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October 27, 2003
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August 5, 1965
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Approved For Release 2003/11/04 CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190005-4 August 5, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD HOUSE proach to legislation." The Congress was understandably pressed to get a law on the books as previous temporary tariff legislation, slated to expire at midnight, June 30, would have ballooned duty-free imports to $500 pr person. However, in the heat of moving this bill into law I believe we did an injustice to two coun- tries with whom we have long, enjoyed the friendliest of relations-Mexico and Canada. Supporters of the bill argued that our unfavorable balange of payments re- quired that we discourage travelers from spending too much money abroad. One Senate proponent stated the intent was, among other things, to "restrain the `jet set' from spending too much money" overseas. Those who pointed out that Mexico and Canada constituted no dollar drain-or gold drain-on our economy were told that the country-and the world-needed to be made psychologi- cally aware than the United States means business when we say the gold drain will be stopped and the balance of payments restored to, equilibrium. There is little doubt that a, psychologi- cal effect resulted, especially in Mexico and Canada, It seemed incredible to many of us in the House that these two great nations with whom we share com- mon-and, I might add peaceful-bor- ders-and with whom we presently enjoy the friendliest social, political, and eco- nomic relations in many years, should suffer as the result of this legislation. In restraining the jet set we have also discriminated against and inconven- ienced the ordinary person who likes to visit and shop in Mexico and Canada. And we have also done a disservice to our good friends in those countries. Tour- ism, for example, is Mexico's biggest source of dollars and much of that in- come is derived from visitors who like to visit the colorful and friendly border towns. In passing, Mexico spends more money with the United States each year than we spend with her. She is able to endure this unfavorable balance of trade largely because of high border-town receipts. Our Canadian neighbors must also re- sent this law and speculate whether they should not follow our lead and discour- age their citizens from spending about $475 million each year traveling in the United States. Canada, too, spends more money with us than we spend with Mr. Speaker, this amendment to Public Law 89-62 is clearly within the spirit and intent of the legislation brought forth by the House Ways and Means Commit- tee. The hearings on the law-and the passage of the law itself-did, in fact, draw attention to the many-sided ap- proach the administration has success- fully mounted to help solve the problem of a negative balance of payments. Howevr, many of us believe that our two neighboring countries of Canada and Mexico are deserving of our special con- sideration and my bill represents a re- affirmation of the strong bonds of mutual interest we share with them. If we fail to enact this amendment then on October 1, 1965, the United States will apply to Mexico and Canada regulations which are inequitable, to say the least. (Mr. WELTNER (at the request of Mr. WALKER of New Mexico) was granted permission to extend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and to include ex- traneous matter.) [Mr. WELTNER'S remarks will appear hereafter in the Appendix.] COAST SURVEY FAVORS PRIVATE SHIPYARDS (Mr. GARMATZ. (at the request of Mr. WALKER of New Mexico) was granted permission to extend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and to include ex- traneous matter.) Mr, GARMATZ. Mr. Speaker, in the continuing debate with respect to costs ,in naval shipyards versus costs in private shipyards, it is disturbing to read that the Navy's Bureau of Ships has again ,attempted to suppress vital information. Allen M. Smythe, an energetic jour- nalist whose articles are carried in a number of metropolitan newspapers throughout the country, wrote in the Boston, Mass., Globe on July 26, 1965, of a recent submarine cost survey un- favorable to the Navy shipyards which has been kept under wraps, apparently deliberately. This article is so astounding-a tribute to Mr. Smythe's resourcefulness-that I include it in the body of the RECORD at this point: SECRET SURVEY FAVORS PRIVATE BUILDERS- NAVY YARDS' COST-CUTTING FAILS To CLOSE GAP (By Allen Smythe) The military construction bill now in its final stages in Congress has an important bearing on Navy spending and Pentagon pol- icy on surplus base closings. The measure has been drafted without knowledge of an adverse report (now called work sheets) on submarine construction costs that has been suppressed by the Navy. The report is the last of a series of surveys that have shown that costs in Navy yards are higher than in private shipyards. Several years ago private industry financed for $18,000 a survey by Ernst & Ernst that showed all repair overhaul and construction costs higher in Navy yards. As costs were to be deciding factors in Navy yard closings, the Bureau of Ships hurriedly bought an offsetting survey to be made by the Arthur Anderson Co. for $197,000. To the Navy's embarrassment was substantially the same. Among other things, it showed that on new submarine construction defense savings of 10 percent could be made (15.2 percept to the Government) if built in pri- vate shipyards. Before Secretary McNamara ordered the Portsmouth and Brooklyn Navy Yards closed, ,,the Navy made a desperate, belated effort to cut costs. Then the Bureau of Ships or- dered a supplementary report on submarine building costs from the Anderson Co-at a 'cost of $47,000-that was hopefully expected to show a drop in costs. It didn't. So, its 30 pages of financial facts were promptly concealed. The only copies released were given to the Senators of New Hampshire and Maine who have discreetly not divulged its contents. The Bureau of Ships, bypassing its own 18799 secretariat, had Secretary McNamara's of- fice freeze the report. The order was signed by David McGiffert, congressional assistant to McNamara, who has just been nominated as Under Secretary of the Army. However, the freeze order indicated incorrectly that the report had been given to and discussed by the proper congressional committees. The report shows the comparative costs between four submarines built at the Ports- mouth Navy Yard and five built at the private shipyards of Newport or Newport News, Beth- lehem Steel, and the Electric Boat Division of General Dynamics at Groton, Conn. It states that, if the four submarines had been built at the private shipyards, "savings to the Department of Defense of 20.3 per- cent, or savings to the Government of 23.9 percent, could have been made." Using private-shipyard costs as a denom- inator, this shows Navy-yard costs to be 26.7 percent higher than private shipyards, or if taxes are excluded, to be 31.4 percent higher. The report further shows that the three private yards made a profit on the five sub- marines of only 2.3 percent. Despite the report, an aggressive congres- sional delegation pressured the Pentagon to extend the closing date for Portsmouth to 10 years. The admirals, who naturally do not like to have any Navy bases closed, are in- tensifying their efforts to cut costs and have issued several releases claiming reductions. However, auditors familiar with the situa- tion say that, because of the obsolete equip- ment and Navy management, costs can be reduced only a few percent at best. They also state that work quality could be en- dangered by too much pressure to out costs. They point to the subtle reference to the Thresher submarine in the report. In early December of 1963, McNamara was ready to announce closing of the Boston, Philadelphia, and San Francisco Navy Yards as surplus. A leak from his secretariat and the White House caused an uproar in Con- gress. Above the uproar was heard the voice of House Speaker JoseN MCCORMACK, "They are not going to close my shipyard." He was right. The Pentagon was forced to order a new impartial survey. This was completed by July 1964, by Adm. Eugene Plucky. His report listed the Navy yards at Philadelphia, Brooklyn, Portsmouth, and San Francisco as least useful to the Navy. All were just below Boston. ROBERT KENNEDY, then Attorney General, was reported to have offered the best legal defense for the Boston Navy Yard of any submitted for other shipyard closings. How- ever, it did not help him aid the Brooklyn Navy Yard when he later decided to run for Senator from New York. In spite of leaks the report was held secret by the policy board for further study until after the election. Two weeks after the elec- tion, McNamara announced he had picked Brooklyn and Portsmouth for immediate closing. (Mr. SCHMIDHAUSER (at the request of Mr. WALKER of New Mexico) was granted permission to extend his re- marks at this point in the RECORD and to include extraneous matter.) [Mr. SCHMIDHAUSER'S remarks will appear hereafter in the Appendix.] (Mr. MULTER (at the request of Mr. WALKER of New Mexico) was granted per- mission to extend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and to include ex- traneous matter.) [Mr. MULTER'S remarks will appear hereafter in the Appendix.] Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67BO0446R000300190Q05-4` 18800 Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190005-4 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE August 5, 1965 REPEAL OF SECTION 14 (b) (Mr. PEPPER (at the request of Mr. WALKER of New Mexico) was granted per- mission to extend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and to include ex- traneous matter.) Mr. PEPPER. Mr. Speaker, I have been attacked off the floor by the Re- publican leader in the House for Support- ing President Johnson's recommenda- tion that section 14(b) of the Taft- Hartley Act be repealed. And I wish to say that I am proud to be associated with and to be a supporter of this great Democratic program which in the past 5 years has given my district, as well as the Nation, the greatest period of pros- perity it has ever known. I want to emphasize, however, that I voted for the repeal of section 14(b) out of my conviction that it is best for my district, my State and the Nation. Whether or not so-called right-to-work laws are the principal cause, it is never- theless true that per capita personal in- come is lower, average weekly wages in manufacturing are lower, and minimum wage. rates are lower, if they exist at all, In the right-to-work States than they are in those States which allow a reason- able degree of union security. Accord- ing to a study sponsored by the Duke University Research Council, per capita personal income is, on the average, $490.87 per year lower in right-to-work States than in nonright-to-work States. The average weekly wage in manufac- turing is $11.18 a week lower. And the minimum wage is 53.6 cents an hour lower. I am convinced that a uniform system of labor-management collective bargain- ing is best for the whole country and best for Florida. Florida's interest lies more with the industrial States than it does with Deep South States such as my native State Alabama or the Mid- western agricultural States that have little hope of becoming great industrial States in the near future. Florida does have the potential to be- come a great industrial State. Its climate is an unmatched attraction for the scientific and highly skilled person- nel that are required in the sophisticated industries of the space age, and it can- not fulfill its industrial potential with- out responsible and secure unions and a philosophy of free, responsible col- lective bargaining. Florida's right-to- work amendment was adopted more than 20 years ago when its population was only one-third what it is today. it was submitted by a highly misappor- tioned legislature with only 1 vote to spare in the State senate and was ap- proved by only a 25,000-vote margin among the voters of the State. In Dade County-in which my district is lo- cated-the right-to-work amendment was rejected by 57 percent of those vot- ing In the referendum. Repeal of section 14(b) is another step in the emancipation of our great Southern region. It will enable our workers and our businessmen to take their place in our national economy, rather than cling to regionalism, to share in the full stream, the throb of the economic life of this great Nation. I am proud to have supported this and the other bald recommendations of President Johnson in the 88th and 89th Congresses. His is the greatest program to help the American people which has ever been offered by any President. And our Republican colleagues as a party have fought it step by step-just as they sought to confuse and defeat every pro- posal that the Democrats have put for- ward under President Johnson, President Kennedy, President Truman and Presi- dent Roosevelt to provide better wages, better working conditions, better educa- tion, better health, better housing, bet- ter social security, better jobs and lower taxes for the American people. The program which we are putting into law is progressive where the needs of the people are concerned and fiscally respon- sible where their tax dollars are involved. It has included legislation adopted in 1964 reducing income taxes on persons and corporations by $14 billion; legisla- tion adopted in 1965 reducing excise taxes by some $4.6 billion; and legislation in 1962 providing a tax credit for new investment and subsequent revision of the guidelines for depreciation by the In- ternal Revenue Service which together afforded overall benefits for business in excess fo $4 billion. I am indeed proud to have had a part in such a program and to have worked with an administration which has done so much for business and for all the peo- FOREIGN POLICY (Mr. KING of Utah (at the request of Mr. WALKER of New Mexico) was granted permission to extend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and to include ex- traneous matter.) Mr. KING of Utah. Mr. Speaker, the President has acted wisely in asking authority to increase our forces in uni- form by 340,000 men. I want to be among the first to go on record support- ing his- request of yesterday. The Com- munist world must understand, beyond the slightest shadow of doubt, that we mean business about preserving the in- dependence of the South Vietnamese peo- ple. The gravest question confronting our Nation today is Vietnam. As was our own shore in the 1770's, Britain and Pearl Harbor in the 1940's, Korea and Berlin in the 1950's, Vietnam is now the flaming frontier of freedom. As much as I abhor war, I hate tyranny still more. I applaud our country's determin- nation to negotiate from strength. I support the President's policy. I set forth my thinking on Vietnam in detail in an address at the University of Utah just last Friday, July 30. I want to share that message with my colleagues. The text of my address follows: ADDRESS BY REPRESENTATIVE DAVID S. KING AT THE UNIVERSITY OF UTAH, JULY 30 On May 4, 1965, President Johnson asked Congress to appropriate an additional $700 million to meet the mounting military re- quirements in fighting the Vietcong, which request was quickly granted. Then on July 27, 1965, the President recommended in- creasing the draft fromn. 17,000 to 35,000 per month, and sending 125,000 troops into the combat zone. At this point we ask ourselves a number of questions. We want to know where all this is taking us. We read the obituary of a soldier killed in action. We think to our- selves: This was somebody else's son. To- morrow, it may be mine. We find ourselves wondering whether the problem in Vietnam isn't as deadly as its snake-filled jungles. Why is everything blanketed with diplomatic doubletalk? Can't someone really tell us what it is all about? And so, realizing my limitations, I ap- proach the problem of the present war in Vietnam. I call it a war because I have the impression that that is what it is. There are other difficulties-semantic and philo- sophical. I get the impression that lately we have been deceiving ourselves. We call the War Department the Department of De- fense. Soldiers are no longer called soldiers, but servicemen. And wars, which weren't supposed to happen after V-J day, because they were too terrible to talk about, are now called almost anything else, to divert atten- tion from what they really are. I share your feelings of revulsion for war. even though some bureaucrats now call this organized butchery by another name. I hate war's contempt for human life, its waste, its indifference to the refinements and sen- sitivities which crown the efforts of civilized man. Moreover, I understand that peace is not easily come by. It must be striven for, and I am willing to make the effort. For that reason I favored the Atom Test Ban Treaty, the Arms Control and Disarmament Agency, our cultural exchange program, and a stronger United Nations. Our policy in Vietnam today involves a more-or-less open-ended commitment to provide military, and economic assistance to the South Vietnamese in their fight against the terrorism of the Vietcong. Our stated objective is not so much to guarantee de- mocracy in South Vietnam as to guarantee its right of political self-determination with- out dictation from others. This objective has been agreed upon by the leadership of both political parties. There are aspects of this policy which concern me. My greatest fear is that the fighting could escalate into world war III. And yet, despite my fears, I have come to the conclusion that the American people should fully support their country in the above policy, which, I reemphasize, is com- pletely bipartisan, and has been endorsed by our four most recent presidents. I sup- port this policy, not because it makes me happy; and not because it is above reproach; but because it offers the only acceptable course of action now open to us. I feel that peace will be better served by strength than weakness. It is foolish to argue that we need only pat the Communist tiger on the head to make him go away and lie down. He has never done than before. Patting the tiger only makes him contemptuous of our weakness. Instead of becoming more tractible, he becomes more belligerent; at least this is true when we stand In the way of his dinner, as we now do in Vietnam. But just getting out of his way won't solve our problem, either, for sooner or later, after eating everything else in sight, he will turn upon us, for his last, best meal of all. To maintain strength today, may be to avoid catastrophe tomorrow. The American people have now reached that position where they must resolve their inner conflicts and make a hard, historic decision. I feel that that decision must be to continue our firm resistance to the Viet- cong. We cannot fight decision with indecision. This does not suggest that we do not strive for peace. We can still follow Adlai Steven- son's admonition: "Every time we drop one bomb, make two offers to negotiate." We Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190005-4 August 5, 'owed For Re 4 ? C - 7B00446R000300190005-4 A7. HOUSE 18$01 must pursue every possible avenue for re- terrorist. He will be given the order to go Communist guerrillas were, for the most ducing tensions, and bringing about accord. in and terrorize a certain village. So Monday part, physically distinguishable from the But let us not forget that Adlai Stevenson, morning there will be a dozen bodies on the peaceful majority they sought to control. that great apostle of peace and understand- street. Vietnam Is not another Philippines, where ing, immediately before his untimely death, "The bodies will be those of old men, communist guerrillas were physically sepa- said: women, and children-not people who have rated from the source of their moral and "We must contain communism in south- done anything in particular. It's just killing physical support. Above all, the war in Viet- east Asia as we have contained it in west- at random to create terror. nam is not a spontaneous and local rebel- ern Europe. We have to establish a line "Then they will kidnap the village chief, lion against the established government. in southeast Asia where aggression across it cut off his head, and put it on a pole and There are elements in the Communist, pro- will be met, All we can hope to do is to walk it around. So by 3 o'clock afternoon gram of conquest directed against South establish the right of self-determination. We they don't have too much trouble getting 16- Vietnam common to each of the previous can't impose our will. But we must con- and ?17-year-old boys to join the Vietcong. areas of aggression and subversion. But vince the Communists they can't impose They've killed 16,000 village chiefs." there is one fundamental difference. In their will, either." The' Vietcong are, theoretically, indigenous Vietnam a Communist government has set The area generally known as southeast to South Vietnam. Originally, most of them out deliberately to conquer a sovereign peo- Asia, and to which Vietnam can rightly be were. Their leaders were natives of South ple in a neighboring state. And to achieve considered the key, is highly significant to Vietnam who had been regrouped to the its end, it has used every resource of Its own the United States, north under the terms of the 1954 Geneva government to carry out its carefully plan- . The State Department has given us the Agreement and who had been trained there ned program of concealed aggression. North following interesting background informa- and sent back into the south again. They Vietnam's commitment to seize control of tion: have always received their directions from the south is no less total than was the com- "Over 200 million people live in the non- North Vietnam, their leadership from North mitment of the regime in North Korea in Communist countries south of China and east Vietnam, and their supplies and ammunition 1950. But knowing the consequences of the of India, a region rich in culture, land, from North Vietnam. They have always been latter's undisguised attack, the planners in and resources-the one part of Asia that is assisted by a substantial number of North Hanoi have tried desperately to conceal their 'relatively underpopulated. From it come Vietnamese. I Should further add that in hand. They have failed and their aggres- Asia's most important food exports, 70 per- recent months the North Vietnamese seem sion is as real as that of an invading army. cent of the world's tin, and 70 percent of to have virtually run out of native South "The evidence shows that the hard core the world's natural rubber. Lying athwart Vietnamese for staffing their Vietcong oper- of the Communist forces attacking South the crossroads between two oceans and two ation. Attrition in Vietcong ranks has re- Vietnam were trained in the north and or- continents, southeast Asia is a region of sulted from desertions and defections, battle dered into the south by Hanoi. It shows great importance not only to the people who casualties, illness and infirmity. With each that the key leadership of the Vietcong, the live there but to all the free world, passing day, the percentage of South Viet- officers and most of the cadre, many of the "The Communists of North Vietnam and namese who make up the membership of the technicians, political organizers, and propa- China are eager to take over this fertile area, Vietcong is growing less and that of the pro- gandists have come from the north and not by the type of open aggression used in fessional soldier from North Vietnam Is operate under Hanoi's direction. Korea but by attack from within, by covert growing larger. "The evidence shows that many of the aggression through guerrilla warfare, and by The above plan of Ho Chi Minh was cer- weapons and much of the ammunition and infiltrating trained men and arms across tainly clever. In the first place, we couldn't other supplies used by the Vietcong have national frontiers. Communist success in even prove who our enemy was. The North been sent into South Vietnam from Hanoi. Laos and South Vietnam would gravely Vietnamese still contend that the war is a In recent months new types of weapons have threaten the freedom and independence of civil war, fought entirely by South Viet- been introduced in the Vietcong army, for the rest of Southeast Asia. It would under- namese. Until recently, this position was which all ammunition must come from out- mine the neutrality of Cambodia, would difficult to disprove. In the second place, side sources. Communist China and other make Thailand's position practically unten- it gave to the Vietcong the tactical advan- Communist states have been the prime sup- able, would increase the already great pres- tage which guerrilla soldiers always enjoy pliers of these weapons and ammunition, sure on Burma, would place India in jeopardy when fighting against conventional troops in and the have been channeled primarily of being outflanked, would enlarge Commu- a jungle environment. This advantage is through North Vietnam. The directing force nist influence and pressures on Malaysia, In- 8 to 1. Third, the plan made skillful use of behind the effort to conquer South Vietnam donesia, and the Philippines, and would im- Politics, and terrorism, and propaganda, as is the Communist Party in the North, the pair the free-world defense position in all of well as military force, to accomplish its ob- Lao Dong-Workers'-Party. As in every Asia. It would confirm the Asian Commu- jectives. Fourth, since it did not involve Communist state, any party is an integral nist belief that a policy of militancy pays overt aggression, it was difficult for us to part of the regime itself. North Vietnamese dividends, and could undermine the will of induce allies to intervene, as they would have officials have expressed their firm deter mi- free peoples on other continents to defend had to do if overt aggression had been in- nation to absorb South Vietnam into the themselves." 