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February 15, 1966
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A752 Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400020003-3 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX February 15, 1966 I wish to express my deep sympathy to the Thomas family and pray for God's blessings upon them to endure their sorrow. )E' MICHIGAN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, February 15, 1966 Mr. VIVIAN. Mr. Speaker, the Sec- ond District of Michigan, which I am privileged to represent :in this body, con- tains a number of excellent institutions of higher education. Among them, of course, is the University of Michigan, one of the oldest and most distinguished State universities in the Nation, and, in- deed, one of the great universities in the world. Last week, :[ had the honor of being asked to serve as congressional host at 1-lie 14th annual congressional dinner, held by the University of Michigan Club of Washington, D.C. The main speaker that evening, Dr. Harlan H. Hatcher, projected the future of the university. As its president, Dr. Hatcher is, of course, concerned with that future. But he is also vitally interested in the future of all higher education in this country. Under permission granted, I include at this point in the RECORD, an article by President Hatcher, discussing some of the trends in higher education. The article appeared in the January 1966, issue of the Michigan Business Review, published by the Graduate School of Business Administration of the Univer- sity of Michigan. The article follows: NEW NEEDS AND NEW OPPORTUNITIES (By Harlan Hatcher) Lest me feed into your personal computers ;oame items of information, and then we can try to draw some conclusions and some new directions- Item: In August, the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare reported that during fiscal 1966 more than $3 billion will flow from the Federal Treasury through a single agency, the U.S. Office of Education, to schools and colleges, teachers and students, libraries and librarians. Since that report was made, the Higher Education Act of 1965 has been signed by President Johnson, not- ably providing 140,000 undergraduate schol- arships. Item: In 1966, four of the largest Government agencies contracting with col- leges and universities for research-the Na- tional Science Foundation, Atomic Energy Commission, National Aeronautics and Space Administration, and the U.S. Public Health Service--will spend an estimated $840 million through our colleges and universities. Please note that this figure does not include the operation of the research centers which a few ,)four universities administer for these agen- cies, nor does it include the training pro- p;rams of these agencies. item: The published listing of the pro- grams for which Federal money will be spent in 1966 through the Office of Education in- cludes 67 titles. Every one of them is mis- sion-oriented; every one of them has a given, specific purpose for which alone the money can be spent. The grants and contracts for research are equally specific and project- centered. Item: In 1 recent year, the total current :hind income from all sources of all our colleges and universities was $7.3 billion- ,nnly about twice the sum of the two Federal items I: have already mentioned. Item: Corporate giving to higher educa- tion has risen from $80 million in 1754 to $250 million in 19114--a notable ina:rease. 'Rut sortie observers note a leveling-off n cor- porate giving and some murmurs are heard to the effect that such giving is new less necessary because of the influx of federal dollars. A CARROT FOR HIGHER EDUCATION Let me make one other point con( 'riling the magnitude and nature of Federal :.nend- ing before turning to something else Just a week ago, in reporting the cerem, ?ny of signing the Higher Education Act, the New York 'l'imes education editor, Mr. Fred Hech- L:ager, made this statement: "The law is, perhaps first and foremost, a carrot 10 per- suade higher education that it ought io lead In the search for the Great Society." In other words, the legislation was vritten, not so much to help the colleges an l uni- versities reach the goals they have :et for themselves, but rather to use these i istitu- Lions to achieve certain goals for ,ociety which the makers of the laws perceive. This is, of course, entirely legitimate. Setting goals for the Nation and selecting methods for achieving them is a proper task of Government. Participating in this task is also proper for education-but it is not the whole of the universities' responsil)ilities. CIMINISIIING DIFFERENCES BETWEEN PUBLIC AND PRIVATE INSTITUTIONS Now let us take a look: at another set of facts which have a bearing on the topic "New Needs and New Opportunities." We have long been accustomed in this country to distinguishing between colleges and universities on the basis of wheth.'r they are "private" or "public." We have to('ay 743 institutions which are considered pubLi', and 1,357 classed as private. In the public insti- tutions, we have now well over 60 percent of all the students enrolled, and by 1980 prob- aably three-fourtlas of all our students will be in the public institutions. But this distinction between pub'.!c and private is harder and harder to mak .-and less and less significant. Already, prig ate in- stitution.s of higher education receive, enor- mous sums of "public" money-including more Federal research funds than go to all the so-called public institutions. And con- versely, some of the public institutions own some of the largest endowments, even ! hough endowment is often considered the hallmark of the private college. Still another interesting developmer t is the growth of cooperative programs of :carious kinds which involve both public and private institutions. I will cite just two, c, ntered in our own Midwest. The Committee on In- stitutional Cooperation embraces the nine public universities of the Big 10 and the one private member-Northwestern-plus the University of Chicago. The CIC is bluing a trail in interinstitutional cooperation which is being noted by educators throughout the country. Another organization is the newly formed Argonne Universities Association, comprised of 16 public and 10 private insti- tutions. This association will formulate pol- ' for the operation of Argonne National Laboratory. DISTINCTION BETWEEN COLLEGE AND UNIVERSITY What we are seeing today is a blurring of the once sharp distinction between public and private and the emergence of another distinction of great importance. Thin; is the distinction between college and univcrsity- certainly not a new phenomenon, but one that has great significance for us in this time of swift evolution of our total educational system. Traditionally, the emphasis of corporate giving has been upon the private colleges- the traditional 4-year liberal arts institution under private control. The results are cause for national pride, for we have a truly out- standing group of private colleges--such in- stitutions as Amherst, Beloit, Carleton., and so on down the list. Over the years, this Nation has looked to such institutions as these for its leaders in business, industry, government, and the professions. We still expect a considerable portion of our leadership to come from the liberal arts college, both public and private. But today, more and more of those prospective leaders graduate from their liberal arts studies and go on to a university for advanced and pro- fessional training. And this is the level--the graduate school and the professional school-at which great now needs and op- portunities exist for private support. Perhaps I can illustrate this by mention- ing a report I received a few days ago from. the school of business administration of my own University of Michigan. The report in- dicated that last year more than 20(1 cor- porations sent representatives to cur campus to interview prospective graduates about jobs. The median starting salaries for the people employed by these companies were $590 per month for bachelor's degree people, and $700 for master's degree recipient:. The top salaries were $725 per month for the bachelor's degree and $1,350 for the master's. Obviously, our corporations place a consid- erable monetary value on graduate study. This is not a point which needs belaboring, for I think it is now widely recognized that as our total supply of knowledge expands-- and it has been expanding at a dizzying rate this past half century-the number of years which an individual spends on his formal education. must likewise expand. And we know also that these graduate and profes- sional programs of instruction are expen. sive, a great deal more expensive than the basic 4-year undergraduate liberal arts sequence. NEW DIRECTIONS FOR CORPORATE SUPPORT Out of these somewhat disparate items, let us now see if we can chart some new di- rections for corporate participation in sup- port of higher education in the next several years. First of all, it seems to me that the only possible direction for corporate support is upward. This is not simply because Federal spending is expanding. Rather, corporate support should go up because the need is greater and because the capacity of our econ- omy to meet that need is greater than it has ever been in our history. Second, corporate support must move up- ward in another sense. It must be increased at the graduate and professional levels of education, both because this, too, is where needs are growing most urgently and be- cause this is the level from which corpora- tions are increasingly drawing their tech- nologists and their managers. Farsighted corporate policy dictates support for this level of education because business is chang- ing too, and will need more and more tech- nologists and better trained managers in the future. Third, private contributions must expand in order to maintain the diversity of higher education in the United States. For many years, we have thought of that diversity in terms of a balance between public and pri- vate institutions. But now we need to maintain both public and private interests in both public and private institutions. If the public institutions become solely depend- ent upon tax :funds, then we may be sure that their programs will be geared to fit the mission-oriented funds available through Government agencies. If private institu- Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400020003-3 Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400020003-3 February 14, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -HOUSE The SPEAKER. Is there objection to the request of the gentleman from Louisiana? There was no objection. DESIGNATION OF MRS. MINK TO READ WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS The SPEAKER. Pursuant to the spe- cial order agreed to today, the Chair designates the gentlewoman from Hawaii [Mrs. MIN.x] to read Washing- ton's Farewell Address immediately fol- lowing the approval of the Journal on THE PROBLEM OF FREE WORLD SHIPPING TO NORTH VIETNAM (Mr. CHAMBERLAIN asked and was given permission to address the House for 1 minute.) Mr. CHAMBERLAIN. Mr. Speaker, 1 week ago I spoke in this Chamber on the problem of free world shipping to North Vietnam and what I felt could and should be done about it. Among other things I suggested that we estab- lish a blacklist of these ships which would prohibit them from carrying U.S. Government-financed cargoes. Such a blacklist has existed for 3 years with respect to those trading with Cuba. I am gratified to be able to acknowledge that late last week I was informed by the State Department, in a response to my letter of February 4 urging the President to take such action, that such a blacklist has been approved. The details of this Presidential order are found in the Fed- eral Register of Saturday, February 12, 1966, on page 2706. In my opinion, such action is overdue since our official policy too long has maintained a double standard of exempt- ing those who trade with Ho Chi Minh from the penalties imposed on those who trade with Castro. In no way should the Hanoi regime be led to think we consider trade with them in any sense less detrimental to our national interest than trade with Cuba. This action is a step in the right di- rection and I shall continue to press for the enactment of legislation prohibiting free world ships that aid Hanoi from doing any business whatsoever in U.S. ports-public or private-and to insure that no U.S. aid goes to any country that allow its ships to help supply North Viet- nam's war economy. We have tolerated too long. shipping to North Vietnam by any means necessary: Specifically, I did so on Jan- uary 12, January 19, January 28, and February 2. In the hearings of the Senate For- eign Relations Committee a week ago, it was said that the British could effect an embargo on Rhodesia with our over- eager help in 48 hours. Yet we have been unable to get their support in cutting off the supply of the Vietcongs by sea. After many months of effort, Britain is still the No. 1 violator among the free world na- tions. On December 21, I telegraphed the j date, I have received nothing more k 1 d t f +11 X7117-+ th n P.- the-President, the executive branch,wthe Defense Department the generals to be an an a now a gme rom e l e c House. Now, finally, the administration has stuck out its chest and announced that, as of January 25-25 days after my tele- gram-it was blacklisting any vessel shipping goods into, or out of, the North Vietnam part of Haiphong. Mr. Speaker, I applaud this action. However, it seems to raise this ques- tion. We have been fighting in Vietnam since mid-1962. We have suffered 2,005 dead and 9,658 wounded through Feb- ruary 7, 1966, and spent almost uncount- able billions. Why, Mr. Speaker, are we just start- ing to blacklist these ships? Either it should have been done 3 years ago or this is a blind to avoid effective action, diplomatic or naval. It simply boils down to this. If black- listing is not effective, why bother with it at all. If it is effective, why did we not do it in 1962 or 1963 instead of wait- ing until 1 week ago. Mr. Speaker, I suggest that the Ameri- can fighting men in Vietnam have a right to know the answer to this question. So do the American people. One further question: Is this all we are going to do about free world shipping to North Vietnam? THE QUESTIONS THAT PATRIOTS SHOULD ASK (Mr. TALCOTT asked and was given permission to address the House for 1 minute, to revise and extend his re- marks, and to include extraneous mat- ter.) Mr. TALCOTT. Mr. Speaker, we are at war in Vietnam. It is a war none of us wanted and a war we want to end honor- ably as quickly as possible. Every good citizen would like to sup- THE PROBLEM OF FREE WORLD right. , SHIPPING TO NORTH VIETNAM: In order to find the correct solutions WHAT ARE WE GOING TO DO as quickly as possible, we need open de- ABOUT IT? bate and deliberation. (Mr. DICKINSON asked and was given permission to address the House for 1 minute and to revise and extend his re- marks.) Mr. DICKINSON. Mr. Speaker, on various occasions, I have called upon this administration to bring an end to the shipment on their ships by our allies of goods for our enemies in North Vietnam. Secret decisions, managed news, "pat" answers, summary dismissal of inquiries, refusals to respond to proper questions do not supply the right answers, or for- tify the confidence of the U.S. fighting- man, or the public. Every patriot can support his country and yet ask pertinent questions at the same time. I made speeches from this rostrum of the One of the most knowledgeable pa- House calling for an end to free world triots in my district-with practical mili- tary experience and firsthand experi- ence in Chinese and southeast Asian af- fairs-Col. Allen Griffin, asks a number of questions, editorially, in the Monterey, Calif., Peninsula Herald newspaper. Each Member of Congress, as well as the President and his advisers, ought to ponder these questions. The full text of the editorial by Colonel Griffin follows: THE QUESTIONS THAT PATRIOTS SHOULD ASK The pursuit of the war in Vietnam has been a demonstration of a series of wrong "estimates of the situation." This is a term that is used by military peo- ple, usually preliminary to a decision to move, to remain in place, go backwards, or what have you. It is a term particularly of military intelligence. Nearly everything that is involved in the strength and weaknesses of the enemy is comprehended within the "estimate of the situation." And, of course, the enemy also Is making his estimate of the elements of strength and weakness in your situation, local, regional, global. President Charles de Gaulle gave the late President John F. Kennedy his estimate of the situation in Vietnam and suggested that the United States begin a process of seeking peace immediately. The late President was not convinced by General de Gaulle's estimate and decided, contrariwise, to become more involved. That was the tragic beginning of escalation-the beginning of an infantry war of Americans against Asians on Asian land among Asian people, the last thing the U.S. Army ever wanted to be engaged in again after Korea. Up to this time this wasn't a war in which U.S. ground forces were engaged, but one In which U.S. materiel backed by a handful of advisers was sent to the assistance of a friendly government. Now by degrees it be- came our war. Escalation by manpower be- came a fact. When President Lyndon Johnson took the oath of office he inherited a war as well as a vast, scattered domestic program. Determined to do everything better and faster than his predecessor, he was psycho- logically prepared to provide the force nec- essary to push this war to an early conclu- sion. After all, it was a war against the spread of communism, which was and is fur- ther justification. Surely his advisers gave him an estimate of the situation. That called for escalation. It didn't work very well. Then came a fur- ther estimate and a further escalation. That also fell short. And so on until nearly 200,000 American troops became hostages to this war, and North Vietnam came under continuous bombing attack except in the im- mediate vicinity of the capital city, Hanoi, and the most important seaport, Haiphong. Then again, surely operating under an esti- mate of the situation, the time was deemed ripe for a peace offensive. That estimate could not have been on anything other than the possibility of bringing the war to a peace table. Wrong again. It didn't work. Now we have returned to bombing. Where do we go from here? How much of a land war of Americans against Asians are we going to throw our Army into? And where do we go from there? These are legitimate questions for congressional debate. And they are legitimate questions for the debate of patriotic citizens. NATIONAL CAPITAL TRANSPORTA- TION AGENCY-MESSAGE FROM THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES The SPEAKER laid before the House the following message from the President of the United States, which was read Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400020003-3 Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400020003-3 and, together with the accompanying papers, referred to the Committee on the District of Columbia: To the Congress of the United States: This is the first annual report required of the National Capital Transportation A?ency by section 6 of the National Capi- tal Transportation Act of 1965-Public Law 89-17:3. Nineteen hundred and sixty-five was marked by significant advances toward solving the transportation problems of the Washington area. Congress approved plans for a rapid transit system, authorized its construc- tion, and authorized grants from the Federal and District Governments as a first stage. in financing its development. As soon as funds were made available, the Transportation Agency began the necessary work still. remaining before ac- tual construction can begin. 't'here is, nonetheless, much left to do. 't'he rapid transit system will achieve maximum usefulness only when it is ex-? tended into Maryland and Virginia sub- urbs. The interstate compact among Maryland, Virginia, and the District of Columbia will be promptly presented to Congress for its consent, in order that the interstate authority may develop plans for a full regional system and a financial plan for its construction. Ar?- ran;Tements must be perfected to trans- fer the responsibility for the system in an orderly and proper way from the Agency to the interstate authority. These tasks are not easy, and it will require diligent. effort on the part of many people and agencies to master the problems that remain. The Congress can be assured, however, that all of these problems are being given the fullest and most diligent considera- tion, and that none of them will be al- lowed to stand in the way of an uninter- rupted schedule of construction. LYNDON B. JOHNSON. TUE Wnrrx; HousF, February 14, 1966. PRESERVATION OF WILDERNESS AREAS-MESSAGE FROM THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES (H. DOC. NO. 381) The SPEAKER laid before the House the following message from the President of the United States; which was read, and together with the accompanying papers, referred to the Committee on Interior and Insular Affairs and or- dered to be printed: To the Congress of the United States: The period of expansion and explora- tion, the great era of successive western frontiers, has now become a part of our American past. To the pioneer of his- tory the wilderness was a foe to be con- quered, so that he might make farms and pastures out of the endless forests. Today's pioneer has a new purpose- to preserve some remnants of that wil- derness from the onrush of modern civili- zation. The ax and the plow will not serve us in this struggle. Today's instruments are more subtle. They are progressive law and informed public opinion-de- CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE February 1., 1966 manding that we maintain our wilderness birthright. The Wilderness Act Is one in the long list of creative conservation measures that Congress has passed and I have signed into law. Legislation is one thing; administra- tion is another. The executive branch must fulfill its responsibility with com- monsense and. imagination. Our people must be given the opportunity to know, even for short periods of time the won- ders of God's creation expressed in earth's wilderness areas. The maintenance of our existing wil- derness system is a priority program of the Federal. Government. We are con- stantly reviewing primitive and road- less areas to determine who .her they should be recommended for preservation as part of our wilderness system. The Congress has wisely provided for public participation as revie,,,,s of the primitive and roadless areas proceed. I am determined to assure that both the Department of Agriculture and the De- partment of the Interior wili provide full opportunity for the expression of public views before final recommenda- tions are prepared for transmittal to the Congress. I am pleased to send to Congress to- day the second annual repor'; of our progress in implementing the Wilder- ness Act. We are well underway to- ward protecting God's gift of mystery and wonder that is the American wil- derness. LYRCON B. JOHNSON. Tire WHITE HousE, February 14,1966. ANNUAL REPORT OF THE U.S. CIVIL SERVICE COMMISSION FOR THE FISCAL YEAR ENDED JUNE 30, 1965-MESSAGE FROM THE PRES- IDENT OF THE UNITED STATES (H. DOC. NO. 333) The SPEAKER laid before the House the following message from the. Presi- dent of the United States; which was read and, together with the accompany- ing papers, referred to the Committee on Post Office and Civil Service and ordered to printed: To the Congress of the United States: I transmit herewith the Annual Re- port of the U.S. Civil Service Commis- sion for the fiscal year ended June 30, 1965. .LYNDON B. JOHNSON. Tin 'WHITE HoUSE, February 14, 1966. PERSONAL EXPLANATION (Mr. DOLE asked and was given per- mission to address the House for 1 min- ute and to revise and extend his re- marks.) Mr. DOLE. Mr. Speaker, due to a speaking engagement at the 45th annual stockholders' meeting of the Central Livestock Association, Inc., at South St. Paul, Minn., on Wednesday, February 9, .1966, it was necessary for me to be absent on rollcall No. 16. Had I been present I would have voted "yea" on rollcail No. 1G on H.R. 706, the bill to amend the Railway Labor Act. ISOLATION OF THE SMALL BUSI- NESS ADMINISTRATION FROM DOMINANCE BY BIG :BUSINESS (Mr. MOORE (at the request of Mr. TALCOTT) was given permission to ex- tend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and to include extraneous matter.) Mr. MOORE. Mr. Speaker, isolation of the Small Business Administration from dominance by big business has long been preached and praised by the Con- gress. From the agency's beginning in 1953, its independent status has been jealously guarded and constantly sup- ported. Among the most vociferous champions of such organizational inde- pendence when Members of the Senme were President Johnson and Vice Presi- dent HUMPHREY. Without doubt tie status selected for it by the Congress has proven the most effective in order for it to best serve the small business com- munity. Such independent status, however, cannot alone guarantee the success of an agency or of its programs, nor can it countervail the absence of leadership, direction, and inspiration. Of late we have seen the business loan program, the key program of SBA, through poor planning and poorer man- agement, virtually disappear. We have seen another important SBA responsibil- ity, procurement assistance, dwindle to ineffectiveness. And now,, we hear rumors that what remains of the Johnson administration's operation of the Small Business Admin- istration is to be buried by its transfer to the Department of Commerce. Ap- parently, this once fine and potentially great agency is to be swept under the gigantic rug of a major department. The proposed transfer of the Small Business Administration represents White House recognition of its failure : this alone explains the present condi- tion of SBA and its programs. Loss of its independent status will only make permanent the injury. Without inde- pendent status, the agency cannot and will not provide the services small busi- nesses across the country so desperately need. The spokesman for small business in big government will be dead. Mr. Speaker, bipartisan support of in- dependent status for the Small Business Administration will prevent the piracy of a facility dedicated solely to the bet- terment of the small business com- munity. To preclude this demotion, if not the disappearance of SBA, the Nation's 4.7 million small businesses call upon us to reiterate our long held insistence upon independent status for the agency. I urge unanimous approval of the follow- ing concurrent resolution, which