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July 26, 1966
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jved For Release 2005/06/29: CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090004-5 16316 V CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE ' July 26, 1966 FREEDOM FOR VIETNAM (IyIr. WOLFF asked and was given per- mission to address the House for 1 min- ute and to revise and extend his remarks.) Mr. WOLFF. Mr. Speaker, through- out the course'of the struggle in Viet- nam, the hopes and goals of the Ameri- can people have been a lasting peace and freedom for the Vietnamese. They have been elusive goals: after much' death, desolation, and destruction they still appear far off. The recent intemperate and irre- sponsible statements of Premier Ky in an interview serve to increase the danger of a prolonged and enlarged conflict in Asia. Ky doesn't and should not be per- mitted to make American policy. His call for an immediate armed confronta- tion with Communist China is dia- metrically opposed to our policy. Ky doesn't seem to care how large this con- flict grows. He lauds military victories and waxes more aggressive as American military might-and American dead- increase. Ky could be one of the biggest "coat-holders" in history. Ky admits in this week's U.S. News & World Report that he does not represent the people of South Vietnam. He does not represent America, either, and should not be permitted to talk for us. If he can make these statements with im- punity, his position against negotiations and his reckless disregard of the dangers of an expanded Vietnam war will mislead the world to believe that we have un- stated aggressive aims in Vietnam. Our aims are to bring lasting peace to that war-ravaged land and to bring free- dom to the people of South Vietnam so that they can decide their own destiny; our means a prudent, measured firmness and nonaggression. We do not need Ky to tell us who our enemies are or how we shall be com- mitted; we shall decide that for our- selves. Ky is a military man, leading a mili- tary regime in a country racked by mili- tary conflict. He has once again proven that he cannot rise above this; he can- not even fathom a peace conference and the political negotiations that will ulti- mately be necessary to bring a lasting peace to Vietnam. I ask that a state- ment be made immediately by the U.S. Government disavowing these imprudent remarks of Premier Ky. The world, but more important the American people, should not be mislead by default into be- lieving that this is the policy of our Government. (Mr. EDMONDSON asked and was given permission to extend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and to in- elude extraneous matter.) [Mr. EDMONDSON'S remarks will appear hereafter in the Appendix.] Mr. SAYLOR. Mr. Speaker, on roll- call No. 176,-on July 25, a quorum call, I am recorded as absent. I was present and answered to my name. I ask unan- imous consent that the permanent RECORD and Journal be corrected accord- ingly. The SPEAKER. Is there objection to the request of the gentleman from Pennsylvania? There was no objection. CORRECTION OF ROLLCALL Mr. PIRNIE. Mr. Speaker, on roll- call No. 176, on July 25, a quorum call, I am recorded as absent. I was present and answered to my name. I ask unan- imous consent that the permanent RECORD and Journal be corrected accord- ingly. The SPEAKER. Is there objection to the request of the gentleman from New York? There was no objection. CIVIL RIGHTS ACTS OF 1966 Mr. CELLER. Mr. Speaker, I move that the House resolve itself into the Committee of the Whole House on the State of the Union for the further con- sideration of the bill (H.R. 14765), to assure nondiscrimination in Federal and State jury selection and service, to facili- tate the desegregation of public educa- tion and other public facilities, to provide judicial relief against discriminatory housing practices, to prescribe penalties for certain acts of violence or.intimida- tion, and for other purposes. The SPEAKER. The question is on the motion offered by the gentleman frgm New York. The motion was agreed to. IN THE COMMITTEE OF THE WHOLE Accordingly, the House resolved itself into the Committee of the Whole House on the State of the Union for the further consideration of the bill H.R. 14765, with Mr. BOLLING in the chair. The Clerk read the title of the bill. The CHAIRMAN. When the Commit- tee rose on yesterday the gentleman from New York [Mr. CELLER] had 4 hours and 4 minutes remaining; the gentleman from Ohio [Mr. MCCULLOCH] had 5 hours remaining. The gentleman from Ohio [Mr. Mc- CULLOCH]. Mr. McCULLOCH. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself 20 minutes. Mr. Chairman,. in recent weeks, and over the longer period of many, many months, the riots, the looting, and the tumult and the shouting in connection therewith, have been of increasing con- cern, and alarm by law-abiding citizens of every race and color, everywhere. It is regrettable, indeed, that we begin debate on the proposed Civil Rights Act of 1966 under such conditions. Today is not the first time that I have spoken against such unlawful action. On January 31, 1964, in speaking for H.R. 7152, then before the Committee of the Whole House on the State of the Union, later to become the omnibus Civil Rights Act of 1964, I made the following statement: There is considerable pressure for civil rights legislation from certain quarters on the ground that unless legislation is enacted there will be rioting in the streets, height- ened racial unrest, and the further shedding of blood. This kind of activity, in my mind, is highly improper and could do much to retard the enactment of effective civil rights legislation. No people can gain lasting liberty and equality by riot and demonstration. Legis- lation under such threat is basically not legislation at all. It is the rule of the mob. Mr. DOWDY. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield? Mr. McCULLOCH. I am glad to yield to my friend from Texas for one ques- tion. Mr. DOWDY. All right. Does the gentleman know and realize that every bill we have passed on this question has increased the riots, the demonstrations, and looting, which concern me just as they do my esteemed friend? Mr. McCULLOCH. I do know that riots and demonstrations have increased. There is no complete agreement as to the major causes thereof. I shall have some further comments to make about that subject later on. In the long run, behavior of this type will lead to a total undermining of so- ciety where equality and civil rights will mean nothing. Behavior of this type also creates the false sense of hope that once legislation is enacted, all burdens of life will dis- solve. No statutory law can completely end the discrimination which is under attack by this legislation. Intelligent work and vigilance by members of all races will be required for many years before discrimi- nation completely disappears. To create hope of immediate and complete success can only promote conflict and result in brooding despair. Not force or fear, then, but belief in the inherent equality of man induces me to support this legislation. And, Mr. Chairman, I intentionally re- peated that statement from more than 2 years ago because I feel just exactly that way now. Mr. Chairman, in this connection, I am pleased, I am immeasurably pleased, if you please, that the President has re- cently spoken out against this lawless behavior which is taking place in some of our great cities and threatening to do so in many more. Mr. Chairman, may I say that, per- haps, the effect of the great Midwest, the heartland of America, on the President on his recent trip there served a useful purpose. Mr. Chairman, as we begin considera- tion of the proposed Civil Rights Act of 1966, it is clearly apparent that it rep- resents an historic arrival in the Ameri- can quest for equal justice for all. Here are 'proposals which would pro- hibit discrimination in the selection of State and Federal juries, and I should like to say here that the Attorney Gen- eral said that he found no evidence of discrimination, and that there had been no complaints of discrimination, in this field, in either State or Federal court, in my own great State of Ohio. Here, Mr. Chairman, are provisions which would assure equal access to public facilities and educational insti- tutions, punish the use of force and violence against others on account of their race, color, religion or national origin and provide equal access to the Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090004-5 Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090004-5 July 26, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE referred to the Committee on Banking and Currency: To the Congress of the United States: The Commodity Credit Corporation is a useful instrument in America's effort to build a stronger economy, and a more se- cure foundation for world peace. The CCC is the financial mechanism through which we share our food abun- dance with the hungry people of other nations. It is a principal means through which we work to balance supply and demand, to maintain ever-normal granary re- serves, to expand agricultural exports, and to provide a floor under the farmer's returns from commodity sales. FOOD FOR FREEDOM The food-for-freedom bill, now await- ing final congressional action is a firm expression of our national policy-and of the personal desire of most citizens to share our food abundance in the in- terest of world peace. No longer is it our policy merely to share what is left over from cash mar- kets. Rather, we shall plan our sharing In accord with the needs and best in- terests of the developing countries and their own resources. But we know that we cannot provide for all the world's food needs, even if we were to bring every acre of American soil under cultivation. Thus our food aid programs must, and will, benefit those who demonstrate their willingness to help themselves by a deeper commit- ment to agricultural development.- SURPLUSES AND EXPORTS Farm programs authorized by the Con- gress from 1961 through 1965 have helped farmers bring their production of surplus grains and other products into line with demand. They have enabled the CCC to reduce inventories that had grown too large. Storage and handling costs have been reduced $500,000 a day. Surplus grain is no longer a threat to the livestock industry. Cash receipts from livestock products are up, and the outlook for the industry is bright. Meanwhile, our exports of agricultural products are setting new records. They are expected to total 40 percent more this year than in 1960, due largely to tre- mendous increases in feed grains, wheat, and soybean exports. Farm commodity exports amount to one-fourth the value of all U.S. merchandise exported-and thus are vital in creating the foreign ex- change necessary to carry on all of our business with foreign countries. The balance-of-payments problem is allevi= ated by our expanding agricultural ex- ports that are aided in various ways through the Commodity Credit Corpora- tion. FARM INCOME The domestic farm programs that have brought surpluses down have carried farm income up. In 1965, net farm in- come was fully a fifth higher than in 1960 and is expected to be up another billion dollars this year, reaching the highest level in history except for the postwar years of 1947 and 1948. Income per farm has risen 55 percent since 1960. This is heartening progress, but we still have a long way to go toward our goal of full parity of income for the American farmer. Though farm prices have increased 4 percent since 1960, they still are 14 per- cent below what they were in 1952. And this 4-percent increase in farm prices did not keep pace with the 8-percent increase in farm production costs during that same period. And though the gap between farmer and nonfarmer income was narrowed by 18 percent in the past five and half years, farmers still earn only two-thirds per capita of what nonfarmers earn. We cannot rest until we have achieved full parity of income for the American farmer. FUTURE PROSPECTS With grain surpluses nearly gone and demands increasing, farmers now look forward eagerly to the opportunity to increase production. We have already increased the national rice acreage allot- ment by 10 percent and the national wheat allotment by 15 percent. We have twice increased the milk support price in recent months to encourage dairy farm- ers to remain on the land, to increase production, and thus to assure consumers a continued, adequate supply of dairy products. We are carefully watching farm commodity supply-demand situa- tions, and we will use our program au- thorities to encourage increased produc- tion whenever this appears desirable. The flexibility of the Food and Agri- culture Act of 1965, and of the Commod- ity Credit Corporation, enables us to en- courage increased or decreased produc- tion, as national needs and market con- ditions require. The legislation now available, together with that nearing enactment, will help us continue our progress toward parity of income. That goal is no longer a long- range hope. It is within our reach- hopefully within this decade. It can be achieved not merely by the large and highly capitalized producers, but by all efficient family-type farmers regardless of race or geography. Like all policy objectives of a truly great society, parity of income is a class- less objective, for it will serve the best interests of every citizen. We shall use such institutions as the Commodity Credit Corporation to work for parity of income. We shall strive to keep them dynamic and viable and ready, always, to meet our future needs. It is a pleasure to transmit to you the Commodity Credit Corporation's report for 1965. LYNDON B. JOHNSON. THE WHITE HOUSE, July 26,1966. TRADE AGREEMENT WITH THE GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED KINGDOM OF GREAT BRITAIN AND NORTHERN IRELAND-MES- SAGE FROM THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES (H. DOC. NO. 461) The SPEAKER laid before the House the following message from the President of the United States; which was read 16315 and, together with the accompanying papers, referred to the Committee on Ways and Means and ordered to be printed : To the Congress of the United States: In accordance with section 226 of the Trade Expansion Act of 1962, I here- with transmit a copy of a trade agree- ment concluded on April 5, 1966, with the Government of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, to- gether with a statement of the reasons for entering into the agreement. The agreement reestablishes in terms of the revised Tariff Schedules of the United States (TSUS) that entered into force in 1963 the U.S. concessions ne- gotiated by the two governments in pre- vious years under the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. It also grants new U.S. concessions, under the author- ity of the Trade Expansion Act of 1962, in order to offset the net impairment, incidental to bringing the TSUS into force, in the value of those old conces- sions. The first reductions in tariffs re- sulting from the compensatory conces- sions in the present agreement took ef- fect on May 1, 1966; the subsequent stages of these reductions will take place annually through May 1, 1970. LYNDON B. JOHNSON. THE WHITE HOUSE, July 26,1966. TED WILLIAMS (Mr. O'NEILL of Massachusetts asked and was given permission to address the House for 1 minute.) Mr. O'NEILL of Massachusetts. Mr. Speaker, yesterday, July 25, 1966, two fine Americans, Ted Williams and Casey Stengel, were installed in the Baseball Hall of Fame. By their unprecedented careers, they had long honored the sport which now honors them. It is with special pleasure that I call to the attention of the House and to the American public the particular ca- reer of Ted Williams, immortalized yes- terday at Cooperstown, N.Y. One of the greatest and most dedi- cated hitters of all time, Ted's lifetime batting average was .344. He won 6 batting championships, hit 521 home runs, and was a member of 18 all-star teams. And, of course, any schoolboy knows that Ted was the last player ever to hit over .400 for a season. But Ted Williams is a credit not only to baseball, but also to Boston, where his major league career began and ended, and to the Nation which he had twice served in the Marine Corps. His more than distinguished military record in World War II and the Korean conflict, and his participation in such charitable work as the Jimmy Fund in Boston, are to be honored as much as his place in baseball history. Therefore, Mr. Speaker, for the base- ball fans of Boston and New England, who knew him best, and for everyone who ever loved the game of baseball, I ask the House now to join in honoring one of the game's greatest representa- tives. Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R0'00400090004-5 Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090004-5 July' X26, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE 16307 The peacetime story of Boeing is the story of its leadership in the development of the airplane as an instrument of human com- munication; as a reshaper of the planet; as a modifier of the. relations of human beings to each other; as a destroyer of strangeness and the fears and the prejudices which have always fed on strangeness; as the one real hope of our common brotherhood, our com- mon fate. The post-war story begins, as great dramas often do, with disaster or the threat of disas- ter. It ends with triumph. And it discovers on the way, if I may say so in his very mod- est presence, as authentic a hero as American industry has ever produced. The near disaster was the post-war defla- tion of the aircraft industry. The triumph was the technological and industrial revolu- tion which replaced the piston plane with the jet. And the hero was a one-time teenage cherry hawker of Lolo, Montana, named William M. Allen. William M. Allen on Sep- tember 1, 1945, because President of Boeing by the improbable route of the Harvard Law School. He succeeded Phil Johnson and Clair Egvedt, both able administrators, who had directed Boeing for many years. Clair Eg- vedt, I am glad to say, is also here with us tonight. I would ask that he stand up and be recognized. Bill Allen could hardly have chosen a more inauspicious date to take over. The war had just ended. An important contract for B- 29s had just been cancelled. A plant in Wichita had shut down. A sweeping cut- back had followed here in Seattle itself. Within sixty days, a billion and a half in contracts had been cancelled. Thirty-eight thousand workers had been laid off. Boeing's assets were down from a hundred million to thirty-three million. Bill Allen told his wife the roof had fallen in. He was wrong. It hadn't-yet. On January 1, 1946, there was a strike of fourteen thousand workers. The work stoppage con- tirlued a hundred and fifty-four days. In addition, fifty-six Stratocruisers, on order by Pan Am and other airlines, were proving costly to produce. Instead of recovering mo- mentum, Boeing lost fifteen million dollars on the transaction, At this low point, Bill Allen and the Boeing Company showed their quality-which is to say, their courage. In 1949, after the three worst years in its history, Boeing suggested to the industry that the time had come for a major revolution in the manufacture of planes--a switch from piston-driven craft to jets which would eventually mean the re- building of the airfleets of the world. When the industry demurred-reluctant to get in deeper when the water was already cold- Boeing went ahead itself. In 1952, without an order In hand, it announced that it was investing sixteen millions of its own funds to build the prototype of "an entirely new, jet-powered transport." The prototype was to be derived from the tankers that Boeing was building for the U.S. Air Force. The announcement was followed by action. On July 15, 1954, exactly twelve years ago, the prototype was flown. It was the fore- runner of the world-famous 707. If I were asked to name some of the events which have most dramatically changed the shape of things in our world during my life- time, I should put that flight very near the top of the list. It promised a new dimen- sion of speed, a new standard of reliability in the business of moving people and things fromone point on the earth's surface to an- other. For millions of people, the 707 would shrink the globe by 40 per cent. Today, our world is a neighborhood. Today, government leaders, businessmen, teachers and scientists the world over meet face to face. They know each other. But let us not forget that 70 per cent of Americans have yet to fly. Let us not forget that 98 per cent of the people of this world have yet to fly. Great as was the contribu- tion of the 707, the contribution of the 747, the great Boeing superjet, will be even greater. The 747 will carry 490 passengers plus 161/2 tons of baggage, mail and freight. In all-cargo configuration it will carry more than twice the cargo of today's big transports. Its cargo will be carried in automated, nose- loaded highway-standard containers. Its great Pratt and Whitney engines will have twice the thrust of any in airline service today. Its gross weight will be more than twice today's big 707s. It will operate at 45,000 feet above lower airlanes used by all jet transports now in service. It will pro- vide faster service on world trade routes. Lower operating costs will reduce air fares and cargo rates. Construction of the 747s will provide em- ployment for 55,000 people over a dozen for- ward years-20,000 here in Seattle; 10,000 at United Aircraft in Hartford; 25,000 more by subcontractors in 43 other states. By Decem- ber, 1972, the sale abroad of 747s should con- tribute one billion seven hundred million dollars to the U. S. balance of payments. By December 1975, the contribution will, in my opinion, reach three billion, four hundred million dollars. The 747 is a bold and gigantic venture in the best tradition of American industry. Competitive American private enterprise in our world has always produced the best prod- ucts and the best services. Private credit and private risk-taking on a scale as yet unmatched in industry have made the 747 possible. For 20 years the 747 will mean fast, low-cost mass transportation on a scale never before available for the traveling and shipping public at home and abroad. Far more important than its effect on fares and rates, however, will be its effect on human society and human history. The new era of mass travel between nations may well prove more significant to human destiny than the atom bomb. There can be no atom bomb potentially more powerful than the air tourist, charged with curiosity, enthusiasm and good will-who can roam the four corners of the world, meeting in friendship and understanding the people of other nations and races. The tourist plane, the bomber, and now the missile, have been racing each other to a fateful finish. In my opinion, the huge 747 can help win this race with catastrophe. The 747 will be a great new weapon for peace. Tonight, however, we are saluting the Boe- ing of today as well as the Boeing of tomor- row. In honoring the company, we are pay- ing tribute not only to its great leaders but also to its able executives, ? scientists, en- gineers, mechanics, administartors and skilled men and women who, over the years, have created the Boeing of today. The Boeing of today has produced the world-girdling jet fleet that carries half the air travel of the whole Free World. It is the largest government contractor in the nation. In the best tradition of American private enterprise, it has become the largest aero- space company in all the world. We salute the Boeing Company for its physical ac- complishments and its contributions to- the nation. But we also salute, on behalf of the entire aviation industry, an adventurous and imaginative Corporation- hich has written its own saga created its wn legend-in a day in which these t ertlons of the human spirit, arq as rraa s they are greatly VIETNAM-STATEMENT BY GEN- ERAL KY Mr. CLARK. Mr. President, the Sena- tor from Oregon [Mr. MORSE] will short- ly return to the Chamber, and make some comments about a column which ap- peared in the Washington Post this morning by Walter Lippmann under the subject of "An Old Slogan." The Senator from Oregon [Mr. MORSE] will at that time ask unanimous consent to have the column printed in the REC- ORD. The Senator from Idaho [Mr. CHURCH] a few moments ago obtained unanimous consent to have printed in the RECORD the leading editorial in this morning's New York Times entitled "New Opportunity in Vietnam." I find myself in complete accord with this column and this editorial. This morning's papers carry an ac- count of an article consisting of an in- terview with Premier Ky of South Viet- nam which appears in this week's issue of U.S. News & World Report. I wish to comment briefly on the inter- relationship between the Lippmann col- umn, the New York Times editorial, and the interview of General Ky. It is well known that General Ky stated publicly for a well-known British newspaper not too long ago that Adolf Hitler was his hero. This was well before the famous Hon- olulu conference at which General Ky was embraced as a noble ally of the United States. General Ky now favors the American people with the suggestion that an armed confrontation with Com- munist China would be desirable at the present time. He concludes that Com- munist China is the real enemy in south- east Asia and thinks it is better to face them right now than in 5 or 10 years. Some of us will remember that there were certain Americans who felt the same way about the Soviet Union short- ly after World War II. It was thought, after they got the bomb, long after we did, that we should go in and in the phrase of the day, "Clobber them before they clobber us." Fortunately, that counsel did not pre- vail. It occurs to me that General Ky is a daily source of embarrassment to the administration. He states that his government is not a dictatorship, but I doubt whether we could find a reputable newspaperman in Vietnam, in Saigon, or anywhere else there, who would agree with that statement. The fact is, we are supporting a tight little dictator- ship-a junta-which in terms of its ideology is no more democratic than the Vietcong against whom it is contending. It is true that we have been promised elections in South Vietnam in Septem- ber, but it will, indeed, be interesting to see whether those elections are going to be like free American elections, whether they are going to be like the Hitler elec- tions which used to be conducted in Nazi Germany or, indeed, whether they will be like the Russian elections with which we have become familiar, where one either votes "right," with the gov- ernment, or he is in serious trouble and possibly in physical danger. I am extremely skeptical about Gen- eral Ky's devotion to the cause of democ- racy. I think he is a great liability to the efforts of the administration to per- Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090004-5 Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090004-5 16308 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD SENATE suade the peoples of the world that we are, indeed, fighting on the side of free- dom and against dictatorship. I thoroughly concur with the state- ments published in the New York Times editorial, to which I referred earlier, that President Ho Chi Minh's statement that there is no trial in view for American military prisoners of war in North Viet- nam is a victory for the moral influence of world opinion. It does, I believe, offer hope that commonsense and common humanity may eventually prevail against the ever greater barbarism on both s, ides of the war in Vietnam. I would hope that this interview by General Ky will not again dim the hopes for a fair negotiated peace. I would hope that reason can prevail on the broad is- sues of the war itself before it is too late. There is no doubt about the fact that the war is not going to be settled by .military means. It is a political strug- gle which can be resolved,only by polit- ical means. We will receive little help in settling the struggle by political means from General Ky and the other members of his junta. I would suggest, in accord with the views expressed by my friend, Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., that we take the follow- ing steps: First, stop the Americanization of the war by halting the American military buildup in South Vietnam. A quarter of a million American fighting troops is plenty-if not too many. Second, install a civilian government in Saigon. Get rid of the junta. At least, give some semblance of a free dem- ocratic regime in that war torn country. Third, we need to build an atmosphere conducive to negotiations by, tapering off the bombing of North Vietnam, which I categorically assert has been a cata- strophic failure. As widely predicted, all it has done has been to stiffen the will of the North Viet- namese people, without destroying any military installations essential to the continued conduct of the war. It has embittered both sides. This morning, I had the opportunity to talk to a young lieutenant in the Naval Reserve, a brilliant and outstand- ing young naval airman who has just returned from conducting missions in Vietnam. There is no doubt about the fact that the defenses of North Vietnam against our air attacks are increasing every day. American casualties are in- creasing as the number of strikes in- crease. The tragic deaths of these young Americans, in my opinion, cannot be justified on any ground whatsoever. What we should do is build an atmos- phere conducive to negotiations, and not continue, with the help of General Ky, to build an atmosphere which feeds o}i escalation and insists on total military victory even at the cost of destroying the country we are presumably attempt- ing to preserve. Finally, the best hope is still to per- suade the reluctant Russians to join with the British in reconvening the Geneva Conference so that we can, around the conference table, with all interested parties, including a representative of the National Liberation Front try to come up with a formula for the neutralization and economic development of southeast Asia as a whole. In this connection, and I am sure that the Senator from Oregon [Mr. MORSE] will have more to say on this subject, the article written by Walter Lippmann which the Senator from Oregon will shortly offer for the RECORD, is as good an exposition of how tired and obsolete our policy in Vietnam has become as I have ever seen. I do not know what the administration reads these days, but I hope they read Mr. Lippmann, Mr. Reston, and the edi- torials in the great newspapers of the country. I would also hope that we could get away from the tired reitera- tion of a philosophy which, as I said a minute ago, is obsolete and unworkable, and turn our minds toward peace rather than war, before it is too late. U.S. POLICY IN VIETNAM Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, there are two items on which I wish to comment briefly. I had not intended to comment on the first item until I listened to the brilliant and eloquent and unanswerable speech of the Senator from Pennsylvania [Mr. CLARK]. The Senator from Pennsylvania and I may have some degrees of difference, as the RECORD will show, in. regard to the war in Vietnam. But we have a common objective-that is, to seek an honorable peace at the earliest possible date which will bring to an end this completely in- excusable and unjustifiable killing of American boys in South Vietnam. The Senator from Pennsylvania has referred to the Walter Lippmann article which was Published in this morning's Washington Post. I ask unanimous consent that it be inserted, in the RECORD. