FREEDOM HOUSE REPORT ON COMMUNIST CHINA AND SOUTH VIETNAM

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP67B00446R000400080008-2
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 10
• Document Creation Date: December 16, 2016
• Document Release Date: June 29, 2005
• Sequence Number: 8
• Publication Date: June 21, 1966
• Content Type: OPEN

13128 Approved For Releas 0 ~5 %7~JJ6RCI - ~6%q9 46 Jff 080008-2 June 21, 1966
['Ex. No. 102]
YEAS-83
tion dedicated to an objective discussion
of foreign policy and to the education of
the American people, has made an im-
portant contribution to the advancement
of the Communist China debate. Al-
though I do not agree with all the state-
ments in the Freedom House report, I
find it on balance a solid and forward-
looking document worthy of being called
to the attention of my colleagues.
The Public Affairs Committee of Free-
dom House argues that the admission of
Communist China to the U.N. should
meet no objection from the United
States provided "Peking signs a Korean
peace treaty, renounces aggression and
subversion abroad, and accepts Taiwan's
independence and continued U.N. mem-
bership."
In regard to Vietnam, and here I have
reservations as to the statement, Free-
dom House points out that the problems
of that country are so vast and complex
that any solution to them will take a
long time to be fully settled.
I ask unanimous consent to have
printed in the RECORD the Freedom
House report entitled "Communist China
and South Vietnam."
There being no objection, the report
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
COMMUNIST CHINA AND SOUTH VIETNAM
This position paper on United States policy
toward Communist China and South Viet-
nam has been prepared by the Public Affairs
Committee of Freedom House. It summa-
rizes a consensus reached at a recent meeting
of the Board of Trustees of the organization.
PART I-U.S. POLICY TOWARD COMMUNIST CHINA
Freedom House believes that the realities
of the American attitude toward the admis-
sion of Communist China to the United
Nations should be made clear in positive
terms.
It should be recalled that the United States
was not only amenable to the admission of
Communist China to the U.N. in 1950 but
was inclined to recognize the government in
Peking until the situation was altered by the
movement of the Communist armies across
the Yalu River. At no time since have the
all the accompanying privileges and respon-
sibilities, including, of course, membership
in the United Nations and other interna-
tional bodies. Any change in the govern-
ment or status of Taiwan can be acceptable
only if it originates in the clearly expressed
will of its people. The United States, with
close ties of friendship to both government
and people, has a special responsibility in
this area.
Finally, no realistic survey of East Asia
can overlook the fact that, fifteen years after
the Korean cease-fire, the war between the
United Nations forces and those of Commu-
nist China and North Korea has never been
officially ended. The settlement of this un-
finished business by a Korean peace treaty
signed by all participants is obviously an
essential preliminary to any attempts to ease
East Asian tensions.
These facts do not call for any change in
the underlying bases of American policy in
East Asia: support of the independence of
the free nations of the region against totali-
tarian aggression, together with economic
aid to enable them to solve their own prob-
lems. Changes of emphasis are needed, how-
ever, to enable the United States to carry
out these policies more effectively. To this
end, Freedom House believes that the signa-
ture by all participants to a final treaty of
peace ending the Korean War is an essential
move for easing East Asian tensions and must
precede all others; that Communist China
should renounce the use of subversion and
force aimed at the overthrow of legitimate
governments; that the independence and
U.N. membership of the government on
Taiwan are beyond challenge and must be
preserved. Only the people of Taiwan can
initiate changes in their status; that, if
these reasonable pre-conditions are accepted
by Communist China, the United States will
interpose no objection to Peking's member-
ship in the United Nations.
The diplomatic recognition of Communist
China by the United States is a separate and
distinct question. There have been many
conversations between representatives of the
United States and mainland China and these
discussions are continuing today. Any de-
cision whether the time has come for the
formal recognition of the Communist regime
by the United States might well be deferred
until that government has assumed United
Nations membership. Only then can we
judge whether formal recognition can pos-
sibly result in a meaningful relationship
between the United States and mainland
China.
Aiken Griffin Morse
Allott Gruening Morton
Anderson Harris Moss
Bartlett Hart Murphy
Bayh Hartke Neuberger
Bennett Hayden Pastore
Bible Hickenlooper Pearson
Boggs Hill Pell
Burdick Holland Proxmire
Byrd, Va. Hruska Randolph
Cannon Jackson Ribicoff
Carlson Javits Robertson
Case Jordan, N.C. Russell, Ga.
Church Jordan, Idaho Saltonstall
Clark Kennedy, Mass. Scott
Gboper Kennedy, N.Y. Smith
Cotton Long, Mo. Stennis
Curtis Long, La. Symington
Dirksen Mansfield Talmadge
Dominick McCarthy Thurmond
Douglas McClellan Tower
Eastland McGee Tydings
Ellender McGovern Williams, N.J.
Ervin McIntyre Williams, Del.
Fannin Metcalf Yarborough
Fong Mondale Young, N. Dak.
Fulbright Monroney Young, Ohio
Gore Montoya
NAYS-0
NOT VOTING-17
Bass Lausche Prouty
Brewster Magnuson Russell, S.C.
Byrd, W. Va. Miller Simpson
Dodd Mundt Smathers
Inouye Muskie Sparkman
Kuchel Nelson
The PRESIDING OFFICER, Two-
thirds of the Senators present and voting
have voted in the affirmative, the resolu-
tion of ratification is agreed to.
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I
ask that the President be notified of the
action taken today.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without
objection, the President will be notified.
LEGISLATIVE SESSION
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I
move that the Senate resume the con-
sideration of legislative business.'
The motion was agreed to; and the
Senate resumed the consideration of leg-
islative business.
ORDER OF BUSINESS
Mr. HOLLAND and Mr. JAVITS ad-
dressed the Chair.
the PRESIDING OFFICER. Under
the previous unanimous-consent agree-
ment, the Chair recognizes the Senator
from New York [Mr. JAVITSI for 5 min-
FREEDOM HOUSE REPORT ON OOM-
MUNIST CHINA AND SOUTH VIET-
NAM
Mr. JAVITS. Mr. "President, history
books will record the year 1966 as a piv-
otal year in the thinking and discussion
of U.S. relations with Communist China.
For the first time since the Communist
takeover of the mainland in 1949 and the
Korean war, public officials, scholars,
an private organizations are in a seri-
ous debate about our future relations
with Communist China to the American
public. Without the old fears, Amer-
icans are once again asking questions
fundamental to our foreign policy.
Freedom House, founded as a memorial
to Wendell Wilkie, a ' private organiza-
Chinese Communists shown any disposition
to abide by the usual standards of conduct
expected of a responsible national state, nor
have they applied for admission to the
United Nations. Indeed, the major obstacles
to mainland China's entering the U.N. have
been the unacceptable conditions put for-
ward by Peking itself. This basic fact has
been obscured, however, by an outdated as-
pect of American policy. America's persist-
ent and firm opposition to Peking's entry
into the U.N. is no longer useful in the light
of recent developments, handicapping our
diplomacy by creating a false image of
intransigence.
In any realistic appraisal of the situation
today, certain facts are salient.
First, the Communist government is in
effective control of the mainland of China.
We may find the way that control is main-
tained, highly offensive. We may deplore the
way the Communist government has made
use of its control of the Chinese mainland to
menace and on occasion actually attack
neighboring countries. But these reserva-
tions cannot obscure the fact that the people
and resources of the Chinese mainland are
firmly in the hands of Peking.
Second, it is equally beyond question that
the Nationalist Chinese government is the
effective ruler of the island of Taiwan with
its twelve million people. Together, people
and government form a sovereign state with
PART II-UNITED STATES POLICY TOWARD SOUTH
VIETNAM
Freedom House reaffirms its support of the
United States policy on Southeast Asia. As
President Johnson warned last year, no quick
and easy outcome to the war in South Viet-
nam is in prospect. With as many political
problems to be solved as there are military
victories to be won, the difficulties that we
all must face in South Vietnam should not
be compounded by extravagant and impru-
dent demands upon our government. The
call for American unconditional withdrawal
from South Vietnam on the one extreme, and
the call for the bombing of the large urban
centers in North Vietnam on the other, are
equally unwise.
To date both the American people and
their President have demonstrated commend-
able patience and restraint. By limiting its
air attacks on North Vietnam to specific
military/economic targets, the United States
has emphasized that we have no quarrel with
the people of that unhappy country, who
were the first victims of its Communist re-
gime. We have placed equal emphasis on
avoiding acts that might provoke an un-
sought confrontation between the United
States and Communist China. These re-
Approved For Release 2005/07/13 CIA-RDP67B00446R000400080008-2
 June 21, 1966
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE 13127
protocol between the United States Of Amer-
ica and the United Mexican States, signed
at Mexico City on April 13, 1966, amending
the agreement concerning radio broadcast-*
1ng In the standard broadcast band signed at
Mexico City on January 29, 1957. , (Execu-
tive D, Eighty-ninth Congress, second see-
sion.)
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
question is, Will the Senate advise and
consent to the resolution of ratification?
On this question the yeas and nays have
been ordered, and the clerk will call the
roll.
The legislative clerk called the roll.
Mr. LONG of Louisiana. I announce
that the Senator from Tennessee [Mr.
BASS], the Senator from Maryland [Mr.
BREWSTER], the Senator from Hawaii
[Mr. INOUYE], the Senator from Wash-
ington [Mr. MAGNUSON], the Senator
from. Wisconsin [Mr. NELSON], and the
Senator from Ohio [Mr. LAUSCHE] are
absent on official business.
I also announce that the Senator from
Wesi; Virginia [Mr. BYRD], the Senator
from Connecticut [Mr. DODD], the Sena-
tor from Maine [Mr. MUSKIE], the Sena-
tor from South Carolina [Mr. RUSSELL],
the Senator from Florida [Mr.
SMAiL'HERS], and the Senator from Ala-
bama [Mr. SPARKMAN] are necessarily
absent.
I further announce that, if present
and voting, the Senator from Maryland
[Mr. BREWSTER], the Senator from Con-
necticut [Mr. DonD], the Senator from
Hawaii [Mr. INOUYE], the Senator from
Maine [Mr. MUSKIE], the Senator from
Wisconsin [Mr. NELSON], and the Sena-
tor from Florida [Mr. SMATHERS] would
each vote "yea."
Mr. DIRKSEN. I announce that the
Senator from California [Mr. KUCHEL]
and the Senator from Iowa [Mr. MILLER]
are absent on official business.
The Senator from South Dakota [Mr,
MUNDT], the Senator from Vermont [Mr.