today has been introduced by all the Republi- cans serving on the Small Business Com- mittee of the House of Representatives: H. CON. RES. 588 Resolved by the House of Representatives (the Senate concurring), That it is the sense of the Congress that the Small Business Ad- ministration should continue to be an inde- pendent agency within the executive branch of the Federal Government, under the gen- eral direction and supervision of the Prest- Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400020003-3 February 14, ffoved Fora5iqU & Al9 Ri YF67l 000400020003-3 progress in economic development is es- sential if internal Communist seizures are to be prevented. In 1947, the Greek Gov- ernment was engaged in a struggle for survival against Communist guerrilla forces. President Truman pronounced the Truman doctrine-that Americans must support free people who were re- sisting attempted subjugation by armed minorities or by outside pressure. He asked Congress to appropriate $4_00 mil- lion for economic assistance to Greece and Turkey. By 1950, the Communist guerrillas in Greece had abandoned their struggle. Similarly, in the Philippines, after World War II, the Communists built a force composed of dissatisfied peasants. As it became obvious that military measures by themselves would not solve the problem, the Philippine Government carried out a broad program of social and economic progress in con- nection with renewed military offensives. Only in this manner was the Communist guerrilla movement in the Philippines actually destroyed. The revised aid program not only pro- tects our vital national interests but it does so in an economically sound fash- ion. We can look forward to the day when the aid program will no longer be necessary. Economic aid to Western Europe was terminated for most of the nations by 1960. Progress in Greece and Israel per- mitted the United States to terminate grants in 1962. Self-support was achieved in Lebanon in 1963. Iran is in a transition to self-support. Turkey plans to eliminate reliance on foreign aid by 1973. India and Turkey now finance over three-fourths of their development programs from their own resources, and Pakistan over 60 percent. All told, about 14 nations are approaching the time when they will not need any further low- interest loan or grant assistance from the United States. In the past 15 years, the burden of foreign assistance on the U.S. taxpayer has declined sharply. As a share of gross national product, economic aid has fallen from 2 percent to 1949 to less than two-fifths of 1 percent this year. As a share of the Federal budget, economic aid has declined from 11.5 percent to 2 percent over the same period. Most de- veloped countries are contributing about the same percentage of their gross na- tional product as the United States, some even more. Foreign aid spending has little effect upon our balance-of-payments position. Eighty percent of the funds will be used to purchase goods and services in the United States. In fact, a sizable share of some American exports are now fi- nanced by foreign aid programs. In 1962, 33 percent of our locomotive and fertilizer exports and 25 percent of U.S. exports of iron and steel products were purchased under the foreign aid pro- gram. Foreign aid also helps to boost foreign trade indirectly. AID workers abroad introduce American products and tech- niques in places where they may never have been seen. Trade connections are established and a market for reorders is created. The aid program has also facilitated private investment abroad. Since No- !ember 1961, AID has authorized 17 loans totaling $146 million directly to private firms to establish new plants and extend existing facilities in the Near east and south Asia countries alone. Technical assistance also helps to fos- ter private enterprise. The investment guarantee program provides a strong stimulus to U.S. firms investing abroad. The State of Wyoming has a right to be proud of the significant role it has played in assisting less fortunate people through the foreign-aid program. The University of Wyoming has a contract with AID for a 3-year technical assist- ance program in Somalia. - A team of Wyomingites in Somalia is working to improve present agricultural crops and survey other crops that may prove feas- ible. The University of Wyoming and Columbia University are assisting the faculties of engineering, agriculture, and education of Kabul University, Afghan- istan, as well as assisting the Afghan Institute of Technology and the Second- ary schools. As the self-sacrificing Wyoming citi- zens working on these projects are aware, the path to economic develop- ment is not an easy one. Yet, the pro- posed aid program, with its justification embodied in the defense of our vital national interests, its basis on a sound economic foundation, and its mechan- isms encouraging self-help on the part of recipients, is a remarkable bargain for the American people. There will be spectacular successes and ignominious failures in the years ahead. But, as Economist Robert Heilbroner states, we must proceed with our foreign economic aid: Once the great march has begun, it is no longer possible to turn back. The changes in the balance of the old static society cannot be undone. There is no choice but to tread the road to its conclusion-however long and agonizing the journey may be. r -3 WAR AND HOPE (Mr. RANDALL (at the request of Mr. GIBBONS) asked and was given per- mission to extend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and to include extra- neous matter.) Mr. RANDALL. Mr. Speaker, I feel that only good can come from the- meet-ing of heads of state and the restate- ment of aims and policies in the Vietnam war. As is well known, the Allies agreed on "a growing military effectiveness," and at the same time on an "unending quest for peace." The candid, face-to-face exchange be- tween the heads of state in Hawaii "should be enormously useful in the joint effort to rid Vietnam of its invaders and establish the country as a going nation," the Washington Daily News has com- mented, and it adds that "more meet- ings, as suggested by the communique, could only enhance the effectiveness of the effort." The newspaper feels that the resolu- tion evidenced at Honolulu is good cause for encouragement. Here is a concise and well-presented rresume of the events-and of the en- couragement we can take from them- and I should like to suggest that the edi- torial be printed in the RECORD, where many may want to read it. [From the Washington (D.C.) Daily News, Feb. 9, 1966] .WAR AND HOPE IN VIETNAM Even if Ho Chi Minh has started, or eventually does begin, some type of "peace offensive" of his own, this would be no cause for an abrupt change in the plans President Johnson and Vietnamese leaders worked out at Honolulu. Communists don't normally cave in sud- denly. (It took 2 years of talks to arrange the settlement in Korea.) The United States is engaged in Vietnam to achieve two objectives: to free the Viet- namese people of the communism invasion and to help them build a country of inde- pendence and stability, something they never before have had a chance to accomplish. Anything which stands in the way of these goals (particularly the Communist terrorists and armies now being fought in South Viet- nam) must be overcome. Anything, includ- ing a possible change of mind in Hanoi, which may help reach these goals is to be diligently encouraged. But the success of the effort to restore freedom in Vietnam and to give the country a real chance in life depends almost alto- gether on the Vietnamese themselves and heavy American assistance. The Vietnamese not only have to fight but they must take care of refugees from the battle areas, organize local government, and stabilize the economy. The understandings reached in Honolulu between President Johnson and the Viet- namese leaders (Premier Ky and others) are designed to meet these needs. The two allies agreed on "a growing mili- tary effectiveness" and at the same time on an "unending quest for peace." Mr. Johnson said, for our part, we would "move steadfastly ahead" on the military front and at the same time "move vigor- ously" to assist the Vietnamese with their economic, social, and political problems. All of this appeared to support Premier Ky's position that the allies must operate from strength, and evidence of willingness ,to use their strength, if there is to be "any kind of just and lasting settlement" with the Communists. There is no other way, as his- tory has shown, to deal with Communists. The payoff for the Honolulu conference does not lie in the stilted communique, but in the results over the long haul. Nevertheless, a restatement of aims and policies for this war-this time jointly by the top leaders of the two countries, is an- other step in smoothing out world opinion of the justice and necessity of the U.S. pres- ence in Vietnam. And, as a practical matter, the candid, face-to-face exchange between the heads of state-who never before had met-should be enormously useful in the joint effort to rid Vietnam of its invaders and establish the country as a going nation. More meet- ings, as suggested by the communique, could only enhance the effectiveness of the effort. No one knows how long it will take to force a decision from Hanoi-either by military force, diplomatic means, or both-but the resolution evidenced at Honolulu is good cause for encouragement. LEAVE OF ABSENCE By unanimous consent, leave of absence was granted to: Mr. COHELAN (at the request of Mr. BOGGS), from February 14 through Feb- Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400020003-3 Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400020003-3 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE February 14, .1966 ruary 28, 1966, on account of official business. Mr. JoHNsoN of California (at the re- quest of Mr. BOGGS), for an indefinite period, on account of official business (interparliamentary). SPECIAL ORDERS GRANTED By unanimous consent, permission to address the House, following the legis- lative program and any special orders heretofore entered, was granted to: Mr. V,uenc. for 20 minutes, today; and to revise and extend his remarks. Mr. RoNCALio, for 15 minutes, today. Mr. EDMONDSON (at the request of Mr. i3oces), for 30 minutes, on Wednesday, February 16, 1966; and to revise and ex- Lend his remarks and include extraneous matter. Ia:XTENSION OF REMARKS By unanimous consent, permission to extend remarks in the Appendix of the RECORD, or to revise and extend remarks was granted to: Mr. RONCALIO and to include extrane- ous matter. Mr. CHAMBERLAIN (at the request of Mr. TALCOTT). Mr. RYAN in three instances and to in- clude extraneous matter. (The following Members (at the re- quest of Mr. BOGGS) and to include ex- traneous matter:) Mr. VANIA.. Mr. ABBITT. Mr. DINGELL. Mr. Lovs in two instances. Mr. GONZALEZ. Mr. WOLFF. Mr. SCHEUIR in two instances. Mr. MORRISON. Mr. DENT in two instances. Mr. NATCHER. Mr. THOMPSON of Texas. Mr. HANSEN of Iowa in two instances. Mr. CALLAN in three instances. Mr. RACE. Mr. SMITH of Iowa. Mr. RHODES of Pennsylvania in two in- stances. ENROLLED JOINT RESOLUTION SIGNED Mr..BURLESON, from the Committee on House Administration, reported that that commit we had examined and found truly enrolled a joint resolution of the House of the following title, which was thereupon signed by the Speaker: lf.J. Res. 403. Joint resolution authorizing an appropriatMn to enable the United States to extend an invitation to the World Health Organization to hold the 22d World Health Assembly in Boston, Maass., in 19(39. _S ;NATE JOINT RESOLUTION 14,1 FER,RED A joint resolution of the Senate of the I'oilowing title was taken from the Speak- er's table and, under the rule, referred as follows : 3.J. Res. 63. Joint resolution authorizing the President to invite the States of the Union and foreign nations to participate in the International Petroleum Exposition to be held at Tulsa, Okla., May 12 through 21, 1966; to the Committee on Foreign Affairs. ADJOURNMENT Mr. GIBBONS. Mr. Speaker, I move that the House do now adjourn. The motion was agreed to: accordingly (at 12 o'clock and 35 minutes p.m.), the House adjourned until tomorrow. Tues- day, February 15, 1966, at 12 o'clock noon. EXECUTIVE COMMUNICATIONS, ETC. Under clause 2 of rule XXIV, execu- tive communications were taken from the Speaker's table and referred as follows: 2034. A letter from the Acting Governor, Farm Credit Administration, tram>mitting the 32c1 Annual Report of the Farm Credit Administration for the fiscal year ended June 30, 1965, pursuant to the provision:, of sec- tion 3 of tae Federal Farm Loan Act, as amended; paragraph 3, section 4, of the Ag- ricultural Marketing Act, as amended; the Executive order of March 27, 1933. treating the Farm Credit Administration; and section 6 of the Farm Credit Act of 1953 (H. Doc. No. 338); to the Committee on. Agriculture and ordered to be printed with illustrations. 2035. A communication from the Iresident of the United States, transmitting a sup- plemental appropriations request for three urgently needed and essential programs of Government: the National Teachers Corps, the rent supplement program, and the Se- lective Service System (H. Doe. No. 380); to the Committee on. Appropriations and or- dered to be printed. 2036. A letter from the Acting E.ecretary of Agriculture, transmitting a draft:. of pro- posed legislation to authorize the Commodity Credit Corporation to establish and main- tain reserves of agricultural commodities to protect consumers, and for other purposes; to the Committee on Agriculture. 2037. A letter from the Acting Secretary, Department of Agriculture, transmitting a draft of proposed legislation to promote in- ternational trade in agricultural comrnodi- ties, to combat hunger and malnutrition, to further economic, and for other purposes; to the Committee on Agriculture. 2038. A letter from the Assistant Secretary of the Interior, transmitting a report of an adequate soil survey and land class:.lication of the lands in the Bostwick Park project, Colorado, pursuant to the provisions of Pub- lic Law 83-172; to the Committee oft Appro- priations. 2039. A letter from the Secretary f State, transmitting the Battle Act, Report f sr 1965, pursuant to the provisions of the Mu vial De- fense Assistance Control Act of 196;5 to the Committee on Foreign Affairs. 2040. A letter from the Director, B- reau of Land Management, Department of the In- terior, transmitting a report of ncotiated contracts for disposal of materials during the period July 1 through December :11, 1965, pursuant to the provisions of Pul,lic Law 87-889: to the Committee on Interior and Insul it Affairs. 2041. A letter from the Secretary of the In- terior, transmitting the 1966 report of the Office of Coal Research relating to coal re- s:earch activities undertaken during calendar year 1965, pursuant to Public Law 86-599; to the Committee on Interior and Insular Affairs. 2042. A letter from the Chairmsi n. Civil Aeronautics Board, transmitting the annual report of the Board for ilsoal year 15.,';5, pur- suant to the provisions of section 2o) of the Federal Aviation Act of 1998, and I t :cutive Order No. 11007, issued February :'6. 1962: to the Committee on Interstate and Foreign Commerce. 2043. A letter from the Acting Chairman, Federal Power Commission, transmitting copies of certain publications, as follows: Glossary of Important Power and Rate Terms, Abbreviations, and Units of Measure- ment, 1965; Statistics for Interstate Natural Pipe Line Companies, 1964; Sales by Pro- ducers of Natural Gas to Interstate Pipeline Companies, 1964; All-Electric Homes, Annual Bills, 1965; to the Committee on Interstate and Foreign Commerce. 2044. A letter from the Under Secretary of the Navy, transmitting a draft of proposed legislation to extend for a temporary period the existing provisions of law relating to the free importation of personal and house- hold effects brought into the United States under Government orders; to the Committee on Ways and Means. REPORTS OF COMMITTEES ON PUB- LIC BILLS AND RESOLUTIONS Under clause 2 of rule XIII, pursuant to the order of the House of February 10, 1966, the following bills were reported on February 11, 1966 : Mr. TAYLOR: Committee on Interior and Insular Affairs. H.R. 1784. A bill to provide for the establishment of the Cape Lookout National Seashore In the State of North Carolina, and for other purposes: with amendments (Rept. No. 1278). Referred to the Committee of the Whole House on the State of the Union. Mr. HALEY: Committee on ]anterior acid Insular Affairs. H.R. 10431. A bill to de- clare that certain federally owned land is held by the United States in trust for the Minnesota Chippewa Tribe; without amend- ment (Rept. No. 1279). Referred to the Committee of the Whole House on the State of the Union. Mr. HALEY: Committee on Interior and Insular Affairs. H.R. 10674. A bill to pro- vide for the disposition of funds appropriated to pay a judgment in favor of the Otoe and Missouria Tribe of Indians, and for other purposes; with an amendment (Rept. No. 1280). Referred to the Committee of the Whole House on the State of the Union. Mr. HALEY:: Committee on Interior and Insular Affairs. H.R. 12264. A bill to de- clare that 99.84 acres of Government-owned land acquired for Indian administrative pur- poses is held by the United States in trust for the Apache Tribe of the Mescalero Reser- vation; without amendment (Rept. No. 1281). Referred to the Committee of the Whole House on the State of the Union. Mr. HALEY: Committee on Interior and Insular Affairs. H.R. 12265. A bill to :author- ize the Secretary of the Interior to give to the Indians of the Pueblos of Acoma, Sandia, Santa Ana, and Zia the beneficial interest in certain federally owned lands heretofore set aside for school or administrative pur- poses; without amendment (Rept. No. 1282). Referred to the Committee of the Whole House on the State of the Union, Mr. HALEY:: Committee on Interior and Insular Affairs. H.J. Res. 343. Joint reso- lution to cancel any unpaid reimbursable construction costs of the Wind River Indian irrigation project, Wyoming, chargeable against certain non-Indian lands: with ,in amendment (Rept. No. 1283). Referred to the Committee of the Whole House on the State of the Union. PUBLIC BILLS AND RESOLUTIONS Under clause 4 of rule XXII, public bills and resolutions were introduced and severally referred as follows: Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400020003-3 Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RPP67B00446R000400020003-3 February 14, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX Veterans' Readjustment Benefits Act of 1966 SPEECH OF HON. RODNEY M. LOVE OF OHIO IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 7, 1966 Mr. LOVE. Mr. Speaker, for some time during the 1st session of the 89th Congress, I had been prodding some of my friends on the Veterans' Affairs Com- mittee to report out H.R. 12410, the Vet- erans' Readjustment Benefits Act of 1966, so I was extremely pleased to see it on the calendar early in this session. Many of my constituents have written expressing their concern about this measure, particularly with respect to our boys fighting in Vietnam. This is an excellent bill, Mr. Speaker, as it designs a permanent program for our veterans. As the committee pointed out, the structure of veterans' laws which have developed over the past 200 years has been based on the concept of war- time and peacetime service. In the past, war veterans have been given substan- tially more benefits than peacetime vet- erans and this system worked very well through World War II. However, after World War II, when we entered the so- called cold war, problems began to arise. It has been during this period that we have continued compulsory military service for an extended period of time for the first time in our history. Prior to World War II, we had few servicemen stationed outside the United States. To- day, however, our servicemen are scat- tered throughout the world, and in many instances are serving under combat or near combat conditions. During the pe- riod of time which is covered by this bill, our Nation has gone through a series of crises associated with Cuba, the Domin- ican Republic, Taiwan-Matsu, Lebanon, Berlin, Laos, and Vietnam. The per- petual cold war condition, with its crises, compulsory military service, and ex- panded overseas commitments, makes this bill necessary if our servicemen, dur- ing this period of our history, are to re- ceive equitable treatment. As you know, Mr. Speaker, the purpose of this bill is to: first, enhance and make more attractive service in the Armed Forces of the United States; second, ex- tend the benefits of a higher education to qualified and deserving young persons who might not otherwise be able to af- ford such an education; third, provide vocational readjustment and restore lost educational opportunities to those serv- icemen and women whose careers have been interrupted or impeded by reason of active duty after January 31, 1955; and fourth, aid such persons in attain- ing the vocational and educational status which they might normally have aspired to and obtained had they not served their country. The committee emphasizes that, as in the case of the Veterans' Readjustment Assistance Act of 1952, it is not the in- tention of this legislation to establish a program which completely subsidizes the cost of a veteran's education program, as well as his living costs. This legislation is designed as an aid program and it is expected that in many cases the veteran will be required to make a contribution to the cost of his own education program. It is believed that the veteran will main- tain a greater interest in the use made of the funds provided by this bill, if he is required to make a contribution from his own resources. Moreover, the purpose of the commit- tee is not to equalize educational oppor- tunities for the veteran population, but rather to provide assistance to help a veteran follow the educational plan that he might have adopted had he never en- tered the Armed Forces. Mr. Speaker, I believe this legislation further insures that the Nation shall be able to utilize the highest skills and abili- ties of the veterans who benefit from it. This is especially important since at this time the number of young men available to fill the essential technical and profes- sional posts is the lowest in ratio to our total population which we have had or probably ever will have for a decade to come. In my opinion, it is doubly essen- tial that we make fullest use of the skills of the young men who are available. A709 by saying that among the purposes of the organization is: "To maintain international peace and se- curity, and to that end: To take effective collective measures for the prevention and removal of threats to the peace, and for the suppression of acts of aggression or other breaches of the peace, and to bring about by peaceful means, and in conformity with the principles of justice and international law, adjustment or settlement of international disputes or situations which might lead to a breach of the peace." To argue that action is not possible be- cause China and North Vietnam are not members is to ignore article 2(6) of the charter, which says: "The organization shall insure that states which are not members of the United Na- tions act in accordance with these prin- ciples so far as may be necessary for the maintenance of international peace and secu- rity." Peace is primarily the responsibility of the Security Council. Chapter V, article 24(l) says: In order to insure prompt and effective action by the United Nations, its members confer on the Security Council primary re- sponsibility for the maintenance of inter- national peace and security, and agree that in carrying out this responsibility the Secu- rity Council acts on their behalf." Chapter VI clearly states the methods the Security Council is to use in settling dis- putes. Chapter VII even provides that the my unconditional support. Council may use land, sea, or air forces to I aintain international peace and security. Milwaukee Journal Cites United Nations Responsibility in Vietnam EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. HENRY S. REUSS OF WISCONSIN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, January 18, 1966 Mr. REUSS. Mr. Speaker, while we all know that the road ahead may be long and arduous, the submission of the Vietnam issue to the-United Nations is a hopeful step forward. The charter of the U.N. makes clear that the Security Council is the forum where threats to world peace are ini- tially discussed. The resolution offered to the Security Council would open the way toward a durable peace in southeast Asia based upon the 1954 Geneva Conference. The Milwaukee Journal's recent edi- torial, "It Is U.N. Duty To Seek Peace," follows: [From the Milwaukee (Wis.) Journal, Feb. 3, 1966] IT Is U.N. DUTY To SEEK PEACE The U.S. resolution seeking a full-scale de- bate on Vietnam has reached the United Na- tions Security Council agenda and a long debate probably is in store. The Soviet Union will undoubtedly offer a counterreso- lution demanding that the United States pull out of South Vietnam completely. In the end a compromise may be reached as a first step toward peace negotiations. Or it may reach a point where the Soviet Union vetoes the whole effort. Original French and Soviet opposition to any consideration of peace moves in the Se- curity Council ignored the clear responsibil- ity U.N. members have to seek peace. Chapter 1, article 1 of the U.N. Charter starts George Kerman Statement on Vietnam EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. THOMAS M. REES OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, January 26, 1966 Mr. REPS. Mr. Speaker, last week the eminent diplomat and scholar, George F. Kennan, testified before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee concern- ing our involvement in Vietnam. Mr. Keenan, after many years in the State Department as an Ambassador to the Soviet Union and later Yugoslavia, is considered by many to be our top ex- pert in the cold war. His remarks, I believe, present a very clear and rational picture concerning American involvement in Vietnam: KENNAN STATEMENT ON VIETNAM (NOTE.