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June 21, 1966
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13128 Approved For Releas 0 ~5 %7~JJ6RCI - ~6%q9 46 Jff 080008-2 June 21, 1966 ['Ex. No. 102] YEAS-83 tion dedicated to an objective discussion of foreign policy and to the education of the American people, has made an im- portant contribution to the advancement of the Communist China debate. Al- though I do not agree with all the state- ments in the Freedom House report, I find it on balance a solid and forward- looking document worthy of being called to the attention of my colleagues. The Public Affairs Committee of Free- dom House argues that the admission of Communist China to the U.N. should meet no objection from the United States provided "Peking signs a Korean peace treaty, renounces aggression and subversion abroad, and accepts Taiwan's independence and continued U.N. mem- bership." In regard to Vietnam, and here I have reservations as to the statement, Free- dom House points out that the problems of that country are so vast and complex that any solution to them will take a long time to be fully settled. I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the RECORD the Freedom House report entitled "Communist China and South Vietnam." There being no objection, the report was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: COMMUNIST CHINA AND SOUTH VIETNAM This position paper on United States policy toward Communist China and South Viet- nam has been prepared by the Public Affairs Committee of Freedom House. It summa- rizes a consensus reached at a recent meeting of the Board of Trustees of the organization. PART I-U.S. POLICY TOWARD COMMUNIST CHINA Freedom House believes that the realities of the American attitude toward the admis- sion of Communist China to the United Nations should be made clear in positive terms. It should be recalled that the United States was not only amenable to the admission of Communist China to the U.N. in 1950 but was inclined to recognize the government in Peking until the situation was altered by the movement of the Communist armies across the Yalu River. At no time since have the all the accompanying privileges and respon- sibilities, including, of course, membership in the United Nations and other interna- tional bodies. Any change in the govern- ment or status of Taiwan can be acceptable only if it originates in the clearly expressed will of its people. The United States, with close ties of friendship to both government and people, has a special responsibility in this area. Finally, no realistic survey of East Asia can overlook the fact that, fifteen years after the Korean cease-fire, the war between the United Nations forces and those of Commu- nist China and North Korea has never been officially ended. The settlement of this un- finished business by a Korean peace treaty signed by all participants is obviously an essential preliminary to any attempts to ease East Asian tensions. These facts do not call for any change in the underlying bases of American policy in East Asia: support of the independence of the free nations of the region against totali- tarian aggression, together with economic aid to enable them to solve their own prob- lems. Changes of emphasis are needed, how- ever, to enable the United States to carry out these policies more effectively. To this end, Freedom House believes that the signa- ture by all participants to a final treaty of peace ending the Korean War is an essential move for easing East Asian tensions and must precede all others; that Communist China should renounce the use of subversion and force aimed at the overthrow of legitimate governments; that the independence and U.N. membership of the government on Taiwan are beyond challenge and must be preserved. Only the people of Taiwan can initiate changes in their status; that, if these reasonable pre-conditions are accepted by Communist China, the United States will interpose no objection to Peking's member- ship in the United Nations. The diplomatic recognition of Communist China by the United States is a separate and distinct question. There have been many conversations between representatives of the United States and mainland China and these discussions are continuing today. Any de- cision whether the time has come for the formal recognition of the Communist regime by the United States might well be deferred until that government has assumed United Nations membership. Only then can we judge whether formal recognition can pos- sibly result in a meaningful relationship between the United States and mainland China. Aiken Griffin Morse Allott Gruening Morton Anderson Harris Moss Bartlett Hart Murphy Bayh Hartke Neuberger Bennett Hayden Pastore Bible Hickenlooper Pearson Boggs Hill Pell Burdick Holland Proxmire Byrd, Va. Hruska Randolph Cannon Jackson Ribicoff Carlson Javits Robertson Case Jordan, N.C. Russell, Ga. Church Jordan, Idaho Saltonstall Clark Kennedy, Mass. Scott Gboper Kennedy, N.Y. Smith Cotton Long, Mo. Stennis Curtis Long, La. Symington Dirksen Mansfield Talmadge Dominick McCarthy Thurmond Douglas McClellan Tower Eastland McGee Tydings Ellender McGovern Williams, N.J. Ervin McIntyre Williams, Del. Fannin Metcalf Yarborough Fong Mondale Young, N. Dak. Fulbright Monroney Young, Ohio Gore Montoya NAYS-0 NOT VOTING-17 Bass Lausche Prouty Brewster Magnuson Russell, S.C. Byrd, W. Va. Miller Simpson Dodd Mundt Smathers Inouye Muskie Sparkman Kuchel Nelson The PRESIDING OFFICER, Two- thirds of the Senators present and voting have voted in the affirmative, the resolu- tion of ratification is agreed to. Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I ask that the President be notified of the action taken today. The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, the President will be notified. LEGISLATIVE SESSION Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I move that the Senate resume the con- sideration of legislative business.' The motion was agreed to; and the Senate resumed the consideration of leg- islative business. ORDER OF BUSINESS Mr. HOLLAND and Mr. JAVITS ad- dressed the Chair. the PRESIDING OFFICER. Under the previous unanimous-consent agree- ment, the Chair recognizes the Senator from New York [Mr. JAVITSI for 5 min- FREEDOM HOUSE REPORT ON OOM- MUNIST CHINA AND SOUTH VIET- NAM Mr. JAVITS. Mr. "President, history books will record the year 1966 as a piv- otal year in the thinking and discussion of U.S. relations with Communist China. For the first time since the Communist takeover of the mainland in 1949 and the Korean war, public officials, scholars, an private organizations are in a seri- ous debate about our future relations with Communist China to the American public. Without the old fears, Amer- icans are once again asking questions fundamental to our foreign policy. Freedom House, founded as a memorial to Wendell Wilkie, a ' private organiza- Chinese Communists shown any disposition to abide by the usual standards of conduct expected of a responsible national state, nor have they applied for admission to the United Nations. Indeed, the major obstacles to mainland China's entering the U.N. have been the unacceptable conditions put for- ward by Peking itself. This basic fact has been obscured, however, by an outdated as- pect of American policy. America's persist- ent and firm opposition to Peking's entry into the U.N. is no longer useful in the light of recent developments, handicapping our diplomacy by creating a false image of intransigence. In any realistic appraisal of the situation today, certain facts are salient. First, the Communist government is in effective control of the mainland of China. We may find the way that control is main- tained, highly offensive. We may deplore the way the Communist government has made use of its control of the Chinese mainland to menace and on occasion actually attack neighboring countries. But these reserva- tions cannot obscure the fact that the people and resources of the Chinese mainland are firmly in the hands of Peking. Second, it is equally beyond question that the Nationalist Chinese government is the effective ruler of the island of Taiwan with its twelve million people. Together, people and government form a sovereign state with PART II-UNITED STATES POLICY TOWARD SOUTH VIETNAM Freedom House reaffirms its support of the United States policy on Southeast Asia. As President Johnson warned last year, no quick and easy outcome to the war in South Viet- nam is in prospect. With as many political problems to be solved as there are military victories to be won, the difficulties that we all must face in South Vietnam should not be compounded by extravagant and impru- dent demands upon our government. The call for American unconditional withdrawal from South Vietnam on the one extreme, and the call for the bombing of the large urban centers in North Vietnam on the other, are equally unwise. To date both the American people and their President have demonstrated commend- able patience and restraint. By limiting its air attacks on North Vietnam to specific military/economic targets, the United States has emphasized that we have no quarrel with the people of that unhappy country, who were the first victims of its Communist re- gime. We have placed equal emphasis on avoiding acts that might provoke an un- sought confrontation between the United States and Communist China. These re- Approved For Release 2005/07/13 CIA-RDP67B00446R000400080008-2 June 21, 1966 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400080008-2 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE 13127 protocol between the United States Of Amer- ica and the United Mexican States, signed at Mexico City on April 13, 1966, amending the agreement concerning radio broadcast-* 1ng In the standard broadcast band signed at Mexico City on January 29, 1957. , (Execu- tive D, Eighty-ninth Congress, second see- sion.) The PRESIDING OFFICER. The question is, Will the Senate advise and consent to the resolution of ratification? On this question the yeas and nays have been ordered, and the clerk will call the roll. The legislative clerk called the roll. Mr. LONG of Louisiana. I announce that the Senator from Tennessee [Mr. BASS], the Senator from Maryland [Mr. BREWSTER], the Senator from Hawaii [Mr. INOUYE], the Senator from Wash- ington [Mr. MAGNUSON], the Senator from. Wisconsin [Mr. NELSON], and the Senator from Ohio [Mr. LAUSCHE] are absent on official business. I also announce that the Senator from Wesi; Virginia [Mr. BYRD], the Senator from Connecticut [Mr. DODD], the Sena- tor from Maine [Mr. MUSKIE], the Sena- tor from South Carolina [Mr. RUSSELL], the Senator from Florida [Mr. SMAiL'HERS], and the Senator from Ala- bama [Mr. SPARKMAN] are necessarily absent. I further announce that, if present and voting, the Senator from Maryland [Mr. BREWSTER], the Senator from Con- necticut [Mr. DonD], the Senator from Hawaii [Mr. INOUYE], the Senator from Maine [Mr. MUSKIE], the Senator from Wisconsin [Mr. NELSON], and the Sena- tor from Florida [Mr. SMATHERS] would each vote "yea." Mr. DIRKSEN. I announce that the Senator from California [Mr. KUCHEL] and the Senator from Iowa [Mr. MILLER] are absent on official business. The Senator from South Dakota [Mr, MUNDT], the Senator from Vermont [Mr. PROUTY] and the Senator from Wyom- ing [Mr. SIMPSON] are necessarily ab- sent.. If present and voting, the Senator from California [Mr. KUCHEL], the Senator from Iowa [Mr. MILLER], the Senator from South Dakota [Mr. MUNDT], the Senator from Vermont [Mr. PROUTY] and the Senator from Wyom- ing [Mr. SIMPSON] would each vote "yea." The yeas and nays resulted-yeas 83, nays 0, as follows: [Ex. No. 101] YEAS-83 Aiken Ellender Long, Mo. Allott Ervin Long, La. Anderson Fannin Mansfield Bartlett Fong McCarthy Bayh Fulbright McClellan Bennett Gore McGee Bible Griffin McGovern Boggs Gruening McIntyre Burdick Harris Metcalf Byrd,. Va. Hart Mondale Cannon Hartke Monroney Carlson Hayden Montoya Case Hickenlooper Morse Church Hill Morton Clark Holland Moss Cooper Hruska Murphy Cotton Jackson Neuberger Curtis Javits Pastore Dirksen Jordan, N.C. Pearsoa Dominick Jordan, Idaho Pell Douglas Kennedy, Mass. Proxmire Eastland Kennedy, N.Y. Randolph Ribicoff Stennis Williams, N.J. Robertson Symington