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March 2, 1966
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A roved For R 7B0 4 00400050007- 4400 pp L arch 2, 1966 tem and opposed to unnecessary bureau- cratic regulation. However, when I see a need for a new law it is promoted with equal vigor. During the Christmas recess, several of my banking friends sent me a copy of a' letter they had received from some New York promoter in which he offered to furnish them U.S. currency at a premium. This means he has been hoarding it and now endeavors to sell it to banks at a profit. I feel a law should be enacted which would prevent this while at the same time protecting the right of the legitimate collector. The letter was sent to the Johnstown Bank, Johnstown, Ohio, and follows: PORT CHESTER COIN EXCHANGE, INC., COIN WRAPPING AND DE- LIVERY SERVICE, 346 North Main Street, Port Chester, N.Y. DEAR SIR: Your bank is facing a severe coin shortage at this time which will soon be compounded by the Christmas season de- mand. As you well know, the Federal Re- serve is unable to meet your coin require- ments now, and this problem will hamper you severely in servicing your customers' coin needs. We are currently helping many banks and financial institutions around the country to solve their coin shortage. We can supply your bank with all the coins you need, shipped to your nearest commercial airport, air express collect. Shipments are made con- tinuously from Monday through Saturday. Rates, including delivery to Kennedy In- ternational Airport, are as follows: Costs you $1,000 in nickles----------------- $1, 020.00 $1,000 in dimes----------------- 1, 020.00 $1,000 in quarters--------------- 1015.00 $1,000 in halts------------------- 1:047.50 $1,000 in silver dollars ----------- 1, 300. 00 Please call me at 914-939-9839 for prompt and courteous service and any further in- formation. Very truly yours, PORT CHESTER COIN EXCHANGE, INC., MILTON SCULKY. JAMES M6CHAEL SILVERTHORN SPEAKS ON DEMOCRACY (Mr. ASHBROOK (at the request of Mr. DON H. CLAUSEN) was granted per- mission to extend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and to include ex- traneous matter.) Mr. ASHBROOK. Mr. Speaker, each year the Veterans of Foreign Wars of the United States and its ladies auxiliary conducts a Voice of Democracy contest. This year over 300,000 school students participated in the contest, competing for the 5 scholarships which are awarded as the top prizes. The contest theme was "Democracy-What It Means to Me." The winner for the State of Ohio was James Michael Silverthorn, of 320 North Third Street, Coshocton, Ohio, and he will be competing for national honors. Coshocton is very proud of Jim and I am very honored that he is from the dis- trict I am privileged to represent. He will be visiting Washington on March 8, 1966, and attend the annual congres- sional dinner of the VFW. I certainly wish him luck in the final competition and, win or lose, he has brought great honor to his school, his family, his State. His prize-winning theme is excellent and I am including it with these remarks. DEMOCRACY: WHAT IT MEANS TO ME (By James Michael Silverthorn) Democracy-a fine sounding word. Like motherhood, and baseball. And like most fine sounding words, it is so often used and misused it has lost virtually all meaning. The standard, stock definition of democ- racy is "government or rule by the people." We give this pat definition when one is re- quired, yet it means precisely nothing. What good is democracy? How can it pos- sibly work? Philosophers since Plato have asked those questions. Hitler said, "We spit in the face of democracy." How can we an- swer such challenges? Well, it is really quite simple: democracy as defined, does not work. No large group of people, certainly no nation could possibly have a stable, well-run society under a gov- ernment by the people. Indeed, the only governments today which claim to be the people's are those which make a mockery of the very concept of democracy-the People's Republic of China, the People's Republic of Poland. No, pure democracy with all the people, with all their differing ideas and interests, having a continual voice, can never result in anything but chaos. But we in America have found a way, a method of having an es- tablished governmental authority, yet allow- ing the collective will of the people to remain supreme. Our republican democracy does not lessen the responsibilities of the individual, it mag- nifies them to a sometimes terrifying extent. Suddenly it is not one's own wishes or will that matters, for decisions must be made for the common good, representatives chosen for all the people. Still the basic democratic spirit behind it all remains. Democracy is not so much an exact means of government but a way of life, eyeglasses through which to see the im- portance of the individual. Just before World War II, an American missionary was speaking to a Japanese police captain. The captain, scoffing at the mis- sionary, locked out the window. Below was an aged peasant plodding along with a heavy burden on his back. "You see him?" the captain asked. "He doesn't mean that to us," he spat out snap- ping his finger. "But give us a million like him, and he is important. The individual means nothing." So you see, is it so strange to say respecting individual importance is revolutionary? Yet it works the other way, too. As indi- viduals have formed the government, so they owe it their loyalty and respect. Recently, a young man was stopped by a police officer on suspicion of drunken driving. When word reached the young man's mother, she went to challenge the officer. Publicly, she and her son attacked him. News of this police brutality spread. Five days later, 34 people were dead and millions of dollars of damage had been done. The Watts district should always be a monument to the danger of public disrespect for proper authority. It is easy to list the duties of citizens: vot- ing, paying taxes, keeping informed. For us, students approaching adulthood, the du- ties are even more awesome. We must pre- pare ourselves for future participation in our society. The preparation includes learning about our government, and more importantly gaining an acquaintance with the basic phil- osophy of Americanism. But despite these facts, the basic require- ments can be summed up in a few phrases. We as citizens are individuals with unde- niable rights and must see others as individ- uals with the same rights. We as establish- ers and maint ners of the government owe it our constan attention and participation. Mut -and-take is the only fairplay in a ationship between the government REPUBLICAN POLICY COMMITTEE STATEMENT ON VIETNAM (Mr. RHODES of Arizona (at the re- quest of Mr. DON H. CLAUSEN) Was granted permission to extend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and to in- clude extraneous matter.) Mr. RHODES of Arizona. Mr. Speaker, as chairman of the House Re- publican policy committee, I would like to place in the RECORD an important.pol- icy committee statement on Vietnam which was adopted at our Tuesday, March 1, meeting: REPUBLICAN POLICY COMMITTEE STATEMENT ON VIETNAM The deep division within the Democratic Party over American policy in Vietnam is prolonging the war, undermining the morale of our fighting men and encouraging the Communist aggressor. It has confused the people in other nations about the American purpose and has led North Vietnam to be- lieve that in time we may falter, that we do not have the necessary will or determination to win. As a result, the peace that this Nation and the free world seeks has been de- layed, the fighting intensified, and the threat of a major war deepened. In an effort to please the conflicting ele- ments in the Democratic Party, the admin- istration has had to dodge and shift. Its policy and position on Vietnam continues to be marred by indecision, sudden change and frequent reinterpretation. Under the cir- cumstances, it is little wonder that the en- emy has been encouraged, our friends dis- mayed, and the "national unity that can do more to bring about peace negotiations than almost any other thing" has been. delayed. We, therefore, call upon the President to disavow those within his party who would divide this country as they have divided the Democratic Party. Certainly, as the Presi- dent has stated, "there is much more that unites us than divides us." However, as long as the party in power cannot agree on such basic issues as whether Americans should be in Vietnam at all, what our Nation is trying to achieve there and whether the right means are being used, there will continue to be un- certainties, misunderstandings, and fears about the war in Vietnam. America, indeed the world, is waiting for the President to take command of his party. Until this is done, the divisive debate will continue, the con- fusion will grow, and a peaceful solution will eludg us. Republicans are united in their support of the fighting men in Vietnam. We also support a policy that will prevent the suc- cess of aggression and the forceful conquest of South Vietnam by North Vietnam, In addition, we believe that the people of South Vietnam should have an opportunity to live their lives in peace under a govern- ment of their own choice, free of Communist aggression. Certainly, these objectives cannot be re- alized by admitting the Communists to a share of power in a coalition government. For this is "arsenic in the medicine," the "fox in the chicken coop." It would pave the way for a Communist takeover as surely as did the coalition governments in Poland, Czechoslovakia, Rumania, and Hungary. ' Moreover, it would make a cruel and inde- fensible mockery of the sacrifices of the fighting men in Vietnam. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400050007-6 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400050007-6 March 2, .1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE sibility of the employer when the move involves a transfer from one permanent duty station to another at the request of the employer. A bill H.R. 10607 has been recommended by the President and was favorably reported by the Government operations Committee of the House under which the Federal Government would reimburse such expenses to its employees. '1'hc Internal Revenue Service has re- eently announced that reimbursements in these latter categories must be treated as taxable compensation; that is, the employer must withhold, and the em- idoyee must include the reimbursement in his income and not deduct the ex- pense-see Revenue Ruling 65-158, pub- lished June 14, 1965, and TIR-754 pub- lished August 9, 1965. While the Service had taken a similar position in earlier rulings and cases, its previous attempts to enforce its position had been spotty, and the pre-1965 court decisions had b)1-en inconclusive--see statement on see- Lion 213 of the 1964 act, in 'Senate Re- iiort No. 830, 88th Congress, 2d session, page 71. The Service's recent announce- ments were precipitated by a court of appeals decision in its favor last April, on which the taxpayer sought-but the Justice Department opposed-review in the Supreme Coast-see U.S. v_ Kenneth 1). England, 345 F. 2d 414 (CA-7), certi- orari denied, January 1966, 34 U.S. Law Week 3242. The latter categories of moving ex- penses-such as expenses of selling the employee's home at the old duty station and expenses while occupying temporary quarters at the new post for a limited period-are genuinely employer business expenses and not employee expenses. To treat them as taxable is grossly unfair to the thousands of employees involved, most of whom earn less than $10,000 a year. It is also bad social policy, since it constitutes a drag on the mobility of labor and of industry. iothwithstanding the large number of transfers that take place-an estimated 340,000 military personnel, more than 150,000 private industry employees, and 35,000 Federal civilian employees-the revenue impact of corrective legislation would not be too substantial. Thus, ap- propriate limitations can be placed on those eligible and the amounts to be ex- ciuded in each case. Furthermore, the entire issue is still being litigated and most affected employees probably have not been treating these items as taxable anyway, so the revenue loss should prob- ably be viewed in any case as poten- tial rather than actual. A legislative solution is highly desir- able. Without a prompt and definitive solution, employers are in a difficult po- sition in not knowing whether they ac- tually are required to withhold ; em- ployees, in not knowing whether they should report, and if they do report, in perhaps being forced to litigate; and the ; vice in attempting to achieve consist- ent enforcement. A short summary of my bill, which is identical to H.R. 13070 introduced on February 24 by our colleague, the dis- tinguished gentleman from Massachu- setts [Mr. BURKEI, is set forth herewith. In addition to the cost of moving the employee, his family,, and household goods to the new place of work, which are clearly nontaxable under presen', law, the bill would exclude from the income of an employee who has worked for the same or a related employer for at least a year at the time of the transfer, reim- bursements for reasonable expenses in- curred by reason of the move in the fol- lowing areas: First. Travel for the employee ar d his wife to seek permanent quarters at the new location; Second. Expenses while occupying temporary quarters at the new location for a period generally not to exceed 30 days; Third. Expenses incident to the em- ployee selling his home at the old duty station and purchasing a residence at the new location; Fourth. Miscellaneous expenses di- rectly connected with the move, but not to exceed the lesser of 2 weeks' pay or $1,000 in the case of a family man with the maximum exclusion being reduced by one-half for an employee having no family. Mr. Speaker, employees who are di- rected to move by their employers should not have to pay tax on expenditures 'which primarily benefit their employers. .Passage of the bill would simply recog- nize this fundamental principle. DEMOCRACY--WHAT IT MEANS TO ME (Mr. ANDREWS of North Dako+.,a (at the request of Mr. Don H. CLAUSES) was granted permission to extend his re- marks at this point in the REcoso and to include extraneous matter.) Mr. ANDREWS of North Dakota. Mr. Speaker, this year more than 300,000 young Americans participated in the Voice of Democracy contest sponsored by the Veterans of Foreign Wars of the United States and its ladies auxiliary. The theme this year was "Democracy- What It Means to Me." The winning speech in North Dakota was presented by 1" -ye-,r-old Charles Alan Collins, of Fargo, who calls upon his fellow students to concentrate on "what is right with America" rather than "what is wrong with America." Mr. Speaker, I include the toxt of Charles Alan Collins' speech at thi: point in the RECORD: DEMOCRACY--VVHAT CT MEANS TO ME What does democracy mean to lee? I could write a book, and still not give 1 he full answer, for the 'true meaning of deni.ecracy could never be confined to a printed page. It is a concept in the minds of men that defies limitations. It is a dream tl at has lived in the hearts of men for over 1963 years. It is that intangible "something" that gradu- ally becomes a living part of each one of us. It is that "something inside" that. made the soldier in Vietnam hoist a small Ameri- can flag just minutes before he went down under enemy fire. It is that "something in- side" that made "Joe Smith, Americ.e.n" de- cide to be beaten to death rather than reveal a vital defense secret to the enemy It is that "something 'inside" that made our boys who recently returned. home on furlough from Vietnam say: "We want to go buck and finish this job." What is that "something inside"? Maybe it is the remembrance of the little things in life back home that have suddenly become terribly important-the smell of mom's homemade rolls, the pungent odor of dad's pipe, the arguments with sis over the car, the crowd at the pizza shop after the show. the many arguments over political issues- and suddenly they know that these repre- sent a way of life that must be preserved. Maybe this is why I, a 17-year-old who may soon be standing in their shoes, am tak- ing a more appreciative look at these very same freedoms which I, too, am wearing; too easily like comfortable old shoes. What can I, a lone high school student do about it? Much. I know I am only one, but I am one- and since a nation is no stronger than its weakest link, I must try to make my link as strong as possible. I can try to strengthen my own personal character and integrity. I can support the rules of my school and town. I may not agree with all of thorn, but I will obey them as I know they rep- resent the Democratic majority. I can learn more about my rights under the Constitution, but I must also remember that with e hose rights come certain responsibilities. I can- not complain about my constitutional rights if, in so doing, I would be denying these same constitutional rights to those about me. Knowing that the real war of the present is being fought for the control of men's minds, I must try to sharpen my mind by wide reading of current problems, by knowing well the political candidatero, by more critical listening, and more careful evaluations. To these ends I am active in the high school debate program, the student congress legislative program, school gov- ernment and local junior politics. Along with my classmates I can encourage the use of justice and fair play in school affairs. We can vote to keep the Pledge of Allegiance in the school and encourage more respect for our flag. We can strengthen our school Americanism program. We can en- courage our fellow students to think along the lines of "what's right with America." rather than "what's wrong with America." We can create interest in politics by a.etting up student polls at election time. We can emphasize the importance of maintaining the institutions of our Government which protect our life, liberty, and property--for governments do not preserve themselves- they are preserved only by the vigilance of those to whose guardianship they have been committed-and the price of freedom is eter- nal vigilance. And when the defense of these freedoms calls for our draft numbers to be called, we can answer in the words of Daniel Webs- ter: "I was born an American; I live an American; I shall die an American, no man can suffer too much and no man can fall too soon if it be in defense of the liberties and the constitution of his country." NEW LAW NEEDED (Mr. ASHBROOK (at the request of Mr. DON H. CLAUSEN) was granted per- mission to extend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and to include ex- traneous matter.) Mr. ASHBROOK. Mr. Speaker, I was one who opposed the new coinage law because I felt that, despite the pro- nouncements of the liberal economist, Gresham's law would apply. It is rather obvious that it has. One of the side effects of this situation has been the im- proper trafficking in American currency by some unscrupulous individuals. I have a record which is rather clearly pitted against improper governmental interference in the free enterprise sys- Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400050007-6 March 2, 1966 Approved LFlqNg*%M? tQ'RMOOWR-DP].7MB446R000400050007-6 4403 This apathy can be met in the same way as The first answer, which is obvious but the critics together and by careless use the external peril. First, of course, by a con- nevertheless needs explicit recognition in of terms such as "the appeasers." viction in democracy, and secondly, by a these days of sloganeering, is that the In any event, whatever the significance knowing willingness to fight, If we, the Hanoi government has concluded that of this factor, said that, ' it seems clear that debate youth, fulfill these, outse, is then no wasted on longer the can it toungb" its interest would not be served by and dissent cannot be shut off. If we But, instead, it may be said that, "Ali, agreeing to talks, or, to put it another were to have a formal declaration of war, youth-what can you not do?" way, that the disadvantages of agree- the situation might be different, but I However, we still must keep in mind that ing to talks outweigh the advantages. know of declaration. no responsible I de believe who the wants "democracy undefended and untended is de- Such an answer of course leads directly such a mocracy ended." ~./ to the next question, why has the Hanoi uation could be ameliorated if those regime arrived at that conclusion? groups and individuals who are most VIETNAM Here what evidence we have is scanty critical of the administration's policies and unreliable-for even what leaders in should make it clear in public statements The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. PAT- Hanoi have told reporters and foreign that they do not approve Hanoi's refusal TEN). Under previous order of the diplomats may well not be the truth. to agree to peace talks. As matters House, the gentleman from New York But what does an analysis of the objec- stand, these organizations, having totally [Mr. BINGHAM] is recognized for 30 min- tive facts suggest? refrained from any criticism of Hanoi, utes. One theory is that Hanoi chooses to have allowed that regime to believe that (Mr. BINGHAM asked and was given continue the conflict because that is what they approve of its intransigence. A permission to revise and extend his re- Peiping wants and Hanoi is afraid of welcome contrast has been provided by marks.) Peiping. While granting the truth of the World Council of Churches, which Mr. BINGHAM. Mr. Speaker, I rise addressed its criticism and its pleas to at this time to submit to the House cer- both premises, I cannot credit the the- both sides. try. There is nothing Peiping could red- in this situation we do pay a tain observations with regard to the situ- sonably do to Hanoi other than public Perhaps price for our freedoms, especially for the ation in Vietnam, to discuss some of the castigation, if Hanoi were to agree to of the issues implications of the ideas suggested in negotiations. Indeed, Hanoi would have intensely public freedoms, omlace in the airing nationally t es recent days by the distinguished junior far more to fear from Peiping if Hanoi which ly wised took Senate place hearings. But o it is a a pele- Senator from New York, and to make were devastated by a protracted and per- a proposal which I believe logically fol- haps intensified war and thereby ren- we must pay or lose the essence of the lows from Senator KENNEDY'S contribu- very ideas we are fighting to preserve dered hopelessly dependent on Peiping. and protect. The Senate hearings were tion. Another theory is that Hanoi is afraid themselves a stunning example of de- To start with, let once is it could not control the Vietcong if it again that, at, agonizing zing g as the he conflict is mocracy in action, and served to under- in Vietnam, I am in agreement with were to agree to a cease-fire, especially line the fact that the differences are President Johnson that we cannot with- since the Vietcong and its supporters more on matters of tactics than of prin- draw from Vietnam and let the Com- would be afraid of being cut to bits by a ciple or national purpose. munists take over. I also salute the vengeful Saigon government. Two com- I have no doubt that the administra- President for continuing to resist the ments are pertinent here: first, without tion is doing what it can to convey to pressure of those who would expand and support from Hanoi the Vietcong could Hanoi through all available communica- escalate the war. I believe that, in pur- not effectively keep fighting for long' sec- tion channels the evidence that the suing a middle course between these two ond, Hanoi could agree to talk and at the United States is not going to get tired extremes, the President has the support, same time refuse to stop fighting until and quit. The evidence is there, in terms as the polls continue to show, of the great effective arrangements had been made, of historical examples of our staying majority of the people of this country. presumably under international control, power, and in terms of U.S. public opin- The differences that exist among us are for protection of the Communists in the ion, as reflected in the Congress and concerned for the most part with the south from violent retribution. otherwise. And, Hanoi should get the question of what course to follow be- The principal theory that administra- message too-not in terms of a threat but tween withdrawal and an all-out effort tion spokesmen advance for Hanoi's in- in terms of a cool appraisal of the likely to achieve a military solution, come what transigence is that Hanoi feels eventual- 'trend of American thinking-that, if may. The President has repeatedly ly the United States will get tired and there is to be a change in the present stated that he will continue to seek a quit just as France did, and that there- policy of limited military action, it is peaceful settlement, and I am convinced fore time is on Hanoi's side. The ad- more likely to be in the direction of more of his profound desire to achieve that ministration says Hanoi is encouraged in drastic action than in the direction of end. Nevertheless, I respectfully submit this view by the antiwar demonstrations withdrawal. that, in spite of all the much publicized in the United States and by the criticism The pressures on the President today "peace offensive" of last December and of U.S. policies expressed by prominent are probably stronger from the "hawks" January, the administration has not yet members of the legislative branch and than from the "doves." I would myself been sufficiently resourceful or flexible others. It is hard to see how Hanoi could be strongly opposed to any expansion of in its efforts to get negotiations started. be so misled, in the face of the repeated the bombing of North Vietnam, especially In fact, recent developments create the commitments of the administration, the of the cities, and I do not believe it would impression that the administration is massive and continued buildup of our achieve our objectives, but in the process no longer giving much thought to the forces in South Vietnam, the lack of sup- North Vietnam would suffer incalculable question of how to achieve a negotiated port for withdrawal shown in the U.S. damage. settlement. public opinion polls, and the overwhelm- In our efforts, public and private, to In considering this matter, it seems ing support in Congress for money bills, convince Hanoi that we will not with- pertinent first of all to examine the fol- such as the one passed by the House drraw,We may be will aided stay b for the fact that s- lowing crucial question: Why, in spite yesterday. sal sary, we may "hawks" have been prof so of all the efforts that have been made Nevertheless, there may be something since last April to get discussions started, to the theory. Being a totalitarian wrong, just as our "hawks" have been. has Hanoi steadfastly refused to respond? state, Hanoi may overestimate the im- Perhaps it Is in the nature of hawks to The question is the more puzzling be- portance of expressed dissent in the overestimate the effectiveness of their cause Hanoi has been under some pres- United States. Moreover, Hanoi may own military strategy, and to underesti- sure from nonalined states, and pre- not distinguish between those who favor mate the determination of the people on sumably also from some Communist abandoning the struggle--a tiny minor- the other side. states, to agree to talks, and because the ity-and those who believe we have not So much for what Hanoi may see as toll of the conflict on North Vietnam, as done enough to get peace talks started- the disadvantages of entering into nego- well as on the Vietcong, must be con- still probably a minority, but a much tiations. siderable. Peiping has every reason to larger one. Parenthetically, I must say Now, let us look at the other side of prefer the continuance of the conflict, that some writers and some administra- the coin, that is, the possible ad- but the same cannot be said of Hanoi. tion officials have contributed to this vantages, from Hanoi's point of view, of Why then the intransigence? confusion by their tendency to lump all starting negotiations. The question Ho Approved For Release 2005/0/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400050007-6 4104 Approved For ReleebN"RIISS-EONALI -RDP67 004 HOUSE400050007-6 March 1966 C*bi Minh and his advisers must ask elements there would have a share of Czechoslovakia is the classic case, to themselves is: What would it be reason- power and responsibility. This result which all point, of a total Communist able for them to expect they might be might come about through a single con- takeover, but that takeover had the Red able to achieve through negotiations? ference or many meetings, or by a slow army behind it. In other cases, the col- '-the quick answer is: Not; much. On undramatic process of gradual accommo- lapse of coalition governments has not the public record, what we have offered dation. always favored the Communists. France, them, in essence, is economic aid for Senator KENNEDY fully recognized that Italy, and Finland have all survived such North Vietnam and the opportunity to there are risks involved in any system of periods. And recently in Indonesia, contest elections in the south. So far as share([ Hower but he suggested that the where Communists were playing a major the offer of economic aid is concerned- risks could be made acceptable if we role and apparently attempted a coup, though I believe it is a sophisticated and bring to bear sufficient skill and political the result has been a violent reaction indeed statesmanlike thing to do-it can- wisdom to find the point at which par- against them. not be much of an inducement. It could ticipation--by the dissident elements in I know--and I am sure Senator KEN- lie distorted to look very much like a kind South Vietnam---does not bring domina- NEDY knows-that the Communists in of bribe, the acceptance of which would tion or internal conquest and if the Peiping and Hanoi would look upon any be virtually a humiliation, especially for agreement arrived. at is backed up by system of shared power as a device to a state which has been consistently international guarantees. enable them ultimately to seize total trumpeting the superiority of commu- He did not propose any specific or de- power. But does anyone think Hanoi nism. Moreover, Hanoi could not know tailed arrangements. He never men- and Peiping will give up their hopes of how much such aid would amount to or tioned the word "coalition." He cer- taking over South Vietnam if they are how long it would last. tainly did not speak of any attempt by successfully driven out by force of arms? As to the attractiveness of elections in us to impose a solution on the govern- Any course that we take involves risks, the south, even assuming international anent or the people of South Vietnam. as Senator KENNEDY pointed out. And supervision would be provided, we need He stated: nothing that we could do-literally noth- ask ourselves just one question: Would We must be willing to face the uncertain- Ing, not even a nuclear flattening of we be willing to accept the result of elec- ties of election, and the possibility of an every Chinese and North Vietnamese bons hold in the nor+h by th Hover" _ -.e t l t ---_-- ua o on e And again: the elimination of the Communist threat supervision? sOf course not. Then why should We must insist that the political process in the Far East and southeast Asia. So we expect Hanoi to see the prob- let us sober[ lem differently, if elections were to be go forward under the rigoroy. supervision y and calmly analyze the of a tristed international boa alternatives that lie before us, and see held in the south by the Saigon govern- whether the risks involved In the most rnent, even under international super- Thus it seems clear that the kind of promising feasible course can be made vision? system of shared power and responsi- manageable. It is in this area-the need for provid- bility he was talking about would be an it seems to me important-and I spe- ing Hanoi with a good reason for coming interim arrangement, pending elections cifically propose-that the best brains In to the negotiating table-that I feel the and the further development of the polit- this country and elsewhere in the free administration's policy has tended to be ical process. world be mobilized to seek answers to the sterile and unimaginative. And it is in He fully recognized that the United following questions: precisely this area that I believe Senator States cannot proclaim In advance the First. What kind of governmental ROBERT F. KENNEDY, in his statement; of precise terms of an acceptable political structure could be devised for South February 19 and subsequent; commelats, settlement and that we could not start Vietnam that would permit the various has performed a real service. the bargaining process by revealing all dissident elements to play an appropriate I-iis statement has been violently-and the concessions we might be prepared to role in the government and political life predictably-attacked in some quarters. make. of the country, under a system of safe- In others, it has been dismissed with The key to Senator KENNEDY's whole guards and checks and balances that hasty and glib cliches that compare most statement, it seems to me, is his recogni- would prevent one side or the other unfavorably with the calm and well-rea- tion of the fact that, if we are to persuade from seizing total control? caned quality of the statement itself. Hanoito start discussions looking toward Second. What form of international I would not have expected the adininis_ a peaceful settlement, we must be pre- supervision. and guarantees would be tration to indorse the statement. That pared to eliminate any reasonable fear most effective? Since the U.N. does not might well have been construed as giving that we ask them to talk only to demand include either North or South Vietnam in away too much before the bargaining their slzrre;nder. its membership, a beefed-up Interna- has even started. But I should have Who can contest that thesis? tional Control Commission might serve thought the administration might well If others have ideas of how to make our the purpose. have said, as Ambassador Goldberg and proposal of unconditional talks appear Third. What form of Interim govern- Mr. Moyers reportedly did, that these are more attractive to Hanoi, let them come ernment could be established for the all matters which would be subjects for forward and state them. conduct of elections with sufficient im- discussion at the negotiating table. In In the meantime, let us lock carefully partiality to command the confidence still other quarters, Senator KENNEDY'S at what Senator KENNEDY has had to say and cooperation of all elements? statement has been misconstrued, do- on the merits, and net in terms of invec- Fourth. What should be the nature of liberately or otherwise, and there has tive or cliches. the elections and of the government to been confusion about what he actually Shar::d. power is not a new concept in follow so as to provide the best chance said. Many commentators, I feel sure, our dealing with the Communist world. of political stability in the future? My never read the full text of his original on a geographical or partition basis, we own guess is that only some kind of par- statement. agreed to it for Germany and Korea. liamentary government, with provision in e.;sence, Senator KENNEDY's basic We shared authority with the Soviets in for proportional representation, would position is threefold: Austria and in Berlin; one arrangement have a chance of being viable in a coun- F'irst. U.S. withdrawal from Vietnam was ended by a peace treaty, the other try such as South Vietnam which has I,,; unthinkable; broke down and was followed by the Ber- never known democracy. The kind of Second. A military victory in Vietnam lin wall, but neither arrangement ended winner-take-all, two-sided contest which is not out of the question but presents with a Communist takeover. The same is characteristic of our own presidential staggering difficulties and dangers; inconcl.isive result occurred in Laos; elections would be likely, it seems to me, 'third. If we mean what we say about while the tripartite government there did to represent an impossibly explosive set- wanting to get negotiations started, we not work; it did not end in disaster. In up. It takes a rare strength of tradition must be prepared to give up something: fact, the net result; has been that the for the losers in such a situation to ac- We must, be willing to accept the possi- neutralist faction which started out pro- cept the result peacefully. To my knowl- bility that negotiations might result in Communist has ended up pro-Western, edge no new nation has yet succeeded some form of governmental arrangement True, no government cabinet which in- in achieving this level of political ma- in South Vietnam in which the dissident eluded Communists has proved stable. turity. Like dangers would arise in any Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400050007-6 March 2, 1966 ApprovedG gW'PMU3KNd$GORIIftOi.A-Rdl iD446R000400050007-6 4405 proposed referendum or other voting ous statements comprising the Hono- one of democracy's strengths is the free- procedure in which the people would be lulu Declaration are a good augury. dom and desirability of questioning and expected to abide by the results-which The more successful these efforts are, examining alternatives. might be close-of a once-for-all vote the easier we will find it to hold fast the I wholeheartedly agree with my Pres- on whether or not to have a Communist areas under Saigon's control and to ex- ident, and the overwhelming majority of government. pand those areas, and the stronger our the Members of this House in rejecting Such a study, it seems to me, should position will be when negotiations start. any thought of immediate withdrawal be carried out now, so that its results I know, also, that many Americans from Vietnam. Equally unthinkable to would be available in the event negotia- who are directly engaged'in the bitter me are actions on our part which might tions do get underway. The very fact struggle in South Vietnam have de- precipitate a massive land war in Asia that the study was in process might well veloped such a profound hatred for the or the use of nuclear weapons. be a factor to help induce Hanoi to start Vietcong, because of their cruelty and Like my college from New York, I see talking. terrorist tactics, that they cannot con- the moment propitious for a fresh and I am not suggesting that the U.S, ceive of negotiating with them or of more creative examination of how a ne- Government should itself undertake the according them any role in the future gotiated settlement might be arrived at. study, or even sponsor it. This might be political processes of the country. But The point of departure of any such study construed as a commitment in advance existing U.S. policy is one of desire to should be the recognition that Hanoi to accept the recommendations. deal with Hanoi, and even to grant has steadfastly refused to talk with us. Instead, I believe a private organiza- Hanoi economic aid after the conflict is This is often explained that the Com- tion, such as the Ford Foundation, should over. Is Hanoi any less responsible for munists believe sooner or later we will undertake the work, either directly or the horrors of the Communist tactics in get tired of fighting and will quit. It through some other agency. the south than the officers and men of is equally plausible that the other side The participants in the study should the Vietcong? may not be able to see how, on the basis include experts from other countries, This is a case, it seems to me, where of our position and that of the Ky gov- such as Finland, India, and Italy, where those who bear the brunt of the conflict ernment, they can reasonably expect to Communists have played an active part cannot be expected to view in perspective achieve anything through negotiation. in the political life of the country, and the question of how best to achieve the There is, I fear, a tendency on our part experts of southeast Asia and on the totality of American objectives in south- to let the matter rest there-the other postwar history of Czechoslovakia. east Asia. They may well, under the side will not talk, so we have no choice apply greater militaryexisting reffer and Quite possibly, actual responsibility for pstress of resent tragedy, ose sight of what ever- but leave open the convening the experts and conducting the I am not suggesting that we sweeten study should be left to an international fact our goal. the pot for the Communists. I reject institute or a university of international I know that President Johnson wants renown. to end the conflict, wants it deeply and the idea that a desire to examine our In proposing this study, I am well fervently. I believe he would be eager position implies any lack of determina- aware that the whole idea may be repug- to follow a new approach to achieve that tion to defend our democratic principles nant to the Government of South Viet- end through a settlement that might be or unwillingness to support our Presi- nam. That Government, whether led less than perfect for either side, but dent, or our troops in the field. A desire by Premier Ky or another, will no doubt would achieve our essential objects: to to negotiate is not an indication of weak- continue to press for total control of bring the conflict to an end, provide sta- ness; it is an expression of self-confi- South Vietnam for itself, and will bit- bility in the area, and preserve the right deuce. I believe the American people terly oppose settling for less. That the of self-determination for the South Viet- would rather reason than fight, would Saigon leaders clearly do not have the namese people. rather build than destroy. power to obtain this for themselves, even (Mr. UDALL (at the request of Mr. While examining our position, we must with unlimited aid from us in the form BINGHAM) was granted permission to ex- continue to apply sufficient power to pro-contain of equipment, materiel, supplies, and so tend his remarks at this point in the the Communist hold within to pretant forth, will not deter them. Saigon will RECORD.) the our its minnt hope, and indeed demand, that the Mr. UDALL. Mr. Speaker, our col- limits and d make ake force with credible fet long a- United States assign whatever forces league from New York [Mr. BINGHAM] tion be fance wi necessary. force c our action are needed to the task of accomplishing has, I believe, done us a great service by that may this objective. redirecting our attention to some of the yesterday, we assured the maintenance While this desire on the part of Saigon more elusive yet vitally important real- of our position of strength. This being is certainly understandable, that we ities which have thus far thwarted our the case, I wish to endorse my colleague's should feel obligated to give effect to it efforts to move the Vietnam conflict to call for specifics of how Vietnamese elec- the seems to me fantastic. By no stretch of the conference table. He has suggested of the imagination could our past commit- a creative line of thinking and a prac- tions might be arranged; who would con- ments be so construed. tical approach which deserves our con- duct these elections; how they would be Essentially, our position vis-a-vis Sai- sideration. supervised; how the many-and I do gon is an unassailably strong one. At I would hope that the action of the not mean n only the NL h Vietnam cout- any point that they do not want to agree Congress yesterday in authorizing sup-ical to what we believe it necessary and de- plemental defense funds for the main- participate in the elections and what sirable to do, we can always return to the tenance of United States and allied forces form of government might be devised to system of aid which we followed for so now in Vietnam might relieve the air reflect the results of such an election-- long with Saigon, and which was suffi- of crisis which has affected the tenor a government offering a promise of sta- cient in the case of Greece and Turkey of discussion these past few days, and bility while satisfying the legitimate so- in the crucial days after World War II, permit a more dispassionate examination cial and economic aspiration of the coun- aid limited to supplies, materiel, and of the question Of where we go from here try. We, in this country, have a repu- military advisers. in Vietnam. tation for political ingenuity and I do It is encouraging that we apparently It is not necessary and, in fact, it is a not think we have yet done our best have succeeded in persuading the Ky disservice to the spirit of healthy public with this problem. government of the importance of the debate, to have every statement and I am not suggesting any answers to nonmilitary side of our joint efforts. every query on Vietnam judged in terms the questions which I have raised, or to Recent press stories from South Vietnam of whether it is critical of the President's those raised by my colleague from New indicate the depth of the problems, espe- policy. Our vote yesterday is indicative York. I simply mean to point out that cially the persistence of systems of spe- of the broad general confidence which within a more broadly based and cra- cial privilege which the existing Govern- an overwhelming majority of the Con- tive study of the practical politics of the ment has been reluctant to abandon. gress have in our administration. Among Vietnamese situation may lie an ap- We have given far too little attention to those voting for the authorization yes- proach which could draw our adversaries these matters before now, and the vari- terday were many who still believe that to the conference table. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400050007-6 4406 Approved For ReleJ4 04JI5"&.400050007-6 March 2, 1966 My colleague from New York is prob- ]em of establishing shared power between today will set a new tone for debate in ably right in suggesting that this be done previously hostile forces in South Viet- the Congress. I hope we can begin to dis- outside the official governmental con- Dam still remains relatively unique. cuss the nature of the settlement that text. Official and public examination of All the more problematic, as Mr. BING- must ultimately come to Vietnam rather most of the proposals for future elec- HAM rightly pointed out, Is the position than the policies which have occasioned tions or governmental arrangements of the present South Vietnamese Gov- the need for such a settlement. Such would immediately embarrass our rela- ernment. I have been convinced that we speculation by Congress can be the Lions with South Vietnam and might must not allow ourselves to be overly healthiest possible contribution to the prejudice our future negotiating posi- committed to that Government. Political foreign policy of this country. The re- tion. institutions presently being established port which eight of us sponsored in May I then commend the gentleman and consolidated by the Ky government January sought to move in this direction. from New York for his proposal, and will ultimately have to play a role in set- The remarks of Senator KENNEDY have urge its study by the Members of this tlement and the establishment of provi- sought to move in this direction. And [louse. sional authority in the south. If these my colleague's contribution today has (Mr. ROSENTHAL (at the request of institutions become calcified in opposi- made such action all the more important Mr. BINGHAM) was granted permission tion to compromise and conciliation, we and promising by having been so pro- to extend his remarks at this point in may be left with very few existing vocative and enlightening. the RECORD,) strut-urea and modalities in which to (Mr. EDWARDS of California (at the Mr. ROSENTHAL. Mr. Speaker, I work. Flexibility, in other words, is the request of Mr. BINGHAM) was granted want to commend the gentleman from keystone for any activity now which looks permission to extend his remarks at this New York IMr. BINGHAM], for what I forward i;o a shared-power program in point in the RECORD.) believe can be one of the most important the future. Mr. EDWARDS of California. Mr. contributions to a debate which has all In a conference held in Washington Speaker, I wish to extend my apprecia- too often descended to the level of gen- at the end of January, sponsored by my- tion to the gentleman from New York eralization and subsequent distortion. self and seven other Mem[)ers of Con- [Mr. BINGHAM], for the thoughtful and The important thing about his remarks, gress, particular attention was given to perceptive remarks he has made today. I think, is that they are addressed to a the problem of provisional government He has taken an important step that real problem-to a problem and to a de- and the structure of elections. Two in- we in this House have failed to take. He bate which is currently going on among teresting suggestions were raised regard- is seeking and demanding a definition of responsible people anxious to see the war ing the first issue. At the national level, the situation in Vietnam-a definition of in Vietnam settled. it was proposed, an all South Vietnamese our objectives and the means which we I have thought for some time that the Government could be composed of are using and will use to carry out these principle unresolved question in our dip- representatives drawn from controlled objectives. lomatic policy has been, very simply: geographical areas. Supervision of this I would like to stress two aspects of What kind of government are we really division of power could be insured by a Mr. BINGHAM's presentation, First, he prepared to see emerge in South Viet- strengthened International Control Com- rightly emphasizes the need to take posi- aam, and what kind of initiatives are mission. On the local level, the Saigon tive steps to guide the Vietnam conflict we willing to take in order to help set government would continue to exercise to the conference table. But in pressing the stage for such a government? Im- authority of areas controlled by it, as for negotiations, the United States must plicit in this are certain fundamentally would be true for the National Libera- not forget that it faces a problem of is rocedural questions. But these ques- tion Front and such largely autonomous credibility: friend and foe alike are ap- tions, particularly regarding the nature groups as the Cao Dai, Hoa Hao, and prehensive. Our reinterpretation of of a provisional political authority fol- some of the Mo.ntagnard factions. Tem- both the 1954 Geneva agreement and lowing a cease-fire, represent absolutely porary ICC control could be exercised in the SEATO agreement has made even basic issues for a settlement. contested area. Another proposal was our friends skeptical of our word. We They are all the more problematic be- that the parties in conflict decide upon a all know the history of Vietnam after cause they have not been the center of cabinet in which portfolios of govern- 1954; we know that the 1956 elections attention. For example, we seem to ment could be divided among these par- scheduled for Vietnam were scuttled with have been very concerned about the role ties. Within this context, the ICC could our support when the Eisenhower admin- of. the Vietcong in negotiations. Less again be given supervisory powers, with istration decided that a non-Communist attention, however, has been given to perhaps a veto power over the activities government could not win a majority. the role of the NLF in any provisional of the most critical ministries. So how can we gain credibility for our government prior to elections. Much I mention these proposals not because present proposals for free elections? We has been said about the need for elec- I am convinced that they are the most must realize that the problem of credi- tions in South Vietnam. Little has been promising. I only want to point out that bility is a major one in bringing this said of the auspices under which such these are the questions that we ought to conflict to the conference table. This elections would be held. be talking about now. Part of the trou- calls for even greater care in defining To matters like these, as I understand ble of the Vietnam debate is that the and pursuing clear and consistent objec- the gentleman from New York, respon- very broad problems of policy have re- tives. Bible scholars must begin to address ce:ived attention often to the exclusion This ties into a second aspect of Mr. themselves in order to supplement and of these smaller considerations which Bingham's speech. He stressed "the aid efforts by the Government. Very actually constitute the most, immediate need for providing Hanoi with a good little thought has ever really been given policy questions facing the Government. reason for coming to the negotiating to the issues of shared-power in provi- In one sense this has been healthy. The table." But we must also stress the need sional governments. We have no safe country has been in need of a systematic for providing both Saigon and the Viet- and secure models from which we can foreign policy debate for many years. cong with good reason for coming to the project problems. The closest possible And Vietnam has given us the occasion negotiating table. Here again we face analogy to Vietnam is the Government for such a debate. On the other hand we a credibility problem. We must make of Laos. But there are obvious and cannot afford to lose sight oC individual our objectives clear to all parties to a problematic contrasts which limit the trees in our preoccupation with the possible agreement in Vietnam. Since utility of such an analogy. Our experi- forest. negotiations must inevitably include ences with shared power and provisional This, I think, is the important con- Hanoi, Saigon, and the Vietcong, we must government in postwar Europe cannot be tribution of Mr. BINGHAM's remarks to clarify our relations with all three of too instructive. And of course arrange- the House today. His suggestion that them. meats in Germany and Korea will not private foreign policy study groups be- I have stressed the need for a defini- teach us too much about settling civil gin to explore the tacky problems in- tion of our objectives and the means disputes within a single country. There volved with structuring a settlement for which we are using and will use to carry may well be useful precedents here for Vietnam is of considerable importance- out these objectives. I have done so a partition of Vietnam and concomitant to the Congress and the country. And I because the administration has persist- diplomatic arrangements. But the prob- hope the discussion we have been having ently refused to provide an adequate and Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400050007-6 Approved For Release 2005 0 R 446R000400050007-6 4407 -/'ch 2, 1966 CONGgESSIONA O - consistent definition of our posture in The administration cannot simply make shifts to courses which are incompatible Vietnam. As a result, we are faced with public statements of its goals. It must with the primary thrust of those fighting an array of paradoxes which have dam- explain facts which are too often hidden: in the South. aged our commitment to the freedom and are our actions achieving these goals? Thus, if Hanoi were to pursue a course independence of peoples throughout the are the means we wish to follow the same of action which would seem to the Na-the t to and Fro eration tional fact have ans we world. have been presented with a When wee know the facts of our objectives make useless the yea snof sacrifice,tthere set of paradoxes which makes it very difficult to succeed in Vietnam; a set of in Vietnam today-when we know what is doubt that Hanoi could compel ac- paradoxes which has stimulated opposi- in fact is being achieved under our pres- ceptance of this course. But even more tion to administration policy in Vietnam, ent policy-we can and must engage in devastating, Hanoi would be regarded as and foretells a serious and bitter reaction free and reasoned debate. The House abandoning an ally in the South to ideologic the commitments which many of our itself to the therhbody. The gentlemen a eg ance but whichvit had spawn d al own people cannot ot understand. We have the paradox of a demo- from New York has realized this. He The United States looks at its com- cratic nation debating its most important deserves the commendation of all those mitment to South Vietnam as binding. how political issue as hawks and doves-as if concerned with the strength of this Hanoi Then mconsi ust dereel bound much the mor tunes ly the how and why of Vietnam can be House and this Nation. answered solely by supporting more or (Mr. FRASER (at the request of Mr. those whom it sponsored in the South. less guns, planes, and missiles. BINGHAM) was granted permission to ex- Because this has been my rough analysis relations We have the paradox of destruction tend his remarks at this point in the of this that the hhip tI at have alwa s be- Declaration development. htrast the RECORD.) Declarattion of Honolulu with adminis- Mr. FRASER. Mr. Speaker, I want to North would drive Hanoi out of this con- tration requests of this Congress. First commend the gentleman from New York flict was doomed to failure. I believe we hear of the importance of social and [Mr. BINGHAM] for a carefully reasoned furthermore that the bombing would economic development in Vietnam. The statement on a problem of the greatest force Hanoi into an even more active supplemental foreign economic aid re- importance. His statement is charac- role in the belief that events in the South quest passed last week designated $275 teristic of the thoughtful approach he would have to be speeded up as the only million for Vietnam. But yesterday's takes to the spectrum of problems facing boway mb for Hanoi to obtain an end to the supplemental military appropriation re- the United States. ng. quest designated $736.6 million for mili- I would like to add a comment to the On the other hand, pressure against tary facilities within Vietnam alone. excellent analysis of the factors which the National Liberation Front and the Thus 250 percent more American dollars may affect Hanoi's judgment on the de- tementgso forces daycould Ib ing abou tt ata set- will be used to remake the Vietnamese sirability of negotiations. landscape for military purposes-for a The relationship between Hanoi and gardless of what the United States does, s been South e fabric the war we swill destroy the resources the di cussed. Many offie alsaof the s ciety is so to rtnand weakened thatsa which we millions to develop. agai We have the he paradox of a new colonial- U.S. Government have repeatedly forcesscannot effortbe sustained. Communist Whatever ism emerging from our goal of in- stressed the role of Hanoi in stimulating, dependence for Vietnam. We have pro- organizing, supplying, and directing the the settlement possibilities, however, - posed extensive aid for south- Front n But this does not give a complete t onaluLnication iberation iFrotnt would teem to east Asia. But if we continue rely solely on our own administration ion of f these picture of the relationship between make more sense than to force Hanoi to funds, and do not utilize international Hanoi and the forces in the south. The act as broker with its interests not neces- bodies such as the World Bank, we will strong political motivation of the Com- sarily paralleling those of the Liberation have imposed a new form of pseudo- munist forces must be studied carefully. F Intany event, these matters must be colonial domination upon millions of deIf a political movement in cides to extend its influence eintonan- looked at with care and objectivity. Asian people. The great stress which the United States We have the paradox of our relation- other country, the usual procedure is to ship to Communist China. We have send in people to proselytize and to or- places on the role of the North Viet- refused to recognize Communist China ganize on behalf of the ideas which the namese must not obscure the fact that and we have opposed her admittance to political movement seeks to promote. If our national interests require that we the United Nations. Yet in a recent the organizational effort is successful, a make our understanding conform to speech, William Bundy of the State De-, group in the second country comes into reality. partment. argued contact with Communist China through leadership, and its tactics may continue BINGHAM) was granted permission to ex- intermediary channels in Eastern Europe to be guided by the forces in the first tend his remarks at this point in the than other countries have had through country. But the group in the second RECOR TODD. Mr. Speaker, I commend direct diplomatic recognition. Thus our country still has an independent, viable Congressman national policy of not recognizing gov- existence. The relationship between the my collleagu ,subm tong a co ONA ATHAN ernments we oppose has given rise to the two groups is relatively stable so long as BINGHAM, for sal for bringing n thought irony of diplomacy without diplomatic fithe rst group takes ga new course, then the bearoon possible basis ofenegot at on in responsible relations. gh the o Mr. Speaker, I feel that we can make viable nature of the group in the second Viet of this Goveurnment are doing ever~y- a far better contribution to the world of country suddenly becomes clear. ideas and the cause of American strength According to the figures of the De- thing in their power to arrive at a cessa- and unity if we recognize the need for fense Department, approximately 200,000 tion of the hostilities and a just peace, it clear thinking on the situation in Viet- of the Vietcong are from South Vietnam. may well be that our own deep concerns nam. Furthermore, our Government's These Vietcong and the National Lib- have prevented us from recognizing and speech and. action must cohere in such eration Front believe they are fighting exploring negotiating positions or _ ave- a way that our own people and people for certain ideas. It would seem doubt- cnues epof pa proac ah c couldeead to an abroad understand our position. We ful that they regard themselves simply n must dissolve the paradoxes of diplomacy as soldiers whose command loyalties run Although there is no guarantee that his without diplomatic relations, of destruc- to Hanoi. Their persistence and their proposal would lead to such an avenue, tion outpacing development, of a new sacrifices could not be explained on this the alternative of Inprolon kesged this conflict, and dependence. amid the desire for in- basis. wuncer result, orthy of consideration and implemen- dependence. Thus there is the strong probability tction. and raen In a quest for definitions of our objec- that as Hanoi has sought to organize in tives and the means to achieve our ob- the South, it has at the same time created BIGhav as me ply thoughtful know Congressm jectives, the administration and the forces which, if not independent today, Congress each have important tasks. are potentially independent if Hanoi sponsible Member of the House, as a Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400050007-6 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400050007-6 CONGRESSIONAL, RECORD - HOUSE March 2, great patriot, and as one who thinks well into the future as far as the security of the United States and the free world is concerned. His expressions today merit thoughtful consideration by all of us, and by responsible policymakers in the ad- ministration and elsewhere. Mr. DOW. Mr. Speaker, will the gen- tleman yield? Mr. BINGHAM. I am happy to yield to my colleague from New York [Mr. )ow 1. 