-George F. Kennan, former Am- bassador to Moscow and now a member of the Institute for Advanced Study at Prince- ton, N.J., testified on Vietnam yesterday before the Senate Foreign Relations Com- mittee. Here is the official transcript of Kennan's prepared statement, as delivered.) Mr. Chairman, and distinguished mem- bers of the Foreign Relations Committee, the subject on which I am invited to give my views this morning is, as I understand it, the complex of problems connected with our present involvement in Vietnam. I would like to explain, in undertaking to speak to this subject, that southeast Asia is a part of the world for which I can claim no specialized knowledge. I am not familiar wtih the official rationale of our policy there except as it has been revealed in the press. I cannot recall that I have ever, either dur- ing my official service in Government or subsequently, been drawn by the executive Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400020003-3 Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400020003-3 A710 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX February 14, 1966 branch of our Government into consultation on the problem of our policy in southeast Asia, or even been made privy to the of- ficial discussions by which that policy was decided. I am sure that there are many data that are relevant to any thoroughly founded judgment on. these matters which are not available to me, and this being the case, I have tried in recent weeks and months not to jump to final conclusions even in my own thoughts, to remain sympathetically receptive, both to our Government's ex- planations of the very real difficulties it has raced and tc the doubts and questions of its serious critics. eCOCRIENCE NOTED I have not been anxious to press my views on the public, but I gladly give them to you for whatever they are worth, claiming no particular merit for them except perhaps that they flow from experience with Com- munist affairs that runs back now for some :18 years, and also from the deepest and most troubled sort; of concern that we should find the proper course, the right course, at this truly crucial moment. The first point I would like to make is that if we were not already involved as we are today in Vietnam, I would know of no reason why we should wish to become so involved, and I could think of several rea- sons why we should wish not to. Vietnam is not a region of major military, industrial importance. It is difficult to be- lieve that any decisive developments of the world situation would be determined in normal circumstances by what happens on that territory If it were not for the considerations of prestige that arise precisely out of our pres- ent involvement, even a situation in which South Vietnam was controlled exclusively by the Vietcong, while regrettable, and no doubt morally unwarranted, would not, in my opinion, present dangers great enough to justify our direct military intervention. Given the situation that exists today in the relations among the. leading Communist powers, and by that I have, of course, in mind primarily the Soviet-Chinese conflict, there is every likelihood that a Communist regime in. South Vietnam would follow a fairly in- dependent coeuue. There is no reason to suspect that such a regime would find It either necessary or de- sirable in present circumstances to function simply as a passive puppet and instrument of Chinese power. And as for the danger that its establishment there would unleash similar tendencies in neighboring countries, this. I think, would depend largely on the manner In which it came into power. In the light of what has recently hap- pened in Indonesia, and on the Indian sub- continent, the danger of the so-called domi- no effect-that is, the effect that would be produced by a limited Communist success in South Vietnam-seems to me to be con- siderably less than it was when the main decisions were taken that have led to our present involvement. Let me stress, I do not say that that dan- ger does not exist: I say that it is less than it was a year or two ago when we got into this involvement. Prom the long-term standpoint, therefore, and on principle, I think our military in- volvement in Vietnam has to be recognized as unfortunate, as something we would not choose deliberately, if the choice were ours to make all over again today, and by the scene token, I think it should be our Gov- ernment's airn to liquidate this involve- ment just as soon as this can be done with- out inordinate damage to our own prestige or to the stability of conditions in that area. It is obvious on the other hand that this involvement Is today a fact. It creates a new situation It raises new questions ul- terior to the long-term problem which have to be taken into account; a precipitate and disorderly withdrawal could represent in present circumstances a disservice to our own interests, and even to world peace grea- ter than any that might have been involved by our failure to engage ourselves there in the first place. This is a reality which, if there Is to be any peaceful resolution of this conflict, is going to have to be recognized bot.;i by the more critical of our friends and by our adversaries. But at the same time, I have great mis- givings about any deliberate expansion of hostilities on our part directed to the achieve- ment, of something called victory-if by the use of that term we envisage the .omplete disappearance of the recalcitrance with which we are now faced, the formal sub- mission by the adversary to our will and the complete realization of our present stated political aims. I doubt that these things can be achieved even by the most formidable mili: ary suc- cesses. There seems to be an impression about that if we bring sufficient military pressure to bear there will occur at some point some- thing In the nature of a political apitula- tion on the other side. I think his is a most dangerous assumption. I don't say that it is absolutely impossible, but it is a dangerous assumption in the light of the experience we have had with Communist elements in the past. The North Vietnamese and the Vietcong have between them a great deal of space and manpower to give up if they have to, and the Chinese can give them more if they need it. Fidelity to the Communist tradition would dictate that if really pressed to extremity on the military level these people should dis- appear entirely from the open scene and fall back exclusively on an underground political and military existence rather than to accept terms that would be openly humiliating and would, represent in their eyes the betrayal of the :future political pros- pects of the cause to which they dedi- cated. Any total rooting out of the Vietcong from the territory of South Vietnam could be achieved, if it could be achieved at Al, only at the cost of a degree of damage to civilian life and of civilian suffering generally for which I would not like to see this country responsible. And to attempt to crush North Vietnamese strength to a point where Hanoi could no longer give any support for Vietcong political i activity in the south would almost certainly, t seems to me, have the effect of bringing in Chinese forces at some point, whether formally or in the guise of volunteers, thus involving us in a military conflict wish Com- munist China on. one of the most unf.Ivorable theaters of hostility that we could possibly choose. This is not the only reason why I think we should do everything possible to avoid the escalation of this conflict. There is another one which is no less weighty, and this is the effect the conflict is already having on our policies and interests further afield. This involvement seems to me to represent a grevious misplacement of emphasis on our foreign policies as a whole. Not only are great and potentially more important questions of world affairs not re- ceiving, as a consequence of our involvement in Vietnam, the attention they should be receiving, but in some instances assets we already enjoy and, hopefully, possibilities we should be developing are being sacrificed to this unpromising involvement in a remote and secondary theater. Our relations with the Soviet Union have suffered grievously, as was to be expected, and this at a time when far more Important things were involved in those relations than what Is ultimately involved in Vietnam and when we had special reason, I think, to cultivate those relations, and more unfortu- nate still, in my opinion, is the damage being done to the feelings entertained for us by the Japanese people. The confidence and the good disposition of the Japanese is the greatest asset we have had and the greatest asset we could have in east Asia. As the greatest industrial complex in the entire Far East, and the only place where the sinews of modern war can be produced on a formidable scale there, Japan is of vital importance to us and indeed to the prospects generally of peace and stability in east Asia. There is no success we could have in Viet- nam that would conceivably warrant, in my opinion, the sacrifice by us of the confidence and good will of the Japanese people. Yet, I fear that we abuse that confidence and good will in the most serious way when we press the military struggle in Vietnam, and particularly when we press it by means of strategic bombing, a process to which the Japanese for historical reasons are peculiarly sensitive and adverse. I mention Japan particularly because it is an outstanding example, both in importance and in the intensity of the feelings aroused, of the psychological damage that is being done in many parts of the world by the prosecution of this conflict, and that will be done in even greater measure if the hostili- ties become still more bloody and tragic as a result of our deliberate effort. It is clear that however justified our action may be in our own eyes, it has failed to win either enthusiasm or confidence even. among peoples normally friendly to us. Our motives are widely misinterpreted, and the spectacle, the spectacle emphasized and reproduced in thousands of press photo- graphs and stories that appear in the press of the world, the spectacle of Americans inflict- ing grievous injury on the lives of a poor and helpless people, and particularly a people of different race and color, no matter how war- ranted by military necessity or by the ex- cesses of the adversary our operations may seem to us to be or may genuinely be, this spectacle produces reactions among inillio:ns of people throughout the world profoundly detrimental to the image we would like them to hold of this country. HOLLOW VICTORY I am not saying that this is just or right. I am. saying that this is so, and that it is bound in the circumstances to be so, and a victory purchased at the price of further such damage would be a hollow one in terms of our world interests, no matter what advantages it might hold from the standpoint of devel- opments on the local scene. Now, these are the reasons, gentlemen, why I hope that our Government will restrict our military operations in Vietnam to the mini- mum necessary to assure the security of our forces, and to maintain our military presence there until we can achieve a satisfactory peaceful resolution of the conflict, and these are reasons why I hope that we will continue to pursue vigorously, and I may say consist- ently, the quest for such a peaceful resolution of the conflict, even if this involves some moderation of our stated objectives, and even if the resulting settlement appears to us as something less than Ideal. I cannot, of course, judge the military necessities of our situation. But everything that I can learn about its political aspects suggests to me that Gen. James M. Gavin is on the right track in his suggestions that we should, if I understood him correctly, decide what limited areas we can safely police and defend, and restrict ourselves largely to the maintenance of our position there. I have listened with Interest to the argu- ments that have been brought forward In opposition to his views, and I must say that Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400020003-3 Approved For Release 005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R00040002Q003-3 A716 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX P e ruary r ton was a farmer and recognizing this, a group of America's finest young men have selected the week of his birthdate as their national week. I am speaking of the Future Farmers of America who will observe their 38th anniversary the week of February 19 to February 26. I am sincere when I speak of the Future Farmers of America as a group of this Nation's finest young men. At home, in the Second District of Ken- tucky, one cannot but be aware of the very strong and the very positive in- fluence that the members of this organi- zation exert in their homes and in their communities. I know of no group that commands more respect or receives more wholehearted support than our Future Farmers and I am sure this is true not only in our section of Kentucky, but across the board expanse of our country. Thirty-eight years ago, some high school students in Kansas City, Mo., be- lieved in the future of farming. They formed a new organization-an organi- zation for farm boys-and employed this belief in their creed. Their faith has been justified, for it was then as it is now-farming is the backbone and the heart of agriculture. It was in 1928 that these boys first met and set forth their ideals and goals. The outgrowth of their meeting has been a national organization, the Future Farm- ers of America, with more than 454,516 active members in 9,156 local chapters. This membership is distributed through- out our 50 States and Puerto Rico. Op- erating under the provisions of the National Vocational Education Acts, it has become an educational, nonprofit, and nonpolitical farm youth movement and has as its aim and purpose the de- velopment of agricultural leadership, of citizenship, and of patriotism. As our great Nation has expanded its growth and power, as our population has increased, and America, in its compassion for the hungry of the world has in- creased its foreign commitments, so too have the Future Farmers of America augmented their program to meet these new demands upon our agricultural re- sources. Vocational Agriculture now embraces the study of science, tech- nology, and management. The American farm and American farmworkers re- main the center link in our present agri- cultural system. Servicing and supply- ing these 7 million people are some 6 million workers. In the third and final link, an additional 10 million handle and process our abundant farm produce. Agriculture, in a sense, has become agri- business. To those who love the land, however, agriculture is more than a career- more than a business. It is a very rich and rewarding way of life. The dreams of forefathers are nurtured and har- vested and the good earth is replenished with hope for the farmers of tomorrow to tend. A farm is a masterpiece of nature and a symbol of the eternal bond between man and soil. I salute the Future Farmers of Amer- ica upon their 38th anniversary. A great trust is their and I wish for them a future of even greater achievement. Vietnam: The Endless War-Article IV EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. WILLIAM F. RYAN OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 14, 1966 Mr. RYAN. Mr. Speaker, Pete Hamill, who is reporting on the war in Vietnam for the New York Post, has been writing a series of articles from that region which shows great insight into the nature of the struggle. I include the fourth ar- ticle in the series which was published on February 10. I especially want to call to the attention of my colleagues his two concluding sentences: If anything at all is clear about this con- fused war, it is that its roots are political. Ultimately, its solution will be political too. The article follows: VIETNAM: THE ENDLESS WAR-ARTICLE IV: THE MILITARY STRUGGLE (By Pete Hamill) SAIGON.---The correspondents who were there still remember the last terrible days of the French in what was then known as Indochina. Every evening in that spring of 1964, the bars of Hanoi would grow emptier. The young French officers would toast each other with champagne, sing gay, brave songs, and then fly off in the morning, heading 180 miles to the west for a town in the valley of the Namyoum River called Dien Bien Phu. The young men would leave in groups of 50 or 60 in those first days of the 57-day siege; then in groups of 30 or less; and at the end, one or two at a time. The music in the Hanoi bars played to empty rooms. The prostitutes walked home alone. The customers of both were off being slaughtered. And while those thousands of young men were again proving that France produces the bravest soldiers and the worst generals of any modern nation, while they were being shot down like trapped animals in that valley without exits, the French military kept ly- ing. The war was not finished, they told visiting correspondents, no matter what happened at Dien Bien Phu. Small military gains were being made in the Red River Valley. The Vietminh were getting discour- aged. The pacification program was spread- ing like oil on water through the countryside. The Vietminh were resorting to terror in the collection of troops and the peasantry was abandoning the cause. It was all re- lated in careful, rational tones, and all of it was nonsense. On May 7, 1954, Dien Bien Phu was overrun, by the forces of Vietminh Gen. Vo Nguyen Giap; the next day, the Geneva Conyention opened and the colonial empire France had fought so bravely and stupidly to retain was finished. Today, the second part of that war continues, though the names of most of the players have changed. In what Bernard Fall describes as the second Indochina war, the old hands have a distinct sense of deja vu. "There are some crucial differences between the French phase of the war and the Ameri- can phase," one veteran American journalist told me several weeks ago. "For one thing, the French were fighting to stay in a colony; we're fighting to get out. We have over- whelming air power and, with the helicopters, more flexibility. Despite the peace move- ment, we don't have anything like that anti- war feeling in France at the time of the war, which choked off supplies and needed man- power; the French after all had a large, 14, 1966 powerful Communist Party. But in other ways, it seems to me we're making a hell of a lot of the same mistakes." Even some of the American politicians ad- mit that host of our mistakes to date have been political; but they also feel that we are in danger of making some of the same military mistakes. "Our greatest weakness here is the ARVN," one American military man told me. (The initials are for Army of the Republic of Viet- nam.) "If they were doing their job, we wouldn't be here. We could stand off like the Chinese are doing, give them the guns and let them do the fighting. But even though they are individually brave, they are lousy as an army." There are about 250,000 troops in the South Vietnamese Army and some units perform well. Others are a hopeless grabbag. One unit I visited in the Mekong Delta was made up of 250 fighting men and 750 women and children, all dependents of the soldiers. It is rather difficult to get a soldier to desert the warmth of his family bed at 3 in the morning to do battle with the Vietcong. De- sertions continue to bleed the army of its stability. The pay is abysmally low-$20 a month for a private, or about what a prosti- tute earns in an hour on Saigon's Tu Do Street. Few ARVN soldiers have any respect at all for the commanders, most of whom seem more interested in turning their weapons on the latest Saigon government than in fight- ing the Vietcong. In addition, the Vietna- mese Army is riddled with Vietcong agents, to the point that some American outfits re- fuse to work on operations with them. "It's impossible to plan a large operation with them," one Marine colonel said. "By the time we get to where we want to go, the Vietcong are gone. It's like a cop from the vice squad working for Lucky Luciano." An even more serious problem is that most of the Vietnamese officers have been trained by either the French or the Americans. Their military thinking runs along conven- tional lines. The Australians-some of whom are most caustic about American military strategy-say that the Vietnamese would be great soldiers in some open flat field in the south of France, but that they still don't understand jungle warfare. "In this kind of war," one Australian officer who had served in New Guinea said, "you have to slide up on your man and cut his throat. You don't come barging in like a horde of bloody elephants, letting him know you're coming." (The Australians, by the way, rate the Americans third in the jungle warfare league. "The Japanese were best, because they used the jungle; the Australians were second, be- cause they learned to live with the jungle; Americans-they remove the jungle.") The French thought they could hold Indo- china with strings of forts from which they could strike with some sort of mobility; but the Viet Minh controlled all of the country- side, had the support of most of the peas- antry, and knocked off each fort with brutal efficiency until at Dienbienphu, they knocked off the biggest fort of them all. Many observers feel we are doing the same thing. Our position at Da Nang, Anh Khe, Bien Hoa, Pleiku, and Nha Trang are reason- ably well defended (though the Vietcong slipped through two regiments of Vietnamese to mortar Bien Hoa a year ago, and managed to blast the Da Nang airstrip a few weeks ago). The Americans, because of the kind of warfare they are waging, must have these bases. Unfortunately, they control no more of the countryside than the French did. When I asked to visit the battlefield of the la Drang Valley where, last November, we took heavy losses, and killed almost 2,000 Vietcong, I was laughed at. "Unj,ess you can find a spare battalion around here," I was told, "forget it." Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400020003-3 Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400020003-3 February 14, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX U.S. Space Program Chalked After 1970 EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. OLIN E. TEAGUE OF TEXAS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, February 2, 1966 Mr. TEAGUE of Texas. Mr. Speaker, an article by Neal Stanford in the Chris- tian Science Monitor, January 18, dis- cusses the recent report of the Space Science Board of the National Academy of Sciences completed at the request of the White Mouse on post-Apollo pro- rams. This study clearly outlines the need not only for our efforts in space in the 1970's but makes a strong case for sufficient Earth-based effort to supple- ment our space effort. This brief arti- cle by Mr. Stanford identifies well sev- eral of the most promising opportunities for our national space program following the lunar landing in this decade. The article :follows : U.S. SPACE PROGRAM CHALKED AFTER 1970 (by Neal Stanford) WASHINGTON.-The American space pro- grrain Is outlined until 1970, when it is to put men on the moon. While there is it lot of talk and speculation about what the United States does after that in space, there is no official program, no an- nounced goal. The first step toward nailing down a spe- cific space program for the post-Apollo years, running from 1970 to 1985, has been taken flow. The Space Science Board of the National Academy of Sciences, at the request of the White House, has come up with a long list of projects and given them priorities. `Cop priority goes to unmanned exploration of Mars. Next comes detailed investigation of the lunar surface. Third is unmanned exploration of Venus. EARTH-BASED STUDY STRESSED Then comes investigation of other major planets, comets, asteroids, and interplane- tary dust. This program is not too different from what has been expected, and from what probably will he approved. But what the space science board has done now is propose 50 different specific space investigations for the post-Apollo years, and explain why these have been chosen. The report takes issue with certain present policies and premises on space research and exploration. It suggests that earth-based studies of the planets and solar system must not be ne- glected just because man now has a means of making deep-space probes. It says with some sharpness: "There is great concern over the gap between present programs in ground- based observation of the planetary system and what could be done with existing facilities." In other words: Don't do in space what can be done more cheaply on earth. QUESTIONS OUTLINED Here are some of its proposals and recom- mendations for this period: Launching an. orbiting planetary observa- tory, More observation of planets through ground-based telescopes. Landing a Martian capsule early in the 1970's. Putting life-detection experiments in early landers on planets, even though they have it low chance of success. The report makes pertinent points about various space programs: Mars;: The purpose is not only to look for existence of life on Mars, but to see if it geographically has a core, a mantle, a crust; not just study volcanic activity, but deter- mine whether Mars came from the same chemical crucible as the Earth. Moon: The moon should be mapped both from lunar orbit; and then from landings and traverses. 11; is important to know such a simple thing as how a handful of moon dust would distribute itself if allowed to fall back. Venus: It is possible scientists have been too hasty in accepting the assumption from radiation measurements that the surface temperature is too high to support life. Such heat could come from nonthermal sources, and low temperatures could exist at the summit of the high mountain ranges. Also some form of life could even dcvelop in suspension in the dense atmosphere. This is only the first of three reports the space science board is making on space re- search directions for the future. There is no question but that there will be a space program after 1970. Tuns first report tries to suggest what it will-or should--look like. Lutz Cabinet Co., a Wyoming Industry EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. TENO RONCALIO OF WYOMING IN TILE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 14, 1966 Mr. RONCALIO. Mr. Speaker, Ameri- cans have always taken pride in the recitation of a single man's success in our free enterprise system. An integral part of our culture is the firm and abid- ing belief that our economic system offers each man an opportunity to seek a better way of life through dedication, hard work, and a continuing faith in our Na- tion's potential. This lesson is all the more valuable when it demonstrates that there are still developing markets in. our Nation that offer great rewards to men of these as- pirations. Wyoming is such a place, with abundant natural resources, reserves of trained manpower, an excellent trans- portation system, amidst an area of well- to-do consumers. I am proud today to call attention to the achievements of a friend of many years, Louis Lutz of Laramie, Wyo. Be- ginning as a carpenter in Laramie, Mr. Lutz recognized Wyoming's potential and pursued his career in Laramie, ultimately building one of Wyoming's fastest grow- ing industries. His cabinet company, founded in 1949, now represents an in- vestment of over $300,000, employing 25 persons. It is Wyoming's largest wood milling shop and one of the largest cus- tom furniture producers in the Rocky Mountains. The following article from Wyoming Progress Reports, a monthly publication of the Wyoming Natural Resource Board, explains Mr. Lutz' good cause for faith in Wyoming's growing ability to sustain profitable industrial ventures. I rec- ommend his philosophy to those who seek a promising and profitable career in the great undeveloped markets of the Rockies. A7I.