Williams, DeL Russell, Ga. Talmadge Yarborough Saltonstall Thurmond Young, N. Dak. Scott Tower Young, Ohio Smith Tydings NAYS-O NOT VOTING-17 Bass Lausche Prouty Brewster Magnuson Russell, S.C. Byrd, W. Va. Miller Simpson Dodd Mundt Smathers Inouye Muskie Sparkman Kuchel Nelson The PRESIDING OFFICER. Two- thirds of the Senators present and vot- ing having voted in the affirmative, the resolution of ratification is agreed to. EXECUTIVE H--RESOLUTION A.69(ES.II) ADOPTED ON 15 SEPTEMBER 1964 The ASSEMBLY, RECOGNIZING the need (1) To increase the number of. members on the Council, (ii) To have all members of the Council elected by the Assembly, (iii) To have equitable geographic repre- sentation of Member States on the Council, and CONSEQUENTLY HAVING ADOPTED, at the sec- ond extraordinary session of the Assembly held in London on 10-15 September 1.964, the amendments, the texts of which are con- tained in the Annex to this Resolution, to Articles 17 and 18 of the Convention on the Inter-Governmental Maritime Consultative Organization, DECIDES to postpone consideration of the proposed amendment to Article 28 of the Convention on the Inter-Government Mari- time Consultative Organization. to the next session of the Assembly in 1965, DETERMINES, in accordance with the pro- visions of Article 52 of the Convention, that each amendment adopted hereunder is of such a nature that any Member which here- after declares that it does not accept such amendment and which does not accept the amendment within a period of twelve months after the amendment comes into force shall, upon the expiration of this period, cease to be a Party to the Convention, REQUESTS the Secretary-General of the Or- ganization to effect the deposit with the Secretary-General of the United Nations of the adopted amendments in conformity with Article 53 of the Convention and to receive declarations and instruments of acceptance as provided for in Article 54, and INVITES the Member Governments to ac- cept each adopted amendment at the earliest possible date after receiving a copy thereof from the Secretary-General of the United Nations, by communicating an instrument of acceptance to the Secretary-General for deposit with the Secretary-General of the United Nations. ANNEX 1. The existing text of Article 17 of the Convention is replaced by the following: The Council shall be composed of eighteen members elected by the Assembly. 2. The existing text of Article 18-of the Convention is replaced by the following: In electing the members of the Council, the Assembly shall observe the following principles: (a) six shall be governments of States with the largest interest in providing inter- national shipping services; (b) six shall be governments of other States with the largest interest in interna- tional seaborne trade; (c) six shall be governments of States not elected under (a) or (b) above, which have special interests in maritime transport or navigation and whose election to the Council will ensure the representation of all major geographic areas of the world. Certified a true copy of Assembly Resolu- tion A.69 (ES.II) of 15 September 1964 and of its Annex: JEAN ROULLIER, Secretary General of the Inter-Governmental Mar- itime Consultative Organiza- tion. 22 September 1964 The PRESIDING OFFICER. If there be no objection, the Executive H will be considered as having passed through its various parliamentary stages up to and including the presentation of the reso- lution of ratification. The resolution of ratification of Ex- ecutive H will now be read. The resolution of ratification of Ex- ecutive H was read, as follows: Resolved, (two-thirds of the Senators pres- ent concurring therein), That the Senate advise and consent to the ratification of amendments to articles 17 and 18 of the Convention of the Intergovernmental Mari- time Consultative Organization, which amendments were adopted on September 15, 1964, by the Assembly of the Intergovern- mental Martime Consultative Organization at its second extraordinary session, held at London from September 10 to 15, 1964. (Executive H, Eighty-ninth Congress, first session.) The PRESIDING OFFICER. The question is, Will the Senate advise and consent to the resolution of ratification? On this question the yeas and nays have been ordered, and the clerk will call the roll. The legislative clerk called the roll. Mr. LONG of Louisiana. I announce that the Senator from Tennessee [Mr. BASS], the Senator from Maryland [Mr. BREWSTER], the Senator from Hawaii [Mr. INOUYE], the Senator from Wash- ington [Mr. MAGNUSON], the Senator from Wisconsin [Mr. NELSON], and the Senator from Ohio [Mr. LAUSCHE] are absent on official business. I also announce that the Senator from West Virginia [Mr. BYRD], the Senator from Connecticut [Mr. DODD], the Sen- ator from Maine [Mr. MUSKIE], the Sen- ator from South Carolina [Mr. RUSSELL], the Senator from Florida [Mr. SMATH- ERS], and the Senator from Alabama [Mr. SPARKMAN] are necessarily absent. I further announce that, if present and voting, the Senator from Maryland [Mr. BREWSTER], the Senator from Con- necticut [Mr. DODD], the Senator from Hawaii [Mr. INOUYE], the Senator from Maine [Mr. MUSKIE], the Senator from Wisconsin [Mr. NELSON], and the Sen- ator from Florida [Mr. SMATHERS] would each vote "yea." Mr. DIRKSEN. I announce that the Senator from California [Mr. KUCHEL] and the Senator from Iowa [Mr. MILLER] are absent on official business. The Senator from South Dakota [Mr. MUNDT], the Senator from Vermont [Mr. PROUTY], and the Senator from Wyo- ming [Mr. SIMPSON] are necessarily absent. If present and voting, the Senator from California [Mr. KUCHEL], the Sen- ator from Iowa [Mr. MILLER], the Sen- ator from South Dakota [Mr. MUNDT], the Senator from Vermont [Mr. PROUTY], and the Senator from Wyo- ming [Mr. SIMPSON] would each vote "yea." The yeas and nays resulted-yeas 83, nays 0, as follows: Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400080008-2 June 21, 190 proved For R"1wRRRMA3L 1I I97B fflff 0400080008-2 straints are a basic element of, American policy in Southeast Asia. ,It is no less important that Americans be patient with the people of South Vietnam as they seek to form a government more broadly based on the popular will, a task of the greatest difficulty. Democratic, interplay of forces is not easily achieved, even in nations with centuries of experience in popular government. South Vietnam must overcome a background of feudal despotisms, followed by a century of colonial status and a decade of civil war. Under the best of circumstances, South Vietnam's progress toward effective self-gov- ernment would be slow and faltering marked by many set-backs and internal divisions. This pattern of events has occurred at some stage in the history of almost every self- governing nation in the world. The notable exceptions have been such countries as North Vietnam, where a fanatical minority seized power at the moment of independence and suppressed all opposition by terrorism. But South Vietnam bears an added, and heavy, handicap-the massive Communist effort to conquer it by combined subversion and attack. Considerable portions of the country are under enemy occupation; In many others murderous terrorism cripples all local government and destroys public safety. Everywhere, disorder is fomented and every natural division exacerbated by the agents of subversion. For Americans, the temptation to "pull out of the mess" is all too strong. Yet this is the counsel of despair. For, if the present situation 4s bad, the result of American abandonment of South Vietnam would be far worse-the extinction of the last hope of achieving a free, stable society for years, perhaps generations, to come. The South Vietnamese know this. Significantly, the various factions in South Vietnam, however divided among themselves on the formation of a government, are united in opposing Communist control. It cannot be too strongly emphasized that, despite unques- tionable Communist attempts to infiltrate student and religious groups, no element or leader of any significance has sought the evacuation of American troops or the accept- ance of Vietcong rule. i Holding meaningful elections in South Vietnam while simultaneously waging war against the Vietcong will be extremely dif- ficult. Continued strife between various South Vietnamese factions makes the task infinitely harder. Nevertheless, the elections must take place-if necessary, province by province over a period of months. The United States must make clear to all parties concerned that unless there is an effective government in Saigon American as- itself cannot help South Vietnam to become free and independent. But we must also bear in mind that hostile forces are using public agitation and demonstra- tions to undermine our position in Vietnam. We must not abandon our responsibilities under this provocation. Not all the divisive factions are in Saigon. The appearance of division within the United States continues to block our best efforts to achieve a negotiated settlement. Those in positions of leadership-in the Congress as in the Administration, in the universities as in the community-bear a heavy responsibil- ity for establishing a climate in which the hoped-for settlement can be achieved. FREEDOM HOUSE, NEW YORK, June 1966. 'MANKIND MOVES FORWARD--AD- DRESS BY THOMAS PATRICK Mr. JAVIITS. Mr. President, on June 14, 1966, Dr. Thomas Patrick Melady, president of the Africa Service Institute and, director of the Urban League of New York, delivered an incisive com- mencement address at Manhattan Col- lege in New York. The theme of his address was "The Barriers That Have Separated Man From Man." He notes that the barriers of time and distance have virtually dis- appeared, and that the barrier of colo- nialism is also rapidly vanishing as more and more nations emerge as independent states. He rightly called to our atten- tion to a third barrier that not only stands but is growing higher-the sepa- ration of rich and poor states, I ask unanimous consent to have Dr. Melady's remarks inserted in the REC- ORD. There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: MANKIND MOVES FORWARD (By Thomas Patrick. Melady, Commence- ment Address at Manhattan College on Tuesday, June 14, 1966)1 Your Eminence, Your Excellency, the See- retary General of the United Nations, Rev- erend President, faculty and students, dis- tinguished guests and friends. There is much for us to be thankful for today, the sons who have received their degrees and their parents can rejoice that the well earned symbols have been obtained. Today is the Commencement of a new life. All of us here-living in a city that is in many ways the capital of the world-Jan look with a feeling of rejoicing on the posi- tion of the human family in our world. We stand on the threshold of an era which has ended most of the barriers that have separated man from man. The barriers of time and distance have almost vanished. Formerly we were separated by great dis- tances. Since the guns of World War II became silent we have seen the shrinking of distances. How marvelous it is that instead of being geographically separated we now can live as next door neighbors to one another. The same dynamic forces that are ending time and distance have also ended for the most part man's political domination of man. You and I, in the past few years, .have seen the Afro-Asian peoples who were long domi- nated by outside forces emerge as inde- pendent states. With the exception of south- ern Africa, the peoples of color have the natural dignity of ruling themselves. Thus a main cause of alienation, another barrier separating man from man has been almost completely eliminated. A third barrier that has separated one brother in the universal family from his other brother is the rich-poor silhouette. Here mankind has only begun to realize how much remains to be done. When man was separated from man by time and distance and when one part of the world politically dominated the rest of the world, unity was impossible. Furthermore, these separations prevented man from at least being aware of the seriously inequitable situation in the world. The white North Atlantic members of the world community were affluent and becoming richer and the non-white part of the world was Dtill cursed by poverty, illiteracy and disease and becom- 1 Thomas Patrick Melady, Ph. D., of New York City, is President of the Africa Service Institute, author and professor. He is also a Director of the Urban League of New York, The Catholic Interracial Council and The John LaFarge Institute. Dr. Melady is the author of "Profiles of African Leaders," "White Man's Future in Black Africa", "Faces of Africa", "Kenneth Kaunda of Zam- bia" and "The Revolution of Color". He has served as the Pax Romana Representative to the United,Nations since September, 1965. 