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: AN OLD SLOGAN (By Walter Lippmann) Campaigning in the Middle West the Pres- ident has used as one of his main theses the cry that the war in Vietnam is a war to end wars like the one in Vietnam. "If guerrilla warfare succeeds in Asia," he said, "it can also succeed in Africa and Latin America as well." This is precisely what we all said during the First World War. That was a "war to end war." To hear that old slogan brought out again is, to say the least, creepy. For not only did the First World War not end war, as a matter of fact it sowed the ground for the Second World War. Presumably the President means what he is saying. But it is hard to think that any- one can believe that the outcome in Vietnam will determine whether there are guerrilla wars "in Africa and Latin America," or even in other parts of Asia. Are we really sup- posed to believe that the future of guerrilla warfare, that is to say of rebellion, will be determined by what happens in Vietnam? What is the connection between the guer- rilla wars waged in Ireland, Palestine, Ar- menia, Macedonia, Croatia, Crete, Algeria, the Congo? Were not these uprisings sep- arate events? How can anyone deceive him- self with the notion that uprisings all over the globe have some kind of underground common instigator and that they can be suppressed and discouraged by what happens in one small corner of the world? July 6,'"1966 Fifty years ago when the cry of "a war to end war" was first heard, it was used to in- spire people who, themselves remote from the fighting, needed a motive to keep on with the battle. The slogan was invented by an Englishman to arouse the insular Brit- ish and the Isolationist Americans who, not being under fire, saw no clear vital interests which they were defending. Mr. Johnson has dusted off the old war slogan because it is not easy to prove to the American people that they are fighting for a vital interest of the United States. In the First World War the United States did have a vital interest, which was to prevent the conquest of Great Britain and France and to keep open the Atlantic connection with Europe. This was a difficult thing to explain in the excitement of a war, and in lieu of a true explanation of the issues of the war we fell back upon the slogan of a, war to end war. In Asia the United States does indeed have a vital interest in preventing the conquest of the Asian mainland and of the islands and archipelagoes of the western Pacific. But there is no convincing reason for thinking that the war in Vietnam as it has now de- veloped, is vital to the American interests in the world. The American position has al- ways been that our interest in .Asia must be defended and promoted without America becoming involved in such a land war as is now raging in Vietnam. President Johnson sustained his argument about a war to end guerrilla wax with loud protestations about the firmness of our in- tentions to persevere and to defeat guerrilla warfare. Is he sure that what people see happening in Vietnam convinces them of this? Does the deeper and deeper involve- ment in Vietnam indicate that we would put equal effort into another antiguerrilla war on some other continent? Or does the Viet- namese affair indicate that we would not be able to fight two or three such wars at the same time? This is another reason for wanting to be- lieve that this one disagreeable war, this one ever-expanding war, is the last and only war that will have to be fought. But to want to believe this does not make it be- lievable. Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, this arti- cle is, I think, another one of Mr. Lipp- mann's penetrating analyses of American foreign policy in Vietnam. As he has pointed out time and time again in his articles-in fact, he has written not so many but almost as many articles as I have spoken on the floor of the Senate on this subject-but in his penetrating article I think-that he has pierced the administration's balloon by way of its continued fallacious rationalizations for carrying on the war. He says, in the column: Campaigning in the Middle West the Presi- dent has used as one of his main theses the cry that the war in Vietnam is a war to end wars like the one in Vietnam. "If guerrilla warfare succeeds in Asia;" he said, "it can also succeed in Africa and Latin America as well." This is precisely what we all said dur- ing the First World War. That was "a war to end war." To hear that old slogan brought out again is, to say the least, creepy. For not only did the First World War not end war, as a matter of fact it sowed the ground for the Second World War. Later in the column he says: In Asia the United States does indeed have a vital interest in preventing the conquest of the Asian mainland and of the islands and archipelagoes of the western Pacific. But there is no convincing reason for thinking that the war in Vietnam as it has now devel- Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090004-5 i. Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090004-5 July-,26, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL. RECORD SENATE 16309 oped, is vital to the American interests in the world. The American position has always been that our interest in Asia must be de- fended and promoted without America be- coming involved in such a land war as is now raging in Vietnam. Not only is a land war raging in Viet- nam at the present time, but my great fear-in fact, my belief-is that every sign points to an increasing escalation in Asia that will involve, not 300,000 troops, but start to involve 3 million and more American troops in. a land war in Asia. I want to say to my President again tonight, if you continue to lead this Na- tion down. the road to a continually es- calating war, you are going to have to assume the responsibility in history for sending American troops to Asia by the millions. The moment that war involves a land war with China, we are not going to fight it with air power. I do not think the Senator from Pennsylvania [Mr. CLARK] could be more right in his conclusion that our bombing of Vietnam has been a failure. The indications are, from in- formation we gather from North Viet- nam and from representatives of neutral countries who have access to North Viet- nam, it has intensified the determination of the North Vietnamese to fight to the last person. So would we if we were put in the same position they are. If we want to give the benefit of doubt to the President that the shocking course of escalation he is approving will force a surrender, it will not produce peace. Another article which appeared in to- day's paper, but which I do not have at my fingertips, states that it would result in having for decades to come, a guerrilla war. Mr. President, this war cannot be won with military might. As the Senator from Pennsylvania [Mr. CLARK] has said, the solutions over there are not military solutions, but political solutions. Therefore, we had better give some heed to what the Senator from Pennsylvania outlined tonight in the steps we should take in an attempt to bring the war to an end, for as Lippmann points out: Asia must be defended and promoted without America becoming involved in such a land war as is now raging in Vietnam. We had better give much thought to the interview in U.S. News & World Re- port referred to by the Senator from Pennsylvania involving General Ky. I quite agree with the Senator from Penn- sylvania's appraisal of General Ky. It is a very sad thing that we are supporting that little tyrant and that American boys are dying to keep him in power. The superpatriots in this country are taking to flag 'waving and the following of slogans rather than the following of facts. We had better take a look in retrospect. It was not so long ago that I warned on the floor of the Senate against following the advice of the little tyrant as he advocated the bombing of North Vietnam. Oh, there was much protest in this country from administration spokesmen against the bombing of North Vietnam. But that was the trial balloon; that was the beginning of the propaganda; that was the beginning of the agitation in this country to lead us into the bombing of North Vietnam. Not long thereafter, we began the bombing of North Vietnam, and we have been continuing to bomb and bomb. Now we are bombing within 3 miles of the heart of the city of Hanoi, and the administration continues to tell us we are not killing civilians. That is not the report we get from foreign sources. Of course, we ought to take judicial notice that it is not possible to bomb within 3 miles of the heart of Hanoi and not be killing civilians. This is dangerous business. The story that the President told in his trip through Kentucky and Indiana over the last weekend was quite different from the promises he made to the American people in 1964. When he was seeking reelection, he was seeking it on the basis of no such war propaganda as he advo- cated in his speeches in Kentucky and Indiana during the last weekend. To the contrary, he was telling the Amer- ican people that the war was an Asian war for Asian boys to fight, not for American boys to fight. Millions of Americans of the Repub- lican Party voted for him as they re- jected their own party's candidate, be- cause they were led to believe that Lyndon B. Johnson, the Democratic candidate for the Presidency, was prom- ising them that he would not follow a foreign policy that would result in American boys fighting a war in Asia that Asian boys should fight. I am never happy, and I shall never be happy, disagreeing with the policy of by Government in the field of foreign af- fairs; but I shall continue to disagree with it so long as the policy is the present policy, for that policy is unjustified and immoral. It is not possible to reconcile it on the basis of our international com- mitments and of our constitutional obli- gations. So I quite agree with the Senator from Pennsylvania [Mr. CLARK] that the war should be stopped; and we can stop it. That is why I say that the President ought to recognize what his military ad- visers recognized, and what his military advisers on occasion have briefed us-' and it is public knowledge: that China cannot be defeated by bombing, nuclear or conventional. If we continue to let the little tyrant Ky egg us on into more and more military operations in North Vietnam and the sending of an American army into North Vietnam, it will not be long before that army will be involved with Chinese soldiers on the other side, because it is not possible to get that close to the China border without the Chinese recognizing that they will have to re- spond. In fact, the reports appearing in the papers in the last 3 days-again from correspondents over there repre- senting foreign newspapers-tell us that there is increasing indication that Red China recognizes that it is only a matter of time before she will have to respond to America's outlawry in Asia. If we get ourselves involved in a land war with China, the sacrifices that we shall have to make of these precious American men whom we are sending over into a war-not a one of whom should have been sent in the first place-will discredit, in history, any President who is responsible for it. It is not too late for us to return to moral values. It is not too late for this great religious people to insist that their government practice our religious prin- ciples in the field of foreign policy, too. And we cannot square this war, in my judgment, with the tenets of our re- ligions. Well, Mr. President, what should the President do? I repeat, he should an- nounce to the world that we are stopping our bombing. He should announce to the world that we intend to hold those positions that we can hold and com- pletely defend, and prevent the advance of the enemy, and thereby also stop ad- vancing our own boys into an escalated engagement or series of engagements. Because, as we send them out into these battlefields, as we sit in our living- rooms-as I did last night-and observe some of the television pictures of this war being fought, with its killing, on the television screen, we must ask ourselves, "By what right does our President send those boys to their death?" I say he has no justifiable right. He ought to adopt the military strategy of the leader who led our forces in Korea, General Ridgway. He, in my judgment, is the man whose advice should be fol- lowed. He has made perfectly clear his opposition to the escalating of this war. The President ought to follow the ad- vice of General Gavin, who, when he was in uniform-and he has only lately re- tired-was one of the two or three top military strategists of our entire Military Establishment. What do these leaders tell us, and the other military authorities who join them? "You ought to stop the escal- ating. You ought to mark out those lines of defense that we know we can hold and the enemy cannot penetrate." That places upon the President the responsibility for taking the next step, and that is to notify the nations of the world who claim they want peace to come on in and assume their obligations under their international commitments, to en- force a peace. That group of nations includes Great -Britain, whose Prime Minister is coming over here. He gives lipservice to America's policy, and tells the people of the United States he is all for our position in South Vietnam. But no British boy is dying in South Vietnam. No British boy is being sent to battle in South Vietnam by the British Prime Minister. I wish to say, he makes no favorable impression on me, with his lipservice of supporting America's war in South Vietnam, while he himself is not willing to back up his words with military support. Why, Mr. President? Obvi- ously because the British people recognize that they should not be involved in this war. Mr. President, the British Prime Minister and the heads of the major countries of the world, including Russia, have a clear obligation, under the United Nations Charter, to enforce a peace in southeast Asia. Therefore, the