PROUTY] and the Senator from Wyom-
ing [Mr. SIMPSON] are necessarily ab-
sent..
If present and voting, the Senator
from California [Mr. KUCHEL], the
Senator from Iowa [Mr. MILLER], the
Senator from South Dakota [Mr.
MUNDT], the Senator from Vermont [Mr.
PROUTY] and the Senator from Wyom-
ing [Mr. SIMPSON] would each vote
"yea."
The yeas and nays resulted-yeas 83,
nays 0, as follows:
[Ex. No. 101]
YEAS-83
Aiken
Ellender
Long, Mo.
Allott
Ervin
Long, La.
Anderson
Fannin
Mansfield
Bartlett
Fong
McCarthy
Bayh
Fulbright
McClellan
Bennett
Gore
McGee
Bible
Griffin
McGovern
Boggs
Gruening
McIntyre
Burdick
Harris
Metcalf
Byrd,. Va.
Hart
Mondale
Cannon
Hartke
Monroney
Carlson
Hayden
Montoya
Case
Hickenlooper
Morse
Church
Hill
Morton
Clark
Holland
Moss
Cooper
Hruska
Murphy
Cotton
Jackson
Neuberger
Curtis
Javits
Pastore
Dirksen
Jordan, N.C.
Pearsoa
Dominick
Jordan, Idaho
Pell
Douglas
Kennedy, Mass. Proxmire
Eastland
Kennedy, N.Y.
Randolph
Ribicoff
Stennis
Williams, N.J.
Robertson
Symington
Williams, DeL
Russell, Ga.
Talmadge
Yarborough
Saltonstall
Thurmond
Young, N. Dak.
Scott
Tower
Young, Ohio
Smith
Tydings
NAYS-O
NOT VOTING-17
Bass
Lausche
Prouty
Brewster
Magnuson
Russell, S.C.
Byrd, W. Va.
Miller
Simpson
Dodd
Mundt
Smathers
Inouye
Muskie
Sparkman
Kuchel
Nelson
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Two-
thirds of the Senators present and vot-
ing having voted in the affirmative, the
resolution of ratification is agreed to.
EXECUTIVE H--RESOLUTION A.69(ES.II)
ADOPTED ON 15 SEPTEMBER 1964
The ASSEMBLY,
RECOGNIZING the need
(1) To increase the number of. members on
the Council,
(ii) To have all members of the Council
elected by the Assembly,
(iii) To have equitable geographic repre-
sentation of Member States on the Council,
and
CONSEQUENTLY HAVING ADOPTED, at the sec-
ond extraordinary session of the Assembly
held in London on 10-15 September 1.964, the
amendments, the texts of which are con-
tained in the Annex to this Resolution, to
Articles 17 and 18 of the Convention on the
Inter-Governmental Maritime Consultative
Organization,
DECIDES to postpone consideration of the
proposed amendment to Article 28 of the
Convention on the Inter-Government Mari-
time Consultative Organization. to the next
session of the Assembly in 1965,
DETERMINES, in accordance with the pro-
visions of Article 52 of the Convention, that
each amendment adopted hereunder is of
such a nature that any Member which here-
after declares that it does not accept such
amendment and which does not accept the
amendment within a period of twelve
months after the amendment comes into
force shall, upon the expiration of this
period, cease to be a Party to the Convention,
REQUESTS the Secretary-General of the Or-
ganization to effect the deposit with the
Secretary-General of the United Nations of
the adopted amendments in conformity with
Article 53 of the Convention and to receive
declarations and instruments of acceptance
as provided for in Article 54, and
INVITES the Member Governments to ac-
cept each adopted amendment at the earliest
possible date after receiving a copy thereof
from the Secretary-General of the United
Nations, by communicating an instrument
of acceptance to the Secretary-General for
deposit with the Secretary-General of the
United Nations.
ANNEX
1. The existing text of Article 17 of the
Convention is replaced by the following:
The Council shall be composed of eighteen
members elected by the Assembly.
2. The existing text of Article 18-of the
Convention is replaced by the following:
In electing the members of the Council,
the Assembly shall observe the following
principles:
(a) six shall be governments of States
with the largest interest in providing inter-
national shipping services;
(b) six shall be governments of other
States with the largest interest in interna-
tional seaborne trade;
(c) six shall be governments of States not
elected under (a) or (b) above, which have
special interests in maritime transport or
navigation and whose election to the Council
will ensure the representation of all major
geographic areas of the world.
Certified a true copy of Assembly Resolu-
tion A.69 (ES.II) of 15 September 1964 and
of its Annex:
JEAN ROULLIER, Secretary General
of the Inter-Governmental Mar-
itime Consultative Organiza-
tion.
22 September 1964
The PRESIDING OFFICER. If there
be no objection, the Executive H will be
considered as having passed through its
various parliamentary stages up to and
including the presentation of the reso-
lution of ratification.
The resolution of ratification of Ex-
ecutive H will now be read.
The resolution of ratification of Ex-
ecutive H was read, as follows:
Resolved, (two-thirds of the Senators pres-
ent concurring therein), That the Senate
advise and consent to the ratification of
amendments to articles 17 and 18 of the
Convention of the Intergovernmental Mari-
time Consultative Organization, which
amendments were adopted on September 15,
1964, by the Assembly of the Intergovern-
mental Martime Consultative Organization
at its second extraordinary session, held at
London from September 10 to 15, 1964.
(Executive H, Eighty-ninth Congress, first
session.)
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
question is, Will the Senate advise and
consent to the resolution of ratification?
On this question the yeas and nays have
been ordered, and the clerk will call the
roll.
The legislative clerk called the roll.
Mr. LONG of Louisiana. I announce
that the Senator from Tennessee [Mr.
BASS], the Senator from Maryland [Mr.
BREWSTER], the Senator from Hawaii
[Mr. INOUYE], the Senator from Wash-
ington [Mr. MAGNUSON], the Senator
from Wisconsin [Mr. NELSON], and the
Senator from Ohio [Mr. LAUSCHE] are
absent on official business.
I also announce that the Senator from
West Virginia [Mr. BYRD], the Senator
from Connecticut [Mr. DODD], the Sen-
ator from Maine [Mr. MUSKIE], the Sen-
ator from South Carolina [Mr. RUSSELL],
the Senator from Florida [Mr. SMATH-
ERS], and the Senator from Alabama
[Mr. SPARKMAN] are necessarily absent.
I further announce that, if present
and voting, the Senator from Maryland
[Mr. BREWSTER], the Senator from Con-
necticut [Mr. DODD], the Senator from
Hawaii [Mr. INOUYE], the Senator from
Maine [Mr. MUSKIE], the Senator from
Wisconsin [Mr. NELSON], and the Sen-
ator from Florida [Mr. SMATHERS] would
each vote "yea."
Mr. DIRKSEN. I announce that the
Senator from California [Mr. KUCHEL]
and the Senator from Iowa [Mr. MILLER]
are absent on official business.
The Senator from South Dakota [Mr.
MUNDT], the Senator from Vermont [Mr.
PROUTY], and the Senator from Wyo-
ming [Mr. SIMPSON] are necessarily
absent.
If present and voting, the Senator
from California [Mr. KUCHEL], the Sen-
ator from Iowa [Mr. MILLER], the Sen-
ator from South Dakota [Mr. MUNDT],
the Senator from Vermont [Mr.
PROUTY], and the Senator from Wyo-
ming [Mr. SIMPSON] would each vote
"yea."
The yeas and nays resulted-yeas 83,
nays 0, as follows:
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 June 21, 190 proved For R"1wRRRMA3L 1I I97B fflff 0400080008-2
straints are a basic element of, American
policy in Southeast Asia.
,It is no less important that Americans be
patient with the people of South Vietnam as
they seek to form a government more broadly
based on the popular will, a task of the
greatest difficulty.
Democratic, interplay of forces is not easily
achieved, even in nations with centuries of
experience in popular government. South
Vietnam must overcome a background of
feudal despotisms, followed by a century of
colonial status and a decade of civil war.
Under the best of circumstances, South
Vietnam's progress toward effective self-gov-
ernment would be slow and faltering marked
by many set-backs and internal divisions.
This pattern of events has occurred at some
stage in the history of almost every self-
governing nation in the world. The notable
exceptions have been such countries as
North Vietnam, where a fanatical minority
seized power at the moment of independence
and suppressed all opposition by terrorism.
But South Vietnam bears an added, and
heavy, handicap-the massive Communist
effort to conquer it by combined subversion
and attack. Considerable portions of the
country are under enemy occupation; In
many others murderous terrorism cripples
all local government and destroys public
safety. Everywhere, disorder is fomented
and every natural division exacerbated by
the agents of subversion.
For Americans, the temptation to "pull
out of the mess" is all too strong. Yet this
is the counsel of despair. For, if the present
situation 4s bad, the result of American
abandonment of South Vietnam would be
far worse-the extinction of the last hope
of achieving a free, stable society for years,
perhaps generations, to come. The South
Vietnamese know this. Significantly, the
various factions in South Vietnam, however
divided among themselves on the formation
of a government, are united in opposing
Communist control. It cannot be too
strongly emphasized that, despite unques-
tionable Communist attempts to infiltrate
student and religious groups, no element or
leader of any significance has sought the
evacuation of American troops or the accept-
ance of Vietcong rule. i
Holding meaningful elections in South
Vietnam while simultaneously waging war
against the Vietcong will be extremely dif-
ficult. Continued strife between various
South Vietnamese factions makes the task
infinitely harder. Nevertheless, the elections
must take place-if necessary, province by
province over a period of months.
The United States must make clear to all
parties concerned that unless there is an
effective government in Saigon American as-
sistance.by itself cannot help South Vietnam
to become free and independent. But we
must also bear in mind that hostile forces
are using public agitation and demonstra-
tions to undermine our position in Vietnam.
We must not abandon our responsibilities
under this provocation.
Not all the divisive factions are in Saigon.
The appearance of division within the United
States continues to block our best efforts to
achieve a negotiated settlement. Those in
positions of leadership-in the Congress as
in the Administration, in the universities as
in the community-bear a heavy responsibil-
ity for establishing a climate in which the
hoped-for settlement can be achieved.
FREEDOM HOUSE, NEW YORK, June 1966.
'MANKIND MOVES FORWARD--AD-
DRESS BY THOMAS PATRICK
Mr. JAVIITS. Mr. President, on June
14, 1966, Dr. Thomas Patrick Melady,
president of the Africa Service Institute
and, director of the Urban League of
New York, delivered an incisive com-
mencement address at Manhattan Col-
lege in New York.