10:r. DOW. Mr. Speaker, allow me to Commend the gentleman from New York for his earnest and sincere effort to sug- gest a better way out of this dilemma in Vietnam, and a solution to it that does rot involve a catastrophic war that may pie stroy all of us. I must salute every effort of this kind to arrive at a sane rolution. Mr. BINGHAM. I thank the gentle- man. Mr. RYAN. Mr. Speaker, will the gen- tleman yield? Mr. BINGHAM. I. am happy to yield to my colleague from New York [Mr. I' WAN 1. (Mr. RYAN asked and was given per- mission to revise and extend his re- marks.) Mr. RYAN. Mr. Speaker, I commend my distinguished colleague from New York [Mr. BINGHAM] both for taking this special order for a constructive discus- sion of Vietnam and for the farsighted proposal which he has made. The kind of study which he suggests will have to be made sooner or later-either now or while the parties are at the bargaining table. In. the interest of peace in Viet- nam I think it is far preferable that the study be commenced at once. I also agree that there may be advan- tages to having this study made by sources outside the Government. They can bring objectivity and an open mind to the questions, and their conclusions will not appear to commit the United States to a particular policy. However, we also should note that this kind of study should constantly be going on within the State Department. If the Defense Department can sponsor studies of "war games," I do not see why the State Department should not sponsor studies of "peace games." is also believe that both the House Foreign Affairs Committee and the Seri- ate Foreign Relations Committee should sponsor in depth studies of vital foreign policy questions by outside task forces. As I explained in my speech during yesterday's debate, there is an important policy debate going on within the Gov- ernment. Senator ROBERT F. KENNEDY did the Nation a great service when he focused attention on one of the key ques- tions. Are we willing to engage in ne- gotiations which may lead to a coalition regime--either before or after the elec- tions-in Vietnam? If the concept of shared power is rejected out of hand, Hanoi may remain intransigent about negotiating.. If we have any real in- terest in negotiations, then we must be prepared to look ahead and to consider what those negotiations may produce. Mr. Speaker, I have a further reason for supporting my colleagues proposal. It points the direction in which our thinking about foreign policy should be leading us. We should, as he suggests, call upon scholars, and on diplomats from other countries, in trying to formu- late foreign policy. Moreover, we should be looking to the future. Too often this Nation's foreign policy has b ,en responsive rather than compre- hensive. We formulate policies to match crises. But we do not look eo the future, or plan for the future. In no area of the world has our think- ing been more myopic than; in the Far East, Because of a lack of comprehensive un- derstanding and planning we are in- volved, in difficult dilemma: in the Far East which often adversely affect the achievement of our goals elsewhere in the world. The study proposed today should help lead to a reappraisal of our Par Eastern policy and our approach to China which is the key to peace in Asia. In the long term a settlement in Vietnam will de- pend L.pori a viable, creative Far Eastern policy. Senator FuLBRIGr'_T sugge ted yester- day that we think in terms of a neutral- ized southeast Asia. President Johnson reiterated yesterday proposals for huge projects of economic development such as the Mekong Delta project. Two years ago, on .June 10. 1964, I sug- gested in a speech on the floor of the House that the administration consider a regional plan for southeast Asia. On that occasion I said: A prcposal to include North and South Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia, and pr,ssibly Thai- land in a regional agreement should be ex- plored. Such an agreement world prohibit the signatory countries from joining any military alliances or attempting to overthrow the governments of the other parties to the agreement by subversion or direct aggression. A provir.ion for resumption of :rode might accompany such an agreement. Mr. Speaker, now, more than ever be- fore, there is an urgent need for fresh thinking and new initiatives. Scholars, foreign diplomats, businessmen, and economists should be called upon to help formulate them. The influence of their studies sh iuld stimulate a release of creative energy within. the bowels of the Department of State. Once again, I commend our colleague from New York for his important con- tribution to the dialog on Viet zam. Mr. BINGHAM. Mr. Speaker, I thank my colleague from New York [Mr. RYAN] for his comments and for his contribu- tion to the dialog and to the debate. VIE1I NAP S/IE E NEGOTIA.1 IONS The SPEAKER pro temport Under previous order of the House, the gentle- man from Wyoming [Mr. RONCALIOI, is recognized for 15 minutes. Mr. RONCALIO. Mr. Speaker, there is a great deal of discussion ,presently concerning negotiations over the Viet- namese war. Several proposals, includ- ing one made by the Soviet Union, have suggested that the Geneva Agreements of 1954 serve as a starting point for any future negotiations. In light of these proposals and in view of the need for de- termining the position of the United States toward producing a political set- tlement in Vietnam, it is essential that we review what actually happened at Geneva and what effects these decisions had, in order that we may learn from the mistakes and triumphs of the past. TIlE GENEVA AGRISEMENTS On May 8, 1954, the day after the col- lapse of the French garrison at Dienbien- phu, delegates from the United States, Great Britain, France, the Soviet Union, Communist China, North Vietnam, South Vietnam, Cambodia, and Laos, met at Geneva. The Geneva agreements can be broken into four parts: First. The Vietnamese armistice was signed by the commander in chief of the French Union forces in Indochina and the North Vietnamese delegates. Viet- nam was partitioned at the 17th parallel. To assemble their forces for evacuation, the Vietminh were allocated southern areas which they controlled in the Plaine des Jones, the swamps around Point Ca Mau, and the central Provinces of Quang Ngai and Binh Dinh. Both parties agreed not to bring in reinforcements or war materials. Maintenance of military bases by a foreign power and participa- tion in military alliances were pro- hibited. Second. The Cambodian armistice was signed by a representative of Prince Sihanouk of Cambodia, the commander in chief of the Cambodian national forces, and the Vietminh Vice. Minister of Defense. Troops which had entered Cambodia from the outside, and all for- eign elements in military formations or holding supervisory functions in polit- ical. military, administrative, economic, financial, and social bodies in liaison with the Vietminh military units, were to leave the country within 90 days. Local resistance forces were to be de- mobilized on the spot and integrated into the national community. Third. The agreement in Laos was signed by a representative of the com- mander in chief of French Union forces and by the Vietminh Vice Minister of National Defense. Pathet Lao units were to move into the Provinces of Phong Saly and Sam Neua. The Laotian Govern- ment was to provide for special repre- sentation of these Provinces in the royal administration. Supervision of these three agreements was entrusted to three International Su- pervisory Commissions (ISC) composed of representatives from India. Canada, and Poland. Among other duties, they were to prevent the entry of reinforce- ments and war materials. Fourth. The Geneva Conference is- sued a final declaration calling for elec- tions under international supervision throughout Vietnam in July 1956. TUE UNITED STATES AND S017TIl VIETNAM Neither the United States nor South Vietnam signed any of these four agree- ments. Secretary of State John Foster Dulles had adviser' against the negotia- tions, feeling it would be disastrous for the French to negotiate while they were Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400050007-6 March 2, 1966 Approved FeU$VftggSgMNI/'E -BDPU@Q 468000400050007-6 4409 in a very weak military position. Secre- tary Dulles believed that partitioning Vietnam would provide only a respite and would not lead the Communists to aban- don their plans to dominate southeast Asia. Before the Geneva Conference began, officials of the Saigon government warned that they would not accept agree- ments negotiated for them by the French. Nevertheless, the French completely by- passed the Vietnamese delegation to deal alone with the Communists. EFFECTS OF THE GENEVA AGREEMENTS The Geneva agreements never estab- lished the situation in South Vietnam. Many Vietminh soldiers never were evacuated from the south. The four Vietminh assembly areas are ? the main regions of Vietcong control today. At the end of February 1955, it was esti- mated that, with the exception of terri- tory managed by religious sects, the Viet- minh controlled 60 to 90 percent of the villages in South Vietnam. The Saigon government was to be responsible for the execution of some of the cease-fire pro- visions but it felt no obligation to com- ply, since it had dissociated itself from the agreements. In North Vietnam, the ISC was unable to prevent the illegal entry of war mate- rial from China. Deliveries between July 20 and November 1, 1954, allegedly enabled the Vietminh to treble the num- ber of their heavy units. The agreements worked hardships upon North Vietnam, as well. Under the armistice terms the north was deprived of its traditional rice supply from the southern surplus. By January 1955, the food situation was so critical that rice had to, be rationed. The previous year, President Ho Chi Minh had declared that the North Vietnamese foreign policy would be devoted to bridging the gap be- tween China and the West. But the in- ability of France to provide assistance, the refusal of South Vietnam to trade, and the U.S. strategic embargo forced the abandonment of this policy. Instead, the Hanoi government became dependent upon economic aid from the Communist bloc. In Laos, the Pathet Lao established control over their regroupment areas, demanding autonomy for these Prov- inces. In early 1955, fighting broke out again between Royal and Pathet Lao troops, despite efforts of the ISC to settle the arguments. The failure of the Ge- neva agreements to produce a settle- ment in Laos is best shown by the fact that it became necessary to convene a Geneva Conference on Laos in 1962. Only in Cambodia were the Geneva agreements significant in producing a political settlement. The Cambodians had been allowed to negotiate their own armistice, rather than having it done by the French, as in Laos and South Viet- nam. Foreign troops were not regrouped within Cambodia, as they had been with- in Vietnam and Laos. As a result, the armed bands were rapidly dispersed and the Cambodian Government has re- mained relatively stable to this day. IMPLICATIONS FOR FUTURE NEGOTIATIONS The lessons of Geneva have important implications for any future negotiations on Indochina. One of the reasons why the Geneva agreements failed was that they were negotiated primarily by France and China. The viewpoints of the Vietnamese and Laotians were dis- regarded and the final agreements did not reflect their best interests. As a consequence, they felt no obli- gation to adhere to the provisions. In any future negotiations, the Indochinese delegates must be allowed to play a major role, without the terms being dictated to them by the great powers. The Cam- bodian experience shows that a satis- factory settlement can be reached only if priority is given to the interests of the indigenous states. The success in Cambodia also demon- strates that the Vietcong must not be allocated regroupment areas within South Vietnam, but regular units must be evacuated forthwith to North Viet- nam; irregulars should be disarmed im- mediately and integrated into the national community. THE NLF QUESTION This procedure will be facilitated if the National Liberation Front is not accord- ed recognition as an autonomous group, although President Johnson has indi- cated that they may attend the confer- ence as guests of the North Vietnamese. Disarmament and reintegration were simplified in Cambodia since the Cam- bodians refused to ,accord recognition to the Khmer resistance forces. This pre- vents the resistance groups from claim- ing that they are entitled to a particular part of the national territory or to spe- cial representation within the gov- ernment. Provisions designed to prohibit the in- troduction of war materials are unre- alistic because of the geographical proximity of North Vietnam to China and the difficult terrain in this region, which make it impossible to enforce such provisions. The successful partitioning of Korea demonstrates that it is not nec- essary for the two sections to be dis- armed in order to achieve a political settlement. As Prof. Hans Morgen- thau stated in Politics Among Nations: Men do not fight because they have arms. They have arms because they deem it neces- sary to fight. Take away their arms, and they will either fight with their bare fists or get themselves new arms with which to fight. What makes for war are the condi- tions in the minds of men which make war appear the lesser of two evils. In those con- ditions must be sought the disease of which the desire for, and possession of, arms is but a symptom. Any realistic settlement must concen- trate on these fundamental causes of War, not on its symptoms. One of the fundamental causes of the present Vietnamese conflict is that North Vietnam is not a viable economic unit; thus, it has been forced into a position of economic dependence upon its tradi- tional enemy, China. The North Viet- namese fear of Chinese domination pro- vides a powerful motivation to their drive to gain independent strength by conquering the south. Any lasting set- tlement will have to take account of the North Vietnamese economy by allowing for trade between the agrarian south and the industrial north. At Geneva, the North Vietnamese pleaded for the establishment of two economically self - suffrcient units, but its wishes were re- jected by the French and Chinese dele- gates who did the actual bargaining. This mistake must not be made again, for North Vietnam would rather fight than become a Chinese vassal. Any future negotiations cannot be limited to the problems of Vietnam. It is essential that the following parties, at the least, be represented: the United States, China, North Vietnam, South Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia, and Thailand. Thailand was not present at Geneva. Yet the bulk of the Lao people live in Thailand. Prof. D. E. Kennedy believes that Thailand fears a Viet-Lao combina- tion more than she fears China. As the Laotian problem cannot be solved with- out Thailand's participation, so there will never be peace in Laos until the Vietnamese conflict is resolved. Ho Chi Minh Trail, the main Vietcong supply line from the north, runs through Laos. The problems of these five Indochinese states are interrelated and must be con- sidered together. The participants at future negotiations must provide ways of handling any ref- ugee problems which result from bound- ary changes. The Geneva partition of Vietnam caused the flight of nearly 1 million refugees from the north to the south, whereas only about 30,000 had been expected. The north was deprived of a substantial part of its labor supply. The results in the south were haphaz- ardly constructed villages and friction between the traditional population and the refugees. The refugee problem con- tinues to be a source of instability. The United States must not relinquish the right to continue economic and tech- nical assistance for the South Vietnam- ese Government. The Geneva agree- ments failed to make any attempt at solving the disruptive social and eco- nomic problems of Vietnam. Before sta- bility can be achieved in South Vietnam, steps will have to be taken toward inte- grating highlanders, religious sects, and overseas ? Chinese into the national com- munity. The United States must be al- lowed to continue assisting the South Vietnamese in this task, as we have aided the South Koreans. Finally; the parties to future negotia- tions must have every intention of en- forcing their agreements. In retrospect, it appears that the West- ern powers were not really serious about conducting the Vietnamese national elec- tions in 1956 but agreed to this provision merely to placate the Communists. It is doubtful that elections would have sta- bilized the situation, given the cultural differences and traditional discord be- tween North and South Vietnam, and the enmity between the Vietnamese and their neighbors, which would only be aggra- vated'by a united Vietnam. But, by agreeing to hold national elec- tions without ensuring effective action toward this end, the Geneva signatories may have undermined whatever faith the Chinese and North Vietnamese had in peaceful bargaining, thus making it more difficult to achieve a settlement today. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400050007-6 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400050007-6 CONGRESSIONAI, RECORD - HOUSE March N, 1966 The Geneva agreements were more sig - nificant in producing a victor's peace than a political settlement. Thus, they are valuable. not as a basis for future negotiations, but as a remainder, along with the Versailles Treaty, that peace conferences can do more harm than good unless they deal with the fundamental conflicts of interest. TRADE WINDS The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under previous order of the House, the gentle- man from West Virginia [Mr. STACCERSI is recognized for 10 minutes. Mr. STAGGERS. Mr. Speaker, not many references are made to trade winds in the public press these days. Many of its have forgotten what they are. Yet if they were nonexistent, the Western world of the Americas might not have been discovered for hundreds of years. In which case the farms and factories and cities of the United States might still be a wilderness waste, and the military might and the productive capacity and the vast philanthropy of this Nation would still be a dream of mankind. Not that the United States invented any of these things, in a literal sense. But she has been a foremost exponent of them, and without her existence, the world would be a different place. The trade winds, of course, are those air currents which move consistently from the Old World toward the New in the general latitudes of the Tropics of Capricorn and Cancer, respectively. lay after day they blow in a fixed direc- tion and at constant speed. The voyager in his sailing ship could depend on them with as, much confidence as he depended on the movement of the sun. Columbus knew about them and used them for his westward quest. It is doubtful that he would ever have bucked the prevailing westerlies. And if he had, success would have been even more doubtful. The latitudes in which the trade winds were prevalent also ac- count for the head start of the Spaniards and Portugese in the exploration and settlement of the New World. To the sailing vessels of four or five centuries ago, the trade winds spelled the differ- ence between a reasonable gamble and a foolhardy enterprise. Today's mariner on the sea of politics, or the sea of business, or the sea of social change, longs in vain for some trade winds on which he could rely. If only there were some trends which were de- pendably constant, he could set his course upon his guiding star and lie down to sleep in peace upon the deep. Instead he finds his bark caught in the grip of the prevailing westerlies which clip and swirl and change with every passing second. He must adjust and readjust Both his rudder and his sail to meet a new set of conditions which will only give way immediately to a still newer set of conditions. Assurance there is none. +'he public, too, wants to be assured. Never in all history have so many been so anxiously concerned over what to- morrow may bring forth. They want to know if the weather will be favorable, if their business ventures will prove suc- cessful, if inflation has at last set in, if taxes arc going up or down, if the war in Vietnam is going to be escalated, if we are on the verge of conflict with China- everything. They have been deluged with so much conflicting opinion on every subject that they are no longer able to sift out the true from the false, the reasonable from the unreasonable, the probable from the possible. So they turn to authority-with a capital A- for the answers. The will to believe is overwhelming; but the capacity to be- lieve may be something else. In the midst of confusion, the idea seems to have gained credence that if only the right people would take a posi- tive stand on important issues and hold firmly to that position, events would ad- just themselves to desires. Public of- ficials, in particular, are importuned to state clearly and categorically precisely what they will do under given conditions. The general trend of public policy must undoubtedly be reasonably clear to those who are responsible for that policy. But a general trend is not sufficient to determine detailed action in the swirling rush of actual events. Only a part of the total outcome of what is done in a specific situation is under the control of any one official. Other factors enter the picture and have their effect on the final result. So in practice the skilled and intelligent navigator may find it expedi- ent to sail south when he wants to go east.. But just how this conforms to set policy may not be easy to demonstrate. Admitting, then. the occasional-per- haps even the frequent-necessity to ap- proach one's objective obliquely rather than directly, it is possible to set up con- stants in intention and in conduct on which the observer may rely. These con- stants are necessarily confirmed by ex- perience. The electorate soon learns whether or not the elected official's ac- tions conform to his words. Until he deludes them with specious promises, they are justified in believing that he holds true to the constants which he has asserted. It seems desirable that the official should from time to time put into words the constants to which he pledges him- self, not only for the purpose of assuring those froth whom he asks votes, but for his own guidance in times of stress. For the winds of change are indeed tricky, and that which is foul easily takes on the semblance of the fair. The official may lose his course if he does not keep the chart constantly before him. The conscientious legislator may be expected to commit himself to his con- stitutional duty of promoting the legiti- mate interests of all the peo ,'.e of his district to the best of his abi:ity. The commitr:rent loses its value as a guide to cond'ict when personal interest be- comes involved in public interest. The public has a right to deplore such in- volvement, and to look with some dis- trust on the official whose involvement becomes evident. No cause is of more importance to this Nation--and, to all the nations of the world-than the reestablishment of the reign of peace, external and internal. Violence, organized and unor?:anized, is the generating phase of a vicious cycle. Violence steps the production of eco- nomic goods on which well-being de- pends. Scarcity of goods produces priva- tion and suffering, and these lead to ten- sion and disorder, which in turn ends in more violence. A cessation of wars and tumults would permit men to devote their energies to constructive pursuits. The value to the United States of world- wide peace would have to be measured in billions of dollars, not to count the anxieties and human casualties exacted by war. No other enterprise that we have ever contemplated would cost as much as wars are now costing. And yet it is an axiom derived from experience that peace is never the lot of the weak and submissive. The meek may eventually inherit the earth, but not in the age of the aggressor. We have never accepted the role of the aggressor. Much less have we been inclined to bow before him. While we search for practical routes to peace, the arts and sciences of this so humane and gracious a civiliza- tion, this way of life that has brought so much good to the world, must be kept secure under the protection of over- whelming military security. In all times and places, organized society has consistently acknowledged its dependence on religion. A recent writer traces the slow development of demo- cratic forms of government. A descrip- tion of this development may be found in the writings of political thinkers. It is noted that: "The ancient writers may often have been uncertain about the gods, but they were not disposed to deny the divine authority over human society." As sophisticated reasoning was applied to political organization, the concept emerged that government was a compact between the rulers and the ruled, which compact could demand consistent obedi- ence only when it was recognized as a sacred covenant of ruler and people in- volving a covenant of both with God. As fully democratic governments became the usual order in Western Europe, only a few attempts to dissociate religion from government are to be found, and the effort has never been completely successful, even in a Russia which professes atheism. Our own democracy was founded in an atmosphere of religion. Throughout it history our con- spicuous leaders have "asserted in dif- ferent accents a religious motivation in political ethics." It does not seem to me inapl:ropriate, therefore, for a, modern-day Congress- man to make a "new affirmation of moral and religious values in politics." This is not a time to reject the experience of the ages and assume that the Maker and Ruler of the universe is no longer inter- ested in the affairs of men. There is still a distinction between right and wrong, and "righteousness exalteth a nation." Our ability to see the right is proportioned to our will to see it, and those that seek God diligently shall find Him. Two related constants remain for verbal expression. Instant preparations of all kind flood the commodity market. We have in- stant coffee and instant potatoes, and so on indefinitely. It may not be incon- Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400050007-6 Approved For Release 2005/07/13: CIA-RD 67B 000400050007-6 March 2, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPERM, A1099 been fully advised of his rights and given full at all times, and under all circumstances." A law-abiding policeman need never fear m complaints; oportunit to assert orale tended for all, poor and those as rights-rights as suer is Kaisar has aptly said: should 'gi e the hpoor lowered byvthe airing of citizen should rich or intelligent. What I would not do is and ignorant so many points because they rather he ought to be encouraged by the in- rely on the police to provide that full advice. are poor and ignorant; but whether, because creased community respect which can be ex- As a substitute for the advice of counsel, they suffer from these deficiencies, we should pected when the public sees that the police the proposal would establish elaborate pro- deprive them of rights and privileges. * * *" are required to obey the law. A society whose visions for warnings by the police. But these The poor are also the ignorant. If ignorance citizens have rights must enforce these rights. are illusory protections. As Justice Black precludes one from exercising his rights, then Civilian review should not be denied for said in Von Molke v. Grilles, "The Constitu- for practical purposes he has no rights. As fear that it would require the police to oper- tion does not contemplate that prisoners Justice Goldberg said in Escobcdo, "We ate within constitutional limits. shall be dependent upon Government agents have * * * learned the * * * lesson of his- The Civil Liberties Union has played and for legal counsel and aid, however conscien- tory that no system of criminal justice can, has still to play an important role in pro- tious and able those agents may be. Un- or should, survive if it comes to depend for tecting constitutional rights. You may well divided allegiance and faithful, devoted serv- its continued effectiveness on the citizens' make it a part of your task to remind people ice to a client are prized traditions of the abdication through unawareness of their that hopes for simple solutions of the crime American lawyer. It is this kind of service constitutional rights." problem are illusory and that, as Deputy for which the sixth amendment makes pro- I suspect that such proposals do not stem Attorney General Ramsey Clark said last vision." from any particular desire to discriminate summer: "[C]ourt rules do not cause crime. Denial of counsel In the interrogation room against the poor. Rather, they may only People do not commit crime because they poignantly illustrates the impact of many of reflect an opinion that our society can "live know they cannot be questioned by police these proposals on the poor. The Attorney with" certain constitutional rights and priv- before presentment, or even because they General recently said on TV that "our his- ileges only if enough of its members fail to feel they will not be convicted. * * * In the torical concern with rights of defendants assert them. The effect of many proposals long run, only the elimination of the causes * * * [has] been concerned with protecting would be to institutionalize the inability of of crime can make a significant and lasting the innocent, largely, and to some extent with the poor and the ignorant to benefit from difference in the incidence of crime." He forbidding police practices which simply was their rights vis-a-vis the police. The issue also said, "Society can be protected without [sic] felt were wrong in a civilized society." really comes down to whether we should impairing the rights of the individual, In- But, said the Attorney General, "the focus further whittle away the constitutional pro- deed it cannot be protected if those rights has suddenly changed in this debate from tections of the very people who need them are impaired. The task is to boldly attack protecting the innocent to an argument of most-the people who are too ignorant, too the causes of crime." We hope he convinces equality that says whatever the rich de- poor, too ill educated to defend themselves. his as ociates soon. fendant has the poor defendant should have, But the proposals I have discussed have and there's been rather a tendency to forget not been presented in this light. They have about whether there's innocence or guilt been presented as mere extensions of legiti- involved." mate law enforcement techniques made net- Marine's Reaction to Vietcong Partlcl- I would remind the Attorney General of essary by the crime crisis. The danger is the presumption of innocence; when the that the segment of the public raising the potion in Peace Talks police are questioning a suspect, we don't hue and cry about crime is beginning to sup- know "whether there's innocence or guilt port these proposals and may succeed in fore- EXTENSION OF REMARKS involved" It is to answer that question ing their adoption. that we have trials. We don't arrest people More stringent enforcement of laws and or we think are innocent, but we don't decide more severe treatment of offenders have the HON. SAMUEL L. DEVINE upon arresting a man that he is guilty. superficial attractiveness of a simple answer Moreover, I would willingly argue that one to a troubling problem. Since the vocal or OHIO of the practices that are simply "wrong in a members of the public are generally those IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES civilized society" is discrimination between who, in Professor Amsterdam's words, March 2, 1966 rich and poor in the administration of crim- 'imagine themselves always as potential Wednesday, inal justice. The Bill of Rights was not de- victims of crime, never as potential victims DMr. Speaker, recently received DEVINE. signed solely to promote efficiency-convic- of police investigation," they think any loss Mr. a fine letter from a constituent tion of the guilty and acquittal of the of rights is unlikely to affect them. They I innocent. It was designed also to protect are probably correct, at least to begin with. who is now serving in the U.S. Marines. other values unrelated to, and sometimes in- When we talk about arrests for investiga- Although I have decided to protect his consistent with, more efficiency-such as tion, lengthy police interrogation before ar- identity, his message is certainly worthy privacy, decency; and equality. raignment, and the like, we are not talking of serious Consideration by all Members We need to clarify what we mean by equal- about things that happen to you or me, of Congress, particularly those serving ity for the poor in the criminal process. We don't get arrested without probable in the U.S. Senate. We do not mean "equality of outcome." We cause and interrogated without counsel, be- The letter which follows is commended ask only equal availability of all constitu- cause, to put it plainly, we don't "look" as tional safeguards such as the privilege if we would commit acts of violence and we to the attention of all Members: against self-incrimination, the presumption do look as if it might not pay to trifle with FEBRUARY 19, 1966. of innocence, the right not to be arrested our rights. Nor do we live in neighborhoods Hon. SAM DEVINE, without probable cause-and the right to where the police make "dragnet" or whole- U.S. House of Representatives, counsel. sale arrests. Most of the people who do Washington, D.C. The Attorney General seems to divide suffer such abuses are poor. DEAR SIR: I was in your office last summer these constitutional safeguards into two Often the police are the only part of while in Washington (deleted) and we talked categories-those which protect the inno- government they ever see. Their persistent for several minutes about our Government's cent, and those which preserve other values complaints of police brutality, whatever position in Vietnam. Pursuant to that, I not necessarily related to guilt or innocence, their factual basis, prove that the police have enlisted in the Marine Corps and am such as the privilege against self-incrimina- and consequently the government have a now stationed here at Camp Lejeune under- tion and the privacy protections of the deplorable image among the poor. going advanced infantry training. fourth amendment. He would allow the The debate over civilian review of tom- Tociay I read the enclosed article from the sort of constitutional first safeguards are safeguards. important plaints But laints against the police is similar, in many Sunday Star concerning the comments. of and thithey are--every member ber of f our ways, to the debate over providing counsel at Senator ROBERT KENNEDY. In 1 day this arti- aI think ur society should have the benefit of all of the police station. Just as opponents of cle has become a major issue here. It is for them. the right to counsel seem to be saying that this reason that I am writing this letter. We have had other crises. And there have our society can "live with" the privilege There are several thousand marines in been efforts to curb our liberties in response against self-incrimination only if most sus- training here; many with wives and children, to those crises. But as the Supreme Court pects are denied the information necessary some away from home for the first time; all said, in the context of a domestic crisis far to use it, opponents of civilian review seem soon to be heading in the same direction: worse than any we confront today: "These to be saying that' we can "'live with" the Vietnam. They left their individualism at great and good men (who drafted the Con- limitations imposed on the police by the Parris Island and became an integral part stitution) foresaw that troubled times would Constitution only if no outside agency of a strong fighting team-coated with arise, when rules and people would become checks to see whether they are observed, honor, pride, and bravery. All are aware of restive under restraint, and seek by sharp This recalls the saying in the 1920's: "Pro- the job to be done-why it must be done and and decisive measures to accomplish ends hibition is better than no liquor." Prohibi- we are now learning how to do it. The high deemed just and proper. * * * The Con- tion of unconstitutional police action must temper of the spirit among the marines is stitution * * * is a law for rulers and peo- actually prohibit. Respect for law can be surpassed only by their willingness to refund ple, equally in war and peace, and covers with engendered in the people with whom the our coveted liberties and freedoms anytime, the shield of its protection all classes of men, police deal only if the police obey the law. anywhere, against any enemy. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400050007-6 1 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400050007-6 CONGRESS TONAL RECORD --- APPENDIX March 2, 1,966 Now we have a prominent U.S. Senator ask- 1n; for a coalition government with the C ainmunists. recognizing the National Lib- 11,1011 Front. The big question here is, liv? Why must we fight and sometimes die In Vietnam and then turn around and give t;in.n any part in the formation of a gov- r!r invent? If we negotiate on those terms ,ic w, it will only be a matter of time before iii.:;tory will surely repeat itself in some other country either in southeast Asia or another hot spot in the world. Then the marines along with the other services will again be called on to defend our commitments. Why cra.n't we stop the Communists now, instead of playing hide and seek among the rice paddies? 1, along with any of my fellow marines, would be ready at a moments notice to lay our lives an the line for our country, not because it is the honorable thing to do, but out of sincere love of country, pride, and our dc:;ire to maintain those freedoms that our forefathers have so bravely fought and died to preserve. Now we ask you, why must we bow to the "red line" in Vietnam, and corn- mit ourselves to a, coalition government which would certainly not serve the interests of the South Vietnamese people, and would certainly be short of our pledge to them that President Johnson has so often stated. Thank you for your time in this matter. I am looking forward to hearing from you soon- C'AMs' T,sism:UNE, S.C. Let Us Stand Up and Be Counted for Sanity EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. H. R. GROSS OF IOWA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESTINTA'I'IVES Wednesday, March 2, 1966 Mr. GROSS. Mr. Speaker, I recently received from a constituent, Miss Aldora Babcock, of Waverly, Iowa, a most in- teresting letter in opposition to present U.S. policy toward the friendly Govern- in.ent of Rhodesia. She speaks from ex- perience, having spent time in Rhodesia. In conclusion she says: Our position In Africa needs Rhodesia; our interests are clearly on the side of the Ian Smith government. Let us stand up and be counted for sanity. I agree, and I commend her letter to the attention of my colleagues:: WAVERLY, IOWA, February 6, 1966. Congressman H. R. Gaoss, Rayburn House Office Building, Washington. D.C. DcAR SIR: It comes with sickening sense to see how the western powers, whether through ineptitude or by conscious design, are taking the first steps-by the economic: sanctions they have imposed against Rho- desia--to throw that ruggedly realist little country to the wolves- That our U.S. State Department should take no more knowledge- able a line than to join in the "kill" with the British Labor Government is the most nauseating pang of all. Our policy, as it stands, is an affront to an intelligent, humane, and responsible peo- ple who, out of background, are naturally like-minded allies with us; for they are a people who are similarly Western oriented ra their outlook, cherish the same Anglo- daxon heritage of free, self-governing insti- Wnose ideological position in today's cold- war-dominated world is the sauce as ours. I have been to Rhodesia and I know some- thing about the aggressively realistic, self- reliant, and proud spirit of this modern- day, 20th-century state in the heartland of onetime darkest Africa. In the high standard: of living achieved and the almost breathta king technological advance regis- tered (here are gleaming skylines of mod- erntstically styled concrete and glass sky- scrapers, department stores sucked with an ama2ing array of up-to-the-minute con- sumers goods, hydroelectric development projects transforming the countyside-and all this brilliant success storf achieved, moreover, in the space of less than three- quarters of a century); the Rhodesians have clone the incredible. And what :is it but white settler initiative and know-hcw and white capita.; that have spurred this march of progress and built up this modern-minded democratic society and forward-moving economy? While one would hardly claim that the initial motivations that impelled that first pioneer c.,lumn were anything much other than an alert self- interest, it was as such, one coo say, and according to those times, an 'nlightened self-interest, a rugged individualism that was to shape a way of life that w,s to benefit all classes and lift theca-and this includes the native peoples as well-to progressively higher levels of well-being. Indeed, here in the central. African bush, Rhodesia today stands out as a solid little enclave of modern civilization and the rule of law in what is otherwise the wider frame of in- digenous backwardness; and chaotic turbu- lence. Americans, at least, should be impressed by the Rhodesian achievement, for Rhodesia's history closely parallels our own American epic. Here, too, rugged pioneers, by dint of hard work and sound principles have tamed and Settled a wild land and built, up a so- ciety whose constitutional framework pro- vides potential recognition of equal rights and opportunities for all its multiracial peo- ples. That the blacks of Rhodesia are not being "victirni:zed by a white minority," as the Afro-.Asians and the world's sympathiz- ing "bleeding hearts" are screaming, is dem- onstrated by the fact that the Rhodesian black nationalist leadership acted at the time to endorse the new liberal constitution of 1961-its deferred enfranchisement time- table and all. Inched, the African;; in Rhodesia were known to be a satisfied people until outside pressures were brought to bear and the Com- munist-oriented black revolutionary move- ment began spreading its venom and stirring up racial hatred. In their native townships, their housing was good; social services en- compassed need of every kind; education and economic advancement were made available, as much as was budgetarily practicable what with a backward people that multiplies like rabbits; the able and aspiring found helpful encouragement. The Rhodesian black is not "unconscion- ably exploited," whatever the misguided lib- erals and moralists who pretend their hearts bleed for the "poor, repressed African," have been And that this is the case has been confirmed again in th.' current Rhodesian crisis by the refusal of the blacks to strike and rebel, though there has been plenty of outside pressure. They have re- mained loyal to the government. Self-respecting, of high intelligence but- tressed by fine humane instincts and Chris- tian conscience, the white Rhodesians are also, one must add, a people who are prac- tically and forthrightly realist in their politics. They are not afraid to call a spade a spade. Those flaming battle cries of the liberals-" fton," "oiiie man one vote," "majority rule"---and all the other pious pronouncements-they are honest enough to lose no time in debunking for the disarming speciousness and false idealism they represent. They know them to be un- attainable ideals in the black people's pres- ent state of advance, and an experiment of dangerous precariousness if implemented in the present posture of the world. And are they not right? Who profits if black majority rule comes too soon and, by reason of being too premature, floraiders into chaos and collapse and Rhodesia becomes another of the world's trouble spots for the East and West, in their desperate cold-war confrontation, to contend over and try to bail out? The Rhodesians are not a Bourbon dynasty clinging to a vanished order of things. Theirs will be an actively function- ing multiracial-based state ultimately, but with the transition to majority control geared to a slower, more conservative tempo-- all to the end that a hard-won civilization will not face needless exposure to the wanton forces of disorder and demoralization now unleashed in the world. Is not here the counsel of commonsense? That Rhodesia is the keystone to the West's position in Africa Is not an oven; tatement. As Rhodesia goes, so goes all of Africa. If the leftist attack on Rhodesia succeeds, the black revolution will next turn to Portuguese colonial Africa, and then to South Africa, until the whole structure that European colonialism built up in Africa will have toppled irretrievably. Africa will be lost to the West and with all that that means in access to its resources, strategic bases, and shipping lanes still open. A moment of truth, therefore, faces Amer- ica, for even now the black commonwealth nations are planning more extreme measures against Rhodesia even to an Invasion of the country, which, while it will hardly succeed, is bound to force Prime Minister Wilson's hand in the Machiavellian role he is play- ing-trying to walk the tightrope between a pro-Rhodesian British electorate and the Afro-Asian pressure bloc. Timely and deci- sive action by the American Government could do something to arrest the desperately descending spiral. Therefore, I hope that Congress, under its delegated power "to regulate commerce with foreign nations," will take the initiative in this session to remove the trade embargo the Johnson administration has imposed against this robust, objectively realist little country that stands on its own feet and asks no handouts of anybody. I hope, further, that it will restate and give vitality to an- other long-time American principle-non- interference in the internal affairs of another state-to the end that Rhodesia will be left alone to solve its own problems and to work out the slower transition of its backward peoples to full citizenship that It believes to be right, unhampered by punitive inter- national action. Our position in Africa needs Rhodesia; our interests are clearly on the side of the Ian Smith government. Let us stand up and be counted for sanity, Very truly yours, Miss ALDORA BAscocK. Dr. Bernard Braskamp SPEECH OF HON. JAMES W. TRIMBLE OF ARKANSAS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, February 23, 1966 Mr. TRIMBLE. Mr. Speaker, Whcn Dr. Braskamp, our beloved Chaplain, Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400050007-6 A.1102 Approved For CORelease 2005/07/13 : NGRESSIONAL RECORD 67~pPOPE6?QIQX400050007-1arch 2, 1966 to help them out. I insert the entire editorial point in the RECORD: THE DISAPPEARING HALVES Miss Eva Adams, Director of the U.S. Mint, has reported to a congressional committee that 400 million of the Kennedy half dollars have disappeared. She said the public seems to be hoard- ing these coins but she doesn't understand why because, according to her, for many, many years to come the coins will have no special value-there are too many of them. But we also note there has been a heavy hoarding of the old half dollars, with Ben- jamin Franklin's image on them. And ap- parently a lot of the old-fashioned quar- ters are being stashed away. This leads to some observations, of which Miss Adams surely is aware: Americans can be quite sentimental about some things. They are especially sentimental about a popular young President who was assassinated. His image is on those half dollars. Moreover, Government officials may preach about the coins having no extra value in years to come. They may be right. But we suspect a great many Americans simply do not believe this. As a matter of fact, the half dollars now being minted are only 40-percent silver, com- pared to the 90-percent content in the old ones. New quarters and the dimes soon to be produced will be made of copper and nickel. In the marketplace, the new coins are worth their stated values only because the Government says so. But the old coins are worth almost as much as their stated values in silver. The principal reason for minting the new coins was the shortage of silver. Anyone who thinks Americans can't add doesn't know them very well. It has not been uncommon in the past for many of us to hide away a few coins for the grandchildren or great-grandchildren on the theory they would have rare-coin values by that time. Since we also are passing along most of our national debt to grand- children and great-grandchildren, some Americans may have got the idea this is one v The Marines' Riverine Warfare Technique in Vietnam MARINES SEEK DOCTRINE FOR RIVERINE suggests, capable of high speeds, the Swifts WARFARE presumably could be used to handle some (By L. Edgar Prins) tasks on the rivers. The naval high command, however, has Gen. Wallace M. Greene, Jr., Commandant not fought for the river warfare mission. As of the Marine Corps, is freshly returned from a matter of fact, except for a few energetic, an inspection tour of Vietnam more con- relatively junior admirals, the Navy has vinced than ever that the United States and shown precious little interest in it. its allies must substantially improve their Greene, a leader in the effort to convince ability to wage what he calls "riverine war- the Navy and the Defense Department of the fare" if they are ever to pacify the country. opportunity to take a forward step by de- What is "riverine (river) warfare," a term veloping an aspect of counterguerrilla war- which is very likely to be more and more fare which has been long neglected, concedes discussed? The Marines define it as war- that U.S. military doctrine with respect to fare which encompasses, "all operations con- tactical operations on and along a river is in- ducted in a river environment," including adequate. But he has done something about "river navigation, crossing, defense and off en- it. sive in a delta, security of and along a river, Recalling how a group of bright, young patrolling and logistic support along a river field grade officers at the Marine Corps route of communication." Schools in Quantico, Va., helped develop the Anyone familar with the geography of Viet- landing force doctrine in the 1930's, a doc- nam knows how vitally important, even trine which served as the underpinning for dominating, are its waterways, the big our amphibious operations in World War II, Mekong and Red River systems and the many the Commandant late last month fired off a other smaller ones. As in virtually all under- new project directive to the coordinator, Ma- developed countries, rivers are the principal rine Corps Landing Force Development Ac- arteries of communication and commerce in tivities at Quantico, calling for creation of a doctrine for the conduct of riverine war- Vietnam. The Marines know the importance of the fare. inland waterways firsthand. All three en- claves presently occupied by elements of the 3d Marine Amphibious-Force in Vietnam- Da Nang, Chu Lai and Phu Bai-are located in or near river delta areas. PERFORMED HEROICALLY Unhappily, too many miles of river and adjacent territory in South Vietnam are in the hands of the Communist Vietcong guerrillas. In addition to exploiting these arteries for military purposes, they tax the peasants and farm folk for using them-often taking a substantial amount of the food and goods in transit as payment. The Pentagon has given lipservice to the idea of the importance of riverine 'warfare. But neither the men, money, materials, or brainpower has been devoted to the creation and outfitting of forces which could seize con- trol of these waterways so that they could be used b our side for offensive operations HAVE CROSSING DOCTRINE Greene's directive put the problem this way: "What can be done to provide the 3rd Marine Amphibious Force and others with a doctrine for tactics, techniques, organiza- and materials to continue operations in tion , .the riverine environment which their am- phibious landing has located them, without degrading their capability to conduct am- phibious operations?" The coordinator won't have an easy time. He will have to come up with answers con- cerning the kinds of river craft and vehicles which will be needed; the relationship be- tween the weapons and vehicles; river charts and reconnaissance methods; an evaluation of riverine environment and marginal ter- rain; a system for providing integrated mo- bility and firepower and logistic support.Y I against the guerrillas and for spreading gov- If the coordinator can develop one for oper- erilment authority to new areas of the ations along and on a river, it could be a country. major contribution to a successful prosecu- This is not to say that the allies have done tion of the war in Vietnam. nothing. The South Vietnamese Navy has a And, if the future is as grim as the pres- River Assault Group (RAG), which attempts ent, it might be needed in counterguerrilla to keep some waterways open. It is a jury- operations in other parts of Asia and in rigged outfit which, while some of its units Africa and Latin America, the underdevel- and U.S. advisers have performed heroically, oped areas Communist China seeks to ex- is not one to do much more than scratch the ploit in its grandiose strategic plan for en- surface of the potential. The RAG is a de- circling the northern half of the world. scendant of the old French Dinassaut (Divi- sion Navale d'Assaut) concept to provide armed transport and fire support along the rivers of Indo-China. NEW RIVER BOAT EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. SAMUEL S. STRATTON OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, March 2, 1966 Mr. STRATTON. Mr. Speaker, one of the most interesting developments in the fighting in Vietnam has been the em- phasis on river warfare. The Marine Corps, with its naval tradition, has placed particular emphasis on this form of war- fare. Because of the fairly far reaching implications of this new development- a throwback to procedures we knew more clearly in the civil war. I believe my colleagues will be interested in the fol- lowing. article by a distinguished naval expert, Mr. L. Edgar Prina, of the Wash- ington Star, which appeared originally in the Sunday Star of January 23, 1966. The article follows: The U.S. Navy is going to make a contribu- tion to the river effort by complementing the Vietnamese RAG with 120 new high-speed patrol boh.ts. The first of these 31-foot, diesel-powered craft are expected to be on their way to Vietnam within the next several weeks. Armed with .30- and .50-caliber machine- guns, the American-manned boats were built strictly for patrol and not for assault or gun- fire support missions. Their water-jet pro- pulsion systems (they have no propellers) will permit them to operate safely and speed- ily even in shallow inlets and backwaters. The Navy is also building a new gunboat, the PGM-84 class, but it is to be used pri- marily for coastal operations. A smaller craft, called Swift, is already in the war zone, but it, too, is engaged in coastal surveillance, checking on Communist smug- gling and infiltration. Six of them are sta- tioned at Phu Quoc Island, in the Gulf of Thailand. Fifty feet long and, as their name Texas Senate Resolution 21 EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. J. J. PICKLE OF TEXAS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, March 2, 1966 Mr. PICKLE. Mr. Speaker, today, March 2, is Texas Independence Day. It is an historic day for Texans as well as men of liberty everywhere. The same profound and intensive con- cepts of democracy and liberty that prompted the fathers of Texas to de- clare the State's independence some 130 years ago brings forth this expression of support for the Nation's efforts in oppos- ing those who would deprive other people of their rightful claim to independence. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400050007-6 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400050007-6 March 2, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX 111101 died the House lost another one of its in- Question. How is the premium to be paid? Answer. Diagnostic tests, including \-rays spirations. It would be needless for me Answer: If a person who Is signed up is and laboratory tests, in addition to those to say he was a devoted, able public sere- drawing a monthly social security, r:;ilroad offered by the basic plan; radiation therapy; x111; because everybody knows that. ;retirement, or civil service retirement check, surgical dressings, splints, casts and so on; Ile had that happy facility, whether the amount will be deducted automatically rental of such medical equipment as oxy- ifrom the check. Otherwise, the persc ri will gen tents and wheelchairs; artificial 11nlbs, You were in bed ill or on your feet feeling be billed by social security at regular inter- artificial eyes, braces. 6 ue, of making you feel better. He was vats. truly one of God's great leaders. All of Question: Haw about artificial teeth? Question. What other reasons do i)eople Answer. No. The plan won't pay for fadae us will miss him much. give for refusing the insurance? teeth, hearing aids or eyeglasses. Our deepest sympathy goes to his loved Answer. Many have said--and this i? gen- Question. Does it cover the full cent of ones in this, their hour of great loss. erally a mistaken reason-that they don't the benefits? Thirteen Million Sign for Insurance want the supplementary insurance because Answer. No. First of all, the patient is they already have such coverage either responsible for all services not covered by through Blue Shied or Blue. Cross or a com- the plan-such as drugs and ordinary dental mercial firm. bills. In addition, the patient is responsi- Question. Bit will the "Blues" and coin- ble for the first $50 of medical e:cpene he mereial comp nies contin ..., h :.,. _ ue c curs HON. JOHN J. GILLIGAN as onso IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, March 2, 1966 Mr. C'GILLIGAN- Mr. Speaker, I call to the attention of my colleagues a recent article on the supplementary insurance provision of the Medicare Act designed to cover doctor bills. It is written by John Troan and appeared in the Febru- ary 14 issue of the Cincinnati Post and 'l'imes Star. Mr. Troan interviewed Social Security Commissioner Robert M. Ball, and the questions and answers provide some valuable and clear infor- lnation About the voluntary insurance. MEDICARE PICTIn lx: 13 MILLION SIGN FOR I N:,URANCE (13y John Troan) WASHINGTON.-After months of foot dragging, Americans are flocking to sign up ior the bargain-rate medical insurance of- fered by medicare.. Social Security Commissioner Robert M. Ilall says about 13.5 million persons past 65 have now enrolled for this supplementary insurance, designated chiefly to cover doctor bills. Iiy the end of the initial enrollment pe- riod next month, Ball expects 80 to 90 per- cent of the 19 million eligibles-between 15.2 million and 17.1 million persons to have signed. Following Is a question-answer interview -'?-~ i~ . a ,1UDL -, moiia o1 Lnem nave made it clear ,hey aren't, going to duplicate for the aged what offers, and most are urging their policyholders to sign up. Some already have announced they are roing to change coverage once medicare begins. Question. That's next July 1? Answer. Yes. That's when all medicare benefits except those pertaining to skilled nursing homes go into effect. The nur.:iing- home benefits will not be available until January 1, 1967. Question. Now medicare is divided into two part - ante? Answer. It will pay 80 percent of the remainder---80 percent of what's left after the patient takes care of the noncovered expenses and the $50 deductible. Question. Will a doctor's full fee be fig ired into this? Answer. Medicare will pay up to 80 per- cent of what is determined to be a "rea- sonable charge," based on customary and prevailing fees in the area. If a doctor bills medicare directly, the "reasonable must be his full charge If he bills th e pa- Answer. That's right: Plan A, or basic tient, the doctor may charge anything he hospital insurance, and plan B, or suiaple_ wishes but the patient will be reimbus"ed mentary medical insurance, by medicare for no more than 80 percent Question.. Plan A will- of the "reasonable charge." Answer. In general, It will offer up to 90 Question. When should a person sign nip? days of care in a, hospital for each spell of Answer. Those who were 65 before 3 in- Illness, with the patient paying the first $40 nary 1, 1966, must sign up before the end plus $10 for each day after the first 60. It of the first enrollment period March 31, also will offer home-health benefits-in a Question. If they don't? patient's own home-following hospitaliza- Answer. They'll have to wait for the r'"xt tion. And in 1967, benefits in ::killed nursing enrollment period, and pay a higher premium homes will be added, when they do sign up. For instance, i ii a Question. And plain B? person who reached 65 before January 1 Answer: Primarily, it will help pay doctor doesn't enroll by the end of March lie won't bills-whether the physician renders his sere- have another chance to sign up until Octo- ices in the patient's home, in his own otTice, her 1967; his insurance won't take effect or in a hospital, nursing home, or other in- until July 1968, and his monthly premium stitution. will be $3.30 rather than $3. Question. Any exceptions? Question. How and where do I sign up? Answer. The biggest exceptions are drugs Answer. If you still haven't been con- and long-term nursing home care-beyond tatted, get in touch with your nearest So- that provided by the basic plan. Nor will cial Security office immediately. the supplementary insurance cover rot i n i e physicals, inoculations, examinations for ,eye- glasses or hearing aids, or cosmetic surgery. Question. How about dental care? Answer: It won't cover dent l a care gen- iecurity Administration: orally. But it will help pay for dental scrv- Question. Commissioner Ball, how many ices in surgery on the jaw or other facial persons have i d gne s up for the supplemen- bones if this is required by accodent or dis- tarymedicare Insurance? ease. Answer. So far about 13.5 million, 70 per- Question. Any other coverage? rent of those eligible. And there are still Answer: If a person is treated outside a 'i weeks tt) go before the first enrollment hospital for a mental, psychoneurotic, or per- period ends March 31, so I'm confident by the sonality disorder, the insurance will cover c:ud of next month we'll have 80 to 90 percent half of the bill up to a total benefit of $250 of the 19 million enrolled. a year for this purpose. Question. Who is eligible for this insur- Question. Anything else? Into? Answer. If a person needs the services, In Answer. Just about everybody over 65, his owri home, of a part-time nurse, a nurse's regardless of whether or not he ever worked aid, a medical social worker, or a physical, alder social security and whether or not he speech or occupational therapist, the ins:ir- intend.s to retire. ante will wi Question. How many have turned down this insurance? Answer. Something over a, million, or 6 percent of the total eligible. But many of those who have said no are changing their minds. Question. What reasons do they give for turning it down? Answer. Many of those who gives a reason say they cart afford it. Question. How much does the supplemen- t= oy insurance cost? Answer. Three dollar:; for each individual past 65. The Government matches this premium, which means you're getting $6 worth of protection for $3, cover up to 100 visits a year by such health workers provided by a home- ,health agency. Question. ]Isn't this home-health benefit the same as that offered "free" by the basic medicare plan? Answer. It's similar. But to draw a hone- health benefits under the basic plan, the patient must first be :hospitalized. To droiw the benefits under the supplementary plan, there is no hospital requirement. Further- more, if a patient needs home-health care after discharge from a hospital he can draw 100 visits a year under the basic plan plus 100 under the supplementaryT. Question. What else does the suppi..n_ mentary insurance cover? The Disappearing Halves EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. JAMES H. (JIMMY) QUILLE^I OF TENNESSEE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, March 2, 1966 Mr. QUILLEN. Mr. Speaker, an i1;- teresting commentary on the increase 4 1 unofficial coin collectors in our Nation appeared in the Knoxville News-Sentinel on February 26, 1966. The new collectors are not concerlle I particularly with the age of the coin:;, rather they are saving any quarter.., nickels, or half dollars which wcrr minted before 1965. This editorial brings to mind the e s- sertion of Thomas Jefferson that our na- tional debt should not be left to be peid by the next generation. The conclusion of the article one of today's answers to Jefferson':; Proposition: Since we also are passing along most of oa,, national debt to grandchildren and great grandchildren, some Americans may have go:. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400050007-6 March 2, 1966 Approved Fc~! 1 E& ll~DP6~ NATER00040 In a word, transportation has become one of the social problems of our time. President Johnson referred to it in his state of the Union message. "A new Depart- ment of Transportation is needed," he said, "to bring together our transportation activi- ties. The present structure-35 Government agencies spending $5 billion yearly-makes it impossible to serve either the demands of the Nation-the needs of industry-or the right of the taxpayer to full efficiency and frugality." Britain, where transport problems are less gigantic but more concentrated than in the industrialized parts of the United States, has long had a Ministry of Transport. The Brit- ish public have tended to identify it with roads-and Prime Minister Harold Wilson's recent appointment as Minister of Transport of a woman who does not have a driving license has produced snorts and guffaws from some Britons (particularly male driv- ers). But the putting of Mrs. Barbara Castle-for she is the lady in question-in the top job at the Ministry of Transport be- speaks recognition of the need for drive and reorganization and, above all, the British Government's determination to draw up an integrated transport plan for the United Kingdom. Mrs. Castle was an undoubted success in the apparently not very glamorous or excit- ing Ministry of Overseas Development where Prime Minister Wilson appointed her after the 1964 general election. His decision to put her in charge of transport is-as the Economist said-imaginative. It stems from the same basic need as prompted President Johnson's announcement of a new Depart- ment of Transportation in the United States. All of us have a vested interest in the suc- cess of both moves, for all of us have a greater urge and opportunity than ever to get about-whether it be simply getting to work from the suburbs or more ambitiously getting away on vacation. [From the Washington (D.C.) Evening Star, Jan. 26, 1966] Too MANY COOKS President Johnson in his state of the Union message put his finger on one of the major flaws in American transportation pol- icy. Regulation is now divided among no less than 35 Government agencies, spending a total of $5 billion yearly. Such a fragmented approach, in the Pres- ident's words, "makes it almost impossible to serve either the growing demands of this great Nation, or the needs of the industry, or the right of the taxpayer to full efficiency and real frugality." Mr. Johnson's remedy would be to central- ize all this supervision of airlines, railroads, 'trucking, and shipping in a new Department of Transportation. While Congress must await details of how this would be accom- plished, the basic idea seems so logical and simple that the puzzle is why it was not done long ago. Actually, the notion of such a Cabinet- level department has been kicking around Washington for years, but mutual suspicion and hostility among the powerful lobbies representing the various carriers and the struggles by bureaucrats to keep control over their little fiefdoms have successfully stalled action. The result is a patchwork approach to the industry. Some modes of transportation must build their own depots while others use buildings erected at taxpayers' expense. Some carriers pay tax on fuel, others do not. Uncle Sam contributes to the cost of safety devices for one industry, while another re- ceives no such benefit. And so it goes. Putting all the regulators in one depart- ment will not automatically produce a ra- tional, fair, and harmonious policy toward each segment of the industry. But it is the first step that must be taken to achieve such a reform. The public interest requires no less. 4505 THE VICE PRESIDENT'S INFORMAL MEETING WITH THE COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I have b f e ore me a most interesting article that [From the Washington (D.C.) Post, Jan. 19, 19661 appeared in this morning's Washington TRANSPORTATION AND MORE Post. The headline is "HUMPHREY Agrees agency that would coordinate the diverse Vice President HUMPHREY agreed yester- programs and functions of the Federal Gov- - day to a compromise plan to meet with the ernment, deserves the widest support. in Senate Foreign Relations Committee in fact, -a good case can be made for broad- private, informal session. ening the scope of the new department to For the past 2 weeks HUMPHREY has re- include communications and power. jetted Chairman J. WILLIAM FULBRIGHT's re- There are obvious and compelling reasons quest that he meet with the committee in for placing the Federal transportation agen- a more formal public session. ties under one roof. The Federal Govern- Under the compromise plan, HUMPHREY ment is now spending some $6 billion a year will meet with the committee this after- for motor highway construction, the sub- noon on the neutral ground of Majority sidization of the merchant marine, inland Leader MIKE MANSFIELD'S Capitol office. waterway and harbor improvement and the FULBRIGHT'S disagreement with another regulation of railroads, airlines, and common high administration official-President motor carriers. But those dollars connot be Johnson-continued to simmer yesterday. spent effectively, they cannot confer maxi- The President refused to make public the mum benefits upon the taxpayers unless na- testimony he gave to the Senate Foreign tional goals are clearly specified and pur- Relations Committee on May 25, 1961, after sued through coordinated efforts. Neither he returned from an Asian tour which he logic nor necessity has decreed that the Fed- made as Vice President. On Monday FuL- eral highway and waterways programs must work to the detriment of the Nation's rail- roads as they do now. But a perfunctory coordination of trans- poration activities, one that merely results in shifting autonomous agencies under one big, bureaucratic tent will accomplish noth- ing more than an increase in Federal em- ployment. To cite a specific example, the new department is not going to be effective so long as the Interstate Commerce Commis- sion, that sclerotic archetype of the inde- pendent regulatory agency, continues to es- tablish minimum, not maximum rates and approve rail mergers without sufficient at- tention to the balance and efficiency of the total transportation system. The effective coordination of Federal transportation pro- grams, to say the very least, will involve a political struggle. But that struggle, which will be centered largely around the conflicting interest of dif- ferent modes of transportation, is not likely to be protracted if the new department were to encompass communications and the transmission of power. The inclusion of the Federal Communications and Federal Power Commissions in a new Department of Trans- portation, Communications, and Power would make it possible for the Government to regulate virtually all the interstate public utilities in a uniform and equitable manner. The inability of both the Kennedy and Johnson administrations to make headway in the effort to alter railroad rate regulation is but a foretaste of the opposition to the formation of a new department. BRIGHT suggested that the President make the testimony public. At a press conference yesterday, Presiden- tial Press Secretary Bill Moyers said that Mr. Johnson had appeared before the 1961 com- mittee meeting with the understanding that it "would be informal and private." Moyers said that the President "doesn't regard it as appropriate to change the rules 5 years later" by making public his testimony. In another development, FULBRIGHT dis- closed that the committee would resume public hearings on U.S. Asian policy next Tuesday. The new hearings will center on Commu- nist China. The first witnesses will be two university experts on China--A. Doak Barnett of Columbia University on Tuesday and Harvard's John K. Fairbank on Thursday. My reaction to the story is: How ab- surd can we be? I am a member of the Committee on Foreign Relations, and this morning I protested any informal meeting with the Vice President on neutral grounds in the majority leader's office this afternoon. I do not care how many Senators, be they members of the Committee on For- eign Relations or not, want to meet with the Vice President any time they want to meet with him. However, as a member of the Committee on Foreign Relations, I do object and said so this morning, to this kind of fol-de-rol, to this kind of nonsense. Mr. President, no one has defended TAX ADJUSTMENT ACT OF 1966 more than I have-and I shall continue to do so-the matter of separation of pow- The PRESIDING OFFICER. Pur- ers and the right of executive privilege. suant to the previous unanimous-consent The Vice President of the United States agreement, the Chair lays before the does not have to come to any committee Senate H.R. 12752, which will be stated meeting that he does not wish to attend. by title. He is completely protected by executive The LEGISLATIVE CLERK. A bill (H.R. privilege. He can volunteer to come. It 12752) to provide for graduated with- has happened in the past. holding of income tax from wages, to re- But, Mr. President, I am at a loss. to quire declarations of estimated tax with, understand this parliamentary nonsense. respect to self-employment income, to I should have thought that the Vice Pres- accelerate current payments of esti- ident, on his own initiative, would have mated income tax by corporations, to asked for the opportunity to appear be- postpone certain excise tax rate reduc- fore the Foreign Relations Committee in tions, and for other purposes, open session, to discuss with the commit- Approved For Release 2005/07/13 CIA-RDP67B00446R000400050007-6 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400050007-6 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD --SENATE March 2, 1916 tee the trip into Asia that he took at the the record questions about problems that it "would be informal and private.' Moyers request of the President of the United are raised, for example, by a story that said that the President "doesn't regard it as appropriate States. That would have been a most appeared in the Washington Daily News to change the rules 5 years later" by making public his testimony. appropriate forum in which to discuss it. of February 2h, by Walt Friedenberg, en- In another development, F uLBRIGHT dis- 7'here are other forums, and the Vice titled "South Korea Drove a Bargain closed that the committee would resume pub- President is using them, as he has a per- With 11.11.H.."--meaning the Vice Presi- lie hearings on U.S. Asian policy next Tues- feet right to do, and I am glad he is using dent. day. hearings will center on Comnl- them. He used the forum of the East The article reads: The new The first winesses will be two Room of the White House the other SEOUL, February 24.---Vice President Hum- Wi university China. experts on witne ses will ak Bw- rnorning. In fact, I think he used it on PIIREY ended iais 2-week, 9-nation tour here nett Columbia University on Tuesday and a couple of mornings, to meet with vari- with a bargaining session. on terms for send- Harvard's John K. Fairbank University on Thursday. ous Members of Congress. That is fine; tog more South Korean troops to help fight in Vietnam. the Washington (D.C.) Daily News, I heartily approve of it. The terms were not made piieiic. It is [From }le has announced that he is going to agreed, hogvever, that this country will send Feb. 24, 19661 use forums across the country to discuss one .more regiment to South Vietnam by the MORE Ain IN VIETNAM FOR MORE AID: SOUTH his trip with the American people. I end of April and a full infantry division by KOREA DROVE A BARGAIN WITH H.H.H. highly approve of that. He has used the mid-July (By Walt Friedenberg) forum of nationwide television and I ap- The present ROK troop total of 23,000 SEOUL, February 24.-Vice President prove of that. would th .is rise to about 40,000. HUMI'HRE'Y ended his 2-week, nine-nation The Foreign Relations Committee has Seoul argued that its present contingent tour here with a bargaining session on terms In Vietnam was a reasonable contribution. for sending more South Korean troops to certain special responsibilities in the field But if more troops were to be seat, South help fight in Vietnam. of foreign policy. It has certain special Korea must look to its national interests, The terms were not made public. It is prerogatives in that field, and has a re- that is, be compensated. agreed, however, that this country will send sponsibility to officially seek to take testi- So far as can be learned now, South Korea mony from those who, in the opinion Of has been promised: oheno end more e April regiment and to full South Viinfantryetnaam si by on the committee, are particularly qualified The gradua.l, selected reequipping (chiefly t mid-Juof a ly. and competent to be of assistance to the in heavy weapons) of its 500,000-man army. total of 23,000 Assurance that $150 million in earmarked The would thus present rise to ROK about troop oop t t40,000. committee by giving them their test,'- economic aid promptly will be forthcoming. argued that its present contingent In Vietnam was a that its reasonable present contingent moray. A stipend of about $2 a day paid for each Seoul The committee chairman, the Senator Korean soldier in Vietnam for batter living be sent, South Korea if must more look troops to were e to to be at interests from Arkansas [Mr. FULBRIGHT] was conditions. But seeking to carry out that responsibility The continued flow of Korean civilian tech- that is, lot its when he most respectfully suggested, the riicians to good-paying construction jobs in be compensated. South Vietnam. So far as can be learned now, South Korea other day, that the Vice President meet in A greater share for Korea in the procure- has been promised: with the Foreign Relations Committee ee in merrt of cement, of military uniforms, and The gradual, selected reequipping (chiefly open, public session and discuss with the other goods needed. by South Vietnam. in heavy weapons) of its 500,000-Roan army. committee the trip that he had taken, Assurance that $150 million in earmarked and the many foreign relations problems An interesting story. I do not know economic aid promptly will be forthcoming. that were raised by that trip. what the `acts are. But I do know, Mr. A stipend of about $2 a day paid for each When it became clear that the Vice President, the American people are en- Korean soldier in Vietnam for "better living titled to know what the facts are. conditions." (resident would not wish to meet with i ontinued flow of Korean civilian tech- the Foreign Relations Committee in open n I ask unanimous consent that the two nicians to good-paying construction jobs in session, the chairman of the committee articles from which I have quoted, the South Vietnam. most respectfully and properly suggested one from today's issue of the Washing- A greater share for Korea in the procure- that he meet in executive session with tor. Post entitled "HuMPHRE,e Agrees To ment of cement, of military uniforms, and the committee. When that was first rug- See Fu':bright Panel Privately," and the other goods needed by South Vietnam. Bested in our committee, I made it clear one from yesterday's Washington Daily Mr. MORSE. I do know, Mr. Presi- that it should be at the voluntary disc:re- News entitled "South Korea Drove a Bar- dent, that in a democracy, if it is to be tion of the Vice President, that we could gain with H.H.H., be printed in the preserved, the executive branch of Gov- not insist that he meet with us, but that RECORD at this point. ernment must be stopped, whether it in- we had the right to invite him. to an exec- There being no Objection, the articles volves the President or the Vice Presi- utive meeting. were of dered to be printed in the RECORD, dent or both, from engaging in govern- When the Vice President indicated, as as follows: ment by executive supremacy. If the I understand he did, that he did not care [From die Washington (D.C.) Pest, Mar. 1, Daily News story I have read is true, this to meet the committee in public session 1``161 is dangerous stuff. or executive session, the matter should HuMI'Ii IEY AGREES To SEE FuLPCJGHT PANEL If it is true, it is important that we have been dropped. I do not think that PRI.RATELY proceed without delay to check the in- if is fair, either to the committee or to Vice President HUMPHREY agreed yesterday creasing exercise of arbitrary, capricious the Vice President, to become involved to a compromise plan to meet with the Sen- power on the part of the President and in this hybrid arrangement, which is ate Foreign Relations Committee in private, inform .1session the Vice President of the United States . r,oither fish nor fowl. 1 or the past 2 weeks HUMPIMEY has re- in the field of foreign policy. Therefore, Mr. President, I made clear jetted Chairman J. WILLIAM FI_a.e:RIGHT's re- By our failure to demand a public ac- ne the meeting this morning that I would quest that he meet with the committee in a counting, we will entrench government not attend the session this afternoon, be- more formal. public session. not by law but by a man. I know of no cause I do not think that that session is in under the comprise plan, Ha MPHREY will man, including the President of the meet with the committee this afternoon on United States, who should be given such keep:irig with the separation of powers the neutral ground of Majority Leader MIKE doctrine as far as a Senate committee is MANsa'n: D s Capitol of ce. unchecked arbitrary power. concerned, unless they were simply meet- FULBFIIGHT's disagreement with another Thus, Mr. President, I do not intend ing as individual Senators, without any high administration otbcial-President John- to participate in any conference-which i "presentation that it is a committee son-continued to simmer yesterday. is going on as I speak now-in the name meeting. As far as I am concerned, there The President refused to make public the of the Committee on Foreign Relations. is nO oiiicial Foreign Relations Commit- testimony he gave to the Senate Foreign In my judgment, if members of the Com- tee meeting with the Vice President, and Relations Committee on May 25, 1961, after mittee on Foreign Relations, as indi- l.tiere cannot be, under the terms set he returned from an Asian tour which he vidual Senators, wish to meet with the made as Vice President. On Monday Fun- Vice President of the United States, then i,>rtll in this press report. RRIO.HT suggested that the President make the 'I.'here are some questions that the testimony public, they should do it in their individual American people are entitled to have an- At a press conference yesterday, Presiden- capacities as Senators. They should not !:wered by the Vice President, but they tial Pr.Iss Secretary Bill Moyers said that Mr. go into any such off -the-record informal are entitled to have them answered, in Johnson had appeared before the 1961 com- meeting in the name of the Foreign Re- open session, where he can be asked on m.ittee meeting with the under standing that lations Committee, because when a For- Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400050007-6 r~ Approved For Release 2005/07/'3 : CIA$DPf~7~~RI, 6R000400050007-6 March 2, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL ECOR ~~llw eign Relations Committee meeting is held, it should be held as an official meet- ing, in accordance with the rules and policies of the committee. Mr. President, it saddens me to make these comments about the Vice Presi- dent, but I mean every word. In my judgment, anyone who advo- cates, as the Vice President is advocat- ing, the bombing of people to a so-called peace table, has lost his right to claim to be a liberal. Anyone who is advocat- ing the kind of an escalating war, which the Vice President is advocating in his public statements, hai lost the right to claim to be a liberal. Mr. President, I have said before on the floor of the Senate, and repeat today, that the issue is now before the Ameri- can people. I say to the American people that they and they alone have the authority to check this escalating war in Vietnam, that they will have to do it at the ballot box, beginning in the primaries just ahead, and then voting in the November elections in 1966, continuing in the pri- maries in 1968 and voting in the general election in 1968. Unless the American people are willing to defeat those who are seeking to lead this country-by its present foreign policy-into a major war in Asia, which will be the inevitable end result, then the American people have only themselves to blame as increasing thousands and thousands of Americans, both military and civilian, will be slaughtered in that holocaust. Mr. President, that is the issue. I am going to urge-short of a formal declaration of war, which this President should have recommended before he sent a single boy into Asia to be slaugh- tered-that the American people defeat the policy which now characterizes the warmaking policy of the administration. I am perfectly willing to face the bal- lot box. I am perfectly willing to be judged by my people. I have served for 20 years in the Senate, always on the basis of the principle that each term is my last, for that is the only basis upon which anyone, in my judgment, has any right to serve in the Senate. For if we are not willing to serve in this body on the assumption that we are going to be either reelected or defeated on the basis of the record we make, as we utilize our inde- pendence of judgment on the facts as we find them, then we have no right to serve here at all. I am perfectly willing to be judged on the record that I make, and to be judged on my record for peace-a peace on terms which honors my country and car- ries out the long-held professings of my country that we believe in following the rule of law in the settlement of interna- tional disputes, and not in the rule of the jungle by the use of military force which we are following today in southeast Asia. COMMUNICATIONS ON VIETNAM WAR Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I also ask unanimous consent that certain com- munications, editorials, and articles dealing with my views on foreign policy be printed in the RECORD. There being no objection, the material was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: [From the Des Moines (Iowa) Register, Feb. 8, 19661 MORSE ON THE VIETNAM WAR Secretary of State Dean Rusk told the Senate Foreign Relations Committee on January 28 that the administration had. tried to "expose fully to the public" the eleents of the Vietnam problem but that it was hard to get the people to listen. Critics of the administration's policy do not agree that an effort has been made to expose the public to all elements of the problem. They think the administration has withheld information and deceived the pub- lic in statements and speeches. The critics might agree that it has been hard to get the people to listen. But this situation has changed, we believe, as a result of the big buildup of U.S. forces in Vietnam, the bombing pause and its re- sumption and the hearings of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. People are in a mood to listen. They want to obtain a better understanding of the problem. Des Moines had evidence of this new mood Sunday when about a thousand persons turned out to hear Senator WAYNE MORSE, Democrat, of Oregon, talk at a meeting sponsored by Iowans for Peace in Vietnam. Judging by the applause and the question- ing of Senator MORSE, the audience was largely sympathetic to the views of the Ore- gon Senator, a harsh critic of administra- tion policies. Senator MORSE made a strong, reasonable and unemotional presentation of his case. He made clear that he respects and admires President Johnson and that he believes the President wants peace. MORSE has no sym- pathy for communism. He does not favor an immediate pullout of troops from Viet- nam and he does not support those who violate laws in peace demonstrations. Senator MORSE challenged the legal basis for the actions the United States has taken in Vietnam, without a declaration of war. He sees a drift to government by Executive decisions. He believes secrecy policies and deceptive propaganda make it difficult for people to get the facts on Vietnam-and to generate a change in our foreign policy. MORSE listed what he believes are the fail- ures of the United States to live up to provi- sions of the Geneva treaty of 1954 and the United Nations Charter. He told of the lack of support for U.S. views among other coun- tries. He praised the belated decision to ask the United Nations to consider the problem. He expressed his fears about the dangers of escalation that could lead to war with Red China and the Soviet Union. We hope the great debate goes on, not only through speeches throughout the country by men like Senator MORSE and those who dis- agree with him, but also in the Senate For- eign Relations Committee and on the floor of the Senate. The search for an alternative policy to one of indefinite expansion and intensification of the war must continue-and that search will be helped by bringing everything, ex- cept security matters, into the open. Demo- cratic and constitutional processes must be preserved in handling even such a difficult problem as the war in Vietnam. From the Oregon Journal, Feb. 18, 19661 WORLD WAR I VETERAN VOICES DOUBTS ON VIETNAM To the EDITOR: May I in the name of Christianity and democracy express my deep concern in re- gard to the road of destruction along which our President and the hawks of the Pentagon are leading us? I volunteered 11 days after war was de- clared in 1917. I furnished! three boys and a girl in World War II and one boy in the Korean war. 4507 While they were gone I ran a 250-acre farm alone to make sure they had the food with which to fight. I gave a gallon of blood that they and their comrades might have blood to meet their needs. I sold Govern- ment bonds and never once did I miss my quota, even if I had to buy enough myself to fill it. Now, some of those "super patriots" insist that I send my grandsons to fight and die in that hellhole of Vietnam in order to force a people to accept our brand of democ- racy merely because it has proved a success here where conditions are in no way the same except that each deals with human beings. What is wrong with America's faith in democracy when we will say that we must send these boys to fight and die 7,000 miles away because this big deal of communism is liable to take us over? Nowhere in the world can you show me where communism has ever been able to give its people the things that we have accomplished for ourselves. Nowhere can you show me a country that has accepted communism but what was driven there by economic and social breakdown in its ability to serve its people. Communism cannot gain a foothold unless there is poverty, in- justice, and economic chaos, This is the ground in which it survives. Can napalm bombs and destruction kill communism or solve these problems? It cannot. I will admit that America with all of the destructive weapons can scorch the whole of North and South Vietnam, but you will never kill the cause for which they fight regardless of what we choose to call it, and you will leave behind a hatred all over Asia that will live on forever. Why doesn't our Government tell the people that 87,000 Viet- namese regulars deserted in 1964 and 90,000 in the first 10 months of 1965? These are men whom we have equipped and trained, and yet Mr. Johnson leads us to believe that they have come from the North. Most of the arms that we capture are not Chinese made, but Russian and United States made. If we would have spent just a fraction of our cost of war today in medical, educational, social, and economic advancements, we would not be called on 20 years after our real com- mitment was made by Vinegar Joe Stillwell, who was head of the Chinese Nationalist Forces during World War II. We would not be called on to make this staggering decision facing us. I helped to elect Mr. Johnson because of my faith in him to resolve this crucial prob- lem. But now I am thinking that perhaps I have made a terrible mistake for he seems completely under the spell of the hawks of the Pentagon. General Eisenhower warned us of this mil- itary-industrial complex lest they would take over; so did Gen. Matthew B. Ridgeway in his book "Soldier" "I challenge any thesis that destroying the military might of China would be in our long-range interest." We could create there a great vacuum which would compel us to drain our own resources of men and money to fill, and it would bring us face to face with Russia along a 7,000- mile frontier. This is not my appraisal, but the appraisal by a man whom I cannot bring myself to call a "pinkie" or dove. If such an emergency exists in Asia, why are we to be called on to solve it alone? Is our stake so much greater than the members of SEATO and NATO? I know no better way of sucking us dry than the way we are going. I say what I have said because I fear it needs to be said. I have spent my 71 years in full support of my country's ideals, but I'm sure this is not one of them. My eye- sight is good and I can still handle a gun. Let me go if there is no other way, even if I do not believe or agree with it. But for God and country's sake exhaust every ave- nue before we commit these boys against Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400050007-6 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400050007-6 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE March 2, 1966 their will to fight and die in Vietnam for what may be a lost cause. But if this be necessary then let every laborer, every farmer, every industrialist operate on a non- profit basis. In closing let me remind us a,11--"What profit a man if he gaineth the whole world and yet loseth his own soul." STONEY M. LOVRIEN. WASHINGTON, D.C., February 6, 1966. ] 1EAR SENATOR MORSE: Your strong, dissent- ing voice on our Vietnam policy is a major contribution to the restoration of sanity in our foreign policy. We are grateful for your courage and lucid portrayal of the ominous, mistaken course we are following. We hope your committee will continue its valiant effort to get the facts before the American people, define our goals and turn our policy toward realistic peace efforts. lincere]y yours, JACQUELINE KIENZLE. SC ATE COLLEGE, PA., February 7, 1966. I -EAR SENATOR MORSE: You Should know, directly, that your position and your inten- tions in the questions of the war in Vietnam have our full support and are very much appreciated. We have joined the protests and we have written to President Johnson. We are unable to understand his objectives except in terms of economical and political expansi.on and domination, which probably, is what "irn- perlalism" means. Yours truly, JREGON TRIJCKING ASSOCIATION, INC., foreland, Oreg., February 1, 1966. 11031. WAYNE L. MORSE, U.S. Senator. Old Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. 1Jn;Art WAYNE,: I can't help but believe that you had a great influence on the President when he referred the Vietnam situation to the United Nations. I had the privilege of viewing last Sunday's TV program and felt at :fie time that you were right, that from this time on the American public would. de- ma.:id United Nations consideration. 1 appreciate your forthright and positive pa,ition, though I am sure that at times it has been dificult, but then I also believe that you are happier when you have a tough job to do. lrly best wishes to you and Mrs. Morse for this session of Congress. he;t personal regards. IIOTIERT It. KNIPE, Managing Director. LAKE OSWEGO, OREG., I ebruary 6, 1966, Senator WAY-Nn MORSE:, 11/aahiugton, D.C. I'11An Sic: Please continue your efforts in preseing far stronger investigation of the [acts in our administration's policy and participation in the Vietnam war. I reel very strongly that the majority of the American people do not favor further involvement in this war. We must seek negotiation and help from the United Nations if we are to survive as -L w,.,r1d leader. ;-iincrrcly, P.'ORTLAND, ORF.G., February 7, 1966. I am writing many letters to various par- ties relative to the Vietnam war and many of us are so grateful to you for your effort in getting the President to not be so stubborn and listen to someone besides the two Secre- taries. I only hope you can get these two men into the Senate for questioning, Many of us are attempting to try and help to stop this horrible carnage. We are behind you in your efforts. Sir cerely, RoY A. GAGE. PORTLAND, CREG., February 8, 1966. Senator WAYNE MOR.,SE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: When the record shoves hew shamefully most great nations and the United States have treated China, no wonder that country resents us. McNaniara's declaration that we can de- feat both. Russia and China only provokes war. There is a paperback on "Chirs," by Felix Green (9b. cents). Perhaps Mr. Berg can pro- cure a copy. I recommend you read pages 264 to 293 wherein many strong points are presented why our present policy regarding China is unjust. A wise acquaintance said to mc, "I think all the wise men are dead and I cm feeling bad myself." With great respect and best wishes. Sinccre]y, WALS,ACE .S, PRATT. C ISTARIO, Owe., Februar?' 7, 1966, DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Sorry you have to suffer all this, trying to help us the people, trying to save our loved ones. People every- where arc with you but are afraid of causing trouble for their loved ones. I can't under- stand why mothers and fathers of this country can't put a stop to sending our men to protect everyone else in the world. All we want is to have our men to protect our own country right here. We all know you are right and aways have been. We have sent many letters protesting this war out we are just the people not the Great Society, The servicemen are hooked. This in rot a free country, we are full of fear of our own President, That is the way they wan` it. We would all feel different if it was a declared war. We all know how rotten all this is, This is the w out. Many r f the other people in the Congress are against the President but are also afraid of him. 1: am afraid to sign my name. T eep welt and keep trying to help us. It makes its feel good to know someone like you is still allowed in the Senate. We keep hoping they won't shut you up, but expect it any time. They shut up everyone else. We are sorry you are the only one having to fight this. The l:eople are with you So keep it up. Everything you have said a year ago is Writing cut; exactly like you said it would. The Big Three still hasn't been able to tell us a true answer. Our dear loved ones get- ting killed for someone else. Oh clear God. How can three men have such power? PORTLAND, O;L G., Frbruart 4, 1966. DEAR Sna: I agree with you on tie concern of saving young American lives over in Viet- nam. We should save the "flower of our youth" from getting killed over in Vietnam. Those orlen.tals should fight for themselves. I speak as a Korean war veteran. Sincerely, Mr. TLIOm,,.; Down. LAKE Oswaoo, OREG., January 31, 1966. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Congratulations on your stand on the Vietnam war. My sup- port is with you and I feel that you are gaining more support all the time. Let us hope that this move of the Presi- dent's today to take the issue to the United Nations succeeds. Keep up the good work. Very truly yours, KATHERINE CORTRIGHT. Senator WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I wish to say that I agree with you about Vietnam. I told you so last April, but I would like to remind you. My Dad and I voted for you when you were a Republican even though we were Democrats. Would you tell Senators HARTHE, MC- CARTHY, Moss, BURDIcie, METC ALF, MC- GOVERN, MANSFIELD, GRUENING, and Fus- BRIGHT that they have support for their opposition. Thank you. Yours truly, BARIIARA J. LUCAS. MINNEAPOLIS, MINN., January :^9, 1966, Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I wish to applaud your public Stand against the Administra- tion's Vietnam foreign policy. As ;i graduate student in political science at the University of Minnesota in Minneapol.*.s, but an ab- sentee voter in the State of Oregon, I am much concerned about the fearsome impli- cations of the present war in terms of esc;a]a- tion, the potential involvement of the Chi- nese, and the impact the war aimospliere has upon the democratic process within our country. I wish to encourage your effort in seeking to alter our Nation's foreign policy generally, and specifically in term; of seek- ing our withdrawal from Vietnam. As far as the techniques of withdrawal are con- cerned your expertise in this mntaer goes beyond my knowledge. However, I can see that our involvement in Vietnam will solve no problems confronting that nation, nor add to our Nation's statute throughout the world, nor be of any material "self interest" to the United States. Morally and from a "realist" point of view, I see no rational rea- son why we must continue our policy in Vietnam. As an aside, I have noticed a shift of at- titude within the academic circles of stu- dents, teaching assistants, and professors within the last year which increasingly giies- tions and has doubts about our present policy in Vietnam. At home in Roseburg during Christmas I also talked with friends, admittedly from a select socioeconomic level and high educational level, who were in sup- port of your position and very concerned about the Vietnam policy of our Government and its implications upon our Nation's gen- eral foreign policy. Sincerely, PORTLAND. On -c, January 76, 19613_ lion. WAYNE L. MORSE, Senate Office Building, ]/7achington, D.C. DEAR SEINATOR: Let me be one of the first to congratulate you on your sincere remarks at Des Moines last night. Hon. WAYNE MORSE, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I and Try family should like to commend you for voicing your opinions regarding the so-called peaceful expedition in Vietnam. Yours is as "a voice crying in the wilderness" and you deserve praise for taking the right, but unpopular stand, on this controversial situation. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400050007-6 March 2, 1966 Approved Fog s S Ug (0~7VRECORD P6SENATER000400050007-6 I have followed your stand on this matter for the past several years and have used material as expressed by you in the CON- GRESSIONAL RECORD on the whole sorry record of this situation. Respectfully, HOWARD WATERBURY, Jr. ASHLAND, OREG., January 25, 1966. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Chambers, Washington, D.C. DEAR SIR: Your efforts are sincere to familiarize the American people of the facts of Vietnam. It is hoped that you will con- tinue to demand that the Vietnam situation come to a halt, and be referred to the United Nations for settlement in accord with the Geneva agreement. Respectfully, OREGON CITY, OREG., January 27, 1966. Hon. WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Realizing that you, no doubt, have had much criticism regard- ing your stand on the Vietnam situation and that those of us who are in agreement with you are often lax at letting you know that we are 100 percent for you I feel that I have, thus far, been remiss by not writing you in commendation. I want you to know that many rather quiet people are behind you in the stand you have taken. Despite all the people with whom I talk daily I have yet to hear one person express support of what we are doing in Vietnam. While many people, thinking it unpatri- otic not to support policies of the President, have rather begrudglingly given assent to his escalation of the war because they feel he ought to know what he is doing, they do not support our role in Vietnam, and they are hoping and praying for peace. Republicans and Democrats alike, however, support you in your role of opposition and I'm glad to see that now some others are joining you vocally in the Senate and House. Again, congratulations on your faithful- ness to conscience and to the upholding of the constitutional freedoms of our democracy. Respectfully yours, Rev. HORACE L. BACHELDER. PORTLAND, OREG., January 27, 1966. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: * * * We would like to know, why we are in Vietnam. To whom are we committed? There are so many questions that have no answers in this re- gard. We parents have sons that are going to be involved in this mess, should certainly have the right to know why our boys are being sent there. Many people in Oregon appreciate your stand on the Vietnam situation, and hope you will continue your work to end this war. Sincerely, Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate O fflce Building, Washington 25, D.C. I very sincerly pray your legislation is fruitful. Yours, PORTLAND, OREG., January 26, 1966. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I would like to ex- press my support for the views you have so courageously expounded concerning Viet- nam and the draft. I suspect you will go down in history- if certain people in the Pentagon do not pre- vent us from having a history-as the most sane and thoughtful person in the U.S. Sen- ate at present. Sincerely, PORTLAND, OREG., February 15, 1966. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I am proud to be a resident of a State which is represented by a man whose political vision is as fear- less, sane, and farsighted as yours. May your sanity prevail. Please: Vote "no" in more U.N. war funds. Sincerely, Hon. WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, WOODRURN, OREG., February 25, 1966. Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Our warm and sin- cere congratulations go forth to you today for the brilliant courage you have demon- strated, particularly during the relent TV Vietnam hearings. We are proud of you, Senator MORSE, and of Chairman FULBRIGHT, that you are taking this stand and fight- ing for what you believe in. In these days many are too chickenhearted even though they may talk big in some circles. We have thought of you so often; if we had written every time we thought of you; and when we had opinions and suggestions on some of these present-day affairs that are so critical, your office staff would be swamped with letters. There is great interest shown in our com- munity, as all over the Nation, but it seems there are so many who are talking and surely do not have full information. Some do not understand your motives and have taken your remark about the rise of Hitlerism as a shocking condemnation of our adminis- tration and not as we feel, a warning as to what could happen here if we don't all take an interest and some action at the polls. Because we have supported you openly in our small area we have received some crit- icism too, and one day a party called me on the telephone following the General Taylor inquiry, very much alarmed about our friend, Senator MORSE, and that communism was everywhere (possibly under every bush) and she was afraid. In February, to learn more about the Viet- nam affair, we attended several great deci- sions meetings. The group was very, very small, an ex-colonel as discussion leader, ap- parently with the view that fight was neces- sary and war should be escalated. We were not inclined to go along, and our representa- tion from Oregon in the matter of the Tay- yor-Gavin-Rusk was relegated to the lowest depths following a complimentary remark we had made about our Senator on the Foreign Relations Committee, and the Chairman FULBRIGHT. If you should have any occasion to consid- er the groups interested in great decisions it would seem proper that the discussion leader refrain from attempted influence of dect- 4509 sions in these matters and that discussions be given to the public attending, rather than to listen to lengthy arguments in favor of the military as in this case here. Thank you, and keep up the good work. Sincerely, Mr. and Mrs. HARRY G. THORN. Hon. WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. SALEM, OREG., February 26, 1966. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: My husband and I admire your stand on Vietnam and wait with great interest each progressive step you make toward your goal. Sincerely, MARY EDITH GILKERTSON. PORTLAND, OREG., February 24, 1966. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Washington, D.C.: Please continue to voice your opposition to President Johnson's war in Vietnam since I agree with most of your policies and ideas in this regard. From my listening and reading, I feel we are aiding an evil government against the only people who seem to care for the Viet- nam country and majority. At any rate our being there is intervention and wrong. It has none of my moral support. Sincerely, Hon. WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. Mrs. RICHARD E. TRACY. SALEM, OREG., February 21, 1966. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Last night we held a surprisingly well-attended meeting on Viet- nam in my legislative district. Of those present I was surprised by what I feel is a change of mood following the public hear- ings of the Senate Foreign Relations Com- mittee hearings. I feel it is most important that further hearings be held to solidify the changing mood. I was surprised when the audience was in- volved in expressing their opinions. I asked for a show of hands and approximately 70 percent favored deescalation; 20 percent fa- vored continuance of present policy; 10 per- cent increase war effort; 90 percent favored calling for internationally conducted elec- tions and for abiding by such election even though this meant the election of a Commu- nist South Vietnam Government. I remain your loyal supporter. Sincerely, WALLY PRIESTLEY, State Representative, PORTLAND, OREG., February 24, 1966. President L. B. JoIINSON, The White House, Washington, D.C. DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: What price commit- ment if your country is ravaged, your people dead, or any who survive reduced to a cave- man era. Financial cost in the black market, mis- used funds, and aid to the world, plus plans for a better life here at home are too ex- pensive for your tax weary people to pay. There can be honor in retreat-in the realization that we have made a mistake and admitting it. France still lives with dignity. Allies? Who are they? Where are they except on paper? Their numbers do not sup- port us by financial or military aid to any great degree. I beg you, Mr. President, to listen to your learned educators, your fellow DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Tonight's Oregon Journal carries a short note that you op- pose the sending of draftees to Vietnam against their will without congressional ap- proval. I earnestly concur and I. applaud your stand. I detest the administration's bypass- ing of Congress with the Vietnam mess; such action is usurpation of power. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400050007-6 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400050007-6 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE March 2, 1966 Senators, who have made a life study of l;hese problems, and to your religious leaders. leek a peaceful settlement--not a, peaceful talk of settlement-while on the other hand you prepare for a larger war. Another Korea may not be the best answer, but it is a better ;. elution than land or nuclear warfare. You, as President of the United States, have a de tbto the world. It is far greater than any committment in Asia-it is life and. the right to live. Please, Mr. President, give It peace. Sincerely yours, Sc:ll:.tor WAS NE MORSE, ,Senate Oj]ice Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR: 'T'his family again cannot had the proper words to commend you enough on your stand against the President's Vietnam policy. It is our constant prayer that you can continue to find the strength to do so. The Senate hearings were watched with great interest and much was learned. It is our belief that without you to lead the way many other Members of the Senate would have remained silent and just blindly fol- lowed the President's wishes. Sincerely yours, TnasarooK, OREG., February 18. 1966. tOt. WAYNE MORSE, U.S Senate, Wa::hington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR: I think you are on the right track with your "no draftees to Viet- nam" bill-or any other undeclared war. CC those countries cannot furnish their own manpower to win then they cannot preserve thew freedom, and we certainly cannot police the whole world. 'i"he American people are not willing to make this terrible human sacrifice to "save face" for some few policymakers. Ridicul- lonS, if it weren't so tragic. Yours truly, PORTLAND, OREG., February 22, 1966. in Saigon sounded so much to me like the thing I previously described to you from Taipei that I think it is worth again noting that our people are largely talking to them- selves In our foreign offices. For perspective I am sending you a copy of a small bit by Arnold Toy abee which I think might interest you, which first appeared in the London Observer, and then was re- printed by the Witness-an Episcopalian weekly-in 1965. With kindest regards I am, Very sincerely, JOSEPH B. TRAINER, M.D. The recent unan mous s American Bar Association alleging t gality of our involvement in Vietnam me absolutely incomprehensible. As a I am enclosing a few quotations that ent of the m d h y he Le- is to result, I have ilitary PORTLAND, OREG., 6 gm e ju run across in t tribunal of the Nuremberg war crimes trial, . 1,ebru.ary 4, 196 ht find useful if you have not ou mi hi h Senator WAYNI: MORSE, g c y w S Washington, D.C. . re-pre- already noted them. Since the U. d DEAR SENATOR: Thank you for ,,our con- sentatives were on the tribunal, we stan d tinuing efforts to stop the escalation of the s condemned in Vietnam by the same wor war in Vietnam. Please keep up the good we used in condemning the Nazis. work. Sincerely, This OregonAan is very proud to have you CARL, J. NELSON. representing her in Congress. EG LS O F Sincerely, ., ? AL , KLAMATII SOPHIA LovING. February 2.. , 1966. Senator WAYNE MORSE, POR::LAND,, Senate Office Building, February ,'4, 1966. Washington, D.C. t k rd DEAR SENATOR MORSE. We ,save wa c 1. Hon. WAY YE MORSE, ice Building nate 0/ S at least a part of the proceedings of the , l e Washington, D.C. Senate inquiry concerning Vietnam. We f DEAR SENATOR MonsE: `[hank you Ior speak- appreciate something of the complexity o ing so clearly about Vietnam. I am willing to stop this destruction on any terms and get oil with the reconstruction. Why, after all of our years of foreign aid, don't we have less costly, more effective aid? I can't' afford to spend so much for so l:i ttle. Sincerely yours, MARGRET B BAILEY. l,uGENE, Oar:G., February :!4,1966. IHon1. WA1 N+EE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington., D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE : Thank you for your cuntiuuecl efforts to bring the Vietnam ques- tion to national focus. As a registered voter in Oregon I ECM : m proud to know that at least o-ie of Oregon's representatives to Congress is willing to challenge the administration's present policy in Vietnam. Your continued efforts to clarify the al- ternatives available in the present "execu- Live war" are deeply appreciated, as are your efforts to stop U.S. unilateral offensives in Vietnam. I also am in favor of the recent bill initiated by you and Senator GRUENING of Alaska which asks that recent draftees not be sent to Vietnam unless they volun- teer to do so. I think this is definitely a step in the right direction. My personal feeling is that the war in Vietnam is a very unfortunate mistake on the part of U.S. foreign policy. I do not believe we can "will" militarily in Vietnam without the commitment of 21' million troops which would be unthinkable. Our best recourse is to cease the bombing of North Vietnam (the bombing only results in solidifying the apposition and determina- Lion of the North Vietnamese people), rec- og.uize tl.e NLF at the negotiation table, en- courage and support the direct involvement of the United Nations and then abide by its decisions, and most of all be willing to accept a compromise settlement rather than push for a military victory which would mean the annihilation of the Vietnamese people and a very likely chance of involving the Red Chinese 1irectly in a land war. Best wishes for the success of your con- tinued efforts with. regard to the Vietnam question. Sincerely, Mrs. JEAN H. 1.?YIRHORN. I'IUGENI:, OREG., February 24. 1966. IIOn. WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: This is just a note to indicate again my 200 percent support of your stand in regard to the war in Viet- nam. I shall be everlastingly grateful for your courage and perseverance. the tatement b i the situation, but which for most of us must; be at some distance from the more intimate facts of the situation. In your position you must be in possession of facts not available to us here. We have appreciated your sin- cerity in trying to impress all and sundry with the hazards being faced and of the deep desire of our people for honorable peace, seeking a peaceful solution reflecting a people of honor. I have been rather increasing disturbed at the assurances we have been receiving that our Government is ready to sit down uncon- ditionally at any time or place to negotii*.~e this matter, then to discover that we seem to have established certain adamant precon- ditions. Among these is the matter that we will not sit with any representative of the Vietcong, but only those from North Viet- nam. Other preconditions also seem to lie in the background. It is to be hoped that here, too, we may be honorable and do as we say we are ready to do---talk peace with anyone anywhere and at any time. The situation being such as it is, it would be difficult to summarily with- draw from this business, and such would possibly leave a disastrous aftermath. But ways must be found. If negotiations must be carried on deviously and at arms length to avoid the Chinese pressures upon Hanoi, requiring a slow-paced patience, then let us do so. This might require processes not open to public view, and the public could only ask for reassurances of some kind that every avenue is being pursued and no doors being shut. Whatever you can do to further such a cause will be in the interest of all people. It will require the kind of courage you have shown in the past as you have sought to serve the cause of what Is best for America. Our prayers and best wishes attend you in these difficult areas of service. 110 ;1. WAYN : MORSE, U.S. Congress. Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Again I want to take [hit opportunity to support you in your aaaud on the Vietnam question. It must be it source of some satisfaction to you to have ;deli a broad swing over to what has been i, lie rational point of view on this matter, and to be able to move out of an almost completely isolated position into one of rather broad support. I have just finished reading David Halber- :;tam's Pulitzer Prize winning book "The Making of a Quagmire," which I thought Lie most impressive documentation of the history of our involvement in that area, and the best presentation of the persistent mis- information and misadvice and misestimates of the situation, which came first from our military people, secondly to our Embassy people, and finally to Washington. I think the question might be raised as to legally treasonable activity on the part of some of our people in the past 6 or 8 years. These are strong words, but since that kind of ac- tivity has now gotten us into a situation in which we may ask a great many young Americans to give their lives for the wrong cause--at the wrong place and the wrong tine-I think it is a question fair to raise and I think you are the man to raise it. 'Cie description of events from the mili- Lary headquarters and from the Embassy KLAMATH FALLS, OREG., February 22, 1966. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: There is always the time to write a letter to your elected repre- sentative and this is mine. I want to con- gratulate you on your courage in questioning Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400050007-6 March 2, 1966 Approved FCONGRESSIONAL R' C(F DPf ~ ?R000400050007-6 our actions in this Vietnam affair. I'm proud you are Oregon's Senator, too. History is going to prove you correct but I'm not sure you are going to have much influence. It is discouraging to see how readily we are put- ting so much power in the hands of the ex- ecutive branch. If this continues what is going to happen to the power of the Senate and House of Representatives? Even the best of Presidents can be misinformed or in- fluenced by the wrong advisers. The article in this weeks National Observor, which re- ported the Senate hearing, is priceless. I didn't see the TV report. Anyway, I'm proud of you. I don't think many of the Government officials realize how unhappy most of us are about this "engagement" in southeast Asia. I belong to a "great decision" group and all of them agreed it was foolish and senseless. Of course, we couldn't solve the problem of how to get out there. I hope you can. Someone needs to solve this huge problem. Good luck. LANGLOIS, OREG., February 10, 1966, Hon. WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Many of my friends, no doubt, will not take the time to write to you, but I can assure you that they will have the same views as I do on your stand on the war in Vietnam, I agree as you do, that in- vestigation should not stop at the Senate level, and not behind closed doors, only un- less for security reasons. In all, Senator, I think that you are doing a good job where you are. I like you because you have guts to stand up and let the world know what you think. Sincerely Yours, AL and LOUISE BROWN. PORTLAND, OREG., February 11, 1966. Hon. WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR MR. MORSE: God bless you for your. fearless approach to all problems concern- ing the welfare of the Nation and our free- dom heritage. We watched with interest and appreciation the Senate hearings as tele- vised across the country yesterday, with re- newed confidence that we have many able minds and courageous hearts devoted to our country's best interests. May your voices continue to be heard on this problem of Vietnam as well as on every occasion where you are the champion of our individual rights and the national security. Yours very truly, Mr. and Mrs. KENNETH C. SMITH. EDDYVILLE, OREG., February 10, 1966. Hon. WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I write to praise the work of the Senate Foreign Relations Com- mittee in holding such effective hearings on U.S. foreign policy. I hope that a full transcript of the hearings will be made easily available to the public since coverage by the communications media is inadequate with a few honorable excep- tions. Voters should know the truth. I write also to thank you for trying to block the appointment of Jack H. Vaughn as new head of the Peace Corps. It is high time that we completely over- hauled our thinking in foreign policy to make it conform with the realities of the atomic age. The time lag has been danger- ously great., . Yours respectfully, H. R. GLAscocxs, Sr. GRANTS PASS, OREG., February 8,1966. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: While visiting In Grants Pass I listened to many of your broad- casts which I enjoyed very much. I agree heartily with all that you believe in. I cer- tainly admire your courage and your stand in defense of the people's rights and the United States' position in Vietnam. If there are ways we citizens might help in support of your program please let us know. We are behind you 100 percent. Very sincerely yours, HELEN E. ELLIOTT. RUTH E. MAYERS. GLADYS CLEGG. FLORENCE, OREG., February 11, 1966. Senator WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: The televised hear- ings on Vietnam are very informative. I think it is getting through to a lot of people the futility of escalating the war. Very truly yours, MARIAN HUNT. PORTLAND, OREG. SENATOR WAYNE MORSE: I got to watch a good deal of the Foreign Relations Committee hearings, plus the evening news regarding these hearings, plus special programs on these hearings. I have also read many news- paper articles in this regard. I still do not feel well informed on the subject, but I do have some thoughts. None of the witnesses seemed in favor of escalating the war, all seemed excruciatingly sincere in their testimony and all seemed in favor of getting to the conference table with the enemy. Mostly in trying to get them to come to the conference table. One of the main problems seemed to be in predicting the future-perhaps you should call a fortune teller with a crystal ball in as a witness; pose hypothetical solutions and ask her to peer into the future to see what the result would be if such a course should be taken. Based on the hearings, whether or not to contain the spread of communism by aggres- sion seems to be the issue, with China's im- mediate intent the big question mark. I do not believe we can or should be the policemen of the world. Aggression should be halted and our mutual protection treaties should be honored. It does seem that the U.N. should be the instrument through which peace is manipu- lated. If that doesn't work no avenue toward peace should be unexplored. This also seems to be being done, or tried. These hearings have been the best thing to happen in this country in a long time. The public should know what is going on as well as just how difficult it is to wrestle with this problem. Sincerely, PORTLAND, OREG., February 24, 1966. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Please continue to fight, in every way possible, the escalation of the Vietnam "situation." I am in Portland with my husband who attends Reed College, and am unfamiliar with politics and proce- dures in this area. I would appreciate any advice regarding my efforts to help in any way I can to bring about a peaceful settle- ment of this nightmare. Most sincerely, MARLENA LANGSTON. PORTLAND, OREG., February 18, 1966. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I have owed you this letter since your brave, and almost solitary stand against the Presidential takeover of congressional duties, in regard to Vietnam. For a while, I thought that the constitu- tional point you were making was of lesser importance than the moral and humani- tarian issues, but I have come to see that for this country, at any rate, the two are one. An undeclared war is a wrong that was guarded against by our basic law. An in- fringement there may lead to further in- fringements on issues more immediate to our personal rights. You were right, and I was wrong. Thank you. Thank you for your courage, intrepidity, your continuing stand for the right as you see it. Most sincerely, MEDFORD, OREG., February 17, 1966. Hon. WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I will not take your time by writing a long, involved letter con- cerning our policy in Vietnam. I do, however, want to say that I applaud your stand on this important issue and am confident that you have contributed in large measure to a gradual change in public opin- ion concerning the administration's conduct of this war. You are, as usual, performing a great public service and it is encouraging to see more and more of our responsible congres- sional leaders joining you in public criticism of this immoral war. Thank you for saying what so badly needs to be said. Yours very sincerely, Mrs. MARJORY E. MADDEN. CORNALLIS, OREG., February 16, 1966. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I am writing you to commend you on your academic and bril- liant performance at the Senate Foreign Relations Committee hearings on February 10. You have much support, more perhaps than you realize. I fear people are afraid of being anti-Vietnam because they will be labeled as Communists. We must stop this war in southeast Asia. We will become so weak, spreading ourselves so thin, our image throughout the world will be nil. Perhaps this is the very strategy of the Communists. Please continue your fight for Eonescala- tion of the war and for approaching this whole thing from a different viewpoint. Yours sincerely, Mrs. W. A. SLABAUGH. SPRINGFIELD, OREG., February 22,1966. DEAR SENATOR: Please count me as one of the 17 to 1 against the war in Vietnam. Fortunately, Americans are not quite as they were a few short years ago. Not all of them will give up reason and commonsense because it might be labeled communistic. I am at a loss to understand the people who maintain that what we are doing throughout the world has anything to do with democracy, peace, or even anticommu- nism. The countries we have helped most have developed the strongest communistic lean- ings and small wonder has a way of revert- ing to American interest. One wonders how long Americans will con- tinue to tax themselves to support their own destruction. God bless you for having the courage of your convictions. Sincerely, Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400050007-6 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400050007-6 4512 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD, - SENATE March 2. 1966 PORTLAND, OREG., February 18, 1966. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: These televised hear- ings have certainly been enlightening to those of us who are so deeply concerned. Be- lieve me, I am praying that wisdom will be given to you who are forming our policy in this mess. Few Americans would object to the giving of our resources, money, and knowledge as a contribution toward a solution. But I can't see drafting youngsters in their teens and shipping them off to Vietnam after just 6 months training. it isn't always easy to do what you think is right, is it? Let me commend you for hav- ing moral courage, a most admirable attri- bute. Sinx:?rel y, DorioTHY M. WATERBURY. BROOKS, OREG., February 23, 1966. UsAR SNO?TOR MORSE: We agree with your position on Vietnam and admire your cour- age in stating your views. We wish you contid'ued success in the fu- ture. Iespeetfully yours, T,n,aI and FRANK HENRY. I' Thank you for the excerpt of CoN- r.RESSIONAl. RECORD containing your speech. I'iIXGENE, OREG., February 25, 1966. Senator WAYNE. L. MORSE, Senate Office Building. Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Please permit me to suggest that you advocate that the Unit- ed States and other nations (optional) des- ignate specific periods for peace prayer vigils. Prayer is the omnipotent force in the uni- verse. You have my 100 percent support of your steadfast position on the entire Vietnam issue. May God bless you abundantly for your tuost excellent achievements for Oregon and the world. A loyal and stanch Oregon friend, MPs. VIRGINIA F. SMITH. NEW YORK, N.Y., February 23, 1966. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I am in agreement On your stand on the Vietnam issue, and have been following the televised hearings of the Foreign Relations Committee. I am so thankful for your outspoken concern, and that. of Senator FULBRIGHT, over our danger- ous and hypocritical policies in Vietnam. Yours truly, PORTLAND, OREG., February 22, 1966. Mon. WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D C. DEAR SENATOR: After considerable reading and listening, and a fair understanding now of the history at the Indochina area lead- ing up to the 1954 Geneva agreements, and niter a reading of these latter agreements, and factual accounts of what has happened ::lace, that time (aided very little by the statements made by our administration), I must conclude that I concur with you in your courageous and determined opposition to our (lovermnent _, present policy toward Viet- nam. May I say that I am very proud to have you the senior Senator from Oregon. In ret.. rospect, I believe that most of my disagree- hnents with your stated views in the past-- and this has not been too many times-have centered around my own incomplete grasp of pertinent facts. At any rate, I feel quite :tire that time and history, perhaps most particula:-ly in reference to our !onduct in southeast Asia, will honor your record in the U.S. Senate as that of a genuine patriot. Would you. please add my name to your mailing list and also that of my brother. His name and address are: Stanley O. Stew- art, 2312 SE. 156th Avenue, Portl.cnd, Oreg., 97233. Thank you. and my best wishes '.:o you and your family. Sincerely, RLTON L.:STEWART. P.S.-Ii not too late, we would both appre- ciate copies of your January 1966 newsletter with your speech of January 19, tiI66, as en- tered in the CONGRESSIONAL REconn. Thanks again. F.L.S. SALEM, Oem., February 25, 1966. Sauator WA.-NE MORSE, Senate O(tice Building, Washington D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: For seven,l years we have followed your work concernin:' the prob- lem of Vietnam, and have appreciated your consistent, understanding, and unhypo- critical approach to it. We have been even more proud, as your cone,tituents, and grate- ful for your recent efforts. It is good at this time to see men such as yourself aa:d Senator F?n.LBRIGI ET doing what needs to be done, and doing it so well. If we could be of assistance to you in this work, we would appreciate your s.iggestions as to what, we might do. We will, of course, consider these issues in voting this Novem- ber. Sincerely yours, PHYLLIS BERGER PH. D. 'I'IIE DALLi s, OREG., 1'ebruarv -14,1966. Hon. WAY SE MORSE, Senate O_>gice Building, Washington. D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Though tids is writ- ten on a church letterhead, it is st'ictly per- sonal. We received and read in its entirety your very interesting newsletter and CONGRES- SIONAL Rncosn of January 1.9, 1966. Mrs. Morrow and I are more than ever impressed by your courageous and competent handling of the case in re Vietnam. We simply want you to be assured of the enthusiastic support of this family. You stand in this matter with some of the keenest and mosh honored of the country's advisors. Even the Oregonian had to print Governor Hatfield's stand and the rather surprising re- sult of "Great Decisions" discussions in which Oregon participants were divided 50-50 on Vietnam. We are not sanguine about the outcome at this time, hilt we are grateful for your efforts on behalf of sanity and what is right. Ver'r sincerely yours, IaRED R. AToRROw. NsWBEaG, OR.EG., February _'O, 1966. SENATOR WAYNE MORSE: Please use all your power as a Senator against this undeclared war in Vietnam. It is not, legal to draft men under the age of 241. without parents' con- sent. These men must pay taxes when they are employed, but yet they have nc say as to how this country should be governed as they do not have the right to vote The war in Vietnam should be put to a vote for or against. Are the American peocrle unabl ' to stop sending troops to Vietnam? Use your vale to stop this. More power to you; you are correct in your fight against wars undeclared. ROBERT It KAMPH, Veteran, World War IT, 91st Infantry Division. EUGEIVE, OREG., February 20, 1966. DEAR HoN. SENATOR MORSE: I would like to thank you for your courageous stand on Vietnam, and your faith in democracy. I believe that `he U.S. policy in Vietnam is illegal and immoral, and that our foreign policy is too narrowminded to deal with the complex problems of the world today. Our Government is acting on a cold-war foreign policy of containment, and It sees internal revolutions and nationalist movements as Communist aggression. We cannot bully or blackmail countries into a democratic form of government. I urge our immediate with- drawal from Vietnam, and I suggest that the United States reconsider its foreign policy. Please place me on your mailing list, for I would like to follow your actions in the Senate. Respectfully yours, MARTIN I. DURST. MARY ,JOYCE DUR~I'. EUGENE, OREG., February 22, 1966. DEAR SENATOR: I have been watching the hearings on the Vietnam question, and I wish to compliment you and Senator FUL- BRIGHT on the courage you have shown on these issues. I know most of the people are behind you. I, in my business of serving the public, go into many homes and In ask- ing about the Vietnam war find that the ma- jority of people feel as you do on the issues. We are very fortunate in having men such as you in our Government. God bless you, and keep up the good work. Yours truly, SAMUEL MARROT.-IF. Hon. WAYNE MORSE, Washington, D.C. WINSTON, Osica., February 24,1966. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Thank you for the information you sent me in relation to South Vietnam, and let me say I am very proud of you for your stand opposite to that Of the present administration, but Senator MORSE, I do not see how a formal declaration of war by the Congress changes the situation in re- lation to the danger of a war with China, and in the end a nuclear war from which no nation can emerge victor. It seems to me our great military power was created not to attack but to repel an attack. Are the American people to furnish the men and arms to police the world? If we follow the advice of Mr. Rusk, Mr. McNamara, and President Johnson. we are sureto end up in a war with China, and a declaration of war would be the go sign they now lack. Thank you for your Efforts in behalf of peace and justice but lain very much afraid the future looks very black. Sincerely yours, PORTLAND, OREG., February 2?1, 1966. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: As a resident. of Ore- gon, and the mother of a son who could be called into the service at any time, it is a consolation to know we have a man repre- senting us, with the courage of his own convictions. I only hope and pray this terrible slaugh- ter of our boys may soon end. After listening to the hearings--I felt like you and your committee--there is so much more we could have done, and still could do, to improve this horrible situation without all of this heartbreak for everyone involved. It is indeed a sad and empty feeling to realize we raise our beloved sons only to be snatched away in the prime of their young Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400050007-6 March 2, .1 966 Approved Feb?tl&sAfR/iOL7/1&Ce-&DP?Zi6RO00400050007-6 lives, to fight a war that seems so unnecessary. I pray that God will give our leaders the proper guidance to end this brutal war. Keep up the good work. That Is what America is all about. The freedom to speak out and be heard and the wisdom to make the right decisions by free and open discussions. Sincerely, ALEXANDRIA, VA., February 27, 1966. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Thanks greatly, sir, for your stand on the Vietnam war and cur- rent proposals. Your stand on this issue is as great to wit- ness as your display of skill in riding your horse seen some years ago at a horse show. May God give you added strength to bring proposals of war to the stage of negotiation and debate, that peace may reign in our land. Sincerely, DONALD COLLIER. SWEET HOME, OREG., February 22, 1966. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: You are doing splendid Job. We want to thank you very deeply. Have wanted to write you many times because we feel you are taking the right course on the war situation. I find it hard to express all the "graditude" in writting you. You and the men such as MANSFIELD and FULBRIGHT are giving us new hope, good luck. RAYMOND EWING. February 22, 1966. "Tourists form EstadoS Unidos mean much to our economy. Treat them well. Be cour- teous. Above all do not make argument politico. Because they are obsessed with the fear of Communists. It is a national sick- ness and they cannot help it. It has been their foreign policy for over 40 years and one day it will lead them into bad trouble. But they cannot help it. We will ignore it. We are thankful for their friendship and the prosperity their tourists bring to us. But we will not make argument politico." My reaction was anger and humiliation. The Californian laughed and said, "Think about it." Senator MORSE, I have thought about it. Thought about it a great deal since the Viet- nam situation assumed such a frightening aspect. I am not now angry but I do feel humiliated. Have we indeed carried fear and hatred and national arrogance to the predicted "bad trouble"? I am grateful for the mailings that come to us from your office. I am deeply thankful that you sit in the Senate and on its For- eign Relations Committee. Your fearless stand on our foreign policy gives me some measure of hope. Most sincerely, Mrs. KATHERINE HARRIS. MILWAUKIE, OREG. DEAR MR. MORSE: Thank you for the way you are fighting for the common man. The people of Oregon are lucky to have someone like you to fight for Its; the majority of peo- ple are with you. Keep up the good work we are doing all we can to help. Thank you again. Yours truly, Mr. and Mrs. JOHN PHILLIPS. PORTLAND, OREG., February 23, 1966. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Hurray for you. I'm with you all the way-and have been since I've been in Oregon. I hope you keep up the good work, I'm so sick of secrecy-and some of the lies that come out of this administration. I'm tired of being treated as though I'm not good enough, or wise enough to have a voice in the policy of this great land. I'm an Independent-but a registered Democrat since 1932-because I believed in the Democratic Party principles, more than I've been able to believe in the Republicans. We receive your congressional report and do appreciate getting it, for it gives us a chance to at least know what is going on in Washington. Thank you again for the TV Senate hear- ings. I listened to every one-and appreciate what all of you are trying to do. Sincerely, Mrs. LEO A. KILGES. LEBANON, OREG., February 23, 1966. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: You must get many letters scolding you for your stand on Viet- nam. Critics always write the most letters. I hope those who agree with you also let you know that they do. I am one of them. I listened attentively to all the Senate Foreign Relations Committee broadcasts with special attention to the opinions of Mr. Rusk and General Taylor. I wanted to find through them an area of agreement with my President. I could not. Early in January 1964, Slim and I stopped awhile in Tuxtla Gutierrez on our-way north from Panama. A compatriot staying at our hotel, a Californian, showed us a newspaper published in Mexico City and asked us to read a certain editorial and give him our opinion. With some difficulty and his help, I translated. This is the gist of it: Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I have just heard President Johnson's speech to the Freedom House Award, in which he implores us to support the war. With Just as much zeal and emotion, I implore you as my Senator, not to desist in your efforts to find another way. We have three young daughters, not sons, but my point of view in no way reflects any- thing but the utmost respect for our service- men in Vietnam. Somewhere in all the ave- nues open to us and all the intelligence of our diplomats there must be someway, some idea that can point toward a new solution to our world strife. I will not go on at length as to why we support your position but wish to indicate our support. Sincerely, CORINNE and DUANE PAULSON. OAK PARK, MICH., February 21, 1966. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Washington, D.C. MOST HONORABLE SENATOR MORSE: I am writing to tell you that me, my family and very many of my friends want to say thank God for you. We are all American citizens and are very much concerned and upset with our Presi- dent's policy, and the whole war in Vietnam. We do not feel that we should be respon- sible for the unjust slaughter of our boys, and the Vietnamese people, but so far there seems very little that we can do to stop it. Please continue to do your part and the investigations into the whole affair. Let more people know what the true situation is, and we hope and pray that we can come to some settlement in a hurry. Please tell me if there is anything that I can do to help stop this war, before it is too late. Hon. WAYNE MORSE, Senator from Oregon, Washington, D.C. DEAR SIR: This letter is to inform you that our entire family is deeply concerned over the situation in Vietnam. We strongly urge you to continue to pur- sue activities that would bring this matter to a peaceful solution. We are very much opposed to the present policies of President Johnson and his advisers. We are thankful that there are still brave men at home who are not afraid to voice their opinions. Respectfully, SACRAMENTO, CALIF., February 18, 1966. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR: Your efforts to save hu- manity from a nuclear war are greatly appre- ciated. History will have to record your good works. Sincerely yours, JOHN E. SUMMERS, M.D. TACOMA, WASH., February 19', 1966. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Oregon State can be proud of their Senator. God bless you on your stand on Vietnam. We pray the Ameri- can people will get behind you and support you all the way on this important matter. There has to be a better way than wars and its bloody killings. Sincerely yours, MYRTLE ROBISON. BERT ROBISON. SHELLEY ROBISON. PACIFIC GROVE, CALIF., February 19, 1966. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: You are certainly a man Americans can be proud to claim as their own. Throughout the hearings you have conducted yourself in a cool, intelligent manner as befitting your position. Thank you so very much for striving to bring peace to the world and an end to the killings. I'm certain you will be long re- membered and honored when the militarists are long forgotten, "Blessed are the peacemakers." You are among them. Sincerely yours, Los ALTOS, CALIF., February 19, 1966. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: It is difficult to find a way to express our gratitude to you for your courageous and lonely fight on the Vietnam issue. If we get out of this thing alive you above anyone in public life deserve the credit. You and Senator FULBRIGHT were very effective at the hearings. Perhaps it will prove to be the beginning of the end. Very sincerely, Dr. and Mrs. JOHN FRYMIRE. SAN RAFAEL, CALIF., February 20, 1966. Hon. WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Grateful thanks must be expressed by my wife and myself to you for your marvelous display of intelli- Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400050007-6 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400050007-6 11)1.4 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE March 2, 1966 pence and integrity---your unswerving devo- tion to truth, to peace, to humanity--in which lie all mankind's hopes for an end to the foul conflict In Vietnam and for an end to all wars. Your voice is America singing. Sincerely. Senator W A Y N E MORSE, Senate, Office Building, Washington, D.C. :TEAR SENATOR MonsE: Thank you for your criticism of our war in Vietnam, and for your efforts at clarifying our policy there.. Although this engagement is confusing and. confused, it does seem that where there is lighting there is a war. If it is war does it not have to be declared by Congress? It seems to he Presidential wars that are not controlled. hope float you will continue to criticize everything with which you disagree. If citi- zens cannot disagree with any policy in- volving our Armed Forces and have no say in where our forces shall be sent what voice do we have? Very truly yours, MunIEL T. ASBORNSEN. ,AN FRANCff4CO, CALIF., t;enator Monsr, U.S. Senate. Washington, D.C. DEAR SIR: More power to you. I'm behind you in your efforts to get Vietnam war nego- tiated--put in U.N. hands---and stop U.S. ag,ression. Sincerely, lIon. WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. HEAR SIR: Our thanks and admiration to you Senator MORSE for your courage to stand up, almost alone, for what you consider right, moral, and the good of your country. Very truly yours, IeA IfUTII BERRY. NIanOLAS BERRY. Sion. WAYNe: MORSE, U.S. Senate, Wa ihington, D.C. liiiS ALO, N.Y., lebruary 22, 1966. SIB: Thank you for your wonderful and brave stand you are taking to try to bring about an end to the terrible undeclared war in Vietnam. May I respectfully request that you sup- port the realistic proposal of Senator ROBERT KENNEDY to admit the Vietcong to peace negotiations and to the formation of a new government for South Vietnam, as they represent more than 75 percent of the popu- lation of South Vietnam? I'Lease continue your brave fight to bring an early end to the terrible sufferings and enormous waste of our country's money in a war we should have not entered into. Our country is being condemned all over the world for our intrusion into the civil war of an oriental country. Thank God we have a man like you who will fight for justice no matter how the warmongers try to smear you. God bless you. Yours truly, STUDIO CITY, CALIF., February 22, 1966. lion. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Building, Washington, D.C. D:zAR SIR: I was so deeply impressed with your statements and position during the hearings which were on television that it has taken me these number of days to collect my thought.; in order to write to you. Your statesmanship in the m:dst of con- fusion and darkness is a beacon of light and we are proud of you and wish you Godspeed and good health In order to remain the voice of sanity and, reason. I know dozens and dozens of people who ,;hare my views about your grew, patriotism but as you well know human nar:ure is such that people are quick to criticize and rarely exert effort when they agree * * * so please be assured that you have tremendous sup- port all over the country. It is appropriate that I should have writ- ten this letter on George. Washing urn's birth- day-a day of reflection, Sincere F ITTSrURGI , PA., February 22, 1966. D?EAr : 'F.NA'rOR MORSE: For years my par- ents have been telling use what it dreadful man you,, are, but after thinkin;'; it over, I think you're great. My husband and I ap- preciate your determined que: boning of Rusk, Taylor, etc.; and hope you can pre- vent Pre=.ident Johnson's abuse r f the Ton- kin Gulf resolution. We are concerned by the administration's confusion ar-d apparent v.'illingrlcs,s to escalate indefinilcly at the behest of Hanoi. We'll be back in. Oregon In a couple of years and hope to be able to vote for you then. :Sincerely, SAiiT FRANCISCO, C 11 IF., Senator WAYNNE MORSE, Senate (I flee .Ruildin.g. 1i7ashingi on, D.C. DEAR SsNAToa MonsE: I must apologize for not writi. cg to you long'bcfore this to say how much I appreciate your persistent and wel- come voice of sanity all these sr:snths. At last it seems that some other Members of Congress are joining with you, tLank good- ness. But your courage and patience In ad- vocating it course of reason with respect to the Vietnam policy will long be remembered. Sir cefely yours, F;I.1''ABETI3 If D, M.D. WEST COPAKE, N.Y., February 23, 1966. Hon. WAYNE L. MORSE, Senator From the State of Oregon., Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SINA'roa MonsE: It is wish respect, admiration, and gratitude that we write to you to offer our unqualified st;pport for your honest and courageous stand on the Vietnam policy of the United States. We have followed your outstanding career for many years and are very pleas: d to have this opportunity to extend our re pects and appreciation to you for being a. voice of conscience to the American people and the world. You have moved us to join you in fighting for tile redemption of oar foreign policy. We have written to everyone we can think of to either thank them for supporting you or ask them to join you. We hope it will, in some small way, help. As the parents of three small children, we look toward the future with many uncer- tainties, as have all parents for all time, but our outlook includes the fear that no matter what sacrifices we may make to insure our childrens' health, a good education and the rest, a nuclear war may make all our efforts meaningless. We thank ycu for your efforts to make the world a safer place for all children to find fulfillmen ; and the joys of life. With respect and deep affection, tae remain, Very truly yours, Mr. and Mrs, ROBERT D. 'I'ASSLER. ISLAND C:rrY, OREG., February 10, 1966. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Washington, D.C. DEAR MR. MORSE: I wish to thank you for your stand on the Vietnam situation. It is nice to know that there are people like you that have the courage to speak up. We as ordinary citizens cannot speak up against the war without being classed as being unfair to our soldiers in Vietnam or being Com- munist appeasers. I am a member of the Masonic Order as I know you are, and I have never known any Mason to be a Communist appeaser or sympathizer. This war is a nasty mess and I am glad to know that through your efforts it is being brought before the United Nations for possi- ble settlement. Also I like your stand on withdrawal of the broad authorization of the President to conduct the war in Vietnam. Sincerely, Hon. WAYNE L. MORSE, U.S. Senator, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. BAKER, OREG., February 11, 1965. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: For many years I have been more or less opposed to this busi- ness of writing letters to elected representa- tives on the theory that you people probably have more important things to do than to read and answer them. Your appearance on a recent Sunday television program, however, prompts me to write this to let you know that my wife and I, while we have not been your most ardent supporters in the past, do feel that your opposition to our so-called foreign policy is justified, particularly as it pertains to Vietnam. Our position there is untenable to say the least, but it appears that we are caught between the devil and the deep blue sea. It is our thinking that it is high time that this Nation takes a long, hard look :It its for- eign policy. It doesn't quite make sense to me that the United States should take it upon itself to make a utopia out of the entire world without some help from our so-called allies. It is inconceivable that we can justify .helping with our hard-earned dollars those foreign countries, including Great Britain and France, if you please, and many others, only to have them use this aid to help the other side, perhaps not directly but most cer- tainly indirectly. Perhaps with advancing age we become more selfish, but with a son approaching military age (now 16), It Is going to be par- ticularly difficult for me to see the reason for sacrificing him in an Asian conflict, per- haps, to force democracy on a bunch of peo- ple, 99 percent of whom don't; know or care of the difference between democracy and communism. We feel that it is about time for Congress to start acting like a Congress and stop rub- ber stamping everything that the present Occupant of the White House requests or de- mands. For all the good it did, the last Con- gress could have stayed home and the build- ings could have been rented to the labor unions. At least this would have saved the salaries and netted a tidy sum. for the Treas- ury. We know that it is not easy for you to take your present stand, and we are not sure in our own minds that you are entirely right. To pull out of Vietnam now, I am afraid, would be disastrous, but maybe it is time for us to admit that we cannot save the en- tire world all by ourselves and return to some kind of sanity in this foreign policy field. Keep up the good work. 11' we can be of any assistance, let us know. Yours very truly, Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400050007-6 March 2, 1966 Approved For Mg aifAi9 5 .?At13,E~I&FbDP6~T&014 000400050007-6 NORTH POWDER, OREG. DEAR MR. SENATOR: I have watched with great interest the hearings on television con- cerning Vietnam. I can say the information the public has been given in this situation has been, until this time, completely inade- quate. I feel that not only this issue, but others equally important, should be made public to the population. I understand from what I read that you were responsible, along with a few other men on the committee, in making this pos- sible to our TV Industry. You are to be commended. I would also like to say I agree in most part with you on Vietnam. However, I look on it in a slightly different manner. I feel, as many other people who have discussed this, feel that this war is kept going not in Hanoi, but in Washington. Don't misunder- stand me. I am not pink or Red. I am deadly opposed to communism. I feel it has little, if any, merit. But I do feel we have thwarted almost every effort to reach a peaceful settlement so far. I am of the opin- ion that our President, in order to save his neck at home on the economic field, is send- ing our young men to give their necks on the battlefield. From what little informa- tion I can glean from the press, I have reached the conclusion that our economy is strong, not because of our national product, but because of the millions and billions of dollars pouring into our defense spending and the circulation of money for the Great Society programs which have been started. I think the bombing lull served two pur- poses. It gave Hanoi time to rebuild instal- lations, thus giving her the capability to continue the war at a heavier tempo. It also served our purposes in the worldwide flight of doves on a so-called peace mission, which I feel was never meant to accomplish peace. It was a neat job any con artist would admire. Then our President made his big play at the United Nations and while that body was still deliberating, took off for Hawaii and stated his intent of giving all it took to de- feat the enemy. I cannot possibly imagine how the world could seriously think we have really exhausted every avenue of peace when we have yet to make a sincere step in this direction. I am opposed to this war which some have said (including the Secretary of Defense) could last 10 years. I have four sons who could be spilling their blood over there, and what a tragic waste it would be. I don't want communism anymore than the next but I feel we have set ourselves up as the protector of all mankind. It is im- possible. Maybe this isn't from scripture, but as a child I heard it many times: "The Lord helps those who help themselves." I do not feel, that aside from economic aid to these weak countries, we owe them the lifeblood of our young men. Teach them how to help themselves and give then aid. Let them choose their own paths. We cannot. I want to say that anything I can do in my small way to see you back as our senior Senator from Oregon, I will do. Maybe this doesn't agree with your politics, but on the other hand, I'm going to do everything I can to convince everyone I know that Lyndon B. Johnson should not be our next President. I am sickened by many of the Members of our Congress who mouth every- thing he says as if it were the gospel and I do admire your courage in speaking out against some of his policies. More than your ideas, I admire your integrity and courage. I am a housewife. I have seven children and perhaps I have little business even say- ing anything. But I feel so strongly that we are on the wrolig road that I had to write you and say I just wish there were a few more who see things as you do. Most sincerely, CORVALIS, OREG., January 3, 1966. Hon. WAYNE MORSE, Senator for Oregon, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. MY DEAR .SENATOR: We send our best wishes for a healthy, happy, and prosperous New Year. We receive your reports regularly and ap- preciate having them. Again we wish to commend you for your stand on foreign aid to countries that do not deserve it, how can we be so stupid to send aid to people, like Nasser and many others that we know are our enemies. We are enclosing a clipping cut from the Albany paper, we go along with this and hope that you will also. We assure you of our continued support in your efforts. Very truly yours, CHARLES E. WILLIAMS. PORTLAND, OREGl, January 31. 1966. Hon. WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: When we moved to Portland 11 years ago from New Orleans, I brought along my French drip coffee pot and we ordered our coffee from Baton Rouge. As usual, I was up at 6:30 dripping coffee and saw the early TV report. It must be highly gratifying to you to know that your aim In part (U.N. Security Council) has been accomplished. Congratu- lations. We are very proud and I believe you'll go down in history as the greatest statesman and Senator who ever served his country. The brilliance of your thinking has again been demonstrated. We'll all keep praying for peace, for you and for our Pres- ident's strength. He certainly has my sin- cere sympathy. The times ahead will be try- ing. So lets keep trying! Sincerely, Mrs. PAUL F. MIELLY. P.S.-I just looked up the words "states- man." "A man versed in the principles and art of government; especially, one who shows wisdom in treating or directing pub- lic matters; also a man occupied with the af- fairs of government and influential in shap- ing its policy." You surely have been a tre- influence in shaping our policy so mendous it fits and I can put the letter back in the envelope. Hon. WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. SIR: My faith in the democratic process has been invigorated anew by the hearings of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, so recently televised. As one of your Oregon constituents, I owe a special debt of grati- tude to you, Senator MORSE, for your per- sistent and courageous efforts to put your convictions first, and to keep our Vietnam policy in perspective. At' times you, Sen- tor FULDRIGHT and Senator CHURCH seemed to have been waging a lone battle against heavy odds. It now seems you have been rewarded, at least in the efforts of all the committee members to make a thorough and searching inquiry into our policy in Vietnam. I hope nothing will stop or hinder the committee from further challenging the premises on which our present policy is based, and then recommending a more sane and realistic approach to our future there. General Gavin has contributed much in that direction. "Profiles in Courage" would now have you, Senator Morse, to add to its pages. Very truly yours, ONTARIO, OREG. DEAR SIR: We are all very happy we still have someone left like you that doesn't want our loved ones getting killed for every other country. Mothers and fathers of this country want to know how to stop sending our boys to death. We are full of fear wondering why this country thinks it's so powerful it can lick the world. Our loved ones are so afraid and sick of going to Vietnam just to die. How can mothers and fathers put a stop to this? Our boys are getting killed. How can I be a member of the "Women Strike for Peace"? Ask the people what they think about this-not the President. Senator MORSE. DEAR SIR: We want to congratulate you for the stand you are taking. Every Ameri- can should know and understand that Con- gress can only declare war. It seems as though the American people should be awakened. Seems though the American peo- ple are just in a trance; they have to be told, and you are the man that can do it. A few more letters like you had in the Courier and also in the Oregonian should wake most of them. Hope to hear more of you. Your truly. ANNA RUMSOLZOMY, E. C. RUMEOLZ. HOn. WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR: Am writing you today commending you on your stand on the Viet- nam controversy. From visits around my territory which includes northern California, Oregon, Washington, and Idaho, I find most of my contacts are entirely in agreement with your reasoning and firm stand. You have taken a most courageous stand against forces who are in my opinion acting quite contrary to the wishes of the people, especially those in this area. I, personally, am a firm believer in the Monroe Doctrine and would gladly do any- thing possible to look after our interests and protection in this hemisphere. Beyond that and those boundaries, we are delving too much into affairs and responsibilities of Europe and the Far East. Our resources are limited and the mount- ing Government debt is awesome, contrary to the claims of our so-called leaders. I and others believe and agree with you that our (the public) interests should be protected and that the public should have the facts about our involvements around the world and our fabulous giveaways. Our Vice President traveling through the Far East is demonstrating his generosity which has been true to his past record. With that you are no doubt quite familiar. If we have danger from the extreme right, then we have the same from the extreme left of which he has been a member for some time. Many of your constituents are highly pleased with your bold and forthright posi- tion. We are proud of you and our Gover- nor for the sensible stand you have taken. Ours is a free country and we want to keep it that way. This cannot be done by constantly piddling away our resources In men and money. We are depending upon you to look after our welfare in your hon- orable capacity. Sincerely yours, Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400050007-6 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400050007-6 1516 'ONGRIESS [ONAL RECORD --SENATE March .2, 19G6 C'ORE.ST GaaOVE, Ua':G., January 30, 1966. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: May I congratulate you on your clear, concise, and very pertinent remarks made on the CBS "Congress and the War" program, Sunday. Like Most Americans, I have been very dis- turbed by the get-out-of-Vietnam demon- strations, around the country, but even more disturbed by the fact that the average citizen of dais Republic literally cannot get any in- formation upon which to make any kind of sensible judginent about the war. The equivocal statements of the President and his defenders do nothing but increase my anxiety and. if conversations with friends are any indication, the uneasiness of Americans is general. As though gross national product has anything to do with ethics or international law. I was especially pleased that you pointed out ti,e moral and practical issues involved. We have already been judged (and found wanting) by our fellow nations, and we must face our penalty from an interna- tional court. And we must realize that this war is not likely to stop with Vietnam. I don't think I'm alone in feeling this way. My husband, a history professor at Pacific University, doesn't seem to have any inside information I don't have. The politicians and political scientists or whatever we talk to seem as much in the dark as we average citizens about President Johnson's inten- tions. If this is a democracy, I think we have a right to know-at least more than we know now. Pain in the neck you may be to your col- leagues in the Senate, but I'm awfully glad I voted for you. Very sincerely, Mrs. FRANK: CIIIPPS. P.S.