`z; - The article follows: One of Wyoming's fastest growing busi- nesses recently occupied it new plant in Laramie, representing an investment of more than $300,000. Lutz Cabinet Co., the State's largest wood milling shop, began operations at ii .s new 26,000-square-foot facility late in 1965, sig- naling the latest achievement in a proud growth record. Louis Lutz, a native of Laramie, founded Lutz Cabinet Co. in 1949 as a small-scale operation. The company now employs Ti persons and is among the largest custom furniture producers in the Rocky Motuftai.n region. The firm does not manufacture furniture for the general market. Its products are custom built for specific contract purposes. For example, work is currently underway on a $500,000 contract to supply dormitory fur- niture for the University of Wyoming III Laramie. Major supply sources for the company are the East (for birch and oak) and the Pacific Northwest (for plywood). Lutz Cabinet Co.'s principal product is cabinet work for Laramie area contractors on such projects as apartments and resi,:en- tial developments. In recent years, the com- pany has broadened its base of operations with the receipt of many contracts for col- l.ege dormitories, hospitals, and State insti- tutions. For these projects, Lutz Cabinet Co. produces drawers, wardrobe units, and desks. As an added feature of its operations, the firm designs many of its products and much of its equipment, enlisting the assistance of University of Wyoming specialists as con- sultants on specific projects. Lutz cites several advantages of his Lar- amie location. Transportation facilities-- both truck and rail-are excellent. In addi- tion, the Laramie area offers an abundance of skilled labor. The firm's proximity to its growing market facilitates shipping of the highly finished company product. Within a 150-mile radius of Laramie are the University of Wyoming, Colorado State University, Colorado State College, Colorado School of Mines, University of Colorado, Den- ver University, and several junior colleges-- comprising an excellent market for Lutz Cab- inet Co.'s products in Wyoming, Colorado, and Nebraska. Finally, Lutz credits the Laramie area's highly favorable business climate with help- ing the growth and prosperity of his com- pany. The Future Farmers of America- Guardians of the Soil EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. WILLIAM H. NATCHER OF KENTUCKY IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 14, 1966 Mr. NATCHER. Mr. Speaker, our country is once again preparing to cele- brate the birthday of our first President. Americans, throughout the land will pause oil that day, February 22, and pay due tribute to the splendid and unselfish genius of his great man who gave so much of himself and his talents in his efforts to establish and sustain this then fledgling young Nation. History records George Washington as a leader in many fields and certainly not the least of his accomplishments were in the area of agriculture. At heart, George Washing- Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400020003-3 .Fe ruary 1, MY oved FQr ft s SISN/AQL6/R9ECSI DPJ $W~ 00400020003-3 So we are killing Vietcong, but regaining very little territory for the Vietnamese Gov- ernment we are fighting for. in some areas, such as the Mekong Delta, we have less terri- tory under Government control than we had 18 months ago. Gen. William C. Westmoreland is in charge of the American military effort here. Like Gen. Dwight Eisenhower in World War II he finds himself spending almost as much time in the airy sphere of diplomacy, soothing the wounded egos of other military men, as he does in fighting the war. Unlike Eisenhower, though, Westmoreland doesn't even have the luxury of a unified command. In theory at least he must ask permission from the Vietnamese generals be- fore moving his men into battle. And for reasons stated above this is often not in his best interests. Too often in this war, large, expensive military operations are pulled on empty valleys. One operation last year re- suited in a net kill of 26 water buffaloes. No one could determine whether they were Viet- cong sympathizers. In certain ways, Westmoreland is repre- sentative of the entire American effort here. For one thing, he looks like a general. He is lean of jaw, steely of gaze, with fierce black eyebrows that John Ford's makeup men would have a hard time inventing. He doesn't smoke, seldom drinks, and utters only an occasional "dag nabbit" when upset. To some of those working with him, he is still the Eagle Scout he once was. "Westmoreland is a very nice guy," one American political expert says, "but I don't think he understands much about evil. He wants his men to be gentlemen, noble war- riors preserving freedom for an imperiled country. They should be out cutting throats." Most homefront heroes cannot understand why a war in a small country like Vietnam should be giving a great power like the United States so much trouble. They believe we should blow up Hanoi or Haiphong, drop our nuclear weapons and blast the Communists off the map. (It is interesting that the atom bomb advocates are always willing to drop the bomb on Asians; it is doubtful they would drop it if this war were being fought in Sweden.) The American military men understand some of the folly of these arguments. For one thing, Saigon is the hostage for Hanoi. If our bombers took out Hanoi-no simple matter, since it is conceded that the Com- munist capital has more formidable anti- aircraft facilities than wartime Berlin-the Communists could take out Saigon in 3 days. Their supporters could blow up most major facilities, hotels, and the communi- cations and sewer systems; if Haiphong goes the Saigon River could be bottled up with a few well-placed mines and mortar fire could wreak havoc at Ton Son Nhut airport. So the strategy has become relatively sim- ple. The military must operate on the theory that no peace will be negotiated. Starting from that point they believe that for the next several years an all-out war of attrition must be waged against main-force Vietcong and North Vietnamese units, While the Americans and the best Vietna- mese units are waging that kind of war (it will require at least another 200,000 Ameri- cans), the Vietnamese Popular Forces and regional militia units will have to deal with the guerrilla units in the countryside. Keep the pressure on, and the guerrilla war will simply peter out. The lowest time estimate for accomplishing all this is 7 years. A lot of people have severe doubts about this strategy. It echoes the French methods, and denies the fact that large-scale oper- ations too frequently result in the deaths of the very peasantry the government is sup- posed to be winning over. Probably the only hope of winning lies with the kind of pacification program being run under the direction of Gen. Lewis Walt and his marines. out of Da Nang. The ma- rines have been treated harshly by some critics because they have not gone out and killed as many people as possible. But Walt understands the futility of battles like that of the Is, Drang in which great numbers are killed and the government still cannot walk back in. His men have been working quietly, with some efficiency, village by village. It would be unfortunate if the Marine Corps alumni association forces them to give up and go back to all-out assault. If any- thing at all is clear about this confused war, it is that its roots are political. Ultimately, its solution will be political too. Marine Transportation EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. CLARK W. THOMPSON OF TEXAS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 14, 1966 Mr. THOMPSON of Texas. Mr. Speaker, there is ever-increasing interest and discussion on the future of our great maritime industry. The technological aspects of it are of particular concern to us all. It was with a great deal of interest when I read the remarks of Adm. John Harllee, U.S. Navy, retired, Chairman of the Federal Maritime Commission, be- fore the Transportation Association of America's National Transportation Insti- tute on January 12, 1966, at the Waldorf Astoria Hotel in New York City. His remarks follow, and I commend them to the attention of the Congress: REMARKS OF ADM. JOHN HARLLEE, U.S. NAVY, RETIRED, CHAIRMAN OF THE FEDERAL MARI- TIME COMMISSION, BEFORE THE TRANSPORTA- TION ASSOCIATION OF AMERICA'S NATIONAL TRANSPORTATION INSTITUTE ON JANUARY 12, 1966, AT THE WALDORF ASTORIA HOTEL IN NEw YORK CITY These are exciting times in the marine transportation Industry and unquestionably one of the most exciting phases is the new impetus in containerization which could achieve a technological revolution in ocean transportation. But, while the year ahead will unquestion- ably see the first manifestations of transat- lantic containerization it might be years be- fore the full impact of this new type of ship- ping service is felt by the industry. Before containerization arrives full blown, we at the Federal Maritime Commission must reexamine and reassess our governing stat- utes, the rules and transportation principles enunciated thereunder, and our body of case law, all formulated under traditional con- cepts of break-bulk service, and determine whether they meet future transportation needs and whether, in their present form they are equal to the task of providing regu- latory guidance and assistance to steamship operators and protection to the prospective users of containerized ocean transportation. As you know, the transatlantic steamship trade is one of our most important, whether it be viewed in terms of the number of vessels committed to it, the type of cargo moving, the volume of that cargo or its value. Today the carriers in that trade operate services largely indistinguishable from those existing when the Shipping Act was passed in 1916. That is changing fast and within the next few years the trade may become unrecognizable. Within that time at least four major U.S.- A717 flag carriers and four foreign-flag carriers will inaugurate integrated container service with significant numbers of high speed vessels between the United States and northern Europe. Most of these vessels expect to load and discharge containers on a lift-on, lift-off basis, but some may be designed for roll-on, roll-off operations. This technological revo- lution has been long in coming to our foreign trade and should be welcomed not only by this Nation and its trading partners in Europe but also by the shippers and consignees en- gaged in that trade. The need for high-speed container service in the transatlantic trades is manifest. Ob- viously, operators of containerized vessels will continue to be confronted by operational and labor problems. There is also the prob- lem of international trade rivalries. While the United States may feel it has the ad- vantage of a head start there is every in- dication that foreign-flag interest in con- tainerization is accelerating. All in all, how- ever, the prospects for the success of con- tainerized service in this and other trades appear encouraging. The capital required to move these new vessels from the drawing boards to the berth is staggering. We should tender a hearty well done to all those steam- ship companies who intend to participate in this venture to so dramatically improve service. Containerziation should bring benefits to carriers and shippers alike and make a substantial contribution toward achieving the national goal of expanding our foreign trade. The full impact of the operational changes that will be forthcoming from containeri- zation of the transatlantic trade cannot be evaluated until we have had actual experi- ence with this method of ocean transport. Nevertheless, prudence and commonsense dictate that we make preparations now for what is coming. The Federal Maritime Com- mission and the other agencies who regulate transportation must reevaluate their reg- ulatory programs on the basis of what Is about to happen rather than what happened yesterday. We do know that containeriza- tion will bring changes in more than the physical features of the vessels involved. We do know that the maximum efficiencies of containerized service can be realized only when the containers are loaded at inland points, where most of the cargo originates, and are tendered for delivery at inland points of destination. We know that containeriza- tion has encouraged the through movement of goods and that this trend will be greatly accelerated when containerized service is fully established in the transatlantic trades. The carriers have been attempting to comply with existing legislation by segmenting the charges for the service they perform by filing with various regulatory agencies those ap- plicable segments of the through rates. For example, motor carriers file with the In- terstate Commerce Commission rates cover- ing the portion of the haul in the United States, Under present rules those carriers must file with the Federal Maritime Com- mission their port-to-port rates based on the theory that they are non-vessel-owning common carriers by water in foreign com- merce. That portion of the haul occurring within the foreign country is not required to be filed anywhere. When such transporta- tion involves air carriers they must file a portion of the through rate with the Civil Aeronautics Board and their port-to-port rates with the Federal Maritime Commission. This type of segmented rate regulation may be unwieldy, time consuming, costly, and of marginal utility to both shippers and car- riers. A single factor through rate filed with a single governmental entity may be more conducive to an effective transportation system. Perhaps a joint board similar to the one proposed by the Federal Maritime Commission, Interstate Commerce Commis- sion, and Civil Aeronautics Board to exercise jurisdiction over through rates in certain of Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400020003-3 .A718 Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400020003-3 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD APPENDIX February 14, 1 t'l'GG our domestic offshore trades should be ex- panded to include our foreign trades. Mat- ters such as these have been under contin- uing study by the chairmen of all three of the major transportation regulatory agencies and we intend to maintain this liaison. However, neither a joint board nor the re- spective stalls of the Interstate Commerce Commission. Civil Aeronautics Board, or Fed- eral Maritime Commission can effectively deal with these problems unless we receive the counsel, advice, and cooperation of the carriers involved and the users of their serv- fees. We need to know more precisely the types of services contemplated, the problems both operational and regulatory that are en- visaged by the carriers and the shippers, and most important the views of all concerned as to how the mint efforts of the Government transportation regulators can be utilized to accommodat.o carriers and shippers alike while maintaining the protection of the pub- lic interest. We must also direct our efforts to find answers to these problems which are likely to arise from major containerization prob- lems: Will containerization bring changes in tra- ditional rate patterns and rate structures? Will containerization change the method. of pricing transportation service? For instance, under containerization will. pricing relate more to the movement of the container rather than to its contents? Will "freight all kinds" rates be available in these services? Can a single bill of lading with a single factor rate be utilized to cover the through movement of goods from an inland point, across the ocean and then to another inland point? Will containerization reduce the need -or the proliferation of shipping documents that are now necessary to move cargo from an in- Land point in the United States to an inland" point in Europe? Will containerization permit simplifica-. Lions of the shipping documents that will be required? What effect will containerization have on independent ocean freight forwarders and nonvessel owning common carriers now reg- ulated by the Federal Maritime Commission? Containerization will obviously bring manifold changes in the method of loading and unloading vessels. What effect will these technological changes have on tradi- tional terminal operations? Indeed, consid?- ering the heavy capital outlays that will be required to :adapt present terminal facilities to containerization will it be possible for the lines to operate such facilities at all ports presently being served? If not, will it mean that certain ports will have the benefits of containerization and others will not? More important perhaps is the question of whether containerization will draw substan- tial amounts of cargo from ports where such service is unavailable. If this is so, will it be consistent with the public interest and compatible with sound transportation policy? Is it feasible to move all types of general cargo in containers? If not, what accommo- dations will be made for moving such items'? Will containerized vessels attract only the highway paying cargoes? It so, what will happen to those operators of modern yet conventional vessels who will be relegated to the carriage of low paying cargo? How are the regulatory agencies to police such malpractices as misdeclaration of freight, misweighing, and rebating? Which agency will have jurisdiction over these matters'? Who is to be held responsible for these practices, the shipper, the freight for- warder, the non-vessel-owning common car- rier, the inland carrier, or the ocean carrier? Fortunately, the Federal Maritime Commis- sion with the cooperation of the Interstate Commerce Commission has embarised on a compliance program on containerized freight moving in our domestic offshore trades. We are hopeful that that program when ade- quately tested will serve as a model for simi- lar programs in foreign trades. I would be less than candid if I pretended to know the answers to all the questions raised here. But I intend to do my part in preparing myself and the staff of the Federal Maritime Commission to be in a be-.ter posi- tion in the days ahead to come to grips with these problems and others, and if possible to formulate rational and effective responses. I know my colleagues at the Interstate Com- merce Commission and Civil Aeronautics Board join me in these pursuits. Time is one of the luxuries seldom enjoyed by a regulatory agency. Usually, we are required to react to a crisis already in being. Here we are confronted with a grand opportunity to lay plans for a revolutionary change in the techniques of transportation. But we can- not wait too long or this problem too will be upon us. Every regulatory program should have a purpose and I can assure this audlenee and those with whom the Federal Maritime Com- mission deals more directly that if our pro- grams are round purposeless in the light of changing transportation conditions they will be promptly reevaluated. When our pro- grams and policies no longer serve t.o protect those involved in ocean transportation from the evils the Shipping Act was designed to eliminate the Federal Maritime Commission will act promptly. It is essential that tech- nological advances in transportation not be hamstrung and frustrated by governmental policies which have no place in ;i modern transportation system. I solicit your assistance and ad,. ice as to how the Federal Maritime Commission, the Interstate Commerce Commission, and the Civil Aeronautics Board can effectively dis- charge their regulatory responsibilities in the technological challenges we all av:;ait. The information and assistance you are able to provide regarding this new concept of trans- portation may be determinative of whether we spend our time wisely. EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. JOHN A. RACE OF WISCONSIN IN THE HOIJSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 14, 1966 Mr. RACE.. Mr. Speaker, too often the Congress and the Federal Government are unfairly criticized for assuming legitimate responsibilities in meeting the needs of our people. When editorial praise for a controver- sial Federal service occurs, it is an occa- sion to be noted. For this reason, I re- quest to be inserted in the RECORD at this point, the following editorial from the February 12 edition of the Sheboygan, Wis., Press: MISDIRECTED CRrrICISM The forthcoming meeting of the National Rural Electric Cooperative Association, which opens a 4-day session at Las Vegass Monday, is a timely reminder that the rural electrifi- cation program in this country is approach- ing its 30th birthday with a becoming maturity. In the present era, It is difficult, to recall that as recently as 1935 only about 10 percent of the Nation's farms were receivi!ig electric service, The inability of private industry to extend electric service in those days led to the passage of the Rural Electrification Act of 1936. This measure promoted farm elec- trification through low-interest Government loans. As a result, today more than 98 per- cent of the country's farms have some sort c,f electrification. Despite this worthy accomplishment, the REA unfortunately is constantly being made the whipping- boy by ultraconservatives and disgruntled politicians. They attack the Rural Electrification Administration program as another form of Federal bureaucracy that is creating unfair competition for private industry. Such criticism is unfair. Should the Fed- eral Government be criticized for stepping; in and meeting a need that obviously should be met? Certainly the Nation has benefited by the Government's rural electrification pro- gram. Perhaps there were good reasons why private industry was not able to extend its services in the 1930's. But that does not mean that the necessity for rural electrification could be overlooked or indefinitely delayed. When private industries or individual States fail to function to provide a necessary public service, the Federal Government in- evitably steps in to meet the need. Shortage of Technicians a Problem for All of Us EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. JOHN H. DENT' OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTA'TIVF`t Monday, February 14, 1966 Mr. DENT. Mr. Speaker, improved and expanded vocational and technical education is vital to the continued growth of our economy. The United States-indeed, the world-is faced with a gigantic rebuilding task, and this can be successfully accomplished only with the assistance of thousands of new tech- nicians. This is a problem in which I am vitally interested. Last year, I sponsored the National Vocational Student Loan Insur- ance Act of 1965. I had the honor of seeing this act become Public Law 89- 287. This is one step and one approach toward providing more technicians to our workforce. The problem in general is being vigor- ously approached by the U.S. Office of Education's Division of Vocational and Technical Education, under the direc- tion of Assistant Commissioner Dr. Wal- ter M. Arnold. A training program on the vast scale envisioned, however, can only be successful if there is close coop- eration between all parties concerned-- Government, educational institutions. and private industry. This point is brought out effectively in a stimulating article, based in large part on statements made by Dr. Arnold, which appeared this month in Testing World. a magazine published by Soiltcst, I:ric.. long a pioneer in the use of electronic methods in subsurface investigations and quality control of construction work gen- orally. It is a pleasure to insert this article in the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD. Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400020003-3 A720 Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400020003-3 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -APPENDIX February 14, 1966 ing, as the wife of a key Government official, will be caught up in considerably more social activity. That is uncertain, however, considering the fact that most of the people around Johnson, a hard taskmaster, are too busy for much social life. Certainly the Flemings will be sought out socially, since they are now in the White House inner circle. JOB PAYS LESS Even though his family will see less of him, they approved of his taking the job, which at $28,600 a year pays somewhat less than he made at ABC. Mrs. Fleming was the first to know about the offer of the job made to Fleming on Feb- ruary 1, by Bill D. Moyers, White House press secretary. She talked it over with Fleming at length. After conceding that the longer hours would keep him away from home, she agreed with him that the job presented an opportunity and challenge that would have its com- pensations. The Fleming boys were not told of the offer until the following Friday-February 4-just before Fleming took off for Honolulu with the President. They took the same at- titude as their mother. BORN IN MILWAUKEE It was generally agreed that being thrust into the middle of national and interna- tional affairs would supplement the boys' schooling. Robert, Junior, is a senior at Woodrow Wilson High School, not far from his com- fortable four-bedroom home in northwest Washington. Fred is in the ninth grade at Alice Deal Junior High School. - Both boys were born in Milwaukee. As a result of the earlier family discussions of the matter, the excitement was partly over by the time the President made the announcement Friday at an impromptu news conference. The telephone began to ring immediately at the Fleming home. For an hour Fleming took the calls, which were from Washington correspondents and associates in the broad- casting industry who were calling to con- gratulate him. GET ACQUAINTED DINNER Then the Flemings drove to the Moyers home for dinner. This was a get acquainted session for Jean Fleming and Judith Moyers, who had not previously met. And it gave Fleming and Moyers a chance to talk busi- ness. The conversation was interrupted by a number of calls transferred from Fleming's home to Moyers' home through the White' House switchboard. Presidential press secre- taries are always reached through the White House, since the operators there know where they are. The first call to Fleming through the White House came while he was at Moyers' house. It was from Mrs. Polly Greenberg, daughter of Lindsay Hoben, editor of the Milwaukee Journal. One of Fleming's sons had told her he was at the Moyers. Mrs. Greenberg wanted to arrange for ABC coverage of the visit to Washington of a child development group from Mississippi com- posed of 48 children and 25 parents and teacher involved in Project Headstart. MORE CALLS SATURDAY The group came here to demonstrate the quality of the Head Start program to Con- gress and to express its disappointment over the delay of the office of economic opportu. nity in refunding the project. Fleming called ABC from Moyers' home to assign a camera crew to the Mississippi dele- gation. Fleming took a few more congratulatory calls when he got home just before midnight as well as Saturday morning before he finally escaped to the weekend cabin. But even there the calls kept coming, from old friends and associates like Anthony 0. DeLorenzo, former Wisconsin newspaper- man now vice president for public relations of the General Motors Corp., and Fred W. Friendly, an official of the Columbia Broad- casting System. Fleming spoke wistfully Saturday of those restful weekends in the country. He still holds out hopes of continuing to go there. Hopeful Sign EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. NEAL SMITH OF IOWA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 14, 1966 Mr. SMITH of Iowa. Mr. Speaker, from a magnificent height, United Na- tions delegates can look over the East River and a part of the world and per- haps be inspired to play a meaningful role, with some quiet diplomacy, which could eventually lead to peace negotia- tions in Vietnam. The realist cannot be too optimistic, but still the presenting of a resolution on the Security Council agenda represents a victory for this administration. According to the Des Moines Sunday Register: The Security Council set no date for de- bating the resolution in the hope that quiet diplomacy would accomplish something. The U.N. meeting was worth while- The editorial continued- because it showed in action that the U.S. peace drive is not ended, even though U.S. bombing in North Vietnam has been re- sumed. It reminded U.N. members who have been reluctant to spend money for U.N. peacekeeping operations how valuable a U.N. peace force might be. Despite what may be a long road ahead, the Des Moines paper sees the U.N. Security Council meeting as a sign of hope-as "one more drop of water on the stone." So that others may see this summary of why reasonable talk might eventually lead to peace, I recommend this editorial and include it in the REC- ORD: THE U.N. AND VIETNAM The United Nations is the worst possible form of world organization (to paraphrase Winston Churchill), except any other form of world organization the world has yet had. For years people of good will have been saying, "Why doesn't the United States bring the Vietnam war before the United Nations?" Now the U.S. Government has done so. The results so far show why referral was delayed so long. U.N. member nations in the charter con- ferred on the U.N. Security Council primary responsibility for the maintenance of inter- national peace and security and power to issue binding orders, enforceable by their combined armed might, to members and nonmembers alike. That was on paper. The practice for 20 years has been rather dif- ferent. The practice has been to refer disputes back to the disputing parties, sometimes with mild suggestions about principles to follow. The most the United States thought it practical to ask of the U.N. Security Council was a nonbinding resolution. The proposed resolution "notes" that the Geneva agree- ments of 1954 and 1962 on southeast Asia "have not been implemented." It calls for immediate discussions without precondi- tions "among the appropriate interested governments" to arrange a conference "look- ing toward the application of the Geneva accords of 1954 and 1962 and the establish- ment of a durable peace in southeast Asia." The proposed resolution also "recom- mends" that the parties start by reaching agreement on a ceasefire "under effective supervision." The resolution goes on to offer V.N. assistance "by all appropriate means," including arbitrators or mediators if desired, a "call" for "cooperation by all concerned," and the services of Secretary General U Thant. The United States just barely got this mild resolution placed on the agenda, and the debate showed there would not be the votes needed to pass the resolution and that in any case there would probably be a Soviet veto. The Security Council set no date for debat- ing the resolution in the hope that quiet diplomacy would accomplish something. Even if the resolution should be adopted, it simply passes the buck to the Geneva con- ference powers, some of whom have been refusing for months to reconvene the con- ference. Yet the U.N. meeting was worthwhile. It showed in action that the U.S. peace drive is not ended, even though U.S. bombing in North Vietnam has been resumed. It re- minded U.N. members who have been re- luctant to spend money for U.N. peacekeep- ing operations how valuable a U.N. peace force might be. In Vietnam, both sides say they accept the principles of the Geneva agreements, but each wants to control South Vietnam mili- tarily while the people decide in free elec- tions. The United States would accept a properly constituted U.N. force or neutral force pending free elections. So far the Com- munist side will not. North Vietnam and Red China say they won't accept any U.N. role there at all. They have not been ad- mitted as members and regard the U.N. as a U.S. front. But North Vietnam and the Vietcong might accept some kind of neutral force (1) when they find that is the only way to get U.S. Armed Forces out; and (2) when they become convinced that the United States really is willing to get out on those terms. The U.N. Security Council meeting was one more drop of water on the stone to drive these points in. Not blood, water. Statement by Vice President Hubert H. Humphrey Before the 25th Anniversary Celebration of United Service Organi- zations EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. OLIN E. TEAGUE OF TEXAS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, February 2, 1966 Mr. TEAGUE of Texas. Mr. Speaker, on Thursday, February 3, 1966, there were held throughout the Nation a series of celebrations marking a quarter of a century of service by the United Service Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400020003-3 Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400020003-3 February 14, 1966 CONGRESS]:ONAL RECORD - APPENDIX WE CAN TRAIN TECHNICIANS Now Although there is still a serious shortage of technicians in civil engineering and other engineering and science fields, it should be possible now to solve this problem if we can see it not as a problem just for edu- cators but for all of us-employers, business- men, government officials, and students alike. This, plainly stated, is the belief of Dr. Walter M. Arnold. Assistant Commissioner and Director. Division of Vocational and Technical Education, U.S. Department of Health Education.. and Welfare. The solution to the technician shortage is now possible, says Dr. Arnold, because of new Federal vocational education legislation and the joint Federal-State vocational education and training programs this legislation makes possible. In short, the money is available. Now, the people must use it. tirEs'S 'JAS VOCATIONAL PROGRESS The money, the legislation, the programs for educating and training technicians and others in vocational fields did not cone easily or quickly. Attempts to meet the Nation's vocational education needs have come in gradual stages, through the years. Step by step we have pursued the solu- tion to the vocational education problem with new laws, new provisions, but always the ultimate solution has seemed illusive. If we have met the needs for vocational educa- tion in one field, then needs in another field have developed. And gradually, in re- cent years, a great need has been mounting fur more and more technicians. It is re- assuring for our faith in the democratic method, however, that as the problems of technician and other vocational education have grown more serious and complex, our national solutions have become more in- genious and now, it is believed, ultimately successful. The major steps toward vocational educa- tion progress began with the Sinith-Hughes Act of 1917, which provided $7.2 million to the States for vocational programs, and range forward to the Higher Education Act of 1965, which gives financial aid for work at the col- lege and university level. WHAT EMPLOYERS CAN DO Clearly the legislation exists now to do this job of education. But just as clearly, says Dr. Arnold, "vocational educators can- not carry this new and tremendous burden alone." What is needed is the help of em- ployers, the Nation's businessmen. Says Walter F. Carey, president of the Chamber of Commerce of the United States: "The businessman is the key element in this whole education picture. Far better than any educator or government adminis- trator, he is in a position to know what his company's manpower requirements will be for the next 5 years, the next 10 years." And yet at the same time the businessman himself often is impeded in playing his full potential role in the education and employ- ment of technicians. Dr. Arnold comments: "The character effectiveness and economic value of capable technicians is still not uni- versally appreciated in American indus- try * * * Some employers have never had a chance to hire a really good technician, much less appreciate him." The probable cause for this situation, Dr. Arnold reasons, is the limited number of schools training highly competent technicians combined with the ready employment of these graduates by the relatively few firms near to the schools. THE NEED, THE LEGISLATION 't'his short supply and restricted employ- ment of technicians in past years was one of several causes which has contributed to the overall national technician problem-and its solution. Some of these causes have grown more in- tense and others have developed anew during the great period of national growth since World War II. Taken together they have produced the push that in turn produced the surge of corrective Federal and State legislation of the late 1950's and the 1960's from the beginning of the decade to the present. The national need for technicians is further indicated in Dr. Arnold's enurnera- tion of conditions that he says led directly to Congress enaciing title VIII of the Na- tional Defense Education Act of 1958 "First of all, the highly skilled technician was becoming; an increasingly essent:d part of the scientific and management t+:ain in modern scientific esearch, development, pro- duction, and services. The team i. com- posed of pruiessional scientists, engineers, sspecially trained technicians supervis,>rs, and skilled production or laboratory workers. "Second, technicians are in short .vsipply. The ratio of technicians to scientists or engi- neers is usually less than 1 to 1, but 1 here is need for two or more technicians to support each engineer or professional scientist. "Third, * ? * the explosion of scientific knowledge (has been) creating changes in scientific education so that the professional scientist or engineer (has) received little laboratory experience. Thus, a vacuum (has developed) in the area of applied laboratory knowledge which (has) had to be filled by highly skilled technicians." To cope with these interrelated fact ire the Federal Government, in the past few years, has moved to vastly improve American voca- tional education, including the education and training of technicians. AUDIOVISUAL AND OTHER METHODS One of the key areas in which tale new education laws effectively help technical education is in the research and develop- ment of new techniques, method;z, and materials for teaching. The intent here is to educate an; train technicians more efficiently by developing and using new teaching aids such as the Soiltest, Inc., 35-millimeter training, film strips. Other provisions are made for re- search and development of programed learn- ing techniques. The Higher Education Facilities Act of 1003 covered specifically the construction of facilities for public and. nonprofit col- leges, authorizing $1.2 billion for this pur- pose. Of this total, 22 percent is earmarked for public community colleges and public technical institutes, institutions which offer numerous vocational courses. FIGURES TELL THE RESULTS These have been the plans, the new laws, -;he techniques aimed at producing enough technicians and other vocational workers to meet the needs of the United States which has grown from 140 million population at the end of World War II to 200 million in just two decades. The needs of other na- lions in the world are comD arable. The results can be seen in some simple statistics, as explained by Dr. Arno]::1: "For many yea::s (prior to the new laws) the number of new technicians formally pre- pared to work with physical scientists and engineers had been limited to about 16,000 graduates of a relatively few publicly sup- ported institutions and a number of private nonprofit technical institutes. Studies of physical sciences and related engineering fields indicate a need for at least 100,000 new technicians each ;dear." How close is the United States coming to these goals? Is the Nation meeting its needs for the technically educated? Since 1958, when the NDEA was passed, some 63,000 new technicians have completed training under the provisions of the act. Enrollment of full-time students in tech- nical education programs swelled from 20,000 an 1958 to 102,000 in the 1964-65 scho,l year. Total enrollment, both full time and part 'time, has grown from about 94,000 in 1958 to about 250,000 :.n the 1.964-65 school year. Of these, 148,000 were employed adults in upgrading and refresher courses. The number of schools offering techni- cian training has grown from 260 at tine be - ginning of NDEA in 1958 to nearly 1,000 in 1965. The Nation, it is apparent, has recognised its need for educating technicians. It is be- ginning to meet these needs. "We are all in this endeavor toge licr," says Dr. Walter M. Arnold. ?* * * Leaders in industry and in vocational and techni- cal education " * * are being called upon to provide realistic, high-quality occupa- tional education to meet present and future manpower needs at the lowest net; long-term cost. Modern America requires techni-- cfans * * * and their counterparts in man- agement, marketing, and servicing--With better basic training at the start of their careers than ever before. The pattern of the past * * * is not good enough largely because of the impact of research on all facets of modern living. "Educators alone cannot perform this task, but together we can meet the challenge in a truly American tradition of cooperative accomplishment." Appointment of Bob Fleming as Presi-' dential Press Secretary Is Good News EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. HENRY S. REUSS Or WISCONSIN IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, January 18, 1966 Mr. REUSS. Mr. Speaker, the an- nouncement of the appointment of Rob- ert H. Fleming as Presidential press sec- retary was good news. He brings out-- standing talents to a very demanding job. Mr. Fleming has had a long and dis- tinguished career in journalism. He ii; a native of Wisconsin, a graduate of the University of Wisconsin, and a former reporter for the Milwaukee Journal. I include hereafter an article written by Milwaukee Journal reporter Lau- rence Eklund on Mr. Fleming's appoint-? ment : FLEMING's NEW JOB MEANS HEC'.rIC PACE (By Laurence C. Eklund) WASHINGTON, D.C.-The leisurely week- ends of Robert H. Fleming, his wife, Jean, and their sons, Robert, Junior, 17, and Fred, 14, are coming to an end. Usually the Flem- ings drive 40 miles to their quiet retreat, a cabin they own. in the country near Mount Airy, Md., leaving home Saturday morning and returning Sunday evening, This weekend, the jaunt to their refuge was cut to only Saturday, because of tho flurry caused by President Johnson's ap- pointment of Fleming, former Milwaukee Journal reporter, as his new press aid. HAS ABC WORK Before assuming the hectic job of main- taining liaison with all the news media cov-? Bring the White House, Fleming must wind up his affairs at the American Broadcasting Co., where he has been Washington bureau chief since 1960.. When Fleming takes over the White House hot seat--probably the hottest in all of of- ficial Washington-his family's mode of liv-? ing will change. The long hours of the demanding job mean that he will see much less of his family. It probably means that Mrs. Flem-? Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400020003-3 A722 Approved For Release 20 5/06 29 : DP6A7 040002 3-3 CONGRESSI NA RE e ruary 14, 1966 Can we persevere in our search for peace- ful negotiation in the face of rejection by our adversaries? Can we devote ourselves to patient efforts toward economic and social progress in an environment of violence and terror? Can we maintain our own devotion to free institutions while opposed by those without regard for them? Can we, finally, convince those who live by force that time is on our side? Can we demonstrate to them that we are too strong to be afraid, too determined to be defeated? I answer: Yes, we can and we shall. Americans are capable of waging the long, hard battle for freedom around the globe for as long as freedom is threatened. We have the leadership and the resolution to fulfill our responsibility as leader of the free world. And we shall. EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. JOHN R. HANSEN OF IOWA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 14, 1966 Mr. HANSEN of Iowa. Mr. Speaker, in my opinion, the President's recent peace offensive was not the utter failure it has been made out to be by Mr. John- son's critics. Despite Hanoi's refusal to even take notice of our invitations to negotiate, the President's overtures met with success in other areas. Our motives for being in Vietnam and our determination to stay there were made clear to other nations throughout the world. We showed the world that we want peace-but not at any price. If nothing else were gained by our peace offensive, it still- must-in light of this fact-be considered at least partially successful. The district which I represent, the Seventh Iowa District, is well known for its conservative nature-especially in foreign affairs. I am presenting a re- cent editorial from the Carroll Daily Times Herald to give my colleagues the benefit of the views of a conservative section of Iowa concerning Vietnam. OUR STAND CLEAR The war in Vietnam is apparently back where it was at the end of December, before the moratorium on bombing raids on the north began. Yet the nature of the conflict has changed in a very important way, despite the failure of the peace offensive to move the Hanoi regime toward the negotiating table. It is now clear to all but the most rabidly anti-American that no nation is more anxious to put an end to the fighting than the United States. It is now clear to all but those im- movably committed to viewing the world through red-tinted glasses that this country desires peace and will take any feasible and honorable steps to secure it. Our call for a full-dress Security Council debate on Vietnain, was such a step. The pressure for peace has now been placed upon the international community, and some of that pressure must inevitably permeate to Hanoi. On the surface, the bombing lull accom- plished nothing, though no one can say with certainty just what went on during those 37 days in the minds of the North Vietnamese leaders. The resumption of the raids will likely have little effect on the immediate course of the fighting. It was essentially a stalemate, though slowly escalating on both sides. It will remain essentially a stalemate until either a cease-fire is achieved or until all possible paths that could lead to a cease-fire have been explored and found useless. But while both the military effect of the resumed bombings and the political force of a United Nations resolution may be limited, the two combined would amount to considerable and continual pressure on the North Vietnamese. Whether they realize it or not, the nature of the war has changed. The Vietnamese Communists can no longer pose as the sympathetic underdogs fighting valiantly against an Immoral, imperialistic bully. They have nothing to gain by disdain- ful rejection of the peaceful offices of other nations. Neither now nor next year nor 10 years from now are they going to take over South Vietnam and drive the United States out by force of arms. Sooner or later, these truths must get through to Hanoi and Peiping. Until they do, however, continued fortitude, patience and restraint will be required of the Ameri- can people, and continued sacrifice will be asked of their sons. Statement by Vice President Hubert H. Humphrey Before Panel on Science and Technology of House Committee on Science and Astronautics EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. OLIN E. TEAGUE OF TEXAS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, February 2, 1966 Mr. TEAGUE of Texas. Mr. Speaker, January 25 to 27, 1966, the Committee on Science and Astronautics held its seventh annual meeting with its Panel on Science and Technology. Under the leadership of our distinguished chairman, the gen- tleman from California, Congressman GEORGE MILLER, the committee was pleased to welcome one of the great spokesmen. of science in the world, Sir Charles Snow. It was appropriate that this eminent forum began with an address by the Vice President of the United States. His talk covered many of the great scientific and technical challenges of our time. He stressed the need for increased partnership between Government and science in order that the greatest bene- fits of this age might be realized. I include the text of Vice President HUMPHREY'S address in the RECORD: OPENINGS REMARKS, VICE PRESIDENT HUDERT HUMPHREY, PANEL ON SCIENCE AND TECH- NOLOGY, HOUSE COMMITTEE ON SCIENCE AND ASTRONAUTICS, WASHINGTON, D.C., JANU- ARY 25, 1966 I would like you to know, Mr. Chairman, how proud President Johnson is of the work which your committee has performed. This committee has provided a model of congres- sional oversight. Your panel of 15 outstand- ing scientists and engineers has provided invaluable counsel-not only to the 31 mem- bers of this committee but-indirectly-to the Congress as a whole. May I say to our distinguished Speaker, you can be very proud of having been a father of this House committee, The record of history will show that you, Mr. Speaker, played a crucial role in the House of Rep- resentatives effective response after Sput- nik I. May I say, too, to my friend JIM FULTON that one of the most gratifying aspects of this committee's work is that you have acted on a bipartisan or better still, nonpartisan basis. In the full committee, in the Subcommit- tee on Scientific Research and Development chaired by Congressman DADDARIO, and in other subcommittee work, there has been a scientificlike search for facts and for the best opinion. The committee and its sub- committee have "experimented" and the ex- periments have been very successful. It is appropriate that this committee, which enjoys so outstanding an international reputation, should be host today to so great a world scientist and scholar as Lord Snow. We are proud to have him as our guest. May I begin today by saying that, as Chair- man of the National Aeronautics and Space Council, I am continually astounded by the expansion of scientific knowledged and its technological applications. One brief visit to Cape Kennedy is all the average citizen needs to realize how far sci- ence and technology have gone beyond his everyday capacity for understanding. I am in fact often reminded of the words of the Queen to Alice in Wonderland: "Now here, you see, it takes all the running you can do to keep in the same place. If you want to get somewhere else, you must run at least twice as fast as that." Sir Charles Snow has warned of the gap between science and the humanities-the two cultures, as he has called them. There is danger of another gap: a gap be- tween public policy and advancing science and technology. In government we face the task of closing that gap. One of our panelists, Dean Price, has stressed the importance of this in his schol- arly and helpful book. "The Scientific Estate" He says: "Only if a nation can induce scientists to play an active role in government, and poli- ticians to take a sympathetic interest in sci- ence (or at least in scientific institutions) can it enlarge its range of positive freedom, and renew its confidence that science can contribute progressively to the welfare of mankind." It has often been said that to govern is to choose. Those of us in government, who have the responsibility to choose, must have the in- sights and foresights that scientists and technologists, in government and outside, can offer us. Among the decisions that have faced the President in recent months, many have in- volved scientific and technological consider- ations. I think of decisions concerning water resources, desalting, oceanography, arms control and disarmament, transporta- tion, urban problems, education, defense- and the list is by no means complete. And our Government is not unique in this respect. Virtually every developed nation is wrestling with the problem of adapting its laws, procedures, and institutions to meet advanced science and technology. To cite only two examples, the British Gov- ernment has recently reorganized its struc- ture for dealing with scientific matters, and so has the French. Here in the United States the President has had a Special Assistant for Science and Tech- nology since 1960. The Office of Science and Technology has been in existence only since 1962. Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400020003-3 Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400020003-3 February 14, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX Organizations. No one who has been a member of our Armed Forces or who has had a loved one serving for our flag could fail to be indebted to this great organization for the wholesome enter- tainment and recreation it has provided our troops throughout the world. in New York City, the principal speak- er at the USO banquet was Vice Presi- dent HUBERT H. HUMPHREY. His vital theme was the historic challenge facing our Nation for the defense of Vietnam against Communist aggression. A Gold Medal Award was presented to the Vice President. Previous high winners of the award, I am happy to point out, included His Eminence Francis Cardinal Spellman and Gen, Douglas MacArthur-posthumous. T insert the text of Vice President HuMPHREY'S outstanding address in the RECORD and precede it by the inscription of the award which was so appropriately conferred upon him. 