The theme of his address was "The
Barriers That Have Separated Man
From Man." He notes that the barriers
of time and distance have virtually dis-
appeared, and that the barrier of colo-
nialism is also rapidly vanishing as more
and more nations emerge as independent
states. He rightly called to our atten-
tion to a third barrier that not only
stands but is growing higher-the sepa-
ration of rich and poor states,
I ask unanimous consent to have Dr.
Melady's remarks inserted in the REC-
ORD.
There being no objection, the address
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
MANKIND MOVES FORWARD
(By Thomas Patrick. Melady, Commence-
ment Address at Manhattan College on
Tuesday, June 14, 1966)1
Your Eminence, Your Excellency, the See-
retary General of the United Nations, Rev-
erend President, faculty and students, dis-
tinguished guests and friends.
There is much for us to be thankful for
today, the sons who have received their
degrees and their parents can rejoice that
the well earned symbols have been obtained.
Today is the Commencement of a new life.
All of us here-living in a city that is in
many ways the capital of the world-Jan
look with a feeling of rejoicing on the posi-
tion of the human family in our world.
We stand on the threshold of an era which
has ended most of the barriers that have
separated man from man. The barriers of
time and distance have almost vanished.
Formerly we were separated by great dis-
tances. Since the guns of World War II
became silent we have seen the shrinking of
distances. How marvelous it is that instead
of being geographically separated we now can
live as next door neighbors to one another.
The same dynamic forces that are ending
time and distance have also ended for the
most part man's political domination of man.
You and I, in the past few years, .have seen
the Afro-Asian peoples who were long domi-
nated by outside forces emerge as inde-
pendent states. With the exception of south-
ern Africa, the peoples of color have the
natural dignity of ruling themselves. Thus
a main cause of alienation, another barrier
separating man from man has been almost
completely eliminated.
A third barrier that has separated one
brother in the universal family from his other
brother is the rich-poor silhouette. Here
mankind has only begun to realize how much
remains to be done.
When man was separated from man by
time and distance and when one part of the
world politically dominated the rest of the
world, unity was impossible. Furthermore,
these separations prevented man from at
least being aware of the seriously inequitable
situation in the world. The white North
Atlantic members of the world community
were affluent and becoming richer and the
non-white part of the world was Dtill cursed
by poverty, illiteracy and disease and becom-
1 Thomas Patrick Melady, Ph. D., of New
York City, is President of the Africa Service
Institute, author and professor. He is also
a Director of the Urban League of New York,
The Catholic Interracial Council and The
John LaFarge Institute. Dr. Melady is the
author of "Profiles of African Leaders,"
"White Man's Future in Black Africa",
"Faces of Africa", "Kenneth Kaunda of Zam-
bia" and "The Revolution of Color". He has
served as the Pax Romana Representative to
the United,Nations since September, 1965.
13129
ing more afflicted by the unholy trio. The
situation has not changed but the awareness
of this gross gap in living standard has be-
gun to stir both sides of the inequality.
When we contemplate the implication that
the majority of the world's non-white peo-
ples who are now politically free have
awakened with a determination to obtain a
decent standard of living we can indeed re-
joice.
Yes, we know that some fear what is called
the rising expectations of the world's poor.
Instead of facing these changes with joy
they prefer to talk about the decadence of
modern civilization or even the approaching
end of the world. And, of course, there are
the cynics and the negative critics-those
who can never build but only destroy.
It should be clear to us that this defeatism
is unhealthy and impotent. Once it over-
takes us, all potential to build is destroyed.
Yet we must face the challenge of world
poverty openly and courageously. These are
the facts; the per capita income in North
America is $2,200.00 with an average life
span of 68 years. In black Africa the per
capita income is less than $100.00 with a life
span of around 40 years. In Asia the per
capita income is around $106.00 with a life
span of 51 years. The developed nations
and the United Nations have all launched
programs to help correct this inequity. But
these programs have really only helped to en-
lighten the world about world poverty and
misery.
We dare not rely only on our governments
to do something about this. We now all live
in the same city and the miserable of the
world are our next door neighbors. Nothing
of significance has been done to end the
growing gap between the rich and the poor-
made more horrible because it is the white
and non-white. This is your responsibility
and mine. The rising determination of the
Afro-Asian peoples to end their life of misery
must now be itched by our determination.
Together we eT.11
n push forward and thus end
another serious source of alienation.
This opportunity clearly points out our
destiny: to participate with enthusiasm in
the forward movement of mankind. Our
enthusiasm Is, justified as we have seen in
our lifetime significant progress of mankind
toward greater unity.
These vital forces for change have resulted
in mankind becoming the ascending arrow.
Our duty is to build the earth; to advance
forward.
Teilhard de Chardin, the great philosopher
who lived among us here in New York until,
11 years ago, said "it is not the fear of perish-'
ing but the ambition to live" ,hfch throws
man into this forward movement. Let us
therefore do what is our destiny: the embrac-
ing of a conquering passion to sweep away
the defeatism, the pessimism, the elements
that still separate man, that still alienate
man.
What method shall we follow? Here we
can learn much from Vatican Council H.
Rooted in the stabilizing forces of God's
presence, we should in our thinking on the
problems of the world maintain an openness
to all members of the universal family. This
is no longer an age to rely on set formulas.
Principles of life remain but programs of
action must change.
This will require us to experiment in meth-
od. This may sometimes cause a little un-
easiness and all experiments may not work.
But we must branch out quickly into all
areas of human endeavor. The ascending
arrow is moving so rapidly that we no longer
have time for years of talk and planning as
we must effect changes now. Some of the
crucial areas that require our immediate at-
tention are:
1. Urban life.
2. Problems of automation.
3. The insidious depersonalization of man-
kind caused by dealing with masses and large
numbers.
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There are two institutions whose recent
emergence into world-wide leadership gives
us cause for enthusiasm as we face tomor-
row.
The resurgence given to Christendom by
Vatican Council II and being given personal
direction now by Pope Paul VI has rendered
new power and strength to the Church. The
treasurehouse of truth has been opened to
the world and is uplifting mankind in a
single tide toward his Creator.
Now that we are all living in the same
city-mankind has created his own institu-
tion-the United Nations. This represents
a new spirit to unify the vital human forces
to push mankind forward. We all recall the
4th day of October. 1965, when Pope Paul VI
visited the United Nations. He said then "we
might call our message a ratification of this
lofty institution. . The peoples of the
earth turn to the United Nations as the last
hope of concord and peace".
In the last few years, there has been a
tendency by some to criticize effectiveness of
a world body such as the United Nations.
Some have attempted to cast a doubtful
shadow on the ability of an assembly com-
posed of nations so vastly different in ideol-
ogy, wealth, culture and size. As expected,
there will be many difficult moments, some
failings, countless hours of exhausting dis-
cussion, yet, this great experiment requires
endless energy and dedication, to translate
more fully an ideal into reality. It is an
experiment which must not fail. Mankind
has significantly benefited from the currents
moving forward and the United Nations is
one of these currents,
The Church and the secular society have
generated a rapid movement which is taking
mankind forward to a new sunrise.
Our destiny is to embrace those forward
movements and to assist them in approach-
ing even more rapidly the noble goals given
to us.
In our enthusiasm for these developments
we cannot overlook the one great cloud on
the horizon-racism. The hatred brought
about when man denies that another man,
because of the accident of his color, was
created by God as his brother.
We must strike out and destroy the ugly
sin of racism as it will eliminate all possibil-
ity of harmony in the human family. Every
dream that we have spoken of will fade away
if corrective action against this ugly doctrine
is not taken soon. What can we do? Much
has been said about the role of government.
Let us discuss here the role of private insti-
tutions.
We must exert every effort to generate a
favorable climate for men of all races to live
as brothers. The need is so urgent and sub-
stantive aspects so vital that our private in-
stitutions must utilize every power at their
command to enhance the dignity of the hu-
man family.
In this regard and because of the serious-
ness of the situation, we think especially of
the various Christian churches. A good
number of them-Catholic, Orthodox, Epis-
copalian and others, discourage their faith-
ful from committing major infractions
against the laws of God by refusing Com-
munion to them until they have been freed
from the immediate guilt of these sins by
confessing them, promising amendment and
doing penance.
In other words, in other areas of human
behavior, these churches preach the positive
aspects of the good life but warn their faith-
ful-that should they murder, commit adul-
tery or steal, they have seriously offended God
and must reconcile themselves with God be-
fore they can approach the Communion
table.
It is, on the other hand, a known scandal
that no such publicity is given to the griev-
ous sins of racism. We fully understand
why sins of racism are so serious. God made
us all brothers in His likeness but the racist
sets himself above God and denies this.
Furthermore, the racist sins against the
greatest commandment of them all-charity.
The racist commits these sins and set him-
self above God when he refuses to sell his
house, rent an apartment; when he refuses
admission to his club or to give a job to his
brother because of his color.
Certain Christian churches have found. It
effective to reinforce teaching on serious mat-
ters with a system of censure against serious
transgressions of these teachings.
But when it comes to the grievous sins of
racism where the sinner blasphemes God
the Creator by denying that all men are
created in His likeness, there is a reluctance
to acknowledge this sin. As a result of this
some non-white Christians are beginning to
question the integrity of these institutions.
And the Christian churches risk repudiation
by the peoples of color unless these horrible
sins that directly affect them are treated like
other mortal offenses against God's dignity.
Racism is a serious sin and must be de-
clared so and treated by the churches as
they treat other serious offenses.
Activity on all fronts to eliminate the bar-
riers and traditions that separate man from
man is part of the mighty movement for-
ward. An invitation has been extended to
us: to embrace with passion the ascending
arrow, to reject with equal passion the ugly
offenses that separate man from man.
These are noble goals for us here in New
York City which saw last October two power-
ful forces for progress-the Church and the
United Nations--converge. And now we pre-
pare to say goodbye to the Manhattan Col-
lege campus. Some will return for the senti-
mental visit many times, others at least
once and a few perhaps never. But let us all
before this parting of the ways commit our-
selves to the best of our abilities to man-
kind's forward march. The world you are
going into will be of your making. Make
of it what will be worthy of the ideals, and
the inspiration of our Alma Mater, Man-
hattan College. This is our destiny!
OUR UGLY CITIES
Mr. JAVITS, Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent to place in the REC-
ORD the commencement address of Philip
Johnson at Mount Holyoke College in
Massachusetts. Mr. Johnson is one of
this country's leading architects and
while his provocative statement talks of
the growing environmental decay in our
society, he has also set out some of the
goals toward which we must work if ours
is ever to rank with the great cultural
societies of history.
