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Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190015-3 May 27, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ='SEN`ATE 11x;,05 There being no objection, the address Was ordered to be printed in the 9ECORD, as follows REMAaKQ oH' SFN4TOga 'T'HOMAS . DODD AT THE MASS,}1.CH J/'S,E'rT OCATIONAL ASSOCIATION ANNUAL CONVENTION, NORTH t)ARTMO'OTH, MASS., SATURDAY, MAY 15,1065 I am pleased and privileged to be here today with those who have made a national and even an international reputation in the vital field of vocational education-the mem- bers of the Massachusetts Vocational Asso- ciation. - You and I are really in the same field, that of helping our young `people to build con- structive, decent, fruitful lives. Your primary task is to prepare them for a productive place in society, and your suc- cess in that is widely known and heralded. My field, as chairman of the Senate Sub- committee on Juvenile Delinquency, is to try to find ways of preventing boys and girls 11 from being already warped and destroyed by the time they come to your classroom-and I wish that f could claim the stiocess that you have enjoyed. But we are making progress in many directions. A variety of youth programs centered wound the school dropout is now underway. Todayl wish to speak about a vitally crit- ical area that has u~ to now received far less attention-the very young, the preschool and primary school child. ~., , Ten years ago; ac group of social Scientists made a study and ventured some predictions that should have a stunning impact on con- temporary society. The subject of this inquiry was a large number of 6--year olds who were starting school in a Bronx slum. Its object was to predict the future for the youngsters. What_kinl of people would they have be- come 10 ;years henoe4 Would they be" climbing toward -produc- tive lives or on their way to prison? 'l he factors in this study were the child's family and"Iieighborhood; and for.. most of the slum first-graders these factors were uni- formly bleak-an "unknown or "absentee father; a delinquent or overly permissive mother; a vice infested neighborhood; grind- ing poverty on the outskirts of plenty; and the total absence of authority, discipline, and good example, lacking even the elemental germs of culture or worthy endeavor. On the basis,of all measurable influences the socio osts Made individual forecasts on the fate of each child and foretold for most a useless and futile life of degeneracy and crime-up less something in the picture changed. Ten years passed. The sociologists checked out their tragic prognoses and sadly pronounced them to be incredibly accurate: By the, age of, 16 almost every one of the designatd innoents of a decade before was well advanced from promiscuity into hard- ened criminality. There were 0 deviations; 3 out of 200 were .spared. And when the sociologists inquired as to why, they found that in each case their pre- dictions were upset by the unexpected inter- vention of an outside influence--a con- cerned and dedicated grandmother who took over the child's upbringing just in time to dogma of free will, or upon the political con= cept of free choice, or upon the judicial doc- trine of due process of law, in its broadest sense? To say the least, they seem largely in- operative when environmental circumstances sink below certain levels of decency. And if we are to proceed with our war on crime, against what or whom is it to be mounted? Against conditions which breed criminals with almost infallible mathematical preci- sion? Or against the youths whose essential crime is that they are the faithful products of their environment, just as much as is the Irish girl in the convent or the Oxford don who wears tweeds, speaks the King's English and conducts learned inquiries? The questions answer themselves. Against this sombre background, the fa- miliar remedies-more dogs, longer night- sticks, stiffer sentences, more foot patrolmen, are revealed as non sequiturs. They are necessary, to be sure. But necessary for what? Not to win a war against what we like to think of as an alien condition called crime, but rather to defend society from the retribu- tion of its own undisownable product. We can go on multiplying canine corps and radio patrols until the squad cars out- number the 6 years olds, and still the streets will not be safe nor the prisons sufficient. Or we can do something else, we can stop reproducing this monstrous byproduct of our civilization with which the police are desperately grappling. The only practical answer, the only in- telligible answer-even leaving aside such considerations as idealism and charity-is for society to perform the role of the inter- vening grandmother for all those 6-year olds who have no interested grandmother, or any- one else who cares enough about them to introduce love, direction and discipline into their lives. Social science is able to do far more than to accurately predict the degeneration and imprisonment of infants who have not even reached the age of reason. If society can diagnose a towheaded boy as an inevitable criminal on the day he en- rolls in the first grade, then it can also meet him at the school door with the means of deliverance-whether it be a social worker, or a psychologist, or a "big brother," or a grandmother. One of the gravest weaknesses of our so- ciety is that its redemptive organs, Its saving -forces, do not begin to function in most places until too late, until the child has al- ready been warped into a chronic rebel or an incipient lawbreaker. _ This need not be so;_ it. is preposterous that it is so. If free will, free choice, and equal justice are to have full meaning the community must take on some overseeing role in the life of every child likely to have been abandoned at birth, so far as life's essentials are con- cerned. The Commissioner of the District of Co- .lumbia, Mr. Walter Tobriner, recently re- quested that the law for Washington be Changed to require doctors to report to au- thorities on gunshot wounds and the physi- cal abuse of children. That this should have to be proposed in our Nation's Capital in the year 1966 is of itself a dismal commentary on the heedless- ---- .. i........? ibilit f ..Ault society. n ons y o Surely this episode confronts our people with some jarring questions that do not yield to the com ortable,formulations of old. If these .children could. be scientifically consigned to prison as infants because of the Inheritance they received from society, what light is thus thrown on the theological No. 96-6 But, things being as they are, can we not go further than the good Commissioner? Why cannot we set uEmachinery for pe- riodic physical and -emotional -"checkups from `birth` on for children enduring those conditions so neatly categorized by the un- erring crime forecasters? The skilled eye can usually perceive whether there is something physically or mentally wrong. We are told that a child experiences about half of his mental and emotional growth dur- ing his first 5 years of life. Yet this is the very period when the child is beyond the scope of our civilized institu- tions and is at the mercy of chance-the chance that he will be granted the blessing of good and enlightened parents. For many an infant, this supreme gamble of life is lost; far better for them to have been born orphans and to have had their parents selected and their environment watched over by an adoption agency. We must lift the veil that shrouds those early years. Many communities require an annual in- spection of automobiles to protect the pub- lic safety. How about children? Public policy has begun to move in this direction. This summer the Federal war-on-poverty program, working in cooperation with hun- dreds of communities, will conduct pre- school clinics for 500,000 youngsters, aged 4 and 5. The children involved will be primarily slum children who are already so far behind their contemporaries in the rudiments of civilization as to be virtually counted out in the race of life at its outset and unable to meet the meager demands of the first grade. This effort seeks to bridge the cultural gap and the health gap that yawns so Incredibly between the undeprivileged and the average. Its directors are prepared to find that a high percentage of these preschool young- sters are suffering from malnutrition and hearing and eyesight failures which can be corrected. Others will be unable to use or to under- stand the language sufficiently to know what is going on in a primary school classroom. Still other tortured little souls will be emotionally unable, for a hundred dark and unknown reasons, to adapt to the classroom atmosphere without extensive remedial training. I regard this program as one of the most intelligent and promising enterprises of our time, and I hope that every community will give the fullest cooperation. But it faces great odds. How much of the crimes against childhood can be undone in a few weeks of summer school? How many of the children who most need this training will not attend, through pa- rental neglect? But it is an important step forward toward the assumption by society of its rightful re- sponsibility toward the child and I hope and expect that it will lead toward the more comprehensive approach I have suggested today. And I suggest further that every school, beginning with primary schools, have a unit concerned solely with the total health of each child in its care, with ready access to whatever mental and medical assistance that is needed. Would that such concern and care had been available to Lee Harvey Oswald and a million like him who today roam the streets in bitterness and hatred. What better investment can we make than that which heals the sick and the disturbed child-and prevents the adult invalid or psychopath? Thankfully, under legislation begun by President Kennedy and carried forward by President Johnson, we have begun to build and to staff mental health clinics in hun- dreds of cities for the public at large. But how much more thorough we should be when it comes to children, in their pre- Approved For Release 2'003/11'104 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190015`--3 1146 Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190015-3 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD SENATE May 27, 1965 cious, formative years, who do not know enough to go to a clinic, who do not know yet that they are sick, or that they have been robbed in infancy of that which we rightly declare to be the birthright of everyone. The new clinics could serve hand in hand with the school facilities I have recom- mended, facilities financed in part through Federal aid, which has at last come to the assistance of our school systems. There are two predictable objections to reforms of this kind: One, we don't have the money. Two, we don't have the right to meddle with a child's upbringing until a total catastrophe has occured. To the first objection I say that we must find the money. And if self-preservation remains man's primal instinct, we will find it, either for more and more prisons and police and perhaps even neighborhood pill- boxes, or for remedial programs which fight the variable conditions instead of the con- stant effects. And if we are really economy minded, we shall choose the latter, for the cost of curing a child is far less than that of caging a criminal. We have already found the money for many other worthy programs. We have already decided as a nation, for instance, that we will finance the medical and mental care of our aged. Now, in the venerable tradition of first things last, I say again, how about the children? The second objection, that society has no supervisory role over children until the time they enter reform school, is a foolish senti- ment that the people of this country enter- tained and discarded long ago. We faced this issue when we were trying to outlaw child labor and establish a mini- mum age for leaving school. The self-styled moralists of those days, and the strange spokesmen for the dignity of the family, argued that only the father had the right, a divine and inherent right, to decide the fate of the child and to determine whether his 8-year-old should be schooled, or put to work in mine or factory, or regularly horsewhipped, for that matter. In time, the American people decided that this was Old World nonsense, that society had a stake in and a responsibility to each child, that freedom was safe only in en- lightened hands, and that children had some rights, too. And besides that, our forefathers had broken with the concept of divine rights as far back as 1776, when they came out for human rights. That view holds true today-and it must be extended to protect the abused and ex- ploited youngsters of our day. There must be a way for society to judge whether parents are fulfilling, by any civil- ized standard, their minimal trust, and a way of intervening, as did the grandmothers, in time to salvage the future of the child. We all recognize this, of course. The principle is firmly established in the law. It is the application of the principle that is wanting. We must stop waiting until flagrant abuse knocks us over the head, until the child stands in the prisoners dock, or lies in the hospital emergency room, before we assert our interest. We must perfect our ways of uncovering these tragic miscarriages of trust, so easy to perceive. I have described one approach, which I hope will receive consideration. The concept that society must find ef- fective methods of intervening to reverse the tide of disintegration that is engulfing large segments of our people is really at the heart of the practical and unpretentious so- cial revolution of our time. This revolution finds its most ambitious and hopeful ex- pression in the great programs of reform, rehabilitation and education proposed by President Lyndon Johnson. But its guiding thought has for many years been the motivation of groups such as the Massachusetts Vocational Association-help- ing young people to help themselves through education. Vocational education, in particular, is one of the keystones of our national effort to fight poverty, unemployment and crime. Few satisfactions can equal that of teach- ing boys and girls the skills that will sustain them throughout life and enable them to be productive citizens, contributing greatly to the life of their communities. And few endeavors reap such a harvest of public good. So many things go hand in hand in our attempt to redeem our American civiliza- tion from the demoralization that threatens it. Building up our schools. Cleaning up our slums. Curing our emotionally disturbed. Ending discrimination.. Opening up opportunity. Curbing the filth in our movie theaters and on our newsstands. Controlling the insane traffic in guns and drugs. Elevating the level of our popular art- television. Improving the administration of justice. Caring for neglected children-so many good things to be done. And we are doing them. And none is more important than the calling to which you have dedicated your lives. Teach a boy a trade and you have given him something upon which he can fashion the building of his life. And so it has been an honor for me to be with you today and to discuss these good causes with pioneers who have for many years been blazing the trail to that greater America for which we all hope and work and pray. Thank you. HE IINDECI RED WAR IN VIETNAM Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, my col- league in the House, Mrs. EDITH GREEN, has made a penetrating and eloquent statement in a discussion in explanation of a recent vote, on which she voted against the-President's bill providing for a $700 million military appropriation to conduct his undeclared war in South Vietnam. Of course, the bill was but a vehicle that the President used, by his own ad- mission, to obtain a vote of confidence from the Congress of the United States in support of his unconstitutional war. Representative GREEN has made a state- ment as to why she voted against the ap- propriation. I ask unanimous consent that the statement be printed in the RECORD. There being no objection, the state- ment was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: STATEMENT OF HON. EDITH GREEN REGARDING ADDITIONAL $700 MILLION MILITARY APPRO- PRIATION REQUEST MAY 1965 Cloaked in the disguise of a military ap- propriation bill-this House was asked to approve-and did approve-this Govern- ment's policy of escalating the war in south- east Asia. Six of my colleagues and I dis- sented. Since it is conceded by everyone, including the President, that the $700 million was not the issue at hand, then at a minimum, surely, in this body which the Speaker refers to as the greatest deliberative body In the world, there should be full discussion of what this resolution does mean while there is still time, hopefully, to resolve these tragic affairs be- fore we bring down upon our heads the wrath of the world and shatter the frail edifice of world peace. To my colleagues and my constituents I want to say that for many, many months now I have searched for every possible excuse to support my Government in the policies it is pursuing in Vietnam-and I have sup- ported it. In spite of the shaky logic of the domino theory, I have done my very best to believe in it; in spite of the fact that the people of South Vietnam have been subjected to one unpopular and unstable dictatorship after another, I have done my best to be- lieve we are defending their freedom; in spite of the fact that we have violated the Geneva accords, I have done my best to believe this was justified because the North Vietnamese did also; even though I know that two wrongs do not make a right; in spite of one humiliat- ing military defeat after another, I have done my best to believe all the optimistic reports about our really winning the war over there; in spite of all the evidence of internal dis- cord and revolt against the governments we maintain in power, I have done my best to believe this is what the Vietnamese people really want us to do-but my fellow Ameri- cans, there is a point beyond which credi- bility simply will not stretch-wand it is that somehow by waging a wider war-we pursue a policy of peace. This vote represented-in my opinion-.-a vote for that delusion. It could not have been a vote for $700 million, for the Presi- dent himself said this was available in any case. It could not have been a vote to show our united determination to halt Commu- nist aggression, for if more than a decade of effort, more than 400 American lives, more than $3 billion expended does not show this, then how can $700 million demonstrate it? One of the things the vote could mean, though, is what in fact everyone knows it will be interpreted to mean and that is con- gressional approval for the continued bomb- ings of North Vietnam and commitment of thousands and thousands of American troops to a war the justice and wisdom of which has been questioned Inside and outside this Na- tion by citizens and friends of unimpeach- able loyalty. I think it also clearly means the relinquishment by Congress of its con- stitutional authority to declare war, for if the President can direct bombing raids on North Vietnam by simple Executive flat, why can he not direct similar action against any other nation at any other time? Why bother to ask? Once the bomb is dropped, it can always be pointed out that rightly or wrongly-legally or illegally-we are in a war and that American lives are at stake and that it would be disloyal to not approve funds for the war. I canont in good conscience lend myself to that kind of devious usurpation of congres- sional power-and for the purpose of con- tinuing a course of action which I believe will only reap at best, decades of hostility, enmity and distrust of my countrymen by the peo- ples of Asia or, at worst, utter catastrophe for my Nation and the world. Yet but an hour and a half debate was allotted for discussion of a measure which profoundly affects the future of our country- and the world, and less than 15 minutes of that time was given to those who might have reservations-who might have questions- who might disagree. I find it impossible to understand why an admittedly unnecessary appropriation request need be mantled in a cloak of urgency and secret meaning with full, free and frank discussion of its merits denied. Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190015-3 Approved For Release 2003/11/04 CIA-RDP67BO0446R000300190015-3 May 27, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE The high point of these whole implausible proceedings was the speech of one of my col- leagues who, in one breath, demanded with- drawal of Government funds to _&A educa- tional project, because some of the partici- pants criticized administration policy in Vietnam and then-in the next breath lie, admiringly quotes Senator Vandenberg's statement that "every foreign policy must be totally debated, and the loyal opopsition is under special obligation to see that this occurs," and this in the context of,.demand- ing for himself and others of the minority party a voice in foreign policy decisions. His exact quote is: "These teach-ins are a protest against the national policy of our country. It seems to me that when we have individuals conducting these teach-ins and acting as leaders in these groups, that it is not in the best interests of the, national security of our country for our Government to subsidize this kind of operation by financing projects in which these same people play a prominent role." I can see we are all going to have an absorbing year if we follow the advice of the gentleman from Wisconsin-making certain we don't subsidize free inquiry, but only subsidize thought control. And yet, I wonder if any policy, domestic or foreign, which its supporters here in this House are uowtlling to risk to the judgment of free and inquiring minds can prove any- thing except on the part of its advocates, an abysmal lack of confidence in its strength. Surely a policy in which one believes deeply can stand examination and discussion, . Mr. MORSE. I congratulate the Rep resentative from my State. I agree with every observation thai she has made. In my judgment, in due course of time, his- tory will sustain her. In due course of time, American historians will write about this major mistake that the Presi- dent of the United States made when he asked for support of the bill and sought this vehicle, for obtaining a vote of confidence of the Congress that should never have been extended to him. I am proud to be associated in the Congress with the Representative from Oregon [Mrs. GREEN], I ask unanimous consent that there be printed at this point in the RECORD a telegram which I have received from a committee group of Wayne University in Michigan signed by David Wineman, chairman, professor of political science, Wayne University, in support of the po- sition which the senior Senator from Oregon has taken ii opposition to Amer- ica's undeclared war in Asia. There being no objection, the telegram was ordered?to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: DETRorr, MIcH? Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office, Building, Washington, D.C.: The following declaration was adopted by the Detroit teaol~-iu of May 15 attended by approximately 300 persons: 1. Power should not be. America's way of dealing with small nations. 2. Our Government, must adopt a policy of self-determination of nations without qualification. 9. We demand the $50 billion now spent by the Vnited States on armaments be used to eradicate poverty at home and abroad with no strings attached. 4. We specifically recommended that the suspension o bombings of North Vietnam be permanent and that the United States im- mediately seek negotiations to end the war in Vietnam witnout qualifications as to time, place, or participants, including the national liberation front and withdraw all foreign troops from that nation in, accord with the Geneva agreement. 5. We deplore the administration's failure to send a representative to the national teach-in. DAVID WINEMAN, ..,_., Chairman, Detroit Teach-in, Cosponsored by the Wayne Chapter, University's Committee on Problems of War and ,Peace, and Wayne Student Committee To End the War in Vietnam, Mr. MORSE. While I am comment- Ing on this subject, I wish to say that it still is not -too late for tlie.President to recommend a declaration of war. It is not too late for the President to get back within the framework of the Constitu- tion of the United States. It is not too late for the President of the United States to suggest that we keep our com- mitments under the United Nations Charter and lay this whole threat to the peace of the world before the United Na- tions for his jurisdiction. I ask unanimous consent that an edi- torial appearing in the Dallas Morning News, a Texas newspaper, entitled "Brinkmanship"" be printed, at this point in my remarks. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows : - [From the Dallas (Tex.) Morning News, Apr. 29, 1965] BRINKMANSHIP President Johnson is,'Wderstandably an- noyed with the critics of his Vietnam pol- icy-primarily because he is right and they are wrong. Liberal isolationists at home and myopic defeatists abroad-from Walter Lipp- mann to Charles de Gaulle-have been urg- ing the President to back down, to negotiate with the enemy at almost any price. On Monday Senator WAYNE Moms, Democrat of Oregon, called the President's policy "im- moral and godless." What these people object to is the policy of brinkmanship, honed to a fine art by Eisenhower's Secretary of State, John Foster Dulles, but practiced to some extent by four presidents, both Republican and Democrat, since World War II. Dulles, defining brink- manship, once said: "You have to take chances for peace just as you must take chances in war." The President's statement, "From Munich until today we have learned that to yield to aggression brings only greater threats and brings more destructive war," is a variation on the same theme. Former President Truman followed this advice by going to the brink with success to stop Stalin in Libya, Turkey, the Darda- nelles and Greece, to break the Berlin block- ade, to save at least half of Korea. The ma- jor foreign-policy disaster during his term of office was the loss of China, which might have been prevented if Truman had not avoided brinkmanship. In fact, if we had been willing to take the risk then, there might have been no Korean war and no problem today in Vietnam. Ike obtained an armistice in Korea by go- ing to the brink, by threatening to bomb A p4 China beyond the Yalu. He saved half of Indochina by coming to the aid of the beleaguered French with an airstrike, risking 7th Fleet brinkmanship in the defense of Quemoy and Matsu and saved, Lebanon, by sending in the Marines. There were foreign-policy losses, too, under Eisenhower. But they resulted from a re- fusal to go to the brink, a decision to re- main passive during the East German revolt 11507 in 1953, the Hungarian uprising of 1956, Red China's seizure of Tibet in 1959 and Castro's take-over of Cuba the same year. Perhaps the best example of brinkman- ship and the resulting coldwar victory for the United States was the show of force by the late President Kennedy during the Cuban missile crisis of October, 1962-a risky eyeball-to-eyeball confrontation which might have led to World War in, but Instead sent the Russians home with their tails (and missiles) between their legs. .Surely these numerous tests of the brink- manship policy should have taught us a few lessons. Among them are these: (1) The Communists have been successful in ex- panding their empire only by the use or threat of force, when we have been passive; (2) they have been repelled only by our use or threat of force; (3) protest without action has got us nowhere, and (4) the alternative to brinkmanship is slow sur- render. The liberal Isolationists and defeatists were wrong when they attacked brinkman- ship under Truman, Eisenhower and Ken- nedy, and they are wrong today. They have failed to learn the lessons of history which teach, as the President put it so well Tues- day: "To stand firm is the only guarantee of lasting peace." What they cant seem to realize is that defeat in South Vietnam or anywhere else, as the President warned, "would deliver a friendly nation to terror and repression. It would encourage and spur on those who seek to conquer all free nations that are within their reach Mr. MORSE. That editorial from Tex- as raises a serious question as to the wisdom of our course of action in South Vietnam. Mr. President, I ask unanimous con- sent that there be printed in the REc- ORD an editorial entitled "Let's Talk," from my hometown newspaper in Eu- gene, Oreg., the Eugene Register-Guard, which I assure the Senate is not con- sidered a Morse newspaper. There being no objection, the edi- torial was ordered to be printed In the RECORD, as follows: LET's TALK Apparently the United States will join other nations in a conference, probably at Geneva, to talk about the integrity of the borders of Cambodia. Cambodia is worried about this matter and wants the conference. But since Cambodia has kicked the United States out of its country, and since the United States left without protest, it's a little hard to see what this Nation can contribute to any discussion of a place where it isn't wanted. Nonetheless, the United States definitely should take part. For Cambodia is far from the burning issue in southeast Asia. A con- ference of the nations that met at Geneva in 1954 to reorganize the former French ter- ritories in southeast Asia would not talk long about Cambodia. Sooner or later, and prob- ably sooner, the talk would shift to Vietnam. Thus, a meeting called ostensibly to talk about a minor problem could be a device for backing into discussions of Vietnam, where the controversy carries the seeds of world war. Since April 7, President Johnson has had the country on the record as willing to talk-anyplace, anytime, with anybody- about ways to end the killing. And talk we must. It is no sign of weakness to seek an honorable peace. The alternative to talk is total war, not just against North Vietnam but against the real power, Red China. That we do not want. But neither do we want all southeast Asia to be swallowed up by a nation that boasts Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190015-3` 11508 Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190015-3 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE Mai 27, 1965 actually avoid trying to understand the com- plicated matter, "the man on the street is changing his views," another stated. "If we are trying to impress Asiatics, we aren't doing it . * * they will resent a police state administered by the United States as much as if it were administered by one of the Red countries. (Asiatics) are just in- terested in putting rice in their bellies and don't care who runs the shoe store down the street," was the opinion of another member of the committee. It was felt that public opinion is going toward the Senator's views, though few of the news media had given their support. One of those mentioned as having come out in favor of MORSE's opinions was the World, which has supported him editorially. Though, in the opinion of one, Democrats taking an open stand "might split the party," it was felt that after such action, others who share the same sentiments would soon make themselves heard, and regardless of any re- percussions, the seriousness of the issue war- ranted the action. Though the cry of "communism" might soon be raised in speaking out, "let them cry," declared one member. "If there is one thing I abhor, it is communism. I stand for this country and freedom, and it is my duty and privilege to speak out * * * we are not containing communism, we are help- ing it (by loss of friendship among the na- tions of the world due to the Viet Situation),'! he concluded. Senator MORSE is to be notified of the committee action. Negotiation is not the same as surrender. This is a point that was overlooked last weekend at the all-night rally at the Uni- versity of Oregon. One group there ap-? peared to advocate turning all Vietnam over to the Red Chinese. Period. Another, more realistic, urged that we explore ways to stop the killing. Also, it is perfectly reasonable, as Sen- ator MORSE said at the rally, that we try to interest other nations, also, in this major threat to world peace. The trouble has been thus far that other nations have been dis- inclined to help in stemming Communist aggression while Uncle Sam was willing to do it alone. The meeting at Genevamight be this Na- tion's chance to throw some of the respon- sibility to its critics. Mr. MORSE. The editorial went so far as to say: Also, it is perfectly reasonable, as Senator MORSE said at the rally, that we try to inter- est other nations, also, in this major threat to world peace. The trouble has been thus far that other nations have been disinclined to help in stemming Communist aggression while Uncle Sam was willing to do it alone. The meeting at Geneva might be this Na- tion's chance to throw some of the respon- sibility to its critics. I highly commend the Eugene Reg- ister-Guard for at least lifting its jour- nalistic blinders slightly and letting a few rays of light and truth creep into its journalistic policy. It is very encourag- ing, indeed. Mr. President, I ask unanimous con- sent to have printed at this point in the RECORD an article entitled "Curry Demo- cratic Central Committee Backs MORSE'S Views on Viet," written by Ruth Brewer, and published in the Coos Bay, Oreg., World of April 28, 1965. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: CURRY DEMOCRATIC CENTRAL COMMITTEE BACKS MORSE'S VIEWS ON VIET (By Ruth Brewer) GOLD BEAcH.-An apparent grass-roots movement supporting Senator WAYNE MORSE on his stand against the war in Vietnam gained strength this week when the Curry County Democratic Central Committee unan- imously agreed to go on record as approving the Senator's views. To his knowledge, this is the first such action taken by a county central committee, according to Charles Brooks, MoasE's admin- istrative assistant in Oregon, who was reached by telephone this week. Prior to agreeing to notify MORSE of the committee's stand, members held a lengthy discussion on the Vietnam war, the dangers involved and damage to prestige of the United States as the results of actions in Asia. The full text of a speech delivered last Friday, April 23, in Eugene by MoasE was read to the committee by chairman Bruce Manley. On the basis of past knowledge, MoasE's fight to get the United States out of the situation, helped by such Senators as GROEN- ING, of Alaska; FULRRIGHT, of Arkansas; CHVRcH of Idaho, and others, and contents of the Eugene talk, the committee appeared unanimously in agreement from the begin- ning of the discussion. "Senator MORSE has been carrying this al- most alone * * * he needs all the support he can get, and It's time he realizes that he has it," was one comment. While it was generally thought that many persons in the country do not keep up with the situation in Asia through the news, and Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I have received from one Karl S. Landstrom a letter dated May 10, 1965, expressing his disagreement with my position on the undeclared war in Asia, and also com- menting, by way of criticism, that he did not think I had called enough attention to communications of criticism that I have received. Perhaps Mr. Landstrom has not been diligent in reading the re- marks of the senior Senator from Ore- gon; but I would not want him to feel slighted. Therefore, I ask unanimous consent that Mr. Landstrom's letter of criticism of the senior Senator from Oregon be printed at this point in the RECORD. There being no objection, the letter was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, Mr. Landstrom says, in part: It is disturbing to me, as a graduate of the University of Oregon, and at one time a student in commercial law under your own tutelage, and as one who remembers your service at the University as dean of the law school, to note that in the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ofMay 7 you inserted, with apparent approbation, a letter from the University of Oregon professor who threatens nonpayment of her Federal income tax as a means of producing a change in the administration's policy in Vietnam. Surely you do not en- dorse so-called peaceful civil resistance to the point of violation of the law. I am surprised that Mr. Landstrom should think that because I respect the right of citizens to petition their Gov- ernment, I agree with all phases of their petition. So I replied to him, saying: Inserting letters in the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD, contrary to your false implication, does not carry any approbation on my part of any point of view expressed by the writer. The letters do show the great concern of a cross section of the American people in re- gard to the warmaking aspects of American policy. I insert the letters because I think people who are opposed to the administra- tion's policy are entitled to petition their Government and make known their disagree- ment with our foreign policy in Vietnam. I Intend to continue to insert letters of pro- test in the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD. If you will check my insertions in the RECORD, you will find some of them do not disapprove Of the United States conducting an undeclared war in South Vietnam. My mail for months has run around 200 to 1 In support of my opposition to our undeclared war in Asia. I am inserting in the RECORD, your letter and my reply so that you will not feel slighted. Mr. President, I ask unanimous con- sent that my complete reply to Mr. Land- strom be printed at this point in the RECORD. There being no objection, the letter was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: Mr. KARL S. LANDSTROM, Arlington, Va. DEAR MR. LANDSTROM: You certainly are welcome to disagree with my viewpoint on the undeclared war and thereby the uncon- stitutional war which the Johnson adminis- tration is figthing in South Vietnam. I am enclosing tearsheets from the CON- GRESSIONAL RECORD covering my two speeches in opposition to the President's recent re- quest for a vote of confidence on his course of action in South Vietnam. Inserting letters in the CONGRESSIONA,. RECORD, contrary to your false implication., does not carry any approbation on my part of any point of view expressed by the writer. The letters do show the great concern of a cross section of the American people in regard to the warmaking aspects of Amer- ican policy. I insert the letters because I think people who are opposed to the adminis- tration's policy are entitled to petition their government and make known their dis- agreement with our foreign policy in Viet- nam. I intend to continue to insert letters Of protest in the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD. if you will check my insertions in the RECORD, you will find some of them do not disapprove of the United States conducting an undeclared war in South Vietnam. My mail for months has run around 200 to 1 in support of my opposition to our undeclared war in Asia. ARLINGTON, VA., May 10, 1965. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I Want you to know that I believe your position in regard to the South Vietnam problem is entirely wrong. It is disturbing to me, as a graduate of the University of Oregon, and at one time a student in commercial law under your own tutelage, and as one who remembers your service at the university as dean of the law school, to note that in the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD of May 7 you inserted, with ap- parent approbation, a letter from a Univer- sity of Oregon professor who threatens non- payment of her Federal income tax as a means of producing a change in the admin- istration's policy in Vietnam. Surely you do not endorse so-called peaceful civil resist- ance to the point of violation of the law. It would be interesting, I think, if you would insert in the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD some of the communications that you must be receiving which disagree with your views and support the views of the administration and the vast majority of Members of Congress in the handling of the matters in South Vietnam. With best regards. Sincerely yours, KARL S. LANDSTROM. Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190015-3 Approved For Release 2003/11/04 i. CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190015-3 May 27, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE I am inserting in the RECORD your letter and my reply so that you will not feel slighted. Very truly yours,. WAYNE MORSE. Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that certain other letters, articles, and editorials, which I have received, dealing with Vietnam, be printed at this point in the RECORD. There being no objection, the material was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: [From the St. Louis (Mo.) Post-Dispatch, Apr. 26-May 2, 1965] A SOUND INSTINCT AGAINST ASIAN WAR A massive public discontent with American .policy in Vietnam, uncrystallized but none- theless real and persistent, has made it neces- sary for President Johnson, Secretary of State Rusk, and Secretary of Defense McNamara to explain themselves once again. The President at his news conference Tues- day was aware that millions of Americans are haunted by an instinctive if often inarticu- late sentiment that our country has taken the wrong course in Asia. Their instinct, we think, is far sounder than his rationali- zations. We hope it will continue to make itself felt until the course is changed. The President wisely refused to join some of his subordinates in smearing his critics as ap- peasers. He appears to invite honest debate, and should be taken at his word. The rationalization of his policy rests upon a distortion of history and an obscurity of purpose. It demonstrates confusion as to where we have been, and a hazy ambiguity as to where we are.going. Like the Secretaries of State and Defense, President Johnson describes the situation in Vietnam as a simple one of armed aggres- sion by one nation against another, which we have a duty to resist. It is in fact an in- finitely complicated case of civil war, growing out of the determination of Asians to throw off the chains of white colonialism, a civil war in which we are involved on one side and the Communist powers on another. The indigenous Communist-led nationalist movement which now governs North Viet- nam,began its revolution over 20 years ago, while Indochina was under Japanese rule during World War II, and continued it against the returned forces of France, finally defeating the French decisively in 1954. It called off the war under the terms of an international agreement which provided for military neutralization, independence, and self-determination. Under the Geneva accords, North and South Vietnam were set up as temporary political zones, each to be cleared of foreign military forces and then to decide its own future in 'supervised free elections. The elections were never held because the United Stated promptly established an anti-Commu- nist government in Saigon and started build- ing it up with military and economic aid as an outpost of American influence. There- after, the Hanoi regime began organizing and helping to supply Communist-led insur- gents in the South. Despite 10 years of massive American aid, successive governments in Saigon were un- able to gain the loyalty of their people; today the Communists control more than half, perhaps 70 percent, of South Vietnam. They collect taxes, they export rice, they govern, they wage guerrilla war. The United States, having done everything possible to help South Vietnam win its own war, is now in process of taking over and fighting the war itself, at the risk of world war with China and Russia. _ To say that all this is identical with the situation ip Hitler's Europe, and that any reluctance to deepen our military involve- ment amounts to appeasement, is to mis- understand both history and the nature of revolutionary forces in ex-colonial lands. The United States has no strategic interest that requires it to hold a land base in Asia; the President has repeatedly disavowed any territorial ambitions in Vietnam. Neither have we any responsibility to act as a global policeman, putting down revolution wher- ever it occurs, getting into every wax that comes along. We can help free nations build the economic and social conditions which immunize them against Communist revolution, but if they do not do the job themselves we cannot do it for them by waging war. Admittedly changing our course in Viet- nam presents enormous difficulties at this late date, but it must be done if sanity is to prevail. We cannot get out tomorrow,. we cannot cut and run In precipitate retreat. We can and should, however, make peace and disengagement our long-range objective in- stead of simply accepting the drift to ever- widening wax. The President's reaffirmation of willing- ness to enter unconditional discussions is welcome, along with his assurance that ac- tive diplomatic efforts are being made "every day" to get talks going. Regrettably miss- ing is any hint of ultimate objectives or terms of a peaceful settlement that would show we are ready to accept something else than total surrender of the other side. Talks about what? They are not likely to occur if, in addition to rejecting even a pause in the air bombardment, we give reason to be- lieve that all we want to talk about is the end of North Vietnamese intervention but not an end of our own intervention. The essential principles of the 1954 Ge- neva accords, adapted with due recognition of what has happened in the interval, offer a basis for a fair and reasonable settle- ment. If the President made them the clear objective of his policy, instead of inventing twisted rationalizations for a war policy, he would have the American people overwhelm. ingly on his side. [From the Seattle (Wash.) Times, May 9, 1965] ADVERTISEMENT SPONSORING END OF WAR IN VIETNAM The sponsors of this advertisement: Rev. Milton Andrews, Rev. Charles Asplin, Rev. Harold Bass, Rev. Herbert Dimock, Rev. John Gill, Rev. Blaine Hammond, Rev. Herbert Lazenby, Rev. George McCleave, Rev. Chad- bourne