'rea'r Or INSCRIPTION ON GOLD MEDALLION PRESENTED OIV FEBRUARY 3, 1966. BY USO or NEW YORK CITY The USO of New York City takes pride in presenting to the Honorable HUBERT H. HUMPHREY, Vice President of the United States, its Gold Medal Award in recognition of his dedicated leadership and wholehearted support of US'O as it continues to keep the faith with America's Armed Forces, February 3, 1966. REMARKS OF V ICF. PRESIDENT HUDI:RT HUM- PI3RET, USO, NEW YORK CITY, FEBRUARY 3, 1966 it is a high honor to receive your Fifth An- nual Gold Medal, as it is a privilege to join with you in celebrating the 25th anniversary of the USO. During this quarter of a century, over 20 million American men and women who have worn the uniform. of their country have found in the USO a home away from home. USO seeks to answer the two questions al- ways on the m!nd of every GI wherever he Is: "Does anybody know I'm here? Does any- body care?" And to these two questions you answer. in actions as well as words: "Yes, we do know and we do care." We have an obligation to our American young men away from home -young men .;crying without complaint and with a high standard of performance. At Clark Field. near Manila, I saw recent-, ly young Americans-some of them terribly wounded-fresh from the battlefields of Vietnam. As I talked with them, they showed in every word and action those spe- cial qualities of courage and determination which Americans have always demonstrated in every war. We can surely be proud of there. I:n Korea, I traveled north to the 'truce line nod talked with American and Korean sol- diers in this cold and bleak place. Here, over a decade after the U.N. repelled Communist aggression, our American soldiers are still standing guard in one of freedom's loneliest and most remote frontiers. '['be soldiers I saw in Clark Field and Korea, like those in ether remote and often dan- gerous areas o the world, deserve the as- surance that the American people have not forgotten them. And USO-which I saw in action at 'l'ok^O, Manila, and Seoul--pro- sides that kind. of assurance. And I think it is in the best spirit of American democracy that USO, representing mix three major faiths, is nongovernmental arid represent., a wholly voluntary commit- nlent on the part of the American- people. Why are so many American soldiers in Asia either standing guard or engaged in a shooting war? They are there, primarily, to Insure the peoples of the countries in which they are stationed the right to choose, the right to decide their own futures--in other words, to have the basic human rights of self- determination and of independence. Self-determination and independence are threatened today by Asian communism, And so is main's search for peace. For w`o face aiversaries who seek to prove that peaceful coexistence is a fraud--that militancy and force are the paths to final Communist victory. During my two recent trips to Asia, I had die opportunity to talk with many national leaders. I sought their impressions of Asian communism, with which all of them have had firsthand experience. I did so because it; is vital to know one's adversary as thor- oughly as possible, and through many liffer- ant eyes. I did not come back with simple answers ,jr simple panaceas. Asian communism Is a complex id-- ology. It Is deeply rooted in the tragic past of Asia, yet it is raw and dynamic. It isn't the timeworn, bureaucratic com- munism that has evolved in other places. It is aggressive. And Its leaders are con- vinced of their ultimate success. its approach is not merely economic, al- though it capitalizes on the povert.a and despair of the Asian peasant. its tactic is not merely political, all sough .tls hard-core followers are dedicated be'levers in Marxist doctrine, and although it wraps i ;self in the robes of nationalism to ,tract those who aren't yet ready for the full gospel. Its thrust for power is not simply military, although it never has won power except by ruthless use of force--and I believe it :a ever will. The immediate threat is in Vietnam. What are the realities of today in Vietnam" First, there is the reality that we :lace in South Vietnam no mild-mannered liberal evolutionary reformist party. We fans dedi- cated Communist-led revolutionaries seek- ing by force to subject a nation to therr will. ,Some of these revolutionaries are from the .south. Some are from north. Some ire ir- regulars. Some are regular North Vietna- mese soldiers. Some of their supply and direction comes from the south. Some of it comes from Hanoi. Some of it come: from Peiping. Their creed is communism and their means is terror. Second., there is the reality that what is happening In Vietnam is not an isolated occurrence, unconnected to events elsewhere. Those who inspire and support the the use of force in Vietnam have made their plans clear. Those plans include the use of sub- version, of propaganda, of assassination, of sabotage,, and of outright military action to gain their objectives throughout the world. In some places, such as Vietnam, aggressiod Leas come in the guise of a war of national liberation. In others, such as India and Korea, it has come as movement of regular troops across a national frontier. Th.e Communist-backed. terrorism ill Viet- nam is being felt; not only in Asia, bilt also i n Africa and in Latin America. Third, I would point to the reality that- faced with this aggressive: force-our response has been measured and our objective peaceful. Last April, President Johnson, at. Johns Hopkins University, made clear the uncon- clitional nature of our offer toward peaceful negotiation. He has reiterated the-, offer many times. He has emphasized that so- called National Liberation Front repr, senta- tives could be represented in the negoti ctions. Last May the President ordered suspension of bombing in the north in the hop> that this might stimulate negotiation. In De- cember we suspended the bombing again. In the past several weeks, the President has sent emissaries throughout the world to seek some means toward peaceful negotiation. Initiatives outside our own-by the U.N. Secretary General; by 17 nonalined nations; by the United Kingdom, Ghana, India., and other Commonwealth nations; by Japan, by the United Arab Republic; by Pope Paull VI- have been undertaken without success. We have stated unequivocally that we sup- port any effort toward negotiation, no mat- ter where initiated. And we have directly communicated to Hanoi our willingness to begin immediately unconditional discussions.. What has been the response from Hanoi and Peiping? I read from Ho (:hl Minh's letter of last Friday: "The U.S. Imperialists are clamoring about their desire for peace and their readiness to engage In unconditional discussion in the Lope of fooling world opinion and the Amer- ican people. "Obviously the U.S. search for peace is only designed to conceal its scheme for intensify- ing the war of aggression." From Peiping has come an unusually violent torrent of hate propaganda regarding President Johnson's-and I quote-'"filthy and vicious " ? * basket of peace." It is clear that-in this time as in the past-those whose creed Is force disbelieve, the determination of democratic societies to resist their force. Given this response to the U.S. peace of- fensive, President Johnson had no choice but to take steps to restore military pressure on North Vietnam. In announcing this decision, the President; emphasized that "the end of the pause does not mean the end of our own pursuit of peace." For we must not permit the struggle to be., come purely military, either in Vietnam or elsewhere. We must persist with diplomatic Initia.. tives for peace, in the United Nations and in all the capitals of the world. We must counter the Communist political thrust with better politics-the politics of democracy, of self-determination, of human dignity. We must help the nations of Asia move forward with economic and social reform so that the Asian citizen will have a real stake in his country. This is where the struggle will be decided in the long run. We have a clear obligation to help the people of Asia and of other continents to help themselves. It is for this reason that 1 commend to you the foreign aid program which President Johnson submitted to Con- gress this week. The President has proposed, and I quote, "to help give the people of the less devel- oped world the food, the health, the skills, and education--and the strength-to lead their nations to self-sufficient lives of plenty and freedom." We have set ourselves no easy task. It will require patience and fortitude for years ahead. But I believe we can, in the end, succeed. For I believe Americans have learned the lessons of history so that we may not be doomed to repeat them. We have learned that the appetite of ag-. gressors is never satisfied. We have learned that a threat to freedom elsewhere can soon become a threat to free- dom here. Can we accept the possibility that the struggle against Communist expansion can go on for years ahead? Can we adapt the use of our military power to achieve limited goals while possessing mili- tary power in almost limitless quantity? Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400020003-3 A726 Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400020003-3 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX February 1J, 1966 May I close with Churchill's words, spoken at Harvard University some years ago: "If we are together nothing is impossible. If we are divided all will fail. I therefore preach continually the 'doctrine of the fra- ternal association of our two peoples, not for any purpose of gaining invidious material advantages for either of them, not for terri- torial aggrandisement or the vain pomp of earthly domination, but for the sake of service to mankind and for the honour that comes to those who faithfully serve- great to the minimum necessary to insure the security of our forces while continuing the effort to transfer the conflict to the negotiat- ing table. And their concept of minimal necessity involves a military commitment significantly smaller than that envisioned by the Pentagon or Marshal Ky. The Kennan and Gavin testimony clearly challenges many of the things said during and after the conference in Honolulu earlier this week, if not the carefully drawn lan- guage of the communique. It recalls cer- ain basics that Americans in this difficult YkL/.situation need to keep in mind: Powerful as shifting resources from another section of the firm or calling upon their ample conventional credit sources. When the same challenge is hurled against a small businessman, he may go under, not for any lack of ability or dedication, but sim- ply because he does not have time to gather money needed to provide a transi- tion to the next opportunity for profits, financial repair, and growth. Since last October, however, the assist- ance that Congress has declared should be available from the Small Business Ad- ministration has been denied. In effect, we have said to the small businessman, "When disaster strikes elsewhere in the Nation, you must bear a special burden. You must survive without the programs that Congress said you should have." And, Mr. Speaker, this is by no means the first time that regular business loan suspensions have been decreed. And, unless Congress acts, it will not be the last. The loan program suspension comes upon the heels of another serious blow at small business credit by the Govern- ment-the increase in the rediscount rate by the Federal Reserve Board. The consequent rise in the cost of credit is already being felt throughout the Na- tion. Therefore, small business now faces a two-pronged crisis in credit. The purpose of this legislation is to in- sulate the business loan program against drains caused by natural disasters. I recognize that my bill does not solve the problem of stabilizing the disaster loan program so that its proper benefits will always be available. The unpredictable timing and scope of such disasters poses special dilemmas in assuring the full ef- fectiveness of such a program. Possible remedies in this field merits the atten- tion of Congress but I strongly insist that the brunt of such disasters should not be placed upon small businessmen through- out the United States. The business loan program must be given a permanent and protected status. Appropriations for these loans must be carefully planned, fully evaluated by Congress, and should not be permitted to rise and fall on the whim of nature. Congress has wisely recognized the crucial value of small business to our free enterprise economy, therefore, I come before you today, Mr. Speaker, to plead for the reform and reinvigoration of the small business loan program and recomend this bill as a most important measure to translate congressional promise into permanent performance for the small businessmen of America. Several of my colleagues have intro- duced similar bills and I am happy to join with them in this legislation. General Gavin's Vietnam Strategy Gains Impressive Support EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. RICHARD D. McCARTHY OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, February 8, 1966 Mr. McCARTHY. Mr. Speaker, the number of distinguished and influential Americans who support the strategy for Vietnam proposed by Gen. James M. Gavin continues to grow. While it is true that one man's view may vary subtly from the next, the basic approach is the same: Remain in Vietnam but avoid es- calation; limit the fighting while con- tinuing the effort to transfer the conflict to the negotiating table. The list now includes: General Gavin; Gen. Matthew B. Ridgway, U.S. Army, retired; George F. Kennan, former U.S. Ambassador to the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia; Walter Lippmann, the dis- tinguished author and columnist; James B. Reston, associate editor of the New York Times; and J. WILLIAM FULBRIGHT, chairman of the Senate Foreign Rela- tions Committee. The case against escalation was force- fully presented last week by General Gavin and Ambassador Kennan in testi- mony before the Senate Foreign Rela- tions Committee and was summarized as follows in a New York Times editorial of February 11: THE CASE AGAINST ESCALATION Two Americans once deeply involved in top-level planning on the diplomatic and military fronts have now given the Nation strikingly parallel analyses of the dangers of escalating the war in Vietnam in quest of victory. George F. Kennan doubts that "the most formidable military successes" would bring victory if that term means the end of Viet- cong resistance and the realization of all our stated political aims. Gen. James M. Gavin warns that escala- tion could impair the capacity of the United States to meet more vital commitments else- where in the world at the same time that it created the risk of unlimited war on the mainland of Asia against Communist China. Perhaps the most remarkable feature of the evaluations by the former chief of the State Department's policy planning staff and the onetime chief of plans and operations for the Army-both delivered to the Senate Foreign pendent and vigorous support was needed Relations Committee-is the extent of their in the executive branch of Government concurrence. President Johnson would find for the Nation's 4.6 million small busi- it difficult to place either man in his cate- gory of "special pleaders who counsel retreat nessmen. There is no area where such in Vietnam." support is more essential than the grant- For Kennan and Gavin concede that the ing of small business loans. United States cannot simply pull out of Viet- Big business often has the flexibility to nam. Their plea is for limiting the fighting withstand temporary setbacks simply by Scouting Commemorates Federal Charter SPEECH HON. DURWARD G. HALL of MISSOURI IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, February 9, 1966 Mr. HALL. Mr. Speaker, it was my privilege on Wednesday morning, Feb- Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400020003-3 wise Americans have long warned of the perils of getting mired in land war on the Asian mainland; and in the nuclear era few things are more delusive in a major conflict than the goal of victory. If the Senate committee had heard only General Gavin and Mr. Kennan, its inquiry into American policy in Vietnam would have been worth while. EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. RODNEY M. LOVE OF OHIO IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 14, 1966 Mr. LOVE. Mr. Speaker, today I in- troduced a bill to amend section 4(c) of the Small Business Act. This bill would replace the present re- volving loan fund utilized by the Small Business Administration with three sepa- rate funds. The first of these funds would finance the business loan program authorized by section 7(a) of the Small Business Act and the loan program established by the 1964 Economic Oppor- tunity Act. The second fund would sup- port the disaster loan program, and the third would finance loans under the Small Business Investment Act of 1958, other than the lease guarantee functions. As you probably know, Mr. Speaker, since October 11 of last year, the Small Business Administration has not only failed to grant any further business loans, with a minor exception during the New York transit strike, but they have also refused to accept any applications for direct financial assistance, regardless of need. The city of Dayton, Ohio, which is in my congressional district, made application for a small business development center but was turned down. I was told by the Small Business Admin- istration that these drastic steps are necessary because of drains on the pres- ent loan fund due to several natural disasters. I strongly feel that this emergency re- quires another supplemental appropria- tion as well as a change in the structure of the loan program itself. Congress created the Small Business Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400020003-3 February 14, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX A725 Britain's defeat--but to be clearly under- of 1812 was unwarranted and uncalled for, The ultimate danger to America from these stood that it must be at his own expense. on, either side--achieving very little in terms avowed objectives of the alliance was obvious, A typical hidebound viewpoint, I admit- of political or military advantage-and doing and President Monroe was alarmed and but if my distinguished French colleague will little credit to either adversary apart from sought advice from Thomas Jefferson, then not take it amiss, less rigid than President some notable exceptions of individual cour- your greatest living statesman who was liv- de Gaulle, who would have no truck officially age and initiative and particularly in naval ing in retirement, on what should be the or personally in joining with us in Britain combat on the high seas and on the inland American reaction. hest year in celebrating the Sesquicentennial waters of .America. You may remember what Jefferson said of the Battle of Waterloo. The point I am making is that most his- when he replied to President Monroe. His And if I may perhaps pay one more tribute torians-and I refer mainly to American letter in part reads, "The question presented to Mr. Wilkinson-a personal one of thanks historians--think that the war was needless. by the letters you have sent me is the most and. appreciation-it would be for his timely The causes all derived from the power momentous which has ever been offered to advance notice that I should be expected to struggle in Europe, not from. any challenge my contemplation since that of independ- say a few appropriate words this evening. by one side or the other to vital interests of ence. That made us a nation, this sets our Because I shall always remember among either the United States or Great Britain. compass and points the course which we the highlights of my experience on arrival in But the Battle of New Orleans was another are to steer through the ocean of time open- New Orleans last year, the first banquet I matter. For America it was a dramatic vie- ing on its. And never could we embark on ever attended in this city that care forgot- Cory which fired the country's imagination. it under circumstances more auspicious. it was about this time last year 2 or 3 days Its effect upon the people was spontaneous * * * One nation, most of all, could disturb after we got hero-the sesquicentennial din- and acted like magic. It was of far greater us in this pursuit, she now offers to lead, ner at the Roosevelt, in the company of importance than all the other engagements and, accompany us in it. By acceding to her members of the Cabinet, the congressional put together. proposition, we detach her from the bands, delegation from Louisiana, descendants of It is generally agreed, I think, that If bring her mighty weight into the scale of the Pakenham family and of the Andrew there was one thing the war achieved, in free government, and emancipate a conti- Jackson family--a great bevy of distin- ,,N,hich Jackson's victory here against General nent at one stroke, which might otherwise guished people. ]Pakenham's veterans was the paramount in- linger long in doubt and difficulty. Great I recollect that I had just enjoyed the first f,redient, it was the consolidation of national Britain is the nation which can do us the course-oysters, my very :favorite indulgence sentiment, the emergence of new found self- most harm of anyone, or all on earth; and here, and was settling down to enjoy the confidence and pride in national unity and with her on our side we need not fear the rest of the meal and listen to the distin- a strengthening of collective patriotism. It whole world. With her then, we should most guished speeches-when suddenly I heard 'u.nited the Nation as never before. sedulously cherish a cordial friendship, and ominous noises coming from a few places The Battle of New Orleans, though it oc- nothing would tend more to knit our affec- down the table where my wife was sitting curred after the peace had been declared, tions than to be fighting once more, side next to the Postmaster General of the United was the decisive contest; and, of all the by side, in the some cause." States, forays elsewhere, it perhaps alone produced Basically this unwritten alliance between She seemed to be frantically drawing my results of really lasting importance and value the British and American Navies became the attention to something-apparently the to the United States at a point in history Monroe Doctrine, an important contribution banquet program. I glanced casually down when this stimulus was most needed, of the Pax Britannica, and for 100 years the program until my eye fixed upon my For us also it heralded the beginning of America was free from any real menace of name-and against It the words, "the prin- an era reaching down to the present lsime- invasion, and she prospered accordingly. cipal speaker." the results of which have been of incalculable There were disputes as well in this halcyon. No one had remembered to tell me before- values--not only to ourselves but to you and period as the 10th century advanced. Most !rand. all free people. The defeat in 1815 marked occurred during; the Civil War. Some were This little incident, and some of the other the last military adventure undertaken by heated and caused much emotion, but always events that followed during the sesquicen- Great Britain in North America. Whcrn next they were settled as warin disputes between, tennial week, Is always coupled In my mom- Britons and Americans met on a battlefield, reasonable, law-abiding citizens, and were ory with your distinguished Congressman, more than 100 years later, it was as com- sensibly settled by negotiation or arbitration. Mr. EDDIE Htirarrr. He seemed to make every- rades in arms and in sentiment. Among such disputes you will remember was tiring seem easy, and a great deal of fun as This era which had its origins in 1815, an the case of the Alabama, a man-of-war well, regardless of the hazards that beset us era of peace, of amity, of friendship and built in Liverpool and allowed by the British occasionally during the week's celebrations, solidarity with the American people-a Government to slip out to sea manned by I recollect too that he promised to introduce friendship based on common :ideals and prin- Confederate officers and sailors. America de-- me to red beans and rice, real country style, ciples, the rule of law, of democratic govern- manded reparation and got it. As a result of when we had time to relax. That treat is rnent by the majority but having full respect arbitration we paid to the tune of $15 million still to come. for the rights of the minority, above all a in damages-exactly the same sum as you Enough of small talk--and I must bear In common belief in and respect for personal paid Napoleon for the real estate acquired mind the admonition of Bacon's words liberty, and the recognition that the in- through the Louisiana Purchase. Values get printed in your program, "Let him be sure dividual is greater than the State-this era mixed, don't they? to leave other men their time to speak." had its beginnings in 1815--in a real sense But the ultimate fulfilment of the unwrit- Indeed, this admonition is reinforced by its birth was here. ten alliance between Britain and America the quotation from Cato, also on the pro- came in the first half of this century, when gram, "Speak briefly and to the point"-and It is unnecessary to dwell on what this aggression on the grand scale and playing for we still have the benediction, I notice. lrs meant historically for the English-speak- the highest stakes ever, was let loose, twice this battle that we celebrate the anni- :ing peoples, and indeed for the world, in this in the lifetime of some of us here. Freedom versary of tonight was in a way a blessing in century alone. But long before the outset and liberty were threatened as never before. disguise. The outcome in every sense was of the two World Wars, this unwritten but It was in these catastrophic years of the nevertheless very real alliance of the two it redoubtable victory for you and a severe great English-speaking nations had begun to 20th century that the full realization of defeat for us. As everyone knows, it should manifest itself. Anglo-American unity and friendship, born never have taken place. The war was over, of the War of 1812, came to full fruition. the Treaty of Ghent had been signed, and There emerged for instance in the world There is no need to dwell on our "together- whatever campaigns had been planned scene of the last century a period of com- ness" in the last war. The partnership de- should have forthwith been called off-most parative peace which came to be known as veloped in the blood, sweat, and tears of that importantly, General Pakenham's. But, the the Pax Britannica. time, was of a degree unparalleled in history. news of the peace had not reached these On this side of the ocean in the Western The victory we achieved has not brought us shores. Hemisphere a direct result was the formula- universal peace. Today we continue to face Why, then, a blessing? Should any war tion and practice of an American policy to together new dangers and threats from many or battle with all the attendant cruelty and be known as the Monroe Doctrine. Its quarters of the world. We are not as power- casualties be thought a good thing? Why origins stem from a ganging up by certain ful as we used to be. The struggle and the could it by any stretch of the imagination, European powers in the early years of the cost of two world wars in the cause of free- even in retrospect and scores of years later last century, the formation of an axis which dom has weakened us. A greater share of the be condoned--unless either it was fought in became known as the Holy Alliance. This burden which was once mainly ours now falls the cause of freedom and justice and to with- alliance had, amongst other things. its eye on you. Nevertheless the partnership, the stand an unacceptable tyranny or ideology-- on the Americas, particularly South America. special relationship continues, and we are and there has been no shortage of such One of its proclaimed objects was to quash still able to give you powerful support. challenges in our history since that time? any further development of what was de- Indeed the immutable guiding light and Or the beneficent results which followed-- scribed in the articles of alliance of this focus in policies pursued by successive British even if unintended at the time, were such group as "the system of representative gov- Governments have been and remain today-- that they perhaps justified the cost in suf- ernment" as practiced in some European above all else to maintain and strengthen the fering and human lives at this time. countries, and to prevent this system being now closely interwoven threads of our alliance Looking back I doubt there will be many "introduced in those countries where it Is and ideals which have brought us together who disagree with me If I say that the War not yet known." through so many grave dangers In the past. Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400020003-3 .728 Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400020003-3 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX February 14, 1966 Mr. Speaker, also honored at the char- ter year breakfast were 14 Scouts and Explorers chosen by merit to represent 5,732,708 members of the Boy Scouts of America at report to the Nation activities during 1966. These fine young men were later to have the high privilege of a visit with the President of the United States at the White House and reported to him concerning the progress, achievements, and activities of Scouting. Eagle Scout James C. Smith, 17, of Columbia, Tenn., spoke for the Scouts; and National American Legion Commander L. Eldon James, of Hampton, Va., responded in behalf of the 95,000 local institutions who sponsor Scouting units. Some historical highlights of the Boy Scouts of America were presented on stage in a visual and in the printed pro- gram. Since these highlights reflect the tremendous role that Scouting has played in the strengthening of America through its program of character build- ing, citizenship training, and physcial fitness, I wish to incorporate them in my remarks: Boy Scouts of America incorporated Febru- ary 8, 1910, under the laws of the District of Columbia. Sea Scouting for older boys started. Boys' Life became the official magazine 1912. Federal charter granted to the Boy Scouts of America, June 15, 1916. Number of char- tered institutions at the close of the year was 9,500. Membership totaled 245,183. Unprecedented service rendered by 418,984 Boy Scouts to World War I effort. Scouts sold over $200 million in Liberty Loan bonds and war savings stamps, 1919. First World Jamboree held in England at- tended by 301 Scouts from United States, 1920. Outstanding good turns rendered in for- est conservation throughout the country. Membership reached 513,015, 1921. First National Training School for Scout Executives opened, 1925. The Cub Scout program formally launched, 1930. The Mortimer L. Schiff Scout Reservation dedicated, 1933. Membership passed the million mark and the 5 millionth copy of Boys' Life was pub- lished. Sea Scouting was implemented by adoption of Explorer program for older boys, 1935. First National Jamboree held in Washing- ton, D.C. Attended by 27,232, 1937. National rededication to Constitution of the United States and Declaration of Inde- pendence. Philmont Scout Ranch, Cimar- ron, N. Mex., given by Waite Phillips to the National Council, 1938. Total resources of the Boy Scouts of Amer- ica placed at the disposal of U.S. Govern- ment for duration of the war. Services in- cluded distribution of defense bonds and The National Council office moved to its new location near New Brunswick, N.J. Boys' Life circulation passed 1 million mark. Unprecedented membership growth con- tinued to alltime high of 3,774,015, 1954. Thirty-six million Liberty Bell doorknob hangers placed by Cub Scouts, Boy Scouts, and Explorers in get-out-the-vote cam- paign,. 1956. Fifteen millionth copy of Handbook for Boys presented at White House ceremony. Over 50,000 Scouts and leaders attended Fourth National Jamboree, 1957. The new Explorer program launched, 1958. Scouting's golden jubilee year celebrated. Membership total over 5 million. Highlight was Fifth National Jamboree at Colorado Springs, Colo. Johnston Historical Museum dedicated at New Brunswick, N.J., 1960. In Greece, 621 Scouts and leaders from the United States attended the 11th World Jam- boree,1963. Strengthen America's Heritage program launched in cooperation with Freedom's Foundation. Sixth National Jamboree held at Valley Forge, Pa., 1964. The program of emphasis breakthrough for youth inaugurated. Total Boys' Life sub- scriptions, 2.4 million. Five hundred thou- sandth Eagle Badge awarded. Membership at close of year was 5,732,708. Cumulative membership 1910-65 exceeded 40 million. Over 21 million Boy Scout Handbooks dis- tributed since 1910, 1965. Fiftieth aniversary of Federal charter from Congress. At the beginning of the charter year, the total number of chartered institu- tions exceeded 95,000-which is 10 times greater than the total chartered institutions in 1916. Number of units is 144,538, 1986. Mr. Speaker, the charter year breakfast launched a nationwide em- phasis on the partnership with cooperat- ing agencies as defined in the charter. Key leaders in the field of religion, edu- cation, civic and community life in every local council of the Boy Scouts of Amer- ica will be invited to a special meeting of the executive board to consider ways and means of working together in bring- ing the Scouting program to more boys, especially in the congested inner-city and deprived rural areas. This will be followed by relationships conferences in every one of the 2,750 districts with heads of institutions that. are present or' pro- spective sponsors of Scout units. In closing may I reiterate a convic- tion which is shared by all of us that Scouting is a vital force in strengthen- ing the foundations of freedom in our beloved country and throughout the free world. For the boys themselves it is fun, adventure and activity that helps them to grow in personal and social de- velopment, gives them a sense of moral values, and motivates them to do their duty to God and country. ' stamp posters, collection of aluminum and NJ wastepaper, cooperation with American Red = +` Cross and Office of Civil and Defense Mobili- V Vietnam: nation, 1941. Boy Scout war service continued. More than 500,000 Scout victory gardens grown- 20,000 earned the Gen. Douglas MacArthur medal for growing food, 1945. Forty thousand Scouts and leaders at- tended the Second National Jamboree at Valley Forge, Pa. First Boy Scout stamp is- sued by U.S. Post Office Department, 1950. Thirty-three percent gain in membership announced as result of the "Strengthen the Arm of Liberty" program launched in 1948. Boy membership at the close of the year was 2,579,515, 1951. EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. WILLIAM F. RYAN OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 14, 1966 Mr. RYAN. Mr. Speaker, New York Post Correspondent Pete Hamill, in his -fifth article in the series from. Vietnam observes: The hard truth of the situation in this country is that most of the peasantry (that is, most of the people) support the Vietcong. The guerrillas simply could not have grown so large without them. And the Vietcong propagandists work hard at holding that support. I urge my colleagues to read the article published in the New York Post on Feb- ruary 11, which describes the political strength of the Vietcong. It follows: VIETNAM: THE ENDLESS WAR-ARTICLE V: THE POLITICS OF WAR (By Pete Hamill) SAIGON.-The most relentless 'adversary we face in the war in Vietnam is the mind of Vo Nguyen Giap. This round-faced, 54-year- old lawyer is the only man to have won a war in Indochina in this century. He attended no West Point, no St. Cyr. "His school," a friend once said, "was the bush." In that bitter school, Giap painfully, carefully, put together his theory of war. He destroyed the French with the great Vietminh army he constructed. And today in South Viet- nam his admirers in the Vietcong are using his theories to fight the mightiest military power on earth to a frustrating, expensive, and bloody standstill. The core of Giap's theory-derived from the writings of Mao Tse-tung-is that no modern revolution can be won unless the military arm is attached to a political body. If a concrete political base has been con- structed, Giap says, defeat is impossible. Giap himself is a Communist and much of his writing-which on military matters has a hard precision-is damaged by a kind of mindless Marxism. But Giap, and the political commissars who roam the country- side preaching on behalf of the Vietcong, are not naive enough to believe they can sell something as abstract as communism. They concentrate on more mundane matters. "They go into a village the way we should," said one American political officer in the Mekong Delta. "They come in and search around and ask people about their gripes. When they find out what the people feel is unjust, they remedy the injustice. If the hamlet chief is corrupt, they shoot him. If a landlord is charging exhorbitant rents, they kill him and burn down his house and make much ceremony of turning the land over to the peasants." These so-called armed propaganda teams are the vanguard of the Vietcong. Following Giap's rules, they are like the rest of the Vietcong. They never enter a house without asking permission. They pay for everything they eat, and if there are food shortages, they go without. When they have convinced the majority of people of their honesty, integrity, and sense of justice, the terror begins. Open dissenters are murdered. Those sus- pected of being lukewarm disappear. Graphic examples are made: leaders are be- headed and their heads left to dry on poles in the sun. Women are openly butchered. Those peasants who are not held by admira- tion for the Vietcong are held by terror. Most are held by admiration. And without those people in the countryside, Giap's theories about revolutionary war could never succeed. "Without the support of the population," Giap has written, "we shall have no informa- tion. We shall be able neither to preserve secrecy, nor carry out rapid movements * * * The people suggests stratagems and acts as guide. It finds liaison officers, hides us, protects our activities, feeds us and tends our wounded." (This is a variation, of course, of Mao's theory that a guerrilla should move among the people "like a fish through water.") Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400020003-3 Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400020003-3 February 14, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX ruary 9, to attend the charter year breakfast of the Boy Scouts of America, which was held at the International Inn in Washington, D.C. Purpose of the meeting was Lo observe the 50th anniver- sary of the Federal charter granted by the 64th Congress to the Boy Scouts of America and to celebrate the 56th birth- day of the organization which was in- corporated February 8, 1910. IIon. HUBERT H. HUMPHREY, Vice Presi- dent of the United States, was sched- uled to deliver an address, but was un- able to be present because of a special Assignment by the President to repre- sent him at conferences in Vietnam. Congressman CLARENCE J. BROWN, JR., of Ohio, who on that day was the newest Member of Congress to take office, was called by Gen. Bruce C. Clarke, retired, the master of ceremonies, to speak in- stead of the Vice President. He gave a very fine speech which contained some significant facts about the involvement of Members of Congress in Scouting. His cogent remarks were as follows: ADDRESS RY HODI. CLARENCE J. BROWN, JR., CONGRESSMAN FROM OHIO, AT TILE CHARTER YEAR BREARSAST, WASHINGTON, D.C., 1''EBRUARY 9, 1966 General Clarke, Mr. Brunton, Senator HAYDEN, report to the Nation Scouts, my col- leagues in Congress, fellow Scouts and Scouters, see how fast you can rise in the world in Washington. Just a couple of days ago I was the youngest Member of Congress, or the newest Member of Congress, and now ram substituting for the vice President. As a tenderfoot in this distinguished body to which I belong, I was a little bit strained to know what I could say about scouting that would not already have been said by this time in this program and that some of my fel- low colleagues and those of you here did not know. So I decided to lean on the newest device of people with problems, and that was research. I made a little survey of the membership of the U.S. Congress to try to answer the question of what scouting has clone for the Congress in view of the fact that we would be discussing this morning what Congress had done for Scouting 50 years ago. I was surprised, as I think you will be. As a result of my effort to gather some statistics on Scouting in the Congress I found out that 249 of the 535 Members of the Congress of the United States today have been Scouts or Scouters. Now. as a mem- ber of one of the minorities in this country- the Republican Party-that impressive total in Congress is very encouraging to me. I know the Republicans would like to have that many Members in Congress. I will tell you a little bit a about that later. Two hundred and one Members of Congress have been Boy Scouts. One hundred and twenty-nine of them have been and are, and many of them still are-and this is a message for those of you who tall. to people who say they are too busy. Many of them are still Scout leaders. Eighty-one Members of Congress have been Scouts and are Scout leaders today, and 48 of them have been leaders only. One hundred and twenty of them have been Scouts and have not con- tinued their Scouting as volunteer Scouters. One hundred and thirty-four of the re- sponses I got indicated that they had been neither Scouts nor were they Scout leaders and I hasten to point out to you, as was pointed out to me on a couple of these sheets that I got back, they were not Scouts be- cause, in some instances, they were too old. In other words, Scouting was not available when they were growing up and in a number of instances they were not Scouts because in their area, geographically, or because they came frorn what now is being called disad- vantaged areas, there was no Scout troop. I trust that we will cure that in the next 50 years as we have made great strides in curing it in the past 50 years. The reason I could not get a total of 535 responses is because there are, or were w:ien I took the survey, 3 vacancies In Con- gress and also because 12 of the seats in Con- gress are held by women. Two of these women, CATHERINE MAY, of Washington:, and FLORENCE DWYER, of New Jersey, ought to be in this survey, although I just couht not bring myself to include them becaus+ Mrs. MAY, last year became an honorary Boy Scout through a council in her district an?1 has confused her daughter, or at least mace her daughter something unusual in schoo:, be- cause she goes to school now and tells l eople that she has the only mother in the country who is a Boy Scout. FLORENCE DwYER, of New Jersey, says that she was not a Boy Scout but she sure worked like the dickens being a den mother. To be a litl,,e more serious, I woulri like to give you just a moment of my backgr aund. I :moved to Washington with my predecessor in this seat in Congress when I was 12 years Old and soon after that joined Boy Scout Troop 5 at St. Alban's church, up ne:,r the Cathedral. In that troop I became a senior patrol leader and an Eagle Scout, and later out in Ohio served as an. assistant scout- master and just this past summer have been involved in some work in Tecumseh C+?uncil in southwestern Ohio to encourage boys to respond to the motto, "Follow the Rigged Road." I would not have been a Scout, how- ever, and I am sure I would not have been an Eagle Scout, and I am sure perhaps.. too, that I would not be here today as a M; mber of Congress if it were not for the male who made my Scout troop and my Scouting ex- perience possible, and he is here this me ruing and I would like for you to meet him. He is John Bailas. John, will you stand? John was my Scoutmaster and was fictive in Scouting in the National Capital Area Council and in troop 5 for about 35 years. He is retired from Scouting now to devote his full time to trying to make a living and to make a cathedral. He is curator of the Washington National Cathedral up on the Bill. To him and to the other Scout leaders and to the Boy Scouts who are here repre- senting the Scouts of the Nation, as a Mem- ber of Congress I would say that you have kept the trust; expressed in you sonic 50 years ago by Senator HAYDEN and ethers very well. Congress presented you a charter and perhaps in many respects, you have given us back a Congress. I would like to read for you the names of the Eagle Scouts in Congress and also to give you the names of some of the top Scouters in the U.S. Congress. The liagles include Representatives GEORGE F. SENNER, Jr:., of Arizona; BURT TALCO?rT, of California; CHARLES BENNETT, Of Florida; CHARLES WELT- NER, Of Georgia; DONALD RUIIISFELD, Olt Illi- n.oiS; JOHN CULVER, of Iowa; HERVEY MACHEN, of Maryland; GERALD FORD, of Michigan; THOMAS CURTIS and DURWARD HALL, 01 MIS- souri; BARBER CONABLE and RICHARD OTTIN-- GER, of New York; HORACE KORNEGAY, of North Carolina; MARK ANDREWS, of North Dakota, arid myself and BILL STANTON, of Ohio: Tom STEED, of Oklahoma; DANIEL FLOOD and RICH- ARD SCHWEIKER, of Pennsylvania; J. J. PICKLE, of Texas; JOHN MARSH, of Virginia; HENRY Reuss, of Wisconsin, and Senator FRANK Moss, of Utah. I don't trust myself to com- ment on the fact that there is on),, one Senator on the list. The adult Scout leaders with special hon- ors are Senators CARL HAYDEN, of Arizona and GEORGE MURPHY, of California, both S 1- ver Buffalo; Representative from Missouri, DURWARD HALL, Silver Antelope, and Silver A% 0 Beaver, and Senators CLINTON ANDERSON, of New Mexico, EVERETT JORDAN, of North Caro- lina, and Representatives Tom CURTIS, of Missouri and DEL CLAWSON, of California, Silver Beavers. Gentlemen, thank you very much for what you have done with your charter. Mr. Speaker, special guest of honor at the charter year breakfast was Senator CARL HAYDEN, of Arizona, President pro tempore of the Senate and only living Member of the 64th Congress which granted the charter to the Boy Scouts of America. Chief Scout Executive J. A. Brunton, Jr., presented to Senator HAY- DEN a beatiful plaque containing a mosaic tile inlay of the original charter and a statement of "affection, esteem, and gratitude" for the great contributions Senator HAYDEN has made to scouting as a Member of Congress. - Senator HAYDEN's response was con- tained in a letter which he had prepared and framed for the occasion: Senator HAYDEN'S letter follows: FEBRUARY 9, 1966. To the Boy Scouts of America: Fifty years ago, a bill H.R. 755 was intro- duced in the 64th Congress of the United States. The bill was passed by the House of Representatives on March 6, and the Sen- ate on May 31, 1916. It was duly signed by the then Speaker of the House, Hon. Champ Clark, and by the Honorable John H. Bank- head, the President pro tempore of the Sen- ate. The bill became law upon approval of President Woodrow Wilson on June 15, 1916. Section 3 of the act states: "The purpose of this corporation shall be to promote, through organization, and. co- operation with other agencies, the ability of boys to do things for themselves and others, to train them in scoutcraft, and to teach them patriotism, courage, self-reliance, and kindred virtues, using the methods which are now in common use by Boy Scouts." As a Member of the 89th Congress, who was also a Member of the 64th Congress, I greet and commend you, the members of the Boy Scouts of America and leaders of your 95,000 local chartered institutions, on this 1966 Boy Scout Week, which features and recognizes the golden anniversary of the charter. The magnificent accomplishments of the Boy Scouts of America over the years, under the Federal charter have fully justified. the confidence of the Congress and the people of our Nation. As a further evidence of na- tional appreciation several of my colleagues joined with me In introducing Senate Con- current Resolution S. 68, on January 14, 1966, which states in part: "Resolved by the Senate (the House of Representatives concurring), That the Con- gress hereby pays tribute to the Boy Scouts of America on the occasion of the fiftieth anniversary of the granting by Act of Con- gress of the Charter of the Boy Scouts of America, and expresses its recognition of and appreciation for the public service performed by this organization through its contribu- tions to the lives of the Nation's youth." I have every hope that the Senate will adopt and the House of Representatives will concur in this resolution. The need for the Boy Scouts of America is as timely today as it was in 1916. I would remind you that the purpose for which the charter was granted remains, and urge you to continue to pursue diligently your objectives to make Scouting available to all boys in every community throughout our beloved America. Yours very sincerely, CARL HAYDEN, U.S. Senator from Arizona. Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400020003-3 .E Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400020003-3 February 14, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX In South Vietnam, this first stage in the Giap theory has been working well for years. The hard truth of the situation in this coun- try is that most of the peasantry (that is, most of the people) support the Vietcong. The guerrillas simply could not have grown so large without them. And the Vietcong propagandists work hard at holding that support.) In the province of Klan Hoa in the Mekong Delta, the Vietcong were telling the peasants that American Negro soldiers were really can- nibals from Africa, with a taste for small children. They said that the armored per- sonnel carriers-a kind of roofed LST-eon- tained machinery which ground prisoners into gruel. In one small town I visited, Army engineers were building a fluoridated water system to replace the centuries-old practice of drinking river muck. The Vietcong told the villagers that the fluoridated water was all an American plot-which should surprise some of the homefront commandos who have been shouting for years now that fluoridated water is all some kind of Communist plot. The more serious-and more effective- propaganda is that which attempts to make the Americans a mere extension of the French, and our involvement in this country just another kind of colonial war. "They tell the people that we're coming - to get the country back for the French," one American AID representative told me. "They tell them that we will make them pay back rent, back taxes, fines. And we have no way of saying that is not true. With the present government in Saigon, it is true." The Americans are trying almost desper- ately to convince their Vietnamese allies here (the Vietcong call them "American valets") to really make an effort to enlist the people's support. "But they're just not interested," the AID representative told me. "They build an `Open Arms' center for returning Viet- cong, and they leave it a filthy mess. We've requested 17 times for the Saigon authorities to send us some small amenities: a type- writer, some tables, perhaps a phonograph. They don't even answer the letters. They fly over one day dropping tons of leaflets ex- plaining how glorious their government is, and the next day they send over defoliation teams to poison the crops. It doesn't make any sense." ' When Giap stresses that guerrillas should be scrupulously honest in dealings with vil- lagers, it is because as a Vietnamese, he knows what a foul reputation soldiers have in his country. The French troops would take food and women the way some people pluck strawberries. Today, the ARVN soldiers enter a town and proceed to plunder it for such paltry items as chickens, pottery, and water. Gen. William C. Westmoreland is determined that American troops will not do such things and was even moved to pre- pare a leaflet explaining manners to the foot- soldiers. One of the unfortunate things we have going against us is our color. It might be difficult to convince people that Marx, Engles, and Lenin are the keys to earthy salvation. It is not difficult to explain that the Vietcong are only fighting to get the foreigners out of the country. For some of the more politi- cally conscious young men in Vietnam, it is as natural to join the Vietcong as it was for an Irish kid to join the IRA after 1916. Until last year this was not a crucial prob- lem. But there are over 200,000 American soldiers here now, and more coming, and their presence is highly visible. In Saigon alone there are 23,000 Americans and they dominate the face of the city. I can't be- lieve that a Vietnamese youth will sing the praises of the Americans when any night of the week he can see GI's buying his women. Giap's work constantly repeats the need for a well-defined enemy, and the Viet- namese Government is doing its beat to help him. If the South Vietnamese were a revolutionary movement, instead of a group of spokesmen for personal interests, they would rob the Vietcong of their only rea- son for existence: revolution. "Why do the Communists have to have the patent on revolution?" that AID repre- sentative told me. "Why is our country al- ways on the side of the antis: the anti- Communists, the antirevolutionaries? We seem to think that no revolution in this century can be non-Communist. And yet the great strength of the