1 volved. Communist world." North Vietnam has made its aim the com- It is apparent that the Communists are I might add that information which has plete absorption and Communization of very hopeful for the success of this type of come to me indicates that no less than South Vietnam. This is true, in spite of the operation. If it is successful, it will be used 40,000 persons are known to have come down fact that the overwhelming majority of these elsewhere. It is particularly appropriate for from the north and identified themselves people to the south, who number almost use against emerging, underdeveloped na- with the Vietcong operation in South 15 million, have shown a distaste for com- bons, such as Cambodia, Laos, Burma, Vietnam. anTece ae which have given the National Liberation Front, whose mem- press about whether or not it has been proved illa~u rise to our ur prwent esent into tervention. In 1949 bers are referred to as the Vietcong. In that the Vietcong in South Vietnam were ise directed and supplied including both North and South, addition, the President of North Vietnam, by North Vietnam. became an independent state, within the Ho Chi Minh, has authored a shrewd military Whatever doubt there may have been, was French Union. Because of local Communist program designated as the war of national put at rest by the State Department's so- aggressiveness, it was agreed that the French liberation. It involves the use of the above called white paper, entitled "Aggression should remain in Vietnam to render mili- Vietcong as undercover agents, infiltrators, From the North," dated February 1965. . aid. The Vietnamese 195 no army to had terrorists, and gangsters to ultimately sub- This paper thoroughly documents the asser- speak of a ce due the South Vietnamese, Here is a war tion that the present war in South Vietnam S. O Onn signed a Decutuaal defense the stUnited conducted in a manner seldom before seen. is the result of help, planning, leadership, States tate mutu de assistance Thousands of agents infiltrate a manpower, and supplies received from the agreement with e, Vietnam, Cambodia, particular and d Laos s for indirect U U.S.S. m. militar aid area. 'their object is to win converts to com- north. I take the liberty of quoting a few y paragraphs: through France Vietnam, Cambodia, and munism by any means necessary. First, they Laos in their fight against communism. use propaganda and the hard sell. Then they "South Vietnam is fighting for its life After 4 or 5 years of brutal warfare, it use terrorism. against a brutal campaign of terror and became apparent that the French were in- Let me quote from Ambassador Henry armed attack inspired, directed, supplied, capable of driving the Communists out of Cabot of hod geeiin an interview given in Febru- and controlled by the Communist regime in Vietnam, so a military truce was signed. Hanoi. This flagrant aggression has been part of the Geneva Accords of 1954, it drew "What you have in Vietnam is a new kind going on for years, but recently the pace a line of demarcation along the 17th parallel, of fighting man who is as distinct as the in- has quickened and the threat has now be- dividing the Communist-held territory to fantryman or the aviator-and that is the come acute. the north from the non-Communist territory "The war in Vietnam is a new kind of to the south. The truce which was signed 1 ? war. Vietnam is not another Greece, by France and North Vietnam alone, spe- Vietriam the Struggle for Freedom," De- where indigenous uerrill f g a orces used cifically provided that the territorial integ- lartmen Viet part t of State Publication 7724, August friendly neighboring territory as sanctu- rity of the two sectors which were thus i nam s not another Malaya where created should be recognized and protected Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190005-4 18802 Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190005-4 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -HOUSE August 5, 1965 by each, and that neither should attack the The position of the United States now is they do. Let the record speak for itself. other, directly or indirectly. A period of that the integrity of these many commit- First, as I mentioned above, over 900,000 time was allowed for those in the north who ments must not be compromised. This is not refugees moved from North Vietnam to so desired, to emigrate to the south, and just a matter of honor, although the use of South Vietnam in 1954-55. They are still those who desired to do so in the south, that word is not inappropriate. There are there. They do not want to return. We to emigrate to the north. many free and emerging nations in southeast have reason to believe that as many as 2 It is interesting to note that over 900,000 Asia who have constructed their entire for- million more might have come if they had North Vietnamese chose to emigrate to the eign policy on the strength of the United not been prevented by the Communists. In south and cast their lot with freedom, where- States solemn commitment that it would not contrast to that, there were only 90,000 to ti di as less than 100,000 moved from the south permit South Vietnam to be chewed to to the north, to identify themselves with pieces and devoured by the Communist tiger. the Communists. If this commitment cannot be relied on, An International Control Commission com- then the most stabilizing force in southeast posed of representatives of India, Canada, and Asia will be gone. The Communists, who Poland, was created to supervise the truce. make no apologies for their determination to The commission has never functioned engulf all of southeast Asia, will then have effectively. won a great moral victory. If Thailand, for This truce was entered into in good faith example, the only nation in southeast Asia by the French, who were representing both to have maintained her independence themselves and the South Vietnamese. We throughoutthe period of colonialism, cannot might wonder why the North Vietnamese rely on our commitment to contain Com- were so willing to sign this nonaggression munist aggression, then the keystone in the pact when they had already decided to take arch of her foreign policy will be dislodged. over South Vietnam. The answer, no doubt, There are many nations who now openly lies in the fact that Ho Chi Minh felt that support this country's policy in South Viet- South Vietnam would collapse either im- nam. In all cases, this support has become mediately or upon the application of slight a significant factor in their own foreign pol- pressure from the north. The signing of icy. Thirty-six nations are now giving the Geneva Accords gave him the additional assistance to South Vietnam, mostly human- advantage of insuring the evacuation of the itarian aid for the relief of victims of the French. The moral issue involved in the Vietcong terrorists or assistance in education, immediate violation of this treaty apparently sanitation, etc. Australia, New Zealand and troubled him not at all. South Korea have committed troops and Although the United States did not sign arms. There are approximately 55 other na- nny the Geneva Accords, it did execute, tions who are technically neutral on this y issue, but many no doubt will be with us unilaterally, a declaration of policy, which when the matter is resolved. There axe some stated, among other things, that the United 25 nations who are openly hostile to our posi- States would view with grave concern any re- tion. newal of the aggression, in violation of. the Simply, if we refuse to close the floodgates aforesaid agreements; and, that the United to a Communist innundation in South Viet- States would continue to seek to achieve nam then we shall either have to close them unity in Vietnam through free elections un- in some neighboring country, or else allow der United Nations supervision. the Communist -flood to completely engulf In October 1954, President Eisenhower the countries of Thailand, Cambodia, Laos, sent a letter to Prime Minister Ngo Dinh Burma, East Pakistan, Malaysia, Indonesia Diem, at the latter's request, pledging U.S. aid and perhaps even Australia, New Zealand, the and support to South Vietnam. Philippine Islands and others. Even the On January 1, 1955, the United States be- great subcontinent of India might be threat- gan sending direct supporting assistance to ened. All this would follow as a result of the Vietnamese armed forces pursuant to the the simple proposition that the Communists aforesaid agreement of December 23, 1950. have made It plain that they will keep push- it will be noted at this point that the United ing until they are stopped. States delayed 41/2 years after the initial Com- It has been said that he who ignores his- nunist aggression against Vietnam, before tory is condemned to relive it. How short rendering any kind of direct assistance. On our memories are, and how easily we forget February 19, 1955, the southeast Asia col- our lessons. During the 1930's Adolph Hitler lective defense treaty (SEATO) came into marched into the Rhineland, the Sudenten- for.ce. In a protocol to the treaty, the land, and Austria. Mussolini marched into "SEATO umbrella" was extended to cover Ethiopia, and the Mikado into Manchuria. Vietnam, Cambodia, and Laos, should these When they first started clown the road to countries request SEATO assistance in resist- power, they were still weak. They could have ing Communist aggression. The U.S. Senate been easily stopped. The free nations of the ratified the treaty on February 1, 1955, by a world, however, could not quitesummon the vote of 82 to 1. On March 7, 1955, the needed courage or decisiveness. The "peace- United States, under the Eisenhower admin- in-our-time" deception was accepted as a tetration, and the government of Premier Ngo comfortable substitute for the stern decisions Dinh Diem, signed an agreement providing which had to be made. Winston Churchill, for direct U.S. economic aid to South Viet- in his monumental "History of World War nam. Between 1956 and 1960, during the n," devotes all of volume I, entitled "The Eisenhower administration, the United States Gathering Storm," to pointing out the his- twice issued a letter of intent, and once a torical fallacy of relying on weakness to pro- Joint communique, all of which Indicated in mote peace. World War II was the price we sleet terms that the United States was pre- paid for this fallacy. So when the war was pared to offer such assistance as it felt was over, we solemnly promisedourselve to never necessary to help South Vietnam in its let it happen again. struggle. The joint communique, it might If history teaches anything at all, it is be added, was issued at the request of Presi- that we cannot impress the Communists by dent Diem. reneging on our moral commitments. Between May of 1961 and the present time, Although a valid argument could be made under the Kennedy-Johnson administrations to support the thesis that we are obligated the United States has again issued letters by treaty to defend South Vietnam, our real or joint communiques in the total number reason for doing so is not a legal one at all. of eight, all of which have reaffirmed this It Is based on the rightness of the proposi- country's intention to give needed help, mili- tion that, as Dean Rusk said: "The integrity tary and economic, to- the. beleaguered South of our moral commitments is the pillar of Vietnamese, and all of which were issued at peace In southeast Asia." the latter's request. I might add that the The question has often been raised Congress of the United States on three dif- whether the South Vietnamese want our ferent occasions has voted overwhelmingly intervention, and want to be free from to support our Vietnamese commitment. Communist domination. The answer is: on. rec 100,000 who emigrated in the other Second, consider the fact that 500,000 South Vietnamese have fled from Com- munist-controlled territory within South Vietnam, and have now sought sanctuary with the Saigon Government. We have no record of any flow in the opposite direction, except for those who have been forceably conscripted into the Vietcong army. As in the case of the Berlin wall, the flow is all in one direction. Third, consider the terrible casualties which have been incurred by the South Vietnamese. The number of deaths result- ing from actions of terrorism will never be known, but it has certainly reached the tens of thousands. These facts speak for themselves. If the Vietcong were receiving the local support which they claim they are, these actions of terrorism would be un- necessary. Fourth, consider the fact that during the recent periods of political instability, and crisis, in Saigon, when responsible govern- ment was almost nonexistent, there was never one single suggestion made, either officially or unofficially, by any responsible group, that Saigon should try to compro- mise with Hanoi. During all the political turbulence, there has never been one respon- sible person who has attempted topolitically exploit the issue of peace at any price. Fifth, consider the fact that the Vietcong, as pointed out above, have now almost ex- hausted their supply of South Vietnamese recruits. The current recruits to the Viet- cong army are now almost exclusively North Vietnamese professionals. This would sug- gest that Ho Chi Minh's plan to draw his strength from South Vietnam has failed. This failure is corroborated by the fact that Hanoi for the first time, last week, inferred by official statement, that the war might go on for many years. Until then, not one official word had ever been offered to suggest that the war would not be ended quickly. Much has been made in the press of the fact that over half of South Vietnamese ter- ritory is currently controlled by the Viet- cong. This assertion is correct only in theory. Much of the territory claimed by the Vietcong is absolutely uninhabited, or is thinly inhabited, or consists of areas which have never known responsible national gov- ernment. It must be remembered that here we are dealing with a people who, as Ambas- sador Lodge has said, have developed- a sense of "peoplehood" but not of "nationhood." For centuries large portion of these people have never known a central government, and have been taught to extend their loyalties no further than the tribal or village organiza- tion. It is not realistic, therefore, to draw adverse Inferences from the fact that many of these culturally deprived people, pres- sured by the bullying tactics of Vietcong terrorists, may have switched their allegiance to the latter. Our best estimates are that approximately 25 percent of the 13 million rural South Vietnamese are now controlled by the Vietcong. An additional 35 to 40 percent are subject to Vietcong harrass- ment. The remainnig 85 to 40 percent are under Government control and are generally free from harrassment. The urban popula- tion of about 3 million is under Government control. In some quarters, it is declared cate- gorically that the war cannot be won. As evidence In support of this statement, refer- ence Is made to the great loss of territory Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190005-4 August 5, 1ftlyproved For R RppP67B'00446R000300190005-4 5~(31QfAT, KECORD - HQUSE 18803 suffered, and to the poor morale and to the to believe that Communist China will launch areas. Presumably most or all of them, under unstable South Vietnamese Government. no offensive against us, as long as we launch Mr. Lippman's theory, would be thrown to There is no question but what the South no offensive against it. Her bite will not the tiger, If our policy of protecting the Vietnamese are, at the present, losing rather equal her bark. China realizes full well that right of free people to self-determination is than gaining ground. Victory cannot be even without using nuclear weapons we could sound, then why does it not apply as much easily won. The trail will be long and lay waste most of her Industrial establish- to rural as to urban dwellers? It seems to agonizing. ment in a matter of weeks, and could undo me that following the Lippman policy would The following thoughts, however, should all that the Communists have done since subject us to great moral censure, and would be kept in mind. First of all, it should be their takeover, with the alarming political weaken our prestige and stature in the eyes remembered that the terms "victory" and consequences which would follow. Admit- of our allies. Moreover, there is a very prac- "defeat," in the military sense of those tedly, this viewpoint could change, but cur- tical argument against Mr. Lippman's prop- words, are not too meaningful in this con- rently it would seem logical to assume that osition. The purpose of our policy is to put text. The problem in South Vietnam is more this is the Chinese position. political than military South without in a viable om condition . Toc to sere ernment develops in stability the Saigon rWe ha m tuity, bombingve been ob je ti most careful to refrain are from vive the icountrys den up into little us. and to cut the causes for its military losses will thereby purview of a legitimate military response. the great productive rural areas away from be removed. The State Department has It must also be remembered that our task dicating about where the flash point eliein- the s. Communists, would practically guarantee the areas and turn them over to the is not so much to win a military victory over Every precaution has been taken to insure death of the city areas, without continuing the Vietcong as It is to make them realize that our responses fall short of this flash help from us. In other words, it would seem that they cannot hope to take over South point, and with margin to spare. to me that the Lippman would so Vietnam. When that is done, we can push It is for this very reason the war has weaken the South Vie nam sell nation as to for a settlement, based upon that realization. inevitably dragged on, to be consternation require the permanent garrisoning of Amer- Our object is not to destroy the Vietcong, of those of us in the West who, true to our ioan troops to keep it alive. To negotiate nor to destroy, nor even to embarrass, the tradition of decisiveness and quick action, successfully with the Communists, it is ap- North Vietnamese Government. Our mili- want to get things over in a hurry. parent that we need to put South Vietnam in tary objectives are far more limited, and It is for the very reason that we want to as strong a position, rather than in as weak therefore more attainable. avoid even the remote semblance of an un- a position as possible. As stated earlier, we Keep in mind also that our forces too have justifiably provocative act, that we have had cannot placate the tiger by patting him on won some conspicuous victories in spite of to adjust the tempo of the war back to vir- the head. their self-imposed limita.tiona The fact ,. +....,, -h_ . at y - Johnson s pronouncement last the legitimate functions of the United Nag more to conventional warfare is evidence week suggests that this tempo may be slight- tions, as well as the SEATO organization, that their original program of conquest by ly increased. There was nothing in his in the settlement of the Vietnam crisis. guerrilla infiltration has been thwarted. Al- statement, however, to indicate that this There will come a time no doubt when the ready they are beyond their original dateline country will engage in aggressive warfare. United Nations can perform a valid service. for victory. Keep in mind also that as they It has been stated that this country has At the present time the likelihood of its resort more and more to conventional war- not explored with sufficient zeal the possibil- doing so is small. First of all, we are con- fare, they lose the eight-to-one advantage ities for a negotated peace. It is not my fronted with the Soviet veto in the Security which they enjoyed in fighting as guerrillas. Purpose to argue the truth or falsity of this Council. Second, we are confronted with To the extent that they engage in conven- statement. It may well be that something article 19 of the U.N. Charter, which de- tional warfare, they expose themselves to might have been done that was not done prives the vote on the U.N. Security Council conventional air and artillery attack, and to or that something may now be done which to any nation delinquent in paying its greater casualties. The evidence which has is not being done. If this is so, then no step assesment for peacekeeping operations. come to us is that their military casualties should be left untaken to carry us in the It is common knowledge that the United are currently far exceeding our own. Clear- direction of an amicable but meaningful set- States is trying desperately to keep the ly, then, they cannot win victory, even from tlement of our differences, a military point of view, b United Nations from foundering, by working present course, y pursuing their I call attention to the fact, however, that out an accord with the Soviet Union regard- time after time this country has made over- ing the latter's delinquent payments. To It has been reported in recent newspaper tures of peace to Hanoi. I shall not burden place the Vietnamese question before the columns that desertions from the South Viet- my presentation with documentation of this Security Council of the United Nations at namese army are at an all-time high, and assertion. i am satisfied, however, from this time might subject this organization that morale: is at an all-time low. Both of what briefings I have received from the to strains which it is not able to bear. these statements are outrageously false. De- State Department, that America has made Regarding the SEATO organization, it sertions have recently approximated 10 per so many overtures of peace that it cannot go should be said that the 1,000 per month. These desertions, however, much further without compromising its posi- used In the treatysimpl are not defections. Most deserters return tion. By the very nature of things, pur- absolve the participants from any specific Is of such looseness asato home to their families, or do a little farm- poseful negotiation under present circum- legal obligation to intervene in Vietnam. ing. Many of them later return to the army stances is almost an impossibility. Ho Chi- The spirit of the treaty, however, if not the voluntarily. Their desertions are more In Minh has,staked lives and treasure on an letter, unquestionably calls for intervention. the nature of an AWOL. Although the num- immediate and total victory. Victory, to The action taken by our country was com- bers are higher than is healthy, the facts him, means the complete communization of pletely consistent with this spirit, and may are that in June they were lower than they South Vietnam. He has indicated his clear well pave the way for others to more aggres- had been in previous months. intention to accept nothing less. e. As menoned, It is not true that the American image has We. on the other hand, have clearly defined howeverawecare alreadyarecei ing tangible, suffered. The evidence indicates that among our goal as the guarantee to South Vietnam although admittedly modest, assistance from the South Vietnamese the American rating of its right to determine its political destiny some 35 nations. remains high. For example, recently an without outside interference. We have made In conclusion, let me reiterate that the American shot and killed a Vietnamese wom- it clear that we will settle for nothing less. situation permits very little dogmatism. an. The event has raised very little local So what we insist on as an absolute oondi- The above-discussed need for decisiveness