There being no objection, the address
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
OUR UGLY CITIES
(Commencement speech by Philip Johnson,
Mount Holyoke College, South Hadley,
Mass., June 5, 1966)
I have spent the winter designing (for my
own amusement, I hasten to add) an Ideal
City. It seemed to me pointless when I
started and even now strikes me as the height
of foolishness. No one will look at it. It
will never be published, or if it is, there are
ver few who will read Reading a plan is
Y
(heaven forbid) universal automobiles. It is
clear we can have anything on this earth
we want.
Yet, can we? Well, we cannot, or as I be-
lieve will not, make our environment a place
of beauty, our cities works of art.
There can surely be no discussion whether
we have ugliness around us or not. I never
heard anyone tell me that Bridgeport was
anything but an ugly city, or Waterbury, or
Pawtucket, or Holyoke. And New York
where I am at home, is it so handsome? Ex-
citing, even breathtaking, but beautiful only
in spots, only for a few blocks. Otherwise,
for miles and miles in all directions ugliness,
ugliness, ugliness.
And can there be any difference of opinion
that it has been getting worse and worse?
I do not think I am being distressingly old
to point out that New York was handsomer
a mere ten years ago, and argue further that
it was handsomer even then than twenty,
thirty, fifty years before that.
A few examples:
Item: The Brooklyn Bridge, one of the
great bridges of the world, had not yet been
ruined by a double deck.
Item: The Pennsylvania Station, which
cost in today's dollars 600 million, still ex-
isted to give the commuter and newcomer a
great gateway to a great city. That roman-
tic, magnificent room is gone.
Item: Coenties Slip and other water inlets
in lower Manhattan still gave us a romantic
feeling of contact with our harbor. No more.
The water is filled in, a super highway cuts
off the water view.
Item: Park Avenue used gracefully to flow
around the wedding cake delicacy of the
Grand Central building. Pan Am settled
that.
Item: Fifty-ninth Street, our other great
axis now terminates in that cheapest of all
cheapies, the Coliseum.
Item: The pile of needle-like 20's skyscrap-
pers that we loved to look at from the harbor
is gone, ruined by the new scale of Chase
Manhattan Bank, and soon to be settled en-
tirely by the Trade Center.
Item: Our last plaza at 59th Street and
Fifth Avenue on Central Park is going now to
a super cheapy, built ironically enough by
our richest corporation, General Motors.
Item: Ue used to be able to see the water.
After all, Manhattan is an island. We have
finer water nearer at hand than Paris or Lon-
don, yet you can see the Seine, you can see
the Thames. In New York, no more. Ele-
vated highways!
It is amusing to note that when the much
maligned robber barons were building rail-
roads into New York, they built them well,
they put them underground. Must our gen-
eration then do less with the successors to
the iron horse, the automobile? Why are
our motor roads not underground? Only
Gracie Mansion, the residence of our Mayor,
looks out over the water, the cars comfort-
ably passing underground. It can be done,
do we but will it. What Commodore Van-
derbilt did for our city, we can do again-.
for ourselves.
Item: We used to have streets lined with
brownstones, now we have areas dotted with
cheap brick towers, all of which are built
with lowest standards possible of ceiling
heights, paper thin walls and exererable
bricklaying. In other words, we used to have
slums, today we have built but super slums.
so, so difficult. And with absolute certainty, Why? Why have we done this to our cities
no one will build it. at the same time as we have done away with
The reason for telling you girls about my illness, illiteracy, hunger. At the same time
lonely troubles this afternoon is to point up as we have given every citizen a car, an edu-?
for you the gap, in this cultural ambience cation, elegant clothes, travel. Why does
of ours, between values I hold dear and the part of our culture advance and part decline
values that make our country run. so disastrously?
Here we live in the most affluent society I must admit that at 60 I am getting a lit-
the world has ever known. No one in the tie bitter, so I dream up cities where I should
old days ever dreamt of universal literacy, like to live and, meanwhile, try to figure
to say nothing of universal toilets and why, outside my dreams, the city decays.
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE June 21, 1966
example of how many architectural abomina-
tions can be combined in one building if you
have the money.
A National Committee to Save the Nation's
Capitol should be formed at once. It ought
to shower petitions down upon Congress un-
til that body is persuaded to relent. It ought
to demand that which it has not received-
adequate open hearings and a fair discus-
sion of the requirements of the old build-
ing. It ought to compel Congress to ex-
amine the alternative to the demolition of
the West Front-the reconstruction of the
front as it stands, if it is in need to repair.
It ought to hold Congress to the pledge
given the Nation in 1958 by Speaker Sam
Rayburn who then said while the East Front
was being built: "We are not going to do
anything with the west end." It ought to
make it clear to Congress that it prefers a
work of genius by Thornton, Latrobe and
Bulflnch to anything that the designers and
builders of the new House Office Building can
bring forth.
Men who would lay their unhallowed hands
on this sacred structure are indifferent to
the glorious episodes of our past, ignorant
of the architectural merit of one of the great
buildings of the world and indifferent to
every consideration of national pride and
honor. This outrage must be stopped.
Mr. PROXMIRE. This morning the
Post returned to the fray with a moving
documentation of the basis for keeping
this magnificent Capitol Building as it
is.
The Post quotes the distinguished his-
torian Allan Nevins, who has called the
Capitol "the best-loved and revered
building in America, the spirit of Amer-
ica in stone, the major symbol of the
Nation."
Today's editorial concludes :
The wrecker's ball will soon do for the
west front of the Capitol what the Nazi
bombers did for the House of Commons. is
there no American of equal devotion to the
temple of American democracy who can in=
sist that when it is rebuilt, it will be kept
as it was?
''lfr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent to have printed in the RECORD the
editorial entitled "The Temple Pra-
faned," published in the Washington
Post of today, June 21, 1966.
There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
TteE TEMPLE PROFANED
"We have built no national temples but
the Capitol," said Rufus Choate. Now that
temple is to be profaned and the architec.
tural genius of Thornton, Bulfinch, Latrobe,
and Walter is to be buried under cafeterias
and other conveniences.
Allan Nevins has described the Capitol as
"the best-loved and most revered building
in America," He has called it "the spirit of
America in Stone." He has said It is "His-
tory-the Major Symbol of the Nation."
But the noble western front of the build-
ing with its handsome classic walls and its
cascading staircases must give way to the
convenience and comfort of Congressmen
who need more room. Whether the exterior
walls are or are not safe is a matter for
competent engineers to decide. They have
stood less than 200 years and sandstone
structures-of the kind elsewhere have lasted
for hundreds of years. If they are unsafe,
they can be rebuilt and replaced without
alteration of the original design.
When bombs destroyed the British House
of Commons in the 900-year-old palace of
Westminster on the River Thames on May
10, 1941, the impulse of the whole British
nation was its restoration, not its modifica-
tion. When he visited the vast ruin on Oct.
29, 1943, Winston Churchill gazed upon the
wreckage and said: "There I learnt my craft,
and there it is now, a heap of rubble. I am
glad that it is in my power, when it is re-
built, to keep it as it was."
The English people, led by Churchill, in-
sisted that the House be restored, even
though the reproduction can seat but 437
of the 627 members.
The wrecker's. ball soon will do for the
west front of the Capitol what the Nazi
bombers did for the House of Commons. Is
there no American of equal devotion to the
temple of American democracy who can in-
sist that when it is rebuilt, it will be kept as
it was?
Mr. McCARTHY. Mr. President, wil
the Senator yield to me?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The time
of the Senator has expired.
Mr. PROXMIRE. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent that I may have 2
more minutes.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without
objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. PROXMIRE. I yield to the Sen-
ator from Minnesota.
Mr. McCARTHY. I simply wish to say
that I join with the Senator from Wis-
consin, and hope the entire Senate will
give some thought to what is proposed
with reference to the west front of the
Capitol.
It is quite true, as the Senator has
said, and as the editorial has also stated,
he has quoted that the Capitol Building
is a monument to the entire country.
The question of efficiency and financing
of new space is an effort which should be
met by some method other than destroy-
ing this historic front.
SCHOOL MILK PROGRAM SUPPLIES
ESSENTIAL VITAMINS, MINERALS
Mr. PROXMIRE. Mr. President, the
administration's proposal to slice the
special milk program by 80 percent could
have disastrous effects on the health of
our Nation. If this legislation were en-
acted, the 18 million children receiving
Federal help in purchasing school milk
would shrink to 3 million children. The
remaining 15 million, including millions
of children who come from low-income
families, would have to pay the full cost
of any milk they consumed in school or
day camp.
Obviously, many millions of these chil-
dren simply would stop drinking milk.
This could have a substantial impact on,
the dietary habits and future health of
these young people.
Let us take a look at what has con-
tributed to the health of our Nation in
the past. In 1940 one could walk down
the streets of any major American city
and see the bowed legs of children suf-
fering from rickets. This is no longer
true. This disease has been eliminated,
in large part through the ready avail-
ability of Vitamin D fortified milk.
Pellagra is another disease that was
highly prevalent not too many years ago.
The usual cycle followed was pellagra,
hospitalization, and treatment with vita-
mins and diet, return to home followed
by the old diet, followed by pellagra and
hospitalization again. Once more the
ready availability of milk, with its pro-
tein quality and content of tryptophan,
spelled the end for this serious dietary
disease in most sectors of our population.
The Food and Nutrition Board of the
American Academy of Sciences has
stated that:
Milk and milk products ... contribute ap-
proximately 24 per cent of- the protein, 76
per cent of the calcium, and 47 per cent of
the riboflavin in the national diet.
These are among the facts and figures
which explain the outcry from Congress
and the people alike over plans to cut the
school milk program. Such a move would
b Ataken at the expense of the health
WHY NOT FACE THE TRUTH ABOUT
VIETNAM?
Mr. GRUENING. Mr. President, I
ask unanimous consent that I may pro-
ceed for 10 minutes.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without
objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. GRUENING. Mr. President,
newspaper headlines reveal that at his
last press conference President Johnson
indicated that he would "raise the cost
of aggression at its source" by intensified
use of airpower.
This is a threat of further escalation.
It is an indication that the daily bomb-
ing will be carried further North.
On many previous occasions, the Presi-
dent has said, "We seek no wider war."
Yet it is steadily widening.
The administration's answer invaria-
bly is that we have to escalate because
our adversaries escalate.