13129 ing more afflicted by the unholy trio. The situation has not changed but the awareness of this gross gap in living standard has be- gun to stir both sides of the inequality. When we contemplate the implication that the majority of the world's non-white peo- ples who are now politically free have awakened with a determination to obtain a decent standard of living we can indeed re- joice. Yes, we know that some fear what is called the rising expectations of the world's poor. Instead of facing these changes with joy they prefer to talk about the decadence of modern civilization or even the approaching end of the world. And, of course, there are the cynics and the negative critics-those who can never build but only destroy. It should be clear to us that this defeatism is unhealthy and impotent. Once it over- takes us, all potential to build is destroyed. Yet we must face the challenge of world poverty openly and courageously. These are the facts; the per capita income in North America is $2,200.00 with an average life span of 68 years. In black Africa the per capita income is less than $100.00 with a life span of around 40 years. In Asia the per capita income is around $106.00 with a life span of 51 years. The developed nations and the United Nations have all launched programs to help correct this inequity. But these programs have really only helped to en- lighten the world about world poverty and misery. We dare not rely only on our governments to do something about this. We now all live in the same city and the miserable of the world are our next door neighbors. Nothing of significance has been done to end the growing gap between the rich and the poor- made more horrible because it is the white and non-white. This is your responsibility and mine. The rising determination of the Afro-Asian peoples to end their life of misery must now be itched by our determination. Together we eT.11 n push forward and thus end another serious source of alienation. This opportunity clearly points out our destiny: to participate with enthusiasm in the forward movement of mankind. Our enthusiasm Is, justified as we have seen in our lifetime significant progress of mankind toward greater unity. These vital forces for change have resulted in mankind becoming the ascending arrow. Our duty is to build the earth; to advance forward. Teilhard de Chardin, the great philosopher who lived among us here in New York until, 11 years ago, said "it is not the fear of perish-' ing but the ambition to live" ,hfch throws man into this forward movement. Let us therefore do what is our destiny: the embrac- ing of a conquering passion to sweep away the defeatism, the pessimism, the elements that still separate man, that still alienate man. What method shall we follow? Here we can learn much from Vatican Council H. Rooted in the stabilizing forces of God's presence, we should in our thinking on the problems of the world maintain an openness to all members of the universal family. This is no longer an age to rely on set formulas. Principles of life remain but programs of action must change. This will require us to experiment in meth- od. This may sometimes cause a little un- easiness and all experiments may not work. But we must branch out quickly into all areas of human endeavor. The ascending arrow is moving so rapidly that we no longer have time for years of talk and planning as we must effect changes now. Some of the crucial areas that require our immediate at- tention are: 1. Urban life. 2. Problems of automation. 3. The insidious depersonalization of man- kind caused by dealing with masses and large numbers. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400080008-2 13130 Approved Feb pgSgRgE/I $DP?I%O 6R0004000800 A 21, 1966 There are two institutions whose recent emergence into world-wide leadership gives us cause for enthusiasm as we face tomor- row. The resurgence given to Christendom by Vatican Council II and being given personal direction now by Pope Paul VI has rendered new power and strength to the Church. The treasurehouse of truth has been opened to the world and is uplifting mankind in a single tide toward his Creator. Now that we are all living in the same city-mankind has created his own institu- tion-the United Nations. This represents a new spirit to unify the vital human forces to push mankind forward. We all recall the 4th day of October. 1965, when Pope Paul VI visited the United Nations. He said then "we might call our message a ratification of this lofty institution. . The peoples of the earth turn to the United Nations as the last hope of concord and peace". In the last few years, there has been a tendency by some to criticize effectiveness of a world body such as the United Nations. Some have attempted to cast a doubtful shadow on the ability of an assembly com- posed of nations so vastly different in ideol- ogy, wealth, culture and size. As expected, there will be many difficult moments, some failings, countless hours of exhausting dis- cussion, yet, this great experiment requires endless energy and dedication, to translate more fully an ideal into reality. It is an experiment which must not fail. Mankind has significantly benefited from the currents moving forward and the United Nations is one of these currents, The Church and the secular society have generated a rapid movement which is taking mankind forward to a new sunrise. Our destiny is to embrace those forward movements and to assist them in approach- ing even more rapidly the noble goals given to us. In our enthusiasm for these developments we cannot overlook the one great cloud on the horizon-racism. The hatred brought about when man denies that another man, because of the accident of his color, was created by God as his brother. We must strike out and destroy the ugly sin of racism as it will eliminate all possibil- ity of harmony in the human family. Every dream that we have spoken of will fade away if corrective action against this ugly doctrine is not taken soon. What can we do? Much has been said about the role of government. Let us discuss here the role of private insti- tutions. We must exert every effort to generate a favorable climate for men of all races to live as brothers. The need is so urgent and sub- stantive aspects so vital that our private in- stitutions must utilize every power at their command to enhance the dignity of the hu- man family. In this regard and because of the serious- ness of the situation, we think especially of the various Christian churches. A good number of them-Catholic, Orthodox, Epis- copalian and others, discourage their faith- ful from committing major infractions against the laws of God by refusing Com- munion to them until they have been freed from the immediate guilt of these sins by confessing them, promising amendment and doing penance. In other words, in other areas of human behavior, these churches preach the positive aspects of the good life but warn their faith- ful-that should they murder, commit adul- tery or steal, they have seriously offended God and must reconcile themselves with God be- fore they can approach the Communion table. It is, on the other hand, a known scandal that no such publicity is given to the griev- ous sins of racism. We fully understand why sins of racism are so serious. God made us all brothers in His likeness but the racist sets himself above God and denies this. Furthermore, the racist sins against the greatest commandment of them all-charity. The racist commits these sins and set him- self above God when he refuses to sell his house, rent an apartment; when he refuses admission to his club or to give a job to his brother because of his color. Certain Christian churches have found. It effective to reinforce teaching on serious mat- ters with a system of censure against serious transgressions of these teachings. But when it comes to the grievous sins of racism where the sinner blasphemes God the Creator by denying that all men are created in His likeness, there is a reluctance to acknowledge this sin. As a result of this some non-white Christians are beginning to question the integrity of these institutions. And the Christian churches risk repudiation by the peoples of color unless these horrible sins that directly affect them are treated like other mortal offenses against God's dignity. Racism is a serious sin and must be de- clared so and treated by the churches as they treat other serious offenses. Activity on all fronts to eliminate the bar- riers and traditions that separate man from man is part of the mighty movement for- ward. An invitation has been extended to us: to embrace with passion the ascending arrow, to reject with equal passion the ugly offenses that separate man from man. These are noble goals for us here in New York City which saw last October two power- ful forces for progress-the Church and the United Nations--converge. And now we pre- pare to say goodbye to the Manhattan Col- lege campus. Some will return for the senti- mental visit many times, others at least once and a few perhaps never. But let us all before this parting of the ways commit our- selves to the best of our abilities to man- kind's forward march. The world you are going into will be of your making. Make of it what will be worthy of the ideals, and the inspiration of our Alma Mater, Man- hattan College. This is our destiny! OUR UGLY CITIES Mr. JAVITS, Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to place in the REC- ORD the commencement address of Philip Johnson at Mount Holyoke College in Massachusetts. Mr. Johnson is one of this country's leading architects and while his provocative statement talks of the growing environmental decay in our society, he has also set out some of the goals toward which we must work if ours is ever to rank with the great cultural societies of history. There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: OUR UGLY CITIES (Commencement speech by Philip Johnson, Mount Holyoke College, South Hadley, Mass., June 5, 1966) I have spent the winter designing (for my own amusement, I hasten to add) an Ideal City. It seemed to me pointless when I started and even now strikes me as the height of foolishness. No one will look at it. It will never be published, or if it is, there are ver few who will read Reading a plan is Y (heaven forbid) universal automobiles. It is clear we can have anything on this earth we want. Yet, can we? Well, we cannot, or as I be- lieve will not, make our environment a place of beauty, our cities works of art. There can surely be no discussion whether we have ugliness around us or not. I never heard anyone tell me that Bridgeport was anything but an ugly city, or Waterbury, or Pawtucket, or Holyoke. And New York where I am at home, is it so handsome? Ex- citing, even breathtaking, but beautiful only in spots, only for a few blocks. Otherwise, for miles and miles in all directions ugliness, ugliness, ugliness. And can there be any difference of opinion that it has been getting worse and worse? I do not think I am being distressingly old to point out that New York was handsomer a mere ten years ago, and argue further that it was handsomer even then than twenty, thirty, fifty years before that. A few examples: Item: The Brooklyn Bridge, one of the great bridges of the world, had not yet been ruined by a double deck. Item: The Pennsylvania Station, which cost in today's dollars 600 million, still ex- isted to give the commuter and newcomer a great gateway to a great city. That roman- tic, magnificent room is gone. Item: Coenties Slip and other water inlets in lower Manhattan still gave us a romantic feeling of contact with our harbor. No more. The water is filled in, a super highway cuts off the water view. Item: Park Avenue used