furor. This is in sharp contrast to the Ge- tion to settlement, Ho Chi Minh rejects as does not preclude the constant need for re- rard incident in Japan a few years ago in an absolute barrier to settlement. There is appraisal. No one in his right mind denies which a marine accidently shot and killed no known way of dividing human liberty that we are incurring great risks. In my a Japanese woman who was picking up scrap down the middle, and of giving half to each opinion, however, the greater risk lies, not metal. That caused so much popular resent- side. So until one side or the other is will- on the side of action, but inaction. I con- meilt as to virtually precipitate an Interna- lug to renounce its minimum conditions, elude with the ringing words in the inau- tional crisis. settlement would a It has been argued that our bombing mis- Mle 'settlement l appear to be impossible. gural address of President John F. Kennedy: sions have b ene coed that ineffectual. The takes the l ter Lippman,, eminent columnist, "Let every nation know, whether it wishes evidence is that they have been most effec- off more than wecan chew, As I interpret us bear well any or bu ur, rden, tn,me eeet shall ay an tual. It must be remembered that our mili- his p any oardship, sup- - taryobjective. and response has been inten- all of position, Vietnam, but onlyy thsef en- port any friend, oppose any foe, in order to tionally limited. slaves-moat of them urban communities- libert the surpival and the success of The most perplexing aspect of the Viet- ol Carrying this county ves the possibility of then suggests that once we have madef known which could trigger past nuclear the flash cepoint o sible steps limited objectiv, wie take respon- RESISTAN There is could t effectuate politicales settlement. RIA ~ but what the concern is Mu ch FORC The said n COUM us ES IN VIETNAM founded. it is for this reason that our c support of or in policy has been to keep all of our roes opposition to this proposition. In brief, The SPEAKER pro tem of a limited nature. There is responses however, I call attention to the fact that 85 PEPPER). Under previous ordereof(the of the South Vietnamese live in rural House the. gentlem good reason an from Rhode Is- Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190005-4 Approved Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190005-4 18804 land [Mr. FOGARTY] is recognized for 10 minutes. Mr. FOGARTY. Mr. Speaker, on August 3, 1965, the Washington Post carried a story by its distinguished sci- ence reporter, Nate Haseltine. The story pinpointed malaria as the chief medical problem among American servicemen in Vietnam. Mr. Haseltine has performed a real public service in bringing this story to public attention. I wish, however, that the story had gone into the problem in more depth. I wish there had been the real sense of urgency that I feel about this problem of malaria. I wish he had said bluntly that our ability to fight a war in those areas of the world that still have malaria Is less today than it was 20 years ago. I wish he had written that while we have eradicated malaria from U.S. terri- tory, the mosquitoes that carry the dis- ease are still here. I wish he had pointed out the fact that people are coming to this country who are carriers of malaria and that these resistant forms can be brought to this country and that the drugs will be no more useful here than in Vietnam. Most important of all I wish he had made It loud and clear that U.S. man- power trained to fight this disease is critically and dangerously in short sup- ply. I have heard many explanations of why we are in this dangerous situation. None of them really seem to me to get at the heart of the matter. Perhaps it is just as well to leave it that way and get at what must be done. Here the course is clear. We need: First. An organization empowered by the President to speak for and to the Government of the 'United States on the subject of global malaria eradication; Second. Expansion of research on the biology of the parasite and the mosqui- toes, not just on drugs and insecticides; Third, Close collaboration through the World Health Organization with those countries where malaria still exists so that our doctors and other specialists can know first hand this enemy of all of the people. There are dedicated men who are ready and willing to lead this kind of war, a war in which mankind will win. I hope and pray that simple decisive ac- tion will be taken now to bring these men together and give them the tools needed to do the job. RESISTANT MALARIA HITS U.S. FORCE'S IN VIETNAM (By Nate Haseltine) The development Of a resistant form of malaria has become a chief medical problem among American servicemen in Vietnam. The disease form poses no special problem to the natives of the southeast Asia country, who have an inbuilt degree of immtmity. It strikes hardest the Americans stationed there, most of whom never before were ex- posed to malaria in the United States. Even those taking the prescribed preventive medi- cines, chioroquine and primaquine, are sub- ject to the mosquito-borne infections. The treatment is the same for any mala- ria--more chloroquine, plus the more old- fashioned quinine-and usually under hoe- CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE August 5, 1965 pitalization. And the recurrence rates are higher among those who Buffer the Vietnam variety, according to those working on the problem. For obvious military reasons, the rate of infections and numbers of those afflicted have not been divulged. But a medical source concerned with countermeasures said malaria has become a chief military medical problem In that country. Geographically, there, he said, it is widely distributed. The problem of refractoriness of the causative organism (plasmodium fal- ciparum) was first recognized in American personnel in Vietnam about 3 years ago. With the subsequent buildup of American troops there it has become a greater and greater hazard. The greatest present hope, and the great- cat effort, is in the development of newer and better drugs, according to Col. William Tigertt, chief of the Walter Reed Army In- stitute of Research here. Ironically, the combination drugs now proving less effective, chioroquine and prima- quine, were originally developed after World War II to conquer the specific organism in- volved in the Vietnam area. A first inkling that the organism could develop a resistance, or become refractory to the drugs, was reported in 1960 out of Co- lombia, where it was no special military con- cern. To what extent the problem concerns the Vietcong is unknown, but at least one report has indicated the enemy welcomes such a development. That was a story that the Vietcong sought out malaria eradication forces as special targets. The explanation given is that most natives of the now-divided country have a built-in resistance to the prevalent organism. They suffered its consequences early in life, and either died or survived. Not so with American personnel there, since malaria was practically eradicated In the United States 20 or more years W. This makes them easy prey for the mosquitoes, better living sites for the organisms injected into the bloodstream by infected mosquitoes. The research effort going into the problem was described as intensive, and concentrated chiefly at the Walter Reed Institute. But the need was said to be not as great as the all-out effort that went into the development of the combination preventive treatment. One report widely circulated, that the treatment involved high enough doses of chloroquine to endanger the eyes of the ma- laria sufferers, was squelched yesterday by Colonel Tigertt. He said it would require 10 times the dosages of the drug as now pre- scribed to reach the range where it might cause eye disorders. The eye peril of chloroquine was first un- covered after its long-term use, and in rela- tively massive dosage form, for other condi- tions, chiefly collagen diseases. LEAVE OF ABSENCE By unanimous consent, leave of ab- sence was granted to: Mr. KING of New York (at the request Of Mr. GERALD R. FORD), for today through August 20, on account of official business as a U.S. delegate to the Third U.N. Congress in Stockholm, Sweden, on the prevention of crime and the treat- ment of offenders. Mr. KASTENMEIER (at the request of Mr. ZABLOCKI), for an indefinite period of time, on account of illness. Mr. PooL, for the week of August 9, 1965, on account of official business. Mr. CAMERON, for August 5 to August 5 to August 17, 1965, on account of leg- islative and personal business. Mr. STALBAUM, for August 9, 1965, on account of official business. Mr. ADAMS, for August 9 and 10, 1965, on account of official business. Mr. FOLEY, for August 9, on account of official business. SPECIAL ORDERS GRANTED By unanimous consent, permission to address the House, following the legisla- tive program and any special orders heretofore entered, was granted to: Mr. RANDALL, for 15 minutes, today. Mr. FOGARTY (at the request of Mr. WALKER Of New Mexico), for 10 minutes, today; to revise and extend his remarks and to include extraneous matter. Mr. WoLFF (at the request of Mr. WALKER of New Mexico), for 30 minutes, on August 9; to revise and extend his remarks and to include extraneous matter. EXTENSION OF REMARKS By unanimous consent, permission to extend remarks in the Appendix of the RECORD, or to revise and extend remarks was granted to: Mr. FrNo in two instances. Mr. GROSS and to Include extraneous matter. Mr. ICHORn and to include an editorial. Mr. ZABLOCKE In two instances. Mr. O'HARA of Illinois in three in- stances. Mr. KIRWAN (at the request of Mr. WALKER of New Mexico) during debate on the independent offices conference re- port, and to include extraneous matter. Mr. RYAN (at the request of Mr. WALKER of New Mexico) prior to the vote on the conference report on saline water. (The following Members (at the re- quest of Mrs. REID of Illinois) and to in- clude extraneous matter:) Mr. EDWARDS of Alabama. Mr. BOB WILSON in two instances. Mr. GRIFFIN in three instances. Mr. DERwINSxa in two instances. Mr. FULTON of Pennsylvania in five instances. Mr. PELLY in two instances. Mr. CUNNINGHAM in three instances. Mr. MORSE in three instances. (The following Members (at the re- quest of Mr. WALKER of New Mexico) and to include extraneous matter:) Mr. POWELL in two instances. Mr. McGRATH. Mr. MULTER in three instances. Mr. MORRISON. Mr. EvANs of Colorado. Mr. DuLsia. Mr. TUNNEY. Mr. HELSTOSKI. Mr. ROYBAL in six instances. Mr. TODD. Mr. STALBAUM. Mr. HOLIFIELD. Mr. FARBSTEIN in three Instances. Mr. GILLIGAN. Mr. DIGGS. Mr. MATSUNAGA in two instances. Mr. MILLER in three instances. Mr. PH=IN in two Instances. Mr. MOORHEAD in three instances. Mr. FRIEDEL In two instances. Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190005-4 Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446RQ00300190005-4 August 5, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE day's activities, and everyone in town will contribute to making the occasion a successful one. The spirit to be found at Becket this weekend, however, is not new. It has been there ever since 1740, when the first sturdy pioneers made their way into the scenic valley. Fierce Indian attacks drove those early settlers back, but not until they had cleared the land and built a sawmill. Others came in 1775, chiefly from eastern Connecticut, and their de- scendents are still there today., In 1765-just two centuries ago-the town was incorporated, as a small group of men gathered on,the parade ground to pledge their hands and hearts to the suc- cess of a new enterprise. The place .was named Becket, probably after the estate in English Berkshire owned by the Lords Barrington. During ' the turbulent events of the Revolutionary War, the people of Becket responded to the call of their new land with patriotism. The parade ground became a training headquarters for the Colonial Army, and every resource of the community was taxed to provide for American soldiers. Many of Becket's sons gave their lives for the land they helped to settle. During the 19th century, Becket grew with the rest of America. An old town history states that in 1829 there were "two gristmills, five sawmills, three card- ing machines, and two clothiers works." The town boasted two post offices and no less than four licensed taverns. The history continues: With the exception of two physicians, two merchants, a few mechanics, and one min- ister of the gospel, the inhabitants are farm- ers; industrious, frugal, plain in manners, and independent in spirit. In the past 100 years, the scarcity of water power and exhaustion of mineral resources has slowed Becket's growth: In 1927, the Ballou Dam broke, inundat- ing the town under 25 feet of water, and the ruined factories were abandoned. But with characteristic determination, Becket carried on. Homes were rebuilt, stores, were reopened, and in fact the Berkshire Tissue Co. is a thriving indus- try today. I have spoken of the "spirit" to be found . in Becket. A good example of that spirit occurred in 1798. Richard D. Birdsall, in his history of Berkshire County, tells us: In Becket, where no majority sect and thus no town support of the Gospel had even ex- isted between 1788 and 1798, 60 citizens banded together in February to form a Con- gregational Church Society and penned a hardheaded preamble to their covenant: "We the subscribes having found, by several years experience, the great difficulty of settling and, supporting a minister, in the usual way of taxation, or even to supply the pulpit, by reason of the great number of ana-baptists and Methodists, who have appeared in op- position to taxation and have carried their vote, and to avoid contention with our neighbors of different denominations agree to support the church by voluntary contri- butions," While neither large nor wealthy, the little Congregational group of Becket did persevere until they had built a meeting- house and settled a minister; and the mem- bership thereafter enjoyed a gradual but un- interrupted growth. Here was one town at least to which liberals could point as proof that the luxury of religious freedom did not always endanger the Gospel ministry. This is only one illustration of the kind of spirit found in Becket. There are countless others. Her people have faced danger with determination, calamity with courage, and success with modest simplicity. Their spirit has sustained them for 200 years. It is likely to do so for at least 200 more. PRESIDENT'S ATTACK ON GERALD R. FORD (Mr. GOODELL (at the request of Mrs. REID of Illinois) was granted per- mission to extend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and to include ex- traneous matter.) Mr. GOODELL. Mr. Speaker, the dis- tinguished columnists, Rowland Evans and Robert Novak, today made some perceptive comments on the real mean- ing behind the President's sudden attack on the gentleman from Michigan, Republican Leader "JERRY" FORD, last Sunday. I believe the Members of the House should take particular note of these comments which I quote as fol- lows : For example, if Mr. Johnson had been less attentive to his courtship of General Eisen- hower, it is at least doubtful whether he would have tried to stigmatize one of the prominent members of the Republican Party-presumably FoRD-in his uncharac- teristic attack down at the L.B.J. Ranch last weekend. The President defined the prominent mem- ber as an inexperienced man or a bitter partisan, who, he said, had both broken and distorted a Presidential confidence, by revealing Democratic Senator MneE MANS- FIELD'S private criticism of U.S. policy in Vietnam. Democratic politicians in a position to know are convinced that the real purpose of the President's attack was to divert the Na- tion's attention from the differences over Vietnam between Mr. Johnson and Major- ity Leader MANsF=D-reflecting widespread Democratic sentiment in the Senate. The President feared, and with good rea- son, that the press would probe deeply into the reasons for MANSFIELD's disagreement with the Johnson policy. This could have led to a rash of stories dramatizing their policy conflict. MANSFIELD seems unable to understand the necessity for the President's strong stand in Vietnam. What better way to guard against a search- ing inquiry than to pick a public fight with a prominent member of the Republican Party? The ploy succeeded. Newspapers have car- ried reams of copy about the L.B.J: FORD match and scarcely a word about the real contest between the President and MANS- FIELD. One reason Mr. Johnson could risk taking on FORD and not worry about his political rear is the fact that General Eisenhower is firmly in his corner on Vietnam policy. Most important, no matter how his Vietnam policy works out, he will be able im that Ike was with hinyg w c. THE GAMB -eP MODERATION IN -" VIETNAM (Mr. ROBISON (at the request of Mrs. REID of Illinois) was granted permission to extend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and to include extraneous mat- ter.) 18777 Mr. ROBISON. Mr. Speaker, 1 week ago yesterday the President again used the press-conference device to give the Nation an updated report on our troubles in Vietnam. The remarkably dramatic buildup which preceded the press-con- ference, forecasting the possibility that some momentous decisions were in the making and were to be announced by the President on this occasion, led only to an equally remarkable feeling of let- down relief when Mr. Johnson let it be known that he had decided merely to continue his policy of what-for want of a better expression-might be called "flexible moderation." The fact that the President's mes- sage-which was delivered in a muted, almost soothing tone-was generally met with that sense of relief in the Congress and around the Nation is both under- standable as well as significant at one and the.same time. Most subsequent editorial comment was immediately favorable. To quote from two such sources, we find this ex- cerpt from an editorial in the Wall Street Journal for July 29: In battlefields like Korea or Vietnam, the question remains, as the President aptly phrased it, "Why must young Americans- born into a land exultant with hope and golden with promise-toil and suffer and sometimes die in such a remote and distant place?" The question cannot be brushed aside. Vietnam is not only a far but a strange land. Who rules it is of no consequence in the daily affairs of Americans, and all too often it seems that the Vietnamese themselves put too little value in their freedom. It is not easy to say to what purpose Americans die there. Yet it seems to us that the President has answered the question as well as any man could. Also this excerpt from an editorial in "The Christian Science Monitor" for July 30: The President's words, we feel, were well chosen to give an impression of both resolu- tion and reasonableness. His words "we will stand in Vietnam" are not open to misin- terpretation. On the other hand, he was equally categoric in stating America's deter- mination not to expand the war needlessly or do anything to provoke the Soviet Union. Equally welcome was the repetition of the President's pledge to. help end poverty in southeast Asia and to strengthen the eco- nomic life of South Vietnam. It was evident, in any event, that the President had chosen his words with ex- treme care, and, as the Monitor notes, that he had carefully mixed in both reso- lution and reason. To those who were concerned that we were losing militarily what has be- come to be, more and more, an American war, he declared that: "We will not surrender. And we will not retreat." Then, giving some additional force to those words, he announced a stepup in draft calls and the dispatch of an addi- tional 50,000 troops to southeast Asia. And so to those who looked for it, this was evidence of our renewed determina- tion-as Mr. Johnson put it-to "stand in Vietnam." So much for resolution. Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190005-4 Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190005-4 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE August 5, 1965 But, then, on the side of reason, to reassure those who feared we might be losing whatever chance of peace still remained, he was just as careful to point out that he still had no intention of leading us into anything other than a limited-or measured-war. And this reassurance, together with the emphasis he placed on making a new approach to the United Nations to see if it could, somehow, bring us nearer an honorable peace, and the President's rather sur- prising acceptance of the idea, long urged by some, for internationally super- vised elections not just in South Vietnam but throughout all Vietnam--as Mr. Johnson put it-t,pparently won for him at least the temporary support of such erstwhile critics of his policies as col- umnist Walter Lippmann. On this last suggestion of the Presi- dent's-that of elections to be held in both North and South Vietnam, which would appear to strongly favor a pro- Communist result-it should be noted that Mr. Johnson's position is somewhat ambiguous, for self-determination for South Vietnam is one thing, while self- determining elections for all of Vietnam is quite another. Thus we find one of the Washington papers, the Evening Star, properly asking, editorially, on Monday of this week, how our acceptance of any such arrangement could possibly square with Mr. Johnson's firm words, spoken some weeks ago at Baltimore, declaring: We will not withdraw (from Vietnam), either openly, or under the cloak of a mean- ingless agreement. Of course, no one can accurately fore- cast, now, the results of any such elec- tion-whether held just in the South or in both North and South Vietnam-but that, Mr. Speaker, is not the point. The real point, it seems to me, in as- sessing the net effect at home and abroad of what Mr. Johnson said and did not say about Vietnam last Wednesday, was best stated by Norman Thomas-no less-in a letter to the editor of yesterday's New York Times, in which Mr. Thomas observed: Our consensus-loving President, in his carefully constructed statement on further military investment in Vietnam, gave some quotable sentences to every shade of thought In America except the advocates of immedi- ate preventive war with China or of immediate withdrawal of all our troops. Now, one can well understand the President's anxiety to exhibit none of the characteristics of either a "hawk" or a "dove"-to use a Washington, euphe- mism-and, under the circumstances, this is probably the only attitude he can assume. But so long as he holds to such an attitude, which risks large amounts o.f ambiguity in order to gain some de- gree of flexibility, I must question whether the American people have ac- tually gained any clearer understanding than they have had before concerning the real stakes in Vietnam, and why we must play out the game. if Mr. Thomas' observation was cor- rect-and I suspect it was-then we probably have the answer to why the re- sults of a nationwide public-opinion poll, as reported on in the New York Times for July 30, which poll was taken by telephone on an hourly basis after last Wednesday's Presidential press confer- ence, showed such a significant shift from overwhelming endorsement of Mr. Johnson's Vietnam policies, to endorse- ment tempered by a strong "I don't know" trend. According to the article in the Times- and I know no more about any such poll than what it contained-a spokes- man for the firm taking the poll said that the "don't know" category climbed from a 22.22-percent figure at the end of the first hour's survey, to 43.26 percent at the end of the sixth and final hour, which-said the spokesman-was the highest such percentage ever recorded by this firm in recent years on any compar- able issue. Mr. Speaker, what does all this tell us, if anything? Well, of course, each of us must draw our own conclusions, but it seems to me the fact that we are about to have to dig in ever deeper in South Vietnam, in a long, probably costly, and certainly frustrating, sort of a stale- mated war, has simply not gotten home to the American people despite the-Pres- ident's words. Or, if that fact has got- ten home in any degree, those same peo- ple still want to know, "Why?" If this is the case, and if a majority of us can agree that this effort-unpleas- ant though it may be-still has to be made, then this is a problem not just for an already overburdened President to deal with but for the Congress, which has a considerable responsibility here, too, to face up to squarely. Frankly, I do not think the hope of producing any. kind of an acceptable so- lution to our present problem is very good-now, or in-the immediateforesee- able future. In view of its own internal problems,-I cannot see how the United Nations can be of any real help-though certainly this is a possibility that we have to continue to pursue. Nor, ap- parently, has Ambassador Harriman brought home with him any really good news. And so, barring some unexpected de- velopment, we are involved up to our ears in a dirty, nasty, tragic war, a different kind of war, as the President put it, which is going to be as frustrating to deal with as a jigsaw puzzle from which certain key parts have been lost. One of those key parts is the hope for victory in the traditional military sense-and I think it is unrealistic to harbor such a hope, or even to look for any reward for our increasing efforts other than a some- what soggy settlement someday, as Phil- ip Geyelin put it in a recent Wall Street Journal article on Vietnam. If the American people are going to support this kind of a war and the sacri- fices- it will entail, they will first have to be helped to better understand why we have to wage it until it can be brought to some sort of honorable conclusion. Mr. Speaker, I still feel that their un- derstanding would be promoted and their support solidified, if the appropriate com- mittees of this Congress would undertake to examine into our present Vietnam pol- icy, in accordance with our constitution- al powers and responsibility to receive such constructive criticism of that pol- icy, and such suggestions for military or political alternative courses as they deem fit-even as the President and his advisers have just reconsidered those alternatives behind closed White House doors-and then to submit to Congress itself, for appropriate debate and action, a new Presidential mandate tailored to fit the dimensions of our present problem. Mr. Speaker, I suspect that the Presi- dent has been loath to have us do this for fear that there will be criticism of his policies, or that some of his decisions will be openly questioned. I can under- stand this, just as I can understand his desire not to give those who are the ag- gressors in South Vietnam any reason to question the true depth of our national resolution. But, Mr. Speaker, if we are ever to have a strong, viable foreign policy with respect to southeast Asia, or anywhere else in this troubled world, it will have to be one founded on the broadest possible base of public understanding and sup??? port obtainable. I believe that this Congress should participate in the development of that understanding and support as a Congress of and for the people, and not as indi- vidual Members of Congress holding our own informal hearings on Vietnam In our own districts or elsewhere, because the body to which we belong and which has the ultimate responsibility for doing so, has failed to act. There are great uncertainties involved in the course upon which the President has evidently decided to lead us. They are explained as well as anything else I have yet seen in James Reston's column in yesterday's the New York Times, That those uncertainties and the public doubt they may engender will grow and fester, as time goes by, seems likely, and the time for Congress to guard against the hazards of such doubt by building a better base of popular understanding and support is now. Under leave to include extraneous ma-. terial, the Reston column, entitled "The Gamble of Moderation," follows in its entirety: WASHINGTON: THE GAMBLE OF MODERATION' (By James Reston) WASHINGTON, August S.