This is precisely the gloomy outlook so
clearly spelled out in the Mansfield re-
port after his return in company with
four other Senators-MusKIE and
INouy , Democrats; AIKEN and BOGGS,
Republicans-from an Intensive study on
the ground in southeast Asia. They made
it clear that it was an open-end war and
that each side would escalate to meet the
other's escalation.
To what 'end? Further deaths of fine
young Americans, whose number killed
in combat already has passed 4,000, with
over 20,000 wounded, many crippled for
life, 'countless thousands of North and
South Vietnamese killed, many of them
noncombatants, women and children.
The undeclared war is costing close to
$2 billion a month and so the great do-
mestic programs, so brilliantly enacted
in the 1st session of the 89th Congress
under President Johnson's masterful
leadership, are going down the drain,
And yet the facts, sa,consistentiy ig-
nored and even denied by the adminis-
tration, disclose the total lack of justi-
fication of our present and our continu-
ing actions in southeast Asia.
These facts must be repeated to offset
the completely misleading propaganda
which continues to emanate from the
White House, the Pentagon, and the
State Department.
Item: We were not asked by a friendly
government in South Vietnam to help it
repel aggression.
We asked ourselves in.
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June 21, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE 13139
modeling of the terraces might be elimi-
nated.
The third alternative, which so far as we
know is the plan that is now being followed,
has already been described. It is the least
desirable of the three and should join the
file of never-carried-out plans for the Capitol.
Such proposals have a history that dates
back to the original competition held in the
spring of 1792. The brief invitation to sub-
mit drawings brought forth a variety of re-
sponses, none of which was totally satisfac-
tory to the Commissioners or to the Presi-
dent.
The submissions included a very respecta-
ble and conservative Georgian design by
Samuel McIntire; a charmingly naive pro-
posal by Philip Hart that in detail is vaguely
reminiscent of Independence Hall; an adapta-
tion of Palladio's Villa Rotunda submitted
by Samuel Dobie; a strange melange of medi-
eval and Georgian detail on a building that
surrounded a square open courtyard by James
Diamond of Maryland; and a fairly sophis-
ticated design, to judge by later drawings
which have survived, by Stephen (Etienne
Sulpice) Hallet, a French emigre who was
then residing in Philadelphia.
Thornton's winning design, which was
submitted after the close of, the competition
(setting a precedent for confusion in federal
architectural competitions persisting to the
present time), was a far simpler, more monu-
mental conception than any of the previous
designs. It was one that more clearly re-
flected the desires of Washington and Jeffer-
son for a Capitol that would somehow
express the strength and virtues of the in-
fant republic.
Thornton never had clear sailing in the
execution of his design. He declined to su-
pervise its construction; he lacked the tech-
nical experience to carry through the work
on a major public building in a day when the
architect was obliged to provide truly "com-
prehensive services." The short-tempered
doctor thereupon had a succession of difficul-
ties with Hallet, who was retained as super-
vising architect, and George Hadfield who
later succeeded to the job. Both had sought
to alter his design, and the even-tempered
James Hoban assumed the responsibility for
construction from the year 1798, until the
appointment of Benjamin Latrobe in March
1803.
Latrobe brought to the position an already
established reputation as an architect of
great talent and skill. He was much respect-
ed by President Jefferson and managed to
impose his own ideas upon the interior de-
sign and in plans for the central portion of
the building which were carried out, after
his retirement in 1817, by Charles Bulfinch
who completed the original building in 1829.
Robert Mills, who was Architect of Public
Buildings at the time, proposed several forms
of extension to the Capitol in the year 1850.
Mills' designs deserve special mention for it
is hard to believe that they were not the
genesis of Walter's final designs for the wings
and dome. The few sketches of Mills that
have survived are much more like the Capitol
as we see it today than were Walter's first
competition drawings of the same period, for
Mills had already seized upon the idea of a
great dome, modeled In scale and form after
that of St. Peter's, to be constructed over the
foundations of the rotunda.
He evidently was intrigued by the idea of
developing the expanded building in the
form Of a cross, the enlarged dome to act as
a dominant focal point at the center, but he
also prepared drawings of an extension of
wings to the sides attached with an ingenious
arrangement of interior courts to prevent
blanking the windows of the older building.
Mills' plans were not accepted by the Senate,
which insisted that a competition be held,
and in 1851 President Millard Fillmore ap-
pointed Thomas U. Walter as Architect of
the Capitol. Mills at that time was already
70 and died four years later, in March 1855.
Walter was 47 and destined to work on the
Capitol for the next 14 years.
The list of designs for "the Capitol that
never was" continued to the turn of the
century, and the more familiar proposals of
Carrere & Hastings for expansion of the
building In the year 1905 by the survival of
two plans for monstrous enlargements sub-
mitted by Thomas Walter in. 1874, nine years
after his retirement as Architect of the
Capitol.
Walter had apparently never completely
given up an infatuation with his earliest
competition studies, which extended a vast
Interior gallery eastward from the rotunda,
and the years he had spent since leaving
Washington, working on Philadelphia's City
Hall, might have clouded the esthetic judg-
ment of any man.. The ubiquitous Washing-
ton firm of Smithmeyer & Pelz submitted a
grotesque scheme In 1881 that would have
left nothing of the original central portion
of the building but the rotunda and dome,
which they planned to embellish with eight
additional domed turrets,
Admittedly the present proposal for the
extension of the West Front is more modest
than some that have been. discarded in the
past, but it has neither the merit of sensi-
tive historic preservation nor the merit of
bold architectural concepts. It falls to the
inevitable level of an unhappy compromise,
for it fails to recognize that time has
changed what can and cannot be done to this
one building that symbolizes the aspirations
and growth of the country from the time of
its founding through the age of confidence
and material prosperity which characterized
the last decades of the 19th century.
If the old stones of the Capitol are crum-
bling let them be restored, or replaced if need
be, but let us refrain from padding its bones
with layers of rooms until it becomes a
shapeless mass signifying nothing but its
own bulk. Congress deserves a mid-20th
century answer to its space needs, not a
misguided mid-19th century alteration to a
venerable building deserving of respectful
preservation.
STATEMENT OF THE AMERICAN INSTITUTE OF
ARCHITECTS
The Institute believes that the Capitol of
the United States is a vitally important sym-
bol of our nation's government. As such,
it should be preserved. If reconstruction is
structurally necessary, it should be carried
out in strict accordance with the present
design. If the Captiol continues to expand,
it will rapidly lose all resemblance to the
original building. The AIA believes that it
should be a permanent policy of the Con-
gress that the exterior of the Capitol is to
remain unchanged. Today, the West Front
contains the last remaining external vestiges
of the Capitol as it was originally designed
and built. It is the only important link
with the beginnings of the building. If the
West Front of the Captiol is extended, we
will have buried the last of those walls that
date from the early years of the Republic,
and will have obscured a part of our history
that can never be restored.--Oct. 13, 1965.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The time
of the Senator has expired.
Mr. PROXMIRE. I ask unanimous
consent that I may be allowed to pro-
ceed for an additional 3 minutes.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without
objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. PROXMIRE. I am happy to yield
to the distinguished Senator from Okla-
homa, who incidentally is chairman of
the Legislative Subcommittee of the
Committee on Appropriations.
Mr. MONRONEY. I am happy to as-
sociate myself with the distinguished
senior Senator from Wisconsin on this
issue, and I urge very strongly that be-
fore any money is appropriated to initi-
ate this $34 or $35 million project, which
will add some 4.5 to 5 acres to the capitol
area, the most careful and searching
engineering study be made to find out
if this is the only way that the west front
can be made stable and guaranteed
against further deterioration.
I personally am convinced that engi-
neers can tell us that we can brace and
underpin the west front, preserving the
grace of the old Capitol, without doing
damage to the historic building, and still
provide for the continued use, for an-
other 100 years, of this great edifice.
I thank the distinguished Senator
from Wisconsin for yielding, and for his
cooperation in helping preserve this
shrine.
Mr. PROXMIRE. Mr. President, I
thank the distinguished Senator from
Oklahoma for his remarks.
WEST FRONT PROPOSAL A NATIONAL OUTRAGE-
A TEMPLE PROFANED
Mr. President, in one of the most em-
phatic and powerful editorials I have
read in a long, long time the Washington
Post Sunday ripped into the proposal to
extend the west front of the Capitol.
The Post calls for a National Commit-
tee To Save the Nation's Capitol to show-
er petitions down upon the Congress to
persuade this body to relent, to demand
the kind' of full open hearings on this
proposal-which have not been held-
with adequate advance notice and with
representatives of the American Insti-
tute of Architects and other competent
and critical. bodies invited to appear.
The editorial concludes:
Men who would lay their unhallowed
hands on this sacred structure are indiffer-
ent to the glorious episodes of our past, ig-
norant of the architectural merit of one of
the great buildings of the world and indiffer-
ent to every consideration of national pride
and honor. This outrage must be stopped.
I ask unanimous consent to have
printed in the RECORD the editorial to
which I have referred, entitled "A Na-
tional Outrage," published in the Wash-
ington Post of Sunday, June 19, 1966.
There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
A NATIONAL OUTRAGE
If the people of the United States mean
to save their historic Capitol, so filled with
reminders of great events in the Nation's life,
they must swiftly make it clear to Congress
that they do not wish this national monu-
ment submitted to the hammer and ball of
the demolition crews about to descend upon
it.
Under the guidance of J. George Stewart
(by act of Congress and not by grace of any
academic benediction) the Architect of the
Capitol, Congress is about to commit on the
Capitol an act of vandalism without prece-
dent in this country's life. The British In
1814 greatly damaged the Capitol. The re-
modeling of the East Front destroyed a,
facade before which the great ceremonies of
the Nation took place. But the destruction
and rebuilding of the West Front exceeds
even these disasters. A structure fashioned
by genius and executed by artists is to be
remodeled by a man presumptuous enough
to believe he can do better. And his pre-
sumption is the more offensive because the
best that he can do stands just across the
Capitol grounds where the new House Office
Building presents to the world a staggering
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Item; It. is not true a solemn commit- Second. The SEATO Treaty, article' 1. results, and pledge a phased withdrawal
ment_ was made by three Presidents to Third. The unilateral commitment by of our troops once peace is established.
do what we are doing. Walter Bedel Smith to support the It might not work. But why not try it?
