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December 15, 2016
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October 27, 2003
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May 7, 1965
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jay 25, yffkFoved For Rele?)!R O$3 1 f/04: CIA-RDPD67B00446R000300190017-1 11VJJ igage in these activities make the de- Present coinage requirements alone States, have special responsibilities in the land for coins a never-ending cry, and threaten to exhaust our Treasury stocks field of foreign affairs. he fulfilment of that demand a bottom- in 3 years. Though each of us, you and I, is deeply ass pit. The appetite with which these The price of silver rises each year- concerned about the Senate banking inquiry, :oins'are devoured may be but one man!- but the price rise does not stimulate pro- aned South now transpiring the actions of our in southeast Asia 'estation of our affluent society. We duction. Since producers outside the Government an nmhent there, Vietnam, and may th have e far fax greater sannbt ignore, however, that a significant United States account for 85 our lives Portion of the Nation's economy turns the total free world percent they impact on tut lives than all the banking on coins, production, they inquiries put together. would derive The Congress will have to come to creased silver pricesajor benefit from in- Vietn Im. I support talk with you some about grips with the 1965 realities of our coin- I hope the western Senators will now there. the President's policy age system. I believe that we will over- take a good look at the worldwide and A respected member of the Senate once come.the shortage that exists through long-range problem that silver proposes. myth a and ne realities. policy k like to old continued unlimited production of all Their local desires, and pride and pur- plate an new lte another I would subject, coins which are in short supply. poses, have my sympathy and my re- Vietnam, turn that title around to call these I also believe that Congress, through spect-just as I respect their present remarks new myths and old realities. appropriate committees, should begin realization that only the speculator Many well-intentioned people, discussing consideration of various measures which could profit from a piecemeal treatment the Vietnamese situation, have not been pos- already have been introduced to discour- of the silver situation. sessed of, or convinced of the facts there, age hoarding, using coins as collateral Again I applaud my western colleagues consequently, some new myths have gained on bank. loans, melting down the coins for their straightforward action and dee- currency in some sectors here at home'and for their silver content, and other prat- larations today; and I am sure we can abroad. tices which seriously aggravate our move together for the best interests of businessN eingsinvo vet ntsoutheast Asia." monetary system. . the American people-American indus- Above all, let us never succumb to the try and the American worker. French reality fois to rcedt out of rIndo esia a and voices which would urge us to abandon Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I the Geneva Conference of 1954 divided it up the use of silver from a time-honored yield 1 minute to the Senator from into Laos, Cambodia, and North and South coinage system which has stood the test Alaska [Mr. GRUENING]. . Vietnam, the Communists have made this Of time, dating back to 1792. This folly The PRESIDING OFFICER. The area. a principal arena of Communist would indeed deal a tragic and fatal blow Senator from Alaska is recognized for over The last Communist attempt haky to our coinage system, and would lead to 1 minute. Over a free country by conventional military hoarding and speculating on a magnitude Mr. GRUENING. Mr. President, I join attack, Korea, failed. which would make such practices today my western colleagues in commending Open and re attempting tounists test have theory ce then, the pale by comparison. them for the statements which they have of what they call wars of national libera- Mr. PASTORE. Mr. President, I ap- made on silver, whit I heartily endorse. tion, which in free-world terms means Com- Plaud my western colleagues for the munist aggression taking terror and subversion, ng in the Senate VIETNAM-SpE using local guerrillas to achieve external today on the minting of silver dollars. OF SENATOR communist ends. South Vietnam, I appreciated their sincerity when pre- HARRIS BEFORE THE STATE CON- laxly, and southeast Asia, Partithe viously-for the believed benefit of their VENTION OF THE OKLAHOMA generally, are the States' economieselthey would wish the KLAHOMA g ground for this theory. BANKERS ASSOCIATION, TULSA Control of southeast Asia ahas jo upon the in- , traditional silver dollar minted by the OKLA., MAY 7, 1965 tent of muny of history's maor powers. It million. was for such control Japan started World a They are equally sincere today in rec- Mr'NS'D Mr. President, I War IT. England fought a war for it. The ogThey the practical difficulties, don- yield 1 minute to the Senator from fougamans t a fought a war for it t war fP it. The Dutch gees; and he era icaes entailed difficulties, an- Wyoming [Mr. MCGEE]. it. The Portuguese f Wyo- in the The PRESIDING OFFICER, The ma war for it, ing, has recently stated: "The hard fact is minting program the Treasury might Senator from Wyoming is recognized for that it makes a difference who has southeast have had in mind in carrying out the expressed intent of the Congress. 1 minute. Asia, as to what kind of balance exists in the We would be of the MCGEE. Mr. President, I hold world." There are great resources there of of the hg would ing ing into the es nothing to help pockets in M' hand a copy of a speech delivered hordtin, oil, people bauxite, re, rubber. There are commercial circulation-and do- by the Senator from Oklahoma [Mr. and re are seas and entitled co be free, log mercial coinage harm to itionan do- HARRIS] before the State convention of ntialeto the Independence and geogrf na on s such es- pendent on the use of silver-and nd s the the Oklahoma Bankers Association, in as Japan. Pendence of nations such bread and nutter jobs dependent n those Tulsa, Okla., on May 7, 1965. China must not be allowed breatans. I have studied the speech very care- domination over this area with utta str ggle. ind Today's discussion performs a toe- fully. It is addressed to the question The United States is a major world power medisc It performs r the silver of Vietnam. The Senator explores a and must accept its responsibilities mendous s v ce. It poin that must a l r series of myths which have tended to Even this space t we cannot as t say question by all Americans-East and say confuse the issues at stake in this grave "stop the world and lt,a off." we We just ust there West, North and South. situation, in this world of modern weapons, caee There North is not enough silver being His handling of those myths is so ar- are no impregnable wens or a fen es, puthour produced produced us the free eworld nough to meet all ticulate that I am convinced that a retreat hopes t o our a new n s ores.m and attempt to silver needs. reading of the speech by all Senators reality, own shores. The free. world production is only 225 will benefit them, if they could share in ness being olthen, is ved in outheas tAsia because million ounces of silver, The industrial the views the Senator from Oklahoma our own qui n dun c are 300 million ounrial has expressed in his remarks, valved, andace preparedness and security aode adeq te, These are divided among such employ- I ask unanimous consent to have the timely action in that area ofthe via are ing industries as silverware and jewelry, speech printed in the RECORD, and will be required of us. electronics, photographic film, batteries, There being no objection, the speech Myth No, 2; "'South Vietnam is not im- missiles, and medical and dental require- was ordered to be printed in the RECORD; POrtant to the United States." merits, as follows: The reality is otherwise. Testing their There There is a 25-percent deficit between SPEECH OF SENATOR. FRED R. HARRIS, BEFORE new theory of "wars of liberation," the Com- coThere l and produc THE STATE CONVENTION OF THE OKLAHOMA munists have made South Vietnam the prin- cosum production ldt do There between silver coin- BANxERs ASSOCIATION IN TULSA, OKI,A, tips, may for some aggression. South uteit nor-and ode present Tress MAY 7. 1965 represents 15 nap may be some n0p miles away, but It must be ury stocks I serve on the Subcommittee country, d million people to whom this safeguarded to protect our ai Orat Na, and, solemn under three Presidents, has made a ant coinage. pres- Security and International Operations, and, solemn as a Member of the Senate of the pledge of assistance in their No. 94--2 contin- ued struggle for i}eedom and independence. Approved For Release 2003/11/04 CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190017-1 Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190017-1 11056 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE True, this present type of warfare is against South Vietnam, but it is not re- stricted to that country alone. Should South Vietnam fall prey to communism, the impact of such a Communist victory in lesser de- veloped countries of the free world would indeed be incalculable. New efforts of this type would be mounted, not only in other parts of southeast Asia, but in Africa and Latin America. The success of this type of warfare in South Vietnam would also immeasurably strengthen the world's most aggressive Communist power, Communist China, in its twin theses that aggression pays off and that the United States is but a "paper tiger." If we break the pledge of three Presidents to South Vietnam, how can other Asian na- tions and their peoples count on us in the future? We must not only study history but learn from it. President Johnson on April 28 said, "This is the clearest lesson of our time. From Munich until today, -we have learned that to yield to aggression brings only greater threats and brings even more destructive war. To stand firm is the only guarantee of a lasting peace.' How well we should remember the tri- umphant words of British Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain, In September of 1938, when he returned to England after his Mu- nich conference with Hitler and Mussolini. He said, "For the second time in history, a British Prime Minister has returned from Germany bringing peace for our time. Go home and get a nice quiet sleep." I prefer, instead, the words of realism of Winston Churchill, which proved so true: "The belief that security can be obtained by throwing a small state to the wolves is a fatal delusion." Myth No. 3: "We will eventually lose, and Communist China will inevitably control Asia." I will not accept that as reality, and there is no need to. Even the Communists wish they could count on this myth as a reality. Our actions have rudely jarred their firm belief that it is s& China has not actually controlled this area for most of the past 1,000 years, and will not, if free nations remain firm. Un- questionably, our hardened actions are get- ting results-in the morale and will to resist on the part of the South Vietnamese-in greater respect for America's will to do what it says and follow its commitments. Indeed, there are reports of new tensions in Hanoi itself. Reports which commence to indicate that the North Vietnamese themselves have become more and more split due to the 'tighter pressure we have placed upon them and there are increased and more serious bickerings between Communist China and the Soviet Union. There is no question that China will con- tinue to be influential, and increasingly in- fluential, in Asia, but even dominance need not and must not mean domination. President Johnson has said in answer to the myth of China's inevitable victory in south- east Asia, "There is no end to that argument until all of the nations of Asia are swallowed But, to the pessimists and defeatists, I would say that in the long view of history, people who demonstrate their determination to fight to achieve and to maintain their freedom, remain free. We shall honor our commitment to help South Vietnam defend itself. With the free world's great strength and with our equally great determination; we shall remain free. While holding out his offer for "uncon- ditional discussions," the President has nevertheless issued a clear warning against Communist 'aggression. He said, "We will not be defeated. We will, not grow tired. We will not withdraw either openly, or under the cloak of a meaningless agreement." Myth No. 4: "Vietnam is a civil war." This is myth, not reality. Even Hanoi does not attempt to deny that it is actively supporting, assisting, and abetting the Viet- cong in South Vietnam. Even they, when calling upon us to discuss peace terms with the National Liberation Front, which in- cludes a few non-Communists as window dressing, but is overwhelmingly Communist- dominated and controlled, have stated that North Vietnam would have controlling num- bers In any peace discussions. Most of the National Liberation Front leaders are resi- dents in Hanoi. Our intelligence information, statements of captured and defecting Vietcong mem- bers, clearly show the stepped-up and heavy infiltration of soldiers from North Vietnam into South Vietnam. As a matter of fact, in recent months Hanoi has begun to give direct radio signals, orders to units operating In South Vietnam, coordinating their num- bers and concentration of targets. Evidence shows that major regular army units from Hanoi are now operating in the south and that there has been wholesale importation of supplies and armaments brought in to the guerrillas. In recent bat- tles, the Vietcong are found to be armed with weapons, 90 percent of which come from outisde, mostly from China and Czecho- slovakia and nearly 100 percent of the larger weapons from China. We stepped up our efforts in South Vietnam as the efforts of the North Vietnamese aggression were stepped up on the other side. New though its tactics may be, the situa- tion in Vietnam is notcivil war, but outright aggression. As President Johnson has said, "The confused nature of this conflict cannot mask the fact that this is the new face of an old enemy. It is an attack by one country upon another. And the object bf that at- tack is a friend to which we are pledged." Myth No. 5: "South Vietnam is incapable of stable government" ' First, let me say that there are truly na- tionalistic forces in South Vietnam who have not supported some or all of the govern- ments there in recent time-young Turks in the military, some Catholic elements, some Buddhist elements, and some students. No one is happy with the "musical chair" ap- proach which has beenprevalent recently in South Vietnam's Government. But let me say this: First of all, the only government the people of South Vietnam knew, before their own independent-govern- ment was established, was that of France, which, at that time, was almost a model in its frequent changes for what has been tak- ing place In the South Vietnamese Govern- ment. Furthermore, the South Vietnamese have had little chance for governmental stability. The Communists never intended to abide by the Geneva accord of 1954. They were supposed to pull back to the 17th paral- lel as the French left. Instead, they left arms caches, infiltrators, and guerrillas in the south, and took others to the north for training and eventual reentry. Immediately, they made plans for control of South Viet- nam, which they felt was ready to fall like a ripe plum, but it has not been so. At first it was felt they would be successful in 6 months. Ten years have passed, and they have not been successful. What chance for governmental stability Is there In a country where local and na- tional officials have been systematically mur- dered and kidnaped to the degree that, had such terroristic efforts been carried on in the United States in such proportion, it would have been the equivalent of killing 6,000 mayors and kidnaping 20,000 mayors here? The people of South Vietnam seek free- dom and independence. They have proved themselves courageous and hard working. Equally important, they are among the most persistent and determined people on the face of the earth. Any people which has May 25, 196, taken so many casualties and gone on fight ing, deserves the respect of the entire world They are at least entitled to have their bord- ers sealed off and achieve self-determination without outside aggression. The Quat gov- ernment, now In power, has lasted longer than most. Every day it lasts, its chances of continuing are greater. The people of South Vietnam want to govern themselves; they are fighting for that right and we must help them. Myth No. 6: "The people of South Vietnam are in sympathy with the Communist Viet- cong." Our evidence is very much to the con- trary. The South Vietnamese now have ap- proximately 500,000--one-half million--of their people as regular troops, fighting in the field against the Vietcong. Does this sound like support for the Vietcong? During the last 5 years, the South Vietnamese forces have suffered nearly 80,000 military and civil- ian casualties in fighting the Vietcong. In relation to their population, this would be equivalent to more than 1 million casualties for the United States. Does this sound like support for the Vietcong? Despite dissension in past governments, no South Vietnamese Government leader has ever advocated bringing representatives of the Vietcong into the government. Morale is clearly Increasing among the people of South Vietnam because of our help and planned escalation of hostilities, as is plainly Indicated by a cross section of press accounts from that area. There are other indications of improved morale in the south. More and more weapons are being captured by the South Vietnamese. More and more defectors are leaving guerilla forces to return to their home and families. In many places the efforts in the south on our side have now shifted from offensive to defensive. And, very importantly, in 1 week recently it was reported that 8,000 South Vietnamese vol- unteered for service in the South Vietnamese Army. Not long ago we would have been talking about South Vietnamese deserters, instead of volunteers. The South Vietnamese, by their own sacri- fices, have so eloquently said that they do not support the Vietcong or want Commu- nist domination, that this myth should not be given any responsible belief. Myth No. 7: "The United States Is going it alone in Vietnam." This is not so. Thirty-three free world countries, including the United States, are providing, or have agreed to provide assist- ance to South Vietnam. A 2,000-man South Korean engineer battalion arrived in Saigon in mid-March. Last week, Australia an- nounced it would soon dispatch an 800-man combat infantry battalion to South Viet- nam. . Whese two recent efforts are small in comparison to our own, more than 30,000 fighting men there, but they are most signifi- cant because they evidence a growing aware- ness by the people of Asia that this is basic- ally their fight. Many decry our efforts there and wish that the United Nations or some other multi- lateral organization might assume tifis heavy burden. I say: "Easier said than done." There has been criticism of American ef- forts there without international organiza- tion approval. First, let me say that I was glad to see the approving action just last Wednesday by the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization, and, second, let It be said that in the words of Senator GALE MCGEE of Wyoming: "We have to live with our conscience. We have to do what we believe In our best judg- ment is right because it is right, not because we are trying to win a popularity poll witb, some of the governments of the globe. Those who are the most powerful in the world are rarely the most loved. We can never con- duct our policies on the basis of trying to be loved by everyone or trying to be the Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190017-1 ?*proved For Release 2003/11/04 CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190017-1 lay 25, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE and guy. In the recent history of man- ind the only force which has been able to eep international relations on a peaceful plain has been that of balance of power." The United States is, not. going it alone, Ind .I believe that others will continue to Join us. But, until the aggression is stopped or until other resistance to aggression is assumed by additional nations or by some international organization, we must con- tinue the great responsibility inherent in great power. Myth No. 8: "The United States has vio- lated the 1954 Geneva accord." The reality is that the United, States in- creased its personnel and weaponry and its planned escalation there only after con- firmed Communist violations of the Geneva accord, and our Increased efforts have been measured and responsive to the increased violations. We were and are in favor of United Nations-supervised elections and ul- timate unification of the two countries, but the facts of life are that neither earlier, nor now, do conditions exist for really free elec- tions in North Vietnam or immediate re- unification. Every agreement is a two-way street. Therefore, we have not and we should not be bound by restrictions while the other side is free to do as it pleases. Myth No. 9: "The United States is con- cerned solely with military actions In Viet- nam and is the real block to peaceful settle- ment." The realities show there has been a long list of accomplishments in the economic sec- tor of South Vietnam, that it was making steady progress toward economic soundness and that it was experiencing steady growth in its gross national product, prior to the in- creased efforts against it by North Vietnam. The President has indicated his desire in no uncertain terms to turn our interests there toward peaceful pursuits, rather than toward war. He has Made it clear over and over again, as he did in his speech at Johns Hopkins University, that we remain ready for "unconditional discussions." Yet, the Communist response has been decidely nega- tive thus far, although the offer remains open. All' that is necessary for peace to be re- stored and for our military efforts to be re- duced is for the North Vietnamese to stop their aggression. Even Yugoslavia doesn't believe this myth and has indicated that Hanoi and Peiping are being unrealistic in their demands. So, finally, we come back to the reality that the Communists have not changed their goals, but only altered their. strategy. We come back to the reality that this is old- style aggression, dressed up in new clothes. We come back to the reality that aggression feeds upon itself and spreads unless met and stopped when Its starts. We come back to the reality that this is not a war over South Vietnam, but over the peace and security of southeast Asia and the world. We come back. to the reality that there is no dramatic way to bring things back to normality in one fell swoop, but that pa- tience and perseverance are required. We come back to the reality that America's word, its commitment has been given and accepted and must be kept. We cogne back to the reality that this should not be a debate by the "hawks" and "dovs," those who seek war and those who seek peace, because all of us seek peace. But We must take to heart the history-taught reality that he who seeks peace, by taking risks now in order to assure that such peace will be just and lasting, is no less a peace- maker than he who asks for peace immedi- ately with_ no safeguard that it may not have to b enforced or defended later at much greater price. We come back to the reality that only in- creased pressure will stop this aggression and only increased will and determination will preserve the freedom and independence of the countries of southeast Asia and the world. The ultimate reality is that the goal of this country is and must remain, as Church- ill set for his own people: "In war, resolu- tion; in defeat, defiance; In victory, mag- nanimity; in peace, good will." (By unanimous consent granted sub- sequently, Mr. YARBOROUGH'S following statement was ordered to be printed in the RECORD before the vote on cloture.) GI BILL FAVORABLY REPORTED Mr. YARBOROUGH. Mr. President, this morning the Labor and Public Wel- fare Committee favorably reported the cold war GI bill, S. 9, to the Senate. It is my hope that this body will not allow the cold war GI bill to languish on the Senate Calendar, as it did for more than a year during the 88th Congress, but will give the bill a fair and adequate consider- ation on the Senate floor. This bill is cosponsored by 41 Senators, the most in its history, and it has ac- cumulated a vast amount of support from all areas of this country. If we are to achieve the Great Society, it is essential that we do not discriminate against the 40 percent of our draft-eligible young men who defend this