranted Mr. McCLF'Ta.ArJ obtained the floor. than 18 million major crimes will be com- us then not be be a blinded or by a month. Let then the situation in Vietnam Is Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, i mitted mated in popu that lation year, and nd with ion an , esti- shi-66 mill very rough and very difficult. yield 15 minutes under the bill to the mill be op major crime for each 15 With the sorry prospect of intensified distinguished Senator from Arkansas. people. hostilities around the corner, we simply Mr. McCLELLAN. Mr. President, we To those who say it just cannot hap- muetredouble our cannot search for an honor- are experiencing a wave of unprece- pen, I say look at the figures-not just able peace. We cjust resign cur- dented lawlessness in our country. those I have projected, but look at the selves to battle out the summer and then The crime menace to our society and past record. Since 1958 crime has in- th again. I alai mere lco pleased h ef- security has become critical. It is a creased six times as fast as our popula- forts Prime wecominn fresh k- problem of grave concern to all of us. tion. In 1964 the crime rate-crimes per fnts by Prime Minister Wilson and look- The ever-lengthening shadows of crime 100,000 population-was 11 percent high- ference for forthcoming some new initiative. eAnd now becloud each day and like a pall er than in 1963; 75 percent higher than while fhhave correctly to our And hang heavily with ominous warnings in 1954; and more than double the rate while we have will not recognize the Viet- that we can no longer ignore. Indeed, in 1940. g that he wihiSee- so serious is the threat of mounting crime So, Mr. President, not only can it hap- con retary the conference a far toward far tothe S makec- that President Johnson used the solemn pen, it has happened and is happening Ing ev even of State this one this o h as gone talks ccasion of the state of the Union today. even condition question the message to comment about it. What price do these criminals, the agreeing not noto peace palatable composition by f the i delegation. queet The gravity of this problem becomes hoodlums, the parasites, the lawless who our p part ther rt to achieve a apparent and is placed in proper pro- prey on our citizens, extract from our All ththese efforts oforts on the opposing next this they 24 1964 the Federal Bureau of Investigation peaceful solution are commendable- time when wtomorrow-within the that they are e more re than commendable: : they hat he American are continuing our I ale sure the President In every s .25 people will have been murdered; 56 peoplet$27tb l i oncrime., Thissist t to way ung oquest for peace way open to him. He will need evd great women, or perhaps girls of tender age, $143 for every man, woman, and child- wisdom, as well as great creativity and will have been forcibly raped; 305 armed or $574 for each family-in the United imagination, if we are to avoid another robberies will have been committed; 505 States. The misery and human suffering Korea in Vietnam. I wholeheartedly aggravated assaults will have been in- that crime produces, of course, cannot be support him-as I always have--in those flicted; 1,285 automobiles will have been measured in money. de- efforts, and I have little doubt I will be stolen; 1,925 major thefts will have been Mr. President, I have confidence in our and in an appropriate prhim as obate and enact glasttweilll have occurred. Mr3,000 bur- . Pr si- fendaagainsttexter al~threatsyto our an resolution. g and appren The PRESIDING OFFICER. (Mr. dent, over 7,000 major crimes are cam- pensive abo t the possibility of de truc- KENNEDY of New York in the chair). witted in this country every day; day The time of the Senator has expired. In and day out, Sundays included, for tion from within-destruction ctiby known a ru h- Mr, DAVITS. Mr. President, I ask crime takes no holidays. less such empire names as tagna l Mafia, the Cosa Nostra, unanimous consent that I may have 1. Obviously, Mr. President, no nation, the syndicate or the mob. additional minute. no civilized society can long withstand or r Narcotics has for over of warn the public for over Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I endure such major assaults upon its The Bureau yield the Senator from New York 1 structure. The goals of the Great So- 25 of tried the Mafia warn our country. minute under the bill. ciety are being Imperiled. For there can danger years Bureau quite oft found Mr. JAVITS. The decisions that the be no Great Society unless it is also a safe doing itself so so the the receiving end ft vifoulid administration must make in the weeks society. And a safe society cannot be on of ahead are decisions which could vitally built nor maintained in a climate of criticism z an i eerissriond from the s -c elleod affect the entire Nation, and they should crime, corruption, and moral decay. I good in n be discussed and debated by the Repre- mean, Mr. President, a society where it those who likewise refuse to believe that sentativs of the entire Nation in Con- is safe for our citizens to walk the streets communism poses any threat to our sur- gress, with the stark facts laid out before day or night; a society where our chil-vival. us, Then whatever we decide to do will dren are safe both at play and en route History records that many civilizations be done by a 'strong and determined to school; a society where our women are have been destroyed from within. Let people, united behind their President In safe from the attacks of depraved us heed that warning, lest we succumb to one of the major decisions in our history. rapists; In short, a society where all of us the tyranny of a criminal anarchy. Approved For Release 2003/10/15 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000300180020-8