President Eisenll0wer merely proffered Geneva Agreements. We have not tried it. Until we do, until
economic aid and that conditioned on Fourth. The aforementioned pledges we make, these proposal's. clearly, em-
reforms q ad, performance which were to send in no additional troop or war phatically, unmistakably, we cannot con-
never carried out either by the Diem re- material into Vietnam. tinue to allege that we have tried to se-
gime or by ,the eight subsequent self- The regrettable and depressing fact in cure peace-that objective which every
imposed regimes. all this is that it is the United States passing day more and more Americans
Item: President Kennedy, accepting which is the aggressor in southeast Asia. fervently seek.
the bad advice of Secretary, McNamara, The United States, sending its forces Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, will the
escalated the number of advisers from halfway around the world, injected it- Senator yield?
the 600 in South Vietnam, as part of the self into a civil war. All those present Mr. GRUENING. I yield.
military mission established by President at the time of our invasion were Viet- Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, once
Eisenhower, to a 'total of 20,000. But he namese-South Vietnamese fighting a again the Senator from Alaska has made
sent no troops to combat.-'No American a corrupt and oppressive government, a statement on what I consider to be our
lives were lost in combat during the ad- thus revolting against the denial of illegal and immoral course of action in
ministrations of Presidents Eisenhower promised elections, aided later by infil- ' South Vietnam and North Vietnam, with
and Kennedy. trators from North Vietnam. which statement I am in complete agree-
Item: Regrettably, after a campaign The continued support by the United ment.
in which President Johnson led the States of corrupt, self-imposed, and I associate myself with his remarks.
American people to believe he would malodorous regimes reveals the folly of
achieve a peaceable solution in southeast our whole performance.
Asia, he sent our troops into combat. No The original premises justifying our THE BAND MERGER ACT
previous President-neither Eisenhower military involvement, although false, Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, some days
nor Kennedy-had done that. have now been shown to be completely ago I sent the Washington Post a letter
The more recent official justifications fanciful. We are riot supporting free- to the editor in which I set forth certain
that article 4 of the SEATO Treaty war- dam or saving a brave and gallant people. facts in regard to the participation of the
rants our military actions are also We are supporting a corrupt, self-impos- Senator from Virginia [Mr. ROBERTSON]
groundless. ing dictatorship. in the legislative record on a bank
The article provides that in the event Last year, 1965, there were 96,000 de- merger bill in the Senate.
of alleged aggression, all the signatories sertions from the South Vietnamese In the letter I pointed out the position
will consult, and by unanimous agree- Army. that the Senator from Virginia had taken
ment resolve on a course of action, which And yet we are drafting our boys and with respect to three cases in this coun-
must be in accord with each nation's con- sending them to southeast Asia to fight try. One case involved action on the part
stitutional processes. and die for this cause which has so of the U.S. Justice Department with re-
We never asked the signatories- little support from the people we are spect to action that it is proceeding to
Great Britain, France, Pakistan, Thai- presumably aiding. litigate in connection with a bank in Lex-
land, Australia, New Zealand, and the The great myth is that Hanoi is the ington, Ky.
Philippines-to consult. Had we done so, villain. True, the North Vietnamese are I think in fairness to the Senator from
there would have been no unanimous de- aiding the Vietcong but their aid came Virginia that I owed it to the record to
cision; since both France and Pakistan after our own violation of our agree- write the letter that I wrote the Wash-
are opposed to our course. Finally, ac- ment-our support of Diem's refusal to ington Post.
tion in accord with our constitutional abide by the Geneva Agreements and Last Sunday an abbreviated form of
processes would have required a declara- hold elections. the letter was published in the Washing-
tion of war by the Congress. We have In all American history, of which we ton post. But its abbreviation is fair
not had it. have had so much reason to be proud, neither to the contents of the letter that
It seems clear that each. subsequent the United States has not Committed so I sent the Washington Post nor, in my
escalation has been expected to bring tragic an error. The consequences can judgment, to the record of the Senator
"victory." What are the realities? only be disastrous. from Virginia.
Item: President Johnson accepted and The administration's allegations that Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
acted on the same kind of bad advice we are willing to negotiate with any sent that the full letter that I wrote the
that led President Kennedy into the Bay government avoids and evades the fact Washington Post, as well as the abbre-
of Pigs fiasco. that the adversary is not a government viated letter which the Washington Post
Item: Each time the advice to Presi- but the National Liberation Front or published and attributed to me, be print-
dent Johnson was proffered as the solu- Vietcong, with which President Johnson ed in the RECORD.
tion to his dilemma and would,bring the has consistently refused to negotiate. There being no objection, the letters
adversary to his knees. Until that is done, it is nonsense to assert were ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
"Bomb North Vietnam. That will do that we have exhausted every effort to as follows:
It." We bombed for 16 months. It has achieve peace. [From the Washington Post, June 19, 1966]
not done it. Likewise, we have not carried the issue ROBERTSON PRAISED
"Send in the Marines. That will do it." before the Security Council, as we are [Letters to the Editor Version]
It has not, required to do by the United Nations
"Send My attention has been called to several
"in more ground troops. That Charter. news stories which have appeared in your
will do it." There are 360,000 there now, Why have we not done this? Because, columns over last weekend and to an edito-
plus the fleet offshore with 70,000 aboard obviously, the free discussion that would rial which appeared on June 14 concerning
and 40;000 in Thailand. take place in the United Nations would senator ROBERTSON and his interest in banks
It has not done it. reveal the unpleasant truth, which is, and banking, particularly in the Bank Merg-
"Send in more. troops. Raise the that the United States is the aggressor. er Act Amendments of 1966 and the relation
of that law to the manufacturers Hanover
number to X00,000. ' It is being done. Is there a way out? Yes. Lay the Trust Company of New York City.
We will bomb further north, the Presi- issue before the United Nations. Stop In the news articles and editorial, it is
dent now warns Hanoi; perpetuating the the bombing. Agree to negotiate with suggested that the principal significance of
myth that North Vietnam is the ag- the National Liberation Front. Ask for the Bank Merger Act Amendments of 1966
gressor, a cease fire. Promise to hold Vietnam- was the relief of three banks from antitrust
prosecution and that the
hasnvithe olat course of all this, United States wide elections, supervised by the United s to Senator ROBERTSON is based primarily
Nations, not merely in South Vietnam on the special relief provided for three
First. United Nations Charter, articles but in all Vietnam as promised in the banks against which antitrust cases were
1, 2, 33,_ and 37. Geneva accord. Agree to abide by the pending at the time the Act was passed.
No, 101-10
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 13142
Approved FeOF16R*gSPW/UtCOA&12P?t#6R000400080 21, 1966
The Bank Merger Act Amendments of 1966
restored the congressional intent to give pri-
mary importance to the public interest,
which had been developed in the Bank
Merger Act of 1960.
The new 'standards and procedures for
bank mergers written into the 1968 Bank
Merger Act were jn turn written Into the
Bank Holding Company Act Amendments,
and this action was, sustained last week
by a roll call vote of 64 to 16-a clear ex-
pression of congressional intent on the rela-
tion between banking and the antitrust laws.
While I have not always agreed with all
the provisions of the banking bills which
Senator ROBERTSON has proposed and carried
through to enactment, I think it is quite
clear that the legislation he has sponsored
in the field of banking has been of broad
public interest and importance.
WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senator From Oregon.
WASHINGTON.
(Letter to the editor, Washington Post,
actual copy]
In recent decisions, the Supreme Court
applied the strict rule of the Clayton Act
that competitive factors were the sole and
controlling factors to be considered in bank
merger cases, nullifying the congressional in-
tent spelled out in the Bank Merger Act of
1960 that the public interest-the public
convenience and necessity-should be the
final controlling consideration in bank
merger cases.
When the Justice Department's efforts to
break up the merged banks at Lexington,
Kentucky, and New York made clear the
losses and damages which would inevitably
result from their attempts to "demerge"
these banks, Senator ROBERTSON introduced
a bill to exempt all bank mergers from the
Clayton Act and the Sherman Act. This
bill was amended, and, as it eventually be-
came law this year, it terminated, as far as
the Clayton Act and Section 1 of the Sher-
man Act are concerned, the three pending
cases involving mergers consummated before
the Philadelphia decision-the Manufactur-
ers Hanover case, the Lexington, Kentucky,
case and the Continental Illinois case. The
three cases involving mergers consummated
after the Philadelphia decision, when the
new law had been laid down by the Supreme
Court, were not exempted but were to be
handled under the new standards written
into the 1968 Bank Merger Act Amendments,
like all subsequent mergers.
Unfortunately the Department of Justice
is attempting to continue the proceedings
started under the antimonopoly provisions
of Section 2 of the Sherman Act, contrary to
the intent of the Congress and the repre-
sentations of the Department of Justice.
The Bank Merger Act Amendments of 1966
restored the congressional intent to give pri-
mary importance to the public interest,
which had been developed in the Bank
Merger Act of 1960. After the passage of the
1960 Act, President Johnson, then Majority
Leader, made the following comment:
. "Again, I want to express my congratula-
tions to Senator ROBERTSON and Senator FuL-
BRIGIiT and Senator Capehart and the other
members of the Banking and Currency Com-
mittee for the persistence and the thorough-
ness and the statesmanship which they have
displayed in carrying this matter through
to a satisfactory conclusion."
The new standards and procedures for
bank mergers written into the 1966 Bank
Merger Act were in turn written into the
Bank Holding Company Act Amendments,
and this action was sustained last week by
a roll call vote of 64 to 16-a clear expression
of congressional intent on the relation be-
tween banking and the antitrust laws. And
after the passage of the bill Senator MANS-
FIELD, the Majority Leader, commented that
Senator ROBERTSON "once again has served
this body with the unparalleled distinction
and wisdom which has characterized his
many years of public service." "
While I have not always agreed with all
the provisions of the banking bills which
Senator ROBERTSON has proposed and car-
ried through to enactment, I think it is quite
clear that the legislation he has sponsored
in the field of banking has been of broad
public interest and importance.
Very truly yours,
WAYNE MORSE.
THE EDITOR,
The Washington Post,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SIR: My attention has been called to
several news stories which have appeared in
your columns over the weekend and to an
editorial which appeared on June 14 con-
cerning Senator ROBERTSON and his interest
in banks and banking, particularly in the
Bank Merger Act Amendments of 1966 and
the relation of that law to the Manufacturers
Hanover Trust Company of New York City.
In the news articles and editorial, it is sug-
gested that the principal significance of the
Bank Merger Act Amendments of 1966 was
the relief of three banks from antitrust pros-
ecution and that the gratitude of bankers to
Senator ROBERTSON is based primarily on the
special relief provided for three banks against
which antitrust cases were pending at the
time the Act was passed.