gracefully to flow around the wedding cake delicacy of the Grand Central building. Pan Am settled that. Item: Fifty-ninth Street, our other great axis now terminates in that cheapest of all cheapies, the Coliseum. Item: The pile of needle-like 20's skyscrap- pers that we loved to look at from the harbor is gone, ruined by the new scale of Chase Manhattan Bank, and soon to be settled en- tirely by the Trade Center. Item: Our last plaza at 59th Street and Fifth Avenue on Central Park is going now to a super cheapy, built ironically enough by our richest corporation, General Motors. Item: Ue used to be able to see the water. After all, Manhattan is an island. We have finer water nearer at hand than Paris or Lon- don, yet you can see the Seine, you can see the Thames. In New York, no more. Ele- vated highways! It is amusing to note that when the much maligned robber barons were building rail- roads into New York, they built them well, they put them underground. Must our gen- eration then do less with the successors to the iron horse, the automobile? Why are our motor roads not underground? Only Gracie Mansion, the residence of our Mayor, looks out over the water, the cars comfort- ably passing underground. It can be done, do we but will it. What Commodore Van- derbilt did for our city, we can do again-. for ourselves. Item: We used to have streets lined with brownstones, now we have areas dotted with cheap brick towers, all of which are built with lowest standards possible of ceiling heights, paper thin walls and exererable bricklaying. In other words, we used to have slums, today we have built but super slums. so, so difficult. And with absolute certainty, Why? Why have we done this to our cities no one will build it. at the same time as we have done away with The reason for telling you girls about my illness, illiteracy, hunger. At the same time lonely troubles this afternoon is to point up as we have given every citizen a car, an edu-? for you the gap, in this cultural ambience cation, elegant clothes, travel. Why does of ours, between values I hold dear and the part of our culture advance and part decline values that make our country run. so disastrously? Here we live in the most affluent society I must admit that at 60 I am getting a lit- the world has ever known. No one in the tie bitter, so I dream up cities where I should old days ever dreamt of universal literacy, like to live and, meanwhile, try to figure to say nothing of universal toilets and why, outside my dreams, the city decays. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400080008-2 13140 Approved For. Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400080008-2 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE June 21, 1966 example of how many architectural abomina- tions can be combined in one building if you have the money. A National Committee to Save the Nation's Capitol should be formed at once. It ought to shower petitions down upon Congress un- til that body is persuaded to relent. It ought to demand that which it has not received- adequate open hearings and a fair discus- sion of the requirements of the old build- ing. It ought to compel Congress to ex- amine the alternative to the demolition of the West Front-the reconstruction of the front as it stands, if it is in need to repair. It ought to hold Congress to the pledge given the Nation in 1958 by Speaker Sam Rayburn who then said while the East Front was being built: "We are not going to do anything with the west end." It ought to make it clear to Congress that it prefers a work of genius by Thornton, Latrobe and Bulflnch to anything that the designers and builders of the new House Office Building can bring forth. Men who would lay their unhallowed hands on this sacred structure are indifferent to the glorious episodes of our past, ignorant of the architectural merit of one of the great buildings of the world and indifferent to every consideration of national pride and honor. This outrage must be stopped. Mr. PROXMIRE. This morning the Post returned to the fray with a moving documentation of the basis for keeping this magnificent Capitol Building as it is. The Post quotes the distinguished his- torian Allan Nevins, who has called the Capitol "the best-loved and revered building in America, the spirit of Amer- ica in stone, the major symbol of the Nation." Today's editorial concludes : The wrecker's ball will soon do for the west front of the Capitol what the Nazi bombers did for the House of Commons. is there no American of equal devotion to the temple of American democracy who can in= sist that when it is rebuilt, it will be kept as it was? ''lfr. President, I ask unanimous con- sent to have printed in the RECORD the editorial entitled "The Temple Pra- faned," published in the Washington Post of today, June 21, 1966. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: TteE TEMPLE PROFANED "We have built no national temples but the Capitol," said Rufus Choate. Now that temple is to be profaned and the architec. tural genius of Thornton, Bulfinch, Latrobe, and Walter is to be buried under cafeterias and other conveniences. Allan Nevins has described the Capitol as "the best-loved and most revered building in America," He has called it "the spirit of America in Stone." He has said It is "His- tory-the Major Symbol of the Nation." But the noble western front of the build- ing with its handsome classic walls and its cascading staircases must give way to the convenience and comfort of Congressmen who need more room. Whether the exterior walls are or are not safe is a matter for competent engineers to decide. They have stood less than 200 years and sandstone structures-of the kind elsewhere have lasted for hundreds of years. If they are unsafe, they can be rebuilt and replaced without alteration of the original design. When bombs destroyed the British House of Commons in the 900-year-old palace of Westminster on the River Thames on May 10, 1941, the impulse of the whole British nation was its restoration, not its modifica- tion. When he visited the vast ruin on Oct. 29, 1943, Winston Churchill gazed upon the wreckage and said: "There I learnt my craft, and there it is now, a heap of rubble. I am glad that it is in my power, when it is re- built, to keep it as it was." The English people, led by Churchill, in- sisted that the House be restored, even though the reproduction can seat but 437 of the 627 members. The wrecker's. ball soon will do for the west front of the Capitol what the Nazi bombers did for the House of Commons. Is there no American of equal devotion to the temple of American democracy who can in- sist that when it is rebuilt, it will be kept as it was? Mr. McCARTHY. Mr. President, wil the Senator yield to me? The PRESIDING OFFICER. The time of the Senator has expired. Mr. PROXMIRE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that I may have 2 more minutes. The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered. Mr. PROXMIRE. I yield to the Sen- ator from Minnesota. Mr. McCARTHY. I simply wish to say that I join with the Senator from Wis- consin, and hope the entire Senate will give some thought to what is proposed with reference to the west front of the Capitol. It is quite true, as the Senator has said, and as the editorial has also stated, he has quoted that the Capitol Building is a monument to the entire country. The question of efficiency and financing of new space is an effort which should be met by some method other than destroy- ing this historic front. SCHOOL MILK PROGRAM SUPPLIES ESSENTIAL VITAMINS, MINERALS Mr. PROXMIRE. Mr. President, the administration's proposal to slice the special milk program by 80 percent could have disastrous effects on the health of our Nation. If this legislation were en- acted, the 18 million children receiving Federal help in purchasing school milk would shrink to 3 million children. The remaining 15 million, including millions of children who come from low-income families, would have to pay the full cost of any milk they consumed in school or day camp. Obviously, many millions of these chil- dren simply would stop drinking milk. This could have a substantial impact on, the dietary habits and future health of these young people. Let us take a look at what has con- tributed to the health of our Nation in the past. In 1940 one could walk down the streets of any major American city and see the bowed legs of children suf- fering from rickets. This is no longer true. This disease has been eliminated, in large part through the ready avail- ability of Vitamin D fortified milk. Pellagra is another disease that was highly prevalent not too many years ago. The usual cycle followed was pellagra, hospitalization, and treatment with vita- mins and diet, return to home followed by the old diet, followed by pellagra and hospitalization again. Once more the ready availability of milk, with its pro- tein quality and content of tryptophan, spelled the end for this serious dietary disease in most sectors of our population. The Food and Nutrition Board of the American Academy of Sciences has stated that: Milk and milk products ... contribute ap- proximately 24 per cent of- the protein, 76 per cent of the calcium, and 47 per cent of the riboflavin in the national diet. These are among the facts and figures which explain the outcry from Congress and the people alike over plans to cut the school milk program. Such a move would b Ataken at the expense of the health WHY NOT FACE THE TRUTH ABOUT VIETNAM? Mr. GRUENING. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that I may pro- ceed for 10 minutes. The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered. Mr. GRUENING. Mr. President, newspaper headlines reveal that at his last press conference President Johnson indicated that he would "raise the cost of aggression at its source" by intensified use of airpower. This is a threat of further escalation. It is an indication that the daily bomb- ing will be carried further North. On many previous occasions, the Presi- dent has said, "We seek no wider war." Yet it is steadily widening. The administration's answer invaria- bly is that we have to escalate because our adversaries escalate. This is precisely the gloomy outlook so clearly spelled out in the Mansfield re- port after his return in company with four other Senators-MusKIE and INouy , Democrats; AIKEN and BOGGS, Republicans-from an Intensive study on the ground in southeast Asia. They made it clear that it was an open-end war and that each side would escalate to meet the other's escalation. To what 'end? Further deaths of fine young Americans, whose number killed in combat already has passed 4,000, with over 20,000 wounded, many crippled for life, 'countless thousands of North and South Vietnamese killed, many of them noncombatants, women and children. The undeclared war is costing close to $2 billion a month and so the great do- mestic programs, so brilliantly enacted in the 1st session of the 89th Congress under President Johnson's masterful leadership, are going down the drain, And yet the facts, sa,consistentiy ig- nored and even denied by the adminis- tration, disclose the total lack of justi- fication of our present and our continu- ing actions in southeast Asia. These facts must be repeated to offset the completely misleading propaganda which continues to emanate from the White House, the Pentagon, and the State Department. Item: We were not asked by a friendly government in South Vietnam to help it repel aggression. We asked ourselves in. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400080008-2 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400080008-2 June 21, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE 13139 modeling of the terraces might be elimi- nated. The third alternative, which so far as we know is the plan that is now being followed, has already been described. It is the least desirable of the three and should join the file of never-carried-out plans for the Capitol. Such proposals have a history that dates back to the original competition held in the spring of 1792. The brief invitation to sub- mit drawings brought forth a variety of re- sponses, none of which was totally satisfac- tory to the Commissioners or to the Presi- dent. The submissions included a very respecta- ble and conservative Georgian design by Samuel McIntire; a charmingly naive pro- posal by Philip Hart that in detail is vaguely reminiscent of Independence Hall; an adapta- tion of Palladio's Villa Rotunda submitted by Samuel Dobie; a strange melange of medi- eval and Georgian detail on a building that surrounded a square open courtyard by James Diamond of Maryland; and a fairly sophis- ticated design, to judge by later drawings which have survived, by Stephen (Etienne Sulpice) Hallet, a French emigre who was then residing in Philadelphia. Thornton's winning design, which was submitted after the close of, the competition (setting a precedent for confusion in federal architectural competitions persisting to the present time), was a far simpler, more monu- mental conception than any of the previous designs. It was one that more clearly re- flected the desires of Washington and Jeffer- son for a Capitol that would somehow express the strength and virtues of the in- fant republic. Thornton never had clear sailing in the execution of his design. He declined to su- pervise its construction; he lacked the tech- nical experience to carry through the work on a major public building in a day when the architect was obliged to provide truly "com- prehensive services." The short-tempered doctor thereupon had a succession of difficul- ties with Hallet, who was retained as super- vising architect, and George Hadfield who later succeeded to the job. Both had sought to alter his design, and the even-tempered James Hoban assumed the responsibility for construction from the year 1798, until the appointment of Benjamin Latrobe in March 1803. Latrobe brought to the position an already established reputation as an architect of great talent and skill. He was much respect- ed by President Jefferson and managed to impose his own ideas upon the interior de- sign and in plans for the central portion of the building which were carried out, after his retirement in 1817, by Charles Bulfinch who completed the original building in 1829. Robert Mills, who was Architect of Public Buildings at the time, proposed several forms of extension to the Capitol in the year 1850. Mills' designs deserve special mention for it is hard to believe that they were not the genesis of Walter's final designs for the wings and dome. The few sketches of Mills that have survived are much more like the Capitol as we see it today than were Walter's first competition drawings of the same period, for Mills had already seized upon the idea of a great dome, modeled In scale and form after that of St. Peter's, to be constructed over the foundations of the rotunda. He evidently was intrigued by the idea of developing the expanded building in the form Of a cross, the enlarged dome to act as a dominant focal point at the center, but he also prepared drawings of an extension of wings to the sides attached with an ingenious arrangement of interior courts to prevent blanking the windows of the older building. Mills' plans were not accepted by the Senate, which insisted that a competition be held, and in 1851 President Millard Fillmore ap- pointed Thomas U. Walter as Architect of the Capitol. Mills at that time was already 70 and died four years later, in March 1855. Walter was 47 and destined to work on the Capitol for the next 14 years. The list of designs for "the Capitol that never was" continued to the turn of the century, and the more familiar proposals of Carrere & Hastings for expansion of the building In the year 1905 by the survival of two plans for monstrous enlargements sub- mitted by Thomas Walter in. 1874, nine years after his retirement as Architect of the Capitol. Walter had apparently never completely given up an infatuation with his earliest competition studies, which extended a vast Interior gallery eastward from the rotunda, and the years he had spent since leaving Washington, working on Philadelphia's City Hall, might have clouded the esthetic judg- ment of any man.. The ubiquitous Washing- ton firm of Smithmeyer & Pelz submitted a grotesque scheme In 1881 that would have left nothing of the original central portion of the building but the rotunda and dome, which they planned to embellish with eight additional domed turrets, Admittedly the present proposal for the extension of the West Front is more modest than some that have been. discarded in the past, but it has neither the merit of sensi- tive historic preservation nor the merit of bold architectural concepts. It falls to the inevitable level of an unhappy compromise, for it fails to recognize that time has changed what can and cannot be done to this one building that symbolizes the aspirations and growth of the country from the time of its founding through the age of confidence and material prosperity which characterized the last decades of the 19th century. If the old stones of the Capitol are crum- bling let them be restored, or replaced if need be, but let us refrain from padding its bones with layers of rooms until it becomes a shapeless mass signifying nothing but its own bulk. Congress deserves a mid-20th century answer to its space needs, not a misguided mid-19th century alteration to a venerable building deserving of respectful preservation. STATEMENT OF THE AMERICAN INSTITUTE OF ARCHITECTS The Institute believes that the Capitol of the United States is a vitally important sym- bol of our nation's government. As such, it should be preserved. If reconstruction is structurally necessary, it should be carried out in strict accordance with the present design. If the Captiol continues to expand, it will rapidly lose all resemblance to the original building. The AIA believes that it should be a permanent policy of the Con- gress that the exterior of the Capitol is to remain unchanged. Today, the West Front contains the last remaining external vestiges of the Capitol as it was originally designed and built. It is the only important link with the beginnings of the building. If the West Front of the Captiol is extended, we will have buried the last of those walls that date from the early years of the Republic, and will have obscured a part of our history that can never be restored.--Oct. 13, 1965. The PRESIDING OFFICER. The time of the Senator has expired. Mr. PROXMIRE. I ask unanimous consent that I may be allowed to pro- ceed for an additional 3 minutes. The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered. Mr. PROXMIRE. I am happy to yield to the distinguished Senator from Okla- homa, who incidentally is chairman of the Legislative Subcommittee of the Committee on Appropriations. Mr. MONRONEY. I am happy to as- sociate myself with the distinguished senior Senator from Wisconsin on this issue, and I urge very strongly that be- fore any money is appropriated to initi- ate this $34 or $35 million project, which will add some 4.5 to 5 acres to the capitol area, the most careful and searching engineering study be made to find out if this is the only way that the west front can be made stable and guaranteed against further deterioration. I personally am convinced that engi- neers can tell us that we can brace and underpin the west front, preserving the grace of the old Capitol, without doing damage to the historic building, and still provide for the continued use, for an- other 100 years, of this great edifice. I thank the distinguished Senator from Wisconsin for yielding, and for his cooperation in helping preserve this shrine. Mr. PROXMIRE. Mr. President, I thank the distinguished Senator from Oklahoma for his remarks. WEST FRONT PROPOSAL A NATIONAL OUTRAGE- A TEMPLE PROFANED Mr. President, in one of the most em- phatic and powerful editorials I have read in a long, long time the Washington Post Sunday ripped into the proposal to extend the west front of the Capitol. The Post calls for a National Commit- tee To Save the Nation's Capitol to show- er petitions down upon the Congress to persuade this body to relent, to demand the kind' of full open hearings on this proposal-which have not been held- with adequate advance notice and with representatives of the American Insti- tute of Architects and other competent and critical. bodies invited to appear. The editorial concludes: Men who would lay their unhallowed hands on this sacred structure are indiffer- ent to the glorious episodes of our past, ig- norant of the architectural merit of one of the great buildings of the world and indiffer- ent to every consideration of national pride and honor. This outrage must be stopped. I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the RECORD the editorial to which I have referred, entitled "A Na- tional Outrage," published in the Wash- ington Post of Sunday, June 19, 1966. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: A NATIONAL OUTRAGE If the people of the United States mean to save their historic Capitol, so filled with reminders of great events in the Nation's life, they must swiftly make it clear to Congress that they do not wish this national monu- ment submitted to the hammer and ball of the demolition crews about to descend upon it. Under the guidance of J. George Stewart (by act of Congress and not by grace of any academic benediction) the Architect of the Capitol, Congress is about to commit on the Capitol an act of vandalism without prece- dent in this country's life. The British In 1814 greatly damaged the Capitol. The re- modeling of the East Front destroyed a, facade before which the great ceremonies of the Nation took place. But the destruction and rebuilding of the West Front exceeds even these disasters. A structure fashioned by genius and executed by artists is to be remodeled by a man presumptuous enough to believe he can do better. And his pre- sumption is the more offensive because the best that he can do stands just across the Capitol grounds where the new House Office Building presents to the world a staggering Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400080008-2 June 21, 1 proved For ReGQKCYYAMW gt)B6 iydp400080008-2 13141 Item; It. is not true a solemn commit- Second. The SEATO Treaty, article' 1. results, and pledge a phased withdrawal ment_ was made by three Presidents to Third. The unilateral commitment by of our troops once peace is established. do what we are doing. Walter Bedel Smith to support the It might not work. But why not try it? President Eisenll0wer merely proffered Geneva Agreements. We have not tried it. Until we do, until economic aid and that conditioned on Fourth. The aforementioned pledges we make, these proposal's. clearly, em- reforms q ad, performance which were to send in no additional troop or war phatically, unmistakably, we cannot con- never carried out either by the Diem re- material into Vietnam. tinue to allege that we have tried to se- gime or by ,the eight subsequent self- The regrettable and depressing fact in cure peace-that objective which every imposed regimes. all this is that it is the United States passing day more and more Americans Item: President Kennedy, accepting which is the aggressor in southeast Asia. fervently seek. the bad advice of Secretary, McNamara, The United States, sending its forces Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, will the escalated the number of advisers from halfway around the world, injected it- Senator yield? the 600 in South Vietnam, as part of the self into a civil war. All those present Mr. GRUENING. I yield. military mission established by President at the time of our invasion were Viet- Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, once Eisenhower, to a 'total of 20,000. But he namese-South Vietnamese fighting a again the Senator from Alaska has made sent no troops to combat.