Vietcong, and of the old Vietminh, was the great masses of people who were stirred by nationalism and revolution. Not by communism." In South Vietnam there was never much difficulty for the Vietcong in lining up the inhabitants of the countryside, specifically because all the necessary conditions for re- volt were there. Giap's political base is there, as hard, and stubborn as he could de- sire. With that established, the Vietcong were free to act in more daring military fashion. Giap breaks down the revolutionary army into three classes, and defines them this way: "The task of the regulars is to carry a war of movement over a wide theater of operation, in order to wipe out the enemy's main forces. The regional troops operate in their own localities and insure the coordina- tion of tasks between the regulars and the guerrillas. "The guerrillas defend their own villages, take a hand in production and join the regular and regional forces to prepare for and then engage in battle." The army never attacks until it is sure of victory. When faced wtih overwhelming op- position, it flees to fight another day. When the American troops pile into deserted vil- lages by the thousands, the Vietcong are usually gone. They are not fools. Giap's theory also calls for a three-phase war, with no time limits. The first phase in South Vietnam is over. This is a defensive war, during which the population is split from the government, the roads are de- stroyed, and the enemy is isolated in large cities. The second phase is swift, mobile guerrilla warfare, which forces the enemy to divide and disperse his forces. The third phase is a general counteroffensive, destroy- ing the enemy's main units, as the Vietminh did to the French at Dienbienphu. Most experts, American, French, and 'Vietnamese, say that the Vietcong are now in phase 2. It is Giap's belief that no democracy can fight the kind of long, brutal, frustrating war that the Vietcong are now waging. Giap knows that governments of democ- racies must answer to the people. In a war like this, if it lasts long enough, someone will begin shouting about bringing the boys home for Christmas. Someone will recognize that the war will mean endless casualties, loss of treasure, and a growing national disgust. At that point, Giap is known to believe, the Americans will sue for peace. This is why neither Hanoi nor the Vietcong are very in- terested in negotiations. They think they can win. Giap is fortunate in that his admirers in the Vietcong have the perfect enemy to op- pose. ; That awful 20th century phrase-the minds and hearts of the people-is really what this war is about, and the Saigon au- thorities really don't care very much about them. But Giap, like most Communist theore- ticians, reminds one of poor Ivan Karamazov who loved humanity and hated people. Giap was prepared, in the war against the French, to take as many casualties as were necessary. "Hundreds of thousands of men die every minute on the earth," he once wrote. "Even if they are Vietnamese, the deaths of a hun- dred, a thousand, or tens of thousands of men amount to very little." Th Vietcong believe the same, and there will be a lot of dead here in the next few years to underline it. A729 Textile Industry Supports Clean Water Campaign EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. W. J. BRYAN DORN OF SOUTH CAROLINA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 7, 1966 Mr. DORN. Mr. Speaker, the textile industry is playing a leading role in the campaign to clean up our rivers and streams. Mr. Louis L. Jones, Jr., presi- dent of Canton Cotton Mills, Canton, Ga., recently delivered an outstanding ad- dress to the National Technical Task Committee on Industrial Waste. I commend Mr. Jones' great and timely address to the attention of the Congress and to the people of the United States. WATER POLLUTION; CHALLENGE TO INDUSTRIAL LEADERSHIP We in the textile industry like to think that we started it all-the industrial revo- lution which swept first England and then this Nation. We like to hark back to our early beginning during the infancy of the United States. In 1790, Samuel Slater built the first textile mill to use mechanical meth- ods successfully in Pawtucket, R.I. The mill still stands, now a museum. In 1793, Eli Whitney invented the cotton gin to make available for the first time an adequate Supply of cheap lint cotton for use in the mass production of yarns and fabrics. We of the textile industry like to think we have been a part of this Nation's progress and have kept pace with the needs of our country and our people. We call attention to the fact that a Georgia textile mill wove the duck for the covered wagons of our pio- neer forefathers who pushed the Nation's frontier westward. That same company to- day manufactures the material which houses the tracking stations for Telstar. And the textile industry is a major contributor to the fabric of the space suits which protect our astronauts as they invade the vast new frontier of outer space. We in the textile industry like to think we have always played an active role in the challenge of the times from those earliest days of our Nation's beginnings to the present. During World War It the textile industry joined with many of our industrial brethren in a massive production effort which led ulti- mately to defeat of the Axis powers. To this day those men we fought against insist that it was not military force alone which over- whelmed them, but the fantastic capacity of the United States to produce the materials of war and supporting equipment used by our forces and our Allies. It can be truly said that our great United States and its industries have walked hand in hand through peace and war. The Na- tion could not exist without industry, even as industry could not exist without Govern- ment. It is difficult to imagine now how the first primitive industries, with their water-turned wheels, thrived in our young country. What did they face? What did they see-these hardy ancestors of ours who forged the path from the Atlantic to the Pacific? If only our children today might see a little of the great natural beauty of our Nation as it was in those days. If only we had been privileged to see it. But along with industry and prog- ress came tragedy and waste. The forests were exploited and the land's topsoil treasury was 'washed down the rivers into the sea. The passenger pigeon was so ruthlessly slain for commercial use that the bird became ex- Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400020003-3 Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400020003-3 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -- APPENDIX February 1:41, 1 (i tinct. The buffalo, once numbering 40 Intl- lion, was hunted so relentlessly that fewer than 300 Survived by 1900. These are but examples of the tragedies that accompanied the civilizing of this great Nation-tragedies of wastefulness, thought- lessness, exploitation. But today there is an even sadder story to tell, because the very air we breathe is now jeopardized. Our once pure streams, rivers and national waters are a national disgrace. The pollution of our river basins and natural waters has reached such a serious stage that even an all-out effort now may not be enough to stem the tide of corruption with which 20th century man in the United States seems intent upon poisoning himself. 3. famous philosopher once said, "No man steps into the same river twice." Today's thinking man might say judiciously, "In most of our rivers he would do better not to step at all." Potent fumes which rise from some of our Nation's polluted rivers have peeled paint from the walls of nearby build- ings. The Public Health Service has iso- lated live polio, infectious hepatitis and more than 30 other viruses which may carry dis- ease from treated sewage effluent. Because we must repeatedly reuse our water, the chances are 4 out of 10 that the water we drink was flushed out of someone's household plumbing or out of an industrial plant sewer. National health experts tell us it is only because our water treatment plants are the best in the world that we have safe drinking water. Because chlorine and other chemicals kill bacteria we can take "safe" drinking water from some of the world's worst pol- luted streams. It may not taste or smell good, but it is safe. However, the experts are now wondering how safe is safe. Even with the chlorine cocktail treatment, there are foreign, some- times exotic substances which come into cur drinking water supply. There are only traces, it Is true, but scientists are concerned about their long-range effect upon man. Some of the complex wastes now entering our streams are difficult or impossible to detect in water. As the Nation grows and increases its de- mands upon industry and upon sewage sys- tems, the pollution problem could east:y outgrow ue:. Our industries, which use some 160 billion gallons of water each day. will be using more than twice that amount by 1.980, according to present estimates. This moans that by 1980 industry will use 394 billion gallons of water a day--two -thirds of the water used by the Nation. Although our problem is staggering, we know that pollution control can be achieved. In the densely populated, heavily industrial Ruhr Valley of Western Germany, pollution control is so effective that the river remains sale for swimming and recreation activities. tut wh;l is the outlook for our country and the terrible problem which faces us? Some trends are definite and inescapable. The public is alarmed. More and more the newspapers, television and radio stations around us are spreading the concern about pollution. There have been national alarms over hepatitis-bearing oysters taken from sewage-polluted waters. Increasingly we see signs on beaches which say 'Unsafe for Swimming." Fishermen and wildlife authorities from most States have angrily denounced fish kills and caused widespread publicity about them. The pub- lie outcry and concern about pollution rivals even civil rights and Vietnam news for top billing by the Nation's press. In the our-up-or-shut-up category, New Yorkers lead the national parade, having recently voted passage of a $1 billion bond issue to begin an earnest pollution cleanup in that State. The Federal Government Is in the pie- Lure bigger than life with the signing into law of recent pollution control legislation. Our Nation.? because of public opinion, its For I submit to you that we are in a crisis. most forceful mover, is ready to move. It The crisis involves the strength of the Na- takes no great prophet to foretell that. tion. It involves the well-being of the Na- Every one of you here, by your very presence, tion, the health of the Nation, the beauty of indicates your feeling that something must the Nation. It involves our self-respect. be done. The question is-how rmrch? The We in industry must lead the right to i e- answer from this minor prophet is--a lot. turn to our children their natural heritage And soon. The time is long past for saying, in its pristine form. "Let's wait and see how much we'll be made to do." For industry and for growing cities which have too long put off treatment of their pollution problems, it is ,](ready late. In my home State of Georgia., the textile industry has pledged its support to the aims of the Georgia Water Quality Control Board. It is only a step in the right dir:'ction. Es- timates have it that total indus; ry expendi- ture in the State over the next 10 years will cost. $100 million for waste control in- stallations and pilot treatment plaints. Com- munities and cities have an even greater responsibility. Forty communities with :300,000 people have no sewage treatment at all. One hundred Georgia towns and cities, among them Atlanta, must expand existing sewage treatment facilities to meet the needs of 1,300,000 people. The total costs of these city and community sewage pm ojects will amount co .more than $150 million. The Georgia textile industry's pledge "to obey the spirit as well as the letter of the State's water quality control law" is not an idle one, Nor is it a publicity seeking statement, although the industry has re- ceived wide attention and acclaim for taking the position. Our industry leaders have planned seminars to discuss some revolution- ary textile processing projects now underway at Georgia Tech. These projects hold great promise for drastic reduction of waste eff- luents for some textile plants. Moreover, we feel that many of our indu trial mem- bers can profit from discussing pollution cleanup problems which they face and which have already been met by others. Above all, we hope to convince all our fellow members that pollution control is an obligation of the good corporate citizen. In 1960 our plant in Canton began oper- ation of it pollution control system which in- cluded sewage waste from part ; ,f the city. We hope to expand our system :;eon, taking in even more municipal waste, which, inci- dentally, augments our own waste control problem. We hope that by taking the lead in solving a pollution control problem which became acute for our plant and for the city when a Federal dam was built downstream about 1950, we have provided a god example for the city to follow. The city has now scheduled the building of a waste treatment plant which will cost half a million dollars and should adequately control all municipal wastes. Although l mention the efforts of the tex- tile industry to clean up pollution in Georgia, I would like to point out that the textile industries in North and South Carolina have made significant inroads on the problem there. A lot still must; be done in all our States. And while I speak for the textile industry. I know there are mam,? other in- dustries which have impressive waste con- trol programs underway. Finally, I would hope that l1 of us- brothers in industry--could join hands in leading the national water pollution fight. Let its begin by acknowledging our obliga- tion to pass on to others water that is as clean as the water we received If those upstream are polluters, let us paes on water that is cleaner than the water we receive. Let its begin by conquering our own prob- lems in waste treatment. Then let us lend support wherever it is needed-th fellow in- dustrialists, to our communities, to our Na- tion. Let us put forth that concerted effort, the unstinting, unselfish effort, of which American Industry is capable. Let us com- mit ourselves unfailingly as industry always does in time of crisis. HON. WILLIAM E. MINSHALL IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, February 10, 1966 Mr. MINSHALL. Mr. Speaker, those of us who, have been in Vietnam realize the magnitude of the job Gen. William C. Westmoreland is doing there. He ex- emplifies the finest traditions of the U.S. military, serving his country with cour- age, skill, and devotion. I was most impressed by the Associated Press story Thomas Reedy wrote in yes- terday's Sunday Star. In the event that it may have been missed by some of my colleagues, I have permission to insert it in the body of the RECORD: A TYPICAI, DAY IN THE LIFE OF Gsnrem s7. WESTMORELAND (By Thomas A. Reedy) SAIGON.--The general used everything bat. a canoe, and he'd have used that too, if necessary. Armed helicopters, a fixed--wing light air- plane, sedans, and jeeps and plain old-fash- ioned footslogging carried the general around part of his theater of command on one normal:, action-packed day. Matching strides with Gen. William C. Westmoreland, the 51-year-old commander of U.S. forces in the Vietnam war, calls for a giant.. Pygmies need not apply. This day opened as usual with light calis- thenics and breakfast at 6:30 a.m., it quick check of reports, into combat fatigues, and the general was off to the teeming Tan Son Nhut Airbase for a look-see in the field. By 8 o'clock the blades of the armed helicopter were whirling, a gunner at each wide-open door in a frozen attitude of alert. PRISONER. OF CLOCK Aboard carne Westmoreland's aide, Ca 't. Tom Sherburne, of Pensacola, Fla., and the man who would stenograph whatever reports should be transmitted to the top charnels of the Military Assistance Command Vietaiarn. He was Capt. Ken Kleypas, of Hobbs, N. Mex. "I'm a captive of schedules," said the gen- eral, it lean. 6-footer with a lantern jaw, the energy of a, tank and the hands of a piauit i, "I've got to be a prisoner of the clock or I would never get my work done." The clock required landing at Phuoc Vin i- where the 1st Brigade, 1st Infantry Division, was deployed. At 5 minutes to 9, ca] schedule, the helicopter sat down. The. ,jeep convoy moved into the artillery perimeter, crews at attention behind their s:undbogc. Westmoreland fired questions at. the min who fire the guns and they fired back tare answers. He seemed more interested in how they answered, their state of mind, th.u] in which words they were using. FAVORITE THEMES He addressed the men by their names, here and there recognized soldiers who served with him in Korea, asked sometimes their hometowns, how long they had been in it,(, field, or in the Army how they were feeling. Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400020003-3 Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400020003-3 i February .14, 1966. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -APPENDIX A731 By the time he got through with the outfit and headed in huge strides for the mess tent, he was able to say: "Sergeant, I congratulate you. The men say the chow is good and when they say that, it must be so. So I won't bother to inspect." Further into the woods the interrogation proceeded. How was the road opening work going? And then the general got on two of his favorite themes: What are the relation- ships with the South Vietnamese militia in the neighborhood, and what is the division doing in the way of civic actions-linking up to help the populace, cement friendship and with success and time be able to leave behind a lasting image? An officer said the milita's "popular force" in the sector was wary at first. One man spoke only Vietnamese the first day and then on the second day spoke rather good English. His distrust had been broken down that quickly. Another dart toward the dispensary tent, a spit and span layout which won a compli- ment for Capt. Albert Maggioli of Buffalo, N.Y. Westmoreland warned him to keep after the men's feet-the oldest advice in the infantry-and while he was on the subject turned to other officers and urged them to have plentiful supplies of socks. "In the monsoon season these men are going to have wet feet for many hours," West- moreland said. KNOW ABOUT FEET He knows about feet, at Kasserine Pass, the Remagen Bridge over the Rhine, and Korea. A quick glance at the watch and the sched- ule and the helicopter was off again for a 40-minute ride to Xuan Loc and the 10th Army of the Republic of Vietnam Division. Gen. Lu Lan, smiling and courteous, along with his top American adviser, Col. Charles Reiderbaugh, of Carlisle, Pa., did the honors. With a pointer and a map, General Lan told of some considerable success at clearing the Vietcong out of the "rice bowl." He said his division had secured the area with a population of 30,000 people loyal to the Gov- ernment. Westmoreland wanted to know something deeper: How do his troops get along with the countrymen? What are they doing to raise the prestige of the village and hamlet chiefs and elders? At the time of Tet, the sacred lunar New Year holiday, did the people as well as the soldiers have all the food they needed for a happy celebration? Lu Lan beamed as though he was on cer- tain ground. "Yes, we had everything for Tet," he said, "And our men are getting along fine with the people. I have three fundamental or- ders to the troops when they go into popu- lated places. They are: First, smile; second, salute the people, and third, when you see a chance to help somebody clear up his place or trying to do a chore too big for him, help him." MAKING HISTORY The American commander commended General Lan, knowing he was in fact making history. Armies in this part of the world have traditionally been overbearing, often cruel and the suffering populace has had little faith in the soldier. The inexorable clock beckoned and it was off again by chopper due south to the South China seacoast hamlet of Ham Tan. It's a remote spot, Vietcong to the left, Vietcong to the right, Vietcong controlling the main highway whenever they choose to stop traffic and exact taxes. They had just blown a bridge and it could be seen from the air. That bridge had been rebuilt by Lan's men five times. What would it take to control that high- way, the American commander inquired. The group of American advisers as well as the Vietnamese officers at Ham Tan broke into big smiles. They knew the general was half serious, half jesting. Colonel Reider- baugh said, "give me four or five choppers and when they start their tax collecting we can do them in, but this way we can't get there quickly enough." NEVER ENOUGH The colonel knew that asking for that many choppers was asking for the moon. The whole theater is so enormous there never seems enough to go around-the plaint of the American soldier ever since Valley Forge. Westmoreland wished them all a happy Tet and then, addressing the province chief and the Vietnamese officer, told them he knew the past Year of the Snake was an unhappy one for them. "But this is the Year of the Horse," he declared. "You know the horse is a strong animal. He can gallop down the road and he can hurdle obstacles. I am confident this horse will gallop and will hurdle these ob- stacles and we can proceed to success. My country has reaffirmed our determination to stand behind you and help you bring peace to your land. I feel our American troops will be effective in your fight for your coun- try." "Never in all history have military men to two countries worked so closely together," he said. "We are making history. And after we succeed in helping you win peace in your land, then and only then, shall we return to our homeland." It was after 1 o'clock and a brief hop to a forward air control field nearby enabled Westmoreland to chat with the pilots. Then he shifted from the helicopter, thanked the crew and got aboard his four-seater Beech- craft. It headed due north to Bao Loc, the capital of Lam Dong Province. Out came sandwiches and cold tea for lunch, taken literally on the fly. BRIEFED IN ENGLISH The twin-engine craft sat down on the dirt strip on the tea plantation with a bounce which elicited from the general the dry com- ment: "Not much margin there." And from his aide: "You've got to use every inch of this strip." Lt. Col. Ngo Nhu Bich, the province chief, and his American military advisers were ready with a limousine bearing four stars. The briefing by the chief, In excellent Eng- lish, was an uncomplaining recital of a pro- vince plagued with both the Vietcong and the North Vietnamese at times, and too little equipment for too big a job. Colonel Bich responded to the general's best wishes for Tet, saying: "Tet is the time of pardon, of friendship, and of gratitude. Even the worst enemies (except Communists) are forgiven. "One year has passed, through bad and good days. Some valiant soldiers have fallen, obscure heroes of freedom and democracy." MEETS FAMILY He referred to "we" in his message and then said: "This term includes, for sure, American pilots working day and night, American offi- cers and NCO's crisscrossing the jungle with their Vietnamese friends, American civilian officials performing their job with nothing else but a desire to help. You are those valiant Americans. May our foreign friends who share our difficulties and fight our own fight know that they are in a part of our heart." From there the group proceeded to the colonel's house where Westmoreland present- ed the colonel's wife with a spray of flowers and met the couple's seven children. The demanding timepiece intruded again. Westmoreland had to be back in Saigon to see Ambassador Henry Cabot Lodge by 4 p.m. And it was already after 3 o'clock. The Beechcraft took off and the pilot really gunned it. At Tan Son Nhut there was the usual stackup. Four fighter-bombers were taking off. Two big cargo and troop- carrier planes were arriving. A half dozen helicopters were in the stream. On the ground the general's plane taxied carefully among a swirl of propellers. Westmoreland said goodbye before the wheels had stopped and leaped out to a waiting car and hurried off to his meeting with Lodge. HUMAN COMPUTER After the meeting with the Ambassador, Westmoreland visited his opposite numbers in the Vietnamese high command to wish them a happy New Year. This was pushing the day into the night. What was he doing that night: "I'm tired," said his aide, "but the general relieves me mostly of social functions. He goes generally alone. Then he works at home." That's quite a day. It would be quite a day even for a mechan- ical computer which lacked all emotion. Come to think of it, the commanding gen- eral was doing a lot of computing for one human being in every one of the multiple roles he had played. 11V Vietnam: The Endless War-Article VI EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. WILLIAM F. RYAN OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, February 14, 1966 Mr. RYAN. Mr. Speaker, on February 13, the New York Post published the last of six articles written from Saigon by Re- porter Pete Hamill. The articles have been informative as well as provocative. Pete Hamill has realistically appraised the situation and in the final article dis- cusses the hard choices in Vietnam which confront us. The author says: The truth is that it is absurd to think of negotiating a solution to the war without making the Vietcong, and their political arm, the National Liberation Front, a party to the proceedings. They made the revolu- tion-with the support of North Vietnam and China, to be sure-and they will have a say in how it ends, I urge my colleagues to read the follow- ing: VIETNAM: THE ENDLESS WAR-ARTICLE VI: THE CHINESE PUZZLE (By Pete Hamill) SAIGoN.-There is no way to discuss the bit- ter choices we face in Vietnam without con- sidering the size, power, history, and ambi- tions of China. China is there; It will not go away; and there has not been so much as a, single sentence from Peiping in the years since 1949 to indicate that as a nation China is any- thing other than our enemy. Its 700 mil- lion inhabitants are ruled by hardfisted old men whose language is violent and inflexible. With its fledging atomic weapons and huge land army, it stands unchallenged as the most powerful nation in Asia. Its variety of communism is single minded and ruthless, and its history as a nation is one marked by repeated attempts at territorial expansion. "There is no doubt in my mind that you Americans are making a stand in Vietnam against China," one British military man Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400020003-3