country. We can- not create pockets of poverty by neglect- ing these men and still expect this coun- try to progress toward the Great Society. The predecessors of the cold war GI bill, the World War II, and the Korean GI bill have proven to be two of the most successful pieces of legislation ever passed by Congress. Our choice is sim- ple: We can either continue to neglect these men and impede our progress as a Nation, or we can provide them with the effective and just educational assistance they need, adding additional thrust to the success of this country. I believe the latter course is the only wise position, and hope that this body will consider this proposal in the near future. I ask unanimous consent that a letter I recently received from Pfc. William Iver Lessley, of the U.S. Army, be printed at this point in the RECORD to emphasize the need for this bill. There being no objection, the letter was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: Hon. RALPH YARBOROUGH, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.O. DEAR SENATOR YARBOROUGH: Recently, my attention was brought to the bill which you helped to sponsor that deals with the aid for the education of cold war veterans, while I was perusing a January 1965 issue of Harper's magazine. The bill, as explained in your article, proposes, in my opinion, a great good for the country. The fact that the total out- lay for the program each year would only be a fraction of a percent of the whole defense program, combined with the convincing ar- gument which shows that the money spent on the program would be more than paid back during the next two or three decades in higher taxes paid as a result of greater earn- ing power through education, makes me be- lieve that the bill, or one similar to it would, indeed, be a positive good for the Nation as a whole, and not a program that would just 11057 favor a very small portion of the population. One must remember that money spent on education is nothing short of an investment in the future of the individual involved, and therefore an investment in the future of the Nation. In the long run, all citizens will benefit from the passing of the proposed bill for the assistance to the education of cold- war veterans. The very fact that most of the first-term men in the services of the Nation are not in- volved in a career, but, rather, interrupting a career, or delaying the start of one for the sake of their country-for the protection of the country they love-seems to me to qual- ify them for a little extra consideration by their countrymen. When a man gives 6 months, 2 years, 3 years, or more of his life to Insure the safety and security of his coun- try and loved ones, is it too much to ask of those for whom he has served so well, for so long, for so little-is it too much to ask of those who owe so much-is it too, much to ask of those people such a relatively small donation to help the men who have defended the Nation that they love and have served so well? Is it too much to ask this small deed so that they (the cold-war veterans) may further their own education and become more responsible citizens who would be not only willing, but able to help further develop and improve the country and society that they have served and protected by way of their time in the military service? My answer, as I am sure would agree with yours, to these questions is an emphatic no. The men in the services who have given up so much for their country deserve a helping hand from those whom they have served. It only seems fair. Although I am not a citizen of Texas, my wholehearted support, both as a seviceman and as a citizen of the United States of America, is with you in your efforts to make this bill to aid in the education of cold-war veterans into law. Good luck in your diffi- cult task. Sincerely, WILLIAM IvER LESSLEY, Private, First Class, U.S. Army. VOTING RIGHTS ACT OF 1965 The Senate resumed the considera- tion of the bill (S. 1564) to enforce the 15th amendment to the Constitution of the United States. Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the substi- tute amendment No. 124, which is now pending, be printed as amended, and modified up until this hour. The PRESIDING OFFICER. With- out objection, it is so ordered. Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I reserve the remainder of my time. VIEWS OF RALEIGH, N.C., WOMAN'S CLUB MAKE GOOD SENSE Mr. ERVIN. Mr. President, I yield myself 5 minutes. The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from North Carolina is recog- nized for 5 minutes. Mr. ERVIN. Mr. President, many people who, like myself, believe strongly that all qualified citizens should be able to register and vote 'without regard to race or color, nevertheless have strong reservations about the pending voting rights bill. Many of its provisions have a disturbing potential for creating men- acing problems out of all proportion to the 'token contribution they might make toward eliminating racial discrimination in the administration of voting laws. Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R00030019001"7-1 11058 Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R00030019Q.D17-1 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE May ,25, 196, Perhaps the provision which has been democratic government than a system with this statement which we all woul, most severely criticized in this respect which grants the right of suffrage to the do well to keep in mind: is the provision prohibiting certain illiterate and uninformed who are Un- Clearly the ability to read does not guar. States from requiring passage of a lit- able to exercise the right intelligently 1t ie antes the ability ty to vote intelligently, but eracy test as a precondition for voting. and who are more susceptible to influ- good beginning. I recently received a letter from the ence and control. I ask unanimous consent that the edi- board of directors of the Raleigh, N.C., Mr. President, I ask unanimous con- torial be printed in full at this point in Woman's Club, raising objections to sent to have the excellent letter from the the RECORD. that provision which make good sense chairman of the education department There being no objection, the editorial and which merit careful consideration of the Raleigh Woman's Club printed In was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, by all of us. the RECORD. as follows: I know that we are all familiar with There being no objection, the letter A PLEA FOR A RESPONSIBLE VOTE the fine work of America's federated was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, Legislation to protect the voting rights of clubwomen in the area of teaching adult as follows: every American citizen is long overdue. illiterates to read and write. The Ra- NORTH CAROLINA FEDERATION OF However, in its zeal to correct the wrongs leigh clubwomen have been very active WOMEN'S CLUBS, RALEIGH woM- of the past, the administration may have gone too far with the bill it has recam- ti this area cin have been quite effec- AN'S CLUB, Raleigh, N.C., April 27, 1965. mended. The new law, which would affect tha in convincing many illiterate adults Hon. SAM J. ERVIN, Jr., those States with a history of disorimina- fnda e talisy to read and write is a U.S. Senate, tion against Negro voters, contains a pro- Washington, D.C. vision that would invalidate literacy tests in in this day and age Is made much more DEAR SENATOR EaVIN: The board of direr- in the States to which it applies. It is difficult and infinitely less rewarding. tors of the Raleigh Woman's Club is con- obvious that several southern States have The efforts of these dedicated women cerned about the possible passage of a voting used unreasonable tests for the sole purpose and of other similar groups have helped rights law which would exclude literacy as a of disfranchising the Negro. We agree that countless uneducated adults to acquire voting requirement and has asked me to ex- such tests should be abolished. But should we abandon literacy tests? We don't think the invaluable gift of literacy and, as a press their views to you. o, On the theory that an illiterate voter byproduct, to take a giant stride toward First, there has been a great deal of time s s States, including escaping from the cycle of poverty and and money put forth by federated club an New in-York, informed require voterproof, 18 that the prospecting dependence in which many of these women in America to teach adult illiterates voter can read and write. Clearly, the abil- a that adults find themselves trapped. ability or to o read with and our write is a a fundamental conviction ity to read does not guarantee the ability The experience of the Raleigh Woman's tool for living in this day and age. We have to vote intelligently, but it is a good begin- Club has indicated that one of the most joined with others who have been seeking ning. effective means of persuading illiterate methods of breaking the "cycle of poverty" Mr. ERVIN. Mr. President, for the adults to undertake the task of learning by providing a new opportunity to throw off Information of the Senate, I expect to to read and write is to impress upon old ways of dependency and unemployment. offer several amendments quickly and them the need to acquire that skill in It seems to us that removing the literacy will ask for the yeas and nays on them order to satisfy the literacy requirements requirement from such activities as voting and obtaining a driver's license is to remove at the appropriate time. for such basic activities as voting and.. the incentive for many of the people who I believe that the Senate could facili- obtaining a driver's license. The Raleigh need this basic skill the most and is a denial tate its work if, after a vote on the clo- clubwomen make the compelling point of one of the initial premises of all anti- ture motion, regardless of how it eventu- that passage of the voting bill with its poverty activity. ates, Senators would remain in the literacy-test prohibition would have the Second, one of the major points of em- Chamber to complete action on my inevitable effect of removing the most phasis for clubwomen in the area of legisla- amendments. meaningful incentive of many of those tion and citizenship has been the need for The PRESIDING OFFICER. The uneducated adults who most need to ac- an educated electorate. It is not enough, of literacy. we have said, to simply "get out and vote" Senate Is not in order. The Senate will quire the fundamental skill The strength of a democracy lies in the be in order. The second objection raised by these voter knowing how and why he is voting in Does the Senator from North Carolina ladies, Mr. President, is that proscrip- every election from dogcatcher to president. yield further time? tion of the literacy requirement deprives This is an ambitious goal for an alert and Mr. ERVIN. Does any Senator wish the states of their most effective means intelligent group and an impossible one for time? of insuring an independent and intelli- the uneducated. A uniformly drawn, uni- The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does gent exercise . of the franchise. Surely, formly administered code of requirements an educated electorate is an indispensa- for the right to vote is a greater protection the Senator from Montana desire to of the rights of the individual than an un- yield time? ble element of our democratic form of restricted system which allows the votes of Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I government. Admittedly, literacy and the uninformed to be controlled by bosses, suggest the absence of a quorum. intelligence are not synonymous, and precinct wardens, or others whose methods The PRESIDING OFFICER. The some illiterate people may be more in- are not above suspicion. clerk will call the roll. telligent voters than some literate ones. i hope that the depth of our concern is The Chief Clerk proceeded to call the Nevertheless, in our society where news- evident here. I realize that voting rights in roll. papers, magazines, books, and other general have become voting rights of the printed matter canvass and debate myr- Negro in particular but we are disturbed that Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I iad and complex political issues, a State in trying to rectify the errors in this re- ask unanimous consent that the order establish a potentially more for the quorum call be rescinded. gard we menacing situation. might legitimately presume that only The PRESIDING OFFICER. With- those persons who are literate. are quail- Sincerely yours, out objection, it is so ordered. fled to exercise the franchise. KATHERINE H. HOLOMAN,. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I The Raleigh clubwomen have long rec- Education Department Chairman. yield a half minute to the distinguished ognized the need for an educated elec- Mr. ERVIN. Mr. President, an edi- Senator from Illinois. (orate, as have clubwomen everywhere. torial in the June 5, 1965, edition of the Mr. DOUGLAS. Mr. President, I sub- These ladies have worked and studied to Saturday Evening Post, entitled "A Plea mit an amendment to S. 1564, to be in- inform themselves on the issues and to for a Responsible Vote," criticizes the serted in the appropriate place in the stir up similar interests in others. They voting rights bill on the same grounds bill, and ask that it be considered as hav- have learned firsthand that knowing as the Raleigh Woman's Club; namely, ing been read. how to vote intelligently is an ambitious that, in prohibiting literacy tests alto- The PRESIDING OFFICER. The goal for an educated and alert person gether, the bill goes much too far. Not- amendment will be received and consid- and a well-nigh impossible one for an ing that 18 States, including New York, ered as having been read. illiterate person. As the Raleigh club- women require proof of literacy as a precondi- Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I so aptly note, a simple, objective, tion for voting--on the theory that an suggest the absence of a quorum. and fairly y administered literacy require- men( for voting would appear to be a illiterate voter is apt to be an ill- The PRESIDING OFFICER. The greater protection of the strength of our informed voter-the editorial concludes clerk will call the roll. Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190017-1 May 25, "roved For Rele-asp pL 1/ 4 : -CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190017-1 ESWi_Q1~I tL RECORD HOUSE ferees, it was agreed that the DLGN should ductions. However, it recognized that in a remain In the program. rapidly changing environment the military The Senate recedes. services t be mu The House deleted $5 million from the industrial facilities portion of the Air Force aircraft program. Subsequent to this out the Department of Defense furnished infor- mation Act made available to the committee at the time of its original consideration of this program. The Department of Defense in its later furnished information stated that an attempt is being made "to achieve lower procurement costs through a continuing pro- gram of updating Government owned equip- ment which has become technologically ob- solete. We encourage the services to budget 5 percent of the value of their active inven- tory for this purpose-representing turnover of equipment only every 20 years. In the fiscal year 1966 budget the Air Force request of $27.5 million for this purpose is equal to only 3.5 percent of the inventory value. Re- duction of this request will hamper our ef forts to reduce procurement costs through modernization of our production tech- niques." On the basis of this additional Informa- tion, the House conferees agreed that the $5 million should be returned to the pro- gram. The House recedes. Air Force (Missiles) In Its consideration of the Air Force mis- sile program, the House Committee out $25 million from the missile support equipment and facilities program. Additional infor- mation. subsequently furnished by the De- partment of Defense indicates that this cut could generate problems within the missile program of the Department of Defense and the conferees agreed that it should be re- turned. The House recedes. Research, development, test and evaluation. The biil.passed by the Senate reduced the requested research and development budg- et by $44 million, all of which was to be taken from the military sciences budget ac- tivity. The Senate then the amount requested $82 million, to be applied only for the development of the advanced manned strategic aircraft (AMSA), for a net addition to the budget of $38 million. The bill as it passed the House reduced the research and development budget by $121.3 million. The House added $7 million to the` amount requested for the advanced manned strategic aircraft. Thus, the ac- tion by the House reflected a net reduc- tion of $114.3 million to the total amount requested for research, development, test and evaluation. The bill passed by the House contained restrictive language for the $150 million au- thorized for the manned orbiting laboratory (MOL). This restrictive language was ac- cepted by the Senate in conference. Both bills included restrictive language for the amounts added for the development of an advanced manned strategic aircraft. In conference the Senate receded and ac- cepted the House language which added only $7 million above the amount requested. The total amount of new obligational author- ity, $22 million, is available only for the de- velopment of an advanced manned strategic aircraft. Both the House and the Senate continue to support the development of a follow-osl manned ..bomber. However, the conference committee, agreed that the addi- tional $22 ;pillion in new obligational au- thority is about the maximum that could be expended wisely and effectively during ments. Therefore, it was recommended that the reductions could be taken in program areas other than those indicated and could be on the basis of military priorities of each department. Army The House reduced the amount requested for Army research, development, test, and evaluation by $31.6 million. The Senate re- duced $8.5 million from the amount re- quested, The Senate recedes and accepts the House reduction. Thus, the amount au- thorized for Army R.D.T. & E. is $1,406,400,000. Navy The House reduced the amount requested for Navy research development, test and eval- uation by $33.4 million. The Senate reduced $10 million from the amount requested. The Senate recedes and accepts. the House ver- sion. Thus, the amount authorized for Navy R.D.T. & E. is $1,439,200,000. Air Force The House reduced $50.9 million from the amount requested and then added on $7 mil- lion for the advanced manned strategic air- craft, for a net reduction of $43.9 million. The Senate reduced the amount requested by $8.5 million and then added on $82 million for the advanced manned strategic aircraft. The Senate recedes and accepts the House version. Thus, the amount authorized for the Air Force R.D.T. & E. is $3,103,900,000, Defense agencies The House reduced the amount requested for research, development, test and evalua- tion by the Defense agencies by $5.4 million, The Senate reduced $17 million from the amount requested, The Senate recedes and accepts the House version. Thus, $495,000,000 is authorized for research, development, test and evaluation for Defense agencies. TITLE III The House added six new sections to the bill. Each of them is described and the rationale explained below: Section 301. Repeal of tonnage: The Vin- son-Trammell Act and subsequent acts created tonnage which now is in excess of 3,300,000 tons. From every practical stand- point, the enactment of section 412(b) has rendered existing tonnage authorizations meaningless. Bookkeeping on this tonnage is expensive. Section 302. Alternate ship provision: Sec- tion 301, in addition to repealing outstanding tonnage also repealed the alternate ship pro- vision of the Vinson-Trammell Act. It is considered desirable that this provision be preserved. The Vinson-Trammell Act applied only to "warships," Since that act, escort vessels have become an important part of the Navy. The House committee, therefore, in re- enacting the alternate ship provision modi- fled it slightly to include "warships and escort vessels." In this year's bill alone the change will embrace 10 destroyer escorts at a price of $279.1 million. Section 303. 65/35: Today at least 35 per- cent of all conversion, alteration and repair of naval ships must, under Appropriations Committee language, be performed in private shipyards. This section would eliminate this requirement. The Navy and the Secretary of Defense strongly support this new section. The Secretary of the Navy in a letter to the committee stated, among other things, that: "Cost studies show that there is no approved by the Department of Defense to yarcrt Uun, and repair work (CAR) to private datq. yards. In fact, annual savings can be The House reduced specific achieved under present cost differentials by p program ele- increasing the amount of conversion, altera- ments in arriving at the recommended re- tion, and repair work assigned to naval ship- e allowed the flexibility to Air Force (Aircraft) cope with changing conditions and require- " 1115'1 yards. If all factors involved in these as- signments were to permit an increase from the current statutory level of 65 percent to a somewhat higher level, it is estimated that an annual savings of several million dollars could be achieved. This results from the fact that the naval shipyards which must be maintained for strategic and operational reasons have a high fixed overhead cost which continues regardless of. workload assigned." Section 304. Inclusion of tracked combat vehicles in 412(b): This section will require procurement authorization for "tracked ve- hicles" in addition to aircraft, missiles, and naval vessels. For fiscal year 1966 about $200 million would have been involved. Section 305. Emergency fund: Each year Congress makes available to the Department of Defense an Emergency Fund for Research and Development. It has varied between $125 and $150 million. The House commit- tee believes that this emergency fund should be authorized in the same fashion as all other funds for research and development. Section 306. Changing name of MATS: The House committee believes that MATS is too important to be designated as a "service". Military Airlift Command is both descriptive of its true function and provides a recogni- tion of its vital missions. The cost of mak- ing this change is estimated at be $173,800. This change in name is to be effective as of January 1, 1966. The Senate recedes with respect to these six new sections. SUMMARY The bill as presented to the Congress by the President totaled $15,297,200,000 (of which $6,558,800,000 was for research, devel- opment, test, and evaluation). The bill as it passed the House totaled $15,303,400,000 (of which $6,444,500,000 was for R.D.T. & E.). The bill as it passed the Senate totaled $15,- 283,800,000 (of which $6,596,800,000 was for R.D.T. & E.). The bill as agreed to in conference totals $15,402,800,000 (of which $6,444,500,000 is for R.D.T. & E.). The agreement arrived at by the conferees is $99,400,000 more than the bill as it passed the House, $119,000,000 more than the bill as it passed the Senate, and is $105,600,000 above the bill as it was presented to the Congress by the President. L. MENDEL RIVERS, PHILIP J. PHILBIN, F. EDW. HtBERT, MELVIN PRICE, 0. C. FISHER, PORTER HARDY, Jr., WILLIAM H. BATES, LESLIE C. ARENDS, ALVIN E. O'KONSKI, Managers on the Part of the House. COMMITTEE ON BANKING AND CURRENCY Mr. PATMAN. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that the Committee on Banking and Currency may have until midnight Saturday night, May 29, to file a report on H.R. 7105, the Export Control Act, including minority and sup- plemental views. The SPEAKER. Is there objection to the request of the gentleman from Texas? There was no objection. CORREC'T'ION OF THE RECORD Mr. STRATTON. Mr. Speaker, I de- sire to make certain changes in the re- marks of mine which appear on pages 10110 and 10114 of the RECORD for May 13, 1965. Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190017-1 ?Ir Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R00030019097-1 ~5 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE- ay lief in the right of people to govern'them- selves. 