-'No American a corrupt and oppressive government, a statement on what I consider to be our lives were lost in combat during the ad- thus revolting against the denial of illegal and immoral course of action in ministrations of Presidents Eisenhower promised elections, aided later by infil- ' South Vietnam and North Vietnam, with and Kennedy. trators from North Vietnam. which statement I am in complete agree- Item: Regrettably, after a campaign The continued support by the United ment. in which President Johnson led the States of corrupt, self-imposed, and I associate myself with his remarks. American people to believe he would malodorous regimes reveals the folly of achieve a peaceable solution in southeast our whole performance. Asia, he sent our troops into combat. No The original premises justifying our THE BAND MERGER ACT previous President-neither Eisenhower military involvement, although false, Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, some days nor Kennedy-had done that. have now been shown to be completely ago I sent the Washington Post a letter The more recent official justifications fanciful. We are riot supporting free- to the editor in which I set forth certain that article 4 of the SEATO Treaty war- dam or saving a brave and gallant people. facts in regard to the participation of the rants our military actions are also We are supporting a corrupt, self-impos- Senator from Virginia [Mr. ROBERTSON] groundless. ing dictatorship. in the legislative record on a bank The article provides that in the event Last year, 1965, there were 96,000 de- merger bill in the Senate. of alleged aggression, all the signatories sertions from the South Vietnamese In the letter I pointed out the position will consult, and by unanimous agree- Army. that the Senator from Virginia had taken ment resolve on a course of action, which And yet we are drafting our boys and with respect to three cases in this coun- must be in accord with each nation's con- sending them to southeast Asia to fight try. One case involved action on the part stitutional processes. and die for this cause which has so of the U.S. Justice Department with re- We never asked the signatories- little support from the people we are spect to action that it is proceeding to Great Britain, France, Pakistan, Thai- presumably aiding. litigate in connection with a bank in Lex- land, Australia, New Zealand, and the The great myth is that Hanoi is the ington, Ky. Philippines-to consult. Had we done so, villain. True, the North Vietnamese are I think in fairness to the Senator from there would have been no unanimous de- aiding the Vietcong but their aid came Virginia that I owed it to the record to cision; since both France and Pakistan after our own violation of our agree- write the letter that I wrote the Wash- are opposed to our course. Finally, ac- ment-our support of Diem's refusal to ington Post. tion in accord with our constitutional abide by the Geneva Agreements and Last Sunday an abbreviated form of processes would have required a declara- hold elections. the letter was published in the Washing- tion of war by the Congress. We have In all American history, of which we ton post. But its abbreviation is fair not had it. have had so much reason to be proud, neither to the contents of the letter that It seems clear that each. subsequent the United States has not Committed so I sent the Washington Post nor, in my escalation has been expected to bring tragic an error. The consequences can judgment, to the record of the Senator "victory." What are the realities? only be disastrous. from Virginia. Item: President Johnson accepted and The administration's allegations that Mr. President, I ask unanimous con- acted on the same kind of bad advice we are willing to negotiate with any sent that the full letter that I wrote the that led President Kennedy into the Bay government avoids and evades the fact Washington Post, as well as the abbre- of Pigs fiasco. that the adversary is not a government viated letter which the Washington Post Item: Each time the advice to Presi- but the National Liberation Front or published and attributed to me, be print- dent Johnson was proffered as the solu- Vietcong, with which President Johnson ed in the RECORD. tion to his dilemma and would,bring the has consistently refused to negotiate. There being no objection, the letters adversary to his knees. Until that is done, it is nonsense to assert were ordered to be printed in the RECORD, "Bomb North Vietnam. That will do that we have exhausted every effort to as follows: It." We bombed for 16 months. It has achieve peace. [From the Washington Post, June 19, 1966] not done it. Likewise, we have not carried the issue ROBERTSON PRAISED "Send in the Marines. That will do it." before the Security Council, as we are [Letters to the Editor Version] It has not, required to do by the United Nations "Send My attention has been called to several "in more ground troops. That Charter. news stories which have appeared in your will do it." There are 360,000 there now, Why have we not done this? Because, columns over last weekend and to an edito- plus the fleet offshore with 70,000 aboard obviously, the free discussion that would rial which appeared on June 14 concerning and 40;000 in Thailand. take place in the United Nations would senator ROBERTSON and his interest in banks It has not done it. reveal the unpleasant truth, which is, and banking, particularly in the Bank Merg- "Send in more. troops. Raise the that the United States is the aggressor. er Act Amendments of 1966 and the relation of that law to the manufacturers Hanover number to X00,000. ' It is being done. Is there a way out? Yes. Lay the Trust Company of New York City. We will bomb further north, the Presi- issue before the United Nations. Stop In the news articles and editorial, it is dent now warns Hanoi; perpetuating the the bombing. Agree to negotiate with suggested that the principal significance of myth that North Vietnam is the ag- the National Liberation Front. Ask for the Bank Merger Act Amendments of 1966 gressor, a cease fire. Promise to hold Vietnam- was the relief of three banks from antitrust prosecution and that the hasnvithe olat course of all this, United States wide elections, supervised by the United s to Senator ROBERTSON is based primarily Nations, not merely in South Vietnam on the special relief provided for three First. United Nations Charter, articles but in all Vietnam as promised in the banks against which antitrust cases were 1, 2, 33,_ and 37. Geneva accord. Agree to abide by the pending at the time the Act was passed. No, 101-10 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400080008-2 13142 Approved FeOF16R*gSPW/UtCOA&12P?t#6R000400080 21, 1966 The Bank Merger Act Amendments of 1966 restored the congressional intent to give pri- mary importance to the public interest, which had been developed in the Bank Merger Act of 1960. The new 'standards and procedures for bank mergers written into the 1968 Bank Merger Act were jn turn written Into the Bank Holding Company Act Amendments, and this action was, sustained last week by a roll call vote of 64 to 16-a clear ex- pression of congressional intent on the rela- tion between banking and the antitrust laws. While I have not always agreed with all the provisions of the banking bills which Senator ROBERTSON has proposed and carried through to enactment, I think it is quite clear that the legislation he has sponsored in the field of banking has been of broad public interest and importance. WAYNE MORSE, U.S. Senator From Oregon. WASHINGTON. (Letter to the editor, Washington Post, actual copy] In recent decisions, the Supreme Court applied the strict rule of the Clayton Act that competitive factors were the sole and controlling factors to be considered in bank merger cases, nullifying the congressional in- tent spelled out in the Bank Merger Act of 1960 that the public interest-the public convenience and necessity-should be the final controlling consideration in bank merger cases. When the Justice Department's efforts to break up the merged banks at Lexington, Kentucky, and New York made clear the losses and damages which would inevitably result from their attempts to "demerge" these banks, Senator ROBERTSON introduced a bill to exempt all bank mergers from the Clayton Act and the Sherman Act. This bill was amended, and, as it eventually be- came law this year, it terminated, as far as the Clayton Act and Section 1 of the Sher- man Act are concerned, the three pending cases involving mergers consummated before the Philadelphia decision-the Manufactur- ers Hanover case, the Lexington, Kentucky, case and the Continental Illinois case. The three cases involving mergers consummated after the Philadelphia decision, when the new law had been laid down by the Supreme Court, were not exempted but were to be handled under the new standards written into the 1968 Bank Merger Act Amendments, like all subsequent mergers. Unfortunately the Department of Justice is attempting to continue the proceedings started under the antimonopoly provisions of Section 2 of the Sherman Act, contrary to the intent of the Congress and the repre- sentations of the Department of Justice. The Bank Merger Act Amendments of 1966 restored the congressional intent to give pri- mary importance to the public interest, which had been developed in the Bank Merger Act of 1960. After the passage of the 1960 Act, President Johnson, then Majority Leader, made the following comment: . "Again, I want to express my congratula- tions to Senator ROBERTSON and Senator FuL- BRIGIiT and Senator Capehart and the other members of the Banking and Currency Com- mittee for the persistence and the thorough- ness and the statesmanship which they have displayed in carrying this matter through to a satisfactory conclusion." The new standards and procedures for bank mergers written into the 1966 Bank Merger Act were in turn written into the Bank Holding Company Act Amendments, and this action was sustained last week by a roll call vote of 64 to 16-a clear expression of congressional intent on the relation be- tween banking and the antitrust laws. And after the passage of the bill Senator MANS- FIELD, the Majority Leader, commented that Senator ROBERTSON "once again has served this body with the unparalleled distinction and wisdom which has characterized his many years of public service." " While I have not always agreed with all the provisions of the banking bills which Senator ROBERTSON has proposed and car- ried through to enactment, I think it is quite clear that the legislation he has sponsored in the field of banking has been of broad public interest and importance. Very truly yours, WAYNE MORSE. THE EDITOR, The Washington Post, Washington, D.C. DEAR SIR: My attention has been called to several news stories which have appeared in your columns over the weekend and to an editorial which appeared on June 14 con- cerning Senator ROBERTSON and his interest in banks and banking, particularly in the Bank Merger Act Amendments of 1966 and the relation of that law to the Manufacturers Hanover Trust Company of New York City. In the news articles and editorial, it is sug- gested that the principal significance of the Bank Merger Act Amendments of 1966 was the relief of three banks from antitrust pros- ecution and that the gratitude of bankers to Senator ROBERTSON is based primarily on the special relief provided for three banks against which antitrust cases were pending at the time the Act was passed. I do not think this is an accurate or fair presentation. As a member of the Banking and Currency Committee for two years, 1955 to 1957, I was deeply involved in two major pieces of legislation Senator ROBERTSON han- dled in 1956 and 1957-the Bank Holding Company Act, which was enacted in 1956, and the Financial Institutions bill, which was considered by the Committee in 1956 and passed the Senate in 1957 and which, though it did,not become law as such, contained most of the amendments to banking laws which have been enacted since that time. The Bank Holding I Company Act of 1956 was a major piece of regulatory legislation designed to prevent undue extension of bank concentration through the holding company device and to separate banking from unre- lated businesses. It contained two broad open-end exemptions to which I objected at the time and which I am glad to say Senator ROBERTSON has now closed in the current Bank Holding Company Act Amendments, which the Senate passed on June 7 and which are now pending in the House: the first for long-term trusts and charitable institutions applying to the Alfred I. duPont Trust Fund, the second for regulated investment com- panies and their affiliates applying to the Financial General Corporation. Another major bill which Senator ROBERT- SON brought into being was the Bank Merger Act of 1960, based on a provision in his Finan- cial Institutions bill of 1957 and a 1956 Ful- bright bill, all of which were founded on the understanding that the antitrust Yaws either did not apply to bank mergers or at least did not provide effective control. For example, it was universally understood by all responsible officials, including leading members of the House and the Senate and representatives of the Justice Department, that Section 7 of the Clayton Act did not apply to bank mergers. IRRESPONSIBLE USE OF FEDERAL HOUSING ADMINISTRATION IN- SURANCE Mr. WILLIAMS of Delaware. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that I be permitted to proceed for 15 minutes. The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. KEN- NEDY of New York). Without objec- tion, it is so ordered. Mr. WILLIAMS of Delaware. Mr. President, it appears that a group of ir- responsible promoters and builders have devised a unique method of using the FHA insurance to finance their specula- tive construction of multifamily units throughout the country. These speculative promoters are giv- ing little or not attention to the prospec- tive success of the projects, their primary interest being in the quick profits reaped from inflated markups of previously un- developed land, a generous allowance of builder's fees to their own construction firms, and architect's fees on a percent- age basis which ofttimes are in. excess of the actual payments. To make this scheme more profitable, cheap land located in marginal or iso- lated areas is purchased and then un- loaded on the Government through gen- erous appraisals of the lots on the basis of being a developed area. The result is that many of these proj- ects, particularly the multifamily units, are going broke as fast as they are being completed-ofttimes even before con- struction is completed. The promoter, having collected his quick profits through a markup of the land, builder's fees, et cetera, now abandons the project in many instances without paying the sub- contractors and suppliers. The result is that scores of small subcontractors and suppliers are going broke, since FHA as- sumes no responsibility and apparently has no concern as to whether or not they are paid. The blanket mortgage protects the Government-as far as it can be pro- tected-in cases of 110-percent mort- gages as the payments are made to spon- sors in accordance with progress on construction projects, without regard as to whether or not the supplier and sub- contractors are being paid. Mr. CURTIS. Mr. President, will the Senator yield? Mr. WILLIAMS of Delaware. I yield. Mr. CURTIS. I desire to commend the distinguished Senator from Dela- ware for bringing before the Senate a situation that certainly merits attention. Information has come to me bearing out what the Senator has said. Some scan- dals and some wrongdoing have occurred in this area, and they merit an investi- gation as soon as the calendars of the appropriate committees permit. I should like to ask the distinguished Senator from Delaware a question. Is it not quite likely that the evil procedure that promotes or presents an opportu- nity for wrongdoing is the fact that in- dividuals can go into building 'projects without any of their own money being involved? Mr. WILLIAMS of Delaware. That is correct. Another instance, as I have pointed out, is that a promoter can start half a dozen projects simultaneously, each under a different corporate name. If one project succeeds he keeps the one that succeeds; and if the other five go broke he turns them back to the Govern- ment. There Is no requirement for the en- dorsement by the promoter or the builder of the various projects. That is a correction in procedure that should be adopted. Surely, they should have to Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400080008-2 a d une.101, 19 proved For F ye e R 7-B( Jk1 0400080008-2 13163 Cy-now apparent in our economy-of understand and accept are some of the side and expanding Korean exports, As a result freezing out all but a few giants from effects of our participation. In South Viet- of this political accommodation and eco- vital sectors of American industry. nam, for example, the presence of so many nomic cooperation, Korea will become a bet- It seems to me that much further ex- Americans-while vital to the preservation ter customer for Japanese exports, a more ploratien is needed of the competitive ef- has of the had country-has contributed to inflation, important supplier to Japan, and correspond- plor of this bail, Certainly no Senator a corrosive social effect, and has Ingly less dependent on American aid, Thus, aroused a good deal of resentment. In India, 16 years of American "overpresence" in Korea wants unwittingly to encourage I lop- where American food and other assi t c s an e are now beilleit -ng avaed by closer Korean- olization in American inc ustry.l including military aid-are welcomed, the Japanese cooperation. rin _ g completion, and I. saw the hos- ESS as a possible threat to the integrity of In- tile demonstrations when Japanese Foreign BY JOHN D. ROCEEFELLER 3D dian education-or even a cover for the CIA. Minister Shiina arrived. The demonstra- In Japan, whose economy prospers in trade tions, however, could not frustrate the states- Mr. FULBRIGHT. Mr. President, a with the united States, legislative debates manship on both sides which successfully few weeks ago Mr. John D. Rockefeller 3d and the press echo widespread fears that the resolved a bitter, seemingly intractable prob- delivered a speech to the Far East- country may be dragged Into a major Asian lem. In contrast, when Japan's first am- America Council of Commerce and In- war through its security ties to the United bassador arrived in Seoul to present his dustry in New York. His analysis of States' credentials, he was received with The problem, in other words, is the over- well as official respect. "Our Dilemma in Asia" is one of the best public as I have sI particularly call the at- powering impact of America on Asians. Our Perhaps the Japan-Korea achievement will I@have seen. m colleagues supports their self-preservation, but suggest to other nations in Asia and else- y to his comments it bothers their self-respect. It is an im- where that they have far more to gain in about our "overpresence" in Asia, and his balanced relationship of receiver and donor, the long run by resolving than by perpetuat- .strong and persuasive argument for of protege and protector. It is a lopsided ing their disputes. i earnestly hope that multinational channels for the admire- relationship that breeds suspicion and re- similar creative statesmanship will eventually istration of aid. sentment among ancient, proud and sensi- lead to the peaceful resolution of other con- It is one of the finest statements I have tive peoples, most of whom have just emerged flicts, such as that between India and seen On this Subject. from centuries of colonial rule and are strug- Pakistan. I as unanimous Consent to insert this gling to establish their own national iden- We can also take encouragement from Statement in the RECORD, tities. some recent events In Southeast Asia. Ma- The answer to this dilemma lies, I believe, laysia and the Philippines are moving rapidly There being no objection, the address in policies-both Asian and American-which toward the restoration of normal relations. was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, will help strengthen Asian initiative and re- These two countries, together with Thailand, as follows: sponsibility, in national development efforts have recently revitalized the cultural and OUR DILEMMA IN ASIA and in regional cooperation on common educational Association of Southeast Asia- problems. whose Initials ASA stand for "hope" (By Mr. John D. Rockefeller 3d before the We must all understand that the expends- Thai and Malay languages. At a or Far king- Far East-America Council at a luncheon ture of American lives and dollars cannot party session in Bangkok two and a half meeting in the Waldorf-Astoria Hotel, guarantee peace, stability and economic prog- weeks ago, these three governments ear- May 17, 1966) ress in Vietnam or anywhere else in Asia, marked for "priority implementation" num- It is a pleasure to meet again with mem- The American military shield can hold the erous cooperatives projects in economic, tech- bers and guests of the Far East-America line while the Vietnamese and other free nical and cultural fields. Indonesia, a fourth Council. I am also glad to have this oppor- Asians evolve their own stable political insti- important nation in that area, has taken tunity to talk with you about United States tutions, and assume greater responsibility for several cautious steps this last month toward policies in Asia, and particularly. about a their own security. Foreign aid from the more normal relations with its near dilemma which Americans and Asians to- United States and other capital-exporting neighbors. gether have only recently begun to recognize countries Is fuel, not the vehicle, for improv- In the economic field, the emerging pat- and cope with. ing Asian societies. The fundamental crea- tern of Asian cooperation is even more This dilemma, expressed simply, is that the tive tasks can only be performed by Asians pronounced. overwhelming American Involvement in Asia themselves, mobilizing their own human The establishment of the Asian Develop- today, which is so necessary to Asian security and material resources to develop their econ- ment Bank, in my judgment, may well be a and economic development, could in the long omies and satisfy popular aspirations for a historic step comparable to the founding of run become self-defeating. It is not that we better life. the Organization for European Economic have used our power arrogantly. It is rather Furthermore, this growth process can be Cooperation in the Marshall Plan era. The that the relative weight of our involvement- speeded by the pooling of scarce resources Bank is the product of Asian initiative-not compared with what Asians have so far been throughout Asia, the sharing of skills and a response to an American proposal. It was able to do by themselves-constitutes an experience, the practical division of labor conceived and developed by Asian leader- American "overpresence" which often de- among complementary economies, and the ship through the United Nations Commis- presses Asian initiative, disrupts Asian tra- opening up of wider regional markets, sion for Asia and the Far East (ECAFE), ditions, and irritates Asian sensitivities. A regional approach to development offers In fact, the United States withheld support We are expending billions of dollars an- the promise of more rapid and more efficient until it became clear that the Asians were nually-and the lives of our young men-in growth. It is also our best hope for redres- going to establish the Bank by themselves, order to contain. Communist expansionism sing the imbalance and overdependency The Bank is a genuine Asian institution- and promote the growth of viable economies which now characterize American relations supported by a majority of Asian caiptal; and free societies that can live at peace with with most free Asian nations. There are, directed and staffed primarily by Asians; and each other and with the rest of the world. I believe, now approaches that both Ameri- structured to encourage the adoption of Yet, unless this sense of American "over- cans and Asians can take to mobilize Asian re- regional, rather than purely national, prior- presence" is corrected by fresh Asian and sources more efficiently, to promote greater ities in the planning, scheduling and finan- American initiatives, it may engender so Asian cooperation and solidarity and, in the cing of development activities. much misunderstanding and antagonism long run, to create an effective Asian counter- For the first time in history, all interested that it jeopardizes the high purposes which weight to the American "overpresence." Asian governments have their own mecha- engaged us in Asia's problems in the first Let us look at the Asian side of the situa- nism, with substantial pooled capital of $1 place. tion first. billion, to attack their common economic We have assumed far-reaching responsi- There are encouraging signs of initiative problems. The Bank's charter is flexible. It