Presi- Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090004-5 Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090004-5 16 16310 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE July 261-1966 dent ought to adopt what is known as the enclave approach for the time being, and agree to support a cease-fire when- ever these other nations are willing to declare it, backed up by their pledge that they will help enforce it. Unless we do that, Mr. President, there will be no peace in Asia. There may be a surrender of a kind, but no peace. And this country will be bled white from the standpoint of the blood of the men who will be sacrificed, and bled white economically, as we spend the billions of dollars that it will take from the people of this country to maintain the police force that we will have to maintain in Asia after our great military power does all the devastating that can be done with nuclear and conventional bombing, But 'that, as this administration's military spokesman knows, will not win it peace in Asia. Yes, there is disunity in America, and the man more responsible for it than anyone else in the Nation is the Presi- dent of the United States. Because it is the President's foreign policy that has created this disunity, and this disunity will not be made to vanish, Mr. Presi- dent, by any such set of speeches as the President made in Kentucky and in In- diana over the weekend. I would like to see unity. But, Mr. President, there are too many who rec- ognize that a President has no justifiable right to send these boys to their slaughter without a declaration of war, under the Constitution of the United States. And why does he not call for it? He does not dare. He does not dare, not only be- cause any proposal on his part for a dec- laration of war would not only deepen the disunity in the United States until a declaration is passed-if it is passed-- but because it would alienate more and more of the countries in the world that we would like to have as our allies. ' ? And so, Mr. President, I think the President has a great obligation, in the absence of a declaration of war, to pro- ceed to announce to the world that we are going to stop the escalating. We are not going to get out of Viet- nam. I have never proposed that we get out of Vietnam. We are going to hold there in positions that we can defend in order to prevent'the Vietcong and the North Vietnamese from creating a great blood bath. Then we are going to say to the rest of the world, "You too, have a stake in peace in southeast Asia, and we are going to hold there until you have an op- portunity to come in and carry out your international obligation." . I intend to continue to hold to that po- sition until there is a declaration of war, if one comes. On the basis of the present facts, I would vote against it, but if there is a declaration of war, it is for.Congress to do and not the President. He can recom- mend it. He ought to read again the war mes- sages of great Presidents before him, and particularly the war message of Woodrow Wilson at the time of World War I, when he said to the joint session of Congress, that he was without constitutional au- thority to make war without corigres?- sional declaration of war. Mr. President, I think my President owes it to the American people to either deescalate this war or to lay the issues squarely before the people and Congress with a proposed declaration of war, and let the people be the judge. Although I disagree with my President in the field of foreign policy, I agree with him on so many matters in other fields, and particularly in the field of domestic policy, that I think it is a shame that some way, solnehow, this great man-for he is a great man-does not recognize the horrendous mistake that he is making by following the foreign policy that, in my judgment, a Secretary of State, a Secretary of Defense, and some other bad advisers have apparently sold to him. I shall never give up hope that the facts will finally get through to him and he will change our course of action. THE AIRLINE STRIKE Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that there be print- ed in the RECORD an editorial entitled "Breaking the Air Blockade," printed in the New York Times of this morning. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: BREAKING THE AIR BLOCKADE Congressional action has plainly become the only realistic hope for a quick end to the paralyzing airlines strike. The Senate Labor Committee will hear from members of Pres- ident Johnson's Cabinet today precisely how seriously the strike's impact; has been. We hope its hearing will be followed by swift passage of legislation to get the planes back into the air and thus restore normalcy to a key segment of the nation's transportation lifeline. We have already expressed[ our belief that Congress should do what it did in the 1963 rail strike threat and impose compulsory ar- bitration. But it is plain that, with Con- gressional elections only a little over three months off, the mood on Capitol Hill is not strong for legislation that would thus af- front organized labor. Under these circum- stances the best stop gap measure would be the revised bill proposed by Senator MORSE for a new cooling-off period of 180 days. That would get everybody back on the job while a new Presidential board tried to end the wage dispute. If it got nowhere after 150 days, It would make recommendations to the President and he, in turn, would tell Congress what he thought it ought to do to assure a final settlement. This is certainly the long way around in a controversy that has already been before a Presidential emergency board, headed by Senator Moasz-a board whose recommenda- tions the President has endorsed without re- servation. The unhappy history of past dis- putes makes it probable that much of the Government's focus in the new truce period will be on purchasing peace through ap- peasement of the union by management, even though the terms the union is now rejecting exceed the Administration's anti- inflation guideposts. It is obvious that no adequate solution to problems of this sort will be found until the White House and Congress are willing to discard politics and grapple with the intri- cate problems involved in any long-range recasting of the national emergency provi- sions of the present Taft-Hartley and Rail- way Labor Acts. At least the 180-day truce will postpone a fresh showdown until after the elections. Perhaps then there will be enough resolution in Washington to consider answers, not expedients. Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, the first sentence reads: Congressional action has plainly become the only realistic hope for a quick end to the paralyzing airline strike. Mr. President, I was very much inter- ested in an item that came over the ticker a little while ago. It reads: AFL-CIO President George Meany urged the Senate to drop plans to intervene. "Sen. MORSE's bill already has served as a deterrent to free collective bargaining," Meany said in a statement. "Every minute Congress spends on' this ill-advised proposal keeps the parties from honest negotiations, the only sound method for resolving this dispute," Meany said, adding: "No danger to the Nation's health and wel- fare and no threat to the national defense has been demonstrated. The air traveling public has, of course, been inconvenienced, but inconvenience is a small price to pay for freedom." And he claims to be a labor leader. Mr. President, I served with George Meany on the War Labor Board during World War II. Apparently he has suf- fered some lapses of memory. George Meany apparently forgets the times that he sat on the War Labor Board and voted for seizure of American plants and industry in order to protect the public interest. The bill that I first introduced last Friday was very similar to 'the policies that we followed in World War II. Wherever it was demonstrated on the facts that the paramount public inter- est in time of war was going to be sac- rificed because of the adamancy either of a union or of an employer, the War Labor Board decided sometimes with labor, and sometimes with management to take over the plant. The majority of the Board time and time again decided that in order to pro- tect the paramount public interest, the American flag had to be run up over that plant, and that all of them would have to work for that flag. However, the workers would get fair wages and the employers would receive a guarantee that they would get the benefits that would come from the business under Govern- ment management. Not a managerial officer was moved from behind a man- ager's desk. The so-called seizure was by token. The proposal I offered last Friday was of the same import. There would have been a receivership instead of a seizure under my resolution. Management would have stayed behind the desk. In the War Labor Board days, the so-called income from the plant would go into the Treasury of the United States, and the owners of the plant were guaranteed compensation for the operation of the plant. Mr. President, the management made more money under that arrangement be- cause of the benefits they received than they would have made under their own management. I understand why there was concern about my bill of last Friday on the part of managerial forces in the country, in that they thought it might be a bad Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090004-5 July 26, 1966 Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090004-5 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE ' 16305 THE TROUBLED TIMES IN WHICH WE LIVE Mr. HARTKE. Mr. President, yester- day the Dow-Jones industrial average of the New York Stock Exchange fell 16.32 points, or 1.88 percent, to a new 1966 low of 852.83. This was the worst market setback since November 22, 1963, the day President Kennedy was assassinated. What caused this sharp loss of millions of dollars In the paper value of the shares traded on the exchange? Was it news of a national disaster? Did the foreign or domestic policies of the United States take a drastic change for the worse? NO; it was none of these. It was simply the stock market and the people who deal in the stock market expressing their uncertainty of what the future holds for our country. This uncertainty in the world's great- est marketplace is both domestic and international in scope. Internationally, our close friends the British have embarked upon a program of austerity to save the value of the pound. The Labor government of Prime Minister Wilson has once again national- ized the British steel industry against strong opposition from the Conserva- tives. In, the field of international negotia- tions, the Kennedy round negotiations in Geneva remain at a standstill while the members of the EEC concentrate on mending the fences of the Common Mar- ket. Efforts to bring about international monetary reform have ground to a halt while the members of the Group of 10 bicker among themselves. In the mean- time, the world's supply of monetary re- serves continues to dwindle while we rapidly approach an international mone- tary crisis. Here at home, we face uncertainty in every aspect of our economic, political, and social life. What are we going to do about Viet- nam? What are we going to do about inflation? Will we have higher taxes? These are all questions we ask ourselves every day. Added to this are the riots in Chicago, New York, and Cleveland. The airline strike. The growing weak spots in our economy in the sectors dealing with home construction and automobile pro- duction. The tight money and high in- terest rate situation. And the slowdown In the growth rate of the economy. All of these things add to our uncer- tainty, and nowhere are 'they more graphically portrayed than in the tradi- tional barometer of national opinion, the stock market. It is time we brought an end to all of this uncertainty. It is time we began to act positively instead of negatively in our foreign and domestic affairs. This administration could easily do away with all of the uncertainty. Tell the American people the truth about Vietnam. Tell them how long it expects the war will last and how much it esti- mates it will cost. Tell the American people the truth about the state of the economy. Tell them if it is believed that higher taxes are necessary to halt the spread of infla- tion. Have the United States take the lead in the Kennedy round negotiations and in the negotiations on international monetary reform. Why should the rich- est industrial country in the world be dictated to by the Europeans In these meetings? We should be leaders, not followers. We are living in troubled and uncer- tain times, and they will continue to be- come more troubled and uncertain if we continue to permit this shroud of secrecy to surround the facts. I have strong faith in the American people. They have been through good times and bad. They love their country. To them, no sacrifice is too great for her. They are willing to stand by her in her darkest hour, but they cannot be ex- pected to do this until they are told the facts. Therefore, I ask that this shroud of secrecy be removed. ask that the facts be presented. I as that this un- certainty whch plagues r country to- day be removed fro h minds of her citizens, and be riplcd ith the facts. THE LIGHT (F HOPE SHINES THROUGH Mr. CHURCH. Mr. President, out of the dark hours of the past 2 weeks, while the fate of American war prisoners has hung in the balance, comes the first ray of hope from Hanoi. The weight of world opinion calling for humanitarian treatment of all war prisoners-including the "plea for san- ity" issued on July 15, In which I was joined by 18 of my Senate colleagues who have opposed the escalation of the Viet- nemese war-has apparently registered in Hanoi. North Vietnamese President Ho Chi Minh now indicates there Is no trial in view for American military prisoners. Let us hope this decision, as the New York Times expresses it in this morning's lead editorial, may offer hope that com- monsense and common humanity ulti- mately may prevail against the ever greater barbarism the war in Vietnam daily inflicts on both sides. I ask unanimous consent, Mr. Presi- dent, that this editorial, entitled "New Opportunity in Vietnam" may be print- ed at this point in the RECORD. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in ,.he RECORD, as follows : NEW OPPORTUNrrY IN VIETNAM President Ho Chi Minh's statement that there is "no trial in view" for American military prisoners in North Vietnam is a vic- tory for the moral influence of world opinion. That victory transcends the fate of the cap- tive airmen, for it offers hope that common sense and common humanity ultimately may prevail against the ever greater barbarism the war in Vietnam daily inflicts on both sides. The United States has yielded to the pres- sure of world opinion in the past by offering peace proposals and twice suspending the bombing of North Vietnam. But this is the first time that Hanoi has shown regard for the opinion of mankind. Its decision to back away from talk of "war crimes trials" follows direct pleas from Secretary General Thant, Pope Paul VI, numerous governments and opinion leaders everywhere, including eighteen liberal American Senators. The hope now must be that reason can prevail on the broader issues of the war itself, The conflict in Vietnam is a political strug- gle that, in the end, can only be resolved by political means. In politics, timing is of the essence. A number of opportunities to probe the prospects for peace have been neglected in the past. It is vital that the new atmosphere and the new opportunity opened by Hanoi's response on the prisoner issue not be missed as well. The approach favored by American moder- ates and long urged by The Times has just been summed .up admirably by Prof. Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr. One essential element is to stop the Americanization of the war by halting the American buildup in South Viet- nam; a quarter of a million American troops is more than enough. The second vital ele- ment is a civilian Government in Saigon that can open contact with the insurgent forces, Third, is the need to build an atmos- phere conducive to negotiations by tapering off the bombing of North Vietnam. Finally, efforts to reconvene the Geneva conference must be linked with broad diplomatic dis- cussions with Moscow, Paris and other inter- ested states to find a formula for the neu- tralization and economic development of Southeast Asia as a whole. Most of all, what is needed is a clear in- dication that the American objective is not military victory but political settlement. The American ability to escalate the war needs no further demonstration. The need now is to halt the escalation and make a vigorous new effort to achieve peace. THE 50TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE BOEING CO. Mr. MAGNUSON. Mr. President, while in my home State recently, I had the privilege of participating in the cele- bration of the 50th anniversary of one of this Nation's great aviation pioneers- the Boeing Co., of Seattle. The major address on that occasion was delivered by Mr. Juan Trippe, chair- man of the board of Pan American World Airways. I consider his address an inspiring lesson in American aircraft history, and a clear portrayal of the opportunity and challenge of the future for this great company and the others which will shape the destiny of air transportation. The Boeing path to success has not been without difficulty and crisis. Al- most all of it is familiar to me, for I have lived with these problems. Mr. Trippe traced the history of Boe- ing from the first piano wire seaplane, delivered to the Navy as a trainer 2 years before the end of World War I, to the fabulous 747, which can well revolu- tionize the business of air transporta- tion. From the tiny piano wire trainer to an aircraft that will carry 490 pas- sengers and 161/2 tons of baggage, mail, and freight, is vast progress in just half a century, but the determined faith and keen vision of Boeing Co. leadership promises that the coming 50 years will be even more significant. The American aircraft industry, as Mr. Trippe suggested, is one of the toughest areas of competition in the Nation, and to merely survive, there must be constant steps forward toward an uncertain future. The Boeing Co. has done more than survive, and its aircraft today carry more than half the air travel of the free world. I salute this tower Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090004-5 16306 Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090004-5 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE July 26, 1966 of progress in our national industrial While Bill Boeing's decision was a wise one It was Boeing that built the first pres- scene, and I ask unanimous consent that at the time, it was not one that satisfied Bill surized transport, the four-en lned 307. Mr. Trippe's historic message be includ- Boeing. His heart was never in seasleds or Later came the Douglas DC4 and the Lock- ed in the RECORD at this point. mahogany bureaus. He wanted to build heed Constellation. And we all remember There being no objection, the address planes. But if you built planes, whom would the great Boeing 377s, the glamorous double- was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, you build them for? And the question re- decked Stratocrulsers that for many years as follows: mained: was there a future in the aircraft led the way over the ocean trade routes. manufacturing business? Would operating Still later came the Douglas DC6 and DC7 Any lawyer can tell you that a corpora- aircraft ever be a business? Bill Boeing de- series and the successive models of the Lock- tion has powers but no personality and above cided that the answer was "yes." heed Constellation. One of the reasons why all no soul. Imagination, daring, persist- Bill Boeing's next decision was to go into the aviation industry of the United States ence, patience, vision, the great qualities of the air mail business. Of this chapter in the leads the world is the vigorous competition the human spirit, are beyond its reach. And story I can speak with personal knowledge, that has always characterized the industry. yet we are met here today to pay the tribute I had helped organize and was managing Boeing, in the best American business tradi- of our respect and admiration to a corpora- Colonial Air Transport when it started opera- tion, has always had to face outstanding Lion which has survived and prospered for tions in October of 1925 as the first airline competitors. fifty years precisely because it possesses and contractor to the Post Office Department. But there was one development of these has exercised imagination and daring, vision Colonial carried passengers and mail between critical years for which Boeing, and Boeing and persistence-plus, of course, outstand- Boston and New York where we made con- alone, must take the credit. I refer to the ing business acumen. nections with the experimental government plane to which this Republic owes more, per- I have no wish, and certainly no compe- air mail line being run by the Post Office haps, than to any other in the history of tence, to rewrite the text books of corpora- Department between New York, Chicago and aviation: the B-17. If there Is one event lion law, but I propose, nevertheless, to dwell San Francisco. in the rich and fabulous history of the Boe- on this paradox a moment. For the fact is I well remember being present on July 1, ing Corporation which illustrates better than that the history of the Boeing Company, 1924, when the experimental overnight serv- another the Company's imagination, its dar- when one ,looks back at it with the perspe y, ice from New York to Chicago started. The ing and its fundamental know-how, it was live of half a century, Is more like some airplane was a frail, temperamental wartime the building of the Flying Fortress. Norse saga or Greek epic which we learned DH-4 In whose box-like nose an old Liberty The story begins, simply enough, with the about in high school than it is like a corpo- engine clattered away. It could carry only Corporation designing and building, at its rate record. Of course, there were board a hatful of mail and a couple of hours' gas. own cost and with its own resources, a proto- +meetings and legal opinions and tax prob- The lone pilot had no blind-flying instru- type later identified as the B--17, a four- lems and all the rest of the familiar pars- ments, no safety aids except, his parachute. engined, heavily armed bomber with a range phernalia from one end of the story to the Ahead of him were no marked airways, no of three thousand miles and a top speed of other. What I find myself thinking of, how- chain of airports, no radio beam to guide two hundred and thirty-six miles an hour. ever, when I try to pull it all together in my him. His only ground aids were bonfires to Now this, my friends, was the year 1934, mind is the fabulous journey of Ulysses, be lit by friendly farmers on mountain tops with the Second World War five years off. King Ithaca, from one impossible adven- along his way. His weather service was an A romantic historian with the historian's Kure to thacarfrand always with a high- eye cocked aloft-and a prayer* professional advantage of looking backward, Air transp in those heart, a shrewed eye, a bold spirit and the a bu siness. It wasnscarcely a ho days s of was one. not Com might ny excused for endowing the Boeing second never defeated determination to get back to Postal y pany with played sight. Why? win- Ithaca somehow-even if he, like the Greek revenue from the few pounds of mail cause the B-17 played a larger part in wi- god He Ithacarmes, had to fly. the airplane could carry hardly paid for the ning the Second World War than any other The story begins, of course, rather more gasoline. You couldn't find a passenger weapon. modestly than gins, 's poem. rather were no revenue dollar with a telescope. And capital Unfortunately for romantic historians, Horrier There Topless Towers of Ilium to be conquered. was even harder to uncover. however, no second sight was available in Instead you have the Duwamish Flats here wisely decia d also to transfer Its experi- meint tt t ehen rejected rejecected In the 1934. four- The War Depart- in Seattle and a young man out of Yale mental transcontinental service to private mengined bomber as , with extensive lumber holdings who knows enterprise. Bill Boeing decided to bid on the t Btoo eingnCo not mpany to to say hold the old they, bag ag and about the Lafayette Esquadrille and who larger C also-fortunately Con7 would rather build planes than cut timber. hic of this ne route, bfor the ti y-the ea B-17 twain Chicago and San Francisco. His bid as bid as well. e But Boeing itseilf f that t yeaahr was This young man is named Bill Boeing. was far below that of his nearest com- thinking of planes-as it has always thought Along with such men as Donald Douglas, petitor for he would use a new airplane- of them-with a free-wheeling, uninhibited Glenn Martin and Frederick Rentschler, he the 40A-which he would build, equipped Imagination and the intestinal fortitude to is to found a new and vital industry. with a new and more efficient engine, the make its dream come true. To build his planes, he has assembled a Pratt and Whitney Wasp Radial. a few carpenters, a supply of spruce, some Although his bid was successful, for Bill How true it came, a few xterminated hi natedthi will linen fabric and a number of rolls of piano Boeing the outlook was dim when, a month suggest. When Hitler emsen wire together with propeller blades and what ahead of target, only one of his 4OAs was in Europ the bunker thirteen in Berlin and the war in passed at the time for motors. He has some- service. been built. been ended, The B-17s h ad ad drop dropd B-i hung how or other combined these several parts- dropped n- how by July 1, 1927, the contract used and d forty thousand tons of bombs s on exclusive of the carpenters-into airplanes- starting date, twenty-five of the new planes Nazi installations and Industries. Moreover, which actually fly and which are sold even- were ready to fly. They had actually been B-17s had shot down as many enemy aircraft tually as Navy trainers. delivered to their appointed places along over Europe as all other American planes From the start, the Boeing enterprise suc- the two thousand miles of the new route. combined. Yes, many of us here tonight ceeded. From the start, too, there were It was a prophetic operation-and In more can vividly recall the American bomber bases troubles and dangers-dangers to which the ways than one. Boeing's business gamble along the East Coast of Britain. We who Corporation was to become accustomed as paid off over the next two years. Thirteen saw them will never forget the spectacle of time went by. Two years after the first hundred tons of mail were carried. Six thou- the departing armadas or the sight of the piano wire seaplane was delivered on the sand passengers, more or less smothered un- Flying Fortresses returning at dusk-those Duwamish Flats, World War I ended-as der the mail bags, had entrusted themselves that did return. World War II was to end with similar con- successfully to the Boeing airline. The B-17, tried and tested in the war, also sequences-thirty years later. The Navy's. Once Bill Boeing had satisfied himself that sired the great B-29 that became the basis need of trainers ended with It, you could build transport planes to carry mail for American strategy in the Pacific. The result, of course, was a conference of and people at a profit, things began to hum The parade of big Boeing bombers-- Bill Boeing and his associates to consider at Boeing. The Boeing 247, the first twin- weapons systems as we call them these days- a question which arose with some persistence engine transport, followed the 40A in 1933- continued on after the war with the six-as there In cratt those boldness?Wand the nsweu= obvious] air- carrying 10 passengers, a crew of two and- engined Strato-jet, the B-47, and today the cud I can say obviously because I knew B- oh, great and unsung date in American his- tremendous B-52, capable of carrying heavier Boding and y cause I knew well the char- l tory, a stewardess as well. The whole thir- and more effective weapons farther. than any acteris bred his oe ngt a he caul into w company-was teen of them roared across the continent in other airplane now in existence or in B a mere twenty hours with only seven stops l prospect. yes. Or, more precisely, yes-if. There was We, in Pan American, were engaged in As long as men remember the Second a future in the aircraft business if you built those years in charting and testing the great World War and the world which followed It- a few seasleds and a little household furniture overseas routes which soon made transpacific and men, I suspect, will remember them for on the side. and transatlantic service possible. We re- a long time-Boeing's fame as armorer to Incidentally, as the Chairman just pointed member with gratitude today the early Sikor- the Republic will be secure. out, Mrs. Boeing is not with us tonight. Bill skis, the 5-38, and S-40 and S-42, the Mar- If the military story Is brilliant, the peace- Boeing's son, I am glad to say, however, Is tin China Clippers and the great Boeing Yan- time story has about it the elements of with us. I would like to ask him to rise and kee Clippers which pioneered the trade routes greatness, of true greatness. If the first be recognized. across the Atlantic and Pacific. has inventiveness, the second has vision. Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090004-5 Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090004-5 July 26, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE 16297 Therefore be it resolved that the second (Indian Head) Division Association, San An- tonio Branch, in regular meeting held on this the 22d day of May A.D. 1966, does re- spectfully request the Department of the Army set aside the approximate 118 acres, aforementioned, for future expansion of the Fort Sam Houston National Cemetery, and Be it further resolved that a copy of this resolution be sent to the National President, Second (Indian Head) Division, Inc.; to the Honorable RALPH W. YARBOROUGH and the Honorable JOHN G. TOWER, United States Senators, Texas; and the Honorable H. B. GONZALEZ and the Honorable O. C. FISHER, United States Congressmen, Texas; respect- fully soliciting their support and assistance in this matter. ORBRA L. LONGLEY, President, Second (Indian Head) Division, San Antonio Branch. Attest: RICHARD B. HARN, Secretary, Second (Indian Head) Division, San Antonio Branch. MRS. KENNEDY THANKS HAWAII Mr. INOUYE. Mr. President, on her departure from Hawaii, Mrs. Jacqueline Kennedy wrote a stirring tribute to the news media, the Governor, and the peo- ple of my State, for their generous ef- forts to make her visit a happy experi- ence. In recognition of these efforts by so many people of Hawaii, and as a token of my deep respect for Mrs. Kennedy, I respectfully request that her letter be entered in the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD. There being no objection, the letter was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: JULY 23, 1966. DEAR SIR: As I leave Hawaii after these beautiful weeks. I should like to thank you, the Editor of the Honolulu Advertiser and the Honolulu Star-Bulletin for all that you have done to make this vacation such a perfect one for my children and for me. I had forgotten, and my children have never known what it was like to discover a new place, unwatched and unnoticed. It was your papers that made this possible for us, by deciding at the beginning not to follow our activities. It was completely against your interests to do this. As I un- derstand the problems and pressures the press endures, I truly appreciate the extra- ordinary gesture you made. But now I think I should not have been surprised. In this strange land everyone con- stantly goes out of his way to be kind to the other. From Governor Burns, who so kindly watched over us and asked people to help make our visit private, to the driver of a vegetable truck who went out of his way to lead us several miles, when we merely asked for direction, everyone in Hawaii has been the same. Now I know what the Aloha spirit means. I hope it is contagious-for it could change the world. With my deep appreciation, and our deep- est hopes for coming back again. This analysis places special emphasis In a few more years the young, with no on the issues confronting the younger memories of the Depression or World War II, will be taking over completely. The Hick- generation. It points out that the enlooper ;report observes that "with citizens growth of the 20- to 34-year-old popula- over age thirty-five increasing by less than tion in the next 20 years is over 20 mil- 18 million, while citizens under thirty-five lion; and growth of the under-20 popu- increase fully 61 million, certain political lation in that period is over 35 million. inevitabilites become starkly obvious." offers the most rational solutions to the problems facing this group may well win the "respect and long-term allegiance of this new electorate." The State of Michigan recognizes the growing responsibility and authority of the younger generation, and is placing on the November ballot a referendum to de- cide whether the minimum voting age should be 18 instead of 21. For my part, I strongly favor the minimum voting age at 18. Another problem-education-is very much in the minds of our youth. The progress of education, in large measure, depends on greater training opportuni- ties for our teachers and for all the youth of our land. As one of several steps in this direc- tion, I have introduced legislation to pro- vide a tax credit for parents sending their sons and daughters to college. I have also introduced a bill granting tax de- ductions to teachers continuing their education. Mr. President, an interesting article on the Republican Policy Committee's study was printed in the Washington Post un- der John Chamberlain's byline. I ask unanimous consent that the article be printed in the Appendix of the RECORD. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: REPUBLICANS LOOK AT THE FUTURE (By John Chamberlain) The Republican Party hasn't distinguished itself recently either at the polls or as a "loyal opposition" in Congress. Nor does it seem to be making much effort to drama- tize, through the activities of its National Committee, the issues that might be used to beat Democrats next November. Amid the general melancholy that this columnist feels when he contemplates Republican ac- tivities, however, it is a pleasure to report that some Republicans are doing a bit of solid thinking about the future of their party in the strange new world that will be upon us when the Vietnamese war has been finally trundled off stage. The solid thinking turns up in a study, "Where the Votes Are," that has just been issued by the staff of Senator BOURKE HICK- ENLOOPER'S U.S. Senate Republican Policy Committee. What distinguishes this study is its almost total avoidance of the cliches of usual political discourse. Instead of gab- bling about the "mainstream" or "consensus," the Hickenlooper staff has tried to map the We had a well-advertised baby boom in 1945-55. It added 25 million to the popula- tion. Ten years from now, when the babies have babies in their turn, a "hospital-bust- ing 46 million increase will begin." So poli- tics will become that art of accommodating to crowds, crowds, crowds. It will be a "school-centered society," preoccupied with the problem of educating new millions. It will be increasingly worried about providing the young with adequate teachers, and "in less than 10 years we'll have more teachers voting than farmers." (Exit the farm bloc, enter the educationist bloc.) The farms of America will be businesses, many of which will not be doing actual farming. The Hickenlooper report argues that the "small" irritants of yesterday will become the "major, nerveshattering issues of today and tomorrow." Pollution will be our big- gest headache. The politician will be judged on his responses to the problem of getting sewage and industrial wastes out of Lake Erie or the Connecticut River, and smoke and grime and sulfur out of the metropolitan air. The Hickenlooper group doesn't want to see Washington becoming the "senior partner" in the politics of meeting the prob- lems of the new world. It notes that an "eight-state Ohio River Compact Commis- sion" is even now using its authority to com- pel industries in the Ohio Basin to "return to the river water as pure or purer than that withdrawn." With reference to the growth of the Negro population, the report observes that "Republicans could sponsor a wide variety of training programs, even financial assistance programs, to enable the nonwhite to learn business and commercial operations, to become managers or owners of the many, many service-type establishments needed in urban areas." This is constructive Republi Reagan, or Romn Doakes. or j st plain Joe PROPOSED TRIALS OF AMERICAN SOLDIERS AS WAR CRIMINALS BY NORTH VIETNAM Mr. TALMADGE. Mr. President, the recent North Vietnamese threat to try captured American soldiers as wax crim- inals is fraught with great peril, for if such trials were to be conducted, and if our airmen were to be executed, the United States would have no other choice but to take devastating retaliatory ac- tion. In my opinion, an infuriated American public would demand such contours of. the world of the Nineteen Seven- retaliation. ties, with an eye to determining the issues w of the reaction to his threat, i I e n v that must be met in order to attract a ma- jority of votes. not only in America but throughout most Plunging into the thick of things after of the world as well, Ho Chi Minh ap- some rather lugubrious observations on fall- pears to be backing down some. He is ing Republican registration figures, the re- wise to do so. port observes that all the old "power cen- ters"-labor, the farm bloc, Big Business- are losing grounii to the new power group would be wise also to call a halt to the rofessional and managerial middle brutal murder of wounded American f th e p o the class. This new power group is not par- fighting men such as that reported in Committee re- titularly "party minded"; it tends to vote eyewitness accounts yesterday. We Mr. Senate GRIFFIN. Republican Mr. Policy President, in terms of a reaction to problems, not an cannot and will not tolerate such atroei- cently issued a penetrating study of the allegiance to philosophies." The new power American electorate in the mid-60's, and group is accustorhed to both affluence and ties; and, if American they ey are re repeated, the certain wrath th projected its study into the 1970's to de- security, and it knows little about the world termine the issues that must be met in of the Nineteen Thirties, which still control felt in North Vietnam as never before, order to attract a oritA pp over 'or politics of CIA Rneration. and as it should be. DP67B00446R0004 090004-5 Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090004-5 16298 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE July 26, 1966 Mr. President, the Macon, Ga., Tele- support and demand. No one as attuned to They told no one, not even the high ofll- graph of July 20 and the Augusta, Ga., public sentiment as President Johnson ciais in the State Department. Herald of July 19 published excellent usually is can be unaware that the Admin- Mr. Mrkva's initial, meeting was with editorials concerning the Communist istration has lagged behind apparent public Zdenek Pisk, then Third Secretary and threat to try captured U.S. servicemen. opinion in the tempo Of the war. Approval later Second Secretary of the stepped-up offensive is general. of the C:ZeChoS10- I invite the attention of the Senate to Of course most of us, despising the war in vakian Embassy. At Pisk's invitation, them and ask unanimous consent that the deepest recesses of our being, do not wish Mr. Mrkva attended social functions at they be printed in the RECORD, to unleash U. S. fury without restraint. Such the Embassy, to which he had been ac- There being no objection, the editorials warfare must inevitably destroy multitudes customed to delivering and waiting for were ordered to be printed in the RECORD, of bystanding Vietnamese civilians. Like as passports in his job as visa courier in the as follows: not, as the might of our war machine rolled Passport Division. the Macon (Ga.) Telegraph, July 20, the over few the small leaders r reaally elly guilty tyyi ag would and of troop [From troop off off The first overt act by Fisk to enlist Mr. guil 19661 into Red China, whole of limb and skin, leav- Mrkva into the Czecholsovakian espio- EXECUTION OF PRISONERS WOULD INVITE ing the hapless civilians to suffer for the mis- nage network was on November 30, 1961, REPRISAL deeds of the leadership. when he invited Mr. Mrkva to dinner at The ground rules of war require prisoners Let the clearest words, such as those de- a metropolitan restaurant and asked him to be protected against violence, intimida- livered by Secretary of State Rusk yester- numerous questions about his family, tion, insult, and public curiosity. The North day, inform Hanoi of U.S. feeling and deter- background, relatives in Czechoslovakia Vietnamese already have violated the rules mination. No possible doubt should be per- and State Department duties. There by marching captured American airmen mitted about the sureness of swift retalia- followed, from November 1961 to July through the streets of Hanoi under armed tion. The blistering destruction which escort. would fall upon the North Vietnamese would 1966, a total of 48 meetings by Mr. Mrkva A real rupture of the rules will occur if, bring no glory to the U.S., but any action with Czechosolvakian officials--11 with as suggested In wire dispatches from other short of the most extreme would be unac- Pisk and later 37 with a second agent, Communist capitals, the airmen are put on ceptable to the American public. Jiri Opatrny, an attache of the Czecho- trial as "war criminals." There is some possibility that, despite the solvakian Embassy who took over the spy The 1949 Geneva Convention on Prisoners blustering and attempted menace in Sun- operations from Pisk in May 1963. of War which forbids such treatment, "to day's statements by the northern president, The two Czech agents paid Mr. Mrkva all cases of declared war or any other armed Ho Chi Minh, Hanoi has gotten the message. a total of $3,440 which the American conflict." North Viet Nam signed the accord For there had been speculation that the Government employee turned over to the In 1957. announcement would include information FBI as the payments were made for him What is atrocity and what Is playing the relating to the captive U.S. service men, and game by the rules in the agonizing illogic likely also to the matter of trials. No mention to perform certain functions requested by of modern war is a dilemma usually reserved was made, however, of the prisoners and their the Czechs. for civilians. At least one GI prisoner of fate. Most of the meetings were held in the war has been murdered by the Viet Cong - Maryland suburbs of Washington and in reprisal for the execution in Saigon FRANK on the park benches in Northwest Wash- VC terrorists. On the other hand, there have ve THE HEROIC WORK OF ington. One was held In front of a been reports published of atrocities by the MRKVA theater in Northeast Washington, one In South Vietnamese. What happens in the Mr. CURTIS. Mr. President, it is the Southeast Washington, and another in a heat of battle is perhaps understandable, if not excusable. strong and sincere desire of all of us that Virginia suburban shopping center. Should Hanoi try and execute the cap- true patriotism shall always remain alive During the entire period of his contact tured American pilots, this nation's anger and vibrant in this free country of ours, with the Czech espionage agents, Mr. Is certain to be great. Such action by the and I believe we should give public rec- Mrkva acted with full knowledge and North Vietnamese would invite retaliation ognition to outstanding examples of It guidance of the FBI and his superiors in in one form or another. url,a? fh , ,,,,,,,,,. _ written: "Nobody who knows anything about Today, Mr. President, I ask this von- supplied such inconsequential items as a Lyndon Johnson can have much doubt about orable body to join me in saying thanks State Department telephone book to the the severity of his reaction If the fliers he to a young man who risked his life for Czech . agents. Later he transmitted sent into' North Viet Nam are executed 41/2 years in silent devotion to duty and press releases and certain administra- against the standards of international law love for this country. Because of his tive reports which had been cleared by for carrying out his orders." contribution, 180 million Americans are the FBI. As his relationship with the The United States never ratified the 1925 a little bit safer in their homes today. Czechoslovakian agents progressed, the Geneva Convention against chemical-biolo- The name of this young man is Frank Communists' interests became more spe- gical warfare. But in 1948 President Roose- Mrkva, and he is the General Services cific. They wanted to obtain a blank velt pledged that the U.S. would not use gas- germ weapons except in retaliation. officer in the Passport Office; at the De- U.S. passport of a new series. They Executing or even cruelly punishing or partment of State. He has been a Gov- wanted information concerning rooms humiliating our airmen is bound to arouse ernment employee for about 11 years and and locations of high officials In the State the