'Yet too often in the short run we yield to other considerations and fail to act decisively when free government is threatened. Mr. Speaker, if the United States had made its intention to support restoration of constitutional processes in the Domin- scan Republic explicit at the outset, much of the criticism directed toward our Gov- ernment would have been avoided. It is, nevertheless, a tribute to the wisdom and understanding of our President that U.S. policy is clearly emerging on the side of the people of the Dominican Republic and their right to govern themselves. Mr. Speaker, we need to make this sup- port of self-government a long-term commitment. Such, a commitment will require a reexamination of some of the current ideas about intervention held within the OAS and elsewhere. Yet such a commitment is essential if we are to preserve democratic govern- ments in the Western Hemisphere and ultimately throughout the world. Mr. Speaker, under unanimous consent I insert a report published in today's issue of the Christian Science Monitor: WASHINGTON SHIFTS DOMINICAN POLICY (By Saville R. Davis) vindication in the Dominican Republic. where the issue was more sharply defined for the whole world to see. The direction now has become one of vindication. There has never been any question here of relaxing the guard against Communist infiltration, either in the Caribbean or in southeast Asia. That remains the first aim of the U.S. policy. The question was whether a predomi- nantly military action, such as stiffening American military action in Vietnam and using the guns of the Dominican Army to restore order, was enough in itself to cheek communism without also building a strong middle-ground government and encouraging it to make the reforms which would ease the revolutionary pressures that feed commu- nism. RISKS COMPARED On page 10110, column 3, line 24, "January 29" should read "January 25." Ol page 10114, column 3, the second line from the bottom, the words "Mr. STRATTON" should be inserted at the be- ginning of the line, since these remarks and those thatfollow on the subsequent pages are my remarks, not the remarks of the gentleman from Missouri [Mr. HtNGATE.] I ask unanimous consent that the permanent RECORD be corrected accord- ingly. The SPEAKER. Is there objection to the request of the gentleman from New York? There was no objection. PROGRAM FOR THE BALANCE OF THIS WEER (Mr. GERALD R. FORD asked was given permission to address House for 1 minute.) and the - Mr. GERALD R. FORD. Mr. Speaker, I have asked for this time for the purpose of inquiring of the majority leader con- cerning the program for the balance of the week. Mr. ALBERT. Mr. Speaker, will my friend yield? Mr. GERALD R. FORD. I yield to the majority leader. Mr. ALBERT. Mr. Speaker, I appre- ciate the gentleman's taking this time for this purpose because I do want to announce some additions to the program. In the first place, we go on as previously announced with the Department of Agri- culture appropriation bill tomorrow. Following that we shall take up S. 800. There will be a rule on this bill waiving points of order on the conference report on that bill, which is the Armed Services t Act We hope if we finish n In Vietnam the makings of such a govern- ment exist, but it has not been a prime ob- ject of U.S. policy. President Johnson has looked chiefly to military measures to achieve his purpose. In the Caribbean the ingredi- ents of such a non-Communist government were actually being liquidated by the forces of the military junta. To the more military minded advisers in Washington the risks of this course seemed less than the risks of working with popular reform governments which seemed vulner- able to the maneuvers of Communists and of radicals who are willing to work with Communists. There are highly placed political advisers to the President, however, who took the op- WASHINGTON.-One of the historic turning points in the foreign policy of the United States may well have been passed in the past few days. The United States now is acting to check communism through the .forces of popular, democratic government instead of through military reaction. Although the change of course has come in the Dominican Republic, it is likely to have a profound effect on the much more important case of Vietnam, where a similar problem exists. Up until some time last week, President Johnson and his advisers were backing the p.rocureme the appropriation bill and the confer- The best friends of the United States in etice report that we may take up H.R. Latin America-those statesmen who repre- 5883, which is the bonding bill scheduled sent the forces of constitutional democracy for Thursday. If we can complete those as against fascism of the right or commu- we will expedite the handling of the nism of, the left-were urgently and even business for the week. passiontely advising him behind the scenes that this was a profound mistake. Mr. Speaker, if the gentleman will POSITION CHANGED yield further, and while I have the time, The President then changed his position. in order that Members of the House may His advisers then began the formation of the be advised, it is our hope that we will prospective Guzman government from men finish the legislative program on Thurs- who represent the constitutional tradition day, that we will meet without legislative and were agreed to by former President Bosch. business on Friday for the purpose of In so doing, it seems likely that President adjourning over until Tuesday, as Mon- Johnson has emerged from his own "Bay of day is a legal holiday. Pigs." It his present decision holds, if his Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman advisers are able to carry through with the ' Guzman government they have nearly com- for yielding. pleted, a period of talking democracy and t U.S. POLICY ON THE SIDE OF DEMOCRATIC CONSTITUTIONAL PROCESSES (Mr. FRASER asked and was given permission to address the House for 1 minute, to revise and extend his remarks and to include extraneous matter.) Mr. FRASER. Mr. Speaker, as a se- vere critic of earlier U.S. positions in the Dominican Republic, I want to com- mend President Johnson for the current policy which places U.S.. power and au- thority on the side of democratic con- stitutional processes. In the long run we have no other choice because of our be- or- acting through a foreign military dicta ship to crush it will have ended. It is considered not too late to recover the rapidly fading respect of the progressive forces in Latin America and elsewhere in the free world. Indeed the dramatic turn of events is likely actually to enhance the American position. CREDIBILITY RESCUED From Washington, it also appears that something much more important now is pos- sible. For the credibility of the United States and of President Johnson, when he promised to withdraw from Vietnam as soon as free government was secure, had been severely damaged. It seemed for a while that American policy in Vietnam might find its graveyard or its Though in the minority, they have argued that communism feeds on economic unrest, plus the unpopularity of so-called strong- arm regimes-or on weak though well-mean- ing governments (like that of Saigon) which are unable to bring about economic and po- litical reform. These advisers have insisted that com- munism can best be thwarted by the maxi- mum emphasis on the kind of people's gov- ernment that the United States believes in. Events now appear to have brought the President around to this view. The events included the mounting criti- cism of the friends of the United States in the free world, the action of the Dominican military junta in discrediting itself, and a swinging of the pendulum in argument with- in the highest echelons of the Government here. It now remains to be seen whether the President can stay on the new course and what its influence n the restraint of com- munism and the sfipport of the free world THE POLIL5Y OF THE UNITED STATES IN VIETNAM (Mr. RACE asked and was given per- mission to extend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and to include ex- traneous matter.) Mr. RACE. Mr. Speaker, my distin- guished colleague from Wisconsin, the senior Senator, WILLIAM PROXMIRE, re- cently traveled to Reed College in Port- land, Oreg., where he debated with the very able senior Senator from that State, WAYNE MORSE. The topic which they debated was one which merits the con- cern of all Americans-the policy of the United States in Vietnam. Because of the timeliness of this topic, I extend my remarks at this point in the RECORD in order to bring this debate to the atten- tion of my colleagues: Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190017-1 proved For Rel 0 3/11 04 , CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190017-1 CUJ ,25 ,.1 R SSI NAL RECORD - HOUSE 11159 DEBATE ' BETWEEN THE HONORABLE WILLIAM Following that, we had the Geneva ac- The election was not held. Why? Because PROXMIRE AND THE HONORABLE WAYNE cord of 1954. France made it clear she was the United States of America blocked the MORSE, AT THE CONFERENCE ON AMERICAN, pulling out of Indochina. The Geneva ac- election. The United States of America goes POLICY IN VIETNAM, SPONSORED BY THE REED cord of 1954 was. consummated, but the. down in history as the Nation responsible for COLLEGE PUBLIC AFFAIRS BOARD United States did slat sign it, and the United the fact that this section of the Geneva ac- Senator goasz. To understand my position States succeeded, and I speak advisedly, in cord was never carried out * * * President on foreign policy during my20 years of sere getting its first puppet government in South Eisenhower, in his book, points out our posi- ice in the U.S. Senate, one, must recognize Vietnam, the Diem government, not to sign tion in regard to that election and said that that I am a disciple of Arthur Vandenberg, the accord. We haver never signed the Ge- our intelligence reports showed that if the of Iltichian. Senator Vandenberg was, at neVa accord of 1954, yet we keep saying election was held, Ho Chi Minh would receive' one timethe leading isolationist in the through our spokesmen, that one of the 80 percent of the vote in South Vietnam, as Senate. Iebecane, in my opinion, the lead-' reasons we are carrying on military action well as an overwhelming majority in North ing internationalist and the, greatest expert in South Vietnam Is because North Vietnam Vietnam. Many authorities on South Viet- on foreign policy in the Senate. He left has been violating the Geneva accord. She nam would tell you that if an election was with us a.texxet, "There is no hope for perm- has-and so has Red China, and so have held tomorrow in South Vietnam, Ho Chi anent peace until all nations, not just some, the Pathet Lao and Laos. I think there is Minh would receive a large majority of the not just those we like, but until all the na- - some evidence that on occasion Cambodia vote. He is still the most popular figure in tions of the world are willing, to set up a has, too, but that has been no justification all of Vietnam. A * * system of international justice through law." for American violation of the Geneva accord. Let me give you a statistic or two about Every issue that, threatens the peace of the Articles 16 and 17 of the Geneva accord the problem that confronts us in South Viet- World would be submitted to such ; system prohibit, by specific language, the United nam. The population is about 15 million, in for a final and binding decision, to be en- States or any other country from sending round numbers, with 500,000 to 750,000 mili- forced. by some international organization into South Vietnam a single soldier, a single tary personnel. How much money has been such as the United Nations. tank, a single jetplane, a single bit of poured into that military establishment, in- This is referred to as the call for a substi- military aid. The International Control eluding the one and one-quarter to France? tution of the rule of law for the jungle law Commission, consisting of the Indian.repre- Six and one-half billion dollars, not including of military force. The major premise of my sentative as chairman, a Canadian represent- the cost of our own military personnel. position on Vietnam is that we should have ative, and a Polish representative, has found What is the top figure given to us by the insisted upon a substitution of the rule of the United States and South Vietnam, as administration as to the Vietcong military law for the jungle law of unilateral Ameri- well as North- Vietnam, in violation of the establishment? Between 25,000 to 3&,000, the can action in southeast Asia, for we are act- Geneva accord time and time again, hard-core probably 20,000. Who now controls ing outside the framework of international If we were going to keep faith with our be- better than 75 percent of the land area of law. We have walked out on one of the lief in substituting a rule of law for the South Vietnam? The Vietcong-not the greatest opportunities available to try to lead jungle law of military might, we should have forces of the government. mankind to a lawful settlement of this laid this matter immediately before either a I have a little difficulty understanding why threat of peace * * ?. Those [lawful] pro- reconvened Geneva Conference (and, Inter- it is necessary to have 28,000 American Sol- cedures could have been used through a se- estingly, the Geneva accord makes provi- g diers in South Vietnam to put down 25,000 ries of agencies. I urged that we try to do it sion for such a reconvening) or before the to 35,000 Vietcong, with a military establish- through SEATO. _ I urged that we tr to do United Nations. I would have preferred the try merit t the South Vietnamese Government latter, for I think others should have asked it through a reconvening of a 14-Nations of at least 500,000. Conference, going back to the Geneva Accord for a reconvening of the Geneva accord * * ' This brings me to the white paper. There Conference of 1954. the signatories should have asked for It, and is not anything in the white paper * * * ex- When it became obvious that we had not a nonsignatory. The Geneva accord es- cept mention of one ship in which they found passed by any chance of using those agencies tablished Laos and Cambodia; then it drew about 100 tons of weapons, that has not been for the substitution of therule of law for a line in Vietnam at the 17th parallel to . known the Senate Foreign Relations Com- unilateral " American military action in develop what we refer to as North Vietnam mittee and the administration for r 3 3 years. southeast Asia, I pleaded to take the matter and South Vietnam. But, the Geneva accord The white to the United Nations. I have asked for did not set up separate governments to the tration paper witnapersses bears testified out to what before our the our com- morethan Frankli nnce. north and to the south of the parallel. That mittee e within 3 years before its issuance. for 20 years ago at Teheran and and asked when. is a false assumption that is contained in much of the discussion on the Vietnam The record that committee is replete with he proposed the establishment of an inter- m testimomony testimony that bears out these conclusions: national trusteeshi. for all of Indochina. crisis. p about In the northern 80 to 90 percent of the Vietcong are Roosevelt pointed out that .there could not part of the country, Ho South Vietnamese and not North Viet- be any peace in Asia if the powers were Chi Minh, a Communist leader during World ~- namese; about 80 to 90 percent of the weap- in to resort to a balance of ower theor War II, was an ally of the United States as g p Y ons are captured American weapons and not and were going to use military power for commander of the guerrilla forces in the war North Vietnamese, Russian, or Chinese weap- the maintenance of peace. He recognized against Japan. The first leader of the gov- ons. The white paper is so full of holes in that no longer will war produce peace; all ernment in the south was the French pup- regard to its allegations that student after a war` will'do is produce more war, with an pet, Bao Dal. It soon became clear that he student has torn it apart (When I refer to interim period between wars that some peo- no longer was going to be acceptable to the students, I refer to authorities on Asia.) In ple mistakenly call peace. Great Britain Vietnamese who had gone south and to the fact, all one need do is read the account of blocked Roosevelt at Teheran and Cairo, Vietnamese * who were already in the our recognized authorities on Asia, such as Great Britain thought it could still hold its south Ngo Dinh Diem, a Vietnamese Hans Morgenthau, at the University of Chi- colonial possessions in Asia. France, too, who had lived and who had been trained in cago, such as Commager, of Amherst, such as thought it might hold its colonies. But the United States, became the first leader these great academic leaders who, as I have Roosevelt answered Great Britain by point- endorsed by the United States to be placed said on the floor of the Senate, have forgot- ing out that France had milked Indochina in charge of not a free government, but a ten more about Asia than Rusk and McNa- for years and'Great Britain had no hope of police-state government in South Vietnam. mara and Taylor and the Bundys and Alexis .maintaining colonies in that part of the The governments in South Vietnam have Johnson will ever know. I would that my world much longer. Even then, colonialism been police-state governments just as the President would obtain at least the counter- in Asia was dead, and a new colonialism government in North Vietnam, has been an advice of these recognized authorities on in Asia, in my judgment, has no possible enslaved government of communism. These Asia, hope of success, even a form of American have been military dictatorships; there is Let me point out that Cambodia, the Viet- colonialism in southeast Asia. much talk, about supporting freedom in cong, North Vietnam, Burma, Indonesia do We got into Vietnam in large part because South Vietnam * * * there has never been not happen to be pro-Chinese. And, in my John Foster. Dulles, then Secretary of State, any political freedom in South Vietnam as judgment, they are Communist govern- thought France should stay in Indochina, we know it. It has been a totalitarian gov- ments-most of them. What we are doing is and we poured $11/4 billion into France, hop- ernment of a military policy type from the driving these Communists of a different ing to keep France in Indochina. But thep very beginning. stripe right into the arms of Red China. Dienbienphu occurred. Dulles went to Lon- The Geneva accord has a provision that For example, Ho Chi Minh was kept in prison don, and he tried to persuade Churchill and deals with the matter of the type of govern- for a year in China. Ho Chi Minh is Russian- Anthony Eden to commit British troops to ment that was to be established by the people oriented, and Russian trained; Ho Chi Minh help France In Indochina, in return for of North and South Vietnam, since it was not is a Russian Communist. The great danger which he would commit American, troops. contemplated when the Geneva accord was is that we are, by our course of action, go- Then they were to go across the channel and signed that there should be a permanent ing to move these countries into the orbit make the offer to France, hoping that this partition of Vietnam into North and South. of Red China. would keep France in the war in Indochina. That was to be left to the people to decide We are violating article after article of the Churchill turned him down, in the election to be held In 1956. United Nations Charter. So are other coup- Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190017-1 11160 Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R0003001900 1 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE ay 25, ,q65 tries. There are the commitments required that says to the United States and South Vietnam and that we should get out. The under articles 33, 34, 35, and 51, and other Vietnam on the one hand, and to the Com- Secretary General of the United Nations, articles of the charter, that place upon us munist groups on the other hand, "We beg U Thant, has said that our policies in South the solemn responsibility of taking threats to you to now come to an international con- Vietnam involve us in a great danger that the peace of the world to the United Nations ference table, in which the other nations not the American public does not appreciate and for U.N. determination. Why have we not at wax will help find a settlement in honor that they should be accompanied, as he feels done It? Of course, I am greatly disap- and consistent with security to the partici- they are not, by definite negotiations. Uni- pointed that others have not done it, too. pants in this dispute." That is the kind varsity professors from coast to coast have My plea is that If we continue this unilateral of settlement I want. If the leaders of man- been criticizing our positions. At Columbia military course of action, we run the great kind do not face up to that great moral obli- University they had an all night teach-in on risk of taking mankind to the brink of a gation as well as legal duty, the danger 1s Vietnam, beginning at 11:30 p.m. and going third holocaust. That is why you find me that we shall move into a massive war in to 8 a.m., with professors speaking in relays pleading In the Senate for us to try to get Asia. No one can dispute the ugly fact that against our being in Vietnam. Nobody spoke other countries to come on in with us, to try I now give you: It is hoped by our Govern- for the administration. At the University to carry out the objective of Roosevelt 20 went that Red China will not move, but it of Michigan the hat was passed and money years ago at Cairo and Teheran. I have been Is recognized by our Government that if Red was raised on behalf of the Vietcong. Our pleading for the United Nations to try to set China moves we cannot beat her with bomb- record has been attacked throughout the up a trusteeship in South Vietnam for as ing, conventional or nuclear. We can do world. As a matter of fact, Kosygin, the many years as it may take to make it pos- great damage. We can destroy her cities and Soviet leader, in talking about the white sibie for them to develop a free society. * * * her industrial complex, we can kill millions paper, said "How in the world can the Amer- When I put the question to the Secretary of her people, but she still will move on the leans ever categorize their acts in South of State in the Foreign Relations Commit- ground and we could not beat her with Vietnam in a white paper? The dirty acts tee, "Why don't you go to the United Na- American troops. The talk is 300,000 to of Americans should be in a black book." tions?," he said, "I do not think it will work." 350,000 American troops to begin with, but What are these dirty acts? What is this "But will you know until you try?" He re- that will be just a drop in the manpower dirty American policy they are talking about? plied, "Senator MORSE, don't you think Russia bucket. We will have to send 3 million to Not only have we restrained our military would probably beat it and put it In the begin with; half of them will come home in action, but our efforts in South Vietnam Security Council?" And my answer was, coffins in the first 18 months, and this coun- have been very largely constructive and eco- "Yes, I think so. I cannot be sure, but I try will be bogged down In Asia for 25 years. nomic. They have been exactly the kind of think so. But I want to put Russia on the For generations of the future, Asia Is going economic program designed to build the spot. I want to show who it Is who is un- to be controlled by Asia and not by Western seedbed of democracy, that the Oregon senior willing to use the peaceful procedures by powers. I would plead that my Govern- Senator was talking about. Our economic way of the rule of law provided for in the went really put Into practice that great moral assistance in South Vietnam has been well United Nations Charter. But, Mr. Secretary, teaching that the President so often uses, over a billion dollars. Just in the last 2 years, don't stop with the sections on the Security "Come now and let us reason together, say- $230 million has been allocated for food for Council. If Russia follows that course of eth the Lord. Though your sins be as scar- peace for South Vietnam. There is no mili- action, and she might not, then you still can let, they shall be as white as snow. Though tary threat to North Vietnam In this. It take it to the General Assembly. * * *" they be red like crimson, they shall be as was food to help build the peaceful life. :1 believe if brought before the General Wool. * * *" Our agricultural assistance to South Vietnam Assembly, a minimum of 85 nations would Unless the nations are willing to sit down has not been confined to sending food. We backup the sending in of a peacekeeping at an International conference table to rea- have recognized that the kind of technical force. You say, "Mr. Senator, do you have son together, the great danger is that the assistance used in the Alliance for Progress any precedent at all?" I want to mention United States will become the greatest threat can be used in South Vietnam, too. We have three: does anyone really think that there to the peace of the world. A continuation of trained thousands of Vietnamese farmers in would not have been a major war years ago our conduct in North Vietnam, in my judg- the marvels of modern agriculture. We have In the Middle East if the United Nations' ment, is certain to lead to war. What we are trained them in irrigation, concentrates, ani- peacekeeping force had not occupied the doing now is shooting fish in a barrel In North