Spring, Rev. Bernard Turner, Rev. Peter Weller, the American Friends Service Committee, Pacific Northwest Region, and the concerned citizens whose names are listed below join 16,916 Protestant clergymen (New York Times ad, Apr. 18) ; 2,700 clergymen of all faiths (New York Times ad, Apr. 4) ; 800 faculty members of colleges and universities in the New York City area (New York Times ad, Feb. 28) ; U.S. Senators MoRsE, GRUENING, CHURCH, MCGOVERN, AIKEN, CLARK, and others; U.N. Secretary General U Thant; the leaders of 17 nonalined nations; and the many thousands of individuals and leaders around the world who have already spoken out in calling on President Johnson to end the war in Vietnam by peaceful negotiations now. We believe the only conditions under which such negotiations are possible are (1) cessa- tion of bombing raids on North Vietnam, and (2) a cease-fire with the Vietcong in South Vietnam. We believe the people of Vietnam are as entitled to peace and the opportunity to se- cure and better their lives economically and socially as are people everywhere, so that the United States must take the lead in, bring- ing peace as quickly as possible to that land, which has known no rest from war 'for over 25 years. . We, therefore, call on the President to seek an end to the fighting through immediate peaceful action rather than through rhetoric or show of force. (If you agree with the views stated above, one direct action you can take is to add your name to this advertisement and mail the page to: President Lyndon Johnson, the White House, Washington, D.C.) Mr. and Mrs. Lester Achenbach, Norm Ackley, Jeff Acorn, Joseph Airo- Farulla, Jeff Acorn, Mr. and Mrs. John Affolter, Holly Adiele, Selma Waldman Adkins, Joeylyn Airo-Farulla, Blair Allen, Gerald Allen, M. J. Allen, Ray Allen, Mrs. W. B. Allen, Bill Allison, Mark. H. Anderson, Ruth Anderson, Chuck Angell, Alfred S. Arkley, Mr. and Mrs. Stanley Arkley, Mr. and Mrs. T. R. Astley, P. J. Ater, Gilbert Allen Atkinson. Eliot Backup, Elizabeth Bagshaw, Mr. and Mrs. Charles M. Bailey, Jackie Barish, Arthur Barnett, Virginia Bar- nett, Harvie Barnard, Hermine Bas- night, William Basnight, Ethel Bass, B. C. Baxter, Rozette Baxter, D. H. Beach, Margie Bell, James R. Bennett, Mrs. Jean Bennett, Mable Bennett, Mr. and Mrs. Samuel Bennett, Fred Berg, J. Lennart Berggren, Mr. and Mrs. Louis Bernstein, Richard Beyer, Audrey Bickford, Mr. and Mrs. Charles M. Bierley Jr., Marilyn Bierman, Mrs. L. D. Bishop, Jacqueline Blanchard, B. Blasko, Lorne Blucher, Walter Bog- gess, Ruth Bonnevie, S. V. Bonnevie, Edward Bostetter, David C. Botting, Diana Bower, Ted Bower, David Box, David Boxer, Julie Boxer, Helen Brad- ley, Charles F. Brady, Franz A. Bro- dine, Mr. and Mrs. Arnold Brotman, John Broussard, Emmy Buck, Mrs. Stimson Bullitt, John Bundy, Mr. and Mrs. John Burdick, Pat Burks, Stephanie Born, Lillian W. Burns, Joost A. Businger. David H. Campbell, Caroline Canafax, Leo Canafax, V. E. Carol, Harold Car- son, Beth F. Carter, Victor Case, Del- bert E. Castle, Pearl Castle, Jeremy Caughlin, Pat Cawthon, William C. Chambers, Carla Chotzen, Walter Chotzen, Mrs. W. G. Christen, William B. Christie, Mrs. Annabelle B. Christie, Mrs. W. T. Clark, Henry Leland Clarke, Julia Newbold Clarke, Charles Coe, John Collins, Victor Cook, Cecelia Corr, William Corr, Lida Coryell, Prof. Gio- vanni Costigan, Andrew J. Crane, James Carlisle Crane, Mr. and Mrs. Kenneth 0. Crane, Mr. and Mrs. Michael B. Crane, Beatrice S. Crouse, Paton B. Crouse, John Crow, Ruth Crow, Virginia Crow, William Crow, Mrs. C. E. Cunningham, Juliet Cun- ningham. Michael Dailey, Robert Dale, Mrs. A. R. Dannhauer, J. Robert von Darrow, Elaine Davenport, John Davies, Mary Davies, W. J. Davis, Anne Dawson, Jeffrey Dawson, B. W. De Vault, W. A. Dickinson, Altura A. Dodd, Donald A. Dodd, Lorraine Donegian, Ann A. Drury, Roy Dubisch, David Dunham, Jackie Dunham. Steven Easterson, Al Edelman, Carol Edelman, Roger Cushman Edwards, Mr. and Mrs. N. Ekroth, Lois B. Elkin- ton, Richard J. Elkiton, Dr. Frederick E. Ellis, Robert J. Ellrich, Ruth Emer- son, Jo Erickson, Ray Erickson. J.. Kaye Faulkner, Mrs. John E. Fawcett, Mr. and Mrs. John Fiedler, Mel Field- ing, Mr. and Mrs. Ronald Fiege, Lillian Fiest, Laurie Fish, Mr. and Mrs. A. A. Fisher, Edison S. Fisk, Evelyn M. Fiske, Robert G. Fleagle, A. C. Fleishman, 'Denis Flood, M. Fogelstedt, Mr. and Mrs. David Fogerty, Jane, Forste Robert Forste, David C. Fowler, Sol Frankel, Richard Frazer, Barbara Frazier, John Frazier, Hazel Fritz. Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190015-3 Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190015-3 11510 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD SENATE Mayt27, 1965 Vivian F. Gaboury, Barbara Gamble, Rob- ert Garfias, Francis M. Garton, Sidney Gerber, Mary T. Gibson, Evelyn P. Gill, Louise Blue Givens, James Gladfelter, Harry Glickman, Josephine Godley, Dr. and Mrs. Morris Gold, Dr. Samuel Goldenberg, Henry Goodman, Ruth Goodman, Mrs. Carol Goodrich, J. Goodrich, Diana Gordon, Louise Gosho, Alex Gottfried, Sue Gottfried, Mr. and Mrs. W. J. Granby, Norman Grant, Genevieve Grant, Gordon Griffiths, Mary Griffiths, Eva Gruber, Mr. and Mrs. Ernest Gwinn. Claus Halberstaedter, Oliva Halonen, Taimi Halonen, Roberta Hammer, El- len Hanly, John Hanly, Orvel Hansen, Mr. and Mrs. Wesley M. Hansen, Isabel Harlock, Ray Harlock, Marita Harris, John Hart, Ben Harwood, Sylvia Ilav- lisch, Mary O'Neill Hayes, John Healy, Lonnie Healy, Ralph Heino, Mrs. E. W. Helander, Martha Hennen, Marjorie Herford, Ernstine Herr, Dr. George B. Hill, Theodore M. Hiltner, Mrs. Francis Hoague, Irwin Hogenauer, Mary Hop- kinson, Hazel Horder, Florence Hornig, Grace Howard, Eric W. Hoyte, Virginia B. Hoyte, Wanda Hubbard, Hildur Jo- sephine Hughes, Mr. and Mrs. William R. Hughes, Irene Hull, Walter Hundley, Katherine Hunter, Mr. and Mrs. George Burley, Raymond Immerwahr. Dorothy Jackins, Robert L. Jackson, Rog- er Jackson, Sue Jackson, Mr. and Mrs. Vernon Jackson, Ann Jacobson, Charles James, Etta Marie James, Larry James, Dr. and Mrs. Charles M. Janeway, David Javorsky, Karen Johansen, Alice John- son, Leif Johnson, Michael R. Johnson, Sharon M. Johnson, Robert S. Johnson, Robert S. Johnson, Ruth Johnson, Mrs. Robert B. Jones, Shelia Jones, Mildred Joyce. Howard Kaminsky, Annette Kaplan, Helen Karr, Milton Karr, Prof. and Mrs. Max Katz, Mr. and Mrs. Robert Kauffman, Dr. Abraham Keller, Mig- nonne Feller, Dr. and Mrs. Ward Ken- nedy, Martha Kennen, Harold Kerney, Robert H. Kerr, Robert W. Kessel, Rev. Eugene Kidder, Dorthy M. Kistler, Elmer C. Kistler, Joan Klyn, Mark S. Klyn, Camille Knatvold, Arthur Koh- ler, Virginia Kohler, Rev. J. C. Kone, Anci Koppel, Carol Ann Koppel, Jane Krahl, Robert Krahl, Frank Krasmow- sky, AM Kurose. Kathy Ladd, Dr. Arthur Lagawier, Lee Landrud, Margery D. Lang, Guy Lares, Lillie Larsen, Mrs. Harold Laughlin, Mr. and Mrs. Harry Levine, Helen Levin, Arthur N. Lewis, Charline Lewis, Paul Lichter, Don Little, Marian Lobasc, Mr. and Mrs. Herbert Lobl, Mr. and Mrs. Ronald Lockwood, Dr. and Mrs. Ernest Loeb, Patricia Loken, Eu- gene V. Lux, Lillian C. Lux, Timothy Lynch. Dr. Sylvia Maccoil, Dr. W. A. Maccoil, Dr. Donald F. Magee, Mrs. S. Mana- rolia, Mr. and Mrs. David A. Manning, Betty Jean Martinson, Mr. and Mrs. Christ Martinson, Judith W. Matchett, Robert S. Maynard, Data McEvoy, Mr. and Mrs. E. C, McIntosh, Marguerite McIntosh, Irene McMahill, David C. Meekhof, Mrs. Sophie K. Meld, Ramona Memmer, Barbara Mercer, Lyle Mercer, Flora Merrill, Mr. and Mrs. Charles A. Metcalf, Stephen L. Michael, Mrs. Alida J. Michael, Dr. and Mrs. Ward C. Miles, Ronald Moe, Mrs. J. B. Mohler, Sally Moore, Wallace Moore, Mr. and Mrs. James Morland, Arval Morris, Rose- marie Morris, Mr. and Mrs. Edgar A. Morrison, Mrs. James B. Morrison, Mr. and Mrs. Michael Mottelson, Mrs. Grace B. Moulton, Bill Murphy. John Neal, Mr. and Mrs. David Nicholson, Mr. and Mrs. Ray C. Nicholson, Anna E. Nilsen, John R. Norton, Sae Norton, Ted Norton, L. K. Northwood, Olga Northwood, Elizabeth P. Nunn. Eugene Oliver, Jo Ann Oliver, Marian C. Olson, Robert S. Olsen, Gerald Oppen- heimer, Mildred Oppenheimer, Eliza- beth Orians, Gordon Orians, Simon Ottenberg, Eleanor Owen, Charles Ozure. Douglas Palmer, Ida Palmer, Jo Patrick, Mrs. Edith Patten, Fred Van Patten, Dorothy Patterson, Rev. John Paulson, Mr. and Mrs. Clayton A. Paulson, H. Pedersen, Mrs. Ruth Peoples, Rodney J. Peterson, Ruth Peterson, Mrs. A. H. Phillips, Sanford Pinsker, Mr. and Mrs. Carl O. Pisk, Bernard Poll, Orobelle Poll, Ruth Pool, Mr. and Mrs. Viggo Povlsen, Mrs. J. C. Price, V. Price, Garth Putnam, Kay Quinn. Marjorie Rabbit, Miriam Rader, Sylvia Ragan, Dee Wardall Raible, Jarold W. Ramsey, Constance Raphael, Dan Raphael, Conner Reed, Mary T. Reed, Richard J. Reed, Robert Reed, D. E. Reinhardt, Margo Reinsch, Robert E. Renk, Clint Reynolds, Isabelle Reyn- olds, Mr. and Mrs. Paul M. Rice, James G. Richard, Lorna Richards, Edith Rigg, Ron Ringdahl, Eugene F. Robel, Thorun Robel, Mr. and Mrs. R. A. Rocz, Kathleen Bollefson, Violet Roraback, Mike Rubies, Steve Rublez, Mrs. Rose Rudnick, Mr. and Mrs. John J. Runnings. Selma Sachs, Roger Sale, Richard Saling, Brian M. Scheffer, Linda Scheffer, Vic- tor B. Scheffer, Beth Scheffer, Agnus Schmoe, Ken Schmoe, Dorothy Schroe- ter,, Mrs. Alice E. Schwartz, Dr. and Mrs. Lawrence Schwartz, Mr. and Mrs. William Schwartz, Rose Scott, Alan Selker, Lisa Selker, Lule D. Sellards, Mrs. Louise Shaifrath, Mrs. Joanne Shaw, Stanley T. Shaw, Clara Shaw, Eleanor Siegl, Henry Siegl, Edward Singler, Joan Singler, Edith R. Smith, Edward Smith, Edward A. Smith, Ellen McComb Smith, Mr. and Mrs. Norman C. Smith, Mrs. Watson Smith, Martha M. Smyser, Howard B. Snyder, Mar- garet Snyder, Edith Soden, Joseph Sommers, Soren Sorenson, Thaddeus IT. Spratten, Eleanor Springer, Claire Stafford, Marietta Stark, Roger B. Stein, Edward H. Steinberg, Elva Stein- born, Elaine Steinbrueck, Mr. and Mrs. John Stenhouse, Robert G. Stephens, Joseph Stevens, Mr. and Mrs. John Stanhouse, Robert G. Stephens, Jo- sephine Stevens, Mr. and Mrs. John It. Strickland, Mr. and Mrs. J. D. Stritt- matter, Lucy M. Stoy, Lucy N. Stoy, Robert F. Stoy, Mr. & Mrs. Jack I. Sussman, Grace Suzuki, Mrs. Ruth Swanson, Tom Sykes. Ronald Tierandsen, Tacoma Friends Meeting, Calvin Y. Takagi, Ken Takashima, Helen Talbott, Mary G. Tally, Dr. Souren Tashian, Margaret Terrell, Donald W. Thayer, Sarah Thiel, Mr. & Mrs. Robert Thode, Jack P. Ting- stad, Dr. Richard Tinker, A. W. Tins- ley, Hazel Tinsley, Barbara Tomlinson, Ralph Toporoff, Imogene Truman, George T. Tsutakawa, Dean M. Tuell, Jane Turner, Maurine Tuttle. Betty Lou Valentine, Mr. and Mrs. T. J. Van Ermen, Mr. and Mrs. John Van Horne, J. M. Van Houten, Jr., Mr. and Mrs. Viggo. Jean Wilson Wagner, Ella Wald, Fern Wales, Mary Frances Wallace, Rev. Robert Waller, Vera Wailer, Mr. and Mrs. John Ware, Colleen M. Water- house, Leslie Warner, Tom Warner, Lars Watson, Lucille Watson, Carol R. ti Weller, Leonard Wessels, Carl West, Helen West, Frances Wester, Mr. and Mrs. A. G. Westman, Doris G. West, man, Winifred E. Weter, John H. Whit- tenbaugh, Dorothy Wittington, Mi- chael Waater, Karen Wilkie, Dorothy R. Willard, John W. Willard, Ford Wil- liams, Ida Williams, Mrs. Margaret Williams, Philip Williams, Vivian Wil- liams, Mr. and Mrs. Russell L. Willman, Marjorie M. Wilson, Patricia Wilson, Dr. William S. Wilson, Mrs. Lawrence Windoffer, Alice Woodmansie, Edward Woodmansie, William Wooten. Dr. and Mrs. S. R. Yarnell, Marion Yur- man, Richard Yurman, Barbara Ze- peda, Julian Zepeda, Dean F. Zuck, Joyce Bennett, Dr. Thomas A. Billings, Clara Fraser, Ruth Fawcett, Margaret Kelly, Mr. and Mrs. Kenneth A. Kirk- patrick, Walter B. Laffer II, Ruth Little, Dorothy W. Melland, Marie Severtson, Charles Valentine, Richard W. Wilkie, Patricia L. Woll, Mr. and Mrs. Edward Yellin, William C. Berle- man, Bud Havlisch, Donald A. Fox, David McClary. (This ad paid for by the above signers.) [From the New York (N.Y.) Times, May 9, 1965] A REPLY TO SECRETARY RUSK ON VIETNAM In his address on April 23 before the Amer- ican Society of International Law, Secretary of State Dean Rusk attacked academic critics of the administration for talking "nonsense about the nature of the struggle" in Vietnam. He continued: "I sometimes wonder at the gullibility of educated men and the stub- born disregard of plain facts by men who are supposed to be helping our young to learn-especially to learn how to think." This abusive language suggests that the ad- ministration wants to silence its critics. This suggestion is confirmed by insinua- tions from other administration spokesmen about the loyalty of such critics. Precisely in this time of crisis, however, the academic community has both a right and an obliga- tion to point out hazards and inconsistencies in our military and diplomatic policy. It is easy to see why the Secretary of State is angry, The reasons have nothing to do with "gullibility" in the academic commu- nity. He is angry because the facts and wider considerations brought up by these critics have contradicted so many official pronounce- ments. It is not the scholars but the leaders of the administration who have shown a "stubborn disregard of plain facts." "PLAIN FACrS2" For example, on March 25, 1965, President Johnson said, "We seek no more than a re- turn to the essentials of the agreements of 1954-a reliable agreement to guarantee the independence and security of all in south- east Asia." But the "plain fact" is that the Geneva agreement did not provide for a di- vision of Vietnam into two nations. On the contrary, the agreement spoke of the two parts of Vietnam as "regrouping zones" and said that "the military demarcation line is provisional and should not in any way be in- terpreted as constituting a political or ter- ritorial boundary." It provided that "gen- eral elections shall be held in July 1956, un- der the supervision of an international com- mission." No such unifying elections have been held. The Saigon regime, with U.S. ap- proval, refused. Ever since, the United States has insisted that Vietnam remain divided. On April 7, 1965, the President gave an- other description of the administration's goals. He said, "Tonight Americans and Asians are dying for a world where each peo- ple may choose its own path to change." and further on: "Our objective is the independ- ence of South Vietnam, and its freedom from Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190015-3 Mai 27, 196 proved For R P 2003/1 /04 RIF R DP~67B004~46R000300190015-3 attack. We want nothing for ourselves- ANDOVER NEWTON THEOLOGICAL SCHOOL only that the people of South Vietnam be Walter H. Clark, psychology of religion. allowed to guide their own country in their Harvey G. Cox, theology and culture. own way." The "plain fact" Is that the scale Vincent deGregoris, religious drama. of American intervention is incompatible J. Leslie Dunstan, missions. with the goal of self-determination. North Frances W. Eastman, religious education. Vietnam has, to be sure, intervened by help- Wesner Fallaw, religious education. ing the Vietcong. But at every stage of the Nels F. S. Ferre, theology. war the scale of American intervention has S. Maclean Gilmour, New Testament, been far .greater. The manner of combat Norman K. Gottwald, Old Testament. shows that we have saturated South Vietnam John H. Scammon, Old Testament and with every kind of military equipment the Hebrew. terrain allows. We airlift troops and sup- Earl J. Thompson, Jr., church history. plies continually. We drop napalm on Joseph C. Williamson, theology. civilian populations intermin led with uer g g - rillas. We burn and defoliate crops and forests. We have resorted to incapacitating gas. An intervention as massive as this does not furnish a choice to the people. It de- prives them of one. "STUBBORN DISREGARD OF PLAIN FACTS?" If American actions in Vietnam are defens- ible, administration attempts to defend them should square with the "plain facts." Self- deception about American intervention can be a greater peril than discriminating pro- test. Only by recognizing the ambiguities of the situation can we reach accord with the deepest levels of the American conscience and with the common conscience of mankind. The administration may have contrived the discreet silence or the grudging lipservice of some foreign governments and of some U.S. Senators, but the hazards and inconsistencies of the present policy are widely recognized both at home and abroad, The situation in Vietnam raises serious moral questions, not merely diplomatic and tactical ones. As a nation we hold immense power. To permit it to be used in reckless and barbarous ways is to imperil the entire basis of American leadership. 'Let us make known to the Government and to our compatriots that we oppose the disas- trous policy of continued bombardment of North Vietnam, Continuation of the present policy makes it impossible for Americans and Russians to talk further about peaceful co- existence and encourages all Communist na- tions to close ranks in opposition to the United States. World opinion does not support U.S. mili- tary operations in Vietnam. Throughout the world these operations appear increasingly to be a campaign in the self-interest of a BOSTON COLLEGE Eugene Bushala, classics. Edward J. Collins, history. Sister Terese Anne Donovan, history. John M. Von Felsinger, psychology. John L. Heineman, history. Edgar Litt, political science. Raymond T. McNally, history. Allen Wakstein, history. BOSTON UNIVERSITY William J. Alston III, physics. Saul Bernstein, social work. William P. Bryan, chemistry. Amiya Chakravarty, physics. Bernard Chasan, physics. Robert S. Cohen, physics. Paul Deats, Jr., theology. Alvin L. Denman, human relations center. Anthony J. DeVito, modern languages. L. Harold DeWolf, theology. John Endicott, chemistry. Frank Giese, modern languages. Sonja K. Gross, chemistry. Robert H. Hamill, chaplain. Kenneth Haygood, education. George E. Hein, chemistry. Walter L. Holcomb, theology. Wayne B. Jones, theology (registrar). Frederick Koss, social science. John H. Lavely, philosophy. Jean Lennox, biochemistry. Paul Liacos, law. Robert E. Luccock, theology, John L. Maes, theology. Dorothy Meckel, modern languages. Banks McDowell, law. Ronald M. Milburn, chemistry. William Clifton Moore, theology. Walter G. Muelder, theology. Paul Nash, education. Western power rather than in the,. interest Freda G. Rebelsky, psychology. of that stricken Asian nation, . Indochina Miriam M. Ritvo, human relations center. has been macerated by 20 years of anti- Eugene C. Roemele, law. colonial, nationalist and Communist war- Julius A. Roth, sociology and anthropol- fare, The United States has the military ogy might to defeat the Vietcong. But unless Donald T. Rowlingson, theology, we show immediate restraint, and show hu- S. Paul Schilling, theology. mane imagination in bringing interested par- ties to the peace table, we risk the loss of the respect and sympathy of men and nations far beyond the present theater of war. WHAT CAN BE DONE? Armand Siegel, physics. Peter E. Siegle, education. John F. Smith, chaplain. Robert H. Sproat, English. John Stachel, physics. Robert es e, Y. Citizens must speak out on issues of na- Marx ofsky, philosophy. W. Wart tional policy. We will not be intimidated by James B. Whipple, education, charges of gullibility or disloyalty. Charles R. Willis, physics. We demand that the administration re- Alvin D. Zalinger, sociology. turn to the "plain facts" and make an ear- BRANDEIS UNIVERSITY nest attempt to obtain a ne otiated g peace. Reiteration of the phrase "unconditional dis- cussions" is not enough, especially because the condition is attached to it that the rebel forces in the civil war are not to appear at the conference table. Peaceful intentions can be made plainer than this. We must ar- range for an immediate cease-fire and offer to negotiate with the principal combatants, including the Vietcong; we must cease our air raids 04, North Vietnam; we should use the good ofices of the United Nations in bringing about these ends and; we must Betty Davidson, biochemistry, assure the world that we will not use nuclear Samuel James Davidson, biochemistry. weapons in the pursuit of victory or in the P. Diamandopoulos, philosophy. Herbert H. Aptekar, social work. Joseph S. Berliner, economics. Leo Bronstein, fine arts. David Buchsbaum, mathematics. Oscar P. Chilson, biochemistry. J. Cobb, psychology. Helen Codere, anthropology. Joseph L. Cohen, biochemistry, Lewis A. Coser, sociology. George Cowgill, anthropology. 11511 James Duffey, European languages. Kenneth Feigenbaum, psychology. Gordon Fellman, sociology. Joachim Gaehde, fine arts. David S. Gil, social work. Ray Ginger, history. Eugene P. Gross, physics. Allen Grossman, English. Thomas C. Hollocher, biochemistry. Joseph W. Infelburg, biology. David Kaplan, anthropology. Nathan O. Kaplan, biochemistry. Jacob Lauren, fine arts. Harris I. Lehrer] biochemistry. S. S. Lehrer, biochemistry. Lawrence Levine, biochemistry. Denah Lida, European languages., Farnsworth Loomis, biochemistry. Heinz Lubasz, history. Robert A. Manners, anthropology. Stephen Miller, social work. Robert Morris, social work. William T. Murakami, biochemistry. Joseph S. Murphy, political science. Richard Onorato, English. Robert Perlman, social work. Arthur Polansky, fine arts. Thomas E. Ragland, biochemistry. Jessica E. Reimann, biochemistry. Karl Reisman, anthropology. Benson Saler, anthropology. Stanley N. Salthe, biochemistry. Gordon Sato, biochemistry. Morris S. Schwartz, sociology. John Scott, social work. Violet M. Sieder, social work. Richard Silverstein, biochemistry. Mitchell Siporin, fine arts. Philip E. Slater, sociology. Morris Soodak, biochemistry. Mark Spivak, sociology. Maurice R. Stein, sociology. Arnold Strickon, anthropology. Sahl Swarz, fine arts. Norbert I. Swislocki, biochemistry. Marie Syrkin, English. Jerome H. Targovnik, biochemistry. Helen Van Vunakis, biochemistry. Eugene Walter, sociology. Rolad C. Warren, social work. Alex Weingrod, anthropology. Robert S. Weiss, sociology. Kurt H. Wolff, sociology. Irving Kenneth Zola. BROWN UNIVERTITY Allan Clark, mathematics. William Crossgrove, German. Alan Howard, mathematics. Michael Rosen, mathematics. CLARK UNIVERSITY Charles Blinderman, English. Abraham Blum, psychology. Walker Crockett, psychology. Gerald N. Grob, American history. J. Fannin King, romance languages, J. Richard Reid, romance languages. Mordecai S. Rubin, romance languages. Morton Weiner, psychology. COLLEGE OF THE HOLY CROSS Charles A. Baker, French. William Van Etten Casey, S.J., theology. Thomas M. Coffee, sociology. Joseph F. Donahue, S.J., theology. John H. Dorenkamp, English. Joseph M. Fallon, S.J., sociology. Aldo Fortuna, English. James A. Gross, economics. Leon E. Lewis, English. Frank Petrella, Jr., economics. Paul Rosenkrantz, psychology. Donald F. Traub, philosophy. John H. Wilson, English. DARTMOUTH COLLEGE L. H. Noda, biochemistry. Donald E. Olins, biochemistry. Milton J. Rosenberg, psychology. Melvin V. Simpson, biochemistry. Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190015-3 11512 Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190015-3 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE May" 27, 1965 10. Andrew Szent-Gyorgyi, cytology. Arnold Wishnia, biochemistry. EPISCOPAL THEOLOGICAL SCHOOL Carl Edwards. Hubert L. Flesher. Joseph Fletcher. L. G. Patterson. Charles Smith. Owen Thomas. William Wolf. GODDARD COLLEGE Frank T. Adams, Jr. Donald M., Barnes, history. George Beecher, education. Corinne Elliot. Vincent Erikson, anthropology. Francis Fay. Wilfred G. Hamlin. Jerome Himeloch, sociology. Erland Jacobsen, literature. W. Allen Last, chemistry. Laurent LaVallee, economics. Corinne W. Mattuck. Robert Mattuck, literature. Arthur Mitzman, history. Steven J. Noren, philosophy. William E. Osgood, librarian. Buryl Payne, psychology. Thomas R. Whittaker, literature. Thomas Yamamoto, art. David York. HARVARD UNIVERSITY James Luther Adams, divinity. Stephen L. Adler, physics. Henry D. Aiken, philosophy. Charles M. Allen, Jr., chemistry. William L. Alworth, chemistry. Harold Amos, bacteriology. W. French Anderson, bacteriology. John S. Ansow, English. Joan Argetsinger, biology. Ralph Baierlein, physics. Gerald Barnes, philosophy. G. Octo Barnett, medicine. Jonathan Beecher, history. Ursula Beliugi, social relations. Marshall Berman, government. A. Bienenstock, engineering. Richard Bienvenn, history. A. Blumenthal, cognitive studies. Dwight Bolinger, romance languages. Raoul Bott, mathematics. Boyce W. Burge, medicine. Mary E. Burge, American civilization. Frank P. Casa, romance languages. David F. Cavers, law. David Wade Chambers, history of science. Jon Clardy, chemistry. Richard A. Cone, biology. Ian Cooke, biology. Stephen Coutts, chemistry. Frank Cross, Near Eastern languages. Richard D'Ari, biology. P. J. Dart, biology. Bernard D. Davis, bacteriology. Julian Davies, bacteriology. David Denhardt, biology. Howard Doldfine, bacteriology. Donald Dubin, bacteriology. Leonard M. Faltz, bacteriology. Ann E. Farnham, bacteriology. Ned Feder, biology. Robert R. Fenichel, applied physics.. Sam Fillenbaum, cognitive studies. Gordon Finley, social relations. Stephen J. Fischer, education. Michael Fried, fine arts. W. H. Furry, physics. E. Furshpan, medical school. George Gaylord Simpson, archeology. F. W. Gehring, mathematics. Barry Gewen, American civilization. Stephen J. Gewirtz, mathematics. Walter Gilbert, physics. Stephen Gilman, romance languages. Owen Gingerich, astronomy. David M. Gitlitz, romance languages. Harvey R. Glasser, Russian research center. Eugene Godfredsen, astronomy. Rabbi Ben-Zion Gold, Hillel adviser. Howard Goldfine, bacteriology. James Gordon, general education. Luigi GorinL bacteriology. Martin Gouterman, chemistry. Joseph C. Grannie, education. Ann Graybiel, biology Walter Grossman, history. Jean Harrison, biology. Cheater W. Hartman, psychiatry Jay Hauben, physics. Nicholas L. Heer,,Middle Eastern studies. Stephen Heinemann, biology. D. Heller, medical school. Kenneth J. Hertz, mathematics. Steven Hess, romance languages. Mahlon B. Hoagland, bacteriology. K. Hoffman, mathematics. Charlotte Hogsett, romance languages. Richard A. Holt, physics. Mathilda Holzman, psychiatry. Donald Hubbard, education. H. Stuart Hughes, history. Garrett M. Ihler, biology. William Irvine, astronomy. Kurt Isselbacher, gastroenterology. Robert M. Jackson, romance languages. R. V. James, engineering. R. V. Jones, engineering. Wolfgang-Kalhofen, astronomy. Leon R. Kass, chemistry. Stanley N. Katz, history. Gordon D. Kaufman, divinity. Myron Kaufman, chemistry. Jerry L. Kazdan, mathematics. Roger Kelleher, medical school. Steven L: Kleiman, mathematics. Jerome H. Klotz, statistics. Mike Konrad, biology. E. Kravitz, medical school. Lawrence B. Lapson, astronomy. John H. Law, chemistry. David Layzer, astronomy. Deana D. Leventhal, bacteriology. David H. Levey, economics. Pavel Machotka, social relations. Martin Lubin, pharmacology. Michael Manove, mathematics. Gerald Marsden, education. Paul Martin, physics. Ann Matthysse, biology. Jo Ann D.`Medalie, psychiatry. Jacques Mehler, cognitive studies Everett Mendelsohn, history of science. Martin Micheren, biology. Stanley Milgram, social relations. Henri E. Mitler, astronomy Edwin E. Moise, education. Clarence L. Morgan, medical school. Barrington Moore Jr., Russian research center. David Morrison, astronomy. W. H. Morse, medical school. David Mumford, mathematics. Leonard Nash, chemistry. Franz Nauen, history. Peter Neumeyer, school of education. Pearn P. Niiler, applied physics. Frederick A. Olafson, education William E. Palke, chemistry and physics. Philip Pearls, physics. Martin Peretz, government. Edward Pincus, visual arts center. Gerald Platt, social relations. Mordea Jane Pollock, romance languages. Mary C. Potter, cognitive studies. W. M_ Preston, physics. Charles Price, university preacher Mark Ptashne, biology. L. F. Quigley Jr., school of public health. David L. Ragozin, mathematics. Benito Rakower, school of education. Lillian Randall, rad. grad. ctr. Jonathan F. Reichart, physics. Edward Rendall, medicine. James L. Rice, Slavic languages. Herbert. Richardson, divinity. Anne Roe, education. Constance H. Rose, romance languages. Larry Rosenberg, psychiatry. Judy F. Rosenblith, psychiatry. Robert A. Rosenthal, cent. res. & devel. Robert A. Rothstein, Slavic languages. Susan Rubin, romance languages. Jon Rubinstein, history. Rose Sabaroff, education. Carl Sagan, astronomy. Israel Scheffler, education. Bartholomew P. Schiavo, history. L. H. Scott, history and literature. Richard Sennett, American studies. Victor W. Siedel, medicine. Raymond Stever, geology. David S. Sigman, chemistry. B. F. Skinner, psychology. Rev. Reginald Smart, chaplain. Frank Smith, cognitive studies. H. Warren Smith, chemistry. Joseph L. Snider, physics. Sergei P. Sorokin, anatomy. P. A. Sorokin, sociology. Bessie Sperry, education. John Spiegel, social relations. Max L. Stackhouse, divinity. Peter Stansky, history. .Jeffrey Steinfeld, chemistry. W. Stolz, mathematics. Stephen Strom, astronomy. Marsha H. Swislocki, romance languages. Kenneth Taylor, history of science. Karl Teeter, linguistics. Ruth D. Terzaghi, applied physics. Abigail Thernstrom, government. Stephen Thernstrom, history. Allan Tobin, biology. Stephen V. Ullman, mathematics. Dorothy V. Vivian, romance languages. Lise Vogel, fine arts, Thomas von Foerster, physics. Ruth Wald, biology. George Wald, biology. Donald Wallach, biological chemistry. William P. Weber, chemistry. Charles A. Whitney, astronomy. D. V. Widder, mathematics. George Williams, divinity. Thomas H. Wilson, physiology. David E. Wolfe, anatomy. Peter N. Wolff, medicine. James P. Wright, astronomy. Danny Wulff, biology. Lawrence Wylie, social relations. Linda Zak, romance languages. Robert Zevin, economics. MASSACHUSETTS INSTITUTE OF TECHNOLOGY Marcia K. Allen, biology. Joseph Altman, psychology. Warren Ambrose, mathematics. Donald Appleyard, city planning. Michael Artin, mathematics. Elliot Auerbauch, laboratory nuclear science. Maria L. Bade, biology. Alan H. Barrett, electrical engineering. Eugene Bell, biology. Aron Bernstein, physics. T. Bever, modern languages. Carl J. Black, humanities. Stephen L. Bloom, mathematics. Rev. Myron Bloy, chaplain. Frank Bonilla, economics. George S. Boolos, philosophy. David Botstein, biology. Richard N. Boyd, philosophy. Joseph Brenner, medical department. Gene M. Brown, biology. Manuel Blum, electrical engineering. Harold H. Carter, chemical engineering. Jule G. Charney, meteorology. M. Chessman, meteorology. Noam Chomsky, modern languages. Stephan L. Chorover, psychology. Jared L. Darlington, res. lab. electronics. John M. Dolan, res. lab. electronics. J. R. Dennett, mathematics. Robert M. Dowben, biology. Murray Eden, electrical engineering. Robert Fabry, res. lab. electronics. Franklin M. Fisher, economics. Maurice S. Fox, biology. Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190015-3 hroved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190015-3 May 27, 5 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SFNATF Harold Freeman, economics. . . Huston Smith, humanities. Bernard,Frieden, city planning. Norton Starr, mathematics. Theodore W. Gamelin, mathematics. Arthur Steinberg, humanities. Vince It Giambalvo, mathematics. Marvin Stodoisky, biology, Steven N. Gilborn, humanities, Benjamin K. T'sou, research laboratory Marcus C. GoQdall, res, lab. electronics, electronics. Roe Goodman, mathematics, John James Ucci, mathematics. Glen E. Gordon, chemistry. John Vierter, research laboratory elec- David Gordon,, physics. tronics. Annamaria,. . Gprini,,bioiogy Patrick D. Wall, biology. Bernard.S, Cxoald, biology. William B. Watson, humanities. H. Grahamrmathematics, Burton White, psychology, John C. Graves, humanities. George W. Whitehead, mathematics. Richard Greene,, biology. Hurd C. Willett, meteorology. Charles G. Gross, psychology. John W. Winchester, geology and geo- Leon Gunther, physics, physics. A. R. Gurney, Jr., humanities. George Wolf, nutrition. Theodore Gurney, Jr., biology. Victor Yngve, electrical engineering. Morris Halle, modern languages. William H. Youngren, humanities. Alfred, E. Harper, nutrition. Richard Zatorski, research laboratory elec- Iiyman Hartman, biology. tronics. Alan Hein, psychology. NORTHEASTERN UNIVERSITY Richard Held, psychology. Rev. Robert C. Holtzapple, chaplain. Thomas H. Jackson, humanities. William D..Jackson, electrical engineering. Elizabeth W. Jones, biology. J. Katz, philosophy. S. J. Kayser, modern languages. Gyorgy Kepes, architecture. R. Kirk, modern languages. M, Kudlick, mathematics. K, Kushner, mathematics,, 0. Lakoff, modern languages. Elizabeth Landers, modern languages. Emmet Lprk"W, humanities, Paul, Lee, humanities, Thomas A. Lehrer, economics and political science, Mark Levensky, humanities, Cyrus Levinthal, biology. Klaus Liepmann, humanities. Francis E. Low,physics. Salvador E. Luria, biology. Kevin Lynch, city planning. Boris Is agasanik, biology. Kenneth Manly, biology. Michael B. Marcus, mathematics. Stephen Marglin, economics. Paula Menyuk, research laboratory elec- tronics. Travis R. Merritt, humanities, Franco Modigliani, economics and manage- ment. Philip Morrison, physics. Philip M. Morse, physics. Walle J, H. Nauta, psychology. A. C. Newell, mathematics. W. O'Neill, modern languages. Robert.Pendelton, mathematics, Norman Pettit, humanities, Louise Pfeiffer, psychology. Norman A. Phillips, meteorology. Rabbi Herman Pollack, chaplain. P. M. Postal, modern. languages. Hilary Putnam, humanities. H. Putz. mathematics. Richard Arnowitt, physics. Perry A. Bialor, sociology-anthropology, Roger Brightbill, psychology. Wendell R. Brown, education. Henry H. Crapo, mathematics. Alan N. Cromer, physics, Ellen N. Dunlap, mathematics. Theodore N. Ferdinand, sociology-anthro- pology. Mitzi Filson, library. Walter L. Fogg, philosophy. Marvin H. Friedman, physics. Norbert L. Fuilington, history. Michael J. Glaubman, physics. Stephen J. Golburgh, education. Roberta Gordon, modern languages. Joseph D. Gresser, chemistry. Edward A. Hacker, philosophy. Ruth Harmon, education. Walter Hauser, physics. Masanori Higa, education. John Kazantzi, English. Frank F. Lee, sociology-anthropology. Lila Leibowitz, sociology-anthropology. Milton Leitenberg, biology. William F. Luder, chemistry. Antonio L. Mezzacappa, modern languages. Harold Naidus, chemistry. Irene A. Nichols, education. John D. Oberholtzer, physics. Saul Rogolsky, education. Norman Rosenblatt, history. James Ryan, modern languages. Eugene J. Saletan, physics. Freda Salzman, physics. George Salzman, physics. Ina Samuels, psychology. Bertram Sharf, psychology. Gilbert A. Schloss, English. Donald Shelby, economics. Robert L. Stern, chemistry. Harold L. Stubbs, mathematics. H. Ti Tien, chemistry. Michael T. Vaughn, physics. Daniel B. Ray, mathematics, Harold Reiche, humanities. Helen R, Revel, biology. Phillip W. Robbins, biology. J. Robinson, mathematics, Ronald Rolfe, biology. Steven Rosencrans, mathematics. Bruno Rossi, physics. A. K. Roy, mathematics. Rev. John Russeil, Jr., chaplain, .Herbert b, Saltzstein, psychology. Leo Sartori, physics. David I,,,Schalk,,,humanities, R. W. Sqkuler, psychology. Kar1S"he.11, economics. Abner.Shimgny, humanities, Irving Singer, humanities. I M, Suer mathematics.. _, Marc T u1man, biology. ftIalcolm Skolnick, physics. No. 96-0 Donald S. Dunbar, psychology. Tilden G. Edelstein, history. David Emerson, physics. Richard Freedman, English, Henry J. Halko, history. Ruth C. Hawthorne, history. Manfred Klein, German.. Lawrence L. Langer, English. Ruth S. Leonard, library science. Joseph T. Leverich, mathematics, William M. Manly, English. Josephine F. Milburn, government. Carroll F. Miles, government, Margaret B. Milliken, English. George W. Mitchie, English. Mary K. O'Brien, nursing, Sumner M. Rosen, economics, Richard C 5ter_i?e -English. Wylie Syther, English. Roy M. Tollefson, governmen Approved-For Release 200/11J04 11513 SMITH COLLEGE Louis Cohn-Haft, history. Robert J. Fabian, mathematics. Philip Green, government. Bruce Hawkins, physics. Murray Kiteley, philosophy. Paul Lauter, English. Alice Lazerovitz, philosophy. Bert Mendelson, mathematics. Michael Rice, physics. Peter Rowe, government. Ramon Eduardo Ruiz, history. J. Diedrick Snoek, psychology. A. H. Specs, physics. Melvin Steinberg; physics. Francis Stienon, astronomy, Donald Trumpler, mathematics. TUFTS UNIVERSITY Reilly Atkinson III, physics. Marston Balch, drama and speech. Ernest Cassara, religion. Carl Cohen, mathematics. John Cornwall, economics. Mary Jane Cramer, sociology. Dorothea J. Crook, psychology. Morris A. Cynkin, medical school. William Dameshek, medical school. Allen E. Everett, physics. Sanford Freedman, psychology. Morris Friedkin, pharmacology. Sol Gittleman, German. Hilde Hein, philosophy. Roslyn B. Henning, classics. Dennis V. Higgins, English. Franklyn D. Holzman, economics, David Isles, mathematics. Leonard Kirsch, economics. Madeline Kovach, German. Melvin J. Krant, medical school. Norman Krinsky, pharmacology, George F. Leger, mathematics. Zella Luria, psychology. Lewis F. Manly, economics. Bernard McCabe, English. Nancy Milburn, biology. Robert L. H. Miller, religion. Kivie Moldave, medicine. Thornton B. Ratz, psychology. Gene Reeves, theology. Douglas W. Reynolds, art. H. Ronald Rouse, mathematics. Gerhard Schmidt, biochemistry, Edwin Schur, sociology. Robert Schwartz, medical school, Newlin R. Smith, economics. Gary M. Spackey, French. Manfred Steiner, medical school. Walter J. K. Tannenberg, medical school. Jack Tessman, physics. Robert H. Webb, physics. John C. Wells, German. UNIVERSITY OF CONNECTICUT Max M. Allen, psychology. Curt F. Beck, political science, J. David Colfax, sociology. Douglas P. Crowne, psychology. Maurice L. Farber, psychology. Amerigo Farina, psychology. R. C. Gosselin, mathematics. Jerrold Heiss, sociology. David A. Ivry, finance. Seth Leacock, sociology. Charles H. McCaghy, sociology. Dennison Nash, sociology. Charles A. Owen, Jr., English. G. N. Raney, mathematics. H. Reschovsky, mathematics. Kenneth Ring, psychology. A. Robert Rollin, psychology. Joy S. Roth, zoology. Julian B. Rotter, psychology. William A. Wilson, Jr., psychology. Elliott S. Wolk, mathematics. 11514 Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190015-3 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE May 27, 1965 me Grossman, (even though the Oregonian does not quote J t ero UNIVERSITY OF VERMONT Kenneth Greenblat , Horace W. Briggs, political science. H. L. Holcomb, Cambridge Electron Accelera- you with enthusiasm) and I am proud that for you represent my State. Robert V. Daniels, history. Sidney Kaplan, University of Massachu- Out of protest more than anything else, Denez Gulyas, sociology. ,yens and because I do not want to support action Samuel B. Rand, history. Hedda Korech, Wheaton College, that I am uninformed on, I have not made history. Rchar L. Hoffman, Leidberg, h plain Allen Kropf, Amherst College. up my mind to one course of action or an- Richard M talf h chaplain. Carole Labrousse, Wellesley College. other on Vietnam. The reason? Because iara Metcalfe, history. Joan Levin, Emmanuel College. the American people have not been told the Anthony Moshe, history. Hilde Geiringer von Mises, Wheaton Col- facts about Vietnam. I cannot believe that Daniel Rosman, thropol languages. lege. we are being dealt fairly with. There is a history. oJane Marcus, Thomas O'Donnell, Pine silence between those vast and diverse areas Thomas J. Spinner, J. Spi,nnerr, Jr., r anthropology. om Manor Junior College. and the people-people who are being asked ard Howard, , rd mathematics. IN5TIT[raE Ruth Anna Putnam, Wellesley College. (or should be asked, somewhere along the Lernard Mark Rich, Trevor Robinson, Frederick L. line) in some measure to determine their Bruce C. McQuarrie, mathematics: Schuman, Williams College, fate. If the American Government steps into Romeo L. Moruzzi, electrical engineering. Rebecca H. Shankland, Wheaton College. a country to maintain the status quo, rotten Philip Shakir, mathematics. Susan Raymond Vogel, Wellesley College. and corrupt as it may be, is it not, or should David Todd, chemistry. Henry T. Yost, Amherst College. it not be, the American people who are step- YALE UNIVERSITY (Institutional affiliatioh listed for purposes ping in? And if the responsibility is ours, of identification only. does not the American Government have Robert P. Abelson, psychology. If you approve of this statement, reprint a responsibility to us? We are becoming theAllen, Jammes Jaes E. Appel, psy y law. chology. it in other newspapers and write or wire: servants to a vast government machine Appel, p President Lyndon B. Johnson, White House, whereas the Government should never be a Richard J. Andrew, biology. Washington, D.C. machine and should always be the servant James Bell, phyol ol.y. (The cost ofpresenting this statement is to the people. We are losing sight of our Wended J. B, ge , o sociology. approximately $6,500. A major portion of own system of freedom, in a grave sense. Bertoergen, this amount was contributed by the names But is all this ideological banter set aside Merton n C. B. Bernstein, law. . listed above. Further contributions toward for wartime conditions. Indeed: Whose Harry J. Benda, history. the cost of this and subsequent advertise- war'? I don't recall it coming up before John M. Blum, history. ments are needed. Checks, payable to the your august body of Rand George Braverman, biochemistry. y Senators, do you, Senator Representatives resen Greater Boston Faculty Committee on Viet- MORSE? Doro Chipman, psychiatry. nam, may be sent to Post Office Box 543, Dorot thy D. Clang, psychology. As I have said, I do not know what to ad- Michael l Cole, psychology. Central Square Station, Cambridge, Mass., vocate in Vietnam merely because I do not Barry E, Collins, psychology. 02139. Prof. Everett Mendelsohn, secretary: know enough. But I do know this. I feel Robert M. Cook, sociology Prof. Cyrus Levinthal, treasurer.) that the job you are doing, is a bangup one, . Alice Cornelison, psychiatry. PORTLAND, OREG., May 19, 1965. , and I wouldn't trade you for all the hawks Sheila Counce-Nicklas, biology. Senator WAYNE MORSE, in the country. You are the loyal opposi- Robert S. Crowder, psychology. Senate Building. tion, you and Senator CHURCH (I was born Robert A. Dahl, political science. HONORABLE SIR: Congratulations to you in Idaho) and precious few others, and you David J. D, political science: and Senator GRUENING for your courage. are vital. I know you are there, and I am Gaylord D. . Ellison, psychiatry. Perhaps one day when another book is writ- proud. Thomas I. Emerson, law. ten on Profiles in Courage, you will both be Yours truly, Edmund Fantino, psychology. included. How sad that their aren't more Miss MEGAN TAYLOR. Harry Fein, psychology. Senators who have the courage to speak out P.S--This was not an assignment for an Yasuko Filby, psychology. against the policy being pursued by Our Gov- unimaginative social studies teacher. I just had to say it. nn psychology. h P Fl J o n ?,. . y ernment J. G. Gall, biology. We are grateful to you and want you to Arthur W. Gardner, , biology. know that you have our support. Frank T. Gardnepsychiatry. Sincerely yours, Fred Gault, psychology. ROSE M. SCHULZ. Joseph click, psychology. David Goldberg, psychiatry. Harry' Gollub, psychology. Laurence Gould, psychology. Lergy, C. Gould, sociology. M. M Haith, psychology. George A. Huaco, sociology. Michael Kahn, psychology. Kenneth Keniston, psychology. Bill Kessen, psychology. Charles A. Kiesler, psychology. Daniel L. Kline, psychology. E. E. Krieckhaus, psychology. Theodore Lidz, psychiatry. Robert J. Liston, psychiatry. Staughton Lynd, history. James A. Mau, sociology. James D. Millikan, philosophy. Ronald N. Morris, pharmacy. George D. Mostow, mathematics. Pauli Murray, law. Nea M. Norton, psychiatry. R. C. W. Prescott, psychiatry. Charles A. Reich, law. Charles E. Rickart, mathematics. Julian M. Sturtevant, chemistry. Josiah Thompson, philosophy. Roy C. Treadway, sociology. Cynthia M. Wild, psychiatry. Mary C. Wright, history. George Wolf, psychiatry. OTHERS Sigmund Abeles, Wellesley College. S. P. Colowick, Vanderbilt University. Flora Donham, Philip Donham, Irvin Doress, Cardinal Cushing College. Alexandra Eliot, Samuel Friedman, Univer- sity of Michigan. H. Gintis, Suffolk University. PORTLAND,OREG., May 21, 8965. SENATOR MORSE: There are a lot of words on radio and in papers about you being against the U.S. involvement in the "Gold- water war" in Vietnam, and the mess in the Dominican Republic. If you are sincere, and if you are quoted correctly, it seems to me you should make a lot of professional politicians mad by propos- ing a constitutional amendment forbidding Americans from fighting on foreign soil- volunteers excepted. At 65 I don't care what happens to any government. The cocksure ignorance of poll. ticians has made a mess of the world, and proves that the rarest work of God is an hon- est politician. We Oregonians are also aware that "Salem and Washington, D.C., are the only insane asylums on earth run bytheir own inhabitants." How about giving the amendment some thought? Please don't bother to reply. constitutional And words? PORTLAND, OREG., May 12, 1965. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Much like the boy in the USO advertisements, I picture you . back in Washington wondering "Does any- body States could do far more for the Vietnamese schooknowlI'mctudentt, underage, Although and I there- a and for our own prestige by taking the lead fore, do not "count," I am very aware of your in a call for negotiations. high opinions on Vietnam (as is nearly everyone Respectfully, else). I know you are there. I am listening SERENA A. WEAVER. KLAMATH FALLS, OREG., May 17, 1695. DEAR CONGRESSMAN : I Include myself among many responsible citizens who are deeply concerned about our Government's policy in Vietnam. One serious source of dissatisfaction is the absence of any detailed assessment of the feelings and attitudes or. the South Vietnamese regarding U.S. aid and also regarding the Vietcong. President Johnson has assured us that the South Vietnamese desire our presense and detest the Vietcong. The only support for this viewpoint is the President's assertion that it is so. Unfortunately, we have not been given sufficient proof of this and there are, on the contrary, many good reasons for doubting Its validity. I do not think, for in- stance, that the continued existence of the guerrilla movement in South Vietnam is ad- equately explained by Vietcong terrorism. It seems to me that we were not helping either the South Vietnamese or ourselves by our armed intervention in Vietnam. For both practical and moral reasons it is un- wise for us to continue our present policy. We could support the interests of democracy far more effectively by ceasing our bombings and leading in the negotiations to set up a viable and independent state' in South Viet- narn. The money we are now using to sup- port the war could, if used differently, pro- vide a means for the growth and develop- ment of South Vietnam. I urge you to call for an immediate cessa- I believe the United tion of the bombings Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190015-3 Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190015-3 May 2'1, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE 11515 GREATER PORTLANDCOUNCIL ., ... OF CxIIRVHES, Portland, Oreg., May 20, 1965. The PRESIDENT, The White House, Washington, D.C. DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: The Greater Portland Council of Churches is morally concerned with the Vietnam situation. We want you to know of this concern. It Is rooted in our calling as Christian people to "seek peace and pursue it." We recognize also our re- sponsibility to "do justly and love mercy." Our concern, therefore, is peace with justice. We will to express our interest in the true needs, of the people of southeast Asia, our hope for the most helpful and constructive American policy toward that region, and our concern about the,continuing escalation of What you recently termed "a real war" in Vietnam. We. believe that American almi; should be stated positively in terms of backing "the revolution of rising expectations" which eharactgxizes the desires of Asian peoples along with African and-Latin American peo- ples. We do not feel that our country has emphasized sufficiently our basic sympathy with the development of political, economic, and social, justice in southeast Asia. In this connection, we urge that our Government support the Mekong Delta project now un- derway, which promises so much for the well- being of southeast Asia, in amounts com- parable to our military expenditures in the area.. Tliis? would.eonflrm U.S. concern for a constructive alternative to present trends. It would-be incontrovertible evidence of our peaceful aims for the region. It would con- trast with any who seek to exploit or seize these areas for their own purposes. In con- nection with our special concern for South Vietnam, we would note that Its future de- pends on making it viable in terms of inte- gral relationships with the entire region. We hold with all thoughtful and discern- ing men who prize freedom that communism is a grave hazard and a most exploitative form of social Organization. Hpwever,?,we are forced to accept the fact that to present the American case as ba- sically that of fighting and containing com- munism,-Is too limited and too negative a rationale for our,, foreign policy, and especially for our.significant presence in southeast .Asia. We are further aware of how little this interests and appeals to many peoples of southeast ,Asi~.,_ whose attention is fixed on Ether pressing concerns. Thus, we reco- gni a the necessity of our Government's pru- dential use of the working concept of co- existence with governments in Asia which are not patterned after our own. We accept the fact that southeast Asian countries will evolve tl}eir ,own,,forms of government with which we must Work, even though they may bear little resemblance to Western democ- racies., We believe that our country must move beyond unilateral action in Vietnam before the esgalation and expansion of war involves -the overt, intervention of Communist China and ,increases.., tlae hazards of -nuclear war. We reject unqualifiedly any and all proposals for the, preventive or preemptive bombing of China as an aspect of the present situation. Since ne otiation is inevitable either during war or a the close of. war, and protracted conflict extends the suffering, escalates fear and hatrgd born,, of war, and deepens the tragic aftermath of war into.- which com- muiiisln gan most succe ,fully move, we urge the ceaseless exploration ? And use of all, avenues ';of negotiation. We support your announced intention of 'unponditlonal.dis- cussions " which we realtze must include the Vietcong, which is composed of. both North and South Vietn>imese. We understand the ;,impossibty and inadvisability of our policing the internal affairs of countries around the world, We believe that we should work energetically for the creation of an age to vote against the Asian International Armed Police Force for nam appropriation. our forces at the earliest possible moment. We are painfully aware of the difficult role the United States Jas been taken, and which to Asians and other colored peoples of the world can be so easily misconstrued. To se- cure the order and security with justice of that entire region now demands that we, in concert with other nations, find alternate, long-range solutions commensurate with the serious needs and great possibilities of that area. We want you to know, Mr. President, that we keep you continually in our prayers, ask- ing our God to sustain you in the midst of your heavy responsibilities, and to do in His power, mercy, and grace what we are unable to do in preserving peace in our troubled world, Sincerely yours, Executive Secretary. HERMISTON, OREG., WAYNE L. MORSE. U.S. Senator, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: We wish to commend you on your stand against President John- son concerning his interventionist foreign policy. We believe that if the United States continues to pursue this policy the results will be catastrophic. We find that by talking to people that there is more opposition than the polls show. We hope that you, Senator GRIIENING and Representative GREEN Will keep hitting at Mr. Johnson where it hurts. Sincerely yours, CHAS. SNIVELY. " LOIB _ SNIVELY?,~._ EUGENE, OREG., May 21, 1965. 'DEAR SENATOR MORSE: We profoundly sup- port your efforts to alter U.S. policy in Viet- nam. We equally urge you to do anything in your power to halt our appalling interven- tion in the Dominican Republic. Sincerely, CONRAD D. MILLER. LAURA J. MILLER. PORTLAND, OREG., May 21, 1965. Hon. WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. MY DEAR SENATOR: In response to a letter which recently appeared in the Journal, I am writing to let you know my attitude toward your stands on Vietnam and the Dominican Republic. I am wholeheartedly in favor of your posi- tion. Please know that I shall continue to urge my friends and acquaintances to listen to your excellent points of view. Your insight and courage is greatly admired. Thank you. Sincerely, DON HAROLD KILLIAN. NORMAN, OKLA., Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: This is to commend you for continuing to urge a negotiated set- tlement in Vietnam. The widening of the war has only made matters worse by increasing the risk of an- other world war. Truly yours, MARGARET E. SALMON. EDWARD J. GOODMAN. MADISON, Was., May 11, 1965. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I wish to take this op- portunity to thank you for having the cour- BROOKLYN, N.Y., May 15, 1965. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I am inexpressibly grateful for your voice of opposition to America's disastrous and cruel foreign policy, particularly regarding Vietnam. I find the thought extremely frightening, that if not for you and the Alaskan Senator, there would be virtually no official questioners of the lie the American people are being indoc- trinated with. I pledge to work with you for the peace and justice the people of this earth deserve. Sincerely, SANTA FE, N. MEX., May 14, 1965. Hon. WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. HONORABLE SI4: I want to be counted among those who are desperately against our action in Vietnam and intervention in other parts of the world. The..stand_you have consistently taken is deeply appreciated by many Americans. The Congress is really our only hope to stop the American madness, but according to a Quaker visitation made in Washington early in April (259 calls), "the Congressmen are disturbed about Vietnam but none appeared to be in- terested in taking any initiative,"-Gretchen Tuthill, who headed up the visitation for the American Friends Service Committee. It is our responsibility, as the represented, to inform you that many of us feel that the work done by Senators like you and Messrs. GRIIENING, CHURCH, MCGovERN, GAYLORD NELSON, etc., is the only means possible to retrieve our country from the mess it has built up for itself under the leadership of the President and his advisers in the Pentagon and State Department. When a handful of men has this much power, our form of Gov- ernment loses even its resemblance to a democracy. If the Congressmen are to represent the people, as they are sworn to do, they must restrain the hand of America, or the future can be only a horrible question mark. No- bility really means great power in a hand that withholds its use. May your leadership continue to be strong and inspired. Sincerely yours, Mrs. MONICA KERNBERGER. Hon. WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. SIR: I support wholeheartedly the state- ments you have made recently with respect to our stupid, shameful involvement in Viet- nam and In the Dominican Republic. Your counsels of sanity, of morality, are to be vigorously applauded. For the sake of the worlds future, I know that you will con- tinue to advise as intelligently, as wisely, as you have in the past. Very best regards, LAWRENCE, KANS., May 16, 1965. DEAR SENATOR WAYNE MORSE: Please add my voice to yours in opposition to the pres- ent Vietnam policy. You are not alone in speaking against those who now will not even deign to speak at all. It is no doubt the nature of "hawks" to fly above the "herd," but I hope Mr. Bundy is not so far away that you can't be heard. Respectfully, Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190015-3 11516 Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190015-3 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE May f7, 1965 lence in foreign affairs of President Theodore Roosevelt. The Johnson corollary to the Monroe Doctrine strikes at the heart of the inter-American system, flaunts treaties, char- ters, and the pledged word of the United States. In Vietnam he has done the same things, but with the infinitely greater danger of total war with China and perhaps the Soviet Union. He has destroyed the detente painfully and partially inaugurated by Presi- dent Kennedy and former Premier Khru- shchev. He has violated his own spoken word even as he uttered it to the people of the United States and to the world. What- ever his intentions his actions have widened the war, drawn America in deeper to that tragic situation, and alienated other govern- ments and peoples throughout the world. He has acted unilaterally, arbitrarily, and intransigently; he has defied petitions and criticisms from the Senate and from many responsible persons in the academic world. He has profoundly frightened millions of people and brought not only the good faith but even the sanity of the administration into question. And he has surrounded him- self with a group of advisers who are obsessed with fear of communism and the belief that it can be contained and defeated by the use of American military power and the threat of nuclear war. I honor you for your heroic efforts to cor- rect: this appalling situation, and I beg you to continue in these efforts. Humanity and history will confirm and reward you. Sincerely yours, DAVID P. LEONARD. FAIRFAX, VA., May 17, 1965. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: At this dangerous time when U.S. foreign policy in Vietnam and elsewhere seems to be succumbing more and more to impulsive and irresponsible ac- tion, your courageous, rational and balanced public statements are a beacon of hope. I want you to know that you have earned the deep admiration and gratitude of Amer- icans in all parts of this country. Sincerely, MYRTLE BRICKMAN. BOULDER, COLO. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Thank you for your courage in acting on behalf of the best prin- ciples of American democracy and humani- tarian thought in voting against endorsing our rash policy in Vietnam and, at least by indirection, in the Dominican Republic. For years we have known you to be a man of courage and high principle but this action must have been unusually difficult even for you. However, I hope you realize that the huge majorities in both Houses of Congress by no means reflected any such preponder- ance of support in the Nation. Many people we know have very grave doubts about our policies in Vietnam and the Dominican Re- public and some of us are sickened to realize that our country would use its massive armed might to force political decisions on other peoples. Thank you and best wishes for many more years in the U.S. Senate. Sincerely, RUSSELL OLIN. CAROL OLIN. OLD BETHPAGE, N.Y., May 17, 1965. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Washington, D.C. DEAR, SENATOR: I have recently read some of your remarks to the Senate on the Presi- dent's request for more funds for Vietnam. I must advise you that your comments were masterful. I have long admired you and your courage and wisdom but this speech was the finest. Isn't there some way we can stop the President from leading us in this terrible path to future war? I have written letters to all my Congressmen and Senators but it seems of little avail. Letters to the President seem futile, but still I write. Keep up your wonderful work, for even though you may not receive the praises of the press you know that millions of ordinary people applaud you and wish you success. If there is some way that I can help I would deem it an honor to hear from you. Very sincerely yours, ROBERT G. BACH. CHAPEL HILL, SOUTH HADLEY, MASS., May 17, 1965. Hon. WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senator from Oregon, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I have just now seen excerpts from your two speeches in the Senate on May 5 and 6. I am writing to ex- press my deep gratitude for what you said there and for the great courage it took to express such views in the present atmosphere in the United States. In tone and style, attitude and actions, President Johnson has generated this atmos- phere. He has built upon the condititioning of 20 years of the cold war. And in the past 4 months he has undermined 150 years of American effort to build a world of interna- tional law and comity. He has returned to the insufferable self-righteousness and trucu- KINGSTON, N.J., May 12, 1965. Hon. WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I was in the Senate gallery last Thursday, the sixth, just at the end of Senator DIRKSEN'S speech, in which he attacked you, not by name, for refusing the support the President on Vietnam. I thought your reply to him, that you would let nothing stop your criticism when you saw something wrong, was right, and that your entire course has been right; I am writing this to thank you for what you have been doing. I am one of those thousands in New Jersey who is unrepresented in the U.S. Sen- ate, and I am glad to see that you and a few others are giving me a little bit of what the English used to call "virtual representation." One thing more, Senator. I hope that in all your attacks on this evil, and, what is worse, stupid and shortsighted policy you will not neglect to propose alternatives. The President's offer of a TVA for southeast Asia in his Johns Hopkins speech is not only the most constructive thing he has done, it is the only constructive thing he has done. I hope that you will not advocate that we ignore the people there, but that we start trying to help them and stop trying to rule them by force. Yours sincerely, ROBERT D. BULKLEY, Jr. P.S.-I'd appreciate copies of a few of your speeches on this, and being put on your mailing list. CALIFORNIA STATE COLLEGE AT FULLERTON, Fullerton, Calif., May 11, 1965. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SIR: I support your honest and cou- rageous stand against the current U.S. pol- icy in Vietnam. I feel we should withdraw immediately and unconditionally. I would appreciate receiving any printed material that fully expounds your views on this matter. I realize that it is physically impossible to answer each inquiry individually, but academic inquisitiveness leads me to pose the following question: If a secret ballot were taken in the Senate regarding Vietnam pol- ocy, what, in your opinion, would be the probable outcome? Sincerely, J. E. MORROW, Assistant Professor of Psychology. LONG ISLAND, N.Y., May 17, 1965. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: We strongly sup- port your courageous stand in opposition to the administration's war against the people of Vietnam. It is our opinion that the United States should seek a negotiated set- tlement of that war, based on the 1954 Geneva agreement and leading to the with- drawal of all U.S. Armed Forces and military aid from southeast Asia. But even if nego- tiations should prove impossible or should end in failure, we feel that the United States should withdraw its military forces anyway. The time has come to end this reckless policy of military adventurism before its too late. - Respectfully, PHILIP OKE. Mrs. RAYMOND OKE. SOMERVILLE, MASS. Senator WAYNE MORSE. DEAR SIR: I am grateful to you for being the only articulate person in protesting the President's policy in Vietnam. Sincerely, - (No reply needed.) WOODMONT, CONN., May 16, 1965. Hon. WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senator, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR: I write in support of your recent criticisms directed against the John- son administration's foreign policy in Viet- nam and the Dominican Republic. I en- dorse wholeheartedly your negative vote on the Vietnam appropriation and regret that more representatives of the people did not show similar courage in opposing the meas- ure. I fear that we in America are rapidly reaching the point where criticism becomes equated with subversion and where con- sensus politics becomes a substitute for hard thinking. May I urge upon you the need for an im- mediate Senate investigation into the con- duct of the war in Vietnam and into our invasion of the Dominican Republic. Such an investigation should be publicly held and constructive critics of the administration both within and without the Government should be heard. Too often the mask of na- tional security is used to hide the failures of bureaucratic decisionmaking. Too often a veil of secrecy has hidden the narrowness of vision and the inbreeding of ideas which afflicts the executive branch of our Govern- ment in the conduct of foreign policy. May your voice remain loud in opposition as long as reason lives in Washington, D.C. Sincerely yours, MICHAEL E. PARRISH, Graduate Student, Yale University. PORT CHESTER, N.Y., May 18, 1965. Senator WAYNE MORSE, United States Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: It was very reassur- ing to read of your intervention in the Sen- ate about foreign policy. We are greatly impressed by your elo- quence and clarity which is a consequence of maturity and knowledge. Senators like Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190015-3 May 27, ?19pproved For le CIARDP67B00446R000300190015- ~? S N,A CORD - S NA'rr you are the hope of all Americans. A policy some kind of peace before use of the atomic of arrogance, aggression, compulsive posses- bomb. siveness only spells disaster, The American I would appreciate knowing of any source people are not Texas cattle.. to be branded of information that would give some truths with these charp.cteriatics. We voted for in regard to our deep involvement in Viet- President Johnson, because we thought he nam and Santo Domingo. would continue the policies of the late great Very truly yours, President Kennedy. Yet, it., seems Barry Mrs. BERTHA FIEGE. Goldwater is in the Preside W ___ ,-_ ncy e ferent. The greatness of this country is due n Cambridge, ridge, Mass., May 1212, ., Maay , 1965. to the free enterprise of ideals and ideas. Senator WAYNE MORSE M MoasE, Why should we change now? Senate Office Building, Very sincerely yours, Washington, D.C. E, A, GOMEZ, M.D. DEAR. SENATOR: I am writing just to add GERDA GOMEZ my voice, to those whQ. praise you most highly for your continued opposition to the BOSTON, MASS., U.S. war in Vietnam. Thank God for you Ma,, 18 6 I an, DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I Congratulate and others ewill soo n jo NiNG; I sincerely hope thank you for the fight you are waging Keep it up, and g good luck. against an expanded war in Vietnam, Sincerely, I would only amend your remarks in one DAVID MoRRISON. slight respect. You say that China moves in on the ground, we will have to send 300,000 COPENHAGEN F, DENMARK, troops. But Walter Lippmann writes in a May 16, 1965. recent column that there IS, plenty of talk President LYNDON B. JOHNSON, in State and Defense these days about send- The White House, ing 350,000 troops to South Vietnam, regard- Washington, D.C. less of what China does. In this they are DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: I agree with the consistent. We can only have our way in Danish papers, the London Guardian, and South Vietnam at the cost of a massive mili- the London Observer: the United States tary occupation of the country. The alter- must negotiate with the Vietcong. I com- native is a government in which the Viet- pletely agree with the statement printed in cong will play a large part, a government the New York Times by my fellow academics that will demand U.s. withdrawal, a govern- in the Greater Boston faculty group, "A merit that ill b i t w egn o normalize relations with the North and with China. The greatest danger of a U.S. occupation in Vietnam, in my judgment, is not that it will bring about war with China or even Russia, but that it will bring, as the Algerian war did in France, the destruction of free- dom and of democratic institutions at home. We are already on this road; we will go much farther. Sincerely, JOHN HOLT. ELLENSDURG, WASH,, Hon. WAYNE MORSE, May 14, 1965. U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SIR: I often discuss with my family and friends what should or should. not be done about the escalation of the war in Viet- nam. All give you credit for your great cour- age in speaking out on the Vietnam situa- tion. It is the least I can do to inform you, that in truth, you have many, many backers in this area. If only there were some way we could speak a little louder. This is the country of all of us-not just those in high offices. Mr. Rusk intimates we shouldn't object to what is going on and that we should consider the "real facts." What are the real facts in regard to Viet- nam and Santo Domingo? It is very frus- trating to always have to be guessing what they are. We talk among ourselves and make statements as to what we think is back of all the fighting, but come up with no real facts. We wonder if, other than communism, they are racial, religious, political, plain showing of strength, or all of these together. We wonder if President Johnson is making all final decisions and/ being dictated to by certain officials, special interests or leaders of other countries who may have something t i o ga n politically or otherwise. If we were told the facts, as events happen we would not come up with wild, assumptions for which we could possibly be very wrong. We and the press talk of freedom, the free world, the American way, and the right of all people to cirpose.thelr.lgaders.Isn't there some way we can continue to .make these expressions have. real meaning. i, myself hope that some unknown event will arise or some minds be prodded into working out with their conclusion, "We must arrange for an immediate cease-fire and offer to ne- gotiate with the principal combatants, including the Vietcong; we must cease our air raids on North Vietnam; we should use the good offices of the United Nations in bringing about these ends, and we must assure the world that we will not use nuclear weapons in the pursuit of victory or in the pursuit of peace." Sincerely yours, ARTHUR FOREs. .Senator MORSE: I strongly support your courageous, strong stand against the U.S. action in Vietnam, All of Denmark does, too, from what I can read in the newspaper. Above is a carbon of a letter mailed to President Johnson. Your speeches give courage to us all. Sincerely yours, ARTHUR FORER. PLYMOUTH, MICH., May 15, 1965. Senator MORSE: Thank you, Mr. Senator, for all you said at Detroit Town Meeting on channel 4, WWJ, Tonight. When you left the Republican Party I felt very sad, but I have since learned why and have become an Independent too. Keep on pounding out the truth. We surely need it. I feel better tonight. Most of the time I am torn as to what to believe- how must it be for our young people? I hope they keep it up on the college campuses of our country. It was wonderful telling us again about our Senator Arthur Vandenburg. God bless him. MARGARET PIERCE Mrs. Frank J. Pierce. ASHFIELD, MASS., May 17, 1965. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I must write to con- gratulate you on your stand vis-a-vis the $700 million war appropriations bill rammed through Congress by the President. It is inconceivable that this should be done at a time when we have, as well as the rest of the world, so many social ills and problems 11517 My son has just registered for the draft and I can envision 18 years of careful atten- tion, love, direction, and guidance, as well as money, going into a square box. Having fought almost 4 years in World War II, nar- rowly missing extinction several times, I am fed up with this myopic megalomania for war displayed by men in positions of power in this country. Like you, I refuse to ac- quiesce to this concentrated drive toward war. Would, however, that I could do more. In the recent past I have given up a well- paying job in a munitions factory (so-called defense) in order to pursue work toward a doctorate. Hopefully there will yet be time to practice what I have spent 2 years trying to acquire an educational background which is acceptable at the college level. Meanwhile, my very best wishes to you and the few others who are courageously waging the battle for human survival. Sincerely, DONALD FITZGERALD. P.S. 1.-May I have a copy of your speeches May 5 and 6? P.S. 2.-Please put of subscribers to your would you pass this Thank you. my name on the list campaign needs. Also, on to TED KENNEDY. PRINCETON, N.J., May 17, 1965. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Your noble and re- sponsible speeches in the Senate on May 5 and May 6 regarding our foreign policy in Asia set you apart from your colleagues as a true Senator, a true leader. Everything I have read in my past 10 busy years as a mother of five has led me to the conclusion that in your line of reasoning is the only path to a world of hope for our children and their counterparts all over the planet. I do not intend to stop reading and learning and I do not intend to stop writing my Representatives and my President, urging them to take heed of your longer sighted and wiser view of our changing world. Im- batience and political expediency and mili- tary might cannot bring about the "better world" we must arduously work toward for those who come after us. President Johnson seems to want to create a world in his own image as a kind of personal "7 days wonder." My husband, a busy physician, joins me in sending you best wishes and gratitude. Very sincerely, Mrs. Alfred T. Halt. MARIE J. HALT Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SIR: May I express, belately, my ap- preciation and admiration for your stand against President Johnson's request for $700 million for further military requirements in Vietnam. Today a similar message shall be forwarded to Senators GRUENING and NELSON for having joined with you in this action. I regret that I can't number myself among your constitutents, and I shall so inform my own Senators who are either in accord with President Johnson's increasingly ar- rogant foreign policy or lack the courage to publicly denounce it-in any case neither of them represent my position in this matter. President Johnson's rapid resort to and expansion of the old style "gunboat" diplo- ma h cy as led me to finally accept the prop- osition that he deliberately misled the American people in the last campaign when he argued that a difference existed between himself and Goldwater with reference as to what actions were necessary and proper in troubled areas like Vietnam. Either he deliberately misled us, or he has been, in an amazingly short time, completely sold on the position taken by the "war hawks." Ap- parently no "dove" can reach him now. 2003/11/04- CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190015-3'. 11518 Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R00030019001.a ` 7 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE y Ift It would seem that the only action left to those voters feeling as I do is to do what apparently we should have done last Novem- ber-refuse our vote for either candidate. If the mule kicks you once, it is the mule's fault; but if It kicks you the second time, it is your own fault. Sincerely yours, ANN V. KING Mrs. G. Barr King. democratic principles on which this country was built and in which the vast majority of Americans believe. May I offer my support in your continued efforts of opposition. Very truly yours, LOUISE SCHNEIDERMAN. FszxFoaT, MAINE, May 18, 1965. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Congratulations, my heartiest congratulations on your two prophetic and magnificent speeches in the Senate, May 5 and 8. I agree with you absolutely, nor could what you have said be better expressed. Yours is patriotism of the highest and wisdom beyond dispute. I am writing in the same vein in a couple of news- paper columns here in Maine. FARMINGTON, PA., May 19, 1965. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: We want to thank you and express our appreciation for your courageous and lonely fight during the Viet- namcrisis. We were grateful for what you expressed on May 5 and 6 when the $700 million appropriation measure was consid- ered. We simply want to support, and en- courage you in your stand and we hope for both a growing awareness of the wrongness of our Government's position and a militant pursuit of peace. Sincerely, MICHAEL and SHIRLEY BRANDIES. God be with you. Sincerely, DAVID L. GHAHAM. AUTOMOTIVE NEWS, Detroit Mich., May 18, 1965. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate office Building, Washington, D.C. Senator WAYNE MORSE: I commend you for your efforts to keep the United States from Hon. WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: May I send my de- vout thanks for your determination for morality and reason in our Vietnam policy. I am deeply worried. Surely there seems to be a juggernaut under way carrying the administration and with it all of us to the brink of mad actions. What do you suggest that citizens do to reverse the disastrous policy of the United States in Vietnam? The President fails to listen to friends abroad or reasoned advice from Congress. the press, and educators. Should those who are concerned use their bodies to stand in the path of this mad policy? I picketed with the religious group at the Pentagon last week. Should we come again and stay longer? Very urgently, ROBERT ANTHONY. MAY 19, 1985. ST. AGNES SCHOOL, Albany, N.Y., May 18, 1965. Hon. WAYNE MORSE, The Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR: Congratulations to you for a heroic defense of the only realistic and safe foreign policy I've heard mentioned near the White House for Vietnam. Keep up the good work. We're on your side and we'll do our best where we live to help people understand how valuable our stakes really are in Asia and how important it is that we change our present bankrupting war for a more humane method of containing communism. Respectfully yours, ESETER J. LANGWORTHY. BROOKLYN, N.Y., May 19, 1965. drifting into war In the East. Is it not possible to have a debate in congress as to what policy should be? How can we citizens help? Sincerely, full-fledged our foreign ROBERT M. FINLAY. MAY 18, 1965, Sen. WAYNE MORSE, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Just a short note to say that I approve of your stand on Vietnam and the Dominican Republic. It is good to know that some representatives of the Ameri- can people have not been cowed by the dic- tatorial methods of the Johnson adminis- tration. We are not supporting freedom in the civil wars that exist in these two coun- tries. As a Johnson supporter for the presi- dency-politically, financially, and morally- I feel that I was deceived into voting for what I believed was a policy of intelligence and moderation. Now our foreign policy is ap- plauded by the John Birch Society, the American Nazi Party, A.C.A., Richard Nixon, Joseph Alsop, Barry, Goldwater and therest of the far right. This country needs an antipoverty cam- peace and we support you fully in this. It is so very important that that kind of voice as yours and that of the Senator from Alaska, Mr. GRUENING, are heard. Again we want to thank you and ask that you do not feel. alone, and continue to express-what you feel is right. We greet you warmly. Yours, ALLISTER and JUDY MARCHANT. STOCKTON, CALIF., May 14, 1965. Hon. Senator WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR: I would like to express my gratitude to you for the stand you have taken on Vietnam. I realize what terrific odds you are facing when the machine is all oiled up ready to explode at any moment. To me I don't seem to understand why anyone would want to push us into another war. As the saying goes, "we win the wars but lose the peace." I am sure that the people of the world must think we Americans a very vicious nation. To my way of think- ing our troops should be brought home as one boy's life isn't worth the entire strip. The reason I speak is, I lost a brother in the first war and that was supposed to be the war to end wars. Was I wrong in my way of thinking about the Dominican Republic, as I thought the President said he was only sending in the Marines to get our American people out of danger. Now we are not only there but we are telling them who they should put in power. I wonder what this Nation would do if De Gaulle or any other foreign nation came over here with their troops and said "you can't have Senator MORSE in the Senate," just what would we tell them? I am sure you know the answer. I am sure if the President keeps on going the way he has been he will go down in history as a very much hated man. Along with him the same goes for Mr. Rusk and Mr. McNamara. When I men- tion to some people the things I have put In this letter they say I am either a Com- munist or a John Bircher and I can assure you I am neither. Anyway Senator MORSE I want you to know that you have made many, many, friends and may God bless you for your stand on the affairs of our people. Cordially yours, senator WAYNE MORSE, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I have been meaning to write you for a long time to advise and agree with you In your position on Vietnam. Keep up the good work. Further, I just want to say I have high admiration for you and regard you as a man of great wisdom, courage, and honesty. With all best wishes for your continued good health and good work. paign-in the State Department, the Penta- gon, and the CIA. There is a poverty of in- telligence, ideas, justice, humility, and moral values. Keep up your wonderful fight for a truly free world and the rights of all mankind. MONROEVILLE, PA. SOCIETY OF BROTHERS, Farmington, Pa. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: With this letter my wife and I want to express our gratitude and respect for how, and with what courage you have spoken out protesting against what is going on in Vietnam. In these last weeks we have been. following very closely and with great interest the hap- penings and atrocities going on in the world. We are deeply troubled how much hate and violence there is and how rapidly it is in- creasing. So little respect is paid to indi- vidual lives, and life seems to be considered unimportant and worthless by so many men. We read in the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD from your speech on May 5. It moves us deeply to know that you stand for justice and world God bless you. Very respectfully, Senator WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington,D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Yesterday I was priv- ileged to see a film dealing with Vietnam which you made for a Yale protest group. I can not help but admire your courage in standing up to the administration, the Pen- tagon, and the State Department, and there- by presenting the viewpoint of a substan- tial portion of the American people. I sin- cerely wish that there were more Senators and Congressman with your perspective and coribi:ction to a sound and moral foreign policy. I fervently believe that continuation of the war In Vietnam can only result in creat- ing a deep hatred for the United States and with it a misunderstanding of the truly ST. LUKE'S METHODIST CHURCH, Columbus, Ohio, May 17, 1965. HOn. WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Every thoughtful, well-informed and fairminded man agrees with you that the war in Vietnam is stupid and unnecessary. I am back of you 100 percent. Yours respectfully, CHARLES B. WHITMAN, Pastor, St. Luke's Methodist Church, and Lieutenant Colonel. Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190015-3 Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R0003001900154 Mqy 27, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SEN 'E BRYN MAWR, PA., MAY 17, 1965. M ap 19, 1965. Senator WA}'NE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I wish to express admiration and appreciation .for your cou- rageous stand against the U.S. Increasingly dangerous and clearly illegal military in- volvement in Vietnam. Such reports as I have read of your speeches on the Senate floor convince, me you are one of only two Senators bravgand honest enough to make clear the lack of justification for this Country's aggression against North Vietnam, and its virtual military occupation of South Vietnam. .1 would, appreciate being sent any copies of your fine statements on Vietnam which you may have available. My address makes it. clear I am not. one of your constituents; but it seems to me that the Vietnam crisis goes far beyond the boundaries. of any one State,. Your recent speeches against the $700 million carte blanche which President John- son virtually extorted from both Houses were greatly to your credit. I wonder if you feel yourself as poorly covered by the mass media as I think you are.. To me, there is a systematic elimina- tion or distortion of all anti-Vietnam criti- cism. Senator GP,VENING's excellent speech to the students who protested in Washing- ton, D.C., went almost completely unnoticed by the press. You may be interested to know that citi- zens not ip your home State are following your courageous battle and are hoping that your stand for sanity and frankness will at last convert someof your rubberstamping colleagues to sense and fairness. To ,me, the invasion of the Dominican Republic, with all the incredible lies and evasions that flowed, from. top U.S. offi- cials-this put the Johnson administration into a very fearful perspective. I keep pinching myself to convince myself I'm not dreaming: for Barry Goldwater, not Lyndon Johnson, seems to have won the presidential election. To me you are a "profile in courage," and your prophetic condemnations of President Johnson's antidemocratic. policies will in the future be seen as the patriotic cries against political folly that they so clearly are. Yours truly, RICHARD C.KOIILER. 18, 1965. senator WAYNE MORSE. MAY MY DEAR SIR: I want to thank you for your speech and actions of last week, May 5 and 6. There weren't too many voices raised with respect to, Vietnam, unfortunately. The conscience of Congress seems to have fallen apart. May I have a copy of your speeches of both May 5 and 6? Thank you. STANLEY.ROSENDERG. SAN BERNARDINO NIGH SCHOOL, Salt.?3ernaraino, Calif., May 19, 1965. Hon. WAYNE MORSE, U.S, Senator, Senate. Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I would appreciate your sending me documented material ex- pressing your stand on the Vietnam situation and the Dominican fiasco.. I am-an srd,ent, follower of-Your sane ap- proach to world affairs in an age where the majority of this Nation's leaders-are wildly flaying blindly at the so-called Communist threat. Respectfully yours, JOHN A. KINozlu,,. M.D. 11519 YAKIMA, WASH., May 20, 1965. Hon. WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Regarding the re- cent $700 million President Johnson re- quested for the Vietnam war, we find words inadequate to express our thanks and deep admiration for your brave "nay" along with Senators GRUENING and NELSON. The Pentagon computers are unable to measure the future hatred and distrust man- kind will hold for the people of the United States. This Vietnam war Is truly one of the gravest mistakes this country ever made. Sadly and sincerely, Dr. and Mrs. M. E. HERR. MOUNT VERNON, WASH., May 19, 1965. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Congratulations for your opposition to the President's policy in Vietnam and your vote against his $700 million appropriation for that policy. How sad that those who agree with you are in such a minority. I am sick at heart over the course of criminal folly that our Government is pur- suing in Asia, and, yes, in South America, too. What can a small private citi en do, be- sides writing frequently to the resident, Senators and Congressmen? Keep up the good work. Yours truly, RUTHERFORD, CALIF., Senator WAYNE MORSE. May 20, 1965. DEAR SIR: After listening to an interview given by you to ABC and broadcast by short- wave on May 20, I am proud of the stand you have taken against the administration re- garding our policy in Vietnam and the Do- minican Republic. I agree with you and wish there were more people like you In Washington to guide and keep our foreign policy on the right track. I feel that the President of the United States is being misinformed by the Pentagon and the State Department. Please, Mr. Senator, keep on informing the American people of what is going on. The administration does not. They tell us half the truth. Let's hope that some day they will realize their mistakes. I hope it will not be too late. I am a naturalized citizen of the United States, born in France, and served in the U.S. Navy during World War I; was always proud of what America stands for. I am now a little apprehensive of what our foreign policy is leading us to. Three wars in one generation is tiresome and our foreign policy might lead us to another war worse than the others, In which half our population might be wiped out. Think of it, Mr. Sen- ator. I regret that the two Senators from Cali- fornia have remained silent on this subject. Thank you, Mr. Senator, for this wonderful interview, and God bless you. Respectfully Yours, EDMUND A. MANDIN. Hon. MIKE MANSFIELD, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. POWER, MONT., May 20, 1965. nypocrisy of the U.S. Government and ashamed of its actions which smack of Hitler tactics and imperialism, hidden and abetted by our elected representatives. We would like to know by what right you OK'd the $700 million for President John- son tQ.,spend on wars g31 1,. aggression? We Approved For Release 2003/11/04 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190015-3 Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SIR: We would like you to know that we stand firmly behind your Vietnam posi- tion. Keep up the good work. JONATHAN H. HARRIS, ROBERT MALTS, Harvard Graduate School of Design. LEONARD OSHINSKY, Harvard Law. COLORADO SPRINGS, COLO., Hon. WAYNE MORSE, May 19,1965. The U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I am not a constitu- ent of your State, but must tell you I whole- heartedly agree with your views on the war in Vietnam and admire your courage in ex- pressing them. The average citizen opposing the administration's policy in Vietnam feels so powerless to do anything. At least we feel we have a spokesman in you. If copies of your speeches in the Senate May 5 and 6 opposing the President's $700 million request for Vietnam are available, I should very much appreciate receiving three copies so I may distribute them to friends. Sincerely, NANCY D, KENT Mrs. D. R. Kent. . COMMITTEE ON ECONOMIC AND SO- CIAL RELATIONS OF THE MEN- NONITE CHURCH, Goshen, Ind., May 19, 1965. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: On May 4-6, 1965, a number of religious leaders were in Wash- ington engaged in a consultation on Vietnam. We called on a number of Senators and Rep- resentatives and also had a conference with the Vice President. I think we were sched- uled at one time to have a meeting with you, but due to the debate in the Senate on the President's request for an appropriation of $700 million in support of the Vietnam pro- gram, you were engaged In that debate and the meeting with you was not held. I wish to say that a number of us were In the Senate on Wednesday afternoon when you made your eloquent speech objecting to the President's proposals. I wish to con- _ gratulate you for the stand which you have taken, and I do hope that your influence and those of others who share your viewpoint may have their influence in shaping Amer- ican foreign policy in the direction of peace. I would be happy to have you keep me in- formed of any developments which should be shared with an informed citizenry. -With best wishes. Sincerely yours, GUY F. HERSHBERGER. NEW Yoiu ,, N.Y., May 21, 1965. The Honorable WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SIR: I support an immediate cease- fire in Vietnam, and application of Mr. U Thant's formula for negotiations. Very sincerely, MICHAEL GELLER. TRENTON, N.J., May 21, 1965. DEAR SENATOR: Please keep up your won- derful work. We admire your courage and foresight. I agree, we should not be in Vietnam or the Dominican Republic. Best wishes, 11520 Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190015-3 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE May 27, 1985 are doing what Hitler Germany and Kaiser Wilhelm of Germany did, spending billions of dollars for wars of aggression to keep peo- ple enslaved. Under the name of "freedom" we go around the world killing, torturing, property- maiming, and destroying peoplle faced upyto what a tragedy. It is time what is wrong with an economic system that can't stay alive without wars. We blame others for exactly what we our- selves are doing. No matter what we say to justify our immoral actions, they will not be justified. We are the only active colonial power today outside of Portugal. We should stop and view ourselves as others see us. If we have the right to control southeast Asia, Russia should have the same right in South Amer- ica. If it is unthinkable for us that the Rus- sian military might should control South America, then how can we think it is right for us to do this in southeast Asia? The present governments of Russia and China are not so brutal or ruthless. Drew Pearson attests that the Chinese method of conquering does not consider killing but mainly infiltrating with their people in busi- ness contact. Russia's method is similar, If we can't compete with them in peaceful com- petition, what we are doing will be the end of everything. How foolish and insane can we be? It's time to take stock of ourselves, not of others, before we commit the ultimate blunder. Sincerely, HAROLD and ROSINA WOODHOUSE. WEST ORANGE, N.J., May 20, 1965. The Honorable WAYNE MORSE, - U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORE: This is to tell you that I admire your willingness to express your unpopular views on our position in Vietnam, and I agree with your stand. l: do not like to differ with our Govern- ments views but I think It is my obligation to say when I think we have made a mistake. I hope that our right to criticize construc- tively will never be abridged. There are some disturbing signs that criticism is un- welcome, but I am trying to teach my chil- dren to speak out for what they think is right. Thank you for setting the good example. Respectfully yours, RUTH E. GOODMAN. DENVER, COLO., May 18, 1965. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR. SENATOR MORSE: I wish to commend you on your courageous stand against the war in Vietnam. I join with you and many other people in the United States who are hoping for a cease-fire to stop the brutal killing of all people involved. Thanking you, Sincerely yours, Mrs. ANNE K. RODINETT. CARMEL, IND., May 20, 1965. Representatives to join in your protests. At least your voices are heard. Yours truly, - Mrs. R. B. SMITES. THE LASATER RANCH, MATHESON, COLO., May 21, 1965. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE : May we congratulate you on your recent addresses to the Senate, on May 5 and 6, on the matter of our foreign policy. We stand ready to help you in any way we can. Please call upon us. Sincerely, Mary and Tom Lasater Mr. and Mrs. Tom LASATER. MELODY FARM, WASHINGTON COURT HOUSE, OHIO, May 21, 1965. Senator WAYNE MORSE. DEAR MR. SENATOR: Since I heard you say on the television, "We shall not be silenced," I have wanted to write my approval of your opposition to our actions in Vietnam. Someday you may be nominated as one example of a profile in courage. I would like the names of the other Sena- tors who voted against the bill to grant extra moneys to carry on the undeclared war. SUN VALLEY, IDAHO, May 19, 1965. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: This is just a note to add to the many you must receive ex- pressing my support of your strong and lone- ly stand on Vietnam. EUCLID, OHIO, May 19, 1965. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Iwant to thank you for doing all in your power to stop the sense- less killing of American troops in Viet- nam and Santo Domingo. Contrary to international agreements, the United States has Introduced many new weapons like napalm, and white phosphorus bombs and increased the number of Amer- ican troops to a point where there are now almost twice as many American soldiers as there were estimates of Vietcong soldiers only 1 year ago. In Santo Domingo, American troops are again engaged in aggression and violation of international agreements. American troops again outnumber the native insur- gents and while they publicly cry for a cease- fire allow the rightwing generals to bomb and attack and mass troops from areas con- trolled by American troops. We are fast becoming the most-hated na- tion in the world while the American peo- ple allow the military to tell lie after lie and supress our own reporters at the scene. Not once in recent history have Amer- icans troops been used to protect democrati- cally elected governments from military purges and coup d'etats. Only when a mil- itary dictatorship is threatened by demo- cratic insurgents who might have the back- ing of the Communists, do we intervene. Very truly yours, MELVIN L. DAHLMANN. Senator WAYNE.MORSE, Senate Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR: I am not one of your con- stituents, but I want to commend you for your stand against our military intervention in Vietnam and our dangerous escalation of the war there. You have shown admirable courage in op- posing the administration's inexplicable for- eign policy, especially in the face of President Johnson's efforts to silence the opposition. I only wish there were more Senators and NEW YoRK, N.Y., I wish to congratulate you on the position you have taken On Vietnam and on the rea- sons you have put forward for taking that position. It seems to me your views are not given the circulation on the radio and in the press which they deserve. I consider the last presidential campaign the biggest hoax practiced on us in my lifetime. Only my friends who voted for Goldwater are happy today. I offer you my best wishes or the future. Sincerely, HOWARD RICKERT. WOODLAND HILLS, CALIF., May 24, 1965. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Both my wife and myself would like to convey our great ad- miration for your honesty and courage for standing against the current Vietnam policy. We also are very much against it and wish there was something we could do as citizens. Keep up your marvelous efforts. Sincerely, VICTOR and MARILYN FELDMAN. THE FIRST UNITARIAN CHURCH OF COLUMBUS, OHIO, May 20, 1965. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: From the bottom of my heart, thank you for your tireless and courageous insistence upon providing leader- ship for what small loyal opposition exists in the consensus society our beloved maxi- mum leader has created. It must seem sometimes that you have "lived out your life talking to scorning men," as Vanzetti said, but those of us who shudder from the insane escalation of this new hip- shooting Barry Johnson deserve a voice also. Trust for us is, of course, irrevocably de- stroyed in La tin America; no change in pol- icy can undo that catastrophe. We have succeeded in making certain that the Viet- cong government will indeed be Commu- nist-as we always said-and that Laos and Cambodia will follow. Thank you, sir, for your voice of sanity amidst the cries of "Ave Caesar." Sincerely, Rev. J. FRANKLIN CHIDSEY. EXCELSIOR, MINN., May 19, 1965. President LYNDON B. JOHNSON, The White House, Washington, D.C. SIR: It is obvious to me, as I believe it is becoming clear to many if not most Ameri- cans, that our foreign policy has reached a new depth of immorality, illegality and senselessness during recent months. Our involvement in Vietnam has been of doubtful value and legality, to say the least, from the beginning. Our present formula of retaliation against and hypocritical offers to negotiate with the North is absurd and may lead to disaster. Yet now our activities in the Dominican Republic occasion nothing but outrage and horror on the part of thoughtful citizens. Our actions there have been cynical, from the start of the present disturbance, and are now being proved un- believable folly from any point of view. Worse, however, is the bludgeoning that', the people are being subjected to by your office. This treatment, so far, has been in the form of a stream of "information" that is, in fact, a compound of evasion, wistful prognostication and patent lies. We feel buried under the weight of platitudes and Senator WAYNE MORRIS, protest is suffocating; as, apparently, our U.S. Senate, Congress is now stifled. It is this suppres- Washington, D.C. sion of dissent under the guise of "consen- DEAR SIR: I have been meaning to write sus" that will bring us either to ruin on for- to you for some time and now must postpone eign ground or to a dangerous reaction at the writing no longer. home; or, more likely, to both. Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190015-3 Like millions of others, I suspect, I am quite disturbed by the pretensions and ap- parent megalomania of our executive. Our present expansionist foreign policy will suc- ceed in doing nothing but isolating this country and eventually, one fears, bringing us to a level of frustration where the only solution will be an explosive, annihilating one. Social revolution is necessary, desirable, and will continue to occur throughout the world despite the icy hysteria and armed evangelism of this administration, Our late President had recognized such a reality and had begun to deal with the world rather than to browbeat and subject it to his will. Anything else, such as our present policy, seems madness, Yours, ALLEN F. HARRISON, FIRST METHODIST CHURCH, Redding, Calif., May 18, 1965. The Honorable WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: You have My vote of confidence for your vote of "no confidence" in the program of mounting military re- quirements in Vietnam. Keep up the position. Sincerely, ROBERT J. HAWTHORNE. GARDENA, CALIF? May 17, 1965. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Your efforts on be- half of the American people is greatly appre- ciated. We admire your courage and stam- Ina to stand by your convictions with regard to our foreign policy. Although we are un- able to vote for you we would like to thank you for representing our opinion., Yours truly, DOROTHY and ARTHUR Y. KOBAYASHI. AMHERST, MASS., May 21, 1965. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I applaud your cou- rageous remarks on our foreign policy. But I fear that we are being headed toward a showdown with China, and protest will be- come more and more difficult or unpatriotic. Please continue to speak out against U.S. militarism . in Asia and in Latin America. Your voice is essential. Sincerely yours, DEAN A. ALLEN. FRESNO, CALIF., Hon. WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SIR; Thank you very much for your stand in the Opposition to our Government's policy in Vietnam and in the Dominican Republic. We have no business in committing our troops and planes in either of these places. I am sure that you have more support in your stand than is readily visible. Please continue in your outspoken opposition to this insane and dangerous policy. Yours very truly, Mr.. HANS E. FRANOSCH. PARLS, ILL., Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate OfJlee Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SIR;, YOU May never see this letter but at least it can, be added to the ones In the basket Marked "fox." I appreciate the Stand you have taken, on our foreign policy, you are right all the way. It is hard to be- -17e tllgt you and Senator FULERIGHT are the only, ones who believe as you do but what holds them back.. I ,feel sorry for Mr., John- 111l04: C1A-RDP67B00446R000300190015-3 SIpNAL RECORD - gFXT A ~r>v Approved For Release ?2003111/04 CIA-FDP67B00446R000300190015-3 son, he inherited this mess and in trying to get out of it he seems to get in deeper every day. However he did not inherit Santo Domingo. They say the good we do lives after us, maybe so but there can be no question about the mistakes we make, they grow and grow. Our country is suffering from the mistakes of John Foster Dulles and Joseph McCarthy. I believe that we should recognize China and that China should be admitted to the United Nations. Communism in Russia has changed and it will change in China but our present policy will not help bring that about. If we are the country we think we are we do not have to be afraid of communism. If we are the Christian nation that we like to think we are, we should take care of our needy' at home and feed hungry children the world over to the very limit of our ability and forget guns and bombs. Yours sincerely, NORWICH, CONN., DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I joi May 23,1965. n those noncon- stituents who appreciate your courageous stand on Vietnam, and I have so notified Senator RIBICOFF and Senator DODD. With much gratitude, CLIFTON W. GRAY, Ph. D. COLORADO STATE UNIVERSITY, Fort Collins, Colo., May 19, 1695. Senator WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Thank you for your courageous opposition to recent American policy in Vietnam. At a time when the President is attempting to stifle free expres- sion of opinion your stated position becomes not simply a critique of foreign policy but a defense of democracy here at home; everyone, whether or not he agrees with you, must be in your debt. Your characterization of our Government as "drunk with military power" is most apt. Would that more officials of our Govern- ment had your appreciation of the fact that one does not win friends among people by dropping bombs on them. Sincerely yours, WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY, SCHOOL OF MEDICINE, May 16, 1965. DEAR SENATOR: I, with many of my col- leagues, admire your firm stand for consist- ency, justice, and commonsense. in opposing our administration's policy in Vietnam. We take courage from you, and continue to speak up for a peaceful settlement through nego- tiations with the belligerents involved-and this includes the obvious * * * the Viet- cong-whom we are fighting and shooting, not only the North Vietnamese whom we are bombing. Do not fail us, the Nation, and the world by backing down now-continue to speak for your earlier proposals. With admiration and respect for you. Sincerely yours, S. MEDORF, M.D. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. 11521 wives like myself who agree with you, but how can we be heard? I thank you so much. I would be very proud if you were our Senator from Cali- fornia. Sincerely yours, Mrs. HILARY WEAVER, Mother of Three. SACRAMENTO, CALIF., May 20, 1965. Honorable LYNDON B. JOHNSON, President of the United States. DEAR PRESIDENT JOHNSON: I am one of the many millions who worked hard and voted for you in the last election. Most of us did so because we felt so strongly that Senator Goldwater's foreign Policy proposals were: dangerous, immoral, likely to achieve the precise opposite of their professed inten- tions. Why do you insist, by your bombings in Vietnam, and invasion of the Dominican Re- public, in proving just how wrong Barry Goldwater was? We already believed it before the election. We are more convinced now than ever. I, and many others I know who supported you, are determined to work against, and vote against, any public official regardless of party, who supports this incredibly inflam- matory and discredited policy that assumes our military might obliges us to slaughter people worldwide (and get many of our sons slaughtered in the bargain) In the hypo- critical guise of aiding self-determination. Very sincerely yours, HUGH MACCOLL. SENATOR MORSE: Allow me to express my sincere gratitude to you for your position on foreign policy. Please keep up the good work, HUGH MACCOLL. CHAPEL HILL, N.C., May 20, 1965. Senator MORSE, Washington, D.C. DEAR SIR: I feel sure you will be interested in this clipping from the Durham Herald of today showing that a spokesman for the State Department excuses the bombing of North Vietnam on the ground of necessity. As I recall it, this was the excuse of the Germans in their illegal invasion of neutral. Belgium in 1914. Yours truly, PHILLIPS RUSSELL. NORTH VIETNAM BOMBING TERMED AS NECESSITY A U.S. State Deartment official here Wednesday afternoon gave a direct reason for our bombing of North Vietnam- necessity. Turner Shelton, special assistant to the Assistant Secretary of State for Public Af- fairs, gave the explanation during a public lecture at Duke University. His topic was "The Situation in Vietnam." "Let us speak in simple candor," Shelton said. "These bombings are not pleasant; they are not by choice, they are of neces- sity." Evidently alluding to the American criti- cism of our Vietnam policy, particularly from segments of the academic world, Shel- ton said, "We cannot obscure the facts by engaging in wishful thinking." Calling attention to American men and women who have been killed in Vietnam, Shelton then added, "In self-defense, we are bombing bridges, roads, and ammunition dumps in a totally reasonable effort to pre- vent the men and supplies causing the deaths of American and Vietnamese alike from reaching the south." Noting the Communists' reaction to our bombings, Shelton said, "The fact that all this is so distressing to the Vietcong Com- DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I would like to com- mend you on your courage and good com- monsense on your views on Vietnam. Es- pecially for your courage to speak out against the overwhelming majority who do not share your views. 1['m sure there are many average house- 11522 Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R0003001900 -3 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD SENATE ay 196.5 vention in what is essentially a civil war- ns substantially the war is in the Dominican Republic-and I think we ought to withdraw immediately from both Vietnam and from the Dominican Republic-withdraw mili- tarily, that is, for I think we ought to give nonmilitary aid to the emerging countries, where there is a need and whether they profess to be our friends or not. The Biblical injunction, "If thy enemy hunger, feed him," seems more appropriate now than ever. Our country; which at one time was looked up to as an inspiration for social revolu- tionary movement, is now considered, and rightly, the enemy of such movements. I personally am dismayed by that, and I am disheartened that there is so little resistance at home to our quite immoral foreign policy. But resistance to our intervention in Viet- nam does seem to be growing, and I find It especially encouraging that young people are more and more employing the techniques of civil disobedience in order to make their munists gives the lie to their claim that they are an indigenous South Vietnam group engaged in civil war." Asserting that we and the South Viet- namese "are engaged in the pursuit of the basic right of self-defense," Shelton added that "It is an action totally consistent with the spirit of America." America has pledged itself to aid the South Vietnamese, Shelton said. "This is a great and worrisome responsi- bility, but it is the responsibility that goes with America's tremendous power," he as- serted. DO W NEY, CALIF.. May 18, 1965. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: We wish to commend you for the commonsense attitude you take regarding our military intervention in troubled areas, and for your courage in forth- rightly opposing this. We unalterably oppose the deplorable trend which seems to say that only brute force can preserve our way of life. If this be so, then democracy is already lost-why pour blood over the corpse? And if it would achieve good results, why are we then not using it in our own be- nighted South? This inconsistent pattern of behavior would seem to indicate that we are willing to defend our freedom on others' soil and at the expense of their land and people; hardly a noble stand for a great nation. Please continue to use your gifts to get us back on a more American (as we would like the word to signify) course of action. We are behind you. Sincerely yours, JOHN N. VON RAAPHORST. NAN VON RAAPHORST. Mrs. J. N. VON RAAPHORST. SAN GABRIEL, CALIF., May 20, 1965. "No" more profound. Sincerely yours, BELLWOOD, ILL., May 24, 1965. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Just a note of ap- proval of your good, sound political policies. Keep up the good work. Wars only bring misery. Sincerely, JOHN SKOSOUE. MICHIGAN TECHNOLOGICAL UNIVERSITY, Houghton, Mich., May 23, 1965. Senator WAYNE MoRSE. Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Thanks for your re- ports, May 14, 1965, which are always wel- come and for including a copy of the REc- oRD--"The undeclared war in Vietnam." Very good, and double thanks for your fine, reveal- ing statements. Keep up the good work. Best regards, MILTON E. SHERER. MEMPHIS, TENN., May 22, 1965. certain basic criteria of competence for such appointees. Yours very truly, C. W. SHEPPARD. STANFORD UNIVERSITY, Stanford, Calif., May 21, 1965. Hon. WAYNE L. MORSE, Old Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I thought you'd be interested in seeing the enclosed copy of a letter which appeared in this morning's San Francisco Chronicle. H. H. Fisher is an emeritus professor of history at Stanford and for a number of years was the head of the Hoover Library on War, Revolution, and Peace and Hoover Research Institute, now designated as the Hoover Institution on War, Revolution, and Peace. Sincerely, THE REAL ROLE OF VIETNAM TEACH-INS EDITOR: The teach-in debates are good for what ails us--complacency at the top and conformity below. We cannot afford com- placency in times like these and conformity atrophies the precious right of dissent. De- bates are less useful, however, if they focus exclusively on the hot local issues and we lose sight of the larger questions of which the local issues are symptoms. Have we, for instance, lost sight of the most vital national interest thus ignoring the con- sequences of our repudiation of our treaty commitments to the global and regional or- ganizations we took a leading part in creat- ing in order to lessen the dangers of war? Have we lost sight of recent shiftings in the alinements of nations and assumed that communism has become so menacing that the United States has the duty to prevent its further establishment in Asia or Latin Amer- ica regardless of our agreements and the wishes and policies of friendly governments? We claim that we are not only protecting our own national security which every nation has a right to do, but are protecting the na- tional security of all nations not under Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR: May I commend you for your courage to vote "no" on President John's request for $700 million more. It is good to know that at least a few want to take a second look and may wish to try to solve problems by other means than the military or war. Keep up your courage. Sincerely, ROLLAND THOMPSON. MENASHA, WIS., May 25, 1965. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I have wanted to write to you for a long time to commend you and thank you for your fearless expres- sion of your views on our current wars. I think that you have done our Nation a service in showing the world that our mili- taristic path is not approved by all of the people. In admiration and gratitude, EBBE BERG. DENISON UNIVERSITY, _ DEPARTMENT OF ENGLISH, Granville, Ohio, May 22, 1965. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Communist rule, which they have not asked us to do. Many of the presumed beneficiaries would feel more secure if we were not so trigger happy. And the communists nat- urally allege that we are not protecting but endangering general security just as imper- ialists are supposed to do. Conflicts of national security interests are not new; and they have led to war when one country has followed the advice of its prac- tical realists who believe in the efficacy of preemptive violence. After two wars of mounting scope and destructiveness, world opinion seems to have recognized that in one matter there could no longer be a conflict of national security interests. The overrid- ing security interest of all mankind has come to be the prevention of a third world war in which for the first time man has the nu- clear chemical and biological weapons to im- pose an eternal peace on this contentious planet. Global and regional peacekeeping arrange- ments are now in some disarray when, per- haps, we need them more than ever. The basic issue at this moment is do we serve the security interests of ourselves and the rest of humanity by adding to this disarray by re- pudiating our commitments to these organi- zations? Resort to armed intervention in violation of treaties, which we have loudly condemned ever since the Germans tore up that "scrap of paper" and invaded Belgium in 1914, has always been done to force an opponent to mend his ways and come to the conference table, preferably to surrender unconditionally. We are violating, and not in the exercise of the right of self-defense, our pledges to both the United Nations and the Organization of American States "to re-- Senator WAYNEMORSE, Senate Office Building, Washintgon, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I believe you were one of three Senators who had the courage not to support the recent supplemental mili- tary appropriation to assist in covering the cost of our amplified operations in Vietnam and in the Dominican Republic. It is cer- tainly difficult for a citizen at this time to obtain sufficient information on which to base a valid opinion. Our conventional news sources have presented conflicting stories. If we can believe "The Invisible Government" by David Wise and Thomas B. Ross published last year, there is evidence that our foreign relations have sometimes been complicated by intrigues originating within our govern- mental security agencies, and outside of dip- lomatic control. Certainly if the executive branch of our Government receives the Impression that they will get automatic support for any hasty venture, then indeed our position is perilous. Your vote against such a mandate was there- fore wise. At times like these, our international im- age depends to a considerable extent on the quality of our ambassadors. Their appoint- ment Is subject to senatorial influence. I lack detailed knowledge of most of Latin Washington, D.C. America but I do have friends who are fa- E: I want to commend miliar with Colombia. One of our former MOR D S EAB SENATOR you for your two speeches in the Senate, ambassadors there made little attempt to on May 5 and on May 6, in which you severely know the people or their language at a time criticized American involvement in South when his English equivalent was studying Vietnam. Our involvement there is indeed Spanish and touring through outlying areas. cruel, for Asians now and, as you point out, More recently, however, we have done much for Americans in the future. In my opinion better. In maintaining this improved record there can be no justification for our inter- our Senators will be well advised to set up Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190015-3 Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190015-3 1965 CONGRESSIONAL frain_from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independ- ence of any state." The effect, regardless of our motves, can only unify our enemies, shake the confidence of our friends, discour- age collective security with us and stimulate collective self defense against us. We take this risk because, so we are told, the Communists must be Stopped at all costs 'from expanding in Latin America and tak- ing control of all Asia, and there is no one else who can do the job. The admin- istration does not seem to recognize that the conditions in Western Europe, where con- tainment was so Successful, do not exist in the developing countries of Asia and Latin -,America. Nor do the bipartisan supporters of our present policies seem to suspect that the splits between Russian and Chinese and Other styles of communism can have any bearing on the world conspiracy or on how to deal with it. Nor is any significance at- tached to the appearance in several develop- ing countries of single party dictatorships using Communist totalitarian and organiza- tional methods but not Communist ideology, as the most effective way to achieve modern- ization. The spread of polycentrism, this loosening of alinements is bound to be a growing obstacle to Communist ambitions unless we continue to help the national Com- munist Parties to minimize their differences with each other. while we cause our allies to exaggerate their differences with us. As the President has said, there is a job to be done and there is no one else who can do it. In this he is certainly right, but he is mistaken in his priorities. He has acknowledged that it is not just a matter of trying to contain communism by force. His excellent proposal of multi- lateral development aid is a necessary part of the job. But another part of the job has, under present circumstances, a higher priority. This is first, to recognize that the security of the world's most powerful na- tion is linked with the security of both friendly and unfriendly nations, and sec- ondly, that in the long run, the security which is the common interest of all peoples can be strengthened only if we, the strongest, -uphold and use the global and regional In- stitutions of peaceful change and pacific settlement. Hon, WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. RECORD - SENATE 11523 NEW YORK, N.Y., May 22, 1965. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Thank you very much indeed for having sent me the reprint from the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD as I am on your mailing list. That reprint covers your speeches on Viet- nam starting with the one you delivered be- fore the Senate on May 5, 1966. Although I am not a resident of Oregon and consequently not your constituent, I am indeed delighted with both your courtesy in sending me material covering your speeches and legislation you sponsor, as well as with the views you hold and express particularly on Vietnam and foreign affairs issues In gen- eral. As I spent considerable time in southeast Asia generally and in Vietnam particularly throughout 1963 I am in fullest agreement with both the views you so forcefully express and fight for as well as with the conclusions you have reached about the eventual outcome of the war in Vietnam. It is regrettable to note therefore how little support of your views you have found so far in the Senate and it is equally to be regretted how the President on the advice of a small coterie of people around him bypasses the United Nations and the Geneva accords and instead of attempting to settle the con- flict by negotiations around the conference table with all concerned (and that, of course, means also the Vietcong and Red China) rather escalates the war. There is now no longer any doubt in my mind that eventually all of southeast Asia will be drawn Into this conflict on Vietnam and who knows if an expanded war covering most of southeast Asia may not be the start of world war III. Once a war has been escalated-and soon it will be fought by 70,000 American men on Vietnamese soil-it will be hard to stop it. Is there no way that public opinion in this country can be aroused to a point that it may bring the White House to think twice before it is too late? Am really so much in agreement with the views you expressed on Vietnam in your various speeches and for which you are fight- ing so valiantly that I would like to ask you tq kindly let me have eight more copies of the reprint from the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD to which I referred on the preceding page, so that I may forward same to a number of friends and acquaintances of mine. Please continue to let your office send me everything on Vietnam-I.e., not only re- prints of your speeches before the Senate but also of talks you give before universities and other gatherings. Thank you for your courtesy and with all good wishes to you personally and for the wonderful fight you are carrying on, I re- main, Yours sincerely, GEORGE H. CORD, Journalist, Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENAToa MORSE: We wish again to commend you for your courage and for your forthright speeches in the Senate on May 5 and. May 6. It must feel lonely to take such a stand in the Senate which, in abdicating Its powers to declare war is surrendering to an aggressive President and leading our country to destruction, We sincerely hope enough Americans will support your position so that we may yet be saved from a worldwide holocaust. Please send us- copies of your most recent speeches in the Senate. Best wishes. Sincerely, ' ,. Dr. and Mrs. ALFRED STEIN. THE VALE METHODIST. CHURCH, Fairfax. Va., May 21, 1985. SDsA,R 0I:IJsTOR MORSE: Thank you for those good statements in the Senate May 5 and 6. You are most intelligent and courageous. God bless your, worthy endeavors. Sincerely yours, EVEaET'T Dona. P,S.-Have you seen this statement by ~Taes '. WarZIg? Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: It must be difficult to maintain a position such as yours over Vietnam and the Dominican Republic In the face of the apparently widespread support for these policies In Congress and the Nation. If you were as concerned with consensus as the President seems to be, you would have to tailor your ideas accordingly but you seem more concerned with the correctness of your ideas than their popularity-it's good to have You. where you are, raising the 4 telligent objections to this new American indulgence that ought to be raised. I doubt that the President has all the sup- port for his policies that it may appear he has at first glance. Consensus has some un- pleasant connotations and one is that it's a fine companion for apathy. Consensus seems to be assumed wherever there are no con- trary voices to be heard which is a negative definition of a term that ought only to be used when positive agreement can be found. The lack of objection from an essentially passivq public that tends away from strin- gently' independent thought has perhaps led Mr. Johnson to suppose he has backing where merely silence prevails. My very secondhand appraisal of the American situation may be wrong though from here it appears that the public is hardly as aroused as it ought to be. The Turkish viewpoint-at least of the man on the street whom I come into contact with- seems quite opposed to what is being done by the United States particularly in Vietnam but in Latin America, as well. It looks very frankly like what it is, unwarranted inter- vention in the national affairs of sovereign nations and others can only wonder when America will decide that their coutry needs our help. In Vietnam we've a spectacular military playground that seems easily capable of geometrical expansion. Where our notion of international proprietorship has come from I don't know, perhaps it's the old adage that power corrupts. I am in the Peace Corps here and trying hard to be proud of my country as well as understand It. There are plenty of people here, Turks and Americans, who support you in your proposals. I simply thought I'd write to support and encourage you in your opposition to the foolhardy and immoral turn foreign policy has taken. Very truly yours, THOMAS DEMERS. Hon. WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. May 17, 1965. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: My profound grati- tude for your courageous "No" vote on Presi- dent Johnson's demand for $700 million and a "blank check" re the mounting Vietnam and Dominican fiascos. But for you and your small number of brave and honorable col- league dissenters, the resemblance of Capitol Hill to the old Reichstag would be more hor- rendous than It Is. Respectfully, LEEsstsG, VA., May 23, 1965. Senator WAYNE MORSE, The Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: My congratulations to you for the forthright stand you are tak- ing on the actions of our Government in Viet- nam. I am utterly sick over what our coun- try is doing in building up the hatred of the world. Your consistent stand has been most heartening. I trust you will continue to lead the opposition against our very dangerous policy. Sincerely, RIO DE JANEIRO, GB, ZC 07 BRAZIL, May 22, 1965. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Congratulations for your courageous criticisms of the Govern- ment policy In Vietnam. Let me assure you, as an American living abroad, that the United States Is breeding a horrible hatred anon the peoples of the 2003/11/D4: C1A-RDP,67B00446R000300190015-3- Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190015-3 11.524 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE May 65 world. Our actions in Vietnam and the Dominican Republic are no less than in- famous. Yours truly, ALLEN YOUN.\ that we who thought we voted for peace, got more war; and more gunboats. There should never be any interference, in another country's civil wars; except by the United Nations; the brutal dictators we have supported in the past, doesn't speak well of our democracy. I wish you, and Senator GRtTENING, more power, and more strength; and peace for all of us-before it is too late. Yours sincerely, P.S.-'U.S. residence: Glen Wild, N.Y. RIVERDALE, N.Y., May 24, 1965. Senator WAYNE MORSE, The Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SIR: I was heartsick that your efforts and your brilliant speech of May 5 opposing the President's $700 million request for Vietnam, failed to stop the Senate's ratifi- cation, I believe with you that continued escala- tion of, the war in Vietnam. by our Govern- ment, can only lead to disaster for us all. Will you and your colleagues continue to try to persuade the President to stop the bombing, seek a cease-fire, and press for negotiations without conditions with all con- cerned, including the Vietcong-before it Is too late. Gratefully yours, GERTRUDE GOTTLIEB. WEST HARTFORD, CONN., May 24, 1965. Senator W. MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I am writing you in appreciation for the courageous stand you have taken regarding U.S. policy in Viet- nam: As many others have stated, "We have Bar- ry Goldwater in the White House." President Johnson seems to be committed to the same reckless foreign policy that Barry Goldwater advocated in last year's campaign. He ap- pears to desire a "blank check" to commit the United States to any military action he desires. He has already put the power to wage war In his own hands, rather than place it in the hands of the U.S. Congress, as our Constitution requires. The recent White House suggestion that Congressmen not voice their objections to U.S. foreign policy in public is a massive strike against our system of government. Americans must stand up and reject the Johnson foreign policy. Although we are now in a minority, I know that some day this country will honor you and your distin- guished fellow Senator, Senator GRUENING, of Alaska, for standing up against these il- legal acts of President Johnson. Sincerely yours, PAUL BASCH. GREENFIELD, IND., May 22, 1965. DEAR SENATOR WAYNE MORSE: I appreciate your passionate plea for the Senate to retain its valuable control over warfare. Let us all work to convince enough Americans that we can have a candidate in the next presidential election who will actively promote a foreign policy run to promote freedom everywhere. May I please have a copy of your com- ments on May 5 and 6? Very sincerely, Mrs. KATHRYN PARNELL. Si'. AVGUSTINE, FLA., May 2'3, 1965. Senator WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. l SEIaA'roa MORSE: While there is still bate, I want to express my respect, and ad- rrir'ation, for your undaunted courage; stand- ing fore what is "right-nearly alone, among theJame ducks--and southern fossils. It is indeed tragic; that the President is taking the advice from the wrong people--- the military, It is horrible to contemplate; GREAT FALLS, MONT., May 20, 1965. Hon. WAYNE MORSE, Senator, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I have wanted to write to you for a long time to commend you for your fearless stand on U.S. Involvement in southeast Asia. Unfortunately, yours is an unpopular position with too many Congress- men and the White House. I only hope that serious, global tragedy does not confirm the wisdom of your position. While unafraid (if one can be) to go to Vietnam himself, and this is quite possible, I am willing to go to be of service to our young Americans there. However, on a na- tional scale I do fear a ground war of attri- tion with the Communist Chinese or, what is worse, a nuclear war on a worldwide basis. Please continue to speak your mind despite the reactionary trend in Washington. As a Catholic I would like to go on record as saying that in no way is William F. Buck- ley, Jr., a spokesman for the Catholic Church. Though I disagree vehemently with his ideas, I must grant his liberty to express them. However, there is little danger of his not do- ing so, his wealth, power, prestige and maga- zine enable him to; bus, his Catholicism be- ing well known, by some he may be regarded as one of the Catholic Church's spokesmen despite the fact that his ideas do not reflect current thinking in the church and still less the teaching of the gospels. Eventually the Bolts legislation will reach the Senate and I do hope that you will vote in favor of that legislation. With all due respect to Senator ROBERT KENNEDY'S feelings on the sale of mail-order guns, personally I do not think this sale is a serious menace to national well-being. Stol- en guns do far more damage and even worse is the slaughter we can expect a week from now on the highways over the Memorial Day weekend. In conclusion, I am troubled by our Latin American position which seems to always favor reactionaries driving the masses of im- poverished people In these lands into the eager arms of the Communists. This both- ered me some years ago but I naively thought things would Improve, Having expressed some of my thoughts, I again want to commend and thank you. Continue- your courageous fight against bad thinking. Respectfully yours, Father THOMAS J. ENDEL, U.S. Air Force. CASTRO'S SUE VERSION IN THE UNITED STATES Mr. DOMINICK. Mr. President, on Cuban Independence Day, May 20, 1965, I spoke in the Senate, as did my colleague from Colorado [Mr. ALLOTTI and other Senators, to point, out the desperate con- dition of freedom under the present Castro government. I placed in the RECORD that day the first part of the American Security Council's report on Castro's inspired subversion, dealing with subversion in the United States. The second portion of that report, dealing with such subversion, is now available. I ask unanimous consent that it be printed at this point in the RECORD and thus be available for study by Mem- bers of Congress and the American peo- ple in general. There being no objection, the report was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: CASTRO'S SUBVERSION IN THE UNITED STATES- PART II At a recent State Department briefing on Latin American affairs, the briefing officer concluded his remarks with the observation that the Communists had a chance to make a showcase out of Cuba but they had failed miserably. This conclusion was first offered by President Kennedy 3 years ago and it re- mains today as the accepted State Depart- ment attitude toward Castro and Cuba. Such an attitude fails to take into account that .communism has never been a social or eco- nomic success anywhere; but as a showcase from which to spread subversion, it has done admirably-and Cuba is an excellent example. Our Washington report of last week illus- trated the point by outlining the activities of the Cuban General Directorate of Intelli- gence. However, Castro's greatest success against the United States has been in the area of agitation and propaganda. Sad to say, almost all his field workers here are U.S. citizens. They are citizens who follow the Moscow, Peiping, or Trotskyite line. They range all the way from hard-line Communists to soft-line dupes. A 2-year investigation by the Senate Sub- committee on Internal Security into the ac- tivities and membership of the now defunct Fair Play for Cuba Committee, organized in April 1960, proved that FPFCC had been heavily infiltrated by known Communists and fellow travelers. Some of the ads it ran on behalf of Castro were actually financed in large measure by the Cuban Government Following State Department's issuance of travel restrictions to Cuba on January 16, 1961, many Fair Play for Cuba Committee members traveled illegally to Havana and, upon their return to this country, gave lec- tures on behalf of the Castro regime. One of these was James Jackson, a mem- her of the national committee of the Com- munist Party, U.S.A. Another was James O'Conner, whose lecture was advertized in the Communist Daily Worker, as were the lectures of at least a dozen others. Jew a Pestana, Rose Rosenberg, and Helen Travis--. all identified as Communists before the House Committee on Un-American Activities-were indicative of the Cuban guest list which numbered in excess of 150 U.S. citizens in a 2-year period. The best known member of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee was President Kennedy's assassin-Lee Harvey Oswald. He formed a chapter of the organization in New Orleans in April 1963 and discontinued it in Septem- ber following his failure to reach Cuba. The FPFCC was a Communist front. Its effect on the American public was negligible. But through its activities and the close con- tacts some of its members formed with the Castro regime, there grew up in its midst other more militant groups. Thee most im- portant of these was the Progressive Labor Movement. PLM was organized in January 1962. Its president, Milton Rosen, and vice president, Mortimer Scheer, had both been expelled from the Communist Party for disruptive ac- tivities. In December 1962, PLM attempted to send .a group of "students" to Cuba and failed because the Canadian Government re?? fused clearance to a Cuban plane to pick them up. A year and a half later, PLM succeeded. Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190015-3