-The administra- tion seems to be settling down for a long war in Vietnam. Either the fears of military disaster nor the hopes of a negotiated peace are as prevalent now as they were in June. There is very little talk of "victory" now, but merely of avoiding a humiliating defeat and securing an honorable compromise. The Capital looks wonderful and feels ter- rible. It is radiant with flowers. The long plazas are green from the gullywashers of July, and even the polluted Potomac is majestic in the summer sun. But the mood is solemn; not worried, really, or fearful, but increasingly resigned to a prolonged struggle. SINCERE PEACE EFFORTS President Johnson has done a lot to re- assure those who felt he was trying to tame Asia, Texas-style, and not really seeking peace. He convinced Arthur Goldberg that he was seeking a fair compromise, or Gold- berg would never have left the Supreme Court for the United Nations. Senators FULBRIGHT and MANSFIELD, who opposed his militant policy toward Vietnam in the spring, no longer doubt the sincerity of his efforts Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190005-4 A ~r,l1 For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190005-4 965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE 0 001" - - your action, your own wisdom, your own re- to negotiate a settlement, and even U Thant,` COMPULSIVE UNIONISM sponsibility, and your own achievements." whose early efforts for peace were brushed off and even relented by the President, is now REM of Illinois) Was granted permission corporations have no souls-prompted by the convinced that Mr. Johnson is earnestly try- to extend his remarks at this point in the thought their vrtues p of individ lyuals, r gain-individua, ing to end the fighting. RECORD and to include extraneous mat- less of Also, the operations on the battlefield have ter.) under they personally the corporate would dame, not do want that to which ch gone better for the United States and the Mr. QUILLEN' Mr. Speaker, I am charged with. This is true of any associ- South Vietnamese than the pessimists feared pleased to insert in the RECORD a letter to ation. And so those who would by their at the beginning of the Vietcong monsoon the editor of the Knoxville Journal, vote give a group of men acting behind offensive. The holding operations have held. Knoxville, Tenn., which was written by closed doors the right to deprive a man of The commitment of f advisers who wanted n massive ctm the reserves to Vietnam have Harley Fowler, one of Tennessee and the his inalienable right-a God-given award-to been turned down. Thus the moderates have Nation's most outstanding attorneys. feed his family, are making a public record prevailed, and for the short run are re- Mr. Fowler is a member of the law firm which is indefensible now and will become of Fowler, Rowntree & Fowler, of Knox- more apparent with the lapse of time-when assured; but despite this, the doubts about the Negro shall have been denied membership the President's policy prevail and in some ville, Tenn. in unions and others thus dicsriminated ways are more serious than they were 6 weeks In closing his letter to the editor, Mr. against, when men have been expelled from ago. Fowler states: membership in the union because of the STALEMATE OR SETTLEMENT? A society is not great which would sacrifice way they voted politically, when the lethargy The reason for this is clear enough. Six the flower of Its youth in distant lands that of the closed-shop States has through the weeks ago American policy was based on the the people there might be free and at the land been substituted for the increase in assumption that a stalemate would lead to same time place the yoke of tyranny upon hourly earnings, the new manufacturing negotiations, but now the polleymakers are its own people. jobs, the decrease in unemployment and the not so suxe. Instead of feeling that the increase in per capita income now prevail- Communists would agree to a settlement I am happy to make this distinguished ing in the right-to-work States as con- once they realized that a military victory was American's thinking on such an import- trasted to the closed-shop States. out of the question, now there is a vague ant matter available to my colleagues A society is not great which would sacri- suspicion here that maybe a stalemate is and to the readers of the RECORD: floe the flower of its youth in distant lands more acceptable to the Communists than a AUGUST 2, 1965. that the people there might be free and at compromise settlement. the same time place the yoke of tyranny A stalemate Is certainly more costly to EDITOR, upon its own people. -- - --- oxvil They are not committing their men; we are. ?? They are investing very little in the struggle; My DEAR SIR: I am writing concerning the Washington is putting up between $2.5 mil- effort in Congress to pass legislation which lion and $3 million a day. The American would compel workers throughout the coun- effort is dividing the Western allies, diverting try to belong to and pay dues and assess- the energies of the American Government ments of labor unions. I've wondered what from the development and unification of the the individual members of the unions West, and hurting the United States in the thought about this proposed requirement. eyes of most of the uncommitted nations. Do they want to belong to an organization Thus the American military effort is fol- to which people are compelled to belong? lowing a familiar pattern. It was hoped that I've wondered if they realized that this would the naval retaliation in the Gulf of Tonkin, result in having two factions within the un- and then the bombardment of North Viet- ion, one the loyal members who volun- nam, and then the commitment of the tarily joined who would seek to sustain the Marines to battle would convince the Com- union, and the other those discontented per- munists of Washington's determination and sons who were compelled to join and who lead to negotiations. But all these assump- would try to destroy it and would succeed tipns proved to be false, and now the new if they became the majority of the members. assumption-that a stalemate in the land That's why the most prominent of those war after the monsoon would bring peace who have actively sympathized with the talks-is beginning to be seriously ques- labor movement have felt that membership tioned. in unions must be voluntary and have been Nevertheless, the President is operating on opposed to compelling membership-the a shortrun plan of using limited power for a closed shop. Among these are Justice Bran- limited objective. If he cannot get negotia- deis, Justice Frankfurter, Samuel Gompers, tions through creating a stalemate, he will and Justice Goldberg. then consider the sterner measures of In the case of American Federation of heavier bombardment of North Vietnamese Labor v. Sash & Door Company, 335 U.S. 538, cities and ports. 93 L. Ed. 222, Justice Frankfurter, quoting This flexible approach policy clearly does with approval the language of Justice Bran- not satisfy many of his associates. It is not deis in a former opinion, said: "The objec- enough for some who do not think the Com- tions, legal, economic, and social, against munists will talk until they fear the destruc- the closed shop are so strong, and the ideas tion of their cities, and it is too much for of the closed shop so antagonistic to the others who keep talking about negotiations American spirit, that the insistence upon it when there is no prospect of negotiations. has been a serious obstacle to union progress. ld t h TH NATIONS AND VIETNAM (Mr. UTT (at the request of Mrs. REID of Illinois) was granted permission to extend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and to include extraneous matter.) Mr. UTT. Mr. Speaker, President Johnson has painted himself into a corner, and a rather sticky one at that. It may have been a seductive error, but it is fatal to the security of the free world. Standing in the same sticky corner are most of the political leaders of the country, at least those who have so strongly supported the United Nations as the world's best hope for peace. It was evident from the President's address to the Nation of Wednesday, July 28, that he had yielded to the de- mands of the second echelon in the State Department, and to the hue and cry of the international intellectuals, as well as to the carping by many Democrat Sen- ators, to transfer the mess in Vietnam to the tender and loving care of the Com- munist-controlled United Nations. The result of this should be obvious to every- one. ow no , MORE OF THE SAME * * * But the American people s on - and will not accept unionism if it involves The U.N. is determined to bring Red But the President is going o with it, any, the closed shop. They will not consent to China into the United Nations. This way, the knowing better course going action; the exchange of the tyranny of the employer was made most apparent by Ralph con theinue likelihood is that this is gto for the tyranny of the employees." Bunche, Under Secretary for Special continue long after the monsoon ends in late Samuel Gom ers expressed the same October. P Political Affairs, in a recent press con- Meanwhile, orders have been given to rein- thought when he said: "No lasting gain has ference in Los Angeles, when he stated: force the American garrisons in southeast ever come from compulsion. If we seek to The United Nations is working for the Asia without weakening the American forces force, we but tear apart that which united seating of Red China as a member- 11 F ormer Justice Goldberg at ibl retary of Defense McNamara has gone out to retary this effect. The flrpt thing-as Washington sees it- Is to hold the line, test the stalemate theory and keep probing for peace, but with an in- creasing realization that this is probably go- ing to take a very long time. e. is invinc the 1962 convention of the American Fed- And he predicted this would occur eration of Government Employees, is re- within 2 years. ported to have said: The U.N. will follow the same pattern "In your own organization you have that it did in the Korean conflict when win acceptance not by an automatic device which brings a new employee into your or- we were within a stone's throw of a ganization, but * * * by your own conduct, smashing victory over the Red Chinese. Approved For Release 2003/11/04 CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190005-4 :18780 Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190005-4 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -HOUSE Augus~ The U.N. Prevented this victory and called for an armistice, when our enemy was on the ropes. Incidentally, we are still operating under that armistice, after 1.2 years, and no peace treaty has ever been signed. Our military forces are still pinned down at the 38th parallel, trying to enforce that armistice. The United Nations is responsible for the Communist control of Laos. It in- terfered in the Bay of Pigs and made concessions on gehalf~o the United States which should never have been made. This included a commitment to protect the integrity of Communist Cuba by the use of our Navy. Now we have satisfied its appetite with a fresh morsel to chew on. The U.N. will present a proposal for peace by surrender, calling for the unification of all Vietnam under a free election, the outcome of which will. be a total Communist victory. The Vietcong, through its political arm, which is known as the National Libera- tion Front, controls 80 percent of South Vietnam. Even the terms of surrender will be dictated by Red China and the National Liberation Front. The President will be forced to accept any recommendations by the United Na- tions, because of world opinion, and be- cause the leading political figures of this country have failed to recognize the U.N. for what it is, and they will hesitate to turn their backs on this sacrosanct orga- nization. Those of us who have pointed out the fallacies of the U.N. are consid- ered to be narrow-minded extremists and, in fact, downright immoral for speaking out against it. It would be more popular to speak out against moth- erhood than against the United Nations. I have strongly supported President Johnson on his original intention to stop Communist aggression. I thought that he would rather be right than President, but now I am convinced he would rather be President than right. The adminis- tration denied that Harriman's visit to Moscow was in any way connected with the Vietnam crisis, but Harriman came back and reported that his talks with K.osygin Indicated Russia's interest in peace-at a price. With peace at any price, it is apparent that there will be no victory in Vietnam, and all of the cas- ualties to date will have been in vain, and there is no excuse to maintain our military forces, nor to build them up for additional bloodshed, when our goal is no longer victory. Let's review a few figures. When Pres- ident Eisenhower left office, there were 667 military advisers in Vietnam. Presi- dent Kennedy built this. military con- tingent up to 16,000, and now President Johnson is committing 125,000 Ameri- cans, but the campaign oratory last year accused the Republicans of irresponsible escalation of the war. General MacAr- be no American ground troops. Then you would have Asiatic ground troops fighting the Vietcong, and it would no longer have the appearance. of Cauca- sions versus the Asiatics. McNamara has made at least six trips to Vietnam and has come back with six different versions--so do not be un- happy because you are confused. So is Mr. McNamara. The only difference is that his confusion is better organized and better documented than yours. GOODYEAR PRAISED FOR REFUS- ING TO BUILD RUMANIAN RUBBER PLANT (Mr. McCLORY (at the request of Mrs. REID of Illinois) was granted per- mission to extend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and to include ex- traneous matter.) Mr. MCCLORY. Mr. Speaker, the question of how much the United States should trade with the Communist coun- tries continues to confront our Nation. Certainly the answer to this perplexing puzzle is not just academic. Each day American soldiers face the Communist aggression in South Viet- nam. Each day the Berlin Wall stands in mute testimony to the conflict be- tween the Communist and free worlds. Despite these realities some would-be policymakers appear to be of the opin- ion that virtually unlimited trade with the Communists should be encouraged. The hope of such a policy is that nations who trade together will be friends. However, many Americans are- wary and skeptical of such reasoning. Aware that differences of opinion do exist and persist on this subject, I was startled to observe that a prominent Member of the other body criticized Goodyear Tire & Rubber Co. on Monday July 26, 1965, for declining to provide a synthetic rubber plant with all its advanced technology to Communist Rumania. Apparently, the Goodyear management does not share the same rosy view held by the Member of the other body that strategic materials and technical knowledge should be shared with the Communists. The argument is advanced that Ru- mania desires to free itself from Soviet domination and yearns for more eco- nomic ties with the West. Whether Rumania has the intention or the ability to liberate itself from its Soviet ties is problematical - to say the least. In any event, It seems patently unfair to me to condemn an American business concern for deciding not to give its tech- nical know-how to a Soviet satellite state. In order that all sides of this situation be presented, Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to include with these remarks an article from the Good- thur said "There is no substitute for vie- year publication Wingfoot Clan entitled tory." The only way we can have a vie- "Fasts for a Senator's Consideration." tory is by using 200,000 or 300,000 Chinese FACTS FOR A SENATOR'S CONSIDERATION troops from Formosa that we have Your company's role In the controversy trained and supported over these many surrounding the possible construction of a years, as well as contingents from South synthetic rubber plant in Communist Ru- Korea and the Philippines, is the reason for this report of facts using our significant to every employee. Navy for a complete blockade and our Senator WILLIAM Fm.HRIGHT, Democrat, of Air Force for cover, to knock out military Arkansas did not have all the facts In his installations-in Hanoi. But thereshould possession in a recent speech on the Senate floor, and his charges now have made it pos- sible for Goodyear to set the record straight for the first time, an opportunity which the cenlpany welcomes. Fortunately, the Nation's press and news magazines plus quite a few columnists are now digging into the background and some very objective reporting is taking place. To make certain that all employees are aware of Goodyear's actions, the clan is pre- senting a chronological report of events to date and an explanation of the reasons for company policy in the matter. On June 9, 1964, a trade delegation from Communist Rumania visited the Goodyear plant at Beaumont, Tex. This was one of several U.S. manufacturing facilities in var.- sous industries visited by the Rumanians, at the request of our Government. Although the company was reluctant to approve this visit, it was decided to do so in an effort to cooperate with our Government. While in Beaumont, the Rumanian dele- gation got a casual look at activities but was notpermitted to observe detailed manufac- turing processes involved in the creation of polyisoprene rubber, the product which ex- actly duplicates natural rubber and is con- sidered one of the free world's important manufacturing secrets. There are only two known commercial producers of polylsoprene rubber in the world-Goodyear and the Shell. Oil Co. It Is the basic product used in the manufacture of critical military vehicle tires and high speed airplane tires. During the tour, the Rumanians requested samples of the synthetic polylsoprene rubber and Goodyear applied in June 1964 to the Government for an export license to comply with this request, again cooperating with our Government. The license was actually granted by our Government in December of 1964 but was never used by Goodyear. Goodyear never applied for a license to build a plant ar to export know-how. But even before the granting of the license to send the rubber samples, the company had, declined to participate in the development of a polyisoprene rubber plant behind the Iron Curtain. On October 1, 1964, Goodyear had advised the State Department by letter that the company did not desire to build such a plant because the company did not believe such information should be sent behind the Iron Curtain because of its strategic value and because we felt the Communists could use this synthetic natural rubber to disrupt natural rubber prices, if they so desired. This action would seriously affect the econ- omies of such countries as Malaysia and L1- beria, who are friendly to the United States, and who depend on natural rubber for ex- port. No public statements were made of the de- cision since all activity in the area was con- sidered confidential and no definite action had progressed beyond the discussion state. On October 22, 1964, however, Washington newsmen reported that Goodyear had de- clined an invitation to build the plant. This they learned from news sources inside the Government, not from Goodyear. The news stories appeared in hundreds of publications across the Nation, with most reporting that Goodyear felt this highly prized technical know-how could become available to other Communist nations. The first company statement on the sub- ject came on the pages of this paper Decem- ber 3, 1964, when a report similar to this one was prepared to inform employees of the facts-there was no public release. The Wingfoot Clan is printed solely for the pur- pose of keeping our employees informed and is not an external publication. Many of you will recall the article-it was a no-nonsense statement of fact in which Goodyear, a private enterprise organization, said that it was\.passing up a substantial profit because it believed that such action was in the interest of national security. The Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190005-4 August 5 19~ roved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190005-4 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE plants would also be used for electric power production. Mr. Connorton said that talks on the power phase of the project were now going on with Consolidated Edison and othr power producers near the city. An atomic desalting plant here might cost as much as $500 million, Mr. Holum said. He also explained that a congressional act would be needed to authorize Federal par- ticipation in construction. BIGGEST PLANT OFF VENEZUELA The largest desalting plant in the world is on Aruba Island, off the coast of Vene- zuela. It produces about 3 million gallons of fresh water a day. A plant here might produce 150 to 250 million gallons of drinking-quality water a day, officials said-or up to 10 percent of the city's average daily water use. It takes 2.5 million gallons of sea water to obtain 1 million gallons of sweet water. The cost of desalting water is decreasing steadily. In 1952, when a Federal saline water program was started, the cost was $5 for every 1,000 gallons. The cost now stands at $1 for every 1,000 gallons. And it could be cut in half again in plants producing 20 illi n m o gallons a day. A study of a proposed plant at Los An- geles that would cost $300 million and pro- duce 150 million gallons of water a day in- dicated that the cost would be 22 cents