-Is it possible to get a copy of the Mansfield report? :',ALEM. OREG. Horn. WAYNE MORSE. DEAR MR. MORSE: As an Oregonian and a constituent of yours I wish to take this op- portunity to express my affirmation of your stand on the Vietnam issues, now being debated before the Armed Services Commit- tee of the Congress. Your intelligent and courageous effort to end this futile conflict should be applauded by all who are really interested In peace. Please keep up your efforts. I am sure that eventually the American people will get behind you and others like you to bring pressure on those determining our course of action, to stop this undeclared war. Sincerely, W. J. GENT'LHOW. 11011. WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington. D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I have been so thankful for your attitude toward the war in Vietnam. Whenever I have heard you speak or have read your views in print they have always cheered my heart. I'm surely very glad that our Oregon Senator is against this war. Very sincerely, Senator WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I have been more than sympathetic to your stand on the Viet- ,sam issue, and this final stand which you and Senator GRUENiNG assume on the rela- tto3ashin, of the draft to the situation is in- spirational. You have been willing to stand and be counted for a long time and you are beginning to rally solid support from others such as Senator GRUENING. With the change in attitude as evidenced by the Catholic ecumenical anncuncement which intimated that it would be possible to live in the same world with Communists and that it is not, necessary to eliminate them-I see some crack in the superpatriatic front which I view somewhat like that of an alcoholic personality-it survive: on the euphoria supplied by opportunities of patriotic demonstration which n :u it feel greater and more secure than it really is. I pledge myself to work in your behalf as hard en I ain able. Sincerely yours, WmraaM Ii. F vBA' Ph. D. Pos.rLAND, O7tE13 ., .tebruary 18, 1966. DEAR SENATOR: I know how busy you must be these clays but as a citizen and a, Korean veteran I hope that you will have the time to read my short letter to you. I'm not a very good letterwriter but I felt that I wanted to write this one. All these months I've been rearing about your views and watching you on television concerning the war in Vietnam and I wanted you to know that I agree with yon 100 per- cent. I want you to know I am very proud to have a person such as yourself to represent my thoughts in the Senate. Without peo- ple like you the average citizens such as my- self Would never be heard of. In closing may I say that 1: hope you will continue to stick to whatever your beliefs may be for the good of our country, and may God give you the strength and energy to continue your views concerning Vietnam. Someday perhaps I will have the good for- tune of being able to meet you personally and to shake the hand of a real man and an American. Whatever I may be able to do for you please do not hesitate to ask. Respectfully yours, 13rNG I, CHINN. FLORENCE, OaF.G., February 14, 1966. Senator WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: The televised hear- ings on Vietnam are very enlightening. They bolster my opinion on the subject, which is: The Urited States should admit Vietnam was and is a mistake, and we should get out now. Very truly yours, THON[AS M. HUNT, D.M.D. PORTLAND, OREG. DEAR SewaTOR: Be assured that many more than those who write you support your cou- rageous attempt to save this country from its disastrous and immoral course. Tam proud to be an Oregonian ac this time. Since3rely yours, Rum If. NaSSBAUM. Hon. WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SiR: Our family urges imn-ediate and open debate on the Vietnam war as you have suggested. Yours truly, SALEM, OREG. DEAR I.ONOEABLE SENATOR MORSE: Thank you very much for the letters I am receiving from. you, I agree with everything you do In regards to the war in Vietnam. I hope our officials will come to know too that they are In a very critical war and should withdraw, the sooner the better. Thank you again for the letters you sent me. Please note my ad- dress has changed from 285 McNary Avenue NW., to 1375 Ruge Street NW., Salem, Oreg. Yours respectfully, GERHARD GIRSBRECHT. Pf.OF.NIX, OREG. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: We support your views and we wish there were more like you and Senator FULERIGHT. It disturbed us to hear Secretary of State Rusk's answers to why we didn't fight corn- munism in Cuba in 1960 just 90 miles from us. Yet we are asked to make the supreme sacrifice now in Vietnam. Sincerely, Mr. and Mrs. OTTO MeG INLEY. PORTLAND, OREG. SENATOR WAYNE MORSE: You are doing good work there in Washington and we hope that we can have peace with honor in the near future so the boys can come marching home once again. Your great efforts are much appreciated in this great State of Oregon, I feel. Yours truly, Mrs. LINNIS WENTWORTTT. Hon. WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. SIR: The continuing hearings of the For- eign Relations Committee of which you, Sen- ator, are a member and which is so ably chaired by Senator FULBRIGHT, are of deep and abiding Interest to me. In no other way can the people of the Nation learn the aims and objectives of the lawmakers of their country as well as pos- sible by listening to discussions of this na- ture. I heartily endorse these hearings and consider them to be extremely important in helping the citizen to an informed and more enlightened state of mind. We regularly receive the newsletter and the excerpt from the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD from your office, both of which we appreciate and read with interest. We commend your able presentation of the facts regarding our entry into the Vietnam situation and hope for a speedy settlement of this war which is so tremendously costly in money and in blood spilled. Very truly yours, DOROTHY B. FELTU S. [From the Eugene (Oreg.) Register Guard, Feb. 13, 19661 WHY NOT WITHDRAW FROM VIETNAM? (By Robert M. Hutchins] The picture we get from Washington por- trays our Government earnestly, even fran- tically pursuing all avenues to peace and finding them blocked by sullen and derisive Orientals. How can we make peace, we say, if we can find nobody to make it with? Since we can't make peace, we must make war. The first question is, how much war do we have to make'? A leading diplomatic expert, George Kennan, has joined a military au- thority, Gen. James Gavin, in suggesting that we stay where we are and "simmer down." Their theory is that if we hang on without doing anybody very much damage somebody will eventually come forward from the other side and offer to settle. This proposal Is better than burning up Vietnam, North and South, in the name of the freedom and independence of the south. But it leads to the second question: Why hang on? "Surrender" is a dreadful word. Both Gavin and Gen. Maxwell Taylor are revolted by it. What is the matter with "with- drawal"? If we have made a mistake, if we have no right to be where we are, if we are doing enormous harm to ourselves as well as others, why should we not admit the mistake and correct it? This is something we could do all by ourselves. It is now officially admitted that we have made a mistake. No other interpretation can be placed on the peace campaign of the ad- Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400050007-6 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400050007-6 March 2, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE ministration. To put the matter on no higher ground, we have decided we can't win. Nobody has ever succeeded in discovering any basis for our presence in Vietnam except our own decision to go there. No treaty or international convention of any sort author- izes the United States to blow up some of the South Vietnamese in order to maintain in power those who could not have achieved power without us. In attacking North Viet- nam, we violated our solemn obligations un- der the Charter of the United Nations. The Geneva accords of 1054 did not con- template two independent countries, South and North Vietnam. On the contrary, they explicitly stated that the whole territory would be united after elections to be held in 1956. We prevented those elections. We created the fiction that South Vietnam is an independent state that has called on us to protect it against aggression. So why not withdraw? The North Viet- namese-know as well as we do that we can't win. They are equally aware that there is no moral or legal excuse for our presence. Why should they talk to us? The reason we do not withdraw from a hopeless and guilt-ridden adventure is that we have been persuaded by almost half a cen- tury of propaganda that wherever commu- nism raises its ugly head it is our duty to chop it off. We cannot allow Ho Chi Minh to triumph because he is a Communist. We cannot leave southeast Asia open to Com- munist China. The example of Yugoslavia suggests that we should be building up Ho Chi Minh against China. "Pacem in Terris," the last encyclical of Pope John XXIII, warns us not to let our hatred of an ideology lead us into a mistaken estimate of the intentions of those who profess it. The hypothetical possibility of a distant danger does not justify a present crime. FEBRUARY 15, 1966. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: As one of your Con- stituents temporarily residing in the South, I am pleased to be able to tell you that many of the students here have expressed to me their admiration for your stand on Viet- nam. Many of us believe that conscription of students (or anyone else) to fight in an undeclared war which they regard as im- moral and contrary to the national interest, is a usurpation of their basic political rights and their right to oppose the administra- tion's insane policies. We hope that you will push your proposal to allow draftees to de- fer service in Vietnam and will continue to vigorously and vocally oppose this war. Sincerely, JIM DRISCOLL. PORTLAND, OREG., February 20, 1966. SENATOR MORSE: Thanks for sticking by your guns. The American people need you Senator, more than they will ever know. very questions that you asked when your turn of questioning began. So I guess your thinking must be more agreeable than I had realized. I felt that the testimony of Mr. Bell was interesting in regard to the economical phases of the Vietnamese front. Although this information may be available to all of us-how many private citizens know where or how to ask for tariff and import costs in Vietnam or how government projects are handled? Many, many other pieces of information in regard to our problems in the world have been brought to mind and gives me much food for thought. I would like to see the line of questioning pursued in regard to Ky's statement in Hon- olulu in the livid statement about refusal to sit down at the conference table or any- where else with the enemy leaders. What chance is there for settlement when the pri- mary participants refuse to sit down to talk? I was shocked to hear this news broadcast and until it was mentioned in today's hear- ing have heard nothing more of it. It seems most important to me. I am very sorry that more people cannot view these hearings in their entirety-work- ing people, professional people, and students find it impossible to see it all and much is lost in the concise comments of the 11 p.m. newscaster. Am looking forward to the testimony of General Taylor next week. Would like to see Mr. McNamara there too, so keep trying. I am sure that he could give the people a testimony that would not harm our Nation's position, although am not so sure about this. I felt it was a privilege indeed, to hear Mr. Kennan's testimony. His ideas on the ef- fects of our foreign policies on the common people of these lands was most interesting and realistic. It is hard for the American people to comprehend the thinking and problems of such people. We have to be jarred up once in a while. Again let me say that I feel these tele- vised hearings are most informative and I hope they continue, not only on the Vietnam crisis but on many other subjects on which we stand to gain or lose much. Sincerely, PORTLAND, OREG., February 10, 1966. Senator WAYNE MORSE, The Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR MR. MORSE: Keep up the good work on Vietnam and everything else. I only hope your unusually forthright language will not jeopardize your Senate seat in your next election. Keep it up. Sincerely, EUGENE, OREG., February 12, 1966. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Need I reiterate that you "scored" again when Ambassador Kennan was questioned by the Senate Foreign Rela- tions Committee on Thursday. When you read the President's Honolulu statement, it put all the careful pussyfooting in proper perspective. I'm sure the thought- ful people in the country appreciate this. Thank you for having the courage. Thank you again. LYONS, OREG., February 10, 1966. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I have been most interested in the public hearings of the Sen- ate Foreign Relations Committee and the comments of the witnesses. In fact, I stayed home from work yesterday to hear them. I am sure there has never been a more in- formative series of programs ever presented. I must admit, Senator Morse, that I have never voted for you but it seems that the questions that came to my mind as the wit- nesses gave their opening statements are the P.S.-I'm sure these hearings will offer President Johnson some constructive alter- natives to our present collision course. 4517 IMBLER, OREC., February 23, 1966. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Knowing that you are fearless and uncompromising when a principle is at stake we are sending you this newspaper clipping for your attention. If its thesis is true what hope is there in the United States trying to influence world affairs anywhere, anyplace? Are the Amer- ican people too far gone on the road to personal gain without regard to the rights of others? Can the administration claim that they are activated by altruistic and noble purposes in Vietnam when they can do nothing to stop such grafting? And as a leading member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee we are hopeful that you-if no one else-might be able to do something about it. We take both the Oregon Journal and the Oregonian and try to read all sides and all the commentators have to say about Viet- nam. Never before in history it seems to us has such an issue been so cloudy and mixed up and yet of so vital importance to us and the world at large. We do not see how people can attack you so bitterly over your courageous stand in what you think to be right unless they have studied only one side of the issue. There is no doubt that you are sincere. However the same seems to be true of Johnson, Rusk and McNamara. They are no less sincere than you although taking a very opposite stand to you. If the tap statesmen and political leaders of the day what right has the ordinary person not nearly so well versed on the subject to take such violent positions either pro or con. But whichever side is right this grafting should be handled and it appears to us that it is up to Johnson and the administration to see that something is done about it and we are hoping that you can be the "gadfly" (the term meant in no dis- paraging way, believe us) to sting them into action. Hoping to hear from you as soon as it is possible for you to do so in your busy life for we really get anxious about such things as mentioned above, we are, Sincerely, A. K. LARSEN. Mrs. A. K. LARSEN. P.S.-Since writing this letter we have read your speech given before the Senate and printed in the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD dated January 19, 1966, which we received this morning. It is very illuminating and in- structive as to the historical background of the present dispute. Your arguments seem to be irrefutable. COOS BAY, OREG., February 22, 1966. HOn. WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate Washington, D.C. DEAR MR. MORSE: I think it most appropri- ate my first letter to a Congressman be on Washington's Birthday. The role you are playing in Congress is equally as important as that of our First President. I had the extreme pleasure of attending your lecture on the campus of Southwest- ern Oregon Community College a couple weeks ago, and while it has been impossible for me to watch the Senate hearings on tele- vision during the daytime, I have certainly heard many favorable repercussions from them. The position you have taken on our in- volvement in the Vietnamese war is most commendable, and the fact that you are standing almost entirely alone, in my esti- Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400050007-6 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400050007-6 4,518 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE March 1966 mation, warrants all the moral support we in Oregon can give you. I am most proud to be a, citizen of Oregon, and to be represented in Washington, D.C., by a man of your caliber. ,'lease accept my congratulations on your courage in the face of such powerful opposi- tion, Very truly yours, SCAPPOOSE, OREG., February 24, 1966. Senate Office Building Washington., D.C. I)r.,AR SENATOR: I admire the courage with which you state your position on the Viet- nam situation. Our Nation needs men who will stand for what Is right, even though it means standing alone. May God grant you many more years of honorable service to our country. Sincerely, I'iuoswz A. OsraR. MCMINNVn.I.E, OREG., February 24, 1966. lion. Senator WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate. Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. [)FAR SENATOR MORSE: I should like to sup- port you in your untiring efforts to oppose the present policy of the administration in Vietnam. It, is sad indeed that so many persons in high positions are so insensitive to the world- wide distrust and hatred of the United States which is being generated by this country's unilateral policy in Vietnam. hopefully the voices of reason such as yours will soon be heeded. Sincerely, I.laNoore, Ooze., February 21, 1966. icon. Senator WAYNE L. MORSE. Senate Ofhr: Building, Washington., D.C. DEAR SENATOR: Your stand on our position in. Vietnam is well taken in my book. b, is by the courage and wisdom of men of your thinking that our Nation will survive t:he peril we face. Keep up your good work. You have, I'm sure more solid support than you know. :sincerely, CORNELIUS, OREG., February 24, 1966. Hon.. Senator WAYNE MORSE. Senate Offce Building, Washington., D.C. DKAR SENATOR MORSE: We are in full accord with the stared you have taken irk regard to the Vietnam situation. Very truly yours, JOHN H. Dnf-rRscH. Mrs. JOHN H. DIETRICIX, Mrs. P. J.:DIETRICH. Senator WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Courthouse, Portland, Oreg. EUGENE, OREG. SENATE FOREIGN RELATIONS COMaIrrTE.E, Washington, D.C.: I want to say congratulations on the "seminars" on television. I heard both Gen- eral Gavin and George Kennan the full 10 hours and I am glad to know that millions of people had a lesson in history and sanity. Siriosrely, .'! EBR VARY 21, 1966. Hon. WAYNE L. MoasE, IT. S. Senate, Washington D.C. DEAR Sra.: This Is to indicate my strong support of your fight for peace, and par- ticularly your emphasis on the need for placing responsibility on the United Nations or some other international body. :1 also would favor a bill to prevent send- ing draf,ees to Vietnam for actions which would run counter to their own consciences. Thank you for your vigorous and stead- fast interest in the cause of peace and of government by the people. Rcspec'"fully, Ilon. WA e NE MORSE, U. S. Scr:.ate, Washington D.C. CORVALLIS, CftrG., DEAR bENATOR MORSE: Words cannot ex- press how grateful I am for your clear and sensible stand against the President's Viet- nam policy. In my travels to eastern Ore- gon, I fi lid more and more people talking about the war. They wouldn't talk about it a few months ago. Usually they say somothing fairly neutral until the y find how the other person feels about it. Many peo- ple over there feel unsure about our involve- ment in that country. As you know, east- ern Oregonians tend to be more conservative than in tie cities of the western area. There is a group of professional workers in Med- ford whc oppose the war. Tb(-v are too cautious to come out openly in ,he papers because of the reactionary opinions of the "wheels" in that town. Antiadministration policy feeling here in Corvallis seems to be spreading. We had no trouble in getting 50 persons, mostly professors, to partici- pate in a peace vigil at Christmastirne. Still more have Joined our ranks since then. There is going to be a large international protest of the war on March 25 and 26. Rumor h;-s it that there will be more than 10 nations participating in some form of protest on those days. Some of us :have written Mr. Howard Mor- gan to ask him to run for the Senate. We don't want to have to choose between Robert Duncan and Mark Hatfield. I know you will keep up the good work. I will support you at every opportunity. Sin 'erel y, Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office, Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SeeNATOR MORSE: Thank you very mach. for your speech in the CorvulESSIONAL RECORD. Our family agrees with you 100 percent about everything you say concern- ing our operations in Vietnam. I am enclosing some pages from the Oregonian in which I thought you might be interested. It would ream that the mass communications media in this country, even on the news pages, are being used as giant propaganda weapons by this administration. Letters are beginning to appear in our local paper pro and con the Vietnam war, but the writers' names are omitted by re- quest to the editor. They are afraid. For families with draft-age sons, freedom of speech is no longer a reality. The U.S. Senate seems to be our last hope between the American people and a real dictatorship. The House of Representatives has apparently given up doing its own thinking. God bless you and keep up the good work. Respectfully yours, Mrs. W[LLIAIN E. MAY. Hon. WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington,.D.C. FEBRUARY 25, 1966. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Thank you for your January "Senator MoxsE Reports" and especially for the copy of your speech in the U.S. Senate on January 16 concerning Vietnam. You brought out numerous points that needed airing and you helped set the record straight. In taking to task the White House, the State Department, and the De- fense Department you used straight-from- the-shoulder language; not a lot of double talk. I do not know the answers to the many complex situations of today but l do know it is frustrating to feel the integrity of our own Government is subject to question even while human life is at stake. I love my country, as I am certain you also do, and I can only hope that our other political leaders do too. Many thanks for coming out as you did and for making your position so very clear. Sincerely, Senator WAYNE MORSE. Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. SALEM, OREG., Februaru '7 1.966. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: How grate, ill we are for your courageous leadership on this whole Issue of Vietnam. We follow closely day by day the contribution you make to clarify the issue. I sat for almost as many hours as you, viewing the Senate Foreign Rela- tions Committee hearings. Marcy of our friends did likewise. More power to you. We do hope you are successful in getting Congress to rescind the resolution the Con- gress passed in 1964, which the President has used as a mandate for his action. We trust the Congress will not appropriate the $4.8 billion for further conduct of the war. I'm enclosing an ad we ran in the States- man and the Capitol-Journal dailies. It would be interesting to know what. effect It had in your mail, if any, the week following. We feel a tremendous urgency to do every- thing in our power to support you and others. Do you have any suggestions? I've spent the whole day, Sunday, just writ- ing to you Senators. Also wrote CBS, both commending them for running the Senate Foreign Relations Committee hearings and condemning them for subsequent censor- ship and coloring of news following Friend- ly's resignation. Here is a quotable quote: "Rarely in the history of world affairs has any country indulged in such a colossal act of self-righteous arrogance as did our United States when we decided for the strife-torn people of South Vietnam that they are better off dead than Red."--Rabbi Israel Margolies, Beth Am, the People's temple, New York City, December 11, 1965. Thanks too, for the reprints from the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD and other material which you sent to keep us informed. I DEAR SENATOR MORSE: This letter is written to inform you that we admire your courage ill speaking out against the U.S. involvement in Vietnam. We heard your statements over is recent TV broadcast. We believe you and hope you are successful in any attempts you undertake to correct this confusing war. Thank you, le'm and Mrs. ARTHUR GUDGE. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400050007-6 Approved For Release 2005/07/13: I DP lyt6ROO0400050007-6 March ;2, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL REC - 99 would like to have some of the valuable re- prints from the Senate Foreign Relations Committee hearing. Senator FULBRIGHT's summary statement following Dean Rusk's testimony was classic. Sincerely, MARVIN and VIOLET NETTLETON. P.S.-It is not necessary to take up your secretary's time in answering our letters. Just know we are with you 99 percent of the time. STAYTON, OREG., February 28, 1966. Senator WAYNE MoRSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. HON. SENATOR MORSE: We are behind you 100 percent in the stand you are taking in Vietnam. Would that more Congressmen were like you. Sincerely yours, Mrs. EDW. J. BELL. EUGENE, OREG., February 15,1966. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Hats off to you and the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. We, and many of our neighbors congrat- ulate you for your fine effort in helping to get the facts before the American people. Apparently, ? a large segment of the John- son administration have failed to take a lesson from from their defeat in the Korean war. It seems we have failed to champion peace-because it bothers people like Mr. McNamara and Mr. (Gen.) Maxwell Taylor, who apparently act purely for the interest of the war industries-perhaps you will accom- plish what our lukewarm or sold-out poli- ticians have failed to do. For the present, therefore, we are watch- ing the hearings with keen interest. Sincerely, The J. W. WALKERS. (If it were possible to re-do our votes of last election-we'd surely make some changes. But then, there's another in 1968.) ANN ARBOR, MICH., February 18, 1966. Hon. WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR: First I would like to tell you that my wife and I both Oregon residents, support fully your criticism of present for- eign policy in Vietnam and Latin America. Recently you sent us "The State of the War in Vietnam," a speech you made on Jan- uary 19, 1966, in the Senate. If you could send us additional copies we would like to send them to various people with whom we are debating the topic. We could very easily make very good use of 5 to 10 copies. It seems that your arguments have been basically legal ones. Other good points could be made on the moral level of course. But, perhaps unfortunately, the debate seems to hinge in most people's minds on the issue of the seemingly pragmatic question of how to stop communism, morality, and legal ques- tions being peripheral. The argument as I hear it says that if we don't do what we are doing we will encour- age national wars of liberation. It Seems to me that the following -argument could be made to refute that position. Given that our objective is to inhibit such wars in the fu- ture, our efforts in Vietnam should be evalu- ated in terms of that objective. Such wars seem first to involve a political stage in which forces are gathered for the second stage, the actual military effort. Since the political stage seems to come first, and is in that sense the crucial- stage, what effects do our policies have at this political level. It might be suggested that our present efforts would in fact fertilize anti-American, and pro anti-American organizational, feelings and activities. I imagine this would be easier to show in the case of the Santa Domingo "effort to stop communism," but it would seem likely to be a valid point in Vietnam as well. Also, the illegality and immorality of our position could be seen in this context as working to our practical disadvantage to the extent that it helped generate the political atmosphere in countries that could later be the targets of national wars of liberation. We wish we could do more in correcting our current policies. We appreciate your efforts. Sincerely, Senator WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: May I extend my deep appreciation for your courageous ef- fort in enlightening the people of the United States to the horrible situation which pres- ently confronts us all. Needless to say there will be those who will say that you are a member of some Communist conspiracy dedicated to the overthrow of our govern- mental structure. This sir, as you know, is the price one must pay in order to gen- erate and convince people of -a higher prin- ciple. Sir, I am behind you 100 percent. RONALD J. PEDONE. CAMBRIDGE, MASS., February 21, 1966. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: My wife and I, resi- dents of Oregon, strongly support your courageous stand on Vietnam. The United States is indeed in deep waters there, and strong voices are very much needed at this time to make sure that the people are pre- sented with articulate and thoughtful, al- ternatives to-the administration's policies. We hope you will continue to oppose courses of action which seem to you unwise. Very sincerely yours, JOHN T. MCCLELLAN. BETHESDA, MD., February 26, 1966. Hon. WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Please know that during the entire course of the Vietnam af- fair you have been speaking for me. I know too little of practical politics to understand why an honest stand on an issue gets a man discounted (or blackwashed) as a crank, and why "statesmanship" must involve shifti- ness. I prefer your method. So if you read a nasty column by one of our latter-day Clausewitz' which accuses you of woolly thinking it might be of minute comfort to remember that one citizen thinks that you are one of the only two Senators who have been on this issue both right and courageous. Sincerely, DETROIT, MICH., February 22, 1966. Hon. WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR MR. MORSE: Just a few words of heart- felt thanks for your intelligent and courage- ous position on Vietnam, and particularly for your being able to bring these discussions to the public. It is ironic that those in position of power and control do not accept the fact that unless there is public discussion (and freedom of all kinds of expression of opinions) they are jeopardizing the very rights and freedoms 4519 on the domestic front that they claim to be trying to preserve internationally. Again, thank you and with all good wishes. Sincerely, Mr. and Mrs. HERBERT T. RIEBLING. ANN ARBOR, MICH., February 20, 1966. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I hope that you will find continued energy to keep up your per- sistent criticism of the Vietnam policy of the administration. It is without doubt in error; and only by continuing to keep its follies and promises before the public can changes be effected. NICOLAUS C. MILLS. BLOOMFIELD, N.J., February 21, 1966. HOn. WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Your honest, wise, and fearless stand that What we are doing in Vietnam is wrong, futile, and dangerous, gives me and many, many others like me a little heart and hope. I fought, bled, and nearly died in the First World War. Now I consider war a complete negation of rational behavior. Keep on standing out against our tragic waste of money and lives in the undeclared war in Vietnam. Sincerely, ST. PETERSBURG, FLA., February 21, 1966. Hon. WAYNE MORSE, Senate Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR: No answer is requested but pass this letter on to your colleagues. This is an expression of appreciation of the writer and his friends for your forthright and just stand on our dilemma in Asia. We believe that you and Senator FuLBRIGHT can prevent the fruition of the impending holo- caust in Asia with a direct television appeal to the American people. The very form and substance of this Government is at stake in this matter and if you fail * * * there ap- pears little hope for the Nation itself. If you fail, it is too probable that the Chinese Army will march when spring trips north again. You just don't Start a ruckus in a man's backyard without a retort from him. Example: The Cuban crisis at our own back stoop * * * we acted and so will China. - Since the Premier of North Vietnam or- ganized and helped to direct the- rebellion of Indochina against France, it is a certainty that a great majority of its people remember and respect him. Therefore, to deny the Vietcong representation at the peace table is to invite a never-ending war of attri- tion * * * one in which the American people will ultimately rebel against forced tyranny at home. As if our Nation isn't already in deep trou- ble, it is entering a storm cycle unprece- dented in weather history which, in itself will compound the confusion of our leadership. This, together with a major conflict in Asia may well destroy your Nation and mine. Respectfully, - CLAUDE STRICKLAND. BROOKLINE, MASS., February 20, 1966. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, - Washington, D.C. - DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I am writing to ex- press my appreciation for the persistent and Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400050007-6 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400050007-6 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE March, 2. 1966 courageous manner in which you have ex- posed the folly of our position in Vietnam. I hope that you have continued to main- tain close contact with the people of Oregon during this trying period, for the American Nation would be much the poorer without your presence in the Senate. With all good wishes. Very truly yours, PARIS, FRANCE, February 20, 1966. LARCHMONT, N.Y. February 20, 1966. SENATOR WAYNE MORSE: God bless you, Senator. How wonderful to be a man of conscience long before anyone had the cour- age to be labeled a "clove." Our family and :many of my friends are your devoted admirers and applaud your stand to oppose this shameful war in Viet- n arn. We feel .,he hope of the world lies with you and other men of courage like you. Please know there are many, many like us thro, the country and the world. truly, ..~__ JuNc; HARRIS. i:.ROSSE POINTS PARK, MmFI., February/ 20, 1966. Hon. WAYNE: MORSE, Senate Foreign Relations Committee, U.S. Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE;; Thank you sincerely for bringing before the American people the issues and truths on the war in Vietnam. You are to be congratulated for your states- monship; there is so little left in our country. We urge continued "live" TV coverage of public testimony, particularly by McNamara and Huu:Pisa.EY. It would be excellent if more of the coverage could be seen during the evening, when the men as well as the women of our country could hear fir:;t.hand the opinions and views they need and want to hear. We who "pay the bill" in lives and tax money have the right to hear the issues discussed. It is or men and our money the President and his henchmen are committing to Vietnam, Never has a President had so much power and been so unconcerned about what the people want. President Johnson appears concerned only about his power and political dictatorship, which does exist. You Senators are our hope-n lease con- tinue, the investigations and make this man (the President) and his advisers account for the commitments they have made in our name but with no authority from us. We have no voice in the choice of the fancy "ad- visers" when we vote for an official, yet these men are blueprinting our policies--let's put a stop to that. We do not belong in. the Vietnam civil wax--let's get out-keep our men and money at home. Mr. Rusk testified that we are "willing to go along and accept" the result of a free election in South Vietnam, even though they vote for a Communist government.. Our men would then be giving their lives for one free election since if the ;people of South Vietnam choose a Communist government, there will never be another free election. That's too great a sacrifice to ask of an American boy, to say nothing of the American dollars. With great respect, we remain, Vera, truly yours, deflator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: We are young New 'corkers who have been traveling in Europe since the beginning of the year, and it is with ever-increasing dismay that we read and hear of our country's mounting involvement in the Vietnamese war. iloth of us have been active in opposing the war during the last year. and have been uneasy ever since the United States entered into the conflict. Aside from our feeling that political reality makes the involvement of our Armed Forces an absurd and tragic t,iistake. We are both deeply against war, and the senseless brutality and slaughter, terror and destruction that characterize this war in particular. Our motivation to write you stems from a troubled feeling we have about what seems to us to be going on in the United States. We looked forward to the open hearings in the Senate. and even though they were not planned, as satisfactorily as could be wished, they appeared to us as the greatest existing Lope that the Chief Executive's blind misuse of power could begin to be arrested, or at least curbed. After hearing you speak in New York last summer we were glad to know that there are some clearsighted, energetic champions of our cause representing us in the Senate. Both you and Senator GRUENING have shown great courage and intelligence in dealing with the stubborn egotism of the adminis- tration. But we still remain troubled, not only by the threat of flag-waving "superpatriots"-- modern day jingoists who seek to discredit us by defamation, but by the large numbers of Americans who seem to be permitting themselves to be led like sheep into the be- lief that, out of some supreme loyalty, they must support whatever unwise decision made by the administration. We feel that all Americans are entitled. and should be able to know all the facts, and should fudge for themselves. If this would truly happen, we believe that the "great consensus" supposedly supporting the Chief Executive would be exposed as a hollow slogan, and true public opinion would dic- tate a sane policy. in our experiences abroad we have found that: most Europeans with whom we have come in contact, consider the U.S. role in the war both dangerous and foolish. The French especially, after years of Indochinese bloodshed, are particularly adept at not be- ing fooled by the rosy picture of the war emanating from the information services of the U.S. Government. The newspaper, Le Monde, has exposed so many of Rusk's and McNamara's deceptions that it now merely lakes them for granted as deceptions and leaves it at that, at least so it seems. We wish to encourage you in your cam- paign to enlighten the American people, and to prevent the terrible outcome to which the present policy of the Government must inevitably lead. We are keenly interested in what we Can do to aid. the cause of peace. Sincerely and respectfully yours, YA~RTIivR BERGEN. RoL,ERTA BERGEN. P'ICHARD R RIPKA, NANCY H. ft.CPKA. P.S.-W= strongly urge the recision of the 1964 resolution. Senator WAYNi: MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. ENLCINO, CALIF., February 19. 1966. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Your puitlic utter- ances on the war in Vietnam and your prob- ing questions :in the recent Foreign Relations Committee hearings concerning U.S. policy in that unfortunate country deserve the gratitude and commendation of every Amer- ican citizen. You are performing a truly great public service in :itternpting to reveal to the people of this country the very dangerous course our Government is now pursuing ;end how, if this course is not changed in the direction of a more rational policy, we may be headed for a nuclear holocaust. Please keep on calling for a sane and mod- erating policy in this destructive and im- moral war we are carrying on against the people of both North and South Vietnam. You and your colleagues of like mind on the Foreign Relations Committee will be able to reach the good sense and conscience of the American people over the heads of the President and his misguided advisers. Then perhaps you will have achieved the "con- sensus" for peace the President will find hard to ignore. All of us who are interested in peace owe you and men like Senator FuLnalca;T a huge debt of gratitude. I wish to express my own feeling of admiration and appreciation to you for trying to return U.S. policy to the course of rationality, morality, and legality, Sincerely, NEw YORK, N.Y., February 20, 1966. Senator WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: This is an assurance of my continuing support for your continued stanch and courageous advocacy of ration- ality in Vietnam, in southeast Asia, and in foreign policy in general. Sincerely, CAROL F. DRISKO. BRIGHTON, MASS., February 20, 1966. Hon. Senator WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. MY DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I am fully in accord with your position regarding the Vietnam conflict. I urge you strongly to introduce the measure which Secretary Rusk has challenged you to do. The President has continued in his little war unchecked and in violation of the Constitution for too long. We are a democratic nation and contrary to a marked trend in the opposite direction will continue to be so. I sincerely hope that it passes-and by a wide margin. Very truly yours, MICHEI, PO'THEAU. ROYAL OAK, MICH., February .18, 1966. SENATOR WAYNE MORSE, Senator Foreign Relations Co:mmmitice, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I have been reading about and listening to your committee hear- ings, and the impression I draw from all of the proceedings is that to all except. you and Senator FULBRIGIIT those of us who dis- agree with the Johnson decisions are not much better than Benedict Arnold. This is not so. I've had relatives in the armed services since the Revolutionary W^.r. They served their country during times of war, and I have been proud of them, but I am not proud of what we are doing in Vietnam. This is not a war. President Johnson was given a blank check to do as he pleased in Vietnam. The Congress gave away the stops put into our Constitution. Is there nothing we can do to rescind this action? Let us get back to the three branches of govern- ment. I have an 18-year-old son in college at the present time, and I cannot conceive of his being sent to Vietnam. This is not what I have raised my son for, and I am heartsick for all of our boys who are fight- ing over there simply because our President has envisioned himself as the father of the world. We cannot and must not enter into every civil war in the world. I think we are ter- Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400050007-6 Approved For Release T10ffi?! , &ff- DP 7 RQ 46R000400050007-6 _7 n -1 66 CONGRESS C '1J 9 ribly wrong, and have. always thought it took more courage to say you're wrong than to stubbornly insist you are always right. I think we should bring our troops home from Vietnam. We are a big enough nation to admit we were wrong, but the head of this country doesn't seen to be. I hope he will someday realize what he has done to the young men and their families that he has involved in this action. I applaud your courage in not being "yes men," and I hope you can overpower your opponents. Sincerely, What is good for the President is not neces- sarily good for the rest of us, and we favor the restoration of the balance of powers which was and still is prescribed by the mag- nificent American. Constitution. It is so easy for big war hawks to condemn and smear those who object to wars with charges of cowardice, subversion, stupidity, blindness, willful disobedience, etc., ad nauseam. But we contend that it takes as much courage and bravery to stand up and question the warpower structure, as to face the fire of a foreign opponent. As for stupid- ity and blindness, how many of the big war hawks of recent history drove their follow- ers not to glorious victory, but to Ignominious defeat and disaster? Hitler, Mussolini, Tajo, Napoleon, Kaiser Wilhelm-to name but a few. Even Stalin tried to liquidate a small nation in a brief campaign (Finland). The list is endless with names of those whose errors of prophecy were colossal. It seems that since 1941 the United States has been constantly at war, and in our pres- ent state, being entangled everywhere in the world with governments-democratic, dicta- torial, feudalistic, and whatnot, it looks as though there can be no end to our armed conflicts. This is sickening, and makes a mockery of national policy that pretends to be the "Great Society." Too much of our national substance, manpower, blood and productive genius is being squandered reck- lessly in the bottomless pits of war and its consequences. This monstrous folly can only bring us to disastrous ends. Even now, the swelling of hatred and contempt for the United States from many quarters overseas, where we expected to enjoy some respect and affection, is one of the most alarming devel- opments of this decade. The American peo- ple are not a gang of international cannon- aders in the world, but present military prep- arations and actions make us look that way. We strongly oppose this U.S. war on Vietnam, and hope that you will continue to expose its follies and corruptions. In particular, we .dread the possibility that U.S. military action in Vietnam will provoke the Chinese to war against us-with cooperation of the Russians, of course. We strongly back you in your efforts to bring this was to a halt, and hope that you will vote strongly against any congressional bills that demand expenditures or authorization for it. Yours most sincerely, RAY T. WENDLAND. CHARLOTTE S. WENDLAND. LOMBARD, ILL., February 21, 1966. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Thank God for peo- ple like you who have put integrity and decency above politics. You have earned the respect and gratitude of the entire Na- tion, Democrats and Republicans alike. As you know, many mothers wrote and telegraphed President Johnson and their various Senators when they saw the impend- ing danger of commitment, but the Presi- dent chose to disregard the pleas. Many of us begged to have the problem placed in the U.N. When we were stunned by the President's war address we sent more letters and telegrams trying to stay his hand. We have been ill, to say the least. Ours are the war babies and we can't forget past tears. We see no necessity for more war. You are not unaware, of course, that in a sincere effort to make our views known, we have been lumped with Communist sympa- thizers. Our only interest is in loving our sons and in trying to save their lives. If love is a crime, we are indeed guilty. It has always been my belief that a Presi- dent's first duty is to preserve and protect families at home, not desecrate them. I am not alone in this assumption. You will find that any place women meet, President John- son has become the household word for enemy. We see him swinging at a mirage and cry- ing wolf in an effort to cover up a bad de- cision and salvage his image both at home and abroad. He erred in putting the cart before the horse when he chose blood first and economics second. We clearly recognize economic aid as a duty, but in our minds it represented our first and only duty or commitment. Like many others I voted for President Johnson in the belief that he would keep America out of war. I feel betrayed. I send you my gratitude and pray that you will keep pressing home the point that war will never end if we refuse to consult with those we blithely term aggressors. It is their home and their country and their right to help solve its problems. Sincerely, Mrs. ROBERT L. BARTA. WAUKESHA, WIS., February 19, 1966. Senator WAYNE MORSE, United States Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: We congratulate you for the investigation which the Senate is con- ducting into the Administration's war poli- cies. At this point in history, the U.S. Presi- dent holds such awesome powers that he can, almost singlehanded, commit the whole country. to war against any party he names. It is therefore all the more important in this American democracy to reveal his operations and those of, his numerous departments, in particular, the military, State, and the CIA. GALLIPOLIS, OHIO, February 18, 1966. 4521 ST. Lours, Mo., February 17, 1966. Hon. WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I approve your stand on Vietnam and your courage in maintaining it in the face of much ugly opposition. I am sending letters expressing approval of your views to the White House, our United Na- tions representative, and other Members of Congress. I hope that future developments relating to Vietnam will soon begin to re- flect the triumph of your commonsense atti- tudes. Very truly yours, LILLIAN L. HUBBELL. NATIONAL CITY, CALIF., February 17, 1966. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I would like to let you know that my wife and I are very, very glad that we have men like you serving in the Senate. Most of all, we -are 100 percent behind you in ending the Vietnam war. It Is men like you with your courage that makes us feel patriotic. L.B.T. and his men have really twisted the truth about the war in Vietnam. It has gotten so bad that rather than burning my draft card, my wife and I registered as Republicans as a protest. Lucky for me I served in the Army before L.B.J. "took over" the Nation. Best of luck to you and God bless America because we need help. COLUMBUS, OHIO, February 19, 1966. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I would just like to write a few lines telling you that I have been following.your position on Vietnam for the past few months and that I fully concur with your stand. It is unfortunate that the United States has been blindly led into the war and that at the present it is extremely difficult to find a solution which the admin- istration will listen to. The President's "peace offensive" in December and January was offensive to everything that I have ever believed about diplomacy. It is my hope that your position and the Senate Committee's hearings will force the administration to examine its position and the entire foreign policy. It is about time that we find something to replace contain- ment. I am writing the President to express my dissatisfaction with the present stand that Hon. WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: This is to thank you for your stubborn and most rational efforts in behalf of a sane policy on southeast Asia. Be assured that there are many of us out- side of Oregon who support you and agree with you. The cynicism of Dean Rusk's clever ploy today, challenging the Senate to vote yes or no on the appropriations bill, does not escape notice. Any knowledgeable person, of course, knows the bill will pass (they always do) but those of you who vote against it have already been branded. Nat- urally this will not in the least discourage you in your efforts. One need not have the gift of prophecy to see the disaster ahead. Maybe it can be prevented-maybe not. But at least some of us can feel and say, no matter what comes, that we tried. For now we will keep on hoping and working in the cause of sanity and justice. The courage and tenacity exhibited con- stantly by you will continue to be an inspira- tion and source of strength to us. Sincerely, CHARLES E. HOLZER, Jr., M.D. he is taking. Yours truly, ST. LOUIS, Mo., February 20, 1966. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. HONORED SIR: I want to thank you and your colleagues for bringing to the American people a televised account of the Senate Foreign Relation Committee's inquiry into the administration's Vietnam policies. I, like many of my business acquaintances and friends have tried in the past to find out why we are in Vietnam in the first place. All the people who speak for the adminis- tration repeatedly say that we have commit- ments, we must keep our word, etc. How- ever under our late President, John F. Ken- nedy, we were told that we would never get into a shooting war in Vietnam, and our sup- port would be merely advisory as fax as mili- tary matters were concerned and, of course economic aid. Mr. Johnson was elected on this premise too, but he has completely Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400050007-6 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400050007-6 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE March 2, 1966 changed t}re course. Has Mr. Johnson made ment, a,nd brochures were enclosed which swer-before it is too late. This country other commitments? I haven't been able to simply Justified the action in Vietnam. So, needs men like you, and never more keenly find out through the administration's Mr. obvious-y, writing letters of protest does not than at a time such as this. Rusk or General Taylor. The only conclu- change one thing. The President offered Very truly yours, sion I have reached is that the administra- "unconditional negotiations" inn speech last ROSALIE C. TEMPEST. tion has a long record of misjudgment and year, but even while making that, speech the that we, the American people have been bombing; of North. V%eanam continued, and I0KA, Mlss., fcoled by election promises. more troops were sent :,ver--a direct contra- February 20, 1966. Article 1, section 8, paragraph 11 of the diction to any offer of "unconditional nego- Hon. WAYNE MORSE, U S. Constitution clearly states that Congress tiations" It is quite understandable why, U.S. Senate, shall have the power to declare war. Why in the face of such actions, North Vietnam Washington, D.C. and by what right did Congress give up the rejected the offer as being "insincere." How DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Thank God you are powers? I think this was a grave mistake. Y could they think otherwise? IC that offer still in Washington to speak out against the if we had reason to be at war in Vietnam had been backed up by a cessation of hostili- war in Vietnam. I sincerely hope that you d we had it declaration of war by the Con- tics, showing that we really meant it-it and the other men who are against it can gross, I would be behind this action 100 per- might have been believed. One ::annot offer do something in time to save us from world cant, The way it stands, I'm against the peace, while continuen; to build a war ma- war III. Lt ministration's policy and I believe we chine and expect to be believed. The recent For years I have admired the, way you should get out of there fast. Pick the most ??p ace ulfensive" was almost certain to fail spoke out for what you believed, tnd I have honorable way and get out and stay out. for that same reason. "Actions .peak louder been grateful for your presence in our law- Because we won't like the Communist way of than words." We cannot, in all airness, ex- making department. If only there were more life, does this give us the right to force our "ways an. an a.tien people.? Acct Northt V3etnarn to make all the conces- like you there, maybe we could live, in a more UJeo I've had people? say. I feel better -ions wl.ile we make none at all. There has relaxed manner and without that constant and I share hour views in every respect. to be a spirit of "give and take" iii any nego- fear of an atomic war. S'ca,;e your yours, tiations if they are to succeed. Usually I am among those well-meaning '17(rIi.ISAM J. BAGLEY. This country has brought criticism upon people who sit back and hope that some- itself from all over the world because of body else will speak out for the right things- GROSSE POINT, Mlcx., the se aci;ions in Vietnam. If other countries but this time I just had to let you know horNr M 16, 1:J66. were to :;end their armies over here to inter- how much both my husband and I ap- bruary WAYNE MORSE, fere in an internal civil war in our country, preciate you. The Capitol, we would certainly resent their actions as be- Sincerely yours, 'I'ho Capto 1, D.C. ing acts of aggression, and tha:: is exactly MARY 13. DAVIS. :)EAR 8ENA'ro6 MORSE: It is quite impos- what we are doing in Vietnam. The United sihle to find words with which to thank y on Nations has pleaded for a cessation of hos- PIrrss'IELD, M.M1SS., rts you are making t bring peace tilities, but, again, statements have been February 20, 1966. for the Bind to Vieenam and by re doing avert a world made that we are seeking pear', while we DEAR SENATOR MoasE: The American peo- to Vie na, continue to enlarge our war effort. We are pie owe you immeasurable gratitude for the am One or the innumerable people in the certainly not adding. to our pre. tige in the stand and courage you have taken against country who believes that we have people right world by these actions. Mere words, with- the Johnson policy, in this unpopular war in co interfeo else the internal affairs of out appropriate action to back. up those Vietnam, I wish there were more men of Vietnam. words, are net enough, your caliber in Washington. We are regarded as cruel transgressors by I atrr a Democrat, '1 voted for President Best wishes to you and Senator I"ULBRIG FIT, roost of the peoples of the world and ter- Johnson because I firmly believed that he Very truly yours, ta}nly by our friends in the Far East. would keep its out of war. I an: sure that PETER FRANCESE. In site of the money we are spending to millions of other Americans who voted for i help p p us have been. shocked. We hoped that he February 18, 1966, world, our image grows steadily uglier. February would follow in the footsteps of P,D.R., and Senator WAYNE MORSE, We are praying for your continued health I am sure that if F.D.R. were with us today The Senate, and strength. we would not be in tliis precarious situ- Washington, A.C. Gratefully yours, ati.on. Lander his masterful leadership the MY DEAR Sis: I am an American living JS. K. WTLLMORE. beginning of friendly relationship with Rus- abroad who ceased to suffer from the op- sia was made, and if this had been carried pressive anti-Communist atmosphere that SANTA CRIJZ. CAT TIP* on, with tact and diplomacy, our two coun- is poisoning America in 1954, but I have February Z.S, 1966. tries might be working together in a com- never ceased protesting, for the sake of the senator WAYNE MORSE, bined venture in the exploratio:i of outer whole world, against American foreign olio u.S'. Senate, p y. space-a venture bringing tremendous con- On Sunday, my family and I, supporters of Washington, D.C. tributions to the world of scien;e, and to the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament, are .ai,;AR SIR: Our sister State of Oregon may mankind, Instead, that friendshi,o has been joining others in a silent vigil outside 10 well be proud to have a man of your caliber allowed to suffer becane.e our actions have Downing Street in an attempt to Impress and far-seeing vision as a Senator. I have, aroused suspicion of what our real inten- upon Mr. Wilson our shame and disgust over for a long time, admired and applauded your tions mar be, his Vietnam policy. courage in taking the stand that you have This is too dangerous a time to take risks We watched on TV the other night Ken- taken in the matter of the war in Vietnam, that could involve the total destruction of man's statements to the Foreign Relations and at this time I ant writing to express my the world. Surely Vietnam is not worth Committee and after you had asked Kennan sentiments, I am wholly in agreement with that. If this war is enlarged anti expanded if any country voted democratically for a your views in this matter, and I am sure that enough to eventually bring Communist Communist government, would we have the millions of other Americans are likewise In China into it, then our entire civilization right to interfere, my two sons got up and agreement with you. Unfortunately, we is doomed to annihilation in an all-out nu- cheered you and the older said to me: "Mom, were never consulted, yet the lives of all Of clear war. Is Vietnam worth thaw ? don't ever allow yourself to be bitter about its, and the preservation of our country and Unfortunately, the matter h,s already America, not while it has men like Senator trio-. entire civilization may well be in danger been allowed to go so far that a withdrawal MORSE." We were also pleased with FuL- unl^ss this action is stopped before it goes now would be taken as a. "loss of face," but CRIGIIT and considered Senator Lnuscz-sE a too far. certainly a "less of face" Is fir p cferable to McCarthyite figure who seemed to be in- I cannot see any justifiable reason why the risk of all-out war that would cost mil- timidating Kerman to some degree. this country over intruded into another lions of innocent lives, and destroy all of us. I have seen a propaganda booklet Issued country's internal affairs in the first place. Other countries did not rush into Vietnam by the Hanoi government with the men and We had not been attacked. This was a civil with arm e.s and aircraft, so wh',? did this women who compose the National Libera- war in a country thousands of miles away. country alone choose to do so? It was not tion Force and in my opinion, they are truly it was then stated that we would act only our business, at any time-and it is not our representative of the people of all of Vietnam, its in "advisory" capacity, with some eco- business now. and they deserve the status of recognition as nontic aid, as needed. Then came the first I congratulate you on your courageous any of the resistance groups held during the hornbing of Vietnam, which led to an ever- stand, Senator Mons[,, said it is my fervent war against the Nazis. increasing aerial warfare-more troops hope and prayer that the present debates in The crux of the whole tradegy is the ant-and every time this belligerent involve- the Senate will result Jr- finding a way to failure of the United States to accept the inert is intensified still further the danger halt this dreadful thing before it goes any legality of the Peiping government, and to to all of us Is intensified in the same ratio, further. :surely peace can only be achieved permit China's entry into the U.N. It may be I have written two letters of protest to the by honestly working toward peace, not by too late where Peiping is concerned, but we President in the past year. Both were ac- armies or bombs while talking shoal, wanting here never give up hope for the U.N. Let knowledged by someone in the State Depart- peace. May God direct you to fluid the an- there be two Chinas, but let us have peace. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400050007-6 Annroved For Release 2005/07/13 - CIA-RDP6ZBD0A46R000400050007-6 Please accept the sincerest thanks from our family for your persistent efforts to give us a better world and to restore America's name to the reputation it had before F.D.R.'s death. With warm and affectionate good wishes, May I urge you, and those who stand with you to stand fast and be not discouraged when criticized and called disloyal or near traitors. I remember how that over 1,900 years ago, someone who we profess to follow and use as our ideal, had to remind those working with Him, that they would have said to them and about them all manner of evil. May your strength not weaken nor your WHEELING, ILL., February 19, 1966. Hon. Senator WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR MR. MORSE: As an Ex-Frenchman, now an American citizen, who lived through part of the Indochina war fiasco, I wish to congratulate you on your wise and courage- ous stand on the South Vietnam issue. Keep up the good work, Mr. MORSE, you are on the right track. Yours very truly, F. F. VANDERMEERSCH. ANAHEIM, CALIF., February 18,1966. Senator WAYNE B. MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: It occurs to me that you might at present be getting a little mail of the uncomplimentary sort. Having been an admirer of yours for many, many years, and not having apprised you of that fact, I feel that this would probably be a good time to do so. I greatly respect your honesty, your intel- ligence and your courage. I feel that you stand firmly for the people and on the side of history. I know that when the scores are totaled, you will be one of the great leaders of all time. I hope that Oregon re- spects you-you are an honor to that State. Your stand on Vietnam allows this Nation to retain at least a little of its honor. Stand firm and guard your health, God bless you. We need you badly. Very warmly yours, BOB COHEN. AUSABLE FORKS, N.Y., February 21, 1966. Senator WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Permit me to as- sure you, on the basis of what I know of the American people and the widespread in- terest that the televising of the Senate For- eign Relations Committee hearings has aroused that the applause over a certain re- mark of yours-though promptly and quite properly suppressed-was echoed by perhaps countless millions of Americans, as it was by those of my own household. If a few hundred million dollars of the billions we are spending killing people could be devoted by the Government to the tele- vising of all important congressional pro- ceedings, it would be a great step toward making ours a Government in fact of, by, and for the people. I am, sir, Respectfully yours, ROCKWELL KENT. courage fail. Sincerely, NEW YoRK, N.Y., February 16, 1966. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: This is my first let- ter to a Senator, and it is to express my great admiration for you, and my sympathy with your views on our Government's war in Viet- nam. Please add me to your statistics. I am 24 years old, a professional cellist. I hope many more people will speak out, and if they don't very quickly, that you will not give up. Yours sincerely, Los ANGELES, CALIF., February 18, 1966. Hon. WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senator, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I take this opportu- nity of writing you and extending my appre- ciation for your gallant stand on the Viet- nam war. I trust that you will continue your fight, and I want you to know that there are millions of Americans hoping you will con- tinue to do so. This may not be a war to some people, but it is a big war for the boys who have to fight it. I see no victory in sight when the same policy is being used as in Korea. We do not fight wars to bring people to the conference table. That's nonsense. We fight wars to win. We cannot win in southeast Asia for many reasons. How can you feed 700 million people if you subdue them militarily? What kind of a stable government could you es- tablish? What would you do if something happened to Ky? How can you make the oriental ever like the white man and vice versa? Nationalism is too strong. War only decides who lives and who dies. You do not fight a war on the enemies' terms. You go all out to win with the best weapons and equipment possible which our Govern- ment to date has not given our men. My 19-year-old boy says that if he is drafted he will only be gun fodder, and he does not want any part of Vietnam. He would defend this country to the hilt if it was in jeopardy, but he does not believe in what is taking place now in Asia. What would you advise him, Mr. MORSE, to do? I would appreciate hearing from you on this. It's too bad young men have to pay for the mistakes of old men. Again thanking you for your good efforts and trusting I shall hear from you. Sincerely, K. F. SCHADE. FREEPORT, TEX., February 18, 1966. Hon. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Count me as an American who repudiates the administra- tion's policy on Vietnam. LUTSEH, MINN., February 17, 1966. Senator WAYNE MORSE. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Thank you, and those others in our Congress for speaking up with all your strength and courage against the policy our President and those whose advice he is following in regard to the immoral and utterly unjustified war being waged in southeast Asia. To me, a disabled veteran of the Rainbow Division of World War I, it borders on an almost unbelievable policy for our country and makes me fearful that the Armed Forces- industrial complex has taken over the foreign policy of our Nation. and attacked by more vocal elements of the citizenry, rest assured that there are many conscientious citizens who support your ef- fort to investigate the problem in a demo- cratic and open manner. ROCHESTER, N.Y., February 17, 1966. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Your comments and those of Senator FvLDRIGHT at the hearings of the. Foreign Relations Committee have impressed me a great deal, I think you have all of America thinking. TEANECK, N.J., February 17,19'66. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I want you to know that I support your efforts to secure peace in Vietnam. Everything that you have said about the war there makes sense to me. WILMINGTON, DEL., February 19, 19'66. Senator WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: We applaud your courage and bravery in speaking out on the war in Vietnam. We urge you to continue to press for a peaceful settlement as soon as possible. Sincerely yours, EDWARD R. KEARNS. RUTH S. KEARNS. AMES, IOWA, February 18, 1966. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: This is to tell you how much I, and my family, appreciate your efforts to end the war in Vietnam. You are a true patriot, and I think I reflect the feel- ings of most informed Americans when I say that we are proud of you and grateful to you. Keep up the good work. SAN FRANCISCO, CALIF., February 15, 1966. Hon. SENATOR WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Please know that my wife and I applaud your courageous stand on the Vietnam policy. Please keep up the good work, sir. We hope the immorality of U.S. actions in this area are not signs of the general decay of morals and ethics in our society. it is not always easy for a man to take an unpopular stand on issues as you do many times. How- ever, we believe in the honesty and integrity of your convictions and stand behind you. Sincerely, LEWIS LrrzKY. DESCANSO, CALIF., February 19, 1966. Hon. SENATOR WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR: As a pioneer Westerner (I am one of seven generations who has lived in San Diego County, and at present am the oldest of four generations still living here; with this introduction to the writer I must heartily commend you for your most proper DELAWARE, OHIO. Senator WAYNE MORSE, DEAR SIR: I am writing to express my sup- port of your position regarding the admin- istration's policy in Vietnam. Although the attitude you have maintained be criticized Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400050007-6 4:124 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400050007-6 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE March 11% 1.:' zd stand regards to this Vietnam war silly busi- ness. I enator STEPHEN YOUNG, a World War vet- eran as I happen to be, expressed the true situation in Vietnam. We are surely in the wrong war at the wrong place and the wrong time. I happened to see your committee recently at Berkeley via Westinghouse TV and then again yester- .clay at my home here via XER TV, Tijuana, Mexico. It was necessary for me to travel as tar as Eureka, Calif., and back (1,800 miles). I encountered quite a few folks in the 12 clays L was away and did not encounter a single person who was in favor of us being in -Vietnam. You, therefore, believe me, are not taking the minority view and unless our Constitu- tion is to be thrown overboard we should have Congress declare war just as that fine document provides. With such deep roots in my beloved coun- try it includes Baker City. Oreg., in 18135 where my 1Jnrle Elmer Holt was admitted to the bar at the ripe age of 18. Keep up your strength and don't let theni get away with it. Sincerely and with kind regards. Roy ARTHUR SILVA. PROCTOR, MINN., February 17, 1966. 11011. SENATOR WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. ])FAR HON. SENATOR MORSE: I Wish to express once again my gratitude for your appearances and your stand on Vietnam. Your unruffled countenance during the hearings are very confident to watch, be- sides the clarity of your position you have outlined. I applaud you. Sincerely, Senator WAYNE MORSE, .Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. The committee hearings are a wonderful public service. I believe the American public is not full aware of where this dangerous policy of President Johnson can lead and what disastrous events might take place unless caution is exercised. Thank you. for being such a concerned and dedicated public servant. Mrs. T. R. 1J[ERRITT. NEW 'Y orK, N.Y. DEAR SENATOR MoRSF: I would like to con- vey my support of the investigations which you are c(pnducting. And also to let you k-low that I am in agreement; wit.11 your plan to resolve this conflict in the United Natio__s. Very truly yours, Joe `.u BRUCK, CLEVELAND, OHIO, February 18, 1966. HON, SENATOR WAYNE MORSE: You are a great man. 1: can't find the piper words to express myself, how I feel and how I honor yen for your wonderful work and words for us people--our men, husbands, and sons- I will always honor you. Mrs. Muir. KOKAL. Senator \VAYNE MORSE, Senate Ogee Building, Washington., D.C. CHICAGO, rLL., February 1!), 1966. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Just a note. to urge you to redouble your courageous efforts to terminate the conflict in South Vi?tnam and bring,, our fine young American men back home. Sincerely, PL1'117OUTH, MIC:H., Senator WAYNE MORSE, February 1$, 1966. Washington, D.O. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I wish to express my appreciation for your courageous and tireless work for a more reasonable policy by our Government in the Vietnam problem. If you have any recommendations as to what an individual can do to help promote a less aggressive attitude by our Government, please let me know. I am willing to devote time and energy in the interest of stopping the senseless killing, but I don't know what to do. Thank you for devoting your time and energy in behalf of peace. Very truly yours, BitiTeE 13. SPSATLTNG. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: You have been wonderful on the TV hearings this past few days. Our entire family thinks so. This quotation from Isiah which Presi- dent Johnson quotes so often has me con- cerned. Isaiah 1: 18-19: "Come now, and let us reason together. - - * If ye be willing and obedient, ye shall eat the good of the land.. But If ye refuse and rebel, ye shall be devoured with the sword." I wish we had many more men like you in the Senate. Sincerely yours, BERNICE OLIPHANT. SAN FRANCISCO, CALIF., February 18, 1966. Senator WAYNE L. MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: How we rejoice that we have such a great man living in our coun.. try today. Your courageous stand in this time of national crisis gives us hope indeed for the future of our country and the world. With deepest appreciation, I am, Sincerely. ! Ars. NORMA GROSSENBACIIER. AUBURNDAI.E, MASS., February 17, 1966. Senator WAYNr: MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DT'AR SENATOR MORSE: I agree completely with your statements on the Vietnam war. YOU and some of your fellow senators who share your view, seem to be the only sane force in Washington these days. 1 NGI$' W 00D, CA,.IF., Senator WAYNE MORSE, February 12, 1966. U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOll MORSE: We are writing to en- courage you in your attempt to enlighten the public on the true state; of affairs In Vietnam and to bring an end to the hostili- ties there. The majority opinion in the United States today seems to be that our presence in Vietnam is justified bee. muse there has been Communist aggression from the north. We feel, however, that the United States especially in support of the Diem re- gime, has also committed aggression. We realise that our Government finds itself in a touchy situation, that It has a "tii;er by the tail," so to speak, but, we are convinced that no further good can come from prolonging the present tragic state Of affairs. We urge our Represente.tives in Washington to de- mand thai; negotiations with the Vietcong and the North Vietnamese be commenced im- mediately, before the United States Is ir- reversibly committed to further atrocities. Sincerely yours, RICHARD HAROLD JOHNSON. ANNA VAN ROAPHARST JOHNSON. Hon. WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. NORMAL, ILL., February 14, 1960. DEAR SIR: Please be advised that I support you wholeheartedly in your stand against our present Vietnam policies. They are' immnr,-i, impractical, and shortsighted. A country such as ours is capable of solving these prob- lems in a more intelligent rnarn,er, Sincerely yours, DALE E. BII2 KSNHOLZ. PACIFIC PALISADES, CALIF., February 10, 196, DEAR SENATOR MORSE: We feel that the so- called confusion of the American public may be due to lack of a responsible spoke::- man of views which many have privately come to. May we offer the committee and yourself congratulations for your courageous efforts to bring notice to the American peo- ple of the dangers of our present position in Vietnam. We urge immediate Steps to liquidate our commitments in Vietnam. Sincerely, I'' RANCE-s T. WILLIAM '4_ 13YRON D. WILLIAMS. JUDITH J. WII.LIAMS. SEBASTOPOL, CALIF., February 12, 1966. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: We commend you for your forthright criticism of the foreign policy of the Johnson administration includ- ing Vietnam and the Dominican Republic. We urge you and the Foreign Relations committee to continue investigations and public hearings into every area of foreign affairs of the executive branch including that latest sideshow, the Honolulu confer- ence. We hope for a new foreign policy In which military force is not an Instrument. Give 'em hell. Best regards, Mr. WAYNE MORSE, Senate Building, Washington, D.C. SANTA ROSA, CALIF., February 13, 1966. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Count me as being in full agreement with your views on Viet- nam made before the Senate Foreign Rela- tions Committee. Views, substantiated by experts as former Ambassador George F. Ken- nan and General Gavin. Thank you for being one of few Senators unafraid to speak out on behalf of logic in a misguided America. This country was founded out of revolu- tion. History refers to it as the shot heard around the world. For 190 years we have been the envy and aspiration of every back- ward nation. Instead of holding out our hand in help to others trying to achieve our way of life, we find ourselves denying them our very heritage, the right of free people to form governments of their own choosing. This country is following an asinine. foreign policy in Vietnam and especially in the Dominican Republic and the tragedy of it is that young American boys are dying in its futile support. Sincerely yours, Hon. WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. NORWALK, CONN., February 17, 1966. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: In closely following the deliberations o1' the Senate Foreign Rela- tions Committee, I am extremely pleased with the stand you continue to take. Please do not let up. For, if we continua our present course in Vietnam-both in the Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400050007-6 Approved For Release 2005/p7/13 RDP67~Q0446R000400050007-6 March 2, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL R ~ORD -SENATE south, to try and bolster what appears to me to be an unpopular Government, and in the north, bombing daily a nation with whom we are not at war-it will mean eventual full-scale war with the Chinese, and a pos- sible nuclear war with the Russians. I have four boys, the oldest of whom is 12; I don't want to send them to Asia to get their legs blown off, Nor do I want my family to be destroyed-either instan- taneously in a nuclear blast, or after a week of radiation sickness. strings. But it you do not appropriate the money, he will have to limit the war. It seems to me that we have no business in Vietnam, 10,000 miles away from home. In- stead of sending our boys to the fighting front to fight and die, let us get them back home. That is the only way to back them up and protect them. There is no reason why we should play the role of world policeman. Supposing we do blast and bomb Vietnam to pieces, then what have we accomplished. How long are we going to stay there-5 years, 10 years, 25 years, etc.? China is still there right alongside. Are we going to stay there indefinitely and spend the American taxpay- ers' money? This is our third world war away from home. I listened to General Taylor and Dean Rusk. Their testimony was highly evasive. They did not want to tell anything to hurt the administration in any way. It is my opinion that President Johnson and his advisers are leading our country and our people on the road to ruin and destruc- tion. We have adopted Goldwater's policies, and the Republicans are laughing up their sleeves. You will hear a lot about this in the .1966 campaign, and much more in 1968. You may use this letter in any way you think helpful. Yours very truly, ELMHURST, N.Y. February17, 1966. Senator WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, ' Washington, D.C. DEAR SIR: Let me be another to congratu- late and commend you on your courageous and patriotic position re Vietnam. As an Air Force veteran of both World War II and Korea, I am eager to lend concurrence and encouragement to you since I have no ax to grind, having served my country. I certainly would not suggest to you any arguments or courses to follow since I feel you are much more than competent to pur- sue these than I could ever be. However, I must heartily commend you on the state- ments made by you to General Gavin on the above date. You, as a U.S. Senator, permit me to main- tain confidence in the U.S. Congress. Please continue to represent the people of this country and do not fall prey to pressures and plays for power. I have remitted a copy of this letter to President Johnson. Sincerely, JACKSON HEIGHTS, N.Y., February 19, 1966. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Thank you, indeed, for putting General Taylor In his place. It is a pleasure to hear, in these times, one clear American voice. Thank you, Senator. Very sincerely. DOROTHY HANLEY. THIEF RIVER FALLS, Minn., February 19, 1966. U.S. Senator WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR: I have been listening to the hearings before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee during the last day or two as they came in over TV, and I want to commend you for your efforts, and to thank you for the stand you are taking. Congress only has the real power to declare war, but in spite of this we are now engaged in a full-scale war in Vietnam. I read the newspapers quite carefully, and I want to say-that in my opinion the resolution of Au- gust 1964 was never intended to authorize a war. The people, in general, did not under- stand it, and it was slipped through Congress, without any full understanding of how it could be used. The President and his advis- ers are using this resolution for a purpose for which it was never intended. I hope you can get a few Members of Con- gress to back you up so that we can find out just where the Senators stand. You may not win, but it is interesting to know just where our Senators stand. As Dean Rusk said, "Let the people know where the Senate stands." Let's have a vote on your resolution to rescind. The President may be Commander in Chief of the Army, but Congress holds the purse HELLAM, PA., February 18,1966. Senator WAYNE MORSE. DEAR SENATOR: I am not a man of words so I will not be able to express myself and my feelings as I would like to. I am just one of the millions of American workingmen and taxpayers. This week I lost time from work to listen to the debate from Washington and I wish I would have lost more so I could have heard it all. This week I think you have proven your- self one of the greatest men of our time. I wish I could have been there to applaud your every word. It will take many more Senators like you to keep our country from falling into the hands of the military, which road it is on for the past several years. The American people are as easily lead as the Germans, which I find hard to believe. Your road to peace is not an easy one. You will have to fight with no letup but I believe you will win. Clear-thinking people are be- hind you tooth and nail. I only wish that Premier Ky would have been at the hearings so you could have shown the American people the stupid ass that our Government is forcing on the peo- ple of South Vietnam. My wife and I have always regarded you with great respect and our finest wish and prayer for you is a long, healthy, and happy life. Sincerely, ALVIN N. IRWIN and VERA. DOSES FERRY, N.Y., February 22,196 6. Hon. WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. MY DEAR SENATOR. MORSE: Bravo and God bless you for the good fight you are waging to air this bad stew in Vietnam. We who supported the Johnson administration for its peace platform are appalled by the esca- lation of this terrible civil war into an in- ternational tragedy. Please know that you have the profound gratitude and support from citizens in every part of the United States. Sincerely, SUDBURY, MASS., February 18, 1966. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: It is most hearten- ing to hear reported on television what your views are concerning the war in Vietnam. I have been so completely disillusioned-by the man for whom I voted in the last elec- tion, our President. Let's hope that the Senate Foreign Rela- tions Committee may continue to question our policies in Vietnam before the general public. The thing that fascinates me is the fact that the news media's choice in reporting, points up your questioning of those who ap- pear before the committee. I have been your greatest admirer for many years and only wish that there were many more like you. Sincerely, LAS CRUCES,.N. MEx., February 16, 1966. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I am writing to in- form you that I am in accord with the posi- tion you have taken as concerns Vietnam. I beleve it is imperative that a cease-fire com- mence immediately so that we might nego- tiate with Hanoi, and more importantly, with the N.L.F. I also believe we must uphold the Geneva accords if we are to achieve peace in Vietnam. In the name of humanity and "practical politics," I urge you to continue the fight for peace. Sincerely yours, THOMAS D. R. MACNAIR. NEW YORK, N.Y., February 18, 1966. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate office Building, Washington, D.C. MY DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I'm a Negro, 65 years old. I'm a veteran of military service with the 10th U.S. Cavalry on the Mexican border in 1920 and 1921. I also served with a quartermaster battalion of the 2d Army during World War II. I'm proud to say I was honorably discharged after these periods of military service. . After constantly watching television pro- grams, listening to the radio, and reading newspaper reports, I'm offering you my heart- iest congratulations and pledging to support you during you most worthy effort to prevent our beloved country from becoming involved in an unnecessary world war. This country never has been more in need of men and women with your courage, fore- sight, and ability. You are one of the few Members of Congress who seem to really know how to recognize and talk to war- mongering statesmen and militarists. More power to you while so doing. Loyal and peace-loving Americans are desperately de- pending on you, Senator MORSE, to carry on your campaign for good will among nations and a permanently peaceful world. May you continue to serve your constituents well, and may almighty God forever guide and bless you. Sincerely yours, EUGENE D. JOHNSON. LA JOLLA, CALIF., February 16, 1966. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I want to express my whole-hearted approval of your committee's hearings on the U.S. policy in southeast Asia. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400050007-6 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400050007-6 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE March 1966 1 beg you to do everything possible to stop this senseless war in which our standard- bearer has publicly expressed his admiration for Adolf Hitler. :sincerely, PARTA., N..I., February 19, 1966. I)r.AR SENA'UR MORSE: Congratulations on your fine job of opening the public's eye. You are so right. At all the gatherings that I attend, the conversation is "Why are we in Vietnam, or why is the Government playing politics instead of winning the war'? Please continue your good work. You have my full support. tie a father of two sons of draft age and a veteran of World War II, 28th Infantry Divi- ;ion, the only thing that keeps our sanity, ny wife and :I, is that some one like you thinks of America first. Yours truly, czNALurnis, TENN., February 21, 1966. senator WAYNE MORSE, Congress, Washington, D.C. DEAR SIR: I support your opposition to the illegal, undeclared war against the Vietnam- ese people. Acting as we have outside the procedures of the United Nations has weakened both ,,hat organization and our own position. T look forward to your speech in the Sen- ate and hope it will bring some action from the American people, a voice of protest ex- pression that our Government will accept meaningfully. ?irlcerciy, Sioux FALLS, S. DAK., February 18, 1966. in that small band. Ili::=tory proves that it is always those :few who must protect the many. Most sincerely, CYRIA HF NDEIISON. Bun:INGHAM ALA., 1February 18, 1966. lion. WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Semite, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: May I take this op- portunit:,T to thank. you for the service you are rendering your country participating in the debate or., the Vietnam war am a member of the Foreign Relations Committee. I, like most Americans I know stand be- hind our Arined Forces in who I feel should have full moral, economic, and arms support. I do not, however, support the ]present and past foreign policy which has so tragically involved our country it this war. With best wishes. Gratefully yours, Osvto ROIIERTS III. MENObrONT:E FALLS, WIS.. Februarg 19, 1966. Hen. WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MOIisE: We strongly support your stand on the Vietnam war. We hope you will continue to struggle to make your viewpoint heard even though we realize that you have been put in the position of receiv- ing 'very unpleasant opposition. Very truly yours, IlOBFRT P. OVERS. MARCELLA M. OVERS. :;IIICAGO I'LL., a=cbruary 23, 1966. PEAR SENATOR: Thank the Almighty for Senators such as you and J.. WIIaaAM FuL- BRIGHT; real Americans who are not afraid to stand up and be counted. What can we do to help? Keep up the good work. HOWARD E. SEVERE. 11011, WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Old Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. SIR: I have closely followed the hearings which have been taking place regarding our Vietnam policy. I firmly believe that these hearings are extremely essential in bringing before the American people the realities of this senseless, brutal and illegal conflict. heartily support your courageous and res- olute stand. May others be similarly en- lightened before a nuclear holocaust de- stroys mank nd, Very truly yours, WILLIAM P. ERICI{SON. Iron. WAYNE. MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. NEWARK, :DFm,., I coruary 18, 1966. Mv: DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I Would like to express my support for your position on the Foreign Relations Committee and thank you for your most intelligent questioning of the witnesses. Yours truly, 'Senator WAYNE: Moose, Senate Building, Washington, D.C. DtAR SENATOR MORSE: I wish to express my heartfelt thanks for what you are doing. 'T'hose of us who must look particularly to the Senate for the courage, dedication, and wisdom to keep our country's liberties, free- dom of speech and traditional honor unim?- p.lired are fortunate to have men like you to guard them. Courageous, forthright men are all too rare. May you have a long and distinguished career CHEVY CHASE, MD., .L"ebruary 27, 1966. DEAR SENATOR MORSE:- We want to tell you how grateful we are to you for all the work you are doing to oppose the war in Vietnam, and in fighting the large war budget demanded for this destructive purpose, with all the sadness and grief it can cause. Are we not, actually, intruders in Vietnam? Are we properly protecting our own citizens wherr we allow them to be drafted into the jungles of Vietnam? We hope your influence will be widespread. With gratitude to you, :MAYAN and STANWOiD COBB. EaLIN AFB, 1"LA., February 1966. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Oj;ice Building, Washingtrnt D.C. DEAR SIR: I wanted to take oppor- tunity to applaud you for your stand on U.S. involvement in an unconstitutional and futile war. Your courage as a pubic servant in express::nf, dissent has been very hearten- ing to me and I urge you to continue in the future as l'ou have in the past. In a.ddi-Acm, your against "govern- ment by secrecy" is a view which should be pursued v-gorously. Too long have decisions affecting all Americans been made by some public official:: without their tn.'=King into consideration what many of us really do think and without the Alneric;.n people knowing what was happening until after some action. had already been tc ken: Le., Vietnam. I will eagerly be reading your comments and following debates in which you are in- volved. With a person such as you, l: feel sanity can yet prevail. Thank you for reading my comments. Respectfully yours, HARRIS G. KRAHAM, Lieutenant. USAF. MUNCIE, IND., February 22. 1966. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I am entirely in sympathy with the stand you took at the hearings. To surrender foreign policy decisions to Johnson, Rusk, and McNamara would be a big mistake. Sincerely yours, CHULA VISTA, CALIF'., February 22. 1966. Hon. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Building, Washington, D.C. SIR: You are to be commended in ads'n- cating to rescind the joint resolution of August 1964 and your stand on debate of our Vietnam policy. We rely on you as our rep- resentative of the people to bring out the true facts, at least as much as possible, and in this way perhaps control the power of the few. Many of us understand how the consensus of a nation is obtained through a control of information and disguising of facts so tha t the majority of the people are in no position to judge or recomend action (granted that this is supposedly done for our best inter- ests), so we do and must count on the rep- resentatives of the people to act; for us and to obtain these facts and truths as was in- tended. (Or is Congress swayed in the same way by distorted facts, censured information, lack of interest, and fear?) Perhaps the better policy would he to take into consideration that negotiations should take place with all political elements repre- sented. In disagreement with Mr. Rusk, why not the Buddhists and the Catholics, as well as the Vietcong? Vietnam. should be treated as a whole, not as a North and a, South. Where did we lose sight of this? I am sure you have the support of many, and our hope must be that this hearing will lead to a change in our policy in Vietnam, making it more realistic, more universal, more humane. Very truly yours, MARTIN 11. F'oRTER. WINNF:IELD, IA., February 2.1, 1966. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SIR: My personal thanks for your stand on the war in Vietnam. This part of the "grass roots of Alneric,L" seems to be generally in favor of an escalated war up to and including the bombing of Peiping with nuclear weapons, if necessary. I am not a native of Louisiana. However, I am now a registered voter here. I shall do my best to keep informed, so as to vote ns intelligently as possible, and wheres er I can, I shall speak out against this war in Vietnam. In the meantime my thanks to you for doing your thankless task and my com- mendations to you for your courageous stand in this matter. Yours truly, Mrs. WILLO L. CL-RRIER_ Los ANGELES, CALIF., February 23. 1966. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Please keep up your good and vital fight against the adlllinistra- tion's war policy in Vietnam. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400050007-6 March 2, 1966 Approved FoCO%ZMgAq NAZI f1 P67gRAiV000400050007-6 Your excellent stand is winning more and more support and will force a change for peace. Your gallant devotion to truth and justice is a rare example nowadays, and much admired. Sincerely yours, NINA &nd MORRIS INDMAN. DENVER, COLO., February 22, 1966. Hon. WAYNE MORSE: My Wife and I are definitely opposed to the administration's policy in Vietnam. We are in full accord with your stand. It is about time we quit murdering our boys in Vietnam, and if it is a war why doesn't the United States declare war on Vietnam? Hoping you will give your full support and consideration in stopping to send our boys to Vietnam. With warm and kindest regards, I remain. PROVIDENCE, R.I., February 22, 1966. Hon. WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SIR: I want to express my sincere ap- preciation for the conscientious and articu- late stand you have taken in challenging the administration's handling of the Vietnam situation. Although I can claim no expert knowledge in southeast Asia, I know from research and active participation in Latin America that the current stand of the United States is objectionable and untenable. Fur- thermore, I resent the wholesale use of de- ception on the American people, and the un- warranted assertion that we must police the world, even without a congressional man- date. It seems of the utmost importance that (1) the public be made aware of the du- plicity of the administration in this in- stance; (2) the Congress engage in a rational debate to clarify legal and moral issues at stake; (3) every possible avenue to negotia- tion be explored by the United States, with- out the imposition of unrealistic prerequi- sites or the exclusion of any interested parties; (4) the United Nations, a Geneva convention, or any other international group which is willing to collaborate in promoting meaningful mediation be given every en- couragement to do so, with the expectation that the United States would take advan- tage of any opportunity so offered. Please accept my thanks for the key role which you have played in dramatizing the fact that we are now engaged in an illegal war, that we can - never hope for victory in the traditional sense, that the democratic process is being seriously eroded at home, and that our posture before the world is inconsistent and dangerous in many respects. Sincerely yours, DWIGHT B. HEATH. SAN FRANCISCO, CALIF., February 20, 1966. Hon. Senator WAYNE MORSE. SIR: I support your attitude toward Viet- nam. Sincerely, be congratulated and CHURCH of Idaho. It takes the wideopen spaces to widen men's minds. I happen to be an older woman and the longer I live, I'm shocked and grieved at the present happenings in this world of ours. I certainly wish you continued success. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I want to thank you for the courage and integrity you have dis- tplayed in bringing before the American people an open discussion on the problem of Vietnam. I believe as you do, that when they know the facts they will refuse to support present policy there. I beg you continue these hearings, bring- ing in other witnesses, from the academic sphere among others, who can add the weight of their opinion to those already expressed. Sincerely, SEYMOUR C. POST, M.D. WHITTIER, CALIF., February 19, 1966. Hon. WAYNE MORSE, U. S. Senate, Washington D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I deeply admire your courage and your devotion to truth. History books of the future will have to report that at least one voice in the Senate of the United States of America kept insisting that the policy of shooting first and asking questions later was not appropriate in international affairs. I felt, as you did, that Secretary of Defense McNamara ought to appear before the Sen- ate Foreign Relations Committee prepared to answer questions. Government by se- crecy is not representative government. Government of the people, by the people, for the people, can survive many a storm so long as dissent can be distinguished from dis- loyalty. If a majority of us favor a danger- ous policy, the minority must, at least, have the privilege of saying what they think. All who believe in truly representative government owe you a debt of gratitude. ROBERT L. MONTGOMERY. FLUSHING N.Y. Hon. WAYNE MORSE, U. S. Senate, Washington D,C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: We wish to express our thanks to you for your unflinching devo- tion to the cause of peace. Please keep up your good work. Very truly yours, Mr. and Mrs. M. ALTSCHULER. SAN DIEGO, CALIF'., February 19, 1966. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I wish to express my admiration for you regarding your views on the U.S. involvement in Vietnam. During the Senate Foreign Relations Committee hearings you have expressed your feelings and criticisms on the administration's pol- icy on Vietnam. I share your views on our involvement with this war, and I applaud your firm and forthright statements made during the hearings. I also applaud Senator FULBRIGHT and Senator GORE. It disturbs me to hear the testimony of many of the Nation's top military experts and other Government officials stating that they feel we should escalate the war and press on to victory. I do not feel that there is any victory to be obtained. The victory and further escalation of the war appear to me to be a waste of our country's money, re- sources, and individual lives. It also appears to me that the United States has no right to intrude in another country's civil war. I only wish that more people in this coun- try shared your views, and that the United States would disengage itself from this ter- rible war while it is still within our power to do so. Sincerely, DULUTH, MINN., February 22, 1966. Hon. Senator WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SIR: I wish to thank you for the sensible stand you have taken in respect to the involvement of our country in this Viet- nam war. I am sure that most of our citizens, who are loyal to our country, feel that our Gov- ernment has no business in sending our boys over there to be butchered. It is absurd to think that we as one nation, are going to be able to put an end to aggression all over the world. No country in history ever did it. As far as communism, we have plenty in this hemisphere to combat and how about Cuba off our shores? Let's look after United States first. Sincerely, NEW YORK, N.Y. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: All Americans will be the winners if your positions and those of Senator FULBRIGHT, as voiced late this afternoon, become the one that are imple- mented shortly. Keep public hearings going as long as possible for the sake of world peace. NEW YORK, N.Y. February 22, 196G. Senator W. MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: In writing to you I am speaking for myself, my family, and for almost all of my friends. We heartily en- dorse your efforts to make the Vietnam war an issue for public debate. Public policy and war are too important to be left in the hands of the military. Our people have been mis- informed on the Vietnam situation and the administration has been misadvised by pro- fessionl soldiers and lobbyists. I am writ- ing to let you know that your support is far greater than the press and the polls would have the Nation believe. Very truly yours, JACOB A. ARLOW, M.D. DUBUQUE,'IOWA, February 22,1966. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: You are doing a tremendous job of restoring dignity and re- sponsibility to the Senatorial office and call- ing the Executive to account for the disaster we are heading for in Asia. Needless to say, I agree that we must ex- tricate ourselves from Vietnam as soon as possible and try to establish communications with China. Yours truly, YONKERS, N.Y., February 16, 1966. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I want to take this time to again tell you that there are hun- dreds of people that I have talked to in complete accord with yours and many of the other Senators views on the Vietnam fiasco caused against the will of the people of this country. I have seen and heard all of your hearings on television and have yet to see how it is possible for this country of ours to be spending billions of dollars on this very SEATTLE, WASH., February 20, 1966. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Washington, D.C. DEAR SIR: I have just listened to your committee TV broadcasts, and thank God or the Divine Force for allowing such a man as you, who is not afraid to stick by his convictions-his love for the lives of his fellow man. Senator FULBRIGHT too is to Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400050007-6 Approved For R ~,s 2005/07/13: CIA-RDP67B00446R000400050007-6 (~1oIGRESSIOCJAL RECORD - SENATE March 196(; outisteful foreign policy supported by our P reeiderit, the killing of the young men of this country in a battle with absolutely no purpose is inhuman, unjust, and should not be permitted since it is definitely illegal from its origin. Since we have bases located so strategically around China and Russia why is it so neces- nary to kill ourselves for a people who are near uncivilized than I can think of? In closing I would like to say that the people I have talked to are in full support of your :,tared against this fiasco we are being forced into by the Government officials who will be paid in full at the next election. Thank Cod there are Senators like yourself elected to office ?of this country who would :really have have us in dire straits. Si.nccrcly, CEO'RGE CHIAVETTA, S;r.-C d. KANSAS CITY, Mo., February 14, 1966. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington D.C. DeAR SENATOR: Even though you and some of your dissenting associates have been described as being "blind to experience and deal to hope" (whatever that means) be mindful of the fact that there are millions oi' Americans who are privately, and some of them publicly, cheering for all of you. Jack Kennedy said, "The United Nations is our last best hope in a world where the instruments of war far exceed the instru- lnents of peace" but, in view of the fact that we have violated and repudiated all of the peacekeeping provisions of the charter, many of us have come to the conclusion that our "last best hope" is that small group of dissenters (statesmen) in the Senate who are willing to stand alone for decency and, sanity. We are more than grateful and hope and. pray that none of you will be cowed by the inane political blusterings being broadcast by a President who has lost all perspective (if he ever had any) and who is now living in an era, created within his own distorted imagination, entirely outside of history. Yours truly, ARcn R. MAULSBY. BERKELEY, CALIF., February 15, 1966. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I admire your cour- age and integrity in continually opposing Johnson's war in Vietnam. I strongly sup- port you in urging the halting the bombing of North Vietnam. the recognition of the NhF, the reconvening of the Geneva con- ference, and most recently your commit- ment. to lead a filibuster to stall. the ap- proval of appropriations for the war. I also urge you to work for the defeat of the ap- propriations, which would just be another blank check for Johnson to continue this bloody and Senseless war. I'm with you all the way. Sincerely yours, .JERRY A. PETERSON. '.S tTCKAHOE, N.Y., February 15, 1966. .DEng SENATOR MORSE: Hitherto I confided In President Johnson's abilities in the Viet- nam situation, but since the Hawaii meet- ings I have lost hope in his competence. It is my sad conclusion that his authority in Vietnam should henceforth be rescinded. l,iv,as are sacrificed, a nation is destroyed, and now truth is so distorted that words have lost all meaning. In my conviction faulty commitments have been devised to force us into provoked hostilities with China. ')'he 1950 crossing of the 38th Korean parallel and forced votes have voided the United Nations of credibly respectable au- thority In Asia. It is impossible to expect a sovereign country to come to negr;tiations- uncorlditional at that-upon the sole uni- lateral au;hority of I;he United States. Still, until the Hawaii meetings one could hope that President Johnson's true desires for peace and a better world might lireak that paradox. That hope, is dashed. Resumed bombing, needless embarrassment of the United Nations, and now the h::..ndshake with the desperado Saigon generals and the Vice President', preposterous trip mate it im- probable that President Johnson can still extricate himself from the tanele. Those are gestures aimed at internal idii svncrasies in our country. Internationally they are worse than irrelevant. India Is starving. We are on the threshold of inerhaustible human tr;Lgedy. We need at least the wordless trl ce attain- able by cessation of bombing aid retreat limo defensible enclaves to protect politically endannereS Vietnamese minorities. Ulti- mately the perverted Korea affair must be wound up to restore internation organiza- tion to its authorized impartial ['unctions. Evidence is abundant, the situation most severe, and we pray for our dear President. But it is urgent that his incompe lent Viet- nam power be now rescinded. Yours very respectfully, JOHN V. G1.AUMAN. WHITTIER. CAI W., February 1, 1966. SENATOR WAYNE MORSE, Senior Senator From Oregon, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I have postponed much too long to thank you for your stand on Vietnam and for your constant, and often solitary, fight for the preservaticn of our constitutional rights. I do so hum Ay thank you now. I have written to Our President today (as well as to Senator FuLBRIr.,IIT and 't r the two Senators from California', urging :hat they follow your leadership in bringing the Viet- nam situation to full debate on the floor of the Senate. Sincerely, inoux, N Y., Pehniary i i. 1966. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I wish to take this opportunity to thank and praise yoit on your forthright stand on Vietnam, 'Your and Senator GIIUENING's long and lonely stand from among the whole governmental estab- lishment has been an act of herder 1. partic- ularly in the light of administration pres- sure and its manufactured "public )pinion." Of the wide section of people I cornea in con- tact with, many of whom are complete strangers, I find concern a red fright over our involvement there. If President Johnson really believes in the Geneva accords, peace and can very easily be achieved, although a final settlement over the long run would take time. To accept the accords would mean to withdraw all troops immediately and concurrently dis- mantle our bases there. At the same time we should partake in negotiations with the National Lioeration Front, the peolie we are fighting. This may be considered b3 some as loss of face, but it is better to lose face for a short time than to lose our national honor for all time, much of which is already gone. I heard you on CBS TV and radio in the last 2 weeks. Your were excellent. I would be greatly appreciative if you could send me a copy of the document "Why Viet- man" mentioned by Senator GRUENCNG, and the following: the State Departmer. t policy information paper written in 1949, presented to the Senate Committees on Armed Serv- Ices and Foreign Relations in June 1951; the Rand Corp., study commissioned by the U.S. Air Force examining the reasons why China entered the Korean war; the Mansfield report; the latest economic report of the President. Thank you very much, for e erything. Keep up the good work. Very truly yours, CORVALLIS, OREG., February 1;1, 1966. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I am very unhappy over my country's foreign policy in Vietnam and Santo Domingo. I am glad your elo- quence is speaking for me so bravely. Thank you most sincerely. RIT,nA MARIE SCIolOL:DER. CORVALLIS, ORE-G., February 1.:'. 1966. Senator WAYNE. MORSE, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Your position on our Vietnam policy is to be commended. Congratulations to you and to the other members of the Foreign Relations Commit- tee for presenting the issues to the public. The testimony of General Gavin. and par- ticularly that of Ambassador Kennan eli- cited by you and the other members of the committee only confirm the view that our military involvement in Vietnam is a mon- strous error, and that to increase that ili- volvement will be to compound the error. Although you will, I am sure, persevere in your course regardless of what your detrac- tors will say, it may nevertheless be hearten- ing to receive expressions of support. Sincerely yours, JEWELL, ORE,;,, February 19, 1966. Senator WAYNE MORSE, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I wish to commend you for your stand on Vietnam. You and Senator FULBRICHT are true Americans. I have followed this war in Vietnam for it long time. Things that you predicted, as well as Walter Lippmann, have come true. We need to be alert so that communism doesn't take hold here. Have talked with several of my friends, who have the same feeling. mend you for your stand. Very truly, PORTLAND, OREG. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: My wife and I are extremely proud of your courageous stand with respect to the Vietnamese crisis. If ever the American people needed it tribune to protect them from those who enrich themselves at the expense of the weak, it is today. Our fervent hope is that you and your congressional companions do not weaken under the pressure. Sincerely,. PETER J. DONAIIU i, CATHERINE A. DONAHUE. CARMEL, CALIF. February 14, 1966. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: As native Oregon- Sans and graduates of the University in Eugene, we want to tell you of our pride In you the past week. You were wonderful as you said just what so many of us wanted you to say. You may see by the clippings from today's Chronicle that folks out here are behind you of the Senate Foreign Relations Commit- tee. Sincerely yours, Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400050007-6 AURRL/ CC&--BDP R R000400050007-6 1966 Approved FCONG Lea O March 2 , MILTON-FREEWATER, OREG., election. Anyone who could conveniently February 26, 1966. forget such an important responsibility SENATOR MORSE: It is quite evident that you couldn't in my view, remember to do any- have pertinent evidence that we should never thing constructive. have taken the stand we did in Vietnam. All of you received a standing ovation in It is another painful illustration in human my home. My entire family agrees with you deall llike to know o get what of can history of giving any group enough rope and and to eoroewould Viet- they will hang themselves. We have been too preoccupied with foreign nam as graciously as the Russians left Cuba. communism and looking over the fence at Sincerely, Mrs. J. WRIGHT. other people's faults and problems that we took too little cognizance of our own. The handwriting was on the wall when our own Government aid to our own back- ward groups failed to achieve their purposes. To compound the trouble with foreign borders was deplorable and now we reach a wretched end. We still hate to reach the obvious conclusion that money cannot and EAST NORTHPORT, N.Y., February 20, 1966. Hon. WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SIR: We Would like, once more, to commend your position as expressed in the Senate Foreign Relations Committee hear- ings, on the war In Vietnam. It Is gratifying that the opposition-at-large to this war, which has been slandered in various ways, has been heard in the Senate hearings through your articulate and docu- mented statements and questions. Respectfully yours, NORMAN THURAU. LILIANE THURAU. REXFORD, N.Y., February 22, 1966. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I would just like to take the time to thank yotu for bringing the facts to light with regard to our unfortunate situation in Vietnam. You can be assured of my backing as well as thousands of other Americans who feel the same as you do. I be- lieve we should get out and take care of our own business first or surrender or, make some sort of a peace instead of wasting valuable human lives and money. The added fact of a war with Red China should add to this but some say this is an impossibility. I just can't understand why your views aren't 100 percent Imposed on them, meaning of course, the President and Congress. All I can say is that I am behind you 100 percent and please continue your excellent JERSEY CITY, N.J., February 21, 1966. Hon. WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR: I wish to assure you of my support-and that of many thinking people I know-in your opposition to the Govern- ment's handling of the South Vietnam debacle. We feel that no American President has a right to carry on an undeclared full-fledged war against any people or any nation In the world, sacrificing needlessly American lives and reducing this country's economy and re- sources. Any money allotted to the pursuit of this war should instead be used to improve edu- cation, eliminate poverty and slums, im- prove health standards and reduce unem- ployment in this country. Nations, such as India, where famine is threatening, should be supported and food supplies should be shipped to them by this country. This is a better way to combat communism because people will favor a nation that feeds them but will hate the one that tries to impose an ideology upon them by killing them. Sincerely yours, FRED WETMORE. CINCINNATI, OHIO, February 19, 1966. Senator WAYNE MORSE. DEAR SIR: You and your chairman, Mr. WILLIAM FULBRIGHT, have expressed my every thought concerning the Vietnam war. I was beginning to think all of Congress along with our President had let the people of this country down, but after hearing all your speeches my faith in the men of our Gov- ernment was renewed. I firmly believe you should do everything in your power to enforce your ideas concern- ing this situation. If we have broken the Constitution and this war is illegal, then you should go over the President's head and stop it. I voted for President Johnson but if he doesn't take constructive steps to bring this Vietnam situation before the United Na- tions and sincerely strive for a free election in this area, I for one will not vote for him again. Every night on the newscasts I hear how many men we have killed in Vietnam. I'm not proud of this figure, because I love life- , th n m This e e SAN FRANCISCO, CALIF., February 18, 1966. 