mal husbandry, and insecticides. We have Gaza strip? Do you really think there would Vietnam, against a country with no naval or introduced fertilizer, we have introduced not have been a major war in Africa if the air force, a country that has not yet moved corn and potatoes. This constitutes no mili- United Nations had not taken the action in on the ground. I cannot square it with the tary threat, but it does build the peaceful the Congo? My last precedent is in Cyprus. principle that I think ought to be morality, life, The economic program 'can eventually Of course the United States and Great that should characterize the foreign policy of become the seedbed of political freedom. Britain got kicked in to the United Nations my Government. We have helped to equip or build 10 big over Cyprus * * * 10 days before France Senator PeoxiniE. I am here because, on vocational schools; 7,000 students are actual- and Russia showed their hands on the Cyprus this issue, I feel very strongly; because on ly enrolled. We have built four teacher- issue, I made a major speech in the U.S. this issue, even the Senator from Oregon is training schools; right now we are training Senate calling for a change of American wrong. He is wrong in Vietnam. He is 2,000 Vietnamese teachers. The fact is that policy and urging that the United States wrong about the course that President John- in the years since 1955, the number of South support the United Nation's jurisdiction son and this administration is pursuing. Vietnamese children going to elementary over Cyprus. At that time the United States We have used power, let's face It. We have school has increased from 350,000 to 1,400,000.. and Great Britain were trying to have the used direct, overt military power. We bomb, It is almost a miraculous increase and it Cyprus issue brought under NATO and of we strafe, we burn. That is true. We have would not have been possible without Amer- course NATO did not have a scintilla of basis attacked in North Vietnam and defended ican assistance. This causes no military for being placed in charge of Cyprus. But in South Vietnam. War is a dirty business. threat to North Vietnam, but it does build the United Nations did. We did not know It is a terrible business and it is a cruel the prospect for peace, and it does provide at the time that Russia and France were business. the seedbed of political freedom. We have busily at work. The State Department ap- From the first, we have responded to established and stocked first aid centers in parently did not know it either, but that is proven aggression. We must recognize, in 12,550 villages and hamlets in South Viet- nothing new for the State Department; they all fairness, that we have been in Vietnam nam. In 5 years, we have cut malaria from have that kind of intelligence. They did not not just 2 or 3 months. We have been in an incidence of 7 percent of the population know, as we subsequently discovered, that South Vietnam for 10 years, and for years down to less than 1 percent. France and Russia were at work around the our presence In South Vietnam has been These are the kinds of things you do not world and they presented us with an accom- carefully, painfully designed to avoid mill- read about in the newspapers, because they piished fact that a huge number of nations ta.y action by American soldiers. Even fol- are not spectacular. They do not involve were joining them in asking for United lowing the Tonkin Gulf and the Pleiku in- violence, conflict, bombing, or troops. This Nations jurisdiction. Then, to the everlast- cidents, the attacks on Americans, we con- is what most of America's efforts in South ing credit of our Government, we changed fined our military targets. We limited our Vietnam have been. We have helped build our course and the U.N. went into Cyprus. retaliations. Most important of all, we have 1,400 wells to provide clean, fresh water for I do not know whether it is going to be able designed our military strategy not to secure 750,000 rural inhabitants. We have made to prevent a war or not, but it has so far. unconditional surrender by Hanoi, not- to fresh water available to one-half million That is the way you build up a system of engage China or Russia, but simply and urban dwellers and 35 cities. And this international law, as every lawyer knows, clearly to secure a cessation of aggression by constitutes no threat to North Vietnam. It precedent by precedent, instance by instance. North Vietnam. Yet this restrained, lim- is building the basis for political freedom I think that bilateral negotiations between ited policy has been attacked: Senator and independence. We have built an entire the United States and North Vietnam are MORSE has been attacking our policy in South road system. We have financed the purchase now impossible. We have gone past that Vietnam for many, many montlis-at least of railways and equipment. We have built time, and now must have multilateral nego- for 2 or 3 years. Lately he has been joined a big powerplant south of Saigon, not as a tiations. A third force, consisting of non- by other leading American citizens. Walter threat to North Vietnam but to build for participants, must be brought into the pie- Lippmann, perhaps the most brilliant and peace. The U.S. Government has built 50 ture, a third force based upon a resolution profound commentator we have on the scene factories in South Vietnam that now em- of the United Nations taking jurisdiction today, agrees that we are losing in South ploy 13,000 people. We have put a textile Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190017-1 M ~ 25, YA roved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190017-1 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE industry In South Vietnam, built a national Moscow. The Canadians report that their land to say that the United States would be network of seven major radio stations. None officials cannot even get in to see the Commu- willing to have the United Nations, specifi- of this constitutes a real threat to Vietnam, nist leaders in North Vietnam. Until very cally U Thant, act in negotiations in Viet- but is for peace. recently, if one is talking realism and not nam. Consider this American record and ask, some nice theory that we would like to have, "What does America get out of this?" Peo- there has been only one basis on which we It true we because, not ga tt the Senator before. pie talk about America's bad record, people could stop, and that is withdrawal. Or did not us s a hs the Senator from not talk about our imperialism-the Communists if we withdraw, what happens in South Security Oregon Council, implied, franns the veto in talk about our Imperialism-why have we Vietnam? Thousands and +h us ds f , and kly, we could not ifi sacr ced hundreds or our young men who have died in South Vietnam? Why have we risked the lives of thousands of others? Do we Want Vietnam's money? Do we want oil? Do we want any food? Do we want an eco- nomic advantage? Not even the Vietcong can charge us with that. Our hands are clean. What do we want? What we want is very simple: (1) We want the, independence of South Vietnam-what is wrong with that? (2) *e want peace and freedom In Asia and in the world, and what is wrong with that? (3) We want to stop Communist aggression, and what is wrong with that? American policy is not reckless. It is not an all-out military policy, just as it is not withdrawal. In this controversy, the real division Is not between those who want to withdraw and those who., would blast North Vietnam and China off the face of the earth, Our policy Is more realistic than either of those. Our policy is to measure and restrain military ac- tion, to build for peace, and to stay in South Vietnam for years and years no matter how long it takes to out-work, to out-educate, out-serve, and if necessary, but only if neces- sary, to out-fight. To pay any price. It has been said this is too much * * * this is too big a burden * * * we cannot afford it. Our responsibilities all over the world are too Widespread. Can we afford it? Is It too big a burden? The fact is that this Nation has just had the biggest tax out in our history, an $11 bil- lion tax out. Can. we afford it? The defense budget is less this year than it was last year, and less last year than It was the year before. Can we afford it? The President has just submitted the lowest foreign aid program since the beginning of this program 15 years ago. Can we afford it? Bureau of Labor Statistics show unemployment is at the lowest level in 8 years. This is the greatest prosperity in all of American his- tory. We have never had so much income after taxes, even allowing for inflation. Can our will to defend freedom be so feeble that this rich country cannot afford a fraction of what we spend on cosmetics to stand up to communism? And, of course, military and even economic assistance is not enough. All the time it is true that we must press night and, day for conditions permitting a basis for egotiations that will bring inde- pendence.for South Vietnam. What has been President Johnson's posi- tion on peaceful negotiations? I know President Johnson, and I have disagreed with him far more than I have disagreed with my distinguished colleague, Senator Moasg. Senator MoasE and I both know President Johnson well. He speaks honestly and sincerely when he says that he will go anywhere at any time, see anyone, If he thought it could serve the cause of peace. Until very recently there was simply no evi- dence that the Communists were Interested in negotiating a settlement in Vietnam. Before we began to use our power in the last .few weeks, the principal foreign offices In. the worth said negotiations were impos- sible. The British Foreign Secretary at the White House recentiytold the President that the Soviet Foreign Minister Andrei Gromyko had said In London a few, days ago that it was useless, to talk about negotiations. The French, who have been the principal agita- tors for a pegotiated settlement, now con- cede that tl}eir explorations have been fruit- less; they have been rebuffed by Hanoi and rest of the world? You do not have to list ,, muy Go, Leos, "i. reef that the situation res rest of the areas of the world, just to list in southeast Asia is such that I have my own go to China. Just last week, Mao told the Lon- doubts regarding the competence of the don Observer, "After a Communist victor United Nations to undertake the task which y is being advocated by some members of the in South Vietnam, the conflict will be ag- United Nations." The Secretary General of gravated." The Communists do not look the United Nations said that the U.N. could forward to peace after South Vietnam. not act under these circumstances and, it They say, "This is a beginning. If we win has been clear that when the United States here, then we really aggravate the con- flict * * * " of America clashes directly with countries What makes this situation very difficult for like North Vietnam and Red China, which Americans to understand, or Americans to are both outside the United Nations, there i aggression. These people are not just walk- ing across the border as clearly and simply and obviously as the Hitler march. This is an invisible, subtle, and apparently indigenous kind of aggression. We fall into the trap that this is civil war, and wherever this ter- rorist Infiltration tactic is developed in the future, we will take It to be a civil war. These are the types of terror tactics the Com- munists have perfected, tactics involving kid- naping of officials, deliberate murder of mayors and leaders of villages, the murder of thousands of Vietnam exofficials. If the Communists win here, If this kind of action can prevail, there is no reason why the Com- munists should not use it elsewhere-in Asia, in Africa, and in South America. ,This is a far crueler, tougher war. It seems as though we are losing or have. lost. The fact is that we can win. The military situa- tion Is bad. I think it is true that this ad- ministration and the last administration were very wrong in not telling us the true situation about how we were losing in South Vietnam. But It is a fact, as every reporter I have heard has reported, that morale in South Vietnam is now rising. Not only do the Catholics and the business communities support our position, but the Buddhists, the students, and the labor people are supporting recent developments in Vietnam. Most promising of all, now that we have shown that we not only have the greatest power in the world, but that we have the will to use it, North Vietnam seems to be taking d different view of negotiation. The New York Times recently reported that diplomats of the non- alined countries said privately that North Vietnamese officials might be willing to agree to a new Geneva conference on Indochina. The indications were private-publicly, the North Vietnamese officials indicated with- drawal of U.S. officials mandatory before ne- gotiation. There were no conditions in the private approach: The British Foreign Sec- retary declared that there is more hope of negotiation than even a day ago, that there has been a change in the attitude of the Communists toward negotiation. Mean- while, the President maintains the posture, *hich he sincerely believes, that this coun- try must persist with all Its might to resist aggression in South Vietnam, and to de- fend freedom there with its military strength. But far from being inconsistent, it seems to me that the posture the President has as- sumed is essential to finally creating peaceful negotiations. This is the same administra- tion that has made proposals for economic development of all southeast Asia, including perhaps North Vietnam, in the event of peace. This is the same administration which indicated there would be no direct reprisal for the bombing of the U.S. Embassy in Saigon, specifically no attack on Hanoi. This is the same administration that directed Assistant Secretary of State Harlan Cleve- s no precedent. The precedent of the Gaza strip, the precedents of the Congo and Cy- prus are terribly different. This is the same administration that had Secretary of State Dean Rusk give a respectful reception to the proposal of 17 so-called nonalined nations that petitioned us to negotiate. All of this is good. It indicates that we do not have a policy of simply pounding away hoping some- thing will happen. We are carrying an olive branch in one hand as well as arrows in the other. But We have those arrows, and the fact is that vinegar is just as essential as the oil of peace. We stand prepared to con- tinue bombing if defense requires it. Not only do we have a massive, awesome power, but we have the will to use It. The Presi- dent pledged that we will stay In South Vietnam for 10 or 20 years, if necessary, to stop communism. This resolution may be as significant as President Truman's resolve in Berlin in 1948, in Greece, in Korea, when against criticism and under very different circumstances, he decided to stand against the Communists. It may be as significant as John F. Kennedy's resolve in October of 1962, when we discov- ered that the Soviet Union had planted mis- siles in Cuba. This resolve, which has been so denounced, could stabilize the last great front of Communist aggression, and I predict that this U.S. persistence in South Vietnam will drive Hanoi to the bargaining table. On the other hand, had President Johnson chosen the withdrawal option, and that is the realistic option, peace as well as freedom would be in far greater danger throughout the world. He has chosen the tough course, the painful course, but the right course. You do not need a graduate degree to under- stand what, basically, is going on: this is aggression. This is the kind of aggression the free world, at its terrible regret, failed to meet in Austria; and the Sudetenland and Manchuria, the kind of aggression that re- sulted in the violence and death and the agony of 4 long years in World War II. In South Vietnam we are meeting it. We are meeting it with military force, but with re- strained force. We meet it with military force at the same time that we're building an economically stronger and better future in South Vietnam, as I documented. And, we meet it with the olive branch of negotiations In the other hand. Let us not forget that it was not Lyndon Johnson who 4 years ago stepped up our mili- tary commitment to South Vietnam. It was the same John Fitzgerald Kennedy who gave the finest speech on peace of this generation at American University in May 1963-the same John Kennedy whose greatest monu- ment is a test ban treaty that begins the first hopeful step toward the control of nuclear destruction of the world. It was the same John Kennedy who, however, recognized that the price of peace and freedom can some- times be cruel and terrible, that there are times when We, must face aggression, and 11161 Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190017-1 , Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190017-1 11162 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE May 25, 1965 that a cruel and terrible price must be paid. move out of Vietnam and allow the South summer, I made the point that the SEATO And John Kennedy, with all his intelligence, Vietnamese Communists to take over the allies were not helping us-we were doing it with all the massive information only the country? If not, how do we' justify interveFrance, alone. You coGreat uld not Britain, gge help of out of President of the United States can have, saw ing in a civil war on the side of a very un- e, not get out New could aof get out Senator, of fny of that South Vietnam is the place that this popular government? Zealand, yout ou of generation must pay it. Senator PROXMIRE. We have made it clear them. "its commitment just n I in ." opinion, has President Johnson not asked to stop aggression. As a matter of fact, said, SEATO t. Secretary, you just insulted my inI Congress for a declaration of war following Adlai Stevenson has said in the United Mr. Now, before jyou ust isulte the in- constitutional procedure, instead of using Nations that if North Vietnam will stop its sailg"ce of the eye committee, would rest the last summer's Senate resolution author- aggression, we will do our best to remove telliou genenc to have me tell them what tuld ization for action in Vietnam?" our military presence. Of course there are y Senator MORSE. As you know, I have taken indigenous Communists in South Vietnam. understanding you involved?want" to d (He eny, did not know know the position over and over again in the Sen- That is a well-known fact. It is also well that this Australian co eny, Mr. Secre is B-mmitment ate, that if we are going to make war we known that tens of thousands have in- tartyts mcto South 30 men to commitment ought to first declare it. There is not the filtrated from the North, including the of- increase nVietnam e from manpower 60 men, but with near slightest justification under the Constitu- ficer cadre, including the plans, and lately, the understanding 30g that they won't but tion of the United States for our making war including most of the weapons. That was tundersrant i Do you want to deny, Mr. in South Vietnam. Under the Constitution, not true some years ago, but it certainly is the hbat tyou got a commitment out Mr. next the President of the United States has the true now without any question. The New Secretary, that gfew commitment o they month responsibility and power to proceed imme- York Times has reported that something them mthat ake within fnex t six cargo s they available four diately in the defense of this Republic to like 90 percent of the replacements for the might from into S meet an emergency which has occurred by Vietcong are coming from the North. At to tnkemmat The s d, ugustra alia is thato th the way of an attack on the United States, as any rate, if the North Vietnamese cease Vi" Franklin Roosevelt did at Pearl Harbor. But, their aggression, then we feel that our mili- SEATO nations have left us cold. * * * Tell he does not have the right to make war in tary job is done, and the South Vietnamese it to Burma, tell it to Tfact Indonesia, tell ell at to AAus- the absence of the declaration of war. Under will be able to handle the situation them- tralia, New Zealand. and New Zed. The the is in t have Aus article No. 1, section 8 of the Constitution, selves. tralia concerned Zealand, about the press have been the power to declare war is vested in the Con- Moderator JONES. Senator MORSE, would greatly gress of the United States, and not in the you care to comment? in North Vietnam. * * * I never thought I President. Senator MORSE. I want to point out that, would read in American history of the drop- Who voted * * * I was one of two Senators ping of napalm bombs on jungle towns, kill- but against what I considered to be although oobjective is perfectly cleax that the psi- civilians-men, women and children. bu.t a scrap of paper under the Constitution, marar of the the administration is to Ing TUnited States is guilty, ahistory will when last August the Congress passed a ref- seek to prevent the advance of communism The fus States is condemn and n u I navel ever olution to authorize the President to take on a unilateral basis, it cannot be done by thought find i ht s guilty and ed us. soldiers am, and would have send the pictures whatever steps he deemed necessary to pro- the United States, because you are dealing South t my country the Foreign Res tect the security of this country. The Con- here with a population that is involved in that have been s nd hue taken gress, in my judgment, has the duty to de- a civil war. They (the administration) does not like to talk about a civil war, but if I lations Committee, of American soldiers gone whether or not American boys were standing by when the most horrendous bru- should to be sent to the battlefield, and they marched a hundred Vietnamese across this talities re committed upon the Vietcong. should not send them to die in battle in the platform, 50 North and 50 South, you could absence of a declaration of war. I think not tell the difference. You are dealing in And nd a reign what's thhe ans ant erwer? " chWhy, th the a Vietcong ietcong s that it is a great mistake that we have not a war in South Vietnam with a father on ses brutalities t upon South Vietnamese. had a public declaration, one side and some of his sons on the other; They r do. But, we are a outh to i tname e." of Moderator JONES. Senator PROXMIRE, would brothers on one side and brothers on the nt use our force to prevent this when Secre- you like to comment on that question? other; uncles on one side and some of their dd o not use of the rt to r vent. The kind Senator PROXMIRE. The fact is that the Con- nephews i With a war among Vietnams e, and thea17th tary of State tried to justify the use of gas cress of the o United ed States Senator MORSE RSE at on that the usewomen of gas s the implied, did act a resolution last August. parallel is a perfectly . O roc roblem ishto child en.roLetd me it protects The resolution was as a gi Bide e C Con ngress tot our hiv t is country. P a clear violation of the convention of 1925, will because it violates the Articles of War. Why portunity to on ietnad. for or against ding what- w our have e them set their own system . It gov- actions i n South Vietnam, including ternment, whatever they choose. It will ever military action the President decided probably be some form of communism or wasskaelkgas preven g st that wha utre in? This was necessary. That resolution passed 512 socialism or totalitarianism. But, that of World to 2. It was greatly to his credit that Senator raises the fundamental issue: whether or War I, along lethal gas, because makes this gas the tot incapacitates kill while o di Biercey its influence. them foe set and MORSE had the courage to be one of the two not the United States is now going to men who voted against it. But the fact is itself up on a unilateral basis to po to My alibi tryin at Is . If m frequenttly. w rld Was Sta that the that at co suited, the Cress of ongress of= the Unit dtoSt tes to obe ouraposit on we have neither the man aught and we have been caughwhich it got our ernment lo- did act, and it seems to me that under these power nor the resources to do it * * * we Dazo e you th n k a our if Govthat American would apt had cline if we s hat is whyItam to g to Cabod plane not been shot down within Cambodia after circumstances our course in South Vietnam are writing our own de T ti clear. Wherever sat in a hostile ed, altua- make that approach. multilateral I. notes ecessaryn to litoways have a declaration hoped SEATO might do this job, but SEATO town, killing i ill ns? It islpretty hard for of war. This is a bad situation-there have has become apaper tiger. SEATO countries us to face up to ugly realities, but the sad have d our not ands are main- toge act that th atest agree ar a of tthe wer in orld n they are dris, our ippinghwith blood in Asian to ourl a er- the or 3 0. 