for 1,000 gallons, Mr. Holum said. But Armand DiAngelo, the Commissioner of Water Supply here, said that the Los Angeles figure was prior to distribution. He estimated that desalted water would cost 28 cents at the tap here-against a present average cost of 12 cents for 1,000 gallons. He pointed out, however, that other cities and towns .in . the country pay as much as 50 cents for 1,000 gallons. "Desalting is a drought-proof way of ob- taining water, Mr. Holum asserted. He also noted that distilled sea water is too good; it lacks flavor. But you can bend it with fresh water" in the mains, he said. If studies indicate that desalting sea water is practicable here, it would take 3 or 4 years to build, the first atomic plant officials said. Dr. Jack A. Hunter, assistant director of the Office of Saline Water in the Department of the Interior, speaking at a second press conference held by the Nuclear Energy Writers Association at the American Insti- tute of Physics, 335 East 45th Street, ex- plained one reason why it would take con- siderable time to build a plant. He. said tlsat if an order for enough metal tubing for one moderately large desalting plant-producing 100 million gallons a day- were given it would take all the tubing manufacturers in the United States 3 years to fill it, using their present idle capacity. Dr. Hunter said that tubing manufacturers, who had heard of this scale of demand, had come to him and asked, "Is this for real?" It takes a maze of thousands of miles of 2-inch tubing to build a plant that desalts water by flash distillation. Raw sea water, heated, flashes into steam. The steam rises and condenses on more metal tubes, leaving its salt below, The sweet water is then cap- tured in trays and the concentrated brine is thrown back into the ocean. STUDY STARTS NEXT WEEK The joint Federal-city exploratory survey will begin next week. Mr. Holum said that it would be a quick look from the technical point of view to zee what might be done, and that Federal people would "work around the clock" if necessary to get it off to a swift start. " If the results were positive, the survey would be followed by a detailed engineering and feasibility study that would take about -a year before construction could start, he said, Gov. Richard J. Hughes of New Jersey will lead a State delegation to Washington today to talk with Federal officials on the water crisis. The conference will include the pos- sibility of a desalting plant for New Jersey, Mr. Holum said. The presidents of the Public Service Electric and Gas Corp., the Jersey Central Power & Light Co., and the Atlantic City Electric Co. will go with Mr. Hughes and his aids. Mr. Holum called desalting for the city area a tremendously complicated, tremend- ously exciting undertaking. Mr. gonnorton said that water experts were unanimous in saying you cannot think just of New York City, but you must think of the region, and he said the city was eager to cooperate with other municipalities in assuring plentiful water supplies. Consumers used a bit under a billion gal- lons of water here yesterday, leaving 212.4 billion gallons in the reservoirs, or 44.6 per- cent of capacity. Last year at his time there were 351.2 billion gallons left, or 73.7 percent of capacity. In normal years, 380.3 billion gallons are still in storage In early August, - -CJ _ THE VIETCAST OF BACKING IN THE UNITED STATES Mr. DODD. Mr. President, George K. Tanham, an eminent student of Asian affairs, in his book "Communist Revolu- tionary Warfare," observed how domestic activities in France, on the part of Com- munists and other Vietminh sympa- thizers, figured prominently in the mili- tary doctrines of General Giap. In a recent statement on the floor of the Senate I made the point that the American home front must be regarded a crucial area in the present Vietnamese struggle. On Tuesday, August 3, 1965, an article appeared in the New York Times, entitled "Vietcong Boast of Backing in United States." The article says that the clandestine radio transmissions of the Vietcong regularly tell guerrilla insurgents that most of the American people support their struggle, and continued: In a typical broadcast, Tran Van Thank, a member of the central committee of the National Liberation Front, the political representation of the Vietcong, said world public opinion was a decisive factor in the Vietnam conflict. Mr. Thank described the Vietnam debates on American university campuses and said their results had attracted the attention of millions of Americans. He said Washing- ton officials had failed to justify their policies at these debates and in similar discussions in Britain. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the New York Times article "Viet- cong Boast of Backing in United States," be printed in the RECORD. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the RECORn as follows: VIETCONG BOAST OF BACKING IN UNITED STATES-RED RADIO SAYS AMERICAN PUBLIC FAVORS GUERRILLAS (By Seymour Topping) SAIGON, SOUTH VIETNAM, August 2.-Lib- eration radio, the-clandestine transmitter of the Vietcong, regularly tells guerrilla insur- gents that most of the American people sup- port their struggle. 18823 As proof, the broadcasts report on public protests in the United States against the Vietnam Policy of the Johnson administra- tion. The Vietcong adherents are assured that they are certain to win If they keep fighting because world public opinion is on their side. In a typical broadcast, Tran Van Thanh, a member of the Central Committee of the National Liberation Front, the political rep- resentation of the Vietcong, said world pub- lic opinion was a decisive fact in the Viet- nam conflict. Mr. Thank described the Vietnam debates on American university campuses and said their results had attracted the attention of millions of Americans. He said Washington officials had failed to justify their policies at these debates and in similar discussions in Britain. BACKING IN WEST REPORTED "This means that righteous United States and British citizens all came to the conclu- sion that U.S. imperialists are stupid and criminal aggressors," Mr. Thanh said, "that the aggressive Johnson policy in Vietnam must be ended and that the National Libera- tion Front is the organizer and leader of the struggle and victory and is the sole legiti- mate representative of the South Vietnamese people." The Vietcong leader, who is a member of the Liberation Front's delegation to Com- munist China, said the whole Communist world was also supporting their cause, but he made a distinction between Peiping and Moscow. "The U.S.S.R. gives us adequate support," he said. But he added, "China supports us with all of its heart." The Vietcong radio also has been broad- casting appeals to Americans to halt the buildup of U.S. troops in South Vietnam. One such appeal has just been made by Nguyen Huu Tho, chairman of the Liberation Front. DEMONSTRATIONS HAILED Hailing demonstrations in the United States against the administration's Vietnam policy, Mr. Tho said It had become a stirring popular movement. "This is the correct attitude of a large number of people of various walks of life in the United States in defending their vital interests and opposing the adventurous policy of bloody aggression of the U.S. Gov- ernment in Vietnam," Mr. Tho asserted. It is not yet clear to what degree this Vietcong propaganda has succeeded in off- setting the impact of the American military buildup on the South Vietnamese people. In Government-controlled areas it is pos- sible to define at least two attitudes toward the recent decision to augment the U.S. forces. Many Vietnamese have accepted it as evi- dence that the United States does not intend to abandon the country after some face- saving negotiations. Others insist that the Americans cannot remain forever and that the country's problems must be solved by a strong Vietnamese Government. Many Vietnamese peasants look upon the enlarger American presence as security against the Vietcong. However, in many areas where the Vietcong operate, the sharp increase in U.S. air attacks and expanded military operations inevitably means addi- tional suffering and casualties for civilians. JOINT ECONOMIC HEARINGS SHOW EXPERTS FAR APART ON INTER- NATIONAL MONETARY REFORM Mr. PROXMIRE. Mr. President, a subcommittee of the Joint Economic Committee headed by Representative HENRY REUSS has just concluded hear- ings on the kind of international mone- Approved For Release 2003/11/04 CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190005-4 Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B0Q4y6R000300190 05-4 18824 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -- SENAA E Ugust 5, 1965 tary reform this Nation should work relatively few exceptions--on the desirability PROPOSED PURCHASE OF TWO toward at the international monetary of using Federal budget deficits to spur the MODERN FISHING TRAWLERS conference Secretary of the Treasury expansion of the economy. FROM POLAND Fowler recently proposed. CONCLUSION EXPRESSED The postwar expansion of free world An observer at the hearings this week Mr. BREWSTER. Mr. President, the economies and especially of international turned to Alexander Pope today to express Secretary of the Interior, in a letter to trade has been a happy miracle. the conclusion of many: the distinguished Senator from Wash- "Who shall decide when doctors disagree?" ington [Mr. MAGNUSON], has proposed Vastly, improved standards ec living, Some of the witnesses wanted the role of that the Interior Department purchase greatly strengthened national economies the dollar as a reserve currency for the two modern fishing trawlers from throughout the free world and a fantas- rest of the world reduced, some wanted It purchase would be tic 150-percent Increase in world trade maintained or even increased. Polandmaae. with The a proposed d purchaThu d be has characterized this prosperous period. Some believed the problem of reform was mad would then counterpart leased funds. the Interior r been the easy availability of liquidity- greatly exaggerated. or more simply ready cash to finance in- Most wanted reform worked out through commercial fishing industry. ic the International Monetary Fund, but some I would like to urge careful considera- ternational trade and internal economic a solution through a small group of tion of such a proposal before any ac- growth. the leading financial nations. tion is taken. There is no question in Where did this explosion in liquidity- Some believed that the problem of the my mind that the American fishing fleet to match the explosion in trade--come United States payments deficit had been ex- is antiquated and badly in need of mod- from?' It came from the U.S. deficit in aggerated, others felt it was still serious and is techne andl ly ne trawlers- orld being attacked little undesirable ityiin The question which occurs to me Is, our oem, dol balance of led the payments. Our deficit dollars have enabled rest of the the gold currency exchange rates, and some wanted should such trawlers be purchased from to secure es lost the and the dollars s we largely the have go lent even less than there is. Poland at this time? There are three we have and the Possibly the most surprising proposal came aspects of such a purchase which give me and spent. from the two Senators, EUGENE J. MCCARTHY, concern. But Uncle Sam is coming to a grinding Democrat,. of Minnesota, and VANCE HARTKE, First and foremost is the effect which halt in his generous balance of payments Democrat, of Indiana. such a purchase would have on the losses. This year we will come far closer Saying that the world faces an imminent sushipbuilding case y ld the con the than we have to equilibrium. We may deflation-a point disputed by a number of shortly have a surplus instead of a deficit the other witnesses-they urged that nations involved, from a national defense point would view. and start soaking up some of that ready use git las the Mo for r trade Fund,reditswhich" to its I have argued many times in the past cash that has permitted world trade to member nations. that the United States must preserve a expand. One witness, James C. Ingram of the Uni- substantial capacity for shipbuilding Now what happens to a world that versity of North Carolina, was so despairing and ship repair work. Military author- should grow in economic strength and to of international agreement on reform that McNamara on down a world trade that could develop im- he proposed that the United States uni- hies agree on from this Secretary aryry vessel-fishing down mensely in the next few years? laterally convert the world to a "dollar ex- Obviously we must somehow reform change standard" by refusing in the future otherwise-which is built in this coun- the world money--or monetary system- to pay $35 an ounce for gold. This, he be- try will bolster our own capacity. Eight- lieves, would end the role of gold. een shipyards have gone out of business so that enough money will be available Several witnesses, led by August Maffry, during the past 10 years. We must bear for this purpose without killing the hen. a vice president of the Irving Trust Co., in mind the facilities and the skilled that lays these golden aggs-Uncle Sam. supported creation of a neiw composite cur- labor which may be kept on tap if these But the experts are far, far apart on rency reserve unit made up of the leading ships are built in the United States-- what to do, when to do it, or indeed currencies. and may be lost if they are built abroad. her bThis confusion anything and disagreement n isag ae n done. I stituttiion told the panel, "there isBrookings no case And if a large shipbuilding capacity is be very costly. lead to world ld in history where a synthetic currency has important to our own national security, deflation very costly. It could lead to a worln been artificially created unconnected with then it is surely important to the nation- adequ on and depression for want of an a dominant political unit." al security of Poland-which, I need adequate international money system. While disagreement was the dominant hardly remind you, is a Communist na- I ask unanimous consent that an excel- note, the witnesses did show some agreement. tion. Thus the proposed purchase might lent article by Edwin L. Dale, Jr., of the For example, those who touched on the well injure our own defense capacity and New York Times, describing the quad- point were unanimous in saying that the build up that of Communist Poland. dary of international money experts as role of the dollar as the key world currency ptimisstic we we may be about the revealed at the recent joint economic for private transactions should be main- Howevoweveer l optimit c may be outtt hearings, be printed at this point in the tained, as distinct from its role in official Epossibl of uropean nations, I do not believe that RECORD. monetary reserves. e appropriate There being no objection, the article There was also agreement that over the we have yet arrived o the believe was ordered to be printed In the RECORD, long run, the total of official reserves in the point to begin contributions to their na- as would have to grow. tional security. as follows: But whether they should be "owned" re- The second aspect of this proposal [From the New York Times, July 30, 19651 serves or "borrowed" reserves found the wit- which makes me stop and think is the MONETARY REFORM: CONGRESSIONAL PANEL nesses diverging, as on so many other possible impact on the fishing industries ENDS HEARINGS, BEWILDERED S'7 DIVERGENT questions. letter of OPINIONS Henry C. Wallich of Yale University, the of the I the Interior countries Department involved. to The Senator letter of (By Edwin L. Dale, Jr.) former member of the Council of Economic the In declared a part: WASHINGTON, July 29.--A somewhat be- Advisers, even challenged the view that na- N One of the most significant art: factors involved wildered congressional subcommittee has tions now need and want more reserves, completed 3 days of hearings on reforming saying this was true only of Britain and in the decline [of the fishing industry] has been the inability of our fishing industry to the world monetary system today, having Japan. sponsor the entry into the fisheries of com- paratively large, efficient, and technologically heard 10 witnesses and 10 different proposals The hearings the subcommittee, headed for reform. by Representative ve HENRY S S. . Reuss REVSB, Democrat, advanced fishing vessels. The witnesses were mainly academic, but of Wisconsin, were the first of their kind, they included a banker, a joint presentation devoted specifically to the question of world I would suggest that, if our fishing in- by two Senators and a former member of reform. dustry has not introduced such vessels the Council of Economic Advisers. They came at a time when the admin- into their fleets, it is because such vessels While the papers presented were widely re- istration has begun an intensive internal are expensive and the Government has garded as impressive, their most striking discussion of what the U.S. position not given them any assistance in con- where was the lack of agreement on should be. not Such trawlers. Now that tn- where the world should go from here. And they disclosed about as much differ- structing apparently ready to give This dispersion of views on international ence of opinion among theepe i fide Government is se, why should the to give finance contrasted strongly with the coalition the country as is already known not be expended in the United States? some years ago of economic opinion-with among the leading nations. Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190005-4 August 5, roved For Re TC DOZQAL B-7$0s lO0300190005-4 18887 Vehicles though he violated the law 5 or 6 "Two Fixed Tickets Fail To .Perturb -Bureau and Treasury Department space re- weeks ago. Acheson," published in today+s Washing- served for Government officials. And Ache- I MY for the benefit of the U.S. attorney in ton Post. son was there on official business. Washington, D.C., that his negligence, in my There being no objection, the article To MORSE, the cancellation of the tickets judgment, and his inexcusable violation of was an inexcusable violation of traffic laws. the District traffic laws, has cost the District was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, Furthermore, Senate District Committeeman of Columbia some money to ticket his car. as follows: MORSE said Acheson was setting a bad ex- It also takes some time if that ticket is Two FIXED TICKETS FAIL To PERTURB ACHESON processed. Certainly the U.S. attorney for A batch of canceled Washington parking the District of Columbia should be counted tickets came into Senator WAYNE MORSE'S upon to place law enforcement first in his office again yesterday and there among them, own conduct. plain as day, was the name of U.S. Attorney HOW, does Mr. Acheson, the chief law en- David C. Acheson, with two canceled tickets. forcement officer for the District of Co- But it's all much ado about nothing, said lumbia, believe policemen should know Acheson, when he was told of this later. whether the Volkswagen belongs to him or He's paid his share of parking tickets, he some poacher on this reserved parking area? said, when he was wrong, but he figures he Traffic Division Aid Mr. A. L. Clay deserves was right on these two occasions. great credit for ticketing Mr. Acheson's car. The tickets were for parking on property Unless traffic aids strictly enforce the law reserved for Government officials. Acheson in these areas, poachers park ' in spaces so is a Government official and he was on official that officials of the Government who are on business both times, he said. official 'Government business and display MORSE, the Oregon Democrat who has been proper identification-which Mr. Acheson ap- cracking down on ticket fixing in Washing- parently never even asked for-are unable to ton, receives these tickets from city officials find a space to park their automobiles. _ as a matter of routine. Acheson's canceled be one of the first to complain if he had the proper identification and could not find a space to park, knowing that spaces re- served for official Government business pur- poses were being used by the general public. It is not easy for me to critize the U.S. attorney, There are some. others in the Department of .uetice who had better learn what it mealis tO have a ve uniform application of law en- forcement, irrespective of the status of the individual violator. Mr. President, I have on my desk some other traffic tickets of other officials of the Government that I only wish generally to call attention to tonight. I wish to say that the senior Senator from Oregon, chairman of the Subcommittee of the District of Columbia Committee that has jurisdiction over the Police Department in the District of Colum- bia, intends to do everything he can, so long as he is in, the Senate to back up the police in exercising their legitimate rights and duties. Law eiiforceine it officers such as Mr. Ache- son, the U.S. attorney for the District 'of Colu}zmbia, believe it or not, in my judgment carfnot square their conduct in this matter with their responsibility to back up uni= formit of ractice in the administration of tickets went right along with the rest. Acheson was given $3 tickets on June 18 and June 22 at the Bureau of the Budget and the Treasury Department on space reserved ,for Government officials. In a memo to his staff, he protested this and said it seemed "I should be given some kind of identification on my car so I may use these spaces." And there was the rub. Government offi- cials are supposed to have permits showing on their cars when they park on Govern- ment property. District Motor Vehicle Director George A. England said yesterday he'd have been glad to give Acheson a permit if Acheson had re- quested one. Acheson's answer is that he was unaware of the permit requirement but has since learned that he needs one. Senator MORSE, commenting on the inci- dent to the almost empty Senate floor, said it was an inexcusable violation of traffic laws and a bad example that had cost the District of Columbia money. He said it wasn't an isolated case and that tickets had been can- celed for others in the Justice Department. Thinking it all over yesterday, Acheson said he believed he was right in his stand, but maybe it wouldn't be a bad idea to take a cab. law enforcement. But Mr. Acheson is not Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I have alone, an idea that this law enforcement officer Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I had has such an insensitivity about the de- pointed out that all that Mr. Acheson sirability of a uniform application of the needed to do was to place on his car an law, even as it involves a U.S. attorney, official permit, which' he did not even that I doubt if anything could perturb have, did not even ask for, and, up until Be that as it may, let his own craw- not night, had never asked for. I do not know what he has done today. fishing alibi speak for itself. I also said in my speech that it cost ' Mr. President, I ask unanimous con- the District of Columbia money to proc sent to have printed at this point in the ess" the ticketing, although Mr. Acheson RECORD an article entitled "MORSE Hits succeeded in having the Corporation Acheson on Ticket 'Fix'," published in Counsel fix the ticket-and he fixed the today's Washington Star. ticket without the slightest justification. There being no objection, the article Articles published in today's Washing- was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, ton Post and Washington Star describe as follows: how the.U.S. attorney for the District of MORSE HITS ACHESON ON TICKET Fix Columbia has set forth his crawfishing The District's chief prosecutor was himself alibis and rationalizations for being a law accused last night in the Senate of breaking violator, although he is the U.S. attorney. the law. I do not intend to let him get by with "U.S. Attorney David C. Acheson fixed two that, without disclosing how he has parking tickets," Senator WAYNE MORSE, Democrat, of Oregon, said. n stldit ca his high position. The best That meant that Acheson neither paid the th,c'a be said for r his crawfishing is $3 fine on each ticket nor went to court to tht, in essence, he has pleaded nolo con- explain why he shouldn't pay. Instead, he ten. which does not make him guilty. asked city attorneys to cancel the tickets. I ask unanimous consent to have They were put on his windshield June 18 printed in the RECORD the article entitled and June 22 when he was parked on Budget To Acheson, cancellation of the tickets was understandable, even though he should have had an official parking permit, available for the asking. But then, his car was an official one, on official business. What was MoRsE's reaction to the facts in the Acheson case? "He should have told them to a judge." Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, the arti- cle reads, in part: To Acheson, cancellation of the tickets was understandable, even though he should have had an official parking permit, avail- able for the asking. But then, his car was an official one, on official business. The car was a little Volkswagen. What policeman would have thought that, without a parking permit, the U.S. at- torney was on official business? That is no way, I say to the U.S. attorney, to cooperate with a police department that is seeking to carry out its trust and its obligation. It does not help the morale of the Metropolitan Police Department, let me say as chairman Of the subcom- mittee of the Committee on the District of Columbia that has supervision over the Police Department, to have the U.S. attorney follow a course of action that results in hawing tickets fixed. We ex- pect the police to engage in a uniform enforcement of the law in respect to their responsibility. Mr. Acheson's crawfishing speaks for itself. I merely want the RECORD to show that his conduct disgusts me. It is sad that we have a U.S. attorney who has no higher regard for the high honor of his position than, in the first place, to vio- late the law, and then to be such a poor citizen as not to be willing to pay his fine, without going to have his ticket fixed. DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA HOME RULE Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed at this point in the RECORD an editorial en- titled "Without Delay," relating to the home rule issue, and published in the Washington Post of today, August 5, 1965. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: WITHOUT DELAY "The restoration of home rule to the citi- zens of the District of Columbia must no longer be delayed," President Johnson de- clared in a special message to Congress 6 months ago. But the House District Com- mittee has devoted those 6 months to noth- ing but delay. The committee has left the President's home rule bill precisely where it was in February. It has held no hearings, and it has scheduled none. President Johnson is not a man of un- limited patience, fortunately, and he does not care to have his bills ignored. Now lie has amplified his first message with a formal communication'to the Speaker of the House, and the tone has an edge to it. Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190005-4 18888 Approved For g9f@14)(P4it P-,7 A4400030019009&-~ust 5, 1965 "On February 2, 1965, I transmitted to the Congress a home- rule bill for the District of Columbia, with a special message urging its prompt and favorable consideration;" he re- minds the House. Noting the large majority that passed the bill in the Senate, the Presi- dent continues: "I cannot emphasize too strongly my conviction that this action by the Senate must not meet the fate of home rule bills passed by the Senate in previous Congresses. The House, too, must be given the opportunity, and promptly, to restore the basic rights of democracy at the very heart of the greatest constitutional system in the world." . The House District Committee is con- trolled by rural southerners who have recog- nized the home rule bill as civil rights legis- lation. They are using the same dilatory tactics that were developed and refined in decades of rear guard action against all the national voting rights bills. As in the cases of the earlier civil rights bills, the opponents of home rule know that they constitute a minority of the House. They know that they will be beaten if the bill comes to the floor. Left to their own devices, the committee could have been expected to wait until the end of the.present session before starting hearings, and then letting those hearings dribble on interminably, President Johnson's latest communication is a disaster for the men who run the House District Committee, precisely because it means that they will not be left to their own devices. President Johnson, as majority leader of the Senate, overrode the tactics of delay 8 years ago to pass the first national civil rights legislation since Reconstruction. He is now, apparently, about to apply the same electrifying technique to the appalled District Committee. The President does not fail to recognize the meaning of home rule for the civil rights of Washington's people. "The Congress has been aroused to redress denials of the right to vote in every part of this country-except the District. We affront its citizens and leave a significant part of our work unfin- ished by this unnecessary and invidious dis- crimination." The ballot is no less precious in Washington than in Alabama or Missis- sippi. As tl- President accurately said last February, "The people of the District are ready and eager to join fully in the demo- cratic process." Mr. MORSE. I commend the Wash- ington Post for its editorial. I sincerely hope that our colleagues in the House will either report the home rule bill quickly from the House Committee on 'lie District of Columbia or will proceed without delay to get the necessary sig- natures on a discharge petition, so that a home rule bill can be passed this session. TACTIC8-IN' SOUTH VIETNAM Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that an editorial en- titled "Tactics in South Vietnam," pub- lished In the Washington Post of today be printed at this point in the RECORD. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows : TAcTIes IN SOUTH VIETNAM The President very plainly has gathered behind the Government's policy of remaining in South Vietnam a very substantial national consensus. The debate on Vietnam policy now seems to be moving from the broad issue of whether this country's Armed Forces should stay or leave to the question of what the Armed Forces should do, now that it has been decided that they must stay. Military operations of the past few days have inspired some misgivings about the employment of American forces. There are legitimate doubts about the wisdom of the missions Involved, the feasibility of the op- erations and the skill of their execution. The doubts have been raised by the Marine operation at Chan Son, by the continuing B--52 raids with their negligible results, by the emphasis on hit and run as distinguished from take and hold operations. Maj. Gen. Lewis W. Walt has expressed a compassion and sorrow over civilian casu- alties at Chan Son that do him and his serv- ice credit. But his well-expressed regrets have not directly refuted the report that the Marines made a reprisal attack on a civilian occupied village in response to sniper fire that originated there. In an ugly civil war of this kind there are bound to be civilian casualties when the tide of battle moves into occupied places. We may harden our hearts to this kind of calamity; but opin- ion in this country will not long countenance Indiscriminate reprisal or retaliatory action against civilian occupied places. The massive B-52 raids, likewise, have an aspect of undiscriminating and indiscrimi- nate destruction that is disquieting. Is the strategic bomber really a weapon of sufficient target selectivity to recommend it for search- ing out small bodies of rebels who mingle with a civilian population? Such employ- ment would have had a very low priority in any World War II operations and even with the abundance of power we have to waste it is to be doubted on any showing made so far that such B-52 strikes have earned any higher priority now. Apart from these particular efforts there is the broad question of how American forces are to be used generally. The tactical theory of many of the prime combat units we have sent in emphasizes the pursuit of the enemy and not the taking and holding of territory. But In a civil war, people in the territory that is held by first one side and then anoth- er suffer more than the military forces. We cannot commit ourselves to a policy under which we never seek out a Vietcong force in a populated area, but if our troops very frequently are used in foraysthat ex- pose Vietnamese peasants to alternating oc- cupation, the end In South Vietnam is not difficult to forsee. Out of compassion for the South Vietnam- ese villagers must we not devise a strategy that is based more on taking and holding rather than hitting and running? No civil- ian population can be expected to withstand a fluctuating battle of this kind in which the peasant is always caught between contend- ing military forces. The area to be taken and held may have to be limited to the forces available for this task. And the of- fensive strikes against Vietcong concentra- tions may have to be largely confined to non- populated areas. It is a way of fighting the war that will be harder on the military. But it will be easier on civilians who in the past few operations seem to have borne the brunt of the battle. General Westmore- land, fortunately, as not been indifferent to these considerations. It is to be hoped that more regard will be given to the safety of civilians in combat areas in the future. Americans in overwhelming numbers seem sadly reconciled to the ugly fact that we must fight this war. They will not be rec- onciled to fighting it by methods and tactics that needlessly involve Vietnamese civilian men, women, and children in the worst cruel- ties of military action. TRIBUTE TO MRS. GEORGE WARREN Mr. PELL. Mr. President, honor is now being paid to my fellow citizen and fellow Newporter, Mrs. George Henry Warren. Rarely has one lady contrib- uted so much of herself, her talents, and her energies as has Mrs. Warren to New- port, and equally rarely has a city so benefited from one individual. Together with the support of commu- nity leaders such as Mrs. Ottavio Pro- chet, she has built the Preservation Society into one of the driving forces not only of Newport, but of our whole Rhode Island community. The Preservation Society of Newport County was founded in 1945 by Miss Maud Wetmore, the daughter of George Peabody Wetmore, who served as the last U.S. Senator from Newport before me. Following Miss Wetmore, Mrs. Warren has been the driving force be- hind the society's avowed purpose of pre- serving Newport's rich heritage for future generations and of transfusing new life to buildings that were so useful in days gone by. Under her presidency', the society's membership has reached about 1,700. Nearly a million people have visited the buildings owned by the society, and last year 125,000 visitors paid admission. The publicity generated by the society has been a major factor in the growing Newport tourist industry. Every year the society has mailed 250,000 pieces of literature throughout the country. The U.S. Information Agency has also dis- tributed some of this publicity abroad. The society has also been responsible for many illustrated articles in well known magazines on such famous houses as "The Breakers," "The Elms," as well as 18th century structures such as "The White Horse Tavern," "the Hunter House," "The Hazard House," and "The Brick Market." The Newport Preservation Society has suggested constructive ideas for utilizing the historical buildings and houses of Newport in developing the modern needs of an urban society. Presently, the society has commissioned a noted archi- tectural firm to offer plans fcr the ad- justment of historic preservation to inevitable urban renewal and highway construction. Thanks largely to the efforts and de-, votion of Mrs. Warren, a heritage of great historical value is being preserved, for our Nation. It is a special tribute for me to pay tribute to her since our families have been friends for several generations and I hope will continue to be so. PROVISION FOR PRINTING AS A SENATE DOCUMENT ELEMENTS OF ENTITLEMENT TO AND BENE- FITS AVAILABLE UNDER SOCIAL SECURITY AMENDMENTS OF 1965 Mr. JORDAN of North Carolina. Mr. President, the Senator from Virginia [Mr. BYRD] wrote me, as chairman of the Committee on Rules and Adminis- tration, on August 3, 1965, asking that Senate Resolution 134 be reported by the committee, to be printed. The Committee on Rules and Admin- istration had no authorization to meet yesterday. Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190005-4 Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190005-4 August 5, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD APPENDIX dered the formation of, a continental con- science, which began taking shape as the national aspirations of the various colonies matured, to emerge when they ruptured their bonds of colonial subordination. From that moment on, that conscience steadily deep- ened its roots and, stimulated by the fear of recolonization, it gained ground rapidly de- spite localistic sentiments which have not yet disappeared and which have contributed. to delay the progress of the movement for con- tinental union. Without disregarding the value of prior efforts toward continental rapprochment, it may be properly said that the baptism of pan-Americanism took place in this city of Washington, in 1889, on the occasion of the first international conference of American States, which created the then International Bureau of the American Republics and opened a series of meetings which, little by little and. not without hesitation and mis- trustfulness went on to form the pan-Amer- icari, system. It would undoubtedly be interesting to ex- amine the progress of this system, but, for the sake of brevity, I will resist the tempta- tion, although such an analysis would en- able, me to show, step by step, the contribu- tions which Brazil has made to the system. I will limit myself to remarking that Brazil was present at the first Inter-American Con- ference and that it did not merely attend but took part in all others with the single excep- tion of the second. Furthermore, Brazil hosted several meetings of the system, among which were the Third Conference, 'held in 1906, one of the most notable in the series; the Third Consultative Meeting of the Minis- ters of Foreign Relations, in 1942, when the decision was made to break relations with the countries responsible for the outbreak of 'the Second World War; and the Confer- ence for the Maintenance of Peace and Se- curity on the Continent, in 1947, at which the Inter-American Treaty of Mutual Assist- ance, thenceforward known as the Rio Treaty, was discussed and signed. The Americanist sentiment in Brazil had Its inception prior to the independence of the country itself. Indeed, as far back as 1819 the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the then United Kingdom of Portugal and Brazil had weighed the convenience of the creation of an American League, an idea that was echoed by Jose Bonifacio, patriarch of Brazil's independence and the first Minister of Foreign Affairs of the new nation, when in outlining Brazilian foreign policy in 1822 he stressed its clearly Americanist aspect. While Brazil did not participate in the sev- eral Hispano-American congresses which preceded the inter-American conference of 1889, it did appoint a representative for the congress held in Panama in 1826 and later, in 1866, under the urge of its Americanist sentiments, it protested energetically against the bombardment of the Chilean port of Valparaiso by Spanish ships. In July of last year, in a speech defining our foreign policy, President Humberto Cas- telo Branco revealed his perfect understand- ing of Brazil's Americanist vocation when he remarked that the world today is increas- ingly featured by the interdependence of the problems and the interests of each nation. The President recognized that the interests of Brazil coincide in many cases, in concen- tric circles, with those of the continental community, and went on to make the per- fectly coherent statement that "the Brazilian-Government maintains the country's tradi- tional adherence tq,the sentiments and ideals of Pan Americanism." In the cultural field, this adherence is evi- denced by Brazil's action within the several agencies of the inter-American system, fea- tured by an open and constructive collabora- tion regardless and even in spite of its unique position as the only Portuguese-speaking nation on the continent. The Americanist tendency of Brazil leads it to engage in inten- sive and concentrated cultural activities on the continent, where it maintains several cultural institutes similar to the one that Is sponsoring our meeting tonight all of which are dedicated to the diffusion of a truly bi- lateral cultural exchange between Brazil and each host country. Besides this, my country has long been offering in its major univer- sity centers facilities for the training of an already substantial number of students from the various Latin American countries, aim- ing at the promotion of a currente of recipro- cal understanding and varied interchange, this applying also in regard to the United States, whose cultural attractions are so well received in Brazil. In the economic field, Brazil's contribution to the Pan American system dates from the earliest manifestations of concern over the problem of economic and social development on a continental scale. At the IV consulative meeting of Ministers of Foreign Relations, held in this city in 1951, the Brazilian dele- gation took the initiative in presenting a number of proposals which laid the ground- work for a series of economic and financial norms. Brazilians were aware at an early stage that in view of the international finan- cial situation and of the terms of inter- national trade the economic and social de- velopment of the continent had ceased to be an individual problem for each country and had become a common aspiration which would have to be satisfied jointly. For this reason, and to provide a measure of the real dramatic, nature of the problem, Brazil in 1958 called on the countries of the hemi- sphere to undertake Operation Pan America. The same reason impelled it to' join the ranks of those who advocated and promoted the creation of the Inter-American Develop- ment Bank, leading also to its present full involvement in the Alliance for Progress, which is so much in line with the efforts of development and with the measures which Brazil has been adopting towards the increase and better distribution, of its national prod- uct. This spirit of conjugation of efforts explains Brazil's active participation in the Latin American Free Trade Association and its keen interest In the movement for Latin American economic integration as envisaged by that association, devoid of opposition to anyone whatsoever or of imperilment of the effectiveness of the Pan American ideal. It is undoubtedly in the political field that Brazil's most impressive contribution to the Pan American system is registered, but be- cause of the touchy nature of that field, any measurement of such contribution becomes especially difficult and delicate. In the de- sire to avoid considerations of a historical nature on this point, and believing that Pan Americanism is indebted to Brazil for its open and constant participation in the life of the continent even more than for any particular proposal or initiative, I feel com- pelled to make some remarks on the attitude of Brazil within the hemispheric com- munity. It will not be an attempt to dis- course on Brazil's foreign policy, a subject already covered with thoroughness and clar- ity by Ambassador Juracy Magalhaes in the address which he presented at the opening session of this Seminar, but simply the indi- cation of some points evidencing Brazil's contribution to the system under study. I feel thus that I should mention, as an example of that contribution, Brazil's pacifist vocation and its respect of the territorial integrity of its neighbors. Brazil has never waged a war of conquest and, in the single real war which it was compelled to fight in self-defense-I do not refer to the two World Wars because they transcend the continental picture-Brazil had the scruple of entering into prior stipulation with its allies that the integrity of the territory of the temporary enemy would be respected. Brazil's frontiers were determined in accord with universally accepted juridical principles, on the basis of treaties executed with all the neighboring A4357 countries, and the few disputes in which it was involved were settled through peaceful negotiations or by international arbitration. Along with this pacifist vocation and exemption from territorial ambition, togeth- er with features that are exclusively its own in the Pan American scene and the particu- larity of being a country with great problems and, at the same time, great realizations and great possibilities, with an area and a popu- lation representing half of South America, Brazil has a special position within the Pan American system, not always comfortable but certainly of vital significance to the system. The importance of this position is accentuated by the circumstance that the continental community continues to suffer, as it did to a much greater degree before the coming of the good neighbor policy, from the mutual impact of suspicions and dis- trust between underdeveloped countries that need aid but which seem to resent this aid, and a super-developed country which has already shown its desire to help others but still finds difficulty in winning or in deepen- ing the trust of those others. Brazil has traditionally been a catalyzing element that has made possible the conciliation of diverg- ing opinions within the Pan American sys- tem. Being latin American culturally, psy- chologically and economically, Brazil is also great enough and sufficiently self-confident to be exempt from resentment over the growth or the power of any other country whatsoever, and to accept the initiative or the democratic leadership of any such in a position to promote or lead in benefit of the continental interests. Not having hege- monic aspirations-perhaps It has a people that can in all fairness be considered as being cordial by nature-Brazil is fated to exercise this difficult role of conciliator within the Pan American system, at least until the ces- sation of that mutual impact of suspicions and distrust, which needs to be overcome on either side. Owing perhaps to its self-confidence and to its condition as a power that Is both great and small at the same time, Brazil realizes, ar, others also do, that the Pan American system needs to be broadened and, even more than that, to be strengthened and perfected. Because of this awareness, Brazil is ready and really desirous to contribute toward the renovation of the sytem so that it be capa- ble of adjusting itself to new circumstances and thereby avoid irreparable loss of prestige or a retreat, by force of overshadwing threats to the phase of unilateral action that was closed when the negative aspects of the Mon- roe Doctrine were superseded. Brazil gave proof of its desire for the strenghtening of the Pan American system when It proposed, with this specific purpose in mind, the hold- ing of a special Pan American conference which I pray God will come to pass without delay for the good of the system. Another clear proof of Brazil's resolution can be seen in its open and disinterested commitment in search for a solution to the crisis that arose recently on this continent, especially through its participation, within the limit of its possibilities, in the specially consti- tuted inter-American armed forces. The seed cast by the constitution of said forces should in due course receive the utmost care and attention because'in today's disturbed world, the inter-American system, like any other, can only achieve full realization when it becomes able to defend itself collectively, and collectively to insure the maintenance of internal order. Ladies and gentlemen I do not know to what extent I have been able to acquaint you with my consciousness-assuredly patriotic, yet frank-of Brazil's contribution to . the Pan American system. I warned you at the onset of the difficulties which I foresaw in the treatment of this theme, and for that reason I undertook to be at your disposal for an exchange of questions and answers which, thanks to your participation, will complete Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190005-4 A4358 Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190005-4- CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX August 5, 1965 and surpass my exposition. If I may ask your attention for one more minute,. I will use it to mention that in' advocating Brazil's participation in the First World War, a nota- ble Brazilian statesman, the then Senator Rui Barbosa said that our nation was going to defend "the territorial stability of its existence, our own territory, our moral heri- tage in America." In my view, ladies and gentlemen, this moral heritage, which such an outstanding interpreter of the national conscience equated with the physical exist- ence of the country itself, is the snythesis and the best expression of Brazil's contribu- tion to the Pan American system. EXTENSION OF REMARKS . or HON. ABRAHAM J. MULTER OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, August 5, 1965 Mr. MULTER. Mr. Speaker, I com- mend to the attention of our colleagues the following editorial from the July 29, 1965, edition of the New York Herald Tribune. All Americans are determined to stand with the President's action in Vietnam. American interest and honor are at stake in this struggle, and we will not relent in the pursuit of our goal to restore peace and the right of free choice to the people of South Vietnam. The editorial follows: "WE WILL STAND IN VIETNAM" After a tense week of strategy discussions and the swirling speculations they occa- sioned, President Johnson's announcements at his press conference seemed undramatic, muted. There was to be no declaration of national emergency; the National Guard and Reserves would not be called up; month- 13r draft calls would be doubled; Congress would be asked for unspecified additional sums for the Armed Forces; American troops would be immediately increased to about 126,000, instead of the higher figures that had been guessed at. Yet if the net of Mr. Johnson's statement, and of his answers to questioning, seemed about soothing, the effect came from con- trast with previous rumors. The President's news was serious enough, and he made no attempt to conceal its gravity. The 50,000 additional troops going to Vietnam are more than General MacArthur employed in the Inchon offensive; the 125,000 who will be in Vietnam after the reinforcements arrive will be nearly as many as were in the combined U.N. fighting forces in Korea at that time. Increasing the monthly draft call to 35,000 would mean that in a year 420,000 young Americans would be conscripted, or nearly as many as all the military and paramilitary forces that the South Vietnamese Govern- ment has available. Moreover, the President did not predict any easy victory on the basis of the decisions he announced. Rather, he left open the possibility that more men would be sent to South Vietnam; that the Guard and the Reserves might be called into service; that there would be heavy additional drafts on the Treasury-reports in Congress already speak of as much as $1 billion added to military appropriations. Thus the new American commitment is serious; it is not necessarily decisive. That is because the United States is, as the Presi- dent has so often emphasized, fighting a defensive war in South Vietnam: It is fighting to convince the Communists that they cannot win, and must-"inevitably," is the President's word-come to the con- ference table. Defensive strategy does not rule out offensive tactics, and the, role of our forces is by no means necessarily lim- ited to mounting guard over Its own Installations. But the aim Is still to turn back aggression, not to escalate the war. The escalation, like the original covert ag- gression, has come from the other side, and the. United States is meeting it. Why? Americans, in the President's phrase, did not "choose to be the guardians of the gate." Initially, American assist- ance to the struggling young Republic of South Vietnam was economic and technical; the military guaranties were intended to preserve the people's right of choice. That is still the goal, in the teeth of rebellion launched and fostered from the north. Un- less the United States achieves that goal, by force or by diplomacy, South Vietnam will be violently subverted; there will be a green light for similar Communist ventures in every quarter of the globe-and, as Mr. Johnson put it, "no nation can ever again have the same confidence in American promises." Thus it is that American interest and American honor are equally at stake; thus It Is that President Johnson-with the evi- dent reluctance of a man who is frankly ambitious to achieve peaceful progress for his country and clearly confident of his ability to do so-has said: "We will stand in Vietnam." And the Nation will stand with him. EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. EDWARD J. DERWINSKI OF ILLINOIS IN TFIE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, August 5, 1965 Mr. DERWINSKI. Mr. Speaker, ir- responsible, self-appointed civil rights -leaders are attempting to create chaos in the city of Chicago. Proper criticism of the misguided antics of many of the civil rights performers comes from people whose reputation for legitimate support of civil rights is well founded. In order to correct the impression that Chicago is now controlled by irresponsi- ble street mobs who are representative of the citizens of the city, I Insert into the RECORD an editorial from yesterday's Chicago Sun Times which gives evidence of the sober thought that prevails In the city : MORE HARM THAN GOOD The civil rights movement here has had no more sincere supporter than Dr. Edgar H. S. Chandler, executive director of the church federation of greater Chicago. He has come to the conclusion that emphasis should be switched away from excessive street demon- strations and toward the conference table task of solving specific community problems involving the schools, housing, and employ- ment. "The protest has registered," he say, "Let us now all together register progress. Let protests be disciplined and directed to spe- cific abuses that can be corrected." Dr. Chandler specifically disfavors futile and dangerous demonstrations as the night march into Mayor Daley's home neighbor- hood. Such demonstrations do the civil rights cause no good; they cause resentment and in will. They antagonize white persons Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. says are needed to bring changes. Like the right to free speech, the right to picket is not unlimited. It should be exer- cised judiciously. What good purpose is served by deliberately antagonizing Mayor Daley's neighbors? His office, not his home. is the place for protests. And even there, as Dr. Chandler says, it is time to get out of the streets and on with "the nitty gritty of specific steps toward justice.' ' "Justice in the Night" EXTENSION OF REMARKS of HON. EDWARD R. ROYBAL OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, August 5,1965 Mr. ROYBAL. Mr. Speaker, we have all been witnesses to a healthy trend de- veloping in this country, which has al- ready begun to put an increasing empha- sis on improving the quality of justice in America, especially as it affects the poorer and more disadvantaged groups of our citizens. This trend promises to bring the an- cient ideal of equal justice before the law closer to becoming a reality for all our people. In this connection, Mr. Speaker, I in- sert-in the CONGRESSINAL RECORD an ex- cellent editorial entitled, "Justice in the Night," recently broadcast by Mr. Rob- ert P. Sutton, vice president of CBS radio and general manager of radio station KNX in Los Angeles. The KNX editorial makes the point that one good here-and-now way to be- gin the effort to raise the quality and promote better standards of administra- tion of justice in the United States would be to improve what it terms our notori- ous traffic court treadmills of bargain basement justice. In support of this conclusion the edi- torial quotes Supreme Court Justice Tom Clark as saying: There can be no more important court in this whole land than the traffic courts. Here, respect-or disrespect-is created for law, for order, for the courts, for govern- ment. KNX also commends the new Califor- nia law, advocated by our State's pro- gressive Gov. "Pat" Brown and passed by the legislature this year, which estab- lishes a modified form of night court to accept pleas, conduct arraignments, and set dates for trial-but not to conduct actual trials. The editorial continues: This measure does not go all the way, but it is a step in the right direction of providing elemental justice for the workingman who cannot take time from his job in daylight hours by affording him more equal access to justice, along with the individual who can go to court any time without suffering personal hardship. The KNX editorial follows: JusTIcE IN THE NIGHT Bargain basement treatment of traffic of- fenders is one prime cause for disrespect of Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190005-4 013 67 AF O JMR300190005-4 August 5, Y roved For &ft f 8ZJJO14 il%f working in a small school that was hit very hard by the flood, and, if not for this pro- gram, the school would still be unusable. This program has helped many of us who had a hard time.findng a job and if the program ends, many needy boys will just be out of luck. So please let us continue to work. EX' 'ENSIoN OF REMARKS OF HON. JAMES G. FULTON Or PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, August 5, 1965 Mr. FULTON of Pennsylvania. Mr. Speaker, Thanat Khoman, Foreign Minister of Thailand, recently appeared on NBC's "Meet the Press" and at public meetings of the Pittsburgh World Affairs Council; Detroit Great Decisions 1965; Los Angeles World Affairs Council; and the San Francisco World Affairs Council. It is a pleasure to insert in the CON- GRESSIONAL. RECORD the following se- lected group of questions on southeast Asia brought to my attention by my good friend, James Linen, president of Time, Inc.: WAR IN VIETNAM Question. Mr. Minister, Thailand is greatly endangered, I believe-and I believe this is your view-by the advance of communism in southeast Asia, and I know you are very interested in the problem of Vietnam. Do You think the war in Vietnam can be won? THANAT. I think so, and I ,say so categori- cally. Question. What is it we should be doing that we are not doing now, because we don't seem to be winning it as we are currently performing? TISANAT. I think what we should try to do is to bring about security within South Viet- nam itself, first. Namely, to repel and to expel the aggressors which are now within South Vietnam, and then we should give se- curity to the people of South Vietnam, espe- cially the, countryside people. When these people have security, when they are pro- tected, then they will cooperate very closely with the Government authorities. I think this is the clue to the problem. First the military problem, next the problem of security, and then we should show our de- termination that the free world, the non- Communist countries, Is resolved to resist Communist encroachments and aggressions. I would say that the homefront is very im- portant because those brave people who are fighting against the Communists expect the homefront to support them; to give them the feeling that they are doing a good job. I believe that if we can give those fighting men, the gallant people who are doing the fighting now, the feeling that they are per- forming a useful role, then the struggle can achieve success. Question. Do you see any danger in an in- creasing American involvement in Vietnam, including direct participation of American soldiers in the fighting against the Vietcong? In other wprds, should we and can we be fighting the war that is essentially the war of the South Vietnamese? 'I'HANAT. Istill think that the brunt of the fighting is borne by the South Vietnamese. Now the Vietcong, as I said, not only are controlled and supported by outside power, especially North Vietnam, but they receive equipment and war material from even far- ther countries. I think that it is necessary if South Vietnam is to remain free and In- dependent, it has to receive the support also of a free nation, like the United States, the leader of the free nations. Otherwise it would be completely overcome by the Com- munist aggressors. Question. While you stated in your re- marks that you were not at liberty to talk about the support Thailand was giving to South Vietnam, is Thailand lending any material aid in South Vietnam, and if so, what is the nature the aid? THANAT. The, Government of Thailand ha@ been extending some material aid; some eco- nomic aid to South Vietnam and also some other kinds of aid too. However, what Viet- nam needs even more than military aid is political and moral support. As a supple- ment to the military aid and economic aid we have given to them, we can help them to keep their chins up and to continue to struggle successfully for the preservation of their freedom and independence. Question. Mr. Minister, we have neither been able to win the war so far nor have we succeeded since the President's proposal in Baltimore on April 7, in bringing the Com- munists to the conference table. How do you propose that we do either of these things? For example, we are bombing North Vietnam now, but we have restricted our bombing to south of the 20th parallel. Are you in favor of escalating further and, for example, bomb- ing Hanoi? THANAT. I would not be in favor of limiting ourselves unilaterally. I would not be in favor of binding our hands and feet while the other side, our enemies or our opponents, are free to do whatever they like. But in regard to the war in South Vietnam, it is my impression, and the impression is based on evidence now available, that things are getting better. But you canont win a war in a matter of weeks, especially when our side is cautious enough not to do anything that may lead to a larger conflict. That is why it may take a little more time, or at least some time, before we reach a point from which we can have an agreement or an under- standing that the other side will not con- tinue hostilities. Question. May I ask you whether you would favor bombing Hanoi? THANAT. As I said, if the situation is neces- sitated, I would not be opposed to that. Question. We have heard about the mili- tary effectiveness of the air strikes against North Vietnam. Would you give us your opinion of the political effectiveness of these raids in North Vietnam? And a related ques- tion-leafflets have been dropepd on a few occasions in North Vietnam to warn the peo- ple away from target areas. Leaflets were also dropped on Thailand when Allied air raids were carried out against targets there during World War II. Based on your ex- perience as a former target for leaflets, how would you evaluate the effectiveness of this kind of effort? THANAT. I think the use of the word "tar- get" for leaflets is quite appropriate because during World War II once when I was work- ing in the underground, I was almost struck by a barrel containing leaflets. It missed me by a few yards, and I can say that the leaflets hit pretty close to their targets. I think the effects of leaflets, as the effects of air strikes, will take some time. They are not a drug that you can take within your body and expect the.pain to vanish in a few minutes. In Thailand during the war I could see that the people paid a great deal of heed to the warnings and predictions contained in the leaflets. So if the people in North Vietnam are about the same as the people in Thailand, and I don't think there is great dissimilarity between them, I think the effects will be positive. NEGOTIATIONS ON VIETNAM Question. Since you believe that the war can be won-and you said you say that cate- gorically-would you be against an attempt A4367 to negotiate a settlement now or in the near future? THANAT., We have never been against worthwhile negotiation. If you look into our records you will see that my country par- ticipated in the Geneva Conference of 1954 in regard to Korea, and then in 1962 Thai- land also took part in the Geneva Confer- ence in regard to Laos, so we are not at all averse to negotiations, provided that negoti- ations would not lead to concessions and to surrender to the aggressors, and especially to the Communists. Question. Mr. Minister, what do you think we can negotiate on? THANAT. That is the question that I my- self have put to some of those who talk to me about South Vietnam. What can be ne- gotiated? In my opinion we cannot negoti- ate the surrender of South Vietnam or for that matter of any nation. What we would like to see negotiations conducted upon would be to guarantee the right to free existence for South Vietnam and for any other countries in southeast Asia or, in the world. I think that is the main point.. That is to say, when you negotiate you must negotiate to get support for freedom and independence of the countries concerned and not their surrender. Question. Well, you use the word "negoti- ation," but you really mean victory, don't you, for the West? THANAT. Well, of course I would prefer to see victory. I have no doubt about that. Question. But you recently said in an in- terview in U.S. News, that the United States must continue to support South Vietnam or withdraw. Talk of a negotiated peace is ir- relevant. What did you mean by that? THANAT. It is because of our past experi- ence. As I said, we took part in a confer- ence on Korea, we took part in a conference on Laos. But after the agreements were signed, as a result of those two conferences, we have not seen faithful observances and implementation of those agreements by the Communist side. That is why we are wary and we are reluctant to go back to any con- ference table which will not give us reason- able expectation for faithful respect and ob- servance of any international agreement that may result from those negotiations. COMMUNIST CHINESE THREATS TO THAILAND Question. Mr. Minister, the Chinese For- eign Minister tells us that Thailand is next on his list as a target for Communist-sup- ported war of national liberation. How do you evaluate this threat, and how vulnerable is Thailand to the kind of war that is being fought today in South Vietnam? THANAT. It amounts to a declaration of war. When a country says against another country that "we will start a war," be it a guerrilla war or an open war, it doesn't make much difference. It has been a declaration of war on the part of Communist China on Thailand. Now, of course, it is guerrilla war, and we are taking necessary measures and steps to meet the situation. We didn't take it lightly. We heeded the warning, the danger signal, and I assure you that both the Government of Thailand and the people of Thailand are doing everything to preserve our freedom and our independ- ence. Question. What specific evidence is there of Communist China's intentions to infiltrate and to dominate Thailand? THANAT. We start from a statement at- tributed to the Foreign Minister of Commu- nist China, Che'n Yi, who said that the guerrilla warfare will begin in Thailand be- fore the year is out. They have. been trying to bring about the first phase of the subver- sive war. Tm referring to the process of sending agents, of recruiting sympathizers, of training cadres in Thailand, and of trying to build armed caches. All this is part of the first phase, and we are doing everything Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190005-4 A4368 Approved CONGRESSIONAL /RECOIA-RDP $000300190 ~ugust 5, 1965 we can to make it stay at that first phase- or even to erase it. We also have evidences that important headquarters have been established not very far from Thailand. Since we don't have common border with China, the headquar- ters is not very far from North Laos, and they appointed their top security people to come to work there. As a matter of fact, one of them used to be the Deputy Minister for Security Affairs. They also have very fre- quent visits from top people-top security and top military people to the area. They also started what they euphemistically call the "Patriotic Front of Thailand." It looks as though the Chinese Communists are fol- lowing the same patterns that they have followed in some other places. The so-Galled "Patriotic Front of Thailand" is not dissimi- lar from the Pathet Lao in Laos, or from the National Liberation Front in South Vietnam. Ii; seems that they have not devised any new methods or means. Question. Has there been any evidence of infiltration into Thailand from across the Mekong? THANAT. They come from all sides, all parts. Through the forest, across the Mekong, across the paddy land. It has been going on for quite some time, and recently we have de- tected an increase In infiltration and sub- version. Infiltration takes various forms. They come into Thailand as hawkers or what you may call traders; they may also take a more feminine form. I mean they also send their women agents into Thailand equipped with lipstick and all the necessary things to make them attractive. All forms of in- filtration carry with them grave danger, and we have to take increased measures to meet with the situation. One of them was to ask our 'national assembly just before I left my country for an additional budget to get the money to finance the operations against the illegal activities conducted by the other side. Question. In view of the high percentage of Chinese in Thailand cities, especially Bangkok, is there danger that they will sympathize with Communist China? THANAT. The Chinese in Thailand are treated better than in many other countries in Asia, and the Chinese know that. They enjoy peace and a great measure of prosperity. They enjoy security for themselves and for their families. So I suppose they know what is good for them. As far as we have seen, the Chinese In Thailand have shown a great deal of loyalty toward the land which has sheltered them and has given them full op- portunity for development. Question. I am concerned about the pos- sibility of some of your people being per- suaded to go to Hanoi or to China to be trained similarly to the Vietcong in Vietnam. Is this a problem in Thailand, and are you coping with it without serious difficulty at this time? THANAT. The fact is that there have been some people, but they are Chinese born in Thailand. Besides that, there are some of the hill tribesmen. We have many evidences that they didn't like it over there, and quite a few of them have tried very hard to come out of that so-called paradise. At the same time, I should like to say we used to have in Thailand something like 80,- 000 Vietnamese refugees who lived in Thai- land, and we tried to repatriate them back to Vietnam. Half of them went to North Vietnam. We would like to send the rest, either to North or South Vietnam, it does not :m,tter. Words come back from North Viet- nam telling those who remained in Thailand not to go gack to North Vietnam under any circumstances. Whatever they took along with them-sewing machines, fountain pens, watches, and so on-were confiscated. So they said you'd better stay in Thailand. Question. Several years ago, business and. industry in Thailand seemed to be dominated by the Chinese. Has this situation changed, and how was the change accomplished, if that has happened? THANAT. I am glad to say that the Thais have learned to engage in business, and that at the present time my people have gone into business a great deal more. In the olden days most of them thought that the best way of life would be to become government officials. But nowadays with the kind of salaries that- they get from the government, there is, to put it very mildly, a certain dis- affection for officialdom. SEATO Question. Now that De Gaulle has refused to participate in the latest SEATO confer- ence, does this pretty well sabotage SEATO as a viable treaty organization? THANAT. Well, in the first place, France is still in SEATO. It decided only to send an observer, allegedly on the ground that it does not agree with the American policy in South Vietnam. But I can assure you that to us it doesn't make any difference. In any case I am willing to say that I think that France still has an interest in belonging to SEATO because it can derive many advan- tages from membership in SEATO. The only thing is that while it is willing to take advantage of the benefits and enjoy the priv- ileges of membership, it is not quite willing to discharge some of the duties and obliga- tions of a member. Question. Is SEATO a paper tiger? THANAT. SEATO may be a paper tiger, but I think inside the paper tiger there are fangs. SOUTHEAST ASIA Question. How much validity would you place on the domino theory, that if South Vietnam should go communistic, the rest of Asia, Including Thailand, would also fall? THANAT. I am not very apt at this game of domino, but I would agree with the theory. We agree with the theory in the sense that we have always stressed that the security and freedom and liberty of an area should be looked upon In a comprehensive form or manner. One cannot take a part of a re- gion and disregard the rest. I personally have been stressing this fact ever since I took office some 6 years ago. As far back as 1959, when the situation in Laos gave grace concern to many people, I pointed out, especially at the SEATO meeting in Welling- ton, New Zealand, in 1959 that the main objective was not so much Laos, but South Vietnam. So to that extent I fully agree that the defense of an area, specifically the region of southeast Asia, should be under- taken in comprehensive form. Question. How do you explain the current attitude of the Cambodian Government? THANAT. I wish someone would tell me that. I saw Sihanouk in Jakarta; he shook hands with me in spite of the fact that he has been praying for my death