4529 ascendency, and act as the "secular. arm" of one church in its squabbles with another. A third delusion is: That trouble can be ended Or corrected-by force of arms. Respectfully submitted. JOSEPH S. THOMPSON. MIAMI, FLA., February 21, 1966. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I applaud your cour- age to speak out against our involvement in Vietnam. It is men like you who make our Constitu- tion a living truth. Continue your questioning and probing. We need men like you to "check and balance" executive powers. Very sineerly, MTS. HERBERT M. ROSY, Hon. WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Your position as an independent American has always been a source of immense gratification to me, and I wish there were more, like you, in the Senate. Your opposition to the present Vietnam procedure impels me to give you my views in the matter. Our country suffers tinder two beliefs that ruin our chances of taking part in the es- tablishment of a peaceful world. The first of these is the delusion that the Commu- nists are a single-minded, well-organized, worldwide, and united group of supermen. This delusion is strengthened by our prac- tice of classifying anyone as a Communist, who disagrees with us, and of tossing aside any disagreeable movement, as "Commu- nist inspired." Yet the communism of each Communist country is different from that of all the others, and they are all, and always will be dictatorships. This is easy to realize when we try to imagine what the picture of Karl Marx is, in the mind of an Albanian shepherd or a Cuban plantation hand. Marx, of course, was utterly impractical, though somewhat justified by the conditions in his time. There was virtually no capitalism in czarist Russia or imperial China, and most of what is called communism is caused by, and is a revolt against our second delusion. This second American delusion is really the greatest one, having the approval of most of us, being time-honored, and being so familiar as to be taken for granted as per- fectly proper and respectable. But it is to it that we can turn account for most of the misery of this world. This delusion is: That a small group of individuals can "own" the land of a country and can collect the land rental from its in- habitants. There is no shred of evidence or trace of supporting argument that will justify this firmly established practice. Yet we are in Vietnam, causing hideous torture and deaths, and swilling out money so direly needed here, helping to destroy the world value of the American dollar, to support a small, landowning class (among whom is a large wealthy alien church) the military, and a "government" of which we are totally ignorant. These little oriental people have lived along the Chinese border for centuries. They do not think as we do. They do not act like us. And we will never remould them. The United States of America could, with honor and dignity, request the United Na- tions, the Geneva Conference, or any disinter- ested body, to conduct an election there, in which the NFL or Vietcong would participate. whether its our side or e There is no question but that North and bragging reminds me of little children play- q ing with toy soldiers. South Vietnam would reunite and elect Ho If our President would only stand up and Ght Minh as with their type her type of dicator,and hgo say he cares more about America than any on wed h their And you can u tsure that i Karl other country the us world he and that because Marx would not be able to recognize one side of this great love for us he was going to to take of It. immediate action to meet with our allies for a solution, I'm sure he would be running Our alternative is to send a lot of young our country for some time. I just don't Wayne Morses and Joe Thompson down know how Mr. McNamara could advise any- there, from now on, to police the country, one when he didn't even 'vote in this last keep the landowners in their privileged work. Yours trul WHAT THE WAR IN VIETNAM IS DOING TO EDUCATION IN ALASKA (AS EVERYWHERE ELSE IN THE UNITED STATES) Mr. GEUENING. Mr. President, in the last decade, public school enrollment in Alaska has increased by 108 percent, which ranks Alaska second in the Nation. This means that public school enroll- ment in Alaska is 68 percent greater than the national median, which is a healthy 40 percent. In the last 15 years, the Anchorage Borough School District, which is the largest school district in Alaska, has grown by 700 percent. By 1970, it will almost double itself again. On a per capita basis, Alaska is spending more for education than any other State--spending almost double the amount spent by Hawaii, the next ranked State. On a per capita basis, we are making a greater revenue effort on the State level than any other State-a third more than New Mexico which ranks Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400050007-6 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400050007-6 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE March 2, 1966 second in the Nation, and one-third of our State budget for the next fiscal year is going for education. We are proud of our public schools, and have good reason to be, for they are among the best in the Nation. But they will not long remain so, it the proposed administra- Live budget cuts in aid to schools in federally impacted areas is carried out. This is truer in Alaska than in any other State. Why? Because 49 per- cent-nearly half-of the students at- tending public schools in Alaska are fed-- crally connected. No other State even approaches this figure-Hawaii is next, with slightly less than 30 percent,. and all other States fall below 25 percent. Admittedly, there are disparities in the payments some school districts now re- ceive under the impacted aid program, and I agree that the Federal 'payment.,; to the school districts should more dearly reflect the actual burdens im- posed by the federally connected child. Hut., in this regard, payments cannot be adjusted by across-the-board cuts, as proposed by the administration, for it is the most heavily impacted areas that are growing the fastest. Alaska is making a diligent tax effort, to provide good schools. For instance, the two largest school districts, Anchor- age and Fairbanks, have a per pupil bonded indebtedness of $1,251 and $1,657, respectively. The Office of Edu- cation compared these figures to those of four west coast cities, chosen purely at random. Seattle per-pupil bonded indebtedness is only $604; Tacoma, $552; Spokane, $705; San Diego, $630- tflus, in each case, Alaska's burden is Must we also insist that their most uniquely valuable asset-a good educa- tion--be shortchanged? Mr, MORSE. :L wish to thank the Senator from Alaska. As he will see as I proceed with my speech on the budget and educational needs, the ad- ministration has made cuts not only in impacted area money, but in. a good many vital areas in the field of educa- tion. In my judgment, this action is tarnishing the whole image of the Great Society and turning it into an empty, meaningless, preachment. As far as the Senator from Oregon is concerned, this administration is going to have to advance proof that it has not advanced in the President's budget mes- sage to justify the program of cutbacks in this field,, These cutbacks are, in effect, stabs :in the back of the educa- tional forces of this country. I say to the educators, you had better be on your guard, because if the administration suc- ceeds in getting its budget cuts sustained in the Congress, the great progress we have been accomplishing with the great leap forward under. President Kennedy will be lost. Mr. GRUE4ING. Does the Senator not feel that it is one of the most tragic ironies in our history that, after the magnificent, legislative record of this ad- ministration and this Congress in the 1st session of the 89th Congress, we are now going to have all that undone? Mr. MORSE. The fact is that the whole program is rapidly become a tragic irony. double or more, As I have mentioned THE: BUDGET AND EDUCATIONAL before, one-third of the State budget NEEDS goes for education-we are building schools at an unprecedented rate, and Mr. MORSE- Mr. President. I have will continue to do so with all the re- hesitated for some time in commenting sources within our means, but the pro- upon the budget for fiscal year 1367 with posed cutbacks in impacted aid funds respect to the provisions made tlherein to will severely damage our efforts. Alas- fund the wealth of legislation which has ka will lose about $4 million in been added in recent years to our statute payments to school districts and another books. Ae.equate funding of our existing half a million in construction funds. In laws aiding education is a problem which terms of teachers, at an average salary deeply concerns me as the chairman of of $8,000-it would mean that we would the Education Subcommittee of the Sen- have to make do with 500 fewer teach- ate Committee on Labor and Public Wel- eis-this we cannot afford-this money fare. My subcommittee as it considered must be restored to the 1967 budget. each of the proposals had the responsi- Yesterday, Congress approved a $4.8 bility of recommending to the Senate billion money bill to prosecute a wholly and to the Congress what, in our judg- unnecessary war in southeast Asia--is it ment, was the best support we could give not obvious that our Federal school aid at that time to every facet of the Ameri- lpayments are going to be spent for can educational system from kinder- ghrns? This is but another of the bitter garten through graduate school. fruits borne by the malignant weed of The dominant philosophy which has war. underlain our efforts in this a,, ea has Alaska has long been considered to be been to provide, either directly or Indi- a potential giant among the States in rectly, for the needs, not of an admin- the richness of its undeveloped natural istrative hierarchy, but rather for the resources-and the richest of all of these educational needs of our Young citizens. resources is our youth-the youth that It was our hope that we could, through will become tomorrow's leaders. We each of our measures, help to erect an have both a duty and a responsibility to interlocking and interdependent system equip them with the best that is obtain- of financial aids through which the Fed- able to insure competence in that future eral Government could supplement, but leadership-competence that will en- not supplant, the funding of activities of able them to avoid the tragic follies in our public and private educational sys- which we have become involved. toms in the realm of higher ediication Is it not enough that we ask our and our public systems at, the elementary Youth to bear the burden of fighting a and secondary Levels.. wholly unjustifiable war In Vietnam.? Thus, for example, we built upon the foundation of previous legislation such as the National Defense Education Act of 1958, Public Laws 815 and 874 of 1950, the Smith-Hughes Act and other voca- tional education aid measures going back to 1917, as well as the great foundation act for higher education in America which was signed by President Lincoln, in 1862, the Morrill Act. What we strove to do in each instance was to build upon the foundation of experience under older statutes, new programs which were the outgrowth of the old, and which, in our judgment, complemented but did not supplant the older laws. That this was our intention, I think, was made abun- dantly and explicitly clear in one in- stance, which took place on September 2, 1965, when in the course of making legis- lative history on the title IV insu r?ed loan program of the Higher Education Act of 1965, I was asked by the distinguished senior Senator from Texas [Mr. Yes- BOROUGH], whether by the new authority it was our intention that the guaranteed loans by banks under title IV v ould in any degree slow down or lessen oar com- mitment to the National Defense Educa- tion Act title II direct loan program. As set forth on page 21859 of the RECORD of that debate, my reply was as follows: My answer to the question is (that) the insured loan program set forth in the bill. does not in any way signal either all rlimina- tion of the National Defense Education Act loan program under title II or amend it by weakening it in any respect. I then went on to point out how the direct loan program with its cancellation features for teacher recruitment incen- tive purposes distinguished It clearly from other programs, and I concluded by saying in the course of making this legis- lative history: The Senator has nothing to worry shout so far as continuation of the National Defense Education Act loan program is concerned. The statement I made at that time was my best understanding of the intent of the committee and my thought as to the intent of the administration- I wish to say that that was the intent of the administration at that time. We worked closely with the administration and with its educational officials in the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare on that measure. As will be seen shortly in my speech, I am utterly surprised, filled with amaze- ment, and aghast that this administra- tion, in my opinion, is walking out on the commitment that I had the perfect right to make as the spokesman. for this administration, as its manager on the floor of the Senate, when the insured loan program under title IV of the Higher Educational Act of 1965 was passed in this body. I am therefore somewhat shocked to learn from page 428 of the appendix to the budget for fiscal 1967 that the private credit market is expected to supply loan capital through guarantee programs, au- thorized in the Higher Education Act of 1965, subsidized by the Federal Govern- ment, to replace the $190 million author- ized in the title II student loan provision In the National Defense Education Act of 1958. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400050007-6 Approved For F~ft~O%: fiffRll67BSENATE00400050007 March 2, 1966 may involve a strengthening and dif- fusion of higher education capacity for research activity over the long run? Second. Is the current general support of American universities enabling addi- tional universities to advance their ca- pacity for research activity? Third. What are the social and eco- nomic effects of this concentration of re- search and development programs? These are questions of the greatest im- portance to the Nation-to generations ahead. They are by no means limited to those people who now reside in these 12 States. They are by no means limited to an area of 12 States which today pro- duces 35 percent of the Nation's manu- factured goods with 28.6 percent of its population. They are by no means limited to an area of 12 States which today produces 34.4 percent of the Nation's doctoral de- grees from 28.6 percent of the Nation's population. These questions must be answered to give shape, and form, and balance to this Nation's future for all the years ahead. I am sending to the desk a resolution asking that an agency of Government given the responsibility for appraising our scientific resources make a study and report to the Congress a feasible plan for equitable direction of Federal re- search and development funds. This agency, the National Science Founda- tion, was charged from inception to "ap- praise the impact of research upon in- dustrial development and upon the gen- eral welfare." It was further charged to "strengthen basic research and educa- tion in the sciences and to avoid undue concentration of such research and edu- cation." The 15th annual report of the Na- tional Science Foundation gives further and full recognition to this original man- date in accepting the burden of science resources planning and in the commend- able statement prefacing that report by its director, Leland J. Haworth. I know so well, as a Member of this body during all the postwar years of the explosion of science, as a member of this body's Committee on Space, and as a member of the Joint Committee on Atomic Energy, that the solution does not rest in simple arithmetic nor in per capita distribution of research dollars. Yet I know that, unless we find a formula for a feasible and responsible distribu- tion of a significant portion of those 15 to 20 billions spent annually in research, we are victims of a trend which soon will escape reversal. We will accept a population erosion which will concentrate our talents, our industries, and our people in narrow and hopelessly confined areas of this broad and beautiful land. I ask that the resolution which I now send to the desk remain there for 10 calendar days for cosponsorship. The PRESIDING OFFICER. The resolution will be received and appro- priately referred; and, without objec- tion, will remain at the desk as requested. The resolution (S. Res. 231) was re- ferred to the Committee on Government Operations, as follows: S. RES. 231 Resolved, That the National Science Foun- dation is requested to formulate and trans- mit to the Congress at the earliest practicable date its recommendations for such changes in- (1) the laws under which research and de- velopment funds are granted, loaned, or oth- erwise made available by departments or agencies of the Government to institutions of higher learning for scientific or educa- tional purposes; or (2) the administration of such laws; Rhodesia's area is 153,330 square miles: Her population is slightly over 4 million, of which about 250,000 are white; about 1 white to each 15 blacks. The whites presently control the Rhodesian Govern- ment. Prime Minister Wilson declared independence would not be granted un- less Rhodesia expanded African repre- sentation-now limited to 15 in the 65- member legislature-to pave the way for what he called true majority rule. Economic sanctions by Britain prompt- as may be necessary and desirable to provide ly followed the Rhodesian declaration of for a more equitable distribution of such independence. Rhodesian Prime Min- funds to all qualified institutions of higher ister Smith was suspended November 12 learning to avoid the concentration of such by Sir Humphrey Gibbs, the Queen's rep- activities in any geographical area and to ensure a continuing reservoir of scientific and resentative. Then on November 17, teaching skills and capacities throughout the Smith announced he had suspended several States, ibbs. Britain also announced it would sus- pend AND RHODESIA pend all aid to Rhodesia, ban exports to Rhodesia, expel Rhodesia from the Ster- Mr. EASTLAND. Mr. President, Viet- nam and Rhodesia. are half a world apart. But there is a reason why we should think of them together, in one particular connection. This is what I want to discuss for a short time today. In South Vietnam we are fighting a war to preserve the independence of that little country. Britain is waging an economic war against Rhodesia to force that little country, which only recently declared its independence, to come back under Brit- ish domination. We are helping Britain in her Rhode- sian struggle; but Britain Is not helping us in South Vietnam. This epitomizes our relationships, today, with many of our allies. But since time is limited, I shall confine my discussion today to the United States and Vietnam, and Britain and Rhodesia. It has been said, and rightly said, that this country has a commitment in South Vietnam. But so does Britain have, a commitment. The United Kingdom is one of the eight signatories to the SEATO pact, and has exactly the same obligations under that pact that the United States has. England's interest in preserving South Vietnam from engulfment by the Com- munists should be as great as our own. We should be able to count upon sub- stantial help from England, in our efforts to preserve the independence of South Vietnam, but we have not been getting it and there is no prospect that we will get it. Yet Britain is getting our help in her efforts to destroy the independence of Rhodesia. Just for background, let me portray' the Rhodesian situation briefly. Rhodesia declared Its independence from Great Britain on November 11, 1965. Prime Minister Harold Wilson immediately characterized the action as "Illegal" and "treasonable." The declaration followed by slightly more than a month the rejection by Prime Minister Wilson of a demand by Rhodesian Prime Minister Ian D. Smith-in London discussions October 4 to 8, 1965-for immediate independence for the self-governing British possession. ling area, ban purchases of tobacco and sugar, and deny Rhodesia access to the London money market. On November 12, 1965, the Security Council of the United Nations by a vote of 10 to 0, with France abstaining, called on all nations to refrain from rendering aid or recognition to what was termed "this illegal racist minority regime in Southern Rhodesia." The United States thereupon declared an arms embargo on Rhodesia, an- nounced it would discourage investment or travel in the country, and canceled Rhodesia's sugar quota. On December 18, 1965, the U.S. Gov- ernment advised all its citizens to com- ply with the British embargo on oil ship- ments to Rhodesia. On December 28 the U.S. Department of Commerce prohibited the export of gasoline, kerosene, and other petroleum products to Rhodesia, without a validated export license, and announced that its general policy would be to deny such licenses. The U.S. Government put pressure on American manufacturers who purchase raw materials from Rhodesia, and as a result various imports from Rhodesia have been discontinued. Imports of as- bestos and lithium were discontinued on January 10. The State Department has been attempting to persuade American users of chrome to stop buying Rhodesian chrome or chrome ore, and it was re- cently reported that such purchases had been suspended. This seems a particu- larly shortsighted move, because in re- cent years nearly one-third of all chrome used in the United States has come from Rhodesia. Chromium is a material in short supply here, as well as being a strategic material; and the State Depart- ment's position in seeking a voluntary cutoff of Rhodesian chrome imports into this country seems hard to justify in the light of our own national interest. The United States has not been a com- pletely innocent bystander during the de- velopment, in recent years, of increased -racial tensions in Rhodesia. Lest it be forgotten, let me recall an incident of about 4 years ago. John K. Emmerson, U.S. consul general at Salisbury, Rhodesia, was re- called in March 1962, after 17 months in Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400050007-6 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400050007-6 March 2, 1966 CONGRESSIONAIL RECORD --SENATE I serve on the committee as a regular Republican member. Just this morning, we met and agreed on a well qualified step with the Government scientific background, to proceed in an orderly fashion to put the whole problem before Congress, first of all, by identifying all research grants which have been made. As members of the Finance Commit- tee and of the Committee on Appropria- tions, we have difficulty, sometimes, in this whole field, because of the problem of overlapping and duplicating research projects, in not being able to find where they are. Thus, we are going to create an inven- tory and find out just how far the Gov- ernument has gone into the research con- tract and grant business, find out where the contracts have been made, where contracts have been granted, or where the work is being done and then move into the direction of trying to get a more equitable distribution of projects into the educational areas where we have talent. I therefore congratulate the Senator from Nebraska on the fact that while this has been discussed a great many times, and while it has grown into a seriousness which has caused us to create the special subcommittee to study the problem in depth, the Senator from Nebraska has come up with the one prac- tical suggestion which can serve as a guideline by providing that the National Science Foundation assume the respon- sibility of working up some formula to propose to Congress. I believe that this is a step in the right direction and with the background of information which will come out of the study being made by this newly created subcommittee of the Government Operations Committee, the testimony in the hearings, and the field investigations, I am sure that Rep- resentatives and Senators will be able better to evaluate this formula which will, I hope, eventuate from the very constructive suggestion which the Sena- tor from Nebraska has made. Mr. CURTIS. I think the Senator from South Dakota. Mr. MAGNUSON. Mr. President, will the Senator from Nebraska yield? The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. T[ YDINCS in the chair). Does the Senator from Nebraska yield to the Senator from Washington? Mr. CURTIS. I am happy to yield to the Senator from Washington. Mr. MAGNUSON. I should like to suggest to the Senator from Nebraska that he has selected an agency with some experience in this matter. As the Sena- tor from Nebraska will remember, the Senator from South Dakota and I were the auuhors of a bill to create the Na- tional Science Foundation, followed with a request on handling appropriations after it was created. The Senator from South Dakota and I found, in the early (lays of the National Science Foundation, that they did not have quite as much money as they have now, but we found that about 70 percent of all their grants was going to one area of the country-I need not mention the area. Mr. MUNDT. Near the growing of beautiful ivy. Mr. MAGNUSON. Yes, the ivy area. 'We did :not do this deliberately. Mr. CURTIS. No. Mr.:M:UNIYI'. Right. Mr. MAGNUSON. We felt that we should keep it from spreading. They did. They went about it. Mr. Waterman finally went about creating a broader spread. He has not created it, or done as well as we would probably have liked, but they have done pretty well. Mr. MUNIYI'. The Senator suggested that what they have done was to create a "low-priced spread," and we are over in the "high-priced spread." Mr. MAGNUSON. They created the "low-priced spread," that is true, but there is a spin-off to this thing that we are always talking about; namely, the shortage of personnel in the field who, when they are trained, whether it, be by Government grants, privately, or both, go off in another direction, and we con- sequently suffer from. a severe lack of teachers who stay. We have found from experience, and so has the National Science Foundation, that where we give some of these grants to the colleges--we have them in our State, but in the Middle West there are great numbers of them--there is something about the smaller college atmosphere when they receive this grant--rather than the hustle-bustle of a large technical school in which stu- dents are given interviews for jobs by big corporat.ons, and so forth--that the smaller college student is more inclined to wish to go into the teaching field. But it proves something, too, in these grants. So that I suggest that the Na- tional Science Foundation has learned, through hard experience, to try at least to do what the Senator is suggesting. The Senator has picked an agency which has had. a great. deal of background in this field. Mr. CUR':rIS. I am well aware of that, and I wish to commend this dis- tinguished Senator from Washinigton for having pioneered in this field in the creation of the National Science Fooinda- tion. I am sure that it enjoys a fine reputation throughout the academic world. They are qualified, if any agency is, to reduce to a formula. some may to distribute these :funds so that it w?.11 not just be happenstance, or rest entriely upon the competence of particular in- dividuals who happen to be making the decision at the time. Mr. T:f1Uh,MOND. Mr. President, will the Senator from Nebraska yield? Mr. CURTIS. I am happy to yield to the Senator from South Carolina. Mr. THUR.MOND. :I wish to commend the able and distinguished Senator from Nebraska for offering this resolution. If he has no objection, I should be pleased to join as a cosponsor. Mr. CURTIS. I would be most happy to have the Senator from South Carolina added as a cosponsor. Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I ask unanimcus consent that I be allowed to join as a cosponsor to the resolution. The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it .s so ordered. Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, a great many people have felt for a. long time that something along this line needed to be done. It is my hope that the resolution will be passed and that action will be taken on it soon. There is no question, as was mentioned by the Senator from Washington [Mr. MAGNUSON] a few moments ago, that a large percentage of contracts for re- search have gone to a very small geo- graphical area of the United States. It seems to me that funds for these research projects come from all the people in all the States of the Nation. Therefore, as much as possible, there should be a more equitable distribution of these projects. I am convinced that we have able scientists, that we have many able educators, and many able people in the various States of the Na- tion. Practically every State in this Na- tion has one or more outstanding educa- tional institutions. It seems to me they might be considered for some kind of project under this program, rather than concentrating the projects in one area of the Nation. Again I wish to commend the able Senator from Nebraska for his work on this problem. It is my hope that it will bear fruit. Mr. CURTIS. I thank the distin- guished Senator from South Carolina very much for his comments. Mr. President, in a recent presenta- tion illustrating the desirability of lo- cating an important Federal structure in the Middle West of association noted: Fourteen percent of Health, Education, and Welfare research and development expenditures at universities in 1964 were committed to universities located in New York, nearly 12 percent to universities located in California, and nearly 8 per- cent to universities located in Massachusetts. Thirty-nine percent of Atomic Energy Commission research and development expenditures at universities in 1964 were committed to universities in California and nearly 20.5 percent to universities in New Mexico. Sixty-nine percent of National Aero- nautics and Space Administration re- search and development expenditures at universities in 1964 were committed to universities in California. This is the impact of the Jet Propulsion Laboratory. Fifteen percent of all National Science Foundation grants to universities in 1964 went to universities in California, nearly 12 percent to universities in New York and nearly 10 percent to universities in Massachusetts. The total expenditures for research and development at universities by these five major groupings of Federal agen- cies-Defense, HEW, AEC, NASA, and NSF-amounted to $1.6 of the $1.7 bil- lion of Federal expenditures for research and development activities at universi- ties in 1964. At the conclusion of this notation these three questions are asked: First. Is the current geographical da- tribution of Federal research and de- velopment grants and contracts at American universities meeting the major program objectives of Federal agencies, especially as these program objectives Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400050007-6 March 2, 1966 Approved F~-e:gRJ/1JE$DPf7A,R000400050007-6 4497 Lnas pose, as a i sui, vl 1i-s- ,.uj av'j Welensky, then Rhodesian Prime Min- used immediate force to destroy Rho- the months and the years during which ister, that after appointment of G. Men- desian independence. American fighting men must be kept in nen Williams as the. U.S. State Depart- Does that sound like a double stand- South Vietnam, if it will reduce in any ment's African expert, U.S. representa- ard? In reality it is not. It is a single degree the grisly total which eventually tives in Rhodesia had abandoned their standard. The basic principle is 1n- will represent our total casualties in "traditional line of noninvolvement in creased power for the blacks; but no South Vietnam, then a blockade must be Rhodesian internal affairs" and had increased power for the whites. undertaken, and the sooner the better. "pursued a line of not oversubtle aline- The first white settlements in central The weight of the evidence so far ad- ment with African Nationalists." Africa were made only 75 years ago. If duced supports the conclusion that a Specific charges included these: we want to understand how the white blockade will help accomplish these ob- First. That the U.S. Information Rhodesians feel, it may help to imagine jectives. Agency had issued films and literature how the early settlers in any State of The conclusion seems inescapable that, which "appeared to incite Africans to our Union would have felt at being told, unless there are important facts con- greater efforts to combat or boycott the 75 years after settlement of the State cealed from us, this country is not doing federal and Southern Rhodesian systems began, that they should turn over their all it can to win in South Vietnam, and of government." government to the Indian because they will not be doing so until a blockade of Second. That certain films offered by were the true majority. North Vietnam has been set up and made USIA contained "scenes and episodes As I have pointed out, the United effective. from past wars of liberation" coupled States is aiding the British embargo on Mr. President, I ask unanimous con- with "reminders that Africans, too, are shipments to Rhodesia, and our State sent to have printed in the RECORD a struggling for their independence." Department has even gone so far as to very able editorial entitled "On the U.S. Third. That in Nyasaland, "American put pressure upon American users of Policy Toward Rhodesia," which ap- consular cars frequently have gotten chrome to halt purchases from Rhodesia, peared in the Vicksburg Evening Post, mixed up in car processions of the in spite of the fact that chrome is a of Vicksburg, Miss., on Monday, Febru- Malawi Congress Party, making it ap- critical metal in short supply in this ary 28, 1966. pear as if U.S. officials and Malawi parti- country. But in agreeing to do all this, There being no objection, the editorial sans are riding toward independence the United States has not obtained any was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, together." agreement from Britain to assist us in as follows: Fourth. That in Southern Rhodesia, an embargo or blockade against North ON THE U.S. POLICY TOWARD RHODESIA American consular men "have also been Vietnam. The Commerce Department announced in close touch with Mr. Joshua Nkomo's In fact, it does not even appear that Saturday it is putting controls on all U.S. Zambia movement." This liaison with our State Department sought such an exports to Southern Rhodesia, and said this Nkomo, it was charged, had been carried agreement from Britain when we agreed action would have the effect of cutting off on "by both Americans and locally re- to help Britain against Rhodesia. virtually all exports of importance to the cruited African consular staff of U.S. This country has the necessary naval economy of that African country. Pre- and air strength to enforce a sea block- viously the United States had put an em- bargo on arms, military equipment and all Sir Roy Welensky in June of 1962 ode against North Vietnam. Those who petroleum into Rhodesia. Exports to Rho- ascribed what he called the present argue against such a blockade make it desia in 1964 were reported at about $21 truculence of African leaders partly at a main point of their argument that million, with the principal export items least to American and United Nations Britain would not recognize the blockade, being construction machinery, transport encouragement. and, therefore, that we would be in equipment, textiles, paper and wheat. Now, Dissatisfaction was also expressed by trouble with our greatest ally if we should practically everything we exported into the Rhodesians over the size of the U.S. attempt to set up such a blockade. Rhodesia comes, under the controls. diplomatic mission, which had a staff of Sometimes, more euphemistically, those It just doesn't follow correct reasoning to nearly 200 persons, most of them locally who argue along this line say that our of aopt such a ll, it Injects our country into the inter- employed Africans, and which was allies would not recognize the blockade. nal affairs of another nation; second, the larger than any other diplomatic mission It is not at all certain that this is true. quarrel between Britain and Rhodesia is in the Federation, and even larger than Perhaps the announcement of a block- none of our business, and we should not the British High Commission in Rho- 'ade would give Britain a basis for cut- take sides in what should be a family affair; desia. These figures covered the two ting off trade which she now feels she third, we, too, broke away from Britain, and U.S. consulates in Lusaka and Zamba, as must maintain in order to avoid offense proclaimed our independence, and we might, well as the Consulate General in Solis- to the Red Chinese, by whose sufferance at least, have some sympathy with Rhodesia; alone Hong Hong is permitted to remain fourth, this is the modern day, when all ties bRyy, with colonialism must be broken, and so Throughout Africa, new countries British territory. Rhodesia should be as entirely free and in- have proliferated as the rising tide of Only 2 days ago the Commerce De dependent, and should have the same right black nationalism has spread across that partment clamped controls on all ex- to'freedom and independence as the other continent. Every time a group of par- ports front this country to Rhodesia. African nations which have blossomed out tially educated, half-savage tribes has Perhaps there would be resistance by cer- in recent years; but finally, and most im- constituted an alleged government and tain interests in the United Kingdom portant, there is absolutely no basis for us declared its country free and independ- to similar action by that nation with 'to accede to Britain's wishes for economic sanctions against Rhodesia, when that same ent, we have been pressured by an un- respect to North Vietnam. Britain insists on doing business with Cuba reasoning fear of world opinion into But since the United States is cutting and North Vietnam and Red China, all of immediate recognition of that govern- off our shipments to and purchases from which are our mortal enemies. If, indeed, ment. These new, unstable, little so- Rhodesia, in order to help Britain bring Britain had any claim whatever on our called countries are immediately ad- that turbulent dominion back under its friendship, then she should be an ally in mitted to the United Nations where each control, why should we not ask Britain fact, by refraining from helping out those is given a voting strength the same as to help us cut off shipments of goods and who are arrayed against our Nation. our own in that international body. We supplies into North Vietnam, in aid of a If the Members of the Senate of the are told that under no circumstances defense against Communist aggression United States want something to really argue about, they should turn their atten- must force be used to retain or recapture which is important to the whole free tion away froni Vietnam, and turn their any of these newly declared independ- world? oratorical guns against our administration encies as territories or dominions of one One thing seems perfectly clear: we policy in Rhodesia. There is fertile ground of the civilized nations of the world. should not be asked to hold off on block- for sound and serious protest, whereas no But when Rhodesia declared its inde- ading North Vietnam because of any such ground now exists in Vietnam. We pendence, there was a vast cry that force consideration for the British or their are being played for the proverbial sucker in Rhodesia, while we do nothing to make our must be used to restore British control; .feelings about the matter. supposed allies desist from trade with our and representatives of the United King- If a blockade will help us in our strug- enemies. There is justification for an all- dom at the United Nations were snubbed gle against Communist forces in South out protest against our Rhodesian policy. and insulted because Britain had not Vietnam, if it will help us to shorten Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400050007-6 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400050007-6 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -- SENATE March 21, 1966 ESTABLISHMENT OF DEPARTMENT OF TRANSPORTATION Mr. MAGNUSON. Mr. President, I in- troduce, by request, for appropriate ref- erence, a bill to establish a Department of Transportation. Introduction of the bill is at the request of the President and the executive department of the Gov-- e mnent. T hie PRESIDING OFFICER. The bill will be received and appropriately re- ferred. Mr. MAGNUSON. The bill would es- tablish a 12th Cabinet Department. This is not a new proposal. The Commerce Committee of the Senate considered a similar proposal for a Department of Tr onsportation in hearings held as far back as 1948. The matter of a Depart- ment of Transportation had been before many Congresses prior to that time. I have. personal knowledge of the hearings in 1948. Since 1948, the proposal to establish a 1'ransportation Cabinet Department has been brought up on many occasions, and many study groups have been ap-? pointed by the executive department, and by Congress itself, which have rec-? ommended such an establishment. The Commerce Committee's Special. Study Group on Transportation Policies in 1961 suggested that a Transportation Department be established. A,. I recall, the opening part of the so-called Hoover Commission proposals on reorganization of the Government suggested a Department of Transporta- tion- Over 5 years ago President Eisenhower recommended to the Congrsss that such a Department be created. Of course, the need for such a Department has been growing since that time. ['resident Johnson in his state of the Union message pointed out that such a Department of Transportation is needed. to bring together our transportation activities. He stated that the present structure-35 Government agencies, spending $5 billion yearly-makes it im- possible to serve either the growing de- mands of the Nation. the needs of the industry, or the right of the taxpayer to full efficiency and frugality. The Congress in the exercise of its power to regulate commerce is vitally interested in insuring that the needs of commerce-communities, shippers, users, and carriers-for a safe, efficient, equita- ble, and balanced transportation net- work are served. The geography of this country makes transportation more important to the economic scheme of this country than to any other country in the world, be- cause of the land mass of the United Slates and the nature of our economy. li:xpeditious and effective decision on Lli:s bill would be facilitated if the ad- ministration would transmit to Congress the factual studies and underlying data on which this recommendation is based. 'hat, I understand, will be done quickly. It has been a perennial problem in the field of transportation legislation to sub- jiect value Judgments and opinions to factual analysis because the facts have not been readily available. Prompt re- ceipt of this information will enable Congress not only to make a prompter decision, but also a better one. Today the President has sent to Con- gress a message on. transportation. Ac- companying this organizational reform of one of the most vital aspects of gov- ernmental activities is the President's Transportation Message. We have, of course, the be. t trans- portation system in the world. It has its flaws. But it is the only comph tely pri- vate ente:ttprise transportation system in the world. Most countries hal e either government-owned transportation, or the government completely controls transportation and finances it v holly or in major part. Although we have many flaws we have a good system. Sometimes it is .t marvel to me that it survives as a private enter- prise. But it has flourished as a result of private initiative and ende-..vor. It has also grown with the encouragement and support of various governmental programs. I do not, think that we should forget these aspects. These programs of the government are widely dispersed and uncoordinated. Lately we have begun to aid our trans- portation system by research. The biLL which I have just in,,roduced on automotive safety carries out that trend in order that we migst have greater safety on our highways. The President has alluded to 35 dif- ferent departments and agencies involved in transportation, and stated that these programs involve vast sums of Federal money. Transportation is so much an integral part of our economy, and so important to our economy, that few people realize that transportation activities comprise about one-fourth of the gross national product of this country. It is big busi- ness. We hone that by this bill, the Federal role in transportation will be given a truly national and meaningful effect. If we are ever to achieve a coordinated na- tional transportation system v e must reorient and redirect these mr nv pro- grams. The exploding population and economic growth of the Nation demand that we bring some order to the ,'a,ucture of the Federal. Government as it is pres- ently organized to deal with tratsporta- tion. If we fail to do so now it is obeious the task will become immeasurably rnore dif- ficult in the future, for transi'ertation needs and problems were multiple. The importance of transportation as an element of the complex inter 'Elation- sh ps of our economic system is increas- insg daily. Yet there is no one in the present Government organization, other than the 'resident .hirn,;elf, who has au- thority to coordinate many aspects of Federal transportation policies and pro- grams. The independent regulatory agencies, such as the CAB, the Inter- state Commerce Commission, an I others, are not able under present law to take such action efficiently and efactively. For our part, we can legislate, but we do not administer. It is a fact of governmental life that transportation functions have not kept abreast of current or future require- ments. Any projection into the future will confirm that conclusion, If congressional transportation man- dates are to meet the needs of the public, we must exercise foresight. This Nation must be assured of strong leadership in promoting advances in transportation technology for fast, efficient, economical service. The bill attempts, and its objective is, to resolve these matters. Departmental etatus would be con- ferred on those activities which repre- sent the preponderance of government money and personnel concerned with transportation. The key modes are the Bureau of Pub- lic Roads, which today is next to the De- partment of Defense as the second largest business in the world. The Federal Aviation Agency which deals with the sensitive problem of air- lane safety is another. It now costs us almost three-quarters of a billion dollars to operate this agency in order to keep the safety features of our airlanes in- tact and up to date. The FAA would be included in the proposed Department of Transportation. The Maritime Administration-that is, the Maritime Administrator in the De- partment of Commerce which now has a single head as distinguished from the Maritime Commission, which has other functions-will also be transferred. There are provisions for integrating our merchant marine into this new depart- ment. It will bring the merchant ma- rine into proper relationship with other forms of transportation, rather than op- erating by itself. My friend from Oregon. and I are interested in the proposed transfer of the Coast Guard into the new department. Mr. GRUENING. Mr. President. would the Senator yield? Mr. MAGNUSON. I yield. Mr. GRUE:NING. The Coast Guard renders invaluable service in Alaska, as it does in other parts of the Union. But there is no State in which the service of the Coast Guard is more valued and highly regarded than it is in Alaska.. Our people are so glad to see them going out saving lives. It is one of the most cherished things that we have. Mr. MAGNUSON. As an aid to water operations. Mr. GRUENING. And :t hope that nothing is done to impair its usefulness. Mr. MAGNUSON. Also transferred is the Office of the Under Secretary of Com- merce for Transportation and it.; exist- ing responsibilities. This is a complex and major piece of legislation. It is probably the most im- portant in many years in this field. Be- cause of all of the activities that it cov- ers no one will suggest, not even the chairman, that the bill should not be modified. There will be some portions that need to be corrected and some that may be opposed by Members of Congress. The administration has no particular pride of authorship. They are sending it up to make a start toward a Depart- ment of Transportation. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400050007-6 March 2, 1966 Approved F ~lggf fqg1/1:k]EEQP fRk hIR000400050007-6 4491 participation in the Asian Development Bank. It is an act of opportunity, which will enable the United States, together with 30 other nations, to join as charter members in a new venture of cooperation to promote economic growth in the poor countries of Asia. It is an act of prom- ise, offering economic and political co- operation between countries which share a determination to raise the living stand- ards of the impoverished peoples of Asia. While offering Opportunity and prom- ise, the agreement to establish the Asian Development Bank, to which H.R. 12563 relates, will provide the foundation for a sound financial institution. It is clearly the product of careful and able work of representatives of different countries joined by a high common purpose, and the United States can be justly proud of its participation. The Asian Development Bank is mod- eled in many important respects on the highly successful World Bank. Its con- stitution reflects also the devoted atten- tion and wise counsel provided by Eugene Black, an eminent international eco- nomic statesman whose stewardship of the World Bank for a decade and a half contributed so much to its success. Those who formulated this agreement can take pride in a well-wrought charter for an effective financial institution which will serve great purposes. They can also find pride in the remarkable re- sponse by subscribing countries to the authorized capital of $1 billion. The countries of Asia have pledged very nearly $650 million and 12 countries out- side the Asian region are contributing $350 million including the $200 million pledged by the United States. Under the leadership of the President, and following his great speech in Balti- more, the United States has played a dis- tinguished. role in helping to build this new institution. It is our task here today to follow through. Mr. INOUYE. Mr. President, at this moment the nations of Asia stand at a turning point in the course of their af- fairs. They are about to embark on a new enterprise that may, over time, mean the difference between starvation and plenty; between misery and well- being for many millions in that vast region. This new enterprise is the Asian De- velopment Bank, to which the United States and other advanced Countries- have been asked to give support. H.R. 12563 responds to this appeal by author- izing U.S. membership in the Asian De- velopment Bank with a subscription of $200 million. I rise to give my full sup- port to this legislation. We will not be alone in our response. Of total authorized Bank capital of $1 billion, $650 million will come from 19 Asian nations themselves, including $200 million from Japan, and more than $100 million from Australia and New Zealand. The remaining $350 million is being sub- scribed by 12 countries outside Asia, $150 million of which will come from coun- tries other than the United States. Ger- many, for example, is subscribing $34 million, the United Kingdom $30 million, Canada $25 million, and Italy $20 mil- lion. Overall, our contribution repre- sents only 25 percent of the Bank's hard- currency subscriptions. Our role is es- sential to the Bank's success, but we are not being called on to bear the major burden. The facts of war and economic back- wardness in Asia today speak plainly of the need for a regional institution to further economic development. I am deeply impressed with the extent to which these facts have-been taken to heart in this country and by the degree and depth of support for H.R. 12563. This bill was reported unanimously by committees in both houses, and passed the other body by a margin of 3 to 1. Public expressions of support have reflected a broad range of opinion, and, include the U.S. Chamber of Com- merce, the National Association of Manufacturers, the American Federation of Labor, the National Foreign Trade Council, the American Bankers Associa- tion, the Investment Bankers Associa- tion, the Cooperative League and the League of Women Voters. I particularly wish to point out that the articles of agreement of the Asian Bank by no means confine its operations to support of projects in the public sector. This new Bank will have full powers to make loans, or guarantee loans by others, to productive private enterprises in mem- ber countries, and, after it has been determined that the Bank is in a position to do so, to make equity investments in private enterprises. The Bank will also be able to assist in underwriting security issues of private firms in member coun- tries, thereby contributing to the devel- opment of local capital markets and the mobilization of domestic capital. And, since it will in future years float bond issues and make portfolio sales in private capital markets, the Bank will further facilitate the international flow of pri- vate funds. Very careful consideration has been given to the possible effect of the sub- scription obligations authorized in H.R. 12563 upon our balance of payments. The Secretary of the Treasury has stated that he balance-of-payments effect of our subscription will be minimal, amounting to not more than $10 million in the first year. Over a longer period, procurement in the United States fi- nanced by Bank loans can be expected very largely to offset our subscription payments. Nor need we be fearful of large drains on our capital market by the Bank. The Bank's articles specify that no securities may be issued except with the consent of the country where the issue is to take place, and that the Bank must follow the principle of diver- sifying its borrowing sources. The as- surances of the administration and the safeguards built into the articles provide an ample basis on which to give this legislation a clean bill of health on bal- ance-of-payments grounds. Mr. President, much has been said in this Chamber about the role of the United States in Asia, and the impor- tance of our making it known that we seek neither territorial gain nor military domination of the nations of that area. If we are serious about associating our- selves with the works of peace in Asia; if we are truly committed to efforts to grapple with the economic and human problems that beset that area; if we wish to help Asians to find their way through their current trials; then H.R. 12563 provides us with the vehicle to achieve these ends. I intend to heed the President's call in his great speech at Baltimore. I will vote for this bill and for the cause of peace it represents. I urge each of you to join me. Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I would like the RECORD to show my op- position to Senate approval of this pro- posal. The Asian Development Bank is but one additional method by which the United States funnels foreign aid to vir- tually all the countries of the world. As is the case with banks of this type, the United States cannot exercise control over which countries are eligible to re- ceive loans and other forms of financial and technical assistance. Eligible coun- tries, such as Mongolia, have forms of government and political philosophies completely alien to those of our own peo- ple, and I consider it inconsistent with the best interest of our country to sup- port, financially or otherwise, govern- ments of this type. The PRESIDING OFFICER. The bill is open to amendment. If there be no amendment to be proposed, the question is on the third reading of the bill. The bill (H.R. 12563) was ordered to a third reading, was read the third time, and passed. Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I move that the vote by which the bill was passed be reconsidered. Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I move to lay that motion on the table. The motion to lay on the table was REPORT BY SENATOR TYDINGS ON VISIT TO VIETNAM Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, in his news bulletin to his constituents of February 1966, the distinguished Senator from Maryland [Mr. TYDrNCS] reports on his visit to Vietnam during the last congressional adjournment. The Sen- ator supplies a most informative personal account of his experiences and observa- tions. One does not have to agree with every detail in order to recognize this report to be a very useful contribution to public understanding of the Vietnamese problem. I would address the Senate's atten- tion particularly to the final section of the report, which is entitled "The Un- certain Future." It is a well-reasoned and temperate appraisal of the situa- tion and the Senator's position with re- spect thereto. In setting it forth, Sen- ator TYDINGS makes a significant con- tribution to public and Senate under- standing of the Vietnamese problem. I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bulletin "On the Record," for February 1966, be printed at this point in the RECORD. There being objection, the text of the bulletin was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400050007-6 Approved For Red ~pp5/07/13:CIA-RDP67B00446R000400050007-6 CCI IiSSIO1~fAL RECORD SENATE March N, 1966 ON THE RECORD (By U.S. Senator JosEPH D. TYDINCS) (NOTE:-During the past congressional re- cess, I spent a week in South Vietnam as a member of a four-man delegation. Travel- ing almost constantly from 6 in the morn- ing until late at night, we met with our :frontline troops in every major area--the 'id Marine Division in Da Nang, the 1st Cav- alry in Ankh(!, a special forces A team in Cal (lat. We crisscrossed the country several times, visiting refugee camps, Vietnamese villages, and a variety of installations. In .addition to meetings in Saigon with Gen- eral Westmoreland, Ambassador Lodge, and AID Administrator Mann, we talked with Premier Ky and other South Vietnamese officials, students, and villagers. (Our soldiers are fighting in a land whose terrain, people, and traditions were almost unknown to us 10 years ago. Even today Viet- nam is strange and little understood. The diplomatic terrain is equally uncertain. We -must guess the Intentions of Peiping; we are unsure of the policy of those in control in Hanoi; we do not know what influence Moscow exerts, nor how independent the Vietcong is from Hanoi. The political and military situations change so rapidly that we must continually reexamine our assump- tions and refine our views.-JOE TYDINGS.) 1115; 'I'ROUDLED PAST South Vietnam is about the size of Call- .rornia with a population of approximately 14 million. For centuries these sturdy, hand- some people nave fought off Chinese efforts to conquer them. They still regard the Chinese as traditional enemies. In the 19th century, the Wrench colonized Indochina and began nearly 100 years of unenlightened rule. fn 1942, Japan invaded and occupied the Cil un try. After World War II, the French wished to return to Vietnam. but He Chi Minh, a popu- resistance lighter against the Japanese, Zs in control. Orderly transition from co- lonial rule to self-government was unsuc- ':ressful, and war broke out between the French and Ho's Vietminh forces. The war dragged on for 8 years, until the French were decisively defeated at Dienbienphu. At the conference table in Geneva in 1954, an. accord was reached whereby firing ceased and a line was drawn between the Communist north and the non-Communist south. Free elections under international supervision were to be held throughout Vietnam in 1956 in select a government fora unified Vietnam. The United States did not sign the Geneva accords, but endorsed it in principle. After the country was partitioned, almost 1 million citizens fled from the north to the south. Only 100.000 chose to move north. A relatively free election was held in the South in 1955. Ngo Dinh Diem overwhelm- in.gly defeated Bao Dal, the former French puppet Emperor. Diem refused to permit the unification elections unless Ho Chi Minh agreed to effective international supervision in North Vietnam. The elections were not held. Diem soon terminated the practice of electing local officials and appointed his own men. He persecuted the Buddhists, the Cao D.i, and other religious sects. He permitted corruption to flourish, jailed his political opponents, and failed to make even token economic and social reforms. Considerable opposition to Diem had de- veloped by the late 1950's. Guerrilla fighters set up shadow governments in the provinces and began to kill village officials, These i;uerrillas were aided by North Vietnam. At the Third Lao Dnng Party Conference in Hanoi in December 1960, the National Libera- tion Front was proclaimed, and Communist assistance became official, Since Diem's demise in 1963, there have been five governments. The present Premier. Nguyen Cao Ky, inherited a difficult situa- tion, but during his few months in office, he has displayed greater understanding of the politicial, economic and social problems of his country than his predecessors. He has permitted free elections in the Provinces and has devoted increasing attention to desper- ately needed programs of education and rural development. 'While our officials believe Ky to be personally honest, corruption and graft exist at lower echelons of government. We began to aid South Vietnam, in 1964. Predicated on the assumption than "needed reforms" would be undertaken, thie aid was to be entirely economic. When the situation deteroriated, however, President E, :enhower sent military assistance. President Kennedy continued this assistance and grac.ually in- creased the number of advisers, In February 1965, the Vietcong; threat- ened to cut South Vietnam in halt. roughly along Highway 19 from Pleiku to the coast. Our military force in Vietnam then numbered about 20,000--mostly advisers aid tech- nical personnel, President Johnson was con- fronted by the alternatives of coml,irete col- lapse or dramatic increase in our military Commitment, lie chose the latter. THE PRESENT SITUATION To secure the entire nation will :c it long and difficult task and will require i~. massive military commitment. 'l'wo-third ; of the highways are controlled by the Vietcong. Passage of troops and supplies it difficult by day and impossible at night. Si igon and many of cur military lenses are vulnerable to sabotage and harassment. The Viet:'ong infrastructure is of ective in approximately two-thirds of the vili.iges. Al- though the Vietcong do not always occupy the villages, a few sympathizers maintain close communication with jungle fighting units and are able to bring down r u attack on a village that refuses to pay taxes to the Vietcong or which cooperates with tie Saigon government. Thousands of villag,, school- teachers and officials have been kidnaped and assassinated. In this fashion, be Viet- cong exercises control over two-thirds of the land area of South Vietnam, though less than one- third of the people. In addition to guerrillas, at lest seven hard-core regiments have come di wn from North Vietnam. Almost all heavy fighting in recent months has been against these North Vietnamese regulars. The Struggle is no lgnger a revolt or an. insurgency; troops are trained, equipped, and shipped from the north. War has left thousands of Vietnamese homeless. I visited six: refugee camps and met with the minister of social we fare and our AID officials to discuss the staggering problems of feeding, clothing, educating, em- ploying, and ultimately relocating these refu- gees. Though some progress has been made in this area.., more often than not it has been a case of too little, too late. We nut help these, people not only for lufmanitaiian rea- sons, but also because their politic: support is essential. I am encouraged by this Presi- dent's recent clear comm.ttment to the wel- fare of the Vietnamese refugees. TI' c need is great; and tile problem grave. The morale of our troops is extremely high. I spoke with many Marylanc boys in every unit if visited. Despite some i evitable bottlenecks. (-.)w? men are better tri.iled and equipped than any soldier.- in histo: They have displayed incredible bravery and re- sourcefulness under extreme conditions, Special Forces units have set up camps throughouts the toughest Vietcong territory in South Vietnam. These isolated camps, built much like stockades of our frontier days, are manned by 2 U.S. officer:; and 10 enlisted men. Together with local vil- lagers, they have repeatedly defended these small forts against powerful Vietcong sieges. While the war goes on, our troops and AID officials are rebuilding this war-ravaged country. Our civic action program has been one of the most Important-thoogh least reported-activities in South Vietnam. It was a great inspiration to see our troops helping the villagers to build schools and sanitation facilities, dispensing medicine to sick children, and instructing families in the use of soap. Medical companies attached to our line units are providing badly needed medical assistance to thousands of Viet- namese villagers and farmers. These activi- ties are almost unprecedented in the history of modern warfare. THE UNCERTAIN FUTURE Politics is the art of choosing among available alternatives. We are confronted by three basic possibilities: escalation, with- drawal, or continuing to defend the territory we now occupy. War is hell, but the alterna- tive of unilateral withdrawal is less accept- able. My visit convinced me that our funda- mental commitment to help defend South Vietnam is a necessary one. I found that our help is generally wanted. A precipitous withdrawal now would mean the end of an independent South Vietnamese Gov Irnme:r t and the ultimate murder of tens of thou- sands who have fought Communist aggres- sion. Withdrawal would bring incalculable pressure upon Thailand and the other small countries of southeast Asia. Eventually, India could lose her independence and thus, her strength as a great democratic counter- weight to China. Our objectives are limited. We do not want territory or a military garrison In south- east Asia. We are not there to wage an ag- gressive war. We do not want to destroy North Vietnam, merely persuade it to stop making war against its neighbor. Our aim is simply to give the people of South Vietnam an opportunity freely to choose their own form of government. I had hoped that we could achieve our ob- jectives by negotiation. The response to President Johnson's peace offensive has been disappointing, but we must intensify the search for an acceptable solution. I support turning this matter over to the United Na- tions and would welcome a renewal of the Geneva Conference. I think we should be willing to negotiate with the National Libera- tion Front as well as the government of North "ietnam, and to accept free elections in South Vietnam as an ultimate political solution. While the search for peace continues, we must devise an appropriate military and political strategy. I was doubtful that our bombings of North Vietnam were sufficiently useful from a military standpoint to justify the political risk of their resumption. I had hoped that the President would have been able to continue the bombing pause. But now that he has made his decision, we must support him insofar as conscience permits. He has far greater access to the relevant information. I hope and pray that this deci- sion is correct. We can best achieve our goals by continu- ing to help the South Vietnamese build their nation with some degree of peace and secu- rity. We must place greater emphan is upon economic development and social reform. Seventy percent of the people of South Viet- nam live in territory defended by United States and South Vietnamese troops. If we can protect the people in these areas from harassment and terror, and, at the same time, help them to rebuild their economy, insti- tute governmental reforms, and embark on a program of social justice, we wall have achieved many of our objectives. Even this will not be easy. Barring the unc>apectcd, American soldiers will be in South Vietnam for many years to come. Our AID mission faces untold problems in trying to build a modern nation in a backward, war-torn country. But whatever the difficulties, I am gratified that we finally appear to be recognizing the importance of civic reform. In the Long run. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400050007-6 Approved FotBIftR37 March 2, 1966 ~ 3 1? P6 WAW000400050007-6 4493 the most important phase of this struggle will be fought in the schools, the hospitals, the rice fields of South Vietnam, rather than on the battlefields. TAX ADJUSTMENT ACT OF 1966 Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that when H.R. 12752, the Tax Adjustment Act of 1966, is reported by the Committee on Finance, it be made the pending business. The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. CANNON In the chair). Without objec- tion, it is so ordered. ORDER FOR ADJOURNMENT UNTIL FRIDAY Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that when the Senate concludes its business today, it stand in adjournment until 12 o'clock noon on Friday next. The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered. ORDER OF BUSINESS Mr. CURTIS. Mr. President, I wish to speak on a subject of considerable inter- est to a number of Senators. I ask unanimous consent that I may suggest the absence of a quorum without losing my right to the floor, and that I may be recognized to continue my. remarks fol- lowing the quorum call. The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection? The Chair hears none, and it is so ordered. Mr. CURTIS. I suggest the absence of a quorum. The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll. The legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll. Mr. CURTIS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded. The PRESIDING OFFICER. With- out objection, it is so ordered. DISTRIBUTION AMONG THE STATES OF RESEARCH AND DEVELOP- MENT FUNDS Mr. CURTIS. Mr. President, I am to- day introducing a resolution, the object of which is a better geographical distri- bution of the research and development funds that are granted, loaned, or other- wise made available by the agencies of the Federal Government to our institu- tions of higher learning. This is a sizable program. So far these funds have been overly concen- trated in two or three areas. Many fine colleges and universities have been left out. Many States have been left out. For many years, various groups and individuals have urged a decentralization of these Government expenditures. No one has come up with a sound formula to accomplish that objective. The resolu- tion which I am introducing proposes that such a formula be developed and fixes the responsibility for writing such a formula. The pace of change is the constant factor in our changing lives, and the days ahead will each be filled with new won- derment. The technological explosion of World War II started this pace which accelerates each year. The mind of the man of science seems to know no bounds as we add today's achievements to to- morrow's routine. With all these bless- ings of great material progress, we in the Congress must assume the stewardship of its. burdens. Today we must work to keep this pace of progress. Today we must work dili- gently to give a better direction to this pace of progress lest our population ex- plosion be coupled with a population erosion. We can erode away the aca- demic excellence of many areas of this great Nation. We can erode away a balance in our national productivity which is now dwindling. We can con- centrate in a few centers those talents which are basic to education, to contin- uing development, and to future productivity. For 20 years the Congress has given sincere expression, but unfortunately a general expression, to the need for a balanced development of our basic sciences. For years we have wrestled with this burden, and we have found it a tough one to pin down. I hope today to set in motion a pursuit of the specifies which can begin to bring equity into an imbalance which worsens each year. The imbalance which must be righted is not only the increasing maldistribu- tion of $15 to $20 billions of Federal re- search and development funds but the reversal of trends which this maldistri- bution has set in motion. Mind you, were we to delay this reversal for another decade, the Members of this body might be faced, in a score of years, with the fact that wide areas of this great Nation may then fail to possess the skills and the talents to perform useful research in the basic sciences. Our great insti- tutions of higher learning, in vast areas, may be reduced in scope to schools of narrower pursuits. Our laboratories and kindred facilities will move away, and will not then our industries follow that pattern? The power of the Federal Government to generate scientific and technological achievement must be harnessed in the absolute of feasibility to render a bal- anced achievement. An expression of my concern is well exemplified by the recent formation of the Midwest Resources Association, a 12-State effort seeking fair and equitable distribution of our resources and our skills. Twenty-four Members of this body form a bipartisan committee to aid its work. My distinguished senior colleague from Nebraska serves on its executive committee. Mr. HRUSKA. Mr. President, will the Senator yield? Mr. CURTIS. I yield. Mr. HRUSKA. Mr. President, I com- mend my colleague for his sponsorship of this resolution. His reference to the Midwest Re- sources Association is most appropriate. This young organization represents the heartland of America-Nebraska, the Dakotas, Minnesota, Illinois, Iowa, Ohio, Kansas, Missouri, Indiana, Wisconsin, and Michigan. A completely bipartisan group, its whole dedication is to the economic wel- fare of our region. It is directed by a steering committee made up the the 12 Governors, 6 Senators, and 6 Members of the House of Representatives. To- gether with the senior Senator from Ohio, it has been my privilege to serve as a member of the association's execu- tive committee and to participate in the organization's development. This association was conceived out of a realization that only by uniting the Midwest would we be able to compete with the more populous and better financed States. Recently, the associa- tion employed a full-time executive sec- retary and opened an office in Washing- ton. As a member of the Appropriations Committee, I have long been concerned about our ability to manage the research and development activities of the Fed- eral Government. These programs have grown in the past two decades out of all proportion to any other segment of the national budget. Just before World War II, the Gov- ernment spent a mere $75 million on sci- ence and technology annually. Today the figure is between $15 and $20 billion. No one argues with the need for inten- sive programs of science, research, and technology. We still have vast frontiers to conquer. No one wants to put a price tag on the cure for cancer, the common cold, or heart disease. No one fails to recognize the literal life-and-death seri- ousness of maintaining our military strength. That is not the point. The point is whether the Congress is intelligently providing ample funds for all these ef- forts and whether the Nation's scientific and technological resources are being properly utilized. Many of these programs-and the jus- tification for their funding-have not been based on any particular logic or rationale. They have, like Topsy, "just growed." We had a striking example of this last year in the Agricultural Appropria- tions Subcommittee. Our distinguished chairman, Senator HOLLAND, insisted on a thoroughgoing analysis of research car- ried on by the 'Department of Agricul- ture. While some progress was made and we have a better view of the Department's research effort than before, much re- mains to be done. What is indicated is a thorough overhaul which will provide the tools, the background, and the know- how to treat the entire research field and not just a narrow segment. I commend the Senator for his con- cern with this problem and for his ef- fort to bring something concrete out of the often expressed desire to make prog- ress in this field. May I say, Mr. President, that I think it would be difficult to find anyone more Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400050007-6 Approved For Release. 2005/07/13 IA-RP67 0004000500071~1arch 2 1966 CONGRESSIONAL ]EZ .COR 1~ qualified and experienced to pursue this resolution than the Senator from Ne- braska, because of his long tenure in Congress, his membership on the Joint Committee on Atomic Energy and on the Senate Committee on Aeronautical and Space Sciences, and his activity, through the years, on the Government Operations Committee. It is with pleasure that I join him in this resolution as one of its cosponsors, and it is my hope that many other Senators will see fit to do the same. Mr. CURTIS. I thank the distin- lguished Senator. I am fully aware that a proper distribution of these funds is a difficult task. I :::lave a very high regard for the National Science Foundation. It is Government oriented. I believe it is qualified to make a study, take a little time. and bring in a formula that will do justice to the programs undertaken and will, at the same time, help decentralize those activities from a geographical standpoint. The industries of tomorrow will be located where the scientific complexes are now being located, and Congress has an obligation to do equity and justice in determining where this money is being spent, loaned, or given. Mr. HRUSKA. Mr. President, will the Senator yield further? Mr. CURTIS. I am happy to yield. Mr. HRUSKA. Is not the situation sometimes aggravated by this type of occurrence: The necessity for some crash program will make its appearance. In the area of that project, there are certain well-known, outstanding institu- tions for example, educational institu- tions, which exist and have been active in the field. Without an organization like the National Science Foundation to make a complete appraisal of the available talent and facilities the nation over. there is always a tendency to say, "Well, college X or university X having done this in the past, let us give them this pro:ject;, too." Mr. CURTIS. Yes. iVlr. HRTTSKA. Not being aware of many facilities which would be equally goad and perhaps even better, because of tint having an overall schedule and for other reasons: and yet the National Science Foundation would have knowl- edge that would enable a decision to be made. which would take into considera- tion not only decentralization, but also other factors which would attach to oth- er potential piaeesxfor location. Mr. CURTIS. I thoroughly agree ww;th the Senator. L.a additional, I should like to point out that when they pass over a well-quali- ie d institution of higher learning, r>fi;entimes that institution is unable to old its scientific talent; it loses some of talent to the areas that do get the ;;rants, and the cycle picks up more and more, with the result of having Govern- ment funds inure one area to the ad- va.ntage of another. Mr. HRUSKA. The trend feeds on it- :;elf and keeps going. Mr. CURTIS. Exactly. I thank the distinguished Senator. Mr. DOVINICK. Mr. President, will the Senator yield? Mr. CURTIS. I am happy to yield. Mr. DOMINICK. I thank the distin- guished :enator from Nebraska, not only for yielding, but also for bringing up this very important resolution he has before us now. I remember some years ago talking to the National Cryogenics Association in Boulder, Colo., about some of the prob- lerns involved in Government support of research. I believe at that time approximately 80 to 35 percent of the total funds being spent on scientific research were being generated out of the Federal Govern- ment, and I pointed. out to them that in the process of continuing on this type of emphasis, unless something were done, it was bound to feed into certain well- defined areas, which would then deplete the scientific knowledge and brains of other areas they flowed into the areas where the money was going. I gather from what the Senator is saying: that he thinks this Is one of the problems we are now facing; in other words, thr.t a university has received a grant because they are supposed to be particular.y capable in a certain field, and then, when a new program comes along and more money is to be spent, be- cause this. university has had a large program, that the second one is liable to flow into it automatically; because they have derrionstrated capacity In the first one, they are assumed to have ca- pacity in the second. Mr. CURTIS. I think the Senator has stated the problem correctly. I am not critical of the Government administrators who make the grants. I believe they need the guidance of a formula that might be developed by the National Science Foundation, in order that they night have an appraisal of the competence of a university, the compe- tence of its instructor personnel and the heads of the departments. I think such a formula would be of great help to the Government; administrators who are charged with distributing these billions of dollars. Mr. DOMINICK. I wonder if the Senator could answer this for me, be- cause I unfortunately have not had the opportunity to read his bill: In the reso- lution, are we referring to all ;types of research, or are we referring only to sci- entinc research dealing-, with scientific subjects? Mr. CURTIS. The resolution refers to the laws under which research and development funds are granted, loaned or otherwise made available by :industry or agencies of the Government to insti- tutions of higher learning for scientific or educational purposes. Mr. DGUHNICK. That could, then, take in re:_e?arch, for example, under the Disarmament Agency. As the Senator knows, the Disarmament Agency has in the past given out a research program to some professor somewhere, on the thesis tha?: he is to come back with a new method of overcoming problems of a disarmament nature. It could I pre- sume, take in educational research as well; is that correct? Mr. CURTIS. The Senator is correct. Mr. DOMINICK. It seems to me this becomes even more important as the scope of research is developed, because obviously brains in all these different fields, by the sheer nature of it, cannot be concentrated in any two or three or half dozen universities; they must be spread throughout the country; other- wise, we would not have the good uni- versities that we do. I know that we have a very large series of programs in Colorado, but I have often wondered why some of the others do not go there as well, in view of the capacity that we have. It is possible that the formula that the Senator is suggest- ing the National Science Foundation de- velop would at least show the need for re- distributing certain types of research which are now going into the southern area or the western area or the northern area; they might be focused in there deliberately under this type of formula, is that correct? Mr. CURTIS. Yes. At least, we would have the guidance of a qualified scien- tific group which could appraise all the talent in the country. Without a doubt. many of these grants and loans are well placed. On the other hand, there is no doubt that many of them could have been successfully handled elsewhere. There should be some guidance on it, some equity and justice injected into the disbursement of these funds. Mr. DOMINICK. I believe that the Senator has brought up a subject which is, really, of great significance. I would be happy if the Senator would allow me to join him as a cosponsor of his reso- lution. Mr. CURTIS. I would be very glad to have the Senator as a cosponsor, and I thank him. Mr. DOMINICK. Even though eventually none of us may agree with the formula proposed, and I would wish to reserve my final decision. Mr. CURTIS. I agree with the Sen- ator. The National Science Foundation might disappoint all of us, but, as of now, I believe it is the proper agency to which to turn to start this project. Mr. DOMINICK. I thank the Senator from Nebraska. Mr. MUNDT. Mr. President, will the Senator from Nebraska yield? Mr. CURTIS. I am happy to yield to the Senator from South Dakota. Mr. MUNDT. I should like to join the Senator from Colorado [Mr. Domi- NICKl, and the Senator from Nebraska. in expressing approval of the approach which he has made to this very sizable problem. I am happy to serve as a cosponsor of the bill. It comes at a most timely occasion, because the Govern- ment Operations Committee, of which the Senator from Nebraska is a member. has recently created a new subcommit- tee to conduct what I would not like to call an investigation, but it is a study in depth of the whole research program of Government headed by the distinguished Senator from Oklahoma [Mr. HARRISI. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400050007-6 A A,,A Approved For pL2,q? / i M 6 00400050007 rch 2, 1966 .~_ only has the rights of an investigator and prosecutor but also participates in some com- mission decisions. As Mr. Loevinger put it, the FCC in effect "has authorized one of the adversary parties to this proceeding to rule upon objections filed by the other party, to suggest procedure to be followed, and to specify the issues and the order of consideration of evidence, all consent that they be inserted at this were not permitted to walk to Benson's office. point in the RECORD. He had to come out to greet us. There being no objection, the articles After a long discussion with Benson, I got the definite idea that he and his staff actu- were ordered to be printed in the RECORD, ally were directing the organization of the as follows: National Police of Vietnam. [From the Wilmington (Del.) Morning News, The effect of the millions of dollars being Feb. 28, 1966] spent by the United States in Vietnam is THREE GOVERNMENTS RULE SOUTH VIETNAM apparent to the visitor from the moment he ., a., +s.o 'r,,, an? Nhiit Airport. The without notice or opportunity for comment (NOTE.-This is the fifth of a series in civilian section of the airport is attractive from the other party." which William P. Frank, who returned earlier and small but beyond the gates sprawls one Mr. Loevinger has described all this with this month from Vietnam, reports his im- such adjectives as unfair, inefficient, unrea- of the largest military air bases in the world, pressions of that nation and its people.) inhabited chiefly by Americans, guarded b d c ) Americans, and used mostly by Americans. drawn awn the and fire e o of one ne colleague who while he doesn'hast ( -BY William P. Frank think a rate hearing should be run precisely South Vietnam has an area slightly larger Millions of American dollars have been like a court trial, it seems to us the Commis- than the State of Washington yet it has, in and are being spent not only in military sioner has a point. effect, three governments. installations but in constructing harbors There can be no quarrel with the FCC's Its population of about 15 million is out- and harbor buildings-all directed by Ameri- - investigation of the telephone company's wardly governed by the Republic of Vietnam. cans with Vietnamese employees. Vietnam- rates. The agency is well within its rights But both its economy and its daily life are ese now consider it a status symbol to be in ordering such a study. And although influenced by the United States. And the employed by the American Government or A.T. & T. stockholders have been displaying National Liberation Front or Vietcong, which by American contractors. nervousness since the probe began, no damage claims still to have influence over great secteThe United i the South Vietnamese advisory ys- to the company's reputation is likely to tions of the country, is a factor constantly to a small scale t in 1955, Vet with the ver Mint eventuate. to be reckoned with. However, it is a matter of legitimate con- U.S. officials in Washington insist this is a tary Assistance Advisory Group. It is now cern that the company should receive fair- Vietnamese war with American forces help- one of three dozen alphabetized agencies in play during the hearings to come. The way ing the South Vietnamese Government. It the country. Notable is MACV-Military ground rules are set up now, the match looks doesn't take long for an observer to reach the Assistance Command Vietnam. pretty one sided. conclusion that, in actuality, the South Viet- The entire economy of Vietnam today de- namese strip along the South China Sea is pends on American support-from the con- [From the Chicago Tribune, Feb. 1, 1966] being influenced, changed, and affected by struction of harbors and facilities to the im- FCC MEMBER DEFENDS TV'S PROGRAMING: the American forces, backed by millions of portation of rice into a country that once BUT HE AGREES QUALITY Is NOT CONSISTENT American dollars and American resources. ranked the grain among its chief products. Communications The accepted capital of the Republic of American money, engineering, and con- Lee Commissioner, Loevinger, said here Federal yCom is sees Vietnam, with its military congress and mill- struction people are the mainstays of the ees Lary rulers, is Saigon. nation. Without them it would collapse t r in , o a commissioner trying The American capital is Washington with in more danger pose ideas of programing quality upon tele- vision stations than in letting TV viewers the U.S. Embassy and the command post of Gen. William C. Westmoreland in Vietnam and program purveyors work out for them- as subsdiary capitals. selves what will be on the air. There is no question that headquarters of Loevinger, an assistant attorney general be- the Vietcong forces is Hanoi. fore he became one of the seven members of To complicate matters in this complex sit- the FCC, gave his views in WGN-TV studios uation, there are a number of minority while being interviewed on "The Government groups in South Vietnam which have been Role In Broadcasting." The interview, one problems in the past and may still present of WGN-TV's Your Right To Say It series, problems in the future. Notable among There is practically no unemployment in South Vietnam, as there was in 1964. In fact, as the United States steps up its con- struction program, there may be a man- power shortage. One of the curious features of the country is the role of the Vietcong forces. They not only harass, terrorize, and fight the Ameri- cans and South Vietnamese forces but also exact "taxes" or tribute from American and will be televised at 1:30 p.m., Sunday on these are the high-spirited individualistic native civilians. channel 9. Montagnards of the hill country north of It is common knowledge that U.S. civilian TELLS OF QUANTITY Saigon. convoys of construction materials are halted "Sure, I'm concerned that a lot of pro- They represent an important group with at checkpoints by the Vietcong, who get paid grams I think are good are not being shown, their own customs, tribal ways, and racial for permitting the convoys to move on un- and a lot I don't thing are so good are on the identity. They speak their own language, damaged. The Vietcong's also intercept food air," Loevinger said. "But I see far more have their own traditions, and live in an area convoys of natives and either exact "taxes" danger in my trying to impose my ideas of vulnerable to guerrilla infiltration. or take food for themselves. quality than in letting people and purveyors Dealing with the Montagnards has posed At present, the major differences between of television choose on their own." a thorny problem. Various methods have U.S. policy and the present government of Loevinger expressed a belief that one reason been tried. Perhaps the most unusual is the South Vietnam revolves around the role the for poor quality in some television is that the technique of Dr. James Turpin, who operates Vietcong or Communist National Liberation average station now offers 6,000 hours of his own hospital near the city of Dalat. He Front would play at a peace conference. programing a year, "and you just can't pro- frequently negotiates with the Montagnards prime Minister Nguyen Cao Ky insists he duce 6,000 hours of masterpieces-if you and has found the best approach to them is will have no parts of the Communists. could, no one could stand to look at them." through cigars. Americans are saying that, if necessary, the WILL RELY ON NEWS So, Turpin gathers cigars from friends and NLF should be represented. Asked what he thought American TV may hands them out to Montagnard chieftians to Observers in Saigon believe that if the Ky be like in 10 years, Loevinger said: "I'll be gain their attention and friendship. government lasts that long, Washington will surprised if it is radically different from to- The extent of the American influence in have its way in the end since Washington day, really. the South Vietnamese Government is wide footing the entire bill. "Inevitably, TV will come to rely more and and extremely varied. In addition to the is g practically armed forces, there are a number of impor- more on news and public affairs programs,- tacit civilian projects under the umbrella of [From the Wilmington (Del.) Morning News, for one reason because of the growing public what was once known as U.S. Operations Mar. 1, 1966] conscience of broadcasters, and for another Mission, now the U.S. Agency for Interna- NEITHER HAwxs Non DovES; SOUTH VIET-. because we are running out of movies." IAA tional Development. NAM NEWSMEN TREAD MIDDLE PATH VIETNAM Mr. BOGGS. Mr. President, 2 days ago I inserted in the RECORD four articles on Vietnam written by William P. Frank, of the Wilmington, Del., News-Journal papers. He has completed his series of percep- tive articles with two additional install- ments, and again I would hope to make his comments available to a larger audience. Therefore I ask unanimous This includes a number of social welfare (NOTE.-This is the last of a series in which projects and a large corps of advisers. It was William P. Frank, who returned recently interesting to note that while the Americans from Vietnam, reports his impressions of are supposed to be the "advisers," they quite that nation and its people.) often "run the show" with the Vietnamese Frank) officials playing either a secondary, or sup- (By William P. porting role. Despite their first-hand knowledge of the During an interview with a high-ranking war, few members of the 350-member press officer in the Vietnam National Police, I asked corps in South Vietnam can be classified as to interview William Benson, of Montana, either hawks or doves. the top U.S. adviser for the national police. Most of the newsmen, representing news- We drove to the AID building. papers, television, and radio in many coun- It was -a little difficult getting past the tries of the free world, would more accurately guards and when we arrived in the lobby, we be described as "railbirds." Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400050007-6 Mati?C!2 2, 1966 Approved Fqr S 7~1 I,~ Ft P6 0 4 R000400050007-6 vents him from devoting more than about 3 weeks a year to inspection tours, he gen- erally finds about 175 instances of improper procedures and other faults, including ar- rogant behavior on the part of officials. In Sweden, all officials must be polite and liclpful," Mr. Bexelius said. "If they aren't they have committed a fault and can be prosecuted. As it matter of fact, there were lots of such prosecutions in the 19th cen- i,ury, and I think there is no question that Lhey contributed to the generally correct treatment of the public that is characteristic Swedish officials today. In Sweden, of :carse, we have a state church, and when 1on.look back through the old records you cc many cases of clergymen being prosecuted 'y the ombudsman for treating their parish- ioners badly. ''hat seldom happens any longer, though I ,aid have such a case 2 years ago. Some children called on the rector of ihe,ir parish and risked hint to conduct a fu- acral service for their father. The arrange- anents were made, but unfortunately there was it misunderstanding about the time the service was to be held. When the rector ar- rived at the church, he found neither the =hildren nor any other relatives or friends. '['his made him anirry, and he started the ,crvice anyway. Of consre, he had no right to aio such a. thing, so he was prosecuted and i.ned. I don't remember how much, but the :,mount is unimportant. Other clergymen all over the country learned about that prose- a:u.t.i.on, and the effect was to encourage them I,n be courteous in everyone, regardless of age +rr position. Nowadays, it is more likely to he judges than churchmen who are guilty of rro anee. Twice in the past 5 years I have had to prosecute judges who I discovered tturirig ray inspection tours had been im- .'olite to witnesses appearing before them in ,-ourt. Each had to pay a fine of 1.500 crowns, ='r about .5300, which is quite a lot. At least, 1, i.s enough to make other judges think twice helore losing their tempers in court." The other cases that the JO undertakes on :-its own initiative--+cbout 25 a year- are the result of reports he has read in the news- papers. A few morn the ago, Mr. Bexelius re- 'ailed, he happened to see a short newspaper story about a new private dwelling of rather unusual construction that had been designed by an architect emoloyed by a town-planning a ency. Since architects on the agency's payroll are not permitted to do outside work, idle .10 started an investigation, and he found 1 fiat about 50 of the architects regularly em- ployed by the agency had accepted private uon)rnissions. "f had Intended to prosecute he chief of the agency, but after I started I.Ire investigation, he became sick. with leers," Mr. Bexelius said. "He told me it was my fault. so I stropped with a reprimand. I was satisfied with that, because I had al- ,vady brought everything out into the open--how many outside jobs the architects ii the agency had had, how much they had u'arn.ed from those jobs-everything. The people got the whole story," Of all the case handled by the JO's office in t lie course of is year, only five, on the aver- i+;c, are prosecuted in the courts, Last year, 4,lucre were four. All were actions against ad- rninistrative officials, including the chairman c,+ a, housing council for being generally peg- in the of his office, the chair- -an of it child-welfare council for improperly -umnitting it father who had been lax in vuntributirig to the support of his children, ltd it public prosecutor for failing to inform !lie court during it criminal trial that a die's witness had committed perjury. The r:>urtir case grew out of an item that Mr. lexelius saw in a newspaper about a one-day "xcursion to Paris that a Swedish charter- iirline company had staged for promotion ,urposes. The article said that many promi- ,crit people had been aboard but mentioned very few names. His interest piqued, Mr. ]3exelius secured a passenger list and found that among the freeloaders was a high of- ficial of the National Board of Civil Avia- tion. Looking further into the matter, he discovered that the airline's application for a. renewal of its license was pending before the board at .he time of the trip. Ile also learned that the official who went on the junket had received permission to do so from the chief of the board. "So I prose- cuted both the chief and the official who made the trip, and they were both fined," Mr. Bexelius said. "I know both these men. They are very honorable, of course. Cer- tainly they would n.ot be influenced by., one- day trip to Paris. But they are just n-it al- lowed to do such things. They shall not be in a position to be grateful to any person or any company. They shall be independent. Otherwise, people cannot have confidence In them or their agency, or even, to a certain extent, in any authority." I asked Mr. Bexelius whether, in view if the number of times he is obliged to take action against people of his acquantance, he finds that being the JO has a limiting effect cm his social life. He laughed. "No, I wouldn't say so," he replied. "Of course, many of my friends have been angry with me. Often, when I have to criticize a judge, he is a man with whom I have worked in court and know very, very well. Naturally, I don't lil::e to criticize him, but I must. The ombudsman cannot be concerned about his popularity. It is no secret that high oflficals in Sweden- all of therm-dislike the ombudsman. 'T'hey say that he is always interfering in things he doesn't know anything about, and that they could. do their jobs better if he would stop meddling, and so on. But all -heir grumbling does;s't mean a thing. Everybody knows that it Is necessary to have an. om- budsman." RETIREMENT OF JOHN O'ROURKE, EDITOR OF THE WASHINGTON DAILY NEWS Mr. MONRONEY. Mr. President, John O':Rourke, longtime editor of the Wash- ington News, has decided to face the hazards which retirement holds for a man still bursting with young ideas. For 30 years, Washington has had the benefits of his reports and comments, He produced an excellent newspaper. He set a pattern of brevity. He insisted on copy that was 'lively and interesting. He mirrored the exciting times he lived through and felt with the rest of us. He uncovered the shoddy and dramatized the positive. He made rare contribu- tions to good government and to the newspaper business, The Washington Post, one of his long- time competitors, paid him tribute in an editorial and I: ask unanimous consent for insertion of the editorial into the RECORD. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: From t:he Washington Post, Mar. 2, 1963 1 AN EDITOR RETIRES John T. O'Rourkri was editor of the Washington Daily News for nearly 30 years and his retirement ends an era in Washington journalism. The three decades in which he served at the top of his pro- fession were exciting decades for Washington, for the country, and for the world, John O'Rourke enjoyed the excitement and p:cr- ticipated in the life of his times with zest and enthusiasm. He was in the best tradition of his craft. He was a good writer. He had a sharp nose for news. He had a heart easily stirred by misfortune and a temper easily roused by injustice or wrongdoing. Ills mind was alert to developments in many fields--aviation, art, and music were within the range of his most intense interest. For many years he has been a leading fig- ure in the Inter-American Press Association. He is known and admired by editors through- out Central America and South America. He has labored to lift up the standards of his profession. He has struggled to increase understanding among Americans North and South. He has fought for a free press throughout the hemisphere. His colleagues in Washington cherish him as a friend and respect him as a keen newspaper competitor. VIEWS OF FCC COMMISSIONER LOEVINGER Mr. HARTKE. Mr. President, Com- missioner Lee Loevinger, of the Federal Communications Commission, has re- cently on separate occasions spoken out in two areas of the Commission's con- cern. One statement was with regard to the role of the Common Carrier Bureau in. the rate inquiry proceedings dealing with the .American Telephone & Telegraph Co. The Washington Evening Star commented on his views in an edito- rial of January 29 entitled "An Odd Kind of Court." The other area of Mr. Loevinger's pllb- lie concern, voiced in an interview on "The Government Role in Broadcasting?" dealt with television programing. The Chicago Tribune of February 1 reported: Mr. Loevinger finds far more danger in my trying to impose my ideas of quality than in letting people and purveyors of television choose on their own. In both of these approaches Commis- sioner Loevinger is showing an approach which tries to preserve rights which can be exercised by industry with a minimum of FCC intervention. I ask unanimous consent that the two items to which I have referred be printed in the CON- GRESSIONAL RECORD. There being no objection, the editorial and article were ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: [From the Washington (D.C.) Evening Stec, Jan. 29, 1966] AN ODD KIND OF COURT A private citizen haled into court might properly feel some uneasiness if he found the prosecutor privately meeting with the judge to suggest how the trial might be run, even to ruling on objections and tinkering with the way evidence could be submitted. Yet that is roughly the position in which the American Telephone & Telegraph Co. finds itself in the current rate proceedings before the Federal Communications Commis- sion. True enough, a regulatory agency isn't a court, acid the- affair is being billed as ;c.n investigation, not a trial. But the whole business apparently is a close enough parallel to have brought a stinging objection from core of the FCC Commissioners, Lee Loevinger. ;;o the way the agency plans to run the hear- ings. What disturbs both Mr. Loevinger and A.T. & T. is the role of the Common Carrier Bureau, an arm of the FCC. The bureau not Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400050007-6 March 2, 1966 Approve~8K&~MpRf/( 7h' 8EJF*7 446R000400050007-6 4471 ')' Favorable expressions for the Vietcong, man, and myself a two-engine plane that Hanoi, or North Vietnam are rare, but the landed atop the aircraft carrier, Ticonderoga. newsmen-most of them Americans-are Had we been able to stay in Vietnam often critical of the United States and South longer, we could have gotten out to the other Vietnam war efforts. The newsmen also take vessels of the fleet on the same basis.- The photographer struggled with the sol- dier and continued taking pictures. This would not have happened had the military verbal potshots at the social welfare pro- A few American newsmen express some OPERATION HELPING HAND will give chiefly hwhen grams undertaken by the United States and miration e news Vietnamese source but em its allies in this war. a ames Mr. FONG. Mr. President, as residents Because they have been exposed to the vast valuable tips. Of the American State closest to Viet- American installations representing millions Every newsman in Saigon has two identi- nanl Hawaii's people react sensitively- of dollars and to the immense array of men fication cards, One is the yellow, with red _ and battle equipment, the newsmen are con- stripes, a Vietnamese press card which he hlike ardships Amer cans elsewher -the to d Se vinced that the Vietnamese economy is com- never uses. pletely dependent on the United States. The other is the valuable blue press card, tressed people of Vietnam. They are Occasionally, a newsman can be heard ex- issued by the U.S. Defense Department. It concerned that they are not doing all pressing his opinion that the war should be is the magic key to many doors. Without his that they might to ease the suffering of expanded, but we didn't hear any comments blue card, a newsman might as well be in destitute civilians in Vietnam villages. from reporters regarding the United States limbo. Recently, a project called Operation getting out of Vietnam. The blue press card gets him into the Helping Hand was started in Hawaii. It Many newsmen, some of them 2-year vet- PX's, the officers' open messes, and past is being administered by the 25th In- erans of the war, are not impressed with the some of the tightest security guards. fantry Division, Whose "Tropic Light- U.S. effort as it now exists. Some believe the It is also his ticket for military planes enclave idea will work. when they are available. A newsman can go ning" soldiers are stationed at Schofield The newsmen have this in common: They into practically any U.S. air terminal In Barracks in Hawaii. The Division's 2d are depressed the number of Americans South Vietnam, show his blue press card, Brigade, recently assigned to Vietnam killed or wounded and the: are fearful that and get a ride, if there is room. He can make and already engaged in combat, is dis- the They nu ow the will sideiof t the the s getti e. , reservations for planes in advance and not be tributing truckloads of needed articles woe know the ugly side of the war is getting bumped, regardless of the military waiting collected in Hawaii to Vietnamese fam- worse. list. ilies. Newsmen who attend theater daily briefings in The American newsman will be flown into The response on the part of Hawaii's the small, air-conditioned fairs s Office ateter in the e a combat zone-if he wants to and if a plane faint U.S. Public Affairs in or helicopter is available-but getting out is people to Operation Helping Hand has been truly gratifying. Government Offi- the heart of Saigon are constantly pestering or something There are - ut getting p soU.S.metioffmes officials who obscurely persist in worded giving reports. ularly for scanty and gthe wounded, of course. cials, National Guardsmen, Boy Scouts, It is not uncommon at these briefings to With very few exceptions, an American war firms, and veterans, thousands of schoolchildrprienen, business citizens hear reporters, just in from the battlefield, news photographer can take pictures any- tell more about what went on during a ape- where in South Vietnam, except inside the joined in the massive drive and donated ciflc action than the briefers. U.S. Embassy and around certain types of tons of materials. They included soap, While the reporters appreciate the spot the planes and in the vicinity of certain kinds toothbrushes, books, pencils, working briefers are in, nonetheless, some newsmen of artillery bunkers, tools, children's clothing, health and ask them questions like these: "How light No one censors reporters' stories nor the sanitation goods, foodstuffs, and train- are light casualtities?" "What's the differ- work of photographers. However, there is ing aids for vocational schools. once between a Vietcong atrocity and a Viet- security on information that is given on a The donated items were assembled at cong outrage?" or "When is a hut that's been hold for release basis. A reporter who vio- schools, fire stations, supermarkets and burned not a home for someone but a Viet- lates this agreement will get into trouble, but ted to s cong installation?" this is true almost anywhere. otothler points, warehouses. then noon transnspporred be She vv- - When pushed into a corner, the briefers Two briefings for the press are held each will often agree to release more information pro- day. One is at the Vietnam press head- ped to southeast Asia, to augment smaller vided it is regarded as "background data" quarters in downtown Saigon, usually well collections sent earlier. and should be used only without attribution. attended but not always profitable as far as In addition, substantial cash contribu- All in all, the news corps has a friendly news is concerned. tions were collected. relationship with the American military of- Half an hour later, the U.S. briefings are The close cooperation between the ficials, principally because the military au- held in the Joint U.S. Public Affairs Office military and the civilian communities in thorities have not clamped down any broad Building, always well attended. Hawaii made this joint undertaking a censorship, and appear to be trying to do It is also in that building where the news- splendid success. I am pleased to re their tort to accommodate the press in get- men make their contacts for going out into port that Operation Helping Hand is al- ong stoies. the field to contact the various divisions, ready bringing aid and comfort to the In the field, the newsmen wear fatigues, The building also has a press lounge where boots, and always carry canteens. I only saw w hard-pressed Vietnamese people. At the one carry a revolver-a television man re- some newsmen pick up their mail, and can same time the project is helping to build sponsible for a lot of camera equipment. meet friends and news contacts. The Americans who run JUSPAO have such closer bonds of understanding with the As in all other areas of news reporting, trust in the press that the building is never Vietnamese people. journalists who have e been In Vietnam etnam for a closed. Newsmen can wander in and out any An informative article on the impact mpg time have establishh ed mutual trust with time of the day. of Operation Helping Hand in Vietnam mH o authorities. press varies with I have seen Vietnamese civilians seeking to has been published in the Honolulu Star- However, service to the s epays off. the branches of the service, enter the building, present their identiflca- Bulletin of February 25, 1966, under the For example, with the lit Infantry Divi- tion cards but they are still searched. headline "25th Delivers Gifts." sion, the "darlings" of the press section, were Some of them who carry packages have to I also wish to call attention to an edi- newsmen from Birmingham, Ala., because open them for scrutiny. I have never seen torial in the Honolulu Advertiser which Birmingham had recently "adopted" the let an American frisked. appeared on February 15, 1966, shortly Infantry Division and the newspaper there Because of the problem of communications, before the drive began. These articles were giving the division depth coverage. not too many American newsmen associate which With the 1st Cavalry Division, the press with Vietnamese officials although the Viet- reflect the newspapers the the en enthh andusiasm all and other support groups which section was y cooperative all right, but priority - newsmen who want to meet Vietnamese pre individuals in the community gave Op- went to a the of f writers and networksphotogographph- sonalities in government. eration Helping Hand. era from the big and, because On the other hand, beaBill Snead and Neither the Vietnamese general police nor I ask UriariimOUS consent that the I were to be in Vietnam for only 3 weeks military police interfere with the goings- and articles be printed at this point in the and were always on the go, we didn't have comings of the American newsmen. RECORD. time to develop news contacts with any one While a newsman himself before anAmericansMP, at is secu- were ordered to be printed group in the RECORu, . This, however, did not count with the U.S. rity checkpoint, I have seen American news- as follows: Marines at Da Nang. They treated us as if men whiz past Vietnamese police and yell, [From the Honolulu Advertiser, we were in a position to give them just as "Press." 661 much coverage as the Associated Press or On the night, however, when the top- FebHELPINe. 15HAND,1919 VIETNAM the United Press International. ranking Vietnamese officials left the Saigon The same went for the press section of the airport for Honolulu to meet President John- Hawaii gets a chance in a few days to put 7th Fleet stationed in Saigon. They put at son, I saw a Vietnamese MP try to push an its lpllwhere -reaching goo imnmediate a d the disposal of Snead, a German newspaper- American photographer back. potent y far Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400050007-6 Approved For Rell?~05/07/13 :CIA-RDP67B00446R000400050007-6 T FSSIONAL RECOI D - SENATE Mar'eit 2, f