1That taining peaceein thisld and countAwas rsomething like 316ied; is a terrible situation. At the same time, I wrote in certain words of art t,t a which lasting discreJoNES. Senator MORSE, that was think must recognize that under three known as protocol aEiIea ricircumstances, traditionally, , we we have not re- the signatories thereto considered Vietnam a long and extended answer-I am there- quired a declaration of war. The action an area of vital concern and of mutual in- fore going to alter the procedure for a mo- taken by the Congress of the United States terest. Of course, what your Government ment to give Senator PROXMIRE an opportun- was not only overwhelmingly passed, but is not telling you is that there was a sleeper ity to respond. since that time there has been only one by way of a side agreement, and if the Senator PROXMIRE. What Senator MORSE has other resolution entered and modified, that sleeper was to have a concerted action, there just said is that we cannot stop commu- by Senator JAvrrs. That resolution sup- had to be a unanimity among the signatories nism throughout the world. The next thing as I tha understand we can ported the a Saying. t a hat the administration Who area theeyy?Te Australia, NATO ew pZealand, note count on SEATO or -others tot help us. of that to me is no- line, simply saying say we , Great The should at the same time seek negotia- BPkistan, Thailand, ra tain, and France. the con of get them bodyi is going to stop commun sm. that tions. to come in to be of as sistance to the United can stop communism, and we will. We have to be Question: some confusion n in your there seemed the States. not begun to feel the burden in this coun- same confusion which has appeared in the The Foreign Minister of Pakistan spoke at try. Now, about this situation of using the world easier nothing in gression i or ago. When asked if Pakistan, into which that is there is he our of the is Government, whether to make of an attack on the weapons of war; I think to stop ag ogoal s top sm hundreds indigenous millions of dollars for military bur dup, was it serves a good purpose to do so, and I think whether es ioIs to Stop n as you call it, communism. the aggression--80 you to come in and help us, he said: "No. It should be done. I agree that we made a South VouthVienam percent is being done b going Sienarnese. if we could get, by force e That is a U.S. problem. Our problem is with tragic and stupid blunder by using gas in or by agreement, the North Vienamese to India" When the Secretary of State was South Vietnam. There is no question about stop assisting the Vietcong, would we then before the Foreign Relations Committee last that. But let's be fair about it. While it Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190017-1 May 0 25, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE was stupid, and it gave the Communists a propaganda victory, let us recognize the circumstances under which that gas was used. I have a clipping from today's news- paper. "London, April 1, Colonial Secretary 4nthony Greenwood told Parliament today that British colonial police used nontoxic gas 124 times in the last 5 years.', That doesn't make it right, but I imagine that tear gas could be used here in Portland. You can buy it. Any police force can have it and does use it. When this gas was used, and it Was used on three occasions, it was totally ineffective on every single occasion. It was used so that it would not be neces- sary to use other weapons' that are far worse-so that we would not have to use napalm, so that we would not have to use machine guns, so that we would not have to kill people. Civilians were being used as shields, and it was thought necessary to pro- vide solve method of saving the lives of civilians so it would be possible to step in and overpower the others. Nevertheless, it was stupid for one other reason. In a mili- tary situation, you can count on escalation. We use a gas that is a tear and nausea gas. They-the enemy-use a gas that is a little worse; we use gas which is little worse; and the first thing you know you have bac- teriological warfare-you have mustard gas, you have some weapons which, fortunate- ly, have not been used since World War I. It was a bad mistake, but at the same time, I think it should be put in perspective. Question.. "Senator MORSE. assuming that SEATO and the United States do not want to assume the responsibility in southeast Asia, should the United States at any time, along a unilaterial basis, stand against Com- munist aggression in southeast Asia? If so, where do we draw this line?" Senator MORSE. We will not know until we take it to the United Nations, first through the Security Council, and then to the Gen- eral Assembly. I am satisfied that at least 85 nations, and probably not more, would vote to take jurisdiction if given the oppor- tunity to take jurisdiction, because they are scared, too. They know what this great threat in Asia means for all the rest of the world. They know that if you start a massive war with Red China it will not be over for a quarter of a century. I am satis- fied, also, that basic in the philosophy of many of our military, is the sincere convic- tion (but I think-dead wrong from every standpoint), that you have got to fight China sooner or later, and this is the time to fight her. I am satisfied that we are following the course of action of a provocateur, and that we are going to step it up until finally China makes a misstep. And when China makes the misstep, get ready for the bomb- ing of China. The first target will be the nuclear installations, but do not forget, they can be rebuilt. .It may take 10, 15, or 20 years to rebuild them, but when they are rebuilt, they will be rebuilt with a vengeance, and we will leave a heritage to future genera-, tions of American boys and girls of the hatred of the Chinese for the next 1,000 years. That is why I want to take my country out of the unilateral course of action-that is why I want to bring in others to help maintain the peace. China is not going to stop for us, but line up 85 to 90 nations around this world against her, and in my judgment, she will think a long time before she follows a course of action of nonnegotiating an 'honqprabPle settlement. Ii~e11eve that the fundamental purpose of our policy in Asia is to establish an American foothold, * * * It goes right back to Dulles "wanting France to get out of Indochina, to his wanting Great Britain to come in with us-back to his refusal to sign the Geneva accord of 1954, although he said we would .live -,,up to its tenets-and we have violated one after another ever since..e.. * +- I cannot give you any assurance that, if the U.N. does not take jurisdiction, you ' are not going' to have very serious trouble in South Vietnam, but I will face the ugly question. If we are put to the point where we, and we alone, are going to have to fight a war in Asia, then the first thing we should do is try to work out an arrangement where the people would not be massacred. Then, and only then, would I have the United States withdraw, be- cause South Vietnam is not in the perimeter of America defense. If we got into a war with Russia tomorrow, we would not leave an American boy in South Vietnam any longer than it took to get him out, because South Vietnam is not vital to the United States in time of war. * * * Western nations better face up to the fact that Asians are not going to allow them to stay in Asia. Senator PROXMIRE. The United Nations is now paralyzed. As Senator MORSE said, we have to go to the General Assembly. The As- sembly cannot meet until next September. We have to draw the line against the Com- munists. We can say, "Take it to the United Nations"-I do wish this were a practical solution, but the fact is that the U.N. is not in session, and will not be in session. The Secretary General has indicated that this was a question that was, in his estimation, probably too big. Furthermore, if we try to get the United Nations involved on the basis of having to take jurisdiction between North Vietnam and the United States of America, there is about as much chance that North Vietnam would stand still for that as there is that the Oregonian is likely to name the Senator from Oregon as mediator in its next labor contract. The fact is that North Vietnam was invited to sit in on discussions by the Security Council at the time of the Tonkin Gulf episode. North Vietnam was urged by the Soviet Union, by the United States, and by members of the Security Coun- cil. She flatly refused, and said that she would have nothing to do with it, and would not be bound by any decision of the Security Council. Under these circumstances, how in the world can we get the U.N. involved? Question: "Senator PROXMIRE, you said that the aggression in South Vietnam is of a subtle kind, and is invisible, and I would agree with you. What can Congress do if the terroristic attacks against Americans in the last few months turn out to be inside jobs by those who disagree with the policy of restraint that you advocate and the Presi- dent hopes to carry on?" Senator PROXMIRE, We are acting in North Vietnam militarily. We decided to take overt military action very recently. It has been stated over and over again by President John- son by Secretary Rusk, by Secretary McNa- mars, and others, that we have done so be- cause of the infiltration and invasion from North Vietnam. This is not just a pipe- dream-this is not a guess. It is true that this is a subtle kind of war, but the fact is that the invasion has been documented. The International Control Commission has found that there has been aggression from the north. They have said so-they have found it-it is a fact of life, and this is what we are trying to stop. Furthermore, it is my under- standing that the man who planted the bomb to blow up the Saigon Embassy admitted that he had been paid by the Vietcong to do it. .It is true that the evidence, under war cir- cumstances, is never the kind of thing that one would like to have in court. However, we do know that there is invasion from the north, and that is what we are trying to stop. Senator MQRst. There is nothing that stops the United Nations from being called into session from within 1Q to 15 days. Just read the charter. It calls for an extraordinary ses- sion of the United Nations, and we ought to call for an extraordinary session of the U.N. immediately. As to aggression in South Viet- nam, within 3 weeks of the filing of the white paper, witnesses before the Foreign Relations 11163 Committee continued to testify that this was primarily a war from witthin in South Viet- nam, by South Vietnamese, using American weapons. In recent weeks there have been some weapons coming in from the north, but there is still no showing of any substantial number of North Vietnamese military men out of the North Vietnamese Army. Of course, there has been some training of South Vietnamese up in North Vietnam, but we are the last country in the world that ought to talk about training soldiers of another coun- try. We have been doing it all around the world, and we have been doing it in South Vietnam for a long time. What we do need to face up to is that, in South Vietnam, we have been guilty, time and time again, of aggression on our part. Take the Tonkin Bay incident. The first propaganda of the administration was that the American ships were 75 miles from those North Vietnamese islands 3 to 6 miles off the coast of North Vietnam, which were bombed by South Vietnamese vessels-ves- sels which we equipped, which moved with the full knowledge of our Embassy and Of U.S. Navy ships in Tonkin Bay at the time. Our administration said they were 75 miles away. Well, if Russia had a destroyer 75 miles from Key West, for example, and Castro sent over a destroyer to bomb Key West, you know what we would do to that destroyer 75 miles away. We would give it one chance to come into port, and if it did not come to port, we would sink it, because we would know that it was there for a cover. The 75- mile issue blew up in their face, because we- the Foreign Relations Committee-got the log of the ships, and when the bombing of the islands took place, that American vessel was within 13 miles of the islands. That is why I say we acted as a provocateur. Of course, our ships were on the high seas, and had the right to be where they were, as far as the high sea laws were concerned. But, we had no right to be there as a cover to those South Vietnamese vessels. Time and time again, we have been participants in a violation of the borders of Cambodia, of the borders of North Vietnam, and, as is usually the case when you get into a dirty war, both sides play dirty. We have been playing dirty along with the Communists. Moderator JONES. In accordance with the procedures of debate, each Senator will have an opportunity to make a brief summary remark. Senator PROXMIRE. My good friend Senator WAYNE MORSE is a great Senator and a great debater, but it seems he has failed to distin- guish the difference between our action in South Vietnam and that of the North Viet- namese. We are there because we were in- vited by the duly constituted and recognized Government of South Vietnam, a Govern- ment that has been recognized by over 100 nations in the world. Although there have been five successive governments, each one has wanted us to stay, and every element in this Government today has asked us to stay there. On the other hand, the North Vietna- mese are there to subvert that Government, to overthrow that Government, to destroy that Government. I think there is all the difference in the world on that basis. Sena- tor MORSE has offered us an alternative, but what an alternative. He has said the U.N. Charter indicates that we can call the United Nations together in 10 or 15 days-but .why is the U.N. paralyzed? It is paralyzed because the nations cannot vote. It is paralyzed be- cause the problem of the Russian dues to the U.N. will not be solved until September. I wish it were not so-I wish we were living in a different kind of a world. Oh, how I wish we had an international court of justice, and that we could take the Communists to that court. How nice it would be if we could get .85 nations to join us in South Vietnam. But, as the Senator from Oregon has pointed out, we cannot even get the SEATO nations "to Approved For Release 2003/11/04 CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190017=1 Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190017-1 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE May 25, '19-65 join us in South Vietnam. if communism is going to be stopped, we have to stop it. Finally, the position of the administration in this perplexing, complex, and difficult situa- tion., is that negotiation, and the will to try and hope and pray and work for a peaceful solution through negotiation, is important. But that is not the only important element. When dealing with the Communists, in the kind of real world in which they are operat- ing, you have to have two other legs to this stool, too. One of those legs is the kind of hard, tough, grinding assistance we are devel- oping in Vietnam so she can develop her in- dependence, so that she can have the seed- bed of political freedom. The third leg, and the one that is so hard for Americans who live peace to accept,- is that of force and power-the force of military muscle and the will to use that military muscle. What the administration is doing is to use our military force, use our economic ability, and at the same time sincerely and honestly work to cre- ate a situation in which negotiations will be possible, but negotiations that can permit a free and independent South Vietnam and stop Communist aggression. Senator MORSE. When my very close friend Senator PROxMIRE talks about our being in- vited into South Vietnam by the Government of South Vietnam, I would ask him, "Which one?" "When?" No government has been set up by the people of South Vietnam. We saw to it that that did not happen in 1956. We stopped the government from being set up in South Vietnam. We set up our own puppet, and a whole chain of puppets. Sen- ator PROxMIRE says a hundred or so nations have recognized that government. Well, we have spent $100 billion now in foreign aid to some 100 nations and they are not going to offend us very quickly. I want to say that it is pretty difficult for this great power of the United States to find very many people taking positions that they will not recognize a puppet. $ * * We never have been called in by a government of the people of South Vietnam. I am for a procedure that will give the people of South Vietnam their own gov- ernment, not an American-imposed govern- ment, which they have had ever since 1954. The United Nations is in a position to work. Read the charter. Who is responsible for the fact than the U,N. went out of session? It was what Ambassador Stevenson called a procedural vote on article 19, the most sub- stantive vote that could be cast in that gen- eral session. That is why the students of the United Nations are severely criticizing the United States for our course of action on article 19, and they should criticize. That is why your Senator led the fight in the Senate against the policy of our Government, backed up by a surprising number of Senators, when I said "You should hold the nose of Russia and France to the grindstone in the United Nations-not let them out of it, and insist on a vote on article 19." But I am talking about an extraordinary session of the United Nations, an extraordinary session called for the nations to carry out their responsibility to keep the peace. I have no doubt what the General Assembly would do if reconvened, if there was any hope of maintaining the peace by the United Nations sending whetever number of divisions of the U.N. troops neces- sary to enforce the peace in southeast Asia. They would quickly waive any obligations regarding any money if they could get this matter decided; then they could go back to the debate on article 19. :1 did not come here, and Senator PROxMIRE did not come here, to ask for agreement. We came believing that what is needed in this country on this critical issue is the thought of the American people-to get the American people away from their dogmas and their slogans. Remember, you, too, have a respon- sibility of statesmanship. Yours is the re- sponsibility of citizen-statesmanship. Never forget that foreign policy under our constitu- tion does not belong to the President of the United States. That is one of the myths or bubbles that needs to be burst. Foreign policy belongs to you, the people. The President is the administrator of the people's foreign policy, subject to the checks of Con- gress. We now have to think about American bQys and girls 100, 200, 500, and 1,000 years from now. It is my deep conviction that if we follow this course, we will never leave a heritage of freedom to our grandchildren. Moderator JONES. Thank you, Senator MORSE, and particularly for that final word. It has been our privilege to listen to a discus- sion of truly historic proportions this eve- ning, for which we thank both of our guests very warmly. SIGNIFICANT AMENDMENT TO THE VOTING RIGHTS BILL (Mr. RYAN asked and was given per- mission to address the House for 1 min- ute, to revise and extend his remarks and to include extraneous matter.) Mr. RYAN. Mr. Speaker, last Thurs- day the Senate adopted a most signifi- cant amendment to the voting rights bill. The amendment, sponsored by Sen- ator KENNEDY of New York. will enfran- chise thousands of Spanish speaking citizens. Senator ROBERT KENNEDY de- serves the gratitude of all those dedi- cated to equality in voting for directing his great abilities to the passage of this amendment. This amendment would prohibit the denial of the right to vote in any elec- tion of any person because of his inabil- ity to read, write, or understand English if he has successfully completed the sixth grade in a public or accredited private school in any State, territory, the District of Columbia, or the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico in which the predominant classroom language was other than Eng- lish. The amendment provides: No person who demonstrates that he has successfully completed the sixth primary grade in a public school in, or a private school accredited by, any State or territory, the District of Columbia, or the Common- wealth of Pirerto Rico in which the predomi- nant classroom language was other than Eng- lish, shall be denied the right to vote in any Federal. State, or local election because of his inability to read, write, understand, or interpret any matter in the English language, except that in states in which State law provides that a different level of education is presumptive of literacy, he shall demon- strate that he has successfully completed an equivalent level of education in a public school in, or a private school accredited by, any State or territory, the District of Colum- bia, or the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico in which the predominant classroom language was other than English. Mr. Speaker, Congress certainly has the power to pass this literacy test amendment under the enforcement clauses of the 14th and 15th amend- ments. The 14th amendment to the Constitu- tion guarantees that no State shall "deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws." In New York State thousands of American citi- zens have been denied the equal protec- tion of the laws. New York State requires a prospective voter to take an English language liter- acy test or to establish his literacy by showing an eighth grade education at a school conducted in English. As a result of this requirement thousands of Amer- ican citizens of Puerto Rican origin do not register to vote. Senator ROBERT KENNEDY estimated that there are ap- proximately 7:30,000 Puerto Ricans in New York, of whom approximately 480,- 000 are of voting age. Less than one- third-about 150,000 are registered to vote. While it cannot be said that all the other 330,000 are not registered be- cause of the literacy test, there is no doubt that a substantial number do not register for this reason. The New Yorker of Puerto Rican origin has every opportunity to be as well in- formed a voter as his English-speaking neighbor. There are Spanish-language newspapers, televisions, and radio. The schools in Puerto Rico teach civics and American history. The English-language literacy test is an arbitrary requirement for voting and should be abolished. I have sponsored legislation through- out my service in Congress to abolish the literacy test completely. In this Congress my bill to eliminate the literacy test is H.R. 2477. I testified at length before the House Committee on the Judiciary on this question. I believe the least we can do in this session is to adopt the literacy test amendment sponsored by Senator KENNEDY of New York. Unfortunately, this amendment is not included in the voting rights bill which has been reported out by the House. In view of the action taken by the other body, I hope the House will adopt it, and I urge the distinguished Chairman of the Committee on the Judiciary to accept the amendment when the voting rights bill is on the floor. I urge all my colleagues to join with me in this fight to bring full rights of citizenship to thousands of Americans who speak Spanish. COMMUNITY SERVICE SOCIETY AND THE HOUSING AND URBAN DEVELOPMENT ACT OF 1965 (Mr. RYAN asked and was given per- mission to extend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and to include ex- traneous matter.) Mr. RYAN. Mr. Speaker, I wish to bring to the attention of my colleagues the testimony of Mrs. Barbara Reach before the Senate Subcommittee on Housing of the Committee on Banking and Currency. Mrs Reach is staff asso- ciate of the Community Service Society, the oldest and largest voluntary family service agency in the country. We will shortly be debating the administration's Housing and Urban Development Act of 1965, and I believe that this testimony will add to our deliberations. There- fore, I urge all my colleagues to read the following testimony: STATEMENT PRESENTED BEFORE THE SENATE SUBCOMMITTEE ON HOUSING OF THE COM- MITTEE ON BANE.ING AND CURRENCY ON S. 1354; H.R. 5840, APRU. 9, 1966 (By Barbara Reach, committee on housing and urban development) My name is Barabara Reach and I repre- sent the Committee on Housing and Urban Development of the Community Service So- ciety of New York. Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190017-1 Approved`For Release 2003111104: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190017-1 May 25, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD- HOUSE 11173 Ing severe sales declines in anticipation of reduced prices resulting from tax reduction. Sincerely, F. W. Miacis, .Vice President, FORD MOTOR CO., . June 9, 1964. HOn. CHARLES E. CHAMBERLAIN, Houle of Representatives, Congress of the United States, Washington, D.C. DEAR CONGRESSMAN CHAMBERLAIN: Your letter of May 22 arrived while I was away from the office and I understand our Wash- ington office indicated to you in my absence that this reply would be forthcoming soon. We were pleased to learn from your letter that you will be continuing your efforts to reduce or repeal the discriminatory 10-per- cent excise tax on automobiles. You asked in your letter if the present position of Ford Motor Co. continues to be the same as in the past on the subject of passing on any reduction in the excise tax to its dealers. In response to similar inquiries in 1958, I stated that our company would immediately pass on to our dealers the full amount of any reduction in the excise tax. That is still our position. The suggested retail price shown on the price label would also be low- ered by the amount that the excise is re- duced. We have no doubt that competition for the consumer's dollar would insure that our dealers, in turn, would pass a reduction on to their customers. You realize, of course, that the company has no authority to commit what the dealers' decision on this matter would be, however. Thank you for your efforts over the years in support of reduction or elimination of .the passenger car excise tax. Very sincerely, HENRY FORD II, Chairman. GENERAL MOTORS CORP., Detroit, May 28, 1964. Hon. CHARLES E. CHAMBERLAIN, House of Representatives, Washington, D.C. MY DEAR CONGRESSMAN: Thank you for your letter of May 22 concerning my views on whether the removal or reduction of the present 10-percent excise tax on new auto- mobiles would be passed along to the cus- tomer by the automobile companies. As you know, our new passenger cars are sold by General Motors to franchised dealers who, in turn, sell to the customer. The price at which this final sale is made is one that is agreed to by the dealer and the customer. The manufacturer is not a party to this transaction and of course the dealer is' free to sell at any price agreed to with the cus- tomer. passenger cars should be reflected in lower prices to the new car buyer." I am enclosing a copy of the full AMA statement from which this quotation is taken. You will note that the association is proposing that Congress not extend the 3-percent increase in the excise tax author- ized in connection with the Korean wartime emergency, and is further urging affirmative congressional action to reduce or eliminate the remaining 7 percent of this discrimina- tory excise tax. In order to minimize the disruption of the market during the period such a reduction is under review by the Con- gress, the association is ouggesting that pro- vision be made in current tax legislation for the retroactive application of the reduction to the date hearings begin on specific legis- lation. I very much appreciate your continued active interest in removing this discrimina- tory excise tax. I hope you will feel free to call on me at any time that I may be of assistance in this matter. Very truly yours, JOHN F. GORIIk~ON, Pr4sident. VIETNAM (Mr. MICHEL asked and was given permission to address the House for 1 minute and to revise and extend his re- -marks.) Mr. MICHEL. Mr. Speaker, a short time ago I received a letter from the Reverend Patrick Morison, pastor of the Hanna City and Limestone Presbyterian Churches, together with a copy of a letter he had addressed to the President. I asked the reverend if I might use that letter and read it into the RECORD and I have his approval to do so. His letter addressed to the President reads as follows: HANNA CITY AND LIMESTONE PRESBYTERIAN CHURCHES, Hanna City, Ill., April 19, 1965. President L. B. JOHNSON, White House, Washington, D.C. DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: You have received or will soon receive a letter from the Clergy- man's Emergency Committee for Vietnam of the Fellowship of Reconciliation. This letter has been circulated among American clergy- men to gain their signatures of support. The letter will petition you to seek a peaceful solution to the Vietnam crisis at all costs. As a Christian clergyman and citizen I oppose this letter for three reasons. First, it vastly oversimplifies a complex cultural, political, and military problem. Second, it perfect and not always most just, but this does not obligate us to surrender to com- munism nor to trust it. Yes, I am dismayed by the war in Vietnam (and in Congo and elsewhere) and I long for peace, but to betray ourselves or allies into Communist tyranny and designs will bring neither peace, nor freedom, nor honor, nor godliness. Only Jesus Christ can bring last- ing personal, social, or world peace, He "Who is coming in power and great glory." Yours truly, PATRICK MORISON. (Mr: O'HARA of Illinois asked and was given permission to address the House for 1 minute and to revise and extend his remarks.) [Mr. O'HARA of Illinois' remarks will appear hereafter in the Appendix.] THE PEGASUS B (Mr. MILLER asked and was given permission to address the House for 1 minute.) Mr. MILLER. Mr. Speaker, I wish to report another major success on the part of the National Aeronautics and Space Administration in the exploration and conquest of space. At 3:35 this morning the Saturn booster placed into orbit the Pegasus B meteoroid technology satel- lite. This is the ninth straight success of the most powerful operational launch vehicle in the world, a remarkable achievement that bodes well for the fu- ture of our entire space program., The Pegasus satellite exposes more than 2,000 square feet of instrumented panels to register meteoriod impacts in the region near the earth. The 3,200- pound spacecraft, attached to the last stage of the Saturn, is in an orbit with a predicted lifetime of over 3 years- the instruments are designed to operate for about 1 year. The achieved orbit with an apogee of 740 kilometers and perigee of 513 kilometers, is within 1 percent of the planned values- an example of the Nation's increasing capability for high-precision space oper- ations. The total weight in orbit is over 23,000 pounds, making it one of our heaviest successful payloads. The information we will receive from- this mission will be important to our total capability for operations in space, both manned and unmanned. The actual deployment in space of 100- foot panels was televised by a camera mounted on the booster; I am sure many of you will see it before long on your own TV sets. Mr. Speaker, I wish to commend the National Aeronautics and Space Admin- istration and the industrial and scientific team responsible for this mission for another step forward in the power and prestige of the United States. Since preparing these remarks, I have been informed that throughout the day the three television networks will show pictures of the Pegasus B. assumes that peace is possible If only the -United States would ull out f Vi t p o e nam It is for this reason that I cannot speak _ and sit down to confer on Communist terms for General Motors dealers. However, I think .in good faith. This letter contains one of that there are good grounds for believing the most arrogant and clerically irresponsible that the savings would be passed along to judgments I have ever read: "The United the customer. In this connection I_ would States is actively responsible for the rain like to quote from a letter recently sent by of fiery death poured out on a helpless the Automobile Manufacturers Association peasantry." Such a perversion of the facts to Representative MILLS, expressing a view could have been written in Moscow, Peiping, to which I fully subscribe: or Hanoi. "Any excise tax imposed by the Federal Third, the writers of this epistle fail to Government on new cars is passed through count communism as an implacable, vicious, to the car dealer by the manufacturer. This cunning, satanic enemy of freedom, democ- is a matter of long historical record. A re- racy, and above all, Christianity. The view by some of Our member companies of cruelty, treachery, and conscienceless aggres- the various changes in excise tax rates on sion of communism ought to be obvious to U.S. passenger cars which have taken place all but the wilfully blind or stupid. since 1926 shows that the changes in excise God may indeed use communism to bring tax amounts were reflected both up and judgment upon the West (even our United down in the billing prices to car dealers. States), but we cannot make such judgment There is no reason to expect any different for Him, and clergymen have no right to .treatment of tax changes, in the future., "play prophet," speaking authoritatively on Under the intense competitive pressures ex- that about which they know little and have fisting in the retail automobile markets today, no revelation. Furthermore, to pervert the and stimulated by a reduced suggested retail picture for purposes of propaganda is dis- price, the reduction in the excise tax on new honest. I am sure our Nation is far from PECULIAR TREND OF TEXTILE MILL MARGINS (Mr. FINDLEY (art'the request of Mr. QUILLEN) was granted permission to ex- tend his remarks at this. point in the Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190017-1 1.1174 Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R00030019001 -1 25 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -HOUSE May a RECORD and to include extraneous matter.) Mr. FINDLEY. Mr. Speaker, I today asked the Federal Trade Commission to determine whether the prices of cotton textiles are being fixed in restraint of trade. The trend of cloth prices and textile mill margins has been so peculiar since the enactment of last year's cotton legis- lation that a thorough inquiry is in the public interest. Text of my letter to the Commission: The trend of cloth prices and cotton mill margins since the enactment of the one-price cotton legislation of last year is so peculiar that I strongly urge that you make an in- vestigation to determine whether the prices of cotton textiles are being fixed in restraint of trade. The statistics enclosed herewith, provided by the U.S. Department of Agriculture, show a steady upward trend in cloth prices despite the drop In cost of raw cotton made possible by last year's legislation. You will note that mill margins jumped sharply when the lower- cost cotton became available. There is no indication that consumers have benefited from this legislation, despite official assur- ances Congress received last year that it would save them more than $700 million. Clearly, cloth prices have not responded to substantially lower raw material costs. This of course does not necessarily mean that a conspiracy to fix prices exists, but It is highly unusual in a supposedly competitive industry. Consequently, it seems to me that a thorough inquiry would be in the public interest. I enclose herewith: 1. A table showing cloth and raw cotton prices and mill margins by months begin- ning with 1962, together with a chart reflect- ing these same statistics. 2. A copy of a letter dated January 31, 1964, from the Secretary of Commerce to the chairman of the Senate Committee on Agri- culture and Forestry giving assurances to the Congress that the proposed cotton legislation would save consumers more than $700 mil- lion. This has special interest for me because I ain a member of the Cotton Subcommittee of the House Agriculture Committee, We will soon be considering a revision of the present legislation. Below are copies of two of the docu- ments I enclosed: Cloth and raw cotton prices and mill margins by months beginning with 1962 [Cents per pound] 1962 January---------- 60.63 February-------- 60.76 March------------ 61.07 April------------ 61.23 May------------ 61.19 June--- ------ 61.24 July-------------- 661.29 1.12 August ------- ---- September -------- 60.93 October---------- 60.71 November-------- 60.68 December- ----- -. 60.67 1963 January---------- 60.55 February --------- 60,47 March------------ 60.49 Apn60.26 May------------- 60.00 .June-------------- 660.11 0.28 July ------------- August ----------- 60.60 September----_-_ 60.9999 October ---------- November ------ -.. 82.00 December-------- 62.29 Unfinished cloth prices Cloth and raw cotton prices and mill margins by months beginning with 1962-Con. [Cents per pound] Unfinished cloth prices Raw cotton prices (Mr. SCHWEIKER (at the request of Mr. QUILLEN) was granted permission to extend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and to include extraneous matter.)- Mill [Mr. SCHWEIKER'S remarks will ap- margins pear hereafter in the Appendix.] 1964 January ----- 62.32 35.47 26.85 ----- February ---- 62.37 35.65 26.82 ----- Al arch - -- 62.37. 35.58 26.79 -------- - -- April 62.00 35.63 128.37 ----------- May ------ 61.62 35.67 125.95 ------- ------ June - 60.87 35.76 126.11 ------ - - July 60.95 35.60 125.35 ------------- August 61.00 27.64 33.36 ----------- September ---- 61.02 26.82 34.20 ---- October ---- 61.26 26.80 34.46 ------ November --- 61.48 26.98 34.50 ----- December -------- 62.68 27.30 35.28 1965 -------- January 63.24 27.30 35.94 - -_ February 63.28 27.26 36.02 ------ March----------- 63.42 27.26 36.16 1 Does not include the 6.6 cents per pound cotton all bales iopened beginning to domestic cotto a.m. April users 964. ii SDA made no adjustment for these payments prior to August 1964. Source: "Cotton Price Statistics," Cotton Division, Consumer and Marketing Service, U.S. Department of Agriculture. (Extract from hearings on cotton program before the Committee on Agriculture and Forestry, U.S. Senate, 88th Cong., pt. II, p. 510, Jan. 28, 29, 30, 31, and Feb. 11, THE SECRETARY OF COMMERCE, Washington, D.C., January 31, 1964. Hon. ALLEN J. ELLENDER, Chairman, Committee on Agriculture and Forestry, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR MR. CHAIRMAN: It is my understand- ing that during the course of your current hearings on the need for emergency cotton legislation, the question continues to arise as to whether or not a reduction of 81/s cents per pound in the cost of cotton to domestic mills would be reflected in savings to Amer- ican consumers of cotton textile products. When similar legislation was being considered by the House Committee on Agriculture, Hickman Price, Jr., then Assistant Secretary of Commerce, testified in behalf of this De- partment that savings to consumers would amount to about $90 million for each cent of reduction. A reduction of 81/2 cents per MIZE QUESTIONS BILL "RIDERS" (Mr. MIZE (at the request of Mr. QUILLEN) was granted permission to ex- tend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and to include extraneous mat- ter.) - Mr. MIZE. Mr. Speaker, it has been my privilege to appear before the Joint Committee on the Organization of Con- gress to express my concern about the use of omnibus bills. Often these bills com- bine new concepts with established pro- grams and thus bring into being a new area of Government spending which probably would not be authorized if the new concept was presented as an in- dividual bill. I have had a bill drafted which I plan to introduce to ban bills and amend- ments dealing with more than one sub- stantive matter. I realize that this is a far-reaching reform, but the reception I had before the joint committee indi- cates to me that many other Members share my same concerns about the abuses in omnibus bills. During the time that this proposal was in the talking stage as far as my office is concerned, the Topeka (Kans.) State Journal editorialized in favor of this ap- proach. I appreciate this support by one of the leading and influential dailies in Kansas, and under leave to extend my remarks, I include the editorial, "MIZE Questions Bill Riders," in the RECORD: Mhos QuE5TIONS BILL RIDERS Representative CHESTER MIZE, Republican, of Kansas, is on the right track in question- ing the fairness and feasibility of omnibus bills and in starting a movement to limit each bill considered in Congress to one sub- stantive matter. MIZE said this week he has asked that a. resolution to that effect be drafted while he conducts research to see if such an approach to legislation would be feasible. If it is, he said, he hopes someone in the Senate will join him in introducing the measure. In question are two types of bills-- omnibus bills and bills onto which riders are attached. An omnibus bill is one which makes a number of miscellaneous provisions or ap- propriations. The other type usually con- tains fewer provisions but can be even more deceptive than the omnibus bill. Granted, these types of bills have at times served worthwhile purposes by making it possible to enact necessary legislation when it was too late, or for some other reason it was impossible, to do it any other way. But often, Miss believes, they have served as expedients to slip through measures which likely would have been killed if they had received the undivided, unclouded attention of Congress. An example of what he is talking about, MIZE said, was the recent education bill, "where the new expanded idea of Federal assistance to public school students and in- direct aid to nonpublic schools was tied to the existing programs of aid to impacted areas. , "We saw it in medicare, where compulsory hospital and medical care for the aged was pound would thus result in a saving to con- sumers of more than $700 million. This saving, Mr. Price said, would come with a lag of from 3 to 8 months, the time from first consumption at the mill to ulti- mate consumer, and would be reflected in either lower prices or higher quality of the merchandise. Speaking with personal knowledge from many years in the manufacturing and mar- keting of cotton textiles, I agree that such a raw material cost reduction in the highly Competitive tetxile and apparel manufac- turing industries would generate a chain reaction of savings to consumers. It is the best estimate of our Department that these savings would be of the general order of magnitude indicated by Mr. Price. Sincerely yours, LUTHER H. HODGES, Secretary of Commerce. (Mr. DERWINSKI (at the request of Mr. QUILLEN) was granted permission to extend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and to include extraneous matter.) [Mr. DERWINSKI'S remarks will ap- pear hereafter in the Appendix.] Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190017-1 Raw cotton prices 35.78 35.82 35.98 35.85 36. 13 36.34 36. 19 35.89 36.23 35.08 35.10 36.30 35.45 35,66 35.95 36.08 36.16 35.86 35.57 35.33 35.19 35.11 35.27 35.37 Mill margins 24.85 24.94 25.09 25.38 25.06 24.90 25.10 25.23 25.70 25.63 25. 58 25.37 25.1 24.81 24.64 24.18 23.84 24.25 24.71 25.27 25.80 26.23 26 .73 26.92 Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67BO0446R00030:019001.7-1 May 25, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL. RECORD.-..APPENDIX bitrary acts no less vicious .than the edicts of dictatores who, have suppressed democracy in the world. The tyranny of the majority in a legislature, supported by a judicial oli- garchy, can be as harmful to free government as the autocracy Of an individual despot. Our written Constitution has been vanish- ing, presumably in accordance with the spirit of the times. An impression prevails at pres- ent in both Houses of Congress that the Su- preme Court will at any time amend the Constitution, by judicial flat to conform to ideological or sociological doctrines of the day. 'Our forefathers provided us with a legal method of changing the Constitution. It has been used 24 times and is still available to meet the wishes of, the people and the spirit A Blessed Event EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. GLENN CUNNINGHAM OF NEBIRASKA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, May 25, 1965 Mr. CUNNINGIjAM, Mr. Speaker, as a longtime advocate of an. improved mail service for our country, I was pleased to-learn- that plans have been approved for a congressional investiga- tion into the Post Office Department's sectional plan for mail processing and the effect it will have on employees and mail service. The sectional center concept, which will lead to the elimination of many of the railway post offices, is not the an- swer to improved service in my opinion. I am not alone in this opinion and would like to call to the attention of my col- leagues an editorial which appeared in the Bennett County Booster II, Martin, S. Dak,, on May 13, 1965: A BLESSED EVENT People in western South Dakota were blessed Monday, April 26, with their first installment of "Progressive Postal Service." For the benefit of readers who are unfamiliar with the term, it is a fancy name for bureau- cratic bungling. It seemed as though the Metro mail serv- ice, which was established a few years ago, was doing a pretty good job of getting mail .in and out of area post offices with a reason- able amount of service. That's probably what was wrong. Somewhere, someone got the idea that mail forwarded to sectional centers could be handled in greater volume and faster than through the local area post offices. This plan has been tried in other areas prior to coming to western South Dakota, and apparently is achieving about the same results. One of these sectional centers has been established at Pierre. And as of April 26, all mail in this area is to be routed to this sectional center. As a result mail going from Martin to Pine Ridge can no longer go the 45 miles over U.S. Highway 18. It is to be sent from Mar- tin to Kadoka, to Pierre, to Presho, to Rapid City, to Hot Springs and back east, again, to Pine Ridge-a distance of at least. 500 miles. Also, mail returning from Pine Ridge to Martin goes back around the same route, instead. Of coming across U.S. Highway 18. .Somg,.ow, mail service between Martin frond Plilellidge isn't quite as good as it was prior tp April 26, 1965. In orde;. to test this new modernized serv- iee, press time at the Booster, was moved ahead in time to catch the 5 ~p.m. mail Wednesday out of the post office at Martin. Copies of the Booster now have been getting to Pine Ridge Friday morning where as they previously got there Thursday morning. This is not an isolated example. Prior to the change, a letter could be mailed at 5 p.m. at Kadoka and it would be placed the next morning on the Kadoka truck arriving at Martin at 6:30 a.m. Now, before the letter can get on that truck, it must first go into Pierre, back to Presho and back to Kadoka to get on that same truck. ., The sectional center idea has hit other areas of the country, too. The Pioneer Press of Mott, N. Dak., points out: "The Bismarck mail bus stops at Burt now and we get all our mail from Dickinson post office. In the past, the Bismarck mail bus came to Mott and laid over until evening. Not true now-the Dickinson bus picks up our mail, hauls it to Dickinson (85 miles) then it goes by train to Bismarck (102 miles) then it is loaded on a bus and hauled to towns east of Mott, to Burt (95 miles). The point is: Burt is 8 miles east of Mott." The trouble with the postal service, says, the head of the General Accounting Office, Is too much modernizing. The mail flo system is one example cited by GAO. Under mail flo letters and packages were supposed to flit through big city post offices virtually untouched by human hands. The trouble was, said Comptroller General Joseph Campbell, it didn't work. But before finding out that the pilot ex- periment in Detroit had serious deficiencies, Mail-Flo was installed in Philadelphia and Denver, where it increased the costs of postal service by hundreds of thousands of dollars and decreased labor productivity. Why should adequate service at reasonable cost be an impossible job for the Post Office Department? Public utilities solve the problem of in- creasingly complex operations to serve an expanding population. The Post Office does not. Utilities, whether publicly or privately owned, give adequate service at lower or stabilized rates as their customers increase. The Post Office does not. Utilities put money aside for improve- ment, and most privately owned utilities manage to pay dividends to their stock- holders. The Post Office does neither. Why, we repeat, can't the Post Office do its job? The fault cannot be blamed on the 500,000 men and women-our friends and neighbors and fellow citizens-who deliver the mail. It has to lie at the very top where decisions are made. And we wonder just how bad the postal service has to get before the public stops bawling out the people behind the post office window, and starts directing its anger at the fumblers in Washington. The 275th Anniversary of Philadelphia's 21st Ward EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. HUGH SCOTT OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Tuesday, May 25, 1965 Mr. SCOTT. Mr. President, I wish to call attention to the special June sup- plement of the Review, the community newspaper of Philadelphia's 21st ward, which is celebrating its 275th year in 1965: Amid buildings constructed long .. be- Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446ttuuu3uui iuu1 [-1 A2Q19 fore the Declaration of Independence, the people of Roxborough, Manayunk, and Wissahickon have preserved a commu- nity as unique as the one that saw the British march up the ridge early in the morning of May 20, 1778. Although the little village of Rox- borough, which once consisted of a few houses scattered down the road, is now fully grown, one can still see signposts of the past. For instance, Roxborough is one community where you can still see a horse on the street. Many riding stables serve patrons who like to gallop up and down the trails of the Wissahickon. It is true that there are now more houses and people in the community, which was once known as Roxborough Township. There are also more churches and schools. Television, auto- mobiles, and the Schuylkill Expressway have brought a new era to the formerly isolated ridge of land between Wissa- hickon Creek and the Schulykill River. Yet the 21st ward is still an exciting place. Although concrete has covered the fields and pastureland, and shopping centers and parking lots have come to the vales and valleys of Roxborough, Shawmont, and Wissahickon, the un- usual loyalty of the people of the 21st ward for their community is one signpost of the past that will never come down. The Intellectual and Vietnam HON. EL MO A. CEDERBERG OF MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, May 25, 1965 Mr. CEDERBERG. Mr. Speaker, this country is witnessing a new development in the arena of higher education. Al- though it is not listed in the catalogs of some of our leading colleges and univer- sities, and neither is it listed in the calen- dar of sporting events of these schools, a clique of professors have; invented teach-ins. The goal of these is to at- tempt to persuade anyone willing to lis- ten that this country, in its efforts to stay the advance of communism in Viet- nam, has gotten off its course. Stewart Alsop, writing in the Saturday Evening Post, says: It is mysterious that so many American intellectuals look forward with compla- cency-even positive relish-to Communist victory in Asia, which they regard as inevitable. Mr. Alsop makes a good presentation of this new development in his article which follows: THE INTELLECTUALS AND VIETNAM WASHINGTON.