I do not think this is an accurate or fair
presentation. As a member of the Banking
and Currency Committee for two years, 1955
to 1957, I was deeply involved in two major
pieces of legislation Senator ROBERTSON han-
dled in 1956 and 1957-the Bank Holding
Company Act, which was enacted in 1956,
and the Financial Institutions bill, which
was considered by the Committee in 1956 and
passed the Senate in 1957 and which, though
it did,not become law as such, contained
most of the amendments to banking laws
which have been enacted since that time.
The Bank Holding I Company Act of 1956
was a major piece of regulatory legislation
designed to prevent undue extension of bank
concentration through the holding company
device and to separate banking from unre-
lated businesses. It contained two broad
open-end exemptions to which I objected at
the time and which I am glad to say Senator
ROBERTSON has now closed in the current
Bank Holding Company Act Amendments,
which the Senate passed on June 7 and which
are now pending in the House: the first for
long-term trusts and charitable institutions
applying to the Alfred I. duPont Trust Fund,
the second for regulated investment com-
panies and their affiliates applying to the
Financial General Corporation.
Another major bill which Senator ROBERT-
SON brought into being was the Bank Merger
Act of 1960, based on a provision in his Finan-
cial Institutions bill of 1957 and a 1956 Ful-
bright bill, all of which were founded on the
understanding that the antitrust Yaws either
did not apply to bank mergers or at least did
not provide effective control. For example, it
was universally understood by all responsible
officials, including leading members of the
House and the Senate and representatives of
the Justice Department, that Section 7 of the
Clayton Act did not apply to bank mergers.
IRRESPONSIBLE USE OF FEDERAL
HOUSING ADMINISTRATION IN-
SURANCE
Mr. WILLIAMS of Delaware. Mr.
President, I ask unanimous consent that
I be permitted to proceed for 15 minutes.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. KEN-
NEDY of New York). Without objec-
tion, it is so ordered.
Mr. WILLIAMS of Delaware. Mr.
President, it appears that a group of ir-
responsible promoters and builders have
devised a unique method of using the
FHA insurance to finance their specula-
tive construction of multifamily units
throughout the country.
These speculative promoters are giv-
ing little or not attention to the prospec-
tive success of the projects, their primary
interest being in the quick profits reaped
from inflated markups of previously un-
developed land, a generous allowance of
builder's fees to their own construction
firms, and architect's fees on a percent-
age basis which ofttimes are in. excess of
the actual payments.
To make this scheme more profitable,
cheap land located in marginal or iso-
lated areas is purchased and then un-
loaded on the Government through gen-
erous appraisals of the lots on the basis
of being a developed area.
The result is that many of these proj-
ects, particularly the multifamily units,
are going broke as fast as they are being
completed-ofttimes even before con-
struction is completed. The promoter,
having collected his quick profits through
a markup of the land, builder's fees, et
cetera, now abandons the project in
many instances without paying the sub-
contractors and suppliers. The result is
that scores of small subcontractors and
suppliers are going broke, since FHA as-
sumes no responsibility and apparently
has no concern as to whether or not they
are paid.
The blanket mortgage protects the
Government-as far as it can be pro-
tected-in cases of 110-percent mort-
gages as the payments are made to spon-
sors in accordance with progress on
construction projects, without regard as
to whether or not the supplier and sub-
contractors are being paid.
Mr. CURTIS. Mr. President, will the
Senator yield?
Mr. WILLIAMS of Delaware. I yield.
Mr. CURTIS. I desire to commend
the distinguished Senator from Dela-
ware for bringing before the Senate a
situation that certainly merits attention.
Information has come to me bearing out
what the Senator has said. Some scan-
dals and some wrongdoing have occurred
in this area, and they merit an investi-
gation as soon as the calendars of the
appropriate committees permit.
I should like to ask the distinguished
Senator from Delaware a question. Is it
not quite likely that the evil procedure
that promotes or presents an opportu-
nity for wrongdoing is the fact that in-
dividuals can go into building 'projects
without any of their own money being
involved?
Mr. WILLIAMS of Delaware. That is
correct. Another instance, as I have
pointed out, is that a promoter can start
half a dozen projects simultaneously,
each under a different corporate name.
If one project succeeds he keeps the one
that succeeds; and if the other five go
broke he turns them back to the Govern-
ment.
There Is no requirement for the en-
dorsement by the promoter or the
builder of the various projects. That is
a correction in procedure that should be
adopted. Surely, they should have to
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13163
Cy-now apparent in our economy-of understand and accept are some of the side and expanding Korean exports, As a result
freezing out all but a few giants from effects of our participation. In South Viet- of this political accommodation and eco-
vital sectors of American industry. nam, for example, the presence of so many nomic cooperation, Korea will become a bet-
It seems to me that much further ex- Americans-while vital to the preservation ter customer for Japanese exports, a more
ploratien is needed of the competitive ef- has of the had country-has contributed to inflation, important supplier to Japan, and correspond-
plor of this bail, Certainly no Senator a corrosive social effect, and has Ingly less dependent on American aid, Thus,
aroused a good deal of resentment. In India, 16 years of American "overpresence" in Korea
wants unwittingly to encourage I lop- where American food and other assi
t
c
s
an
e are now beilleit
-ng avaed by closer Korean-
olization in American inc ustry.l including military aid-are welcomed, the Japanese cooperation.
rin
_
g completion, and I. saw the hos-
ESS as a possible threat to the integrity of In- tile demonstrations when Japanese Foreign
BY JOHN D. ROCEEFELLER 3D dian education-or even a cover for the CIA. Minister Shiina arrived. The demonstra-
In Japan, whose economy prospers in trade tions, however, could not frustrate the states-
Mr. FULBRIGHT. Mr. President, a with the united States, legislative debates manship on both sides which successfully
few weeks ago Mr. John D. Rockefeller 3d and the press echo widespread fears that the resolved a bitter, seemingly intractable prob-
delivered a speech to the Far East- country may be dragged Into a major Asian lem. In contrast, when Japan's first am-
America Council of Commerce and In- war through its security ties to the United bassador arrived in Seoul to present his
dustry in New York. His analysis of States' credentials, he was received with
The problem, in other words, is the over- well as official respect.
"Our Dilemma in Asia" is one of the best public as
I have sI particularly call the at- powering impact of America on Asians. Our Perhaps the Japan-Korea achievement will
I@have seen.
m colleagues supports their self-preservation, but suggest to other nations in Asia and else-
y to his comments it bothers their self-respect. It is an im- where that they have far more to gain in
about our "overpresence" in Asia, and his balanced relationship of receiver and donor, the long run by resolving than by perpetuat-
.strong and persuasive argument for of protege and protector. It is a lopsided ing their disputes. i earnestly hope that
multinational channels for the admire- relationship that breeds suspicion and re- similar creative statesmanship will eventually
istration of aid. sentment among ancient, proud and sensi- lead to the peaceful resolution of other con-
It is one of the finest statements I have tive peoples, most of whom have just emerged flicts, such as that between India and
seen On this Subject. from centuries of colonial rule and are strug- Pakistan.
I as unanimous Consent to insert this gling to establish their own national iden- We can also take encouragement from
Statement in the RECORD, tities. some recent events In Southeast Asia. Ma-
The answer to this dilemma lies, I believe, laysia and the Philippines are moving rapidly
There being no objection, the address in policies-both Asian and American-which toward the restoration of normal relations.
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, will help strengthen Asian initiative and re- These two countries, together with Thailand,
as follows: sponsibility, in national development efforts have recently revitalized the cultural and
OUR DILEMMA IN ASIA and in regional cooperation on common educational Association of Southeast Asia-
problems. whose Initials ASA stand for "hope" (By Mr. John D. Rockefeller 3d before the We must all understand that the expends- Thai and Malay languages. At a or
Far
king-
Far East-America Council at a luncheon ture of American lives and dollars cannot party session in Bangkok two and a half
meeting in the Waldorf-Astoria Hotel, guarantee peace, stability and economic prog- weeks ago, these three governments ear-
May 17, 1966) ress in Vietnam or anywhere else in Asia, marked for "priority implementation" num-
It is a pleasure to meet again with mem- The American military shield can hold the erous cooperatives projects in economic, tech-
bers and guests of the Far East-America line while the Vietnamese and other free nical and cultural fields. Indonesia, a fourth
Council. I am also glad to have this oppor- Asians evolve their own stable political insti- important nation in that area, has taken
tunity to talk with you about United States tutions, and assume greater responsibility for several cautious steps this last month toward
policies in Asia, and particularly. about a their own security. Foreign aid from the more normal relations with its near
dilemma which Americans and Asians to- United States and other capital-exporting neighbors.
gether have only recently begun to recognize countries Is fuel, not the vehicle, for improv- In the economic field, the emerging pat-
and cope with. ing Asian societies. The fundamental crea- tern of Asian cooperation is even more
This dilemma, expressed simply, is that the tive tasks can only be performed by Asians pronounced.
overwhelming American Involvement in Asia themselves, mobilizing their own human The establishment of the Asian Develop-
today, which is so necessary to Asian security and material resources to develop their econ- ment Bank, in my judgment, may well be a
and economic development, could in the long omies and satisfy popular aspirations for a historic step comparable to the founding of
run become self-defeating. It is not that we better life. the Organization for European Economic
have used our power arrogantly. It is rather Furthermore, this growth process can be Cooperation in the Marshall Plan era. The
that the relative weight of our involvement- speeded by the pooling of scarce resources Bank is the product of Asian initiative-not
compared with what Asians have so far been throughout Asia, the sharing of skills and a response to an American proposal. It was
able to do by themselves-constitutes an experience, the practical division of labor conceived and developed by Asian leader-
American "overpresence" which often de- among complementary economies, and the ship through the United Nations Commis-
presses Asian initiative, disrupts Asian tra- opening up of wider regional markets, sion for Asia and the Far East (ECAFE),
ditions, and irritates Asian sensitivities. A regional approach to development offers In fact, the United States withheld support
We are expending billions of dollars an- the promise of more rapid and more efficient until it became clear that the Asians were
nually-and the lives of our young men-in growth. It is also our best hope for redres- going to establish the Bank by themselves,
order to contain. Communist expansionism sing the imbalance and overdependency The Bank is a genuine Asian institution-
and promote the growth of viable economies which now characterize American relations supported by a majority of Asian caiptal;
and free societies that can live at peace with with most free Asian nations. There are, directed and staffed primarily by Asians; and
each other and with the rest of the world. I believe, now approaches that both Ameri- structured to encourage the adoption of
Yet, unless this sense of American "over- cans and Asians can take to mobilize Asian re- regional, rather than purely national, prior-
presence" is corrected by fresh Asian and sources more efficiently, to promote greater ities in the planning, scheduling and finan-
American initiatives, it may engender so Asian cooperation and solidarity and, in the cing of development activities.