for quite some time. In the first place I should like to say that there doesn't seem to be such a thing called Cambodian Government. There is only one man called Prince Sihanouk, and I'm not exactly aware that there is any Cambodian Government in existence. Everything revolves around Prince Sihanouk, and it is he who decides in what directions the country should go. I would say that the general motive behind what Prince Sihanouk has been doing is that he believes that Com- munist China will ultimately be the winner in southeast Asia, and for that matter in the whole of Asia. Cambodia being a small nation, he thinks that it wouldn't be able to stand up to China, so as a way of insur- ance he tries the best he can to propitiate and to win the favors of the leaders of Com- munist China. We in Thailand say that the way he is behaving looks to us like facing the crocodile and trying to be the last to be eaten. Question. What is the feeling of the Thais toward De Gaulle and his policy for southeast Asia? THANAT. Well, I think he is a great man- for Europe. FOREIGN RELATIONS Question. Would the Foreign Minister say something about the relations between the United States and the Kingdom of Thailand? THANAT. Thailand was the first Asian nation to recognize the United States, and Thailand extended technical assistance to the United States first. I think the first offer of technical assistance from Thailand to the United States was in the time of Pres- ident Lincoln, when our King wrote to Pres- ident Lincoln offering some elephants as a labor-saving device. Unfortunately, or per- haps fortunately, President Lincoln politely declined the offer. So, you didn't have the privilege of seeing the elephants roaming along the Potomac. I must say that we see eye to eye on almost everything. We may have had our fritcions here and there as some of the American Ambassadors may testify. We have some small disagreements here and there, but I think the American people and the Thai people want about the some, namely to enjoy life as free individals. Now I must say to show my independence, as seems now to be quite fashionable, that each and every nation should want to show independence. Thailand, I think, should go on record as showing a gesture of independence towards the United States, too. I must say that if we agree with you, with your ideals, with your fundamental policies, and now with your policy on South Vietnam, I must say that it is not exactly to please you. We be- lieve in a policy of peace, of freedom, of liberty, because we believe In it. And that perhaps more important than believing in such a policy as a result of foreign aid or as a result of coercing or as a result of arm- twisting. Question. Do the citizens of Thailand feel that the United States is intruding in south- east Asia? THANAT. I don't think the United States can be looked upon as intruding. On the contrary, we would like to see the United States stay in southeast Asia, and especially in South Vietnam. I have seen no indica- tion that the people of South Vietnam would want the United States to leave. Of course the Communist side has been trying to give the wrong impression-that the war In South Vietnam is a civil war. That is purely prop- aganda or perhaps psychological warfare. But I can say that no one who believes in the defense of freedom and liberty in south- east Asia would want the United States to leave the scene at the present time. Question. Is there any "Yankee go home" sentiment in Thailand? THANAT. I have never heard the phrase used-except in some Western countries. Question. What do you have to say about the wartime alliance of Thailand and Japan? THANAT. This is a question much in need of clarification. Officially Thailand was forced to cooperate with the Japanese dur- ing World War II-after expending in our defense not only bullets but people, as well as all the obsolete planes which were shot down by Japanese planes. At that time the Thailand government asked a Western na- tion for help. - That nation was - not the United States, I want to assure you. The reply came, and it was to the following ef- fect: help yourself. Right from the beginning I joined many of my countrymen in the underground move- ment, which started almost immediately in Thailand, to fight the Japanese, to fight against Japanese occupation. Until the end of the war we never ceased fighting. I am proud to be one who was in that movement. MEKONG RIVER PROJECT Question. Will you give an appraisal of the achievements and the prospects for the Mekong Basin development project? Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190005-4 August 5, 1965 roved For PftJRESSIiJ4A?4 R~W67 0 300190005-4 THANAT. We in Thailand highly value the generous proposal made by President John- son in his Baltimore speech. We found in that generous offer a sign of a man of peace. What he aims at is peace-and that is why he made the offer of $1 billion to be used in insuring the economic and social de- velopment of southeast Asia. At the pres- ent time, some work is being done in Bang- kok to avail ourselves of his generous offer. Also, the Mekong Commission under the auspices of the United Nations is meeting to consider in what way it can avail itself of the offer. Besides that I think the Asian High- way project may make use of the offer made by the President. The Mekong project is a very Interesting project in itself because it comprises four nations-Laos, Thailand, Cambodia, and South Vietnam. And in spite of the viscissi- tudes of international politics, of rupture of relations between Cambodia and Thailand, meetings of the Commission have continued to take place, so a worthwhile economic project can be even more important than politics. In Thailand we also have many other prof- gets which, may be national in general char- acter, but may have indirect regional char- acter.. I'm referring to the project that we are entertaining to set up a university in south Thailand. It will be sponsored by the That Government, with the help of some other institution like the John F. Kennedy Foundation, of which both the American Ambassador, Mr. Graham Martin, and I are member officers. We hope that the Univer- sity of the South in Thailand will soon come into being. And if it comes Into being it will serve not only the people of Thailand but possibly and most probably the people in Malaysia and Indonesia if 'peace is restored between Malaysia and Indonesia. I hope that the U.S. Government will explore these projects, and will help us in implementing them. KINGDOM OF THAILAND Thailand, formerly known as Siam, is a translation of "Muang Tai (Land of the Free), the term by which the Thai people call their country. Government: Constitutional monarchy. Reigning monarch: His Majesty King Bhumibol, Adulyadej, Her Majesty Queen Sirikit. Capital: Bangkok. Area: 198,247 square miles. Population: About 29,700,000 (July 1964 estimate). Language: The Thai alphabet has been used in its present form since the 13th century. The language developed through adaptation of Pall and Sanskrit. Religion: About 93.6 percent of the peo- ple are Buddhists; there are also Muslims, Christians, and others. The King is constitu- tionally the upholder of all faiths. Education: Seven-year primary education Is compulsory. There are five universities in Bangkok, and two others in the north at Chiengmai and the northeast at Khonkaen. ExpoVts: Rice, rubber, tin, teak, tapioca flour, castor seeds, corn. Imports: Textiles, petroleum products, machinery, motor vehicles. Helping the Victims of Crime EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. EDWARD R ROYBAL OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, August 5, 1965 Mr. ROYBAL. Mr. Speaker, because of the wide public interest in California's new program`of reimbursing the victims of violent crimes, I would like to include in the Appendix of the RECORD a very en- lightening and encouraging editorial on this subject appearing in the Washing- ton Evening Star on August 3, 1965: HELPING THE VICTIMS California has taken a long step forward in enacting a law to reimburse victims of violent crimes with State funds. The plan reportedly was suggested by Su- perior Court Judge Francis McCarty, of San Francisco. Arthur Goldberg also advocated such protection in several speeches while he was on the Supreme Court. Regardless of the authorship, the whole concept deserves attention, for it lifts the State out of the "revenge" mood charac- terizing so many cases, and turns attention to the victim as well as the assailant. Under the California law, families of mur- der victims and also persons incapacitated by crimes would be paid out of a fund admin- istered by the department of social welfare. Payments would be based on need, and per- sons convicted of these offenses would be ordered to pay fines into the indemnity fund. In signing the measure, Governor Brown observed it was "ironic that California must spend millions of dollars for rehabilitation of lawbreakers, for their food, clothing, medi- cal care and other expenses, yet their victims are left to fend for themselves." Similiar laws have been put into practice in. New Zealand and Great Britain. The lat- ter country, which aprpoved the program last August, has made awards in more than 200 cases and in May paid out more than $57,000 to 64 persons including 11 police- men. Other States-and particularly, perhaps, our own crime-plagued District-would do well to emulate California's enlightened and compassionate plan. As Mr. Goldberg re- marked last year, "the victim of a robbery or an assault has been denied the protection of the laws in a very real sense, and society should assume some responsibility for mak- ing him whole." SPEECH OF HON. 0. C. FISHER OF TEXAS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, August 4, 1965 Mr. FISHER. Mr. Speaker, I do not believe I have ever served with a more honorable Member of this body than the late Fritz Lanham. He was the perfect gentleman, cultured, eloquent, consid- erate, and always fair and accommodat- ing in all his dealings. Mr. Lanham , , was. an authority on Texas history. His father, Samuel Wit- lis Tucker Lanham, served five terms in this body, and then was Governor of Texas. Both of these distinguished Texans not only' lived iri history-they helped make it: Fritz was a dedicated and resourceful advocate, devoted to the State he loved and the Nation he served. In Congress Fritz Lanham left his mark. He was author of many impor- tant legislative acts. He was independ- ent in his thinking, and always put the welfare of the country ahead of -petty party considerations. Men of this type A4369 are becoming few in number, but they live in history and they live in the hearts of their countrymen. It is indeed an honor to me to join with others in paying tribute to the memory of this great man. He was my personal friend. He went out of his way to favor me on more than on occasion. But his greatness is not confined to his capacity to make friends, but rather because of his contribution to the history of the times during his long career of public service. We who survive would do well to emulate his example and adopt more of his sen- sible, conservative philosophy. To Mrs. Lanham and the family I ex- tend my deepest sympathy in their bereavement. - A Tricentennial Survey of Wisconsin Catholic History EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. CLEMENT J. ZABLOCKI OF WISCONSIN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, August 5, 1965 Mr. ZABLOCKI. Mr. Speaker, the tercentenary of the establishment of the first Christian-Catholic-mission in Wisconsin and the central United States is being observed this year. The his- torical event upon which this commemo- ration is based is the erection in October 1665 of a little chapel of bark by Father Claude Allouez, S. J., on Chequamegon Bay, just west of the present city of Ash- land, Wis. It was there that he estab- lished the mission of the Holy Ghost. Father Lawrence Brey, assistant pastor of St. Mary's Church, South Milwaukee, Wis., recently presented a paper at the 95th anniversary meeting of the Wiscon- sin Academy of Sciences, Arts, and Let- ters citing Father Allouez' work and in- cluding a brief history of the Catholic Church in Wisconsin and the central United States. Under permission to extend my re- marks I include Father Brey's paper, "A Tricentennial Survey of Wisconsin Cath- olic History (1665-1965)," and commend it to my colleagues. The paper together with notes and appendix follows: A TRICENTENNIAL SURVEY OF WISCONSIN CATHOLIC HISTORY (1665-1965) (By Rev. Lawrence S. Brey, assistant pastor, St. Mary's Congregation, South Milwaukee, Wis.) (NoTE.-A paper presented at the 95th an- niversary meeting of the Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts, and Letters, at Madison, Wis., May 8, 1965 (social sciences section), Wisconsin Center Building, University of Wisconsin.) The year 1965 marks the tercentenary of the beginnings of the Catholic faith in the area now known as the State of Wisconsin, calling to mind the establishment of the area's first Catholic mission by Father Claude Allouez, S.J., near Ashland in 1665. At first thought this anniversary would seem to be of merely sectarian concern, or at the most the concern of. specialists in local and re- gional history. But this limitation will be dismissed promptly by anyone who reflects Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190005-4 A4370 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX August 5, 1965 on the profound impact left on the Badger State and its development by the peaceful invasion of black-robed missionaries 300 years ago. Along with the light of faith went such concomitants as the civilizing of the Indians, the development of roads, towns, and com- munities, the fostering of agriculture, and the introduction of institutions of learning, as well as hospitals and other institutions. Moreover, the very history of the growth and development of the Catholic Church in Wis- consin is in itself an object of broad cultural interest, not only for its own content of color, vitality, and adventure, but also in that It parallels and makes one more aware of the secular history and development of Wisconsin. There are many ways of considering the three-century history of Wisconsin Catholi- cism. The simplest and perhaps most popu- lar would be the chronological or chronicle- style method-simply beginning from the beginning and rambling at ease through the fascinating years and eras of Badger Catho- lic: history. Another method would be to consider it in more or less ecclesiastical terms, tracing its original missionary status to the point of its becoming a diocese and later subdividing into additional dioceses. A fascinating history of the church in Wis- consin could very well also be built upon the lives of the various bishops of these dio- ceses, up to and including their present spir- itual shepherds (Archbishop William E. Cousins, of Milwaukee; Bishop Stanislaus V. Bona, of Green Bay; Bishop William P. O'Connor, of Madison; Bishop George A. Hammes, of Superior; and Bishop Frederick W. Freking, of La Crosse). The names of great and colorful missionaries and circuit riders, such as Allouez, Marquette, Mazzu- chelli, and Kundig, could well form the framework or starting point for this histori- cal survey. Likewise the glorious list of dates, from 1665 to the present, dates preg- nant with testimony to great men and events of the Wisconsin Catholic past, could pro- vide the framework of a historical litany both scientific and inspiring. Certainly our survey could also be made on a geographical basis, tracing the movement of the great "glacier" of the Christian faith from its be- ginnings on the State's uppermost shores near Ashland, down through Green Bay and the great Fox-Wisconsin-Mississippi water- way, south through Milwaukee and Prairie dit Chien, until finally it blanketed the en- tire State, leaving virtually no "driftless area" whatsoever. Last but not least, the history of Catholic educational, cultural, so- cial, and charitable institutions and agen- cies can in itself present a format for the study of Wisconsin's 300-year Catholic his- tory from the aspects of the humanities and human welfare. But even though we will synopsize these social and cultural contributions at the close of this paper, for the present, in the limited time available, we feel that there is no better way to demonstrate in broad lines the Wis- consin Catholic heritage than to merely re- count briefly some of the highlights of Ca- tholicism's 300-year history in Wisconsin and in. general give a "bird's eye view" of this fas- cinating and true story. The response to Christ's command to bring His church and His teachings "to all nations" began on Pentecost Sunday in the year A.D. 33, and in an astonishingly short timemate- rialized in missionary endeavorsIn the Ro- man world, the Hellenic world, parts of Africa, and southern and eastern Asia. With Columbus In 1492 the Christian faith finally came to the New World. In 1565 the Cath- olic faith was formally ini;roduced to main- land America through the erection of a Cath- olic mission at St: Augustine, Fla. One cen- tury later, Father Jacques Marquette, S.J., began his famous exploratory and missionary journeys in North America, and on October 1 of that same year, 1665, the Catholic faith made its first permanent entrance into the area that is now Wisconsin. Although Fa- ther Rene Menard, S.J., did in fact put foot on Wisconsin soil 4 years earlier for a brief time, it was in late 1665 that another black- robe, Father Claude Allouez, S.J., established the first church and mission in Wisconsin, in the form of a crude bark chapel con- structed by himself near the present site of Ashland, on Chequamegon Bay. This humble chapel, built near La Pointe, just west of Ashland, Wis., and named by Father Allouez, "The Mission of the Holy Spirit," was the first Catholic chapel on the American continent west of Lake Huron and north of New Mexico. In September of 1669, Father Marquette, S.J., succeeded Allouez at the La Pointe mission, ministering to the Huron and Ottawa In- dians, until the Sioux drove them out. In 1673 Marquette, in the company of Joliet, navigated the Fox-Wisconsin-Mississippi wa- terway, entering the Mississippi on June 17. 1673, near the site of Prairie du Chien. Mar- quette's association with the "Great River," which he named "The River of the Immacu- late Conception," is immortalized in the seal of Marquette University, bearing his image and the inscription, Numen Flumenque- "The Divine Will and the River." Mean- while, in 1670, Father Allouez returned to Wisconsin and concentrated on the Green Bay-Oshkosh area. Marquette died in 1675. Father Louis Hennepin in 1680 also traversed the Fox-Wisconsin-Mississippi river system, and was captured by Indians. In 1686 Nich- olls Perot built a fort at St. Antoine, on Lake Pepin, and later donated the yet-venerated silver ostensorium to the chuch at Green Bay. By 1728 the Jesuits withdrew entirely from the Bayfleld-La Pointe region. In 1764 Wis- consin was made part of the Quebec Catholic Diocese, and by 1789 it was incorporated into the new Baltimore Diocese. Already the foundations had been laid, and the process of Wisconsin Catholic development from a missionary status into a mature unit of the universal church was well under way by the late 18th century. The 19th century witnessed the extended process of building on the foundations, aug- menting the juridic and organizational as- pects of Catholic life, promotion of further missionary pursuits, and consolidation of earlier ones. In this latter connection, the 1830's witnessed the beginnings of the phe- nomenal achievements of such religious pioneers as Father Frederick Baraga and Father Samuel Mazzuchelli, O.P. The former spearheaded a missionary revival in the La Pointe area, revived European Interest in the Wisconsin Church, and was responsible for permanent and far-reaching missionary gains in the Upper Peninsula and along the now Wisconsin-Michigan frontier, and was to become the first bishop or Marquette, Mich. The latter, Mazzuchelli, blazed a trail of faith and civilization from Mackinac Island and Green Bay to Dubuque and the tristate area. A classical example of Wis- consin "circuit-riding" missionaries, Mazzu- chelli designed and built 25 churches, planned and founded cities (such as Schulls- burg and Davenport), and was chaplain of the first Wisconsin Territorial Legislature at Belmont. Both the Indians of the north central forests and the lead miners of the driftless area were to benefit from the tire- less labors of this unusual man. Last year, 1964, marked the centenary of his death. The 1830's also witnessed a formal pene- tration of the Christian faith into the south- eastern quadrant of the Badger State. If a "red letter date" might be affixed to these beginnings, It could very well be the year 1835, when Father Florimond Bonduel offered the first holy mass in Milwaukee. Bonduel, by the way, later ministered to the settlers and Indians in the Green Bay and Wolf River regions. Just as Mazzachelli endured such hardships as living out of near-empty saddlebags for days, sleeping on the ground, and barely escaping the tomahawks of drunken braves, so too Bonduel had his share of hardships, ranging from difficulties with Federal agents and with Chief Oshkosh, to physical endurances and dangers. 1839 marked the arrival in Milwaukee of Father Patrick O'Kelly, the community's first resident pastor. Soon afterwards an- other Mazzuchelli-like giant, named Martin Kundig, was to do spiritual spadework in Milwaukee paralleling the pioneering of Solomon Juneau in Milwaukee's secular de- velopment. The ecclesiastical high point of Milwaukee's early days, and Wisconsin's as well, was the year 1843, when Pope Greg- ory XVI established Milwaukee as a diocese. All of Wisconsin, as well as some adjacent territory, was included in its jurisdiction. John Martin Henni was appointed first bishop of Milwaukee. Events and developments of an organiza- tional nature, as well as continued mission- ary and parochial work, continuedat an in- creasing pace. Tiny St. Peter's Church, now preserved on the campus of St. Francis Semi- nary, served as the first cathedral. In 1846, Milwaukee's incorporation as -a city coin- cided with the founding of its first Catholic school. Two years later Wisconsin achieved statehood. The following year, 1849, marked the return of the Jesuits after a long absence. Fathers Frederick Huebner and Anton An- derledy, S.J., came to Milwaukee and em- barked on parish and educational activities, the latter later culminating in Marquette University. In 1856 St. Francis Seminary, the "mother seminary of the old Northwest," was dedicated at Milwaukee. The Civil War years found Wisconsin's Catholic population at the 200,000 mark. Of these, many served in the Union Forces, and two Wisconsin priests served as chap- lains. But- even in the midst of fratricidal conflict, the Kingdom of God and the cura animarum must continue. In 1863 a log chapel was built and dedicated atop Holy Hill, marking the founding of a spiritual and geographical landmark that was to become a famous national shrine. One year-later, else- where in the Kettle Moraine, another Civil War parish, St. Matthew's, was founded at Campbellsport. And in 1866, a year after hostilities ended, the Wisconsin Catholic Church was subdivided into two additional dioceses, Green Bay and La Crosse. Bishops Joseph Melcher and Michael Heiss were ap- pointed as their spiritual shepherds. The latter half of the 19th century, as well as the Fin de Steele, was to be known as "the period. of the foreigner," for both Wis- consin and the church in America. A large influx of Irish, German, Polish, and other immigrants contributed to the growth and culture of both church and State. Bilin- gualism was to be a common feature of many areas. In Milwaukee, Der Seebote, a pioneer organ of the Catholic press in Wisconsin, was a German-language paper. But in 1870, the Star of Bethlehem arose on Milwaukee's horizon, this being the name of the city's first English-language Catholic weekly. The same year saw the construction of the Cath- olic Normal School In Milwaukee, which was to be a center of teacher education and a nucleus of church music renascence. Fin- ally, in 1875, Milwaukee was raised to the status of an archdiocese. The last two decades of the 19th century saw Bishops Heiss and Katzer succeed Henni, as second and third Archbishops of Milwaukee, and witnessed their opposition to the contro- versial Bennett Law, which they believed endangered the educational rights of the family. In 1899 the three Wisconsin bishops (Katzer, Messmer, and Flasch) publicly ap- plauded Pope Leo XIII's encyclical, "Testem Benevolentiae," which censured certain al- ledged latitudinarian tendencies in American Catholicism. Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190005-4