-The war in Vietnam has brought to the surface again a mysterious phenomenon. This is the. Peculiar fatuous- ness which the profoundly antiintellectual Communist system seems to inspire in a good many American intellectuals and would-be intellectuals. At least until 1948, it was fashionable among many intellectuals to admire, or find excuses for, the system presided over by that ferocious enemy of the free intellect, Joseph A2620 Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190017-1 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX May 25, 1965 Stalin. This fatuousness of an older genera- tion of intellectuals provided useful ammu- nition for the homegrown antiintellectual yahoos, like Senator Joseph McCarthy. Now- adays it is becoming fashionable to proclaim that Mao Tse-tung's version of communism is the wave of the future in Asia, and to castigate the American Government for its blind refusal to permit the future's wave to roll over South Vietnam. From Berkeley to Harvard, the chic thing for the politically aware professor to do is to conduct teach-ins on the iniquities of American imperialism in Vietnam, or to march in protest demonstrations, or, for the less dashing, to sign open letters to the President, like the remarkably silly open letter of protest recently signed by 149 Yale professors. Surely this is a mysterious business. Logically, liberal-minded intellectual persons should hate and fear Mao's communism as instinctively as they hated and feared Hit- ler's nazism. For as an idea killer, an ene- my of the free mind, Mao outdoes Hitler and Stalin combined. The anti-intellectual campaign in Com- munist China, which began in earnest in 1963, is now reaching a peak of Intensity. Chinese intellectuals have been bluntly warned that they are suspect, not only indi- vidually, but as a class. Some months ago Hu Yao-pang, secretary of the Communist Youth League, announced that "intellectuals always belong to certain social classes and serve the interests of these classes." Warnings to intellectuals are now con- stantly reiterated in the Communist press. In January of this year, for example, Red Flag, the Chinese Communist theoretical journal, thundered against "intellectuals who refuse thought reform, refuse to integrate with the masses, and become 'spiritual aristo- crats' perched proudly high above the toiling masses." According to a leading Government expert on. Communist China, the idea that Mao wants above all to kill is "the concept of humanism-i.e., the fraternity of people human dignity, happiness, and individual- ism." Humanism has become a respectable concept among Soviet intellectuals since the post-Stalin thaw. Therefore Tse-tung is de- termined to "wall off Chinese intellectuals from any contact with currents of relative moderation in the Soviet bloc," and the whole concept of humanism is now denounced in China as a bourgeois distortion of Marxism- Leninism. The attack on humanism has its super- ficially amusing aspects. For example, Ma Yen-sheng, of the Chinese Academy of Sciences, recently published a long letter of abject "self-criticism." Professor Ma wrote that he had found himself of late in- creasingly filled with bourgeois sentiments. He began to have strange notions about the idea of universal love, and even to dream of a world filled with friendly love, and forever at peace. Thus was his mind in- creasingly infected with bourgeois senti- ments. And how did the infection start? Largely as a result of listening to the degenerate, Western, bourgeois work, Beethoven's Ninth Symphony. A fondess for bourgeois music is deeply suspect, and instantly marks an intellectual as a candidate for a "mental-reform-through- labor camp." Debussy, against whose music Mao is said to have conceived a particularly violent prejudice, is -even more dangerous than Beethoven. The periodical Peoples' Music recently anounced that the music of the Chinese patriotic oratorio, "The Long March," had been completely rewritten be- cause in its original form it recalled De- bussy's degenerate bourgeois style. Writers must be especially waxy of the taint of bourgeois influence and humanism. The Chinese Journal of Literature and Art has warned writers that the "writing of mid- dle-character stores" is proof of such taint. A middle character is someone not perfect and not totally bad. In Chinese Communist literature, middle characters (i.e., human beings) no longer exist. All characters must be either perfect toilers and peasants, or wholly evil class enemies. In last October's issue of China Youth Daily, the following sharp warning to a lead- ing Communist Chinese philosopher ap- peared: "The kind of life advocated by Com- rade Feng Ting, which would provide good things to eat and wear, good places to live d in, and cordial relations between husban and wife and between parents and children does not accord with the Communist ideal." On the contrary, the Communist ideal de- mands that the youth of China make a class analysis of their parents, granparents, aunts, uncles and other relations. Deviationist ideas are to be reported immediately to the local block officer or farm party secretary. Even. jokes may smack of deviation-a Pei- ping newspaper warns that some jokes savor strongly of feudalism and capitalism. Nor are the dead immune. China Youth tells its readers that "we should make a class analysis of there who have died." Such a class analysis seems likely to lead to the re- moval of the famous and beautiful tombs of Eugene H. Breitenberg, U.S. Army, re- tired, who served as Department of De- fense Civil War Liaison Officer to the National Civil War Centennial Commis- sion. Captain Breitenberg is now a mem- ber of the faculty of the Annandale, Va., High School. A taped message from former Presi- dent Dwight D. Eisenhower was included in the presentation, which was entitled "The Character of Lee." In view of the national scope of the an- niversary observance, I think this trib- ute to a great American should be made a part of the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD. I ask unanimous consent for its publica- tion in the Appendix. The presentation was made by Cap- tain Breitenberg, on April 9, 1965, before the principal, the faculty, and the students of Robert E. Lee High School. There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: THE CHARACTER OF LEE It is a distinct honor to be privileged to speak to you and especially so on this day, the 100th anniversary of the meeting of Gen. Robert E. Lee and Lt. Gen. Ulysses S. Grant in the McLean house near present day Ap- pomattox, Va. The surrender of General _ Lee's army of northern Virginia, for all practical purposes, ended a war that had pitted father against son, brother against brother, American against American. it would seem most apropos to the oc- casion, consistent with a Presidential procla- mation and a public law, if we took stock for a few minutes of the character of Robert E. Lee, especially in light of the fact that this school, your school, is named after that illustrious gentleman, soldier and noble American. , Sir Winston Churchill, proclaimed already by many historians as the one most likely to be honored as "man of the 20th century," had this to say of Robert E. Lee in book 11, chapter 10 of "A History of the English Speaking Peoples": he was "* * * one of the noblest Americans who ever lived, and one of the greatest captains known to the annals of war." Such is the esteem in which Robert E. Lee is held by practically all historians. Such esteem is further enhanced in the thousands of books written about the Civil War period and by the men who fought in that so called "irrepressible conflict." Said Churchill of the Civil War "* * * the noblest and least avoidable of all the great mass conflicts fought up to that time." During my tour of duty as Department of Defense Civil War Centennial Liaison Officer to the National Civil War Centennial Com- mission, with the primary duty of coordinat- ing Armed Forces participation in centennial commemorative events, I often was asked to speak to military, civic, school and other groups. It occurred to me that my talks would be more meaningful if the proclama- tion could be heard in the President's own voice, rather than quoted. Accordingly, I requested and received the following taped message from former President Dwight I). Eisenhower: "The years 1961-65 will mark the 100th anniversary of the American Civil War. Hangehow. For these tombs "are the graves of poets, scholars, and courtesans, and are therefore * * * serving merely the purpose of spreading the foul odor of the reactionary ruling classes * * * and must be removed." How is one to avoid being sent to a "Men- tal-Reform-Through-Labor Camp" as a re- sult of a negative class analysis? Very sim- ple: "[We must] use the thought of Mao Tse- tung to analyze * * * events.. If they cor- respond with the thought of Mao Tse-tung, they are right. We must support, believe, praise them. If not, they are wrong * * * we must expose and attack them." George Orwell's big brother asked for no more total an abdication of man's right to think for himself. Perhaps the "Thought of Mao Tse-tung" is indeed the wave of the future in Asia, and the American effort to Contain Asian communism is therefore futile, as such intel- lectuals as Dr. Hans Morgenthau preach. But it does seem mysterious that so many American intellectuals look forward with complacency-even positive relish-to the Communist victory in Asia, which they re- gard as inevitable. For they are looking for- ward, of course, to the rapid spread of a system which means the murder of the free mind. "The Character of Lee"-Address by Capt. Eugene H. Breitenberg EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. HARRY FLOOD BYRD OF VIRGINIA IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES Tuesday, May 25, 1965 Mr. BYRD of Virginia. Mr. Presi- dent, the military brilliance of Gen. Robert E. Lee is historically documented. The genius and gentleness of Lee, the man, are worthy of emulation. His char- acter was, indeed, inspiring. The character of Lee was the subject of a presentation at the Robert E. Lee That war was America's most tragic ex- perience. But like most truly great tragedies, it carries with it an enduring lesson and a rofound inspiration. It was a demonstra- p High school, at Springfield, Va., in ob- tion of heroism and sacrifice by men and serving the 100th anniversary of the women of both sides, who valued principle close of the War Between the States. above life itself and whose devotion to duty The presentation was made by Capt. is a part of our Nation's noblest tradition. Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190017-1 Approved For Release 2003/11/04 CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190017-1 May 25, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX meats that are needed to keep a normal, healthy household functioning, but there is never 'a note pf fear in their voices. When we are in school, we are taught to observe the rules, of silence for the sake of an orderly system, and not in fear, of what might have been said. Our subjects of his- tory, . languages, and mathematics are not colored by propaganda to make America seem always right. We are taught to admit our mistakes, and we are taught to correct them, Each afternoon I come home from.sohool and enter the house to find my baby sister happily playing, and my mother busy with household chores. Dad is out working to support his family, in his own chosen field of work. My older sister's career will be her choice, not the state's, When she decides to marry, her marriage will be made for her happiness, and the license will be the only legal paper provided and needed. My brother speaks of becoming an electronics engineer. If, as he grows older, some other .field will lure him, only his talents and ambitions will have to be considered. My little sisters, liv- ing in _ their child's world of, coiWoxt and happiness, are too little to realize their ad- vantage of being American children. They will grow in the love of their. parents, not in the paid lgve of a state nursery school teacher. In the evening, when my father reads the newspaper, the facts in the articles are writ- ten as they happen,, not as the state would like them to happen. As in almost every American home, the family is drawn to the TV set. Programs are selected for the fam- ily's enjoyment. Some evenings the choice involves a rather heated family discussion. However, when the program is finally chosen, we know that it is governed by the manu- facturer of perhaps a famous soap product, and not a ministry of propaganda. And when, at times, the family decides to go out for entertainment, we choose our own place, and time for return is not governed by a set curfew. In -attempting to show what my country means to me,. I have expressed in words the freedom in my -everyday life. It is the same freedom every American experiences, and we must fight to keep, so that every future American will experience it. Tabulation of Results of a Questionnaire EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JACK EDWARDS Or ALABAMA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, May ?,5, 1965 Mr. EDWARDS of Alabama. Mr. Speaker, we have just completed an ex- periment in the First Congressional Dis- trict of Alabama in order to learn more about the opinions of the district's cit- izens regarding important national and international issues of the day. A2627 We have been overwhelmed by the tre- mendous number of persons who took the time to respond to a written ques- tionnaire which we mailed to every home in the district. More than 16,000 per- sons responded. This is a great tribute to the First Dis- trict because it shows that our people want to make their ideas on important issues known to their elected representa- tive in Congress. In order that representative govern- ment can be effective it is important that elected officials know the views of the voters. This is one way that I can be in- formed as I proceed to serve the First District. I want to call particular attention to 2 of the 10 issues raised in the ques- tionnaire. Of those responding to the questionnaire fully 86.2 percent oppose President Johnson's proposal to repeal section 14(b) of the Taft-Hartley Act and thus they favor continuing the State authority to enact right-to-work laws. On the other hand, 73.5 percent of those responding believe that our na- tional security is at stake in the conflict in Vietnam, giving support to the admin- istration in its determination to help South Vietnam resist outside aggression from the north. Following is the complete tabulation of results of the questionnaire: 1. Do you favor `medicare" for the aged financed by an increase in social security taxes? -------------------------------------------------------------- 2. Would you approve of a Federal law repealin State "ri ht t k" l ? - 20.5 70.5 g g o wor aws _____________________ ---tr oul the Feder s------------------------------------------ l G t 13 8 86 2 eam a overnmen undertake a program for controlling pollution in lakes, rivers, and streams?______________________________ 4 Do you believe th t ti . 75 9 . 24 1 . a our own na onal security is at stake in the Vietnam conflict?__________________________________________________________________ 5 Would ou favor h i ' . 73 5 . 26 5 . y a c ange n our immigration laws to base a person s admittance to the United States on skills rather than on country of birth?--- ___ 6 Do you feel an State h ld L h . 61 2 . 48 8 . y s ou ave t e right to apportion 1 house of its State legislature on factors other than population if a majority of the State's voters agree___ 7. Do you support Federal aid to education? ----- --- ------------------------------ ---------------------- . 74.0 . 26.0 WW ------ ---- ---- ----------------------- --- --- 8. Would you support a constitutional amendment to provide fora 4-year term for the U.S. House of Representatives with % of the House Members eleeted every 2y r ? ---------- - --------- ---- ---- -------------------------------------------------------------------- 9 Do you favor the l t i 45.6 74 4 64.4 25 6 . proposa o g ve a tax credit to individuals for the costs of higher education?__________________________________________________ 10. Would you su r y spot a program of Federal rent subsidies to low- pad rziiddle-income families?-__ ----------- _____ ___________ . 74.1 18.2 . 26.9 81.8 The Presidenes, Position on the IV ietnam Situation HON. WILLIAM A. BARRETT or PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HQUSE.OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, may 25, 1965 Mr. BARR9TT. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my, remarks in the REC- ORD, I include the two following- articles on the President's position on the Viet- nam situation, Both editorials are excellent and again demonstrates Mr. Johnson's humanitar- ianism and leadership. [From The Philadelphia (Pa.) Inquirer, May 14, 1965] JoHNSON's.yT5ATEGY IN ASIA. Pgesidel;t j..phnson;s televised address from the White,Thursday had a ring of similarity to other Speeches he has given recently, on the subject of Vietnam, but there were notable, and significant differ- ences. Heretofore, the President had discussed southeast Asialrom the standpoint of Amer- ican policy. On Thursday he talked mostly not of policy but of strategy. He did reiterate, it is true, the basic U.S. policy of defending South Vietnam against Communist aggression, by whatever military action is necessary, and of making every effort to achieve a satisfactory settlement by negotiation. However, he went on to indi- cate in considerable detail some of the stra- tegic devices which may be employed in im- plementation of that,policy. The strategy is complex but it boils down to this: Prevail upon Communist North Vietnam to break away from the dominance of Red China and chart its own course in foreign affairs. Or, to put is,another way, the North Vietnamese are being encouraged to stop allowing themselves to, b@_,used as pawns of Peiping and to start acting in their own self-interest. An essential part of this strategy is to con- vince the North Vietnamese that their self- interests lie in peaceful settlement rather than in continuation of the war against South Vietnam to further Red Chinese am- bitions of conquest. "It would clearly be in the interest of North Vietnam to come to the conference table," President Johnson said. "Commu- nist China apparently desires the war to con- tinue, whatever the cost to - their allies. Their target is not merely South Vietnam. It is Asia," The President went on to portray elabo- rately the bright economic future that is possible for all the Vietnamese people-to be established primarily by U.S. financial and technical assistance to promote progress in agriculture, in industry, in education, in health, in housing. He made a point of em- phasizing that "when peace has come * * * all the people of Vietnam, North and South alike," will share in the economic bounties. Noteworthy, also, was the President's specific invitation to the Soviet Union to join the United States in helping to "create a better life for the people of southeast Asia." One exceedingly large question, as Presi- dent Johnson well knows, is whether the North Vietnamese Communists have suffi- cient power and mastery of their own house to end the war in South Vietnam against the wishes of Red China. As the air raids on North Vietnam intensify, and the price of aggression rises steadily, the political leaders in Hanoi may well be asking themselves the same question. [From the Christian Science Monitor, May 14, 1965] JOHNSON UNDERLINES IDEALISM IN VIETNAM POLICY (By Richard L. Strout) WASHINGTON.-Firmness, compassion, and Conciliation are the watchwords of the great Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190017-1 Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190017-1 A2628 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD- APPENDIX drive that President Johnson has launched that American support has brought only war to win support for American policy on Viet- and destruction. nam. The President gave support to an Asian Rarely has the country seen anything like Development Bank to help finance economic it. progress. His speech before the editorial cartoonists lie spoke in the East Room of the White here May 13 was the 12th time in 2 weeks House to an audience of about 300, many of that he has made public utterances on for- them cartoonists who draw his picture on eign policy. In addition, so-called truth editorial pages. squads of top administration officials have "I call on every industrialized country, in- been sent out to counter opposition. This cluding the Soviet Union," he said, "to opposition centers in the academic and in- create a better life for the people of south- tellectual world. east Asia. TALKS FAVORED "Surely the works of peace can bring men With a kind of grim patience President together in a common effort to abandon forever the ways of war." Johnson makes these three points: The critical point in administration argu- We are not fighting in Vietnam because we meats is that the war in Vietnam is due to want to but "to make aggressors understand aggression from the North. It would end that force will meet force" and that "ag- promptly, according to this view, if outside gression is not only wrong, 'but it will not support ended. work." Critics of the, administration assert that We know that "there is no purely military the war is a civil war, and that the Commu- solution in sight for either side." Repeating nist guerrillas, or Vietcong, are indigenous. his earlier Baltimore phrase, the President While undoubtedly aided from outside, the May 25, 1965 Tuthermore, we deplore and urgently seek to eradicate from our minds and hearts and from our churches and society any feelings? attitudes, and actions which represent or perpetuate injustice to any man because of his creed or race. Furthermore, we support and urge the immediate passing of such legislation as may guarantee the franchise to all qualified per- sons and express our considered opinion that such legislation shall in no wise equivocate or compromise the moral and Christian prin- ciples of both church and state. This resolution was passed at the annual. spring assembly of the Student Christian Movement in New York State, Cazenovia, N.Y., April 11, 1965. (Signed) MISS SHIELA STANLEY, Communications Secretary. Republicans : Another Chance EXTENSION OF REMARKS said here, in his latest nationally televised Vietcong, these critics say, would carry on broadcast, "We are ready for unconditional the struggle without such aid. discussions. Most of the non-Communist Mr. Johnson in his latest speech returned nations of the world favor such discussions. to his critics. And it would clearly be in the interest of "flow incredible it is," he said, "that North Vietnam to come to the conference there are a few who say the South Vietna- table." mese do not want to continue this struggle. Why then, aren't there discussions? Presi- They are sacrificing and dying by the thou- dent Johnson directly charges that "Corn- sands." muntst China apparently desires the war to He cited "their patient valor" as an inspir- continue whatever the cost to their allies." ing example for Americans. He quickly He adds: added praise for American civilians Who have "I am continuing and increasing the search been working in Vietnam. "They toil, un- :for every possible path to peace." armed and without uniforms," he said. Finally, President Johnson emphasizes the constructive and idealistic aspect of what he sees as the basic American goal in Vietnam. It is this nonmilitary aspect that he develops in his latest talk; not what the South Viet- namese are fighting against, but what they are fighting for-food, education, and health. President Johnson's educational campaign is keyed to the idealistic aspirations of young people. It is chiefly in the colleges that pro- tests against the Vietnam war have centered. He does not sound a martial or belligerent note in his latest talk. He does declare the United States unwavering purpose to meet what he charges is North Vietnamese aggres- sion. But the whole emphasis is on the Idealistic side, with reference to American cooperation to bring material improvement to the South Vietnamese. Such improvement has come, he declares, even in spite of the war. He lists such gains at length, remarking In passing that since 1954 the United States has spent $2 billion in economic help for the 16 million people. COMMON EFFORT SOUGHT Mr. Johnson boldly challenges not only the idealistic aspirations of his own citizens but of other countries, including the Soviet Union. Mr. Johnson painted the struggle as one where the United States is developing food, health, education, and housing for the South Vietnamese but where Communist terrorists are raiding these very improvements in a deliberate campaign. His speech contained homely details of rice, corn, and pig production, and of an improved sweet potato that promises a "sixfold in- crease" in yield. Wistfully at the end he spoke of the hope of peace, when "we can share that gracious task with all the people of Vietnam-North and South alike." Mr. Johnson's speech was available by TV satellite for broadcast all over Europe. it was another example of diplomacy by satellite. He sought to draw attention to many constructive things done in Vietnam that are obscured by the war. He tried also to refute two assumptions-that the Viet- namese have no interest in the struggle and Resolution of New York State Student Christian Movement in Support of the Pending Voting Rights Legislation EXTENSION OF REMARKS F HON. SAMUELS. STRATTON or NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, May 25, 1965 Mr. STRATTON. Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my remarks, I wish to include the very fine resolution on the pending voting rights legislation which was approved recently by the annual spring assembly of this movement. I might first point out, Mr. Speaker, that this organization has a membership which includes 72 colleges and universi- ties in New York State, and is affiliated with the New York State Council of Churches. The president of the organi- zation is Mr. Thomas Genne of Syracuse University. The vice president is Mr. Richard Schafer of Colgate University. The communication secretary is Miss Shiela Stanley, a sophomore at Keuka College at Penn Yan, N.Y., and a con- stituent of my district. The resolution follows: RESOLUTION OF THE STUDENT CHRISTIAN MOVE- MENT IN NEW YORK STATE Acting In accordance with the conviction that the Church of Christ to be truly the church must continually reaffirm and Im- plementits traditional role of reconciliation among men, we seek and urge an elimination of all social, political, and economic influ- ences which deny or restrain the full expres- sion of human worth and dignity to any of our citizens. HON. SILVIO 0. CONTE OF MASSACHUSETTS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, May 25, 1965 Mr. CONTE. Mr. Speaker, I would like to bring to the attention of the House a recent statement by our distin- guished colleague from the State of Maine, Representative STAN TUPPER, the full text of which appeared in the Port- land Sunday Telegram May 16, 1965. Congressman TUPPER, in his compre- hensive and forceful statement, has placed In proper perspective the prob- lems of the Republican Party; moreover, he advances some provocative proposals for the party's course in the future. I wish to commend the gentleman from Maine for his contribution to the cause of strong two-party government. If the Republican Party is to correct the damaging imbalance that exists in the strength of cur two-party system, there must be abrupt and bold changes made within the minority party; another year may be too late. We now have at best a one-and-a-half party system in Washington,'lRth the specter of one-party government in the Nation in- creasingly before us. The responsibility for this serious imbalance rests squarely with the Republican Party. If honest with ourselves, Republicans must admit that our party has abjectedly failed to capture the imagination of the voters for well over three decades. Our victories have nearly always been victory of the individual rather than of party. The only Republican presidential victory since1928 was a reward to a war hero. General Eisenhower could have just as easily been elected as a Demo- crat, and often gave the impression that he wished he had been. While it grieves me to say so, the Repub- lican Party is still looked upon by the aver- age run-of-the-mill voter as the party of the wealthy, rather stuffy and lacking in imagi- nation. Despite the considerable efforts of a handful ofRepublican governors, senators, and Congressmen to change this unfortunate image, it still persists. It is disquieting to read comments scorn- ing the idea that there is danger of the Republican Party declining to a splinter party status simply because It has manages. to survive in the past. This is but wishful.. thinking; with little better than 20 percent of the registered voters now preferring the Republican Party, we face the ultimate loss of many of these loyal partisans unless we give them a better reason to vote Republican. Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190017-1 Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190017-1 May 25, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX In sum, the Republic of Korea proposes to utilize 1965, the year of hard work, most meaningfully so as to move toward prosperity and progress at an ever-increasing speed. Vietnam: Digging In and Pitching EXTEI'SION OF REMARIV or IRON. CLEMENT J.. ZABLOCKI OF WISCONSIN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, May 25, 1965 Mr. ZABLOCKI. Mr. Speaker, if U.S. policy in Vietnam could be summed up in two short phrases, they would be "digging in" and "pitching in." Today in Vietnam our marines, our paratroopers, and our South Vietnamese allies are digging in against an offensive from the Communist Vietcong that is al- most certain to come with the inception of the monsoon season. It will be a long, wet summer in Viet- nam and the inclement conditions will favor the guerrilla actions of the Viet- cong. The Communists may be hoping to obtain a swift and decisive victory during the coming months in order to force the withdrawal_of American sup- port from the South Vietnamese.- We are determined to blunt this at- tack, to deny victory to the Vietcong, and, thereby, hasten the day when the conflict can be taken off the battlefield and into the conference room. At the same time that we are making military preparations, we also are pitch- ing in to assist the economic progress of South Vietnam, and to help the Viet- namese people to better lives. In his recent statement to the Nation's editorial cartoonists, President Johnson described the achievements in develop- ment which have resulted from our financial and technical ' assistance-de- spite the state of crisis in Vietnam. It is clear that in Vietnam the United States is pitching in to help defeat those age-old enemies of man-hunger, igno- rance, poverty, and disease-just as we are digging in militarily against a 20th century scourge of humanity: Communist aggression and tyranny., At this point I am pleased to insert four recent newspaper editorials com- menting on U.S. policy in Vietnam, in- cluding two from the Milwaukee Journal, These editorials point up both the digging in and the pitching in aspects of the struggle in Vietnam, and I commend them' to the attention of my colleagues: . [Prom the Milwaukee Journal, May 14, 1965] THIRD FACE OF VIETNAM Another picture of the Vietnam struggle emerged from President Johnson's statement Thursday to a group of editorial cartoonists. It depicted the steady task of development that continues amidst the shooting and terror. "It is the most important battle of all," the President said. "For a nation cannot be built by armed power or political agreement. It will rest on the expectation by individual men and, women that their future Will be better than.theirpast." The progress outlined by the President is amazing, considering the turmoil that has engulfed the country. Since 1954, the United States has spent more than $2 billion in economic aid for South Vietnam. This has helped double rice production and In- crease corn output and has brought modern farming techniques that otherwise might never have been introduced. The United States has helped vaccinate more than 7 million people against cholera and millions more against other diseases. We have helped build 12,000 hamlet health stations. A new medical school is under construction that will graduate as many doc- tors in a single year as now serve the entire South Vietnamese population. American money has gone into the con- struction of more than 4,000 classrooms in the last 2 years; 2,000 more schools will be built in the next 12 months. Our funds have been used to purchase 8 million textbooks and to increase elementary school capacity. Total enrollment, 300,000 in 1955, now stands at 1.5 million. The struggle in Vietnam has three faces, the President said-armed, conflict, diplo- macy and politics, and the Job of develop- ment. The last existed before hpstilities be- gan and will be there when peace has come. "Then perhaps," he added, "we can share that gracious task with all the people of Vietnam-north and south alike." That was the most hopeful comment of all. [From the Milwaukee Journal, May 20, 1965] BACK TO THE BOMBING The lull in American bombing of North Vietnamese targets is ended, apparently with- out any response by Hanoi to indicate a will- ingness to begin negotiations. The 6-day suspension did, however, serve several purposes: It indicated a response to critics in Congress, In the intellectual com- munity, and among our allies who have been exerting pressure for a negotiated settlement in Vietnam. It demonstrated that President Johnson Is not inflexible in the course being followed in the war. It. provided an oppor- tunity for a direct approach to Hanoi through a third party-an effort which has so far proved fruitless. The refusal of North Vietnam to give any positive response to President Johnson's dis- play of good faith is interpreted as evidence of the influence of pro-Peiping elements in the Hanoi government. The Communists are said to hope for a quick and decisive vic- tory during the monsoon season between June and August. The Americans and the South Vietnamese are preparing for such an effort, hoping that its repulse will bring the Reds to the con- ference table. It appears now that the bombings will con- tinue on much the same scale as in the past until such time as developments bring some meaningful response from the north and another bid for negotiation appears to have some chance. [From the Knoxville News-Sentinel, May 14, 1965] L.B.J. MAKES His CASE-ELOQUENTLY President Johnson never has done a more persuasive job on an issue than he did Thurs- day morning in his TV appearance to detail again the whys and hows of U.S. policy in Vietnam. Some seem to think the President is mak- ing these repeated enunciation of our pur- pose in Vietnam because a few vociferous professors and others keep ragging him on the subject, L.B.J. Isn't going to reverse this particular brand of nonthinking-but ad- dresses such as"Thursday's can do a lot to solidify national understanding. Moreover, this puts it up to the Commu- nists once .A}ore....They show no more sign of relenting than the college hecklers. But there are other people in the world who do have open minds. A2643 Our policy, the way Mr. Johnson stated it Thursday, is positive, not merely defensive. Our preferred priority is on helping the South Vietnamese (and others in southeast Asia) to improve their lot. Since 1954, for instance, rice production has been doubled, new crops introduced, industrial production developed. This all would be much more meaningful, and farther along, except for the Communists who murder and pillage and force the Vietnamese and the United States to concentrate on military defense. Americans would much rather devote some of their resources to helping others with their economy and their standard of living. Our heavy expenditures on weapons are not by choice, but through necessity. All the same, the President is still willing to sit down and talk it out. The North Vietnamese obviously are hard to convince. Probably because for so many of the years this war has been going on they have been getting off easy, giving them the idea the United States was merely a paper tiger and that eventually they could over- whelm the South Vietnamese. The President's purpose is to disabuse them of both notions-meanwhile being ready to negotiate and even readier to get on with peaceful ways to better life in southeast Asia, a program which would be far more useful to us and to the Asians than fighting. There is nothing new or strange In this double-edged policy. This Is what we did during and after World War II. We went all out to win and when the military job was finished we turned an enormous share of our effort and resources toward peaceful develop- ment around the world. [From the Bridgewater (S. Dak.) Tribune, Apr. 29, 1965 ] There are diametrically opposed points of view as to what we can do and should do in Vietnam. But there can no longer be any dissent to one fact: this Government is totally committed to using whatever force and whatever tactics are necessary to pre- serve South Vietnam from a Communist takeover. The President went all out when, at a conference of Governors, lie declared that this would be the policy even if it takes "20 or 50 years." He has also said that he is always ready to negotiate an honorable peace but has found no signs of any willingness on the part of the Communists to move in that direction. Intelligence Digest, a British publication which deals in world affairs and has a repu- tation for prescience, quotes one of its spe- cial correspondents as saying:. "It is now obvious that the United States has worked itself into a monstrous dilemma in Vietnam and finds itself, so to speak, suspended be- tween the devil and the deep blue sea. What is so aggravating to America and her allies Is the fact that there do not seem to be any alternatives for the solution of the situation but the following three courses of action: (i) An indefinite prolongation of the present situation; (ii) a negotiated neutralization of Vietnam and subsequent American with- drawal; or, (iii) an expansion of the war at the risk of a conflict with Red China and/ or Soviet Russia." This is a widely held point abroad. And certainly no one can any longer believe that there is a simple solution to the Vietnam problem. The President, it seems absolutely clear, has made his decision and there will be no back tracking. That decision, as U.S. News & World Report sums it up, "is to be generous if the Communists end their ag- gression, but brutal if they choose a test of military strength." The magazine adds that Red China has been informed that she will be subject to attack with all weapons, including nuclear, if she enters the fight. In other words, it is up to the Communists to decide whether the war is to grow hotter or not. And in this country, the President's Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190017-1 Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190017-1 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ----APPENDIX May 25, 1965 position is being given the most powerful kind of bipartisan support within and with- out Congress. For instance, Barry Gold- water, in one of his newspaper columns, writes that the Johnson policy "has worked wonders ~'in turning the war from a hopeless morass into a sharply focused issue." Go- ing on, he suggests that this country issue a "target ultimatum" to the Hanoi govern- ment. This would consist of naming a series of targets of increasing importance that would be hit successively until Hanoi accedes to peace terms. He also proposes that we ask our Asian allies such as the Philippines, to enter the Vietnam ground war. There is another important facet to the picture. Newsweek sums it up this way: "For the time being, at least, Washington's newfound decisiveness has stolen the in- itiative from the Communist camp. In sharp contrast with the recent, past, it is now the leaders in Moscow and Peiping who seem uncertain and confused, who are grop- ing for a way to answer the U.S. challenge." So far as anyone can see now, they don't want to risk direct warfare, on any scale, with the United States, while, at the same time, they are vitally concerned with saving face. No one knows what the future will bring.; But the United States is demonstrating th79 it is not a paper tiger. The President's Decisia EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. EMILIO Q. DADDARIO OF CONNECTICUT IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, May 25, 1965 Mr. DADDARIO. Mr. Speaker, the activity of the United States in mov- ing into the Dominican Republic to pro- tect the lives of our citizens has had a serious effect upon our people, who have followed this operation closely. The Hartford Times, which is one of the ma- jor newspapers in Connecticut, recent- ly commented on the forthright nature of the President's actions, and I believe it deserves the recognition of all Mem- bers of the House. I offer the editorial for the RECORD: (From the Hartford (Conn.) Times, May 3, 1965] THE PRESIDENT'S DECISIONS The decisions made by President John- son in Vietnam and the Dominican Repub- lie-to defend our commitments and respon- sibilities-is bound to have salutary effect. The firming exposition of our attitude will arouse criticism; there always is "another way" to act. :But we think that the President has made our position more creditable, in this way carrying on in the direction taken by Pres- ident Kennedy at the time of the Cuban missiles crisis. An overriding disposition to defer, to stand on the beach and talk about rescue when diving in and effecting the rescue Is re- quired, always leaves at question whether one can, or will swim. President Johnson is distinguishing be- tween occasions-the time to talk, and the time to act. And in national affairs such distinction is as important and laudable as is our basic disposition to negotiate or compromise. One senses an opinion hsd formed that the U.S. endorsed negotiation and deferment even when that constituted a retreat into words rather than an advance toward a so- lution. Events in Vietnam and at Santo Domingo have corrected any such misap- prehension. We champion peace, but also we champion responsibility and our commitments. Peace is weakened when we veer off from the job of making our Will believable. EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. JEFFERY COHELAN OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, May 25, 1965 Mr. COHELAN. Mr. Speaker, Ameri- cans will do "stoop labor" if they are paid for it. This statement of Ralph McGill, writ- ing in the New York Hearld Tribune of May 18, clearly supports the position cf Congress in terminating Public Law 78 and the insistance of the Secretary of Labor that domestic workers can be hired if competition is permitted to re- turn to the farm labor market. At a time of frequent charge and countercharge, and in a further effort to set the record straight, I include Mr. McGill's remarks for our colleagues' information: No FOREIGN LABOR (By Ralph McGill) It is claimed that "Americans won't do stoop labor." The answer seems to be that they will do it if they are paid for it. Public opinion in California appears to be rallying behind a congressional act and the Secretary of Labor whose job it is to enforce it. The Congress barred importation of cheap foreign labor to harvest crops. The outcry from growers in California was loud and angry. They insisted Americans won't do stoop labor-picking vegetables, fruit, and lettuce. They demanded the gov- ernment allow the import of cheap Mexican labor. The position of the growers was, to persons outside the State, untenable and somewhat shocking. The growers were among the loud- est in their support of free enterprise. Yet, in a State where 400,000 Americans are job- less, growers put themselves in a position of demanding that the Government provide them with labor that would not merely work for wages below the competitive level but would also accept living conditions that all too often involved squalor and misery. In- vestigations revealed that some growers had provided good working and living conditions for the contract laborer. A majority had not. Secretary Willard Wirtz, in carrying out the congressional legislation, suggested that jobless Americans would respond if the wages were adequate and the living conditions im- proved. The contract under which foreign labor was imported guaranteed work for three-fourths of the contract period. The Department of Labor suggested this be tried with U.S. workers. It was. The lettuce crop was harvested in the Imperial Valley. Statis- tics here indicate the work was done more efficiently. Some growers continue their demands to bring in foreign labor while their own people are without work. Some canning represent- atives, in a recent meeting With the Secre- tary, threatened to move their operations into Mexico, thereby throwing thousands more Americans out of work. There are indications that American in- dustry leaders outside California are holding up a warning finger to the growers who make free enterprise seem ridiculous by insisting on avoiding the competitive labor market and retaining the special privilege of importing noncompetitive labor with Federal help. The Secretary of Labor has been consist- ent. He argues that adequate domestic work- ers can be hired from the 400,000 unemployed if competition is permitted to return to the farm labor market. Reasonable wages, decent housing and food for field hands, he insists, ,will bring the workers. Mr. Wirtz summing up included these points: "Treat your domestic workers right, and you will never lack for them. If you don't treat them right, there will be no certifica- tion of foreign workers to ease the transition. Higher wages may mean some slight increase in retail prices, but the American housewife should be willing to pay a half-cent more for a head of lettuce to improve the lot of farm labor." Mr. Wirtz has been heard to say that the economy of the great factories in the fields resembles the industrial development of the years following the Civil War when millions of immigrants were brought in to fill the new factories and mills, to lay the rails west, to dig the canals, and so on. There no longer is any reason for U.S. agriculture to be al- lowed special considerations in a State where some 400,000 Americans are outof work. California's farm economy is the most prosperous in the Nation. Public opinion in the State-and over the Nation-supports the congressional act and the Secretary whose job it is to enforce it. U.S. Cancels Grand Jury Probe in Social Security Fee Dispute EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. H. R. GROSS OF IOWA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, May 24, 1965 Mr. GROSS. Mr. Speaker, in the in- terest of acquainting other Members of the House of Representatives with a sit- uation involving social security claims, I have obtained permission to have re- printed in the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD an article which appeared in the May 16, 1965, issue of the Des Moines, Iowa, Sun- day Register. While this article deals only with a situation in Iowa, there is evidence that highly questionable practices in the han- dling of social security claims may be much more widespread. If it does be- come apparent that an appreciable num- ber of social security beneficiaries have been the victims of sharp practices in the establishment or maintenance of their claims it may be necessary for a proper committee of Congress to delve into the matter. Following is the newspaper article: U.S. CANCELS GRAND JURY PROBE IN IOWA FEE DISPUTE (By Nick Kotz, of the Register's Washington Bureau) WASHINGTON, D.C.-A scheduled Federal grand jury investigation of two Iowa at- torneys was called off after the attorneys agreed to refund several thousands of dollars they charged social security applicants. .Approved For Release 2003/11/04: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190017-1