much misunderstanding and antagonism long run, to create an effective Asian counter- For the first time in history, all interested
that it jeopardizes the high purposes which weight to the American "overpresence." Asian governments have their own mecha-
engaged us in Asia's problems in the first Let us look at the Asian side of the situa- nism, with substantial pooled capital of $1
place. tion first. billion, to attack their common economic
We have assumed far-reaching responsi- There are encouraging signs of initiative problems. The Bank's charter is flexible. It
bllities and risks in Asia because we were and cooperation emerging in Asia which, if allows for the creation of various forms and
asked to and because there. was no one else fully appreciated and intellgently supported, levels of consultative and planning bodies,
to do so. As William P. Bundy, our able could begin to balance and improve our re- Including someday perhaps a high-level co-
Assistant Secretary of State for Far Eastern lations with our Asian friends, ordination group to evaluate country re-
Affairs has pointed out, "today there cannot On the political front, the treaty of normal- quests for external funds and to determine
be an effective deterrent military force, and ization between Japan and the Republic of in which countries and which sectors foreign
thus a balance of power around China's Korea is an extremely significant develop- public Investment can be most efficiently
frontiers without major and direct military ment. This treaty, which came into effect used.
contributions by the United States." Simi- last December, after 14 years of difficult ne- Such a regional approach could, for exam-
larly, the United States is so far the only gotiations, established normal relations be- ple, further the coherent development of na-
nation both able and willing to provide the tween Japan and its former colony for the tional and regional transportation and cam-
substantial share of Asia's needs in economic first time in 55 years. It also provided for a munications systems, which would be a ma-
aid. 20-ear
This necessity for heavy American artici- y program invest of $800 million public
e n ing mr tof the entire to the economic develop
This is, I believe, widely understood In Kprivate Jaanese orea's agriculture, diversifying is industry, Theoestablishment of the Bank has also
Asia, What Is more difficult for Asians to creating a modern transportation system, stimulated a fresh momentum toward other
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 13164 Approved F~r~ S /1QI/'?1;M"DR AAMR0004000800ZS 21, 1966
forms of Asian consultation and cooperation, carrying out of major projects that promise always be sound reasons for significant bi-
A succession of Asian conferences has been the greatest benefits to the peoples and na- lateral projects.
going on since last December. First there tions of the area-and these will be mostly, The United States has shown increasing
was the education ministers meeting in although not exclusively, multinational willingness, in recent years, to work through
sposition of means firstandcallthe Development Institutions Program, the such Pakistan and
Manila,
in mu Economic then
Development of Southeast Asiaf in the prects. his
Tokyo in April. This was followed by the most favorable terms, to those projects that and India consortia, the Mekong project, and evelop Asian and Pacific regional conference in can make the most significant contribution tthe a sign De this prentssBan . But full we need
making use r- of the
nery
Bangkok, which in turn has prepared the to overall regional development. o
mach
adm
and way for a ministerial economic pose thinking, for example, of
onal val a suchuas Special Funds lprovison of the Asian Devel-
co erence in the e hfirs Pse projects
was the first significant the Mekong Valley and Inds River develop- opment Bank, encouraging Asian planners
T
The Tokyo Seoul Seoul o meeting was next month.
not-European economic conference, since ments, and a possible Ganges-Brahmaputra set priorities, to establish standards of per-
World War II, where the United States was project-where the benefits of flood control, formance, and to accept joint responsibility
not a participant, and where the main ob- irrigation and electric power can provide a for administ^ring and auditing the projects.
jectie of the participants was not to obtain major,. and perhaps. decisive, stimulus to A primarily multilateral aid emphasis-
more American aid. In fact, one of the prin- economic development of important regions. which has been advocated by Eugene Black,
Tokyo was scarce research andlt aininglresourrces could ers ais th best and pG erhapsvthe only sat s-
cipal objecves of the
n, where obtain more Japanese aid participants
ing was also significant because all the be pooled to create a few adequately staffed factory, way htto Imple anent the regional a-util-proa
Asi Southeast Asian 's economic i . re- si tudies, otechnicalf higher s oo serve spe ri aise apthe level of mutual assistance among
sponded to Japan's econnomic Initiative.
Japanese Government announced to eialista from all of Asia. The benefits, in Asian countries. These are basically multi-
act i hies, and they require multi-
The
the Conference that it would raise the level terms of more efficient research, as well as be late national
of its aid to the developing countries to one more effective sharing of knowledge, can offers a 70 spursuing it ,
aid y would and training research, and use of I am convinced, beataking an important step
million a year, or a three-fold othis increase-and
that a significant portion
be channeled to Southeast Asia. A Japanese hardy seeds and strains suitable for various in redressing the imbalance which is the
8-year credit of $20 million a year has already Asian soils and climates. The International cause of the American "overpresence" in Asia
been proposed for Thailand, and a $6-7 mil- Rice Research Institute in the Philippines is today.
lion credit for Cambodia. one example of the multinational benefits This strategy can insure that Asian lead-
The Conference agreed that there are con- that can be achieved through this cross- ers and experts wil lhave a greater voice and
siderable areas in economic development fertilization of ideas and technology. larger stake in managing regional develop-
where cooperation among Southeast Asian Long-term and far-reaching commitments ment for common benefit.
countries is possible, and these opportunities such as these, which place a premium on Further, this strategy will facilitate Asian
will be examined in greater detail when the regional utility, will encourage greater coop- mobilization of Asian resources, and speed
ministers reconvene in Manila next year. eration in planning and carrying out multi- the modernization of the region.
The importance of agriculture was empha- national development projects. Thus this Faster economic progress and closer po-
sized, especially the urgent need to increase approach can also lessen the side effects of litical cooperation could, in turn, gradually
food production, and steps were taken toward the American presence. alleviate the serious security problems in r- Asia
.- Fo a conference on agricultural development. Second, the United States shorlde cur- mfe a Fors the develo and pment of viablepoliticalec no-
pr to the promotion with age and support stitutions, within an effective framework of
of fisheries, attention was given
f and nd was proposed that witth mutual assistance among a greater countries. regional cooperation, is in the long run the
the cooperation of f Japan a marine fisheries We should d rants, encourage a eater flow of capital, best insurance against Communist run the and
dit, among development center should be estab- through un cotries. loan
Wes sh uldryalso foster sion and aggression.
lshed in Southeast Asia. Whether this rate of progress is actually
and
n to the role of greater sharing of sa, n technical a
th tale as well as the
e s
i
f
ve
to
helping
Attention was also g
ntiP
private enterprise in promoting indstriali- experience by proposing
the finance the local training and broader re-
zation, and the need therefore to improve
investment climate in Southeast Asian coun- gional exchange of specialists in agriculture,
tries. In this connection, the ministers also industry, health, education, commerce and
agreed to study the establishment of a South- civil administration.
5
east Asian economic promotion and develop- percent The Asian
fan velo dntJBan Is now to
I d not mean a exaggerate the progress center. rogtess triple its annual foreign aid outlay. Asian
that has been attained d in in the settlement of nations are contributing to regional develop-
olda and to
Fou of political disputes ration amongpAsian programs, iort n,Asia and et lsewhe a Pinsthe. de-
of new forms of coupoe
nations. I do want to point out that the veloping world, and should be encouraged to
attitudes for greater Asian cohesion are do more. ' forms
technical emerging, and that the framework for more There are also that Asianacountr es c an ex change
effective ive regional cooperation is gradually assistance
being erected. Asians are demonstrating with each other to better effect than West-
their readiness to assume greater joint re- ern technical assistance. Some of these are
sponsibility for Asian development. Asian-developed technologies in labor-inten-
adapta-
pends fundamentally on strengthened Asian and other fields. in es Asian construction
initiative and cooperation. But it will also tions of Western technology, such as the
be affected by what the United States does tractor for wet rice farming that is being
or does not do, in coming months and years, developed e for Thailand a dnwilcebcumore
to recognize and encourage these develop
ments. than any Western or even Japanese tractor.
The principal challenge
taes, in and opportunity This technological judgment, should be broadened,h
iacing the United States, because Asian
is to adapt our r policies tes, s and our r aid d strategy peoples have more in common with each
more closely to the emerging pattern of other in environmental conditions and cul-do with the West,
Asian cooeration. This means
Asians are best equ pped
managing our aid in ways that dwill ten atural nd partly bcause than
courage-not inhibit-greater Asian initia- to determine how to take adavantage of
tive and self-help; that will accelerate-not available Western technologies, and how to
Impede-Asian moves toward regional co- adapt these technologies to special Asian
operation. There are three ways I would like conditions.
to suggest in which the United States can do Third, the United States should adopt a
this. We have already made some impressive declared national policy of phasing economic ultilateral
s as fumr but we need to do much more, much idlytas possible.mWe should re erselour p es-
faFirst, the United States should give top ent emphasis on bilateral aid, with the ob-
priority to development projects of the jective of achieving the highest possible pro-
greatest regional utility. We should use our portion of multilateralisln in our foreign aid
aid selectively to promote the planning and mix, at the same time recognizing there will
achieved depends on
efficiency of the effort. As President Perkins
of Cornell pointed out, in a recent article on
"Challenge and Response In Foreign Aid:"
"A cardinal principle of statecraft holds
that a nation's response to a problem should
be on the same scale as the problem itself."
Both Americans and Asians need to think
and act on a scale that is commensurate
with Asia's problems and needs. Unless the
Asians do, our aid efforts will be relatively
ineffective. Unless we do, the Asians will
lack the tools to maximize their efforts.
This kind of all-out approach would
have unlimited possibilities for Asia. It
might well require higher levels of American
aid in the future. And it certainly would
require greater Asian initiative and self-help
now.
If both Asians and Americans accept this
challenge, it is possible that most of Asia,
with its great human and material resources,
could be standing on its own feet in another
generation, or by the end of this century.
Our aim is not to dominate Asian develop-,
ment patterns, or to make Asia dependent
upon us. Our aim is to help nourish Asian
growth and freedom, and to encourage our
Asian friends to take charge of their own
destiny, in equal partnership with the rest of
the world.
"MEET THE PRESS" WITH SENATOR
FRANK CHURCH
Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. President, last
month our colleague, Senator FRANK
CHURCH, completed a study mission to
Europe on behalf of the Senate Foreign
Relations Committee. During his trip,
Senator CHURCH interviewed government
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