bllities and risks in Asia because we were and cooperation emerging in Asia which, if allows for the creation of various forms and asked to and because there. was no one else fully appreciated and intellgently supported, levels of consultative and planning bodies, to do so. As William P. Bundy, our able could begin to balance and improve our re- Including someday perhaps a high-level co- Assistant Secretary of State for Far Eastern lations with our Asian friends, ordination group to evaluate country re- Affairs has pointed out, "today there cannot On the political front, the treaty of normal- quests for external funds and to determine be an effective deterrent military force, and ization between Japan and the Republic of in which countries and which sectors foreign thus a balance of power around China's Korea is an extremely significant develop- public Investment can be most efficiently frontiers without major and direct military ment. This treaty, which came into effect used. contributions by the United States." Simi- last December, after 14 years of difficult ne- Such a regional approach could, for exam- larly, the United States is so far the only gotiations, established normal relations be- ple, further the coherent development of na- nation both able and willing to provide the tween Japan and its former colony for the tional and regional transportation and cam- substantial share of Asia's needs in economic first time in 55 years. It also provided for a munications systems, which would be a ma- aid. 20-ear This necessity for heavy American artici- y program invest of $800 million public e n ing mr tof the entire to the economic develop This is, I believe, widely understood In Kprivate Jaanese orea's agriculture, diversifying is industry, Theoestablishment of the Bank has also Asia, What Is more difficult for Asians to creating a modern transportation system, stimulated a fresh momentum toward other Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400080008-2 13164 Approved F~r~ S /1QI/'?1;M"DR AAMR0004000800ZS 21, 1966 forms of Asian consultation and cooperation, carrying out of major projects that promise always be sound reasons for significant bi- A succession of Asian conferences has been the greatest benefits to the peoples and na- lateral projects. going on since last December. First there tions of the area-and these will be mostly, The United States has shown increasing was the education ministers meeting in although not exclusively, multinational willingness, in recent years, to work through sposition of means firstandcallthe Development Institutions Program, the such Pakistan and Manila, in mu Economic then Development of Southeast Asiaf in the prects. his Tokyo in April. This was followed by the most favorable terms, to those projects that and India consortia, the Mekong project, and evelop Asian and Pacific regional conference in can make the most significant contribution tthe a sign De this prentssBan . But full we need making use r- of the nery Bangkok, which in turn has prepared the to overall regional development. o mach adm and way for a ministerial economic pose thinking, for example, of onal val a suchuas Special Funds lprovison of the Asian Devel- co erence in the e hfirs Pse projects was the first significant the Mekong Valley and Inds River develop- opment Bank, encouraging Asian planners T The Tokyo Seoul Seoul o meeting was next month. not-European economic conference, since ments, and a possible Ganges-Brahmaputra set priorities, to establish standards of per- World War II, where the United States was project-where the benefits of flood control, formance, and to accept joint responsibility not a participant, and where the main ob- irrigation and electric power can provide a for administ^ring and auditing the projects. jectie of the participants was not to obtain major,. and perhaps. decisive, stimulus to A primarily multilateral aid emphasis- more American aid. In fact, one of the prin- economic development of important regions. which has been advocated by Eugene Black, Tokyo was scarce research andlt aininglresourrces could ers ais th best and pG erhapsvthe only sat s- cipal objecves of the n, where obtain more Japanese aid participants ing was also significant because all the be pooled to create a few adequately staffed factory, way htto Imple anent the regional a-util-proa Asi Southeast Asian 's economic i . re- si tudies, otechnicalf higher s oo serve spe ri aise apthe level of mutual assistance among sponded to Japan's econnomic Initiative. Japanese Government announced to eialista from all of Asia. The benefits, in Asian countries. These are basically multi- act i hies, and they require multi- The the Conference that it would raise the level terms of more efficient research, as well as be late national of its aid to the developing countries to one more effective sharing of knowledge, can offers a 70 spursuing it , aid y would and training research, and use of I am convinced, beataking an important step million a year, or a three-fold othis increase-and that a significant portion be channeled to Southeast Asia. A Japanese hardy seeds and strains suitable for various in redressing the imbalance which is the 8-year credit of $20 million a year has already Asian soils and climates. The International cause of the American "overpresence" in Asia been proposed for Thailand, and a $6-7 mil- Rice Research Institute in the Philippines is today. lion credit for Cambodia. one example of the multinational benefits This strategy can insure that Asian lead- The Conference agreed that there are con- that can be achieved through this cross- ers and experts wil lhave a greater voice and siderable areas in economic development fertilization of ideas and technology. larger stake in managing regional develop- where cooperation among Southeast Asian Long-term and far-reaching commitments ment for common benefit. countries is possible, and these opportunities such as these, which place a premium on Further, this strategy will facilitate Asian will be examined in greater detail when the regional utility, will encourage greater coop- mobilization of Asian resources, and speed ministers reconvene in Manila next year. eration in planning and carrying out multi- the modernization of the region. The importance of agriculture was empha- national development projects. Thus this Faster economic progress and closer po- sized, especially the urgent need to increase approach can also lessen the side effects of litical cooperation could, in turn, gradually food production, and steps were taken toward the American presence. alleviate the serious security problems in r- Asia .- Fo a conference on agricultural development. Second, the United States shorlde cur- mfe a Fors the develo and pment of viablepoliticalec no- pr to the promotion with age and support stitutions, within an effective framework of of fisheries, attention was given f and nd was proposed that witth mutual assistance among a greater countries. regional cooperation, is in the long run the the cooperation of f Japan a marine fisheries We should d rants, encourage a eater flow of capital, best insurance against Communist run the and dit, among development center should be estab- through un cotries. loan Wes sh uldryalso foster sion and aggression. lshed in Southeast Asia. Whether this rate of progress is actually and n to the role of greater sharing of sa, n technical a th tale as well as the e s i f ve to helping Attention was also g ntiP private enterprise in promoting indstriali- experience by proposing the finance the local training and broader re- zation, and the need therefore to improve investment climate in Southeast Asian coun- gional exchange of specialists in agriculture, tries. In this connection, the ministers also industry, health, education, commerce and agreed to study the establishment of a South- civil administration. 5 east Asian economic promotion and develop- percent The Asian fan velo dntJBan Is now to I d not mean a exaggerate the progress center. rogtess triple its annual foreign aid outlay. Asian that has been attained d in in the settlement of nations are contributing to regional develop- olda and to Fou of political disputes ration amongpAsian programs, iort n,Asia and et lsewhe a Pinsthe. de- of new forms of coupoe nations. I do want to point out that the veloping world, and should be encouraged to attitudes for greater Asian cohesion are do more. ' forms technical emerging, and that the framework for more There are also that Asianacountr es c an ex change effective ive regional cooperation is gradually assistance being erected. Asians are demonstrating with each other to better effect than West- their readiness to assume greater joint re- ern technical assistance. Some of these are sponsibility for Asian development. Asian-developed technologies in labor-inten- adapta- pends fundamentally on strengthened Asian and other fields. in es Asian construction initiative and cooperation. But it will also tions of Western technology, such as the be affected by what the United States does tractor for wet rice farming that is being or does not do, in coming months and years, developed e for Thailand a dnwilcebcumore to recognize and encourage these develop ments. than any Western or even Japanese tractor. The principal challenge taes, in and opportunity This technological judgment, should be broadened,h iacing the United States, because Asian is to adapt our r policies tes, s and our r aid d strategy peoples have more in common with each more closely to the emerging pattern of other in environmental conditions and cul-do with the West, Asian cooeration. This means Asians are best equ pped managing our aid in ways that dwill ten atural nd partly bcause than courage-not inhibit-greater Asian initia- to determine how to take adavantage of tive and self-help; that will accelerate-not available Western technologies, and how to Impede-Asian moves toward regional co- adapt these technologies to special Asian operation. There are three ways I would like conditions. to suggest in which the United States can do Third, the United States should adopt a this. We have already made some impressive declared national policy of phasing economic ultilateral s as fumr but we need to do much more, much idlytas possible.mWe should re erselour p es- faFirst, the United States should give top ent emphasis on bilateral aid, with the ob- priority to development projects of the jective of achieving the highest possible pro- greatest regional utility. We should use our portion of multilateralisln in our foreign aid aid selectively to promote the planning and mix, at the same time recognizing there will achieved depends on efficiency of the effort. As President Perkins of Cornell pointed out, in a recent article on "Challenge and Response In Foreign Aid:" "A cardinal principle of statecraft holds that a nation's response to a problem should be on the same scale as the problem itself." Both Americans and Asians need to think and act on a scale that is commensurate with Asia's problems and needs. Unless the Asians do, our aid efforts will be relatively ineffective. Unless we do, the Asians will lack the tools to maximize their efforts. This kind of all-out approach would have unlimited possibilities for Asia. It might well require higher levels of American aid in the future. And it certainly would require greater Asian initiative and self-help now. If both Asians and Americans accept this challenge, it is possible that most of Asia, with its great human and material resources, could be standing on its own feet in another generation, or by the end of this century. Our aim is not to dominate Asian develop-, ment patterns, or to make Asia dependent upon us. Our aim is to help nourish Asian growth and freedom, and to encourage our Asian friends to take charge of their own destiny, in equal partnership with the rest of the world. "MEET THE PRESS" WITH SENATOR FRANK CHURCH Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. President, last month our colleague, Senator FRANK CHURCH, completed a study mission to Europe on behalf of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. During his trip, Senator CHURCH interviewed government Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400080008-2