American public and in the long run hurt has risen from the grade of i ; .3 to G__11 Department dealing with Czechoslovak- the North Vietnamese. We hope Hanoi has through dedication of his time and tal- Ian affairs. Finally, they asked Mr. the good sense to realize that. ents to his job. Four and a half years Mrkva to place a listening device-a ago he began doing double duty for sin- "bugging" mechanism, if you please- [From the Augusta (Ga.) Herald, July 19, gle pay for his country with the knowl- in the office of Mr. Raymond Lisle, Di- 1966] edge only of his immediate superiors and rector of the Office of Eastern European WARNINGS TO HANOI high officials of the Federal! Bureau of Affairs. It is very difficult to imagine any North Investigation. Mr. Mrkva, again with FBI clearance, Vietnamese action which would redound A Communist diplomat from Czecho- provided Czech Agent Opatrny with a more to their own disadvantage than the slovakia befriended Mr. Mrkva In the General Services Administration cata- threatened war criminal trial by Hanoi of course of official business and began try- log of Government furniture to aid in captured members of the U.S. armed forces. On every hand there is reflected the in- ing to get certain information and docu- designing the listening device so that it tense outrage and purpose to all-out retalia- ments from him. Mr. Mrkva reported could be placed unobtrusively in Mr. tion which the projected "trials" seems uni- the developments to Mr. Robert Johnson, Lisle's office. This was in December 1965. formly to arouse. From President to pundit his immediate superior, the Chief Coun- After several more meetings, Opatrny to public the sentiment appears uniforms; sel and Chief Security Officer of the Pass- delivered an electronic "bugging" device such trials, certainly any executions result- port Office. With the additional knowl- to Mr. Mrkva on May 29, 1966. The Be- ing therefrom, would unquestionably loose edge only of Mr. Johnson's administra- vice could be activated and deactivated unrestrained fury upon the perpetrators. The UN's U Thant and Britain's tive aid, Mrs. Constance Lumardi, and by remote control and was to be placed Wilson, both of whom m look with disfavor up- Harold Miss Frances G. Knight, Director of the in the base of a bookcase in Mr. Lisle's on U.S. . activity in Viet Nam, have urged the e Passport Office, the matter was reported office. Opatrny promised to pay Mr. captors of the Americans to abandon any to the FBI and Mr. Mrkva began his har- Mrkva $1,000 for making the installa- thought of trials. rowing double life. Miss Knight and tion. Mr. Mrkva turned the device over Escalation of the war would be immeazur- these other two people in the Passport to FBI agents in the State Department ably intensified, most likely with firm public Office are entitled to great credit also. Building. Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090004-5 Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090004-5 July 26, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE 16291 to change your mind, to make different de- cisions in the future. "Secondly, since almost all important policy judgments are speculative, you must avoid risking too much on the conviction that you are right." Of course, agnoticism about the future cannot be permitted to sever the nerve of action in the present, but present action must confront the concrete situation and the specific circumstance. The curse of inter- national affairs is the statesman who sees himself as philosopher and moralist-we have had some such in Washington-and proposes to resolve all questions according to a higher law visible only to himself and others of the illuminati. Let us pledge ourselves to an economy of means, renounce self-righteous- ness and not try to settle questions which do not need to be settled. Your countrymen and mine find it especially hard to forsake the pleasures of preaching to lesser breeds, but it still might be worth the effort for both of us. The hard fact is that with all our superiority, we cannot intelligently base decisions on a. non-existent chart of the future; so we might as well stick to what we know. I read the other day a sagacious letter written 70 years ago by the young Winston Churchill to a New York politician of the time, Bourke Cockran. "The duty of govern- ment," Churchill said, "is to be first of all practical. I am for makeshifts and expedi- ency. I would like to make the people who live on this world at the same time as I do better fed and happier generally. If inci- dentally I benefit posterity-so much the better-but I would not sacrifice my own generation to a principle however high or a truth however great." Such an approach may seem too modest- even, perhaps, too cynical-for those ideo- logical statesmen whose self-righteousness has adorned our age-those confident moral- ists prepared with the deepest conscience and commitment to sacrifice their generation on the altar of their own metaphors. But his- tory, never wholly silent, raises questions about the infallibility of their historical models, whether positive or negative-ques- tions about both the all-encompassing ide- ology and the single analogy. Far from enabling us to look piercingly into the future, history, if we read it aright, offers us an even more valuable gift: it makes us--or should make us-understand the extreme difficulty, the intellectual peril, the moral arrogance of supposing that the future will yield itself so easily to us. Properly understood, history must lead statesmen to a profound and humbling sense of human frailty-to a recognition of the fact, so often and so tragically destructive of our most sacred certitudes, that the possi- bilities of history are far richer and more various than the human intellect Is likely to conceive-this; and the final understanding that, despite the limitations of our knowledge and the obscurity of our sItuatio , we are never relieved from the nec sity meeting our responsibilities. F,tee s a d fatality: still the essence of the l na c dition. IVJORE DISSENT ON VIETNAM Mr. GRUENING. Mr. President, the dissent from our policies in southeast Asia continues-and properly so. It is rising, 'It takes the form of analyses of official presentations and of recommen- dations for new and untried approaches to a cessation of the slaughter and to peace. A pertinent example of the former is found in Walter Lippmann's column en- titled "An Old Slogan," published in the Washington Post of July 26. An example of the latter is the leading editorial, entitled "New Opportunity in Vietnam," published in the New York Times of July 26. I ask unanimous consent that these items be printed at this point in the RECORD. There being no objection, the article and editorial were ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: [From the Washington Post, July 26, 19661 TODAY AND TOMORROW: AN OLD SLOGAN (By Walter Lippmann) Campaigning in the Middle West the Presi- dent has used as one of his main theses the cry that the war in Vietnam is a war to end wars like the one in Vietnam. "If guerrilla warfare succeeds in Asia," he said, "it can also succeed in Africa and Latin America as well." This is precisely what we all said during the First World War. That war was "a war to end war" To hear that old slogan brought out again is, to say the least, creepy. For not only did the First World War not end war, as a matter of fact it sowed the ground for the Second World War, Presumably the President means what he is saying. But it is hard to think that any- one can believe that the outcome in Vietnam will determine whether' there are guerrilla wars "in Africa and Latin America," or even In other parts of Asia. Are we really sup- posed to believe that the future of guerrilla warfare, that is to say of rebellion, will be determined by what happens in Vietnam? What is the connection between the guer- rilla wars waged in Ireland, Palestine, Ar- menia, Macedonia, Croatia, Crete, Algeria, the Congo? Were not these uprisings sepa- rate events? How can anyone deceive him- self with the notion that uprisings all over the globe have some kind of underground common instigator and that they can be sup- pressed and discouraged by what happens in one small corner of the world? Fifty years ago when the cry of "a war to end war" was first heard, it was used to inspire people who, themselves remote from the fighting, needed a motive to keep on with the battle. The slogan was invented by an Englishman to arouse the Insular British and the isolationist Americans who, not being under fire, saw no clear vital interests which they were defending. Mr. Johnson has dusted off the old war slogan because it is not easy to prove to the American people that they are fighting for a vital interest of the United States. In the First World War the United States did have a vital interest, which was to prevent the conquest of Great Britain and France and to keep open the Atlantic connection with Europe. This was a difficult thing to explain in the excitement of a war, and in Iieu of a true explanation of the Issues of the war we fell back upon the slogan of a war to end war, In Asia the United States does Indeed have a vital interest in preventing the conquest of the Asian mainland and of the islands and archipelagoes of the western Pacific. But there is no convincing reason for think- ing that the war in Vietnam as it has now developed, is vital to the American interests in the world. The American position has always been that our interest in. Asia must be defended and promoted without America becoming Involved in such a land war as is now raging in Vietnam. President Johnson sustained his argument about a war to end guerrilla war with loud protestations about the firmness of our in- tentions to preserve and to defeat guerrilla warfare. Is he sure that what people see happening in Vietnam convinces them of this? Does the deeper and deeper involve- ment in Vietnam Indicate that we would put equal effort into another antiguerrilla war on some other continent? Or does the Vietnamese affair indicate that we would not be able to fight two or three such wars at the same time? This is another reason for wanting to be- lieve that this one disagreeable war, this one ever-expanding war, is the last and only war that will have to be fought. But to want to believe this does not make it believable. [From the New York Times, July 26, 1966] NEW OPPORTUNrrT IN VIETNAM President Ho Chi Minh's statement that there is "no trial in view" for American mili- tary prisoners in North Vietnam Is a victory for the moral influence of world opinion. That victory transcends the fate of the cap- tive airmen, for it offers hope that common sense and common humanity ultimately may prevail against' the ever greater barbarism the war in Vietnam daily inflicts on both sides. The United States has yielded to the pres- sure of world opinion in the past by offering peace proposals and twice suspending the bombing of North Vietnam. But this is the first time that Hanoi has shown regard for the opinion of mankind. Its decision to back away from talk of "war crimes trials" follows direct pleas from Secretary General Thant, Pope Paul VI, numerous governments and opinion leaders everywhere, including eight- een liberal American Senators. The hope now must be that reason can prevail on the broader issues of the war itself. The conflict in Vietnam is a political struggle that, in the end, can only be resolved by political means. In politics, timing Is of the essence. A number of opportunities to probe the prospects for peace have been neglected in the past. It is vital that the new atmosphere and the new opportunity opened by Hanoi's response on the prisoner issue not be missed as well. The approach favored by American mod- erates and long urged by The Times has just been summed up admirably by Prof. Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr. One essential element is to stop the Americanization of the war by halting the American buildup in South Viet- nam; a quarter of a million American troops Is more than enough. The second vital ele- ment is a civilian Government in Saigon that can open contact with the insurgent forces. Third, is the need to build an at- mosphere conducive to negotiations by taper- ing off the bombing of North Vietnam. Fi- nally, efforts to reconvene the Geneva con- ference must be linked with broad diplomatic discussions with Moscow, Paris and other in- terested states to find a formula for the neu- tralization and economic development of Southeast Asia as a whole. Most of all, what is needed is a clear in- dication that the American objective is not military victory but political settlement. The American ability to escalate the war needs no further demonstration. The need now is to halt the escalation and make a vigorous new effort to achieve peace, DELAWARE STARTS CIVIL RIGHTS SUIT IN SUPREME COURT Mr. MUNDT. Mr. President, Wednes- day, July 20, may well go down in the history books as one of the most memo- rable and significant dates in American history. In an epochal action, the State of Delaware last Wednesday asked the Su- preme Court of the United States to declare unconstitutional the system un- der which all of a State's electoral votes are cast for the presidential candidate Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090004-5 Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090004-5 16292 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE July 26;, 1966 drawing the most popular vote, thus de- stroying the civil rights of those voting in the minority, since their votes in op- position are actually added to the votes .cast for the winner so that the entire electoral vote of a State is cast, en bloc, for the victorious candidate. This unique suit also points out in its highly persuasive brief that the civil rights of all American citizens who should have not only an equal right to vote but who should be entitled to have that vote counted with equality with every other vote, cast by every other citi- zen are seriously impaired and preju- diced by the prevailing method of re- cording electoral votes. In fact, as it now operates, the electoral system records the single vote of an individual citizen in-New York State as having more than 14 times the weight and the importance of the single vote cast by an individual citizen in the State of Delaware. No other factor except the accident of geo- graphic residence provides for the un- conscionable disparity in counting and evaluating the votes cast by American citizens for the President and Vice Presi- dent of their choice, Mr. President, under the prevailing system only the voters of New York State can be considered as first-class citizens. All other citizens of all other States are relegated downward in their citizenship status with Californians being "almost first-class citizens" and with every in- dividual voter in every other State being markedly a "lower class citizen" until we get down to the smaller States whose citi- zens have only one-fifth, or one-tenth, or less than one-fourteenth the status and standing of the voter in the State of New York, In fact, it is exactly as though a citizen in New York State were permitted to vote 14 times for President while a citizen of Delaware were permitted to vote 3 times, since an individual voter in New York State moves 14 electoral votes into the Presidential voting computations while a voter in Delaware by his vote moves only 3 electoral votes into the computa- tions of the electoral college. Similar- fly, voters of all other States are penal- ized and downgraded by the inequities and injustices of the present electoral system which the suit of the State of Delaware now seeks to correct by its ap- peal to the Supreme Court of the United States. In its memorable decision on the so- called Alabama reapportionment case of June 15, 1964, usually alluded to as Reyn- olds against Sims, the U.S. Supreme Court, in the prevailing opinion written by Mr. Chief Justice Warren said: If a State should provide that the votes of citizens of one part of the State should be given two times, or five times, or ten times the weight of votes of citizens in another part of the State, it could hardly be contended that the right to vote of those residing in the disfavored areas had not been effectively diluted.... It is inconceivable that a State law to the effect that, in counting votes for legislators, the votes of citizens in one part of the State would be multiplied by two, five, or ten, while the votes of persons in another area would be counted only at face value, could be constitutionally sustainable, Mr. President, I submit that it is like- wise constitutionally unsustainable to permit citizens voting for President to multiply by as much as 14 their votes cast for President. Every State in the Union having more than a single member in the House of Representatives has been made a defend- ant in this suit by the State of Delaware. Already this historic suit is attracting much publicity in the press and period- icals of our Nation. I ask unanimous consent to have printed at this point in my remarks an article published under a three-column headline in the Minne- apolis Tribune of July 21, 1966. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: DELAWARE SUES To VOID U.S. ]ELECTORAL SYSTEM (By Fred P. Graham) WASHINGTON, D.C-The State of Delaware asked the Supreme Court Wednesday to de- clare unconstitutional the system under which all of a state's electoral votes are cast for the presidential candidate drawing most of the popular vote. Invoking the court's original jurisdiction to hear disputes between states, Atty. Gen. David P. Buckson of Delaware brought suit against all the other 49 states and the Dis- trict of Columbia. However, he directed his legal attack specifically at New York and other states with large blocks of electoral votes. The suit charged that a citizen. of a large state exerted more political influence than a citizen of a small state because, theoretically at least, he is capable of delivering a decisive number of electoral votes. It asks the high court to extend its one- man, one-vote doctrine to declare uncon- stitutional the winner-take-all or "'unit vote" system of choosing presidential electors. All states now use the unit vote system, but neither the Constitution nor federal law re- quires it. According to the suit, in the early years of the republic a majority of the states used the district system to choose electors. This method gave an electoral vote to the candidate that carried each congressional dis- trict, with each state's two senatorial elec- toral votes going to the candidate who carried the state. But a few states were able to exert addi- tional political influence by giving all their electoral votes to the candidate who carried the states, and this forced all the other states to adopt the same system, the suit said. The result is that at present the electoral votes of the 11 largest states, plus that of any one other state, are enough to win a presi- dential election. These 11 states are New York, California, Pennsylvania, Illinois, Ohio, Texas, Michigan, New Jersey, Florida, Massa- chusetts and Indiana. A majority, of 270 of the 538 electoral votes, is necessary to elect a president. The defendants were listed in this descend- ing order, extending down to the smallest states. Thus the suit Is entitled Delaware v, New York, and is in fact directed at these 11 states. Buckson said In a news conference that other small states are expected to realign themselves on the plaintiff side of the case. New York citizens have also benefitted un- duly from the unit vote system by having a great chance to become president, the suit contends. Of the 100 men nominated for president or vice president, 24 have been New Yorkers, while no citizen of Delaware has ever been nominated for either office, and Delaware and 35 other states have never had one of their citizens elected president. "Citizens of these states are as well quali- fied for national office as are New York's citi- zens," the suit contended, but they have been overlooked because of "the premium placed upon the strategic location of potential can- didates residing In New York and other large states." In 1960, it pointed out, John F. Kennedy received 67.5 per cent of the combined elec- toral college votes of Illinois and Indiana when he carried Illinois by a whisker and got its 27 electoral votes. Richard M. Nixon re- ceived 51.6 per cent of the combined electoral college votes which got only Indiana's 13 electoral votes. Mr. MUNDT. Mr. President, there is a fair and Objective substitute for the in- equitable electorial college situation of which Deleware rightfully complains. A number of us in Congress have for many years been advocating a constitutional amendment which would return this country to the so-called district system of choosing our Presidential electors which was intended by our constitutional forefathers and which, in fact, was used in this Republic during the first several presidential campaigns of this country's history. It was changed to the winner- take-all, en-bloc, method of choosing electors only because some early-day politicians with partisan ambitions had it altered by acts of their State legisla- tures to secure added political power for their respective States and this, of course, in self-defense compelled other States to follow the new, 'nonrepresentative pat- tern. Mr. President, I ask unanimous con- sent that the text of Senate Joint Resolu- tion 12, which is now before Congress, be printed at this point in my remarks. It is to be noted it has widespread, bipar- tisan support. It has been the subject of much testimony before the so-called Birch Bayh Subcommittee Studying Electoral College Reform. In a some- what different version, it once was ap- proved by a majority of the Senate, but it lacked necessary two-thirds vote at the time. However, additional support has developed for the proposal since that test vote. In my opinion, this so-called dis- trict plan, which gives every voter in America--regardless of where he lives- precisely the same "votepower" in the naming of a President solves the evils of the current electoral college system without injecting any new evils of its own. I commend it to the continued study of Congress and the country. There being no objection, the joint resolution (S.J. Res. 12) was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: S.J. RES. 12 Resolved by the Senate and House of Rep- resentatives of the United States of America In Congress assembled (two-thirds of each House concurring therein), That the follow- ing article be proposed as an amendment to the Constitution of the United States which shall be valid to all intents and purposes as part of the Constitution if ratified by the legislatures of three-fourths of the several States within seven years from the date of its submission by" the Congress:, "ARTICLE - "SECTION 1. Each State shall choose a num= ber of electors of President and Vice Presi- Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090004-5 16244 Approved Fega(/f /2~$DPf7.?~4IE6R0004000900Quy 26, 1966 My resolution would avoid problems by establishing regular-and I believe proper-procedures for considering orig- inal resolutions reported by committees as well as resolutions amended by strik- ing out all after the enacting clause and inserting new language, the subject mat- ter of which is predominantly within the jurisdiction of another committee. I hope that the Committee on Rules and Administration will be able to schedule hearings on the proposal this session. It may, be that such hearings would reveal ways in which it can be modified and strengthened. I am concerned with the principle involved. I believe there should be a provision in the Senate rules to cover this matter. It should not be necessary for the Senate to vote up or down each original resolution reported by a committee which involves the juris- diction of another committee. Nor is it the way to conduct the business of the Senate. Mr. President, I hope the Committee on Rules and Administration will give me and those of us who are interested in this subject an opportunity to be heard. I thank the majority leader for this opportunity to speak. Mr. MANSFIELD. - It is a pleasure, I say to my distinguished friend, the senior Senator from Massachusetts. The PRESIDING OFFICER. The res- olution will be received and appropri- ately referred; and, under the rule, will be printed in the RECORD. The resolution (S. Res. 287) was re- ferred to the Committee on Rules and Administration, as follows: Resolved, That Rule XXVI of the Stand- ing Rules of the Senate is amended by add- ing at the end thereof the following new paragraph: "3. All original bills or resolutions pro- posed to be reported shall be introduced and referred to the appropriate standing committee before being placed on the Ca- lendar of Business. A proposed report on a bill or resolution with a committee amend- ment to strike out all after the enacting or resolving clause and insert in lieu thereof new language, the subject matter of which predominantly is within the jurisdiction of another committee, shall be referred to such other committee and reported therefrom before it shall be printed on the Calendar of Business for Senate consideration." COMMITTEE MEETINGS DURING SENATE SESSION Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Sub- committee on Constitutional Rights and the Subcommittee on Antitrust and Monopoly Legislation of the Committee on the Judiciary be permitted to meet during the session of the Senate today. Mr. KUCHEL. Mr. President, objec- tions have been lodged with the minor- ity leadership. I object. The PRESIDING OFFICER. It is so ordered. Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Sub- committee on Government Research of the Committee on Government Opera- tions and the Committee on Post Office and Civil Service be permitted to meet during the session of the Senate today. The PRESIDING OFFICER. With- out objection, it is so ordered. Mr. PASTORE subsequently said: Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Subcommittee on Constitutional Rights of the Committee on the Judi- ciary be permitted to meet during the session of the Senate today. The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection? The Chair hearing none, it is so ordered. Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum. The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll. The legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll. Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that tlye order for VIETNAM Mr. MANSFIELD. Gen. Nguyen Kao Ky, provisional premier of South Viet- nam, has recently stated to the American people that the requirements of victory in Vietnam compel a ground invasion of North Vietnam. Furthermore, he be- lieves that "we" as "free men" ought to go to war now with China since we will have to do so, in any event, in 5 or 10 years. General fly's right to say whatever he pleases is recognized. His right to bind the United States thereby ought to be rejected in equally unmistakable terms. It so happens that Gen. Nguyen Kao Ky is a northern Vietnamese. It is quite proper for him to desire the reunification of Vietnam, which, as some of us have stated, is basically one culture, north and south, with many shadings. It is quite proper for him to want to go back home to North Vietnam, where he was born and where he grew up and did his initial soldiering with the French colonial forces. It is quite proper for him to believe he must fight the Chinese, if it is necessary for him to get there and stay there. What is not proper, what is most im- proper, is for the United States to per- mit itself to be placed by General Ky in a position which requires us not only to use our strength to protect the pro- visional Ky government in South Viet- nam but to carry General Ky back home to North Vietnam on the shoulders of our marines and infantry. What is not proper is for us to incur tens of thou- sands of additional U.S. casualties to help General Ky realith his ambitions. What is not proper is for the United States to have any aim in this war ex- cept peace, a peace equitable and re- strained, and at the soonest possible moment. That is where the American interest lies, wherever General Ky's in- terests may extend and whatever they may be. We have already put upward of 270,000, Americans into Vietnam in order to do most of the frontline fighting there while, in accordance with General Ky's desires, he concentrates on organizing the, rear. It would be, and I choose the word most advisedly, an abomination to move this already questionable battle order into North Vietnam in order to accommodate General Ky. It seems to me that this Government has only one course here and that is, to dissociate itself completely and at once from General Ky's statement, which is his own business, and to reiterate clearly that the commitment of this Nation is to the people of South Vietnam and to the kind of political order which they can and will in time and in freedom choose for themselves. To accept for ourselves a concept of this war, such as that ad- vanced by General Ky, would appear to be at the gravest variance with the in- terests and the policies of the United States and with the basis on which this war has heretofore been supported. Mr. AIKEN. Mr. President, will the Senator yield? Mr. MANSFIELD. I yield to the Senator from Vermont. Mr. AIKEN. I thank the Senator from Montana for yielding to me. I commend the majority leader for what he has said. When I awoke this morning and found that there had emerged a great new leader for the Western democracies in the person of General Ky I did not know whether to swell with pride or to tremble with apprehension. I decided that it would be better to let Russia and China do the trembling and perhaps we should be rather proud that we have done so much to develop this new leadership. It is very possible that after he takes care of Russia and China and North Vietnam, perhaps we could ask his advice as to what we should do in the United States where we are having vir- tually organized insurrection in our cities, where we have strikes in our most critical industries and where there is no home building or home purchasing possible because the banks are putting their money into channels other than mortgages or homes. Perhasps he could advise us about the financing of our own Government, which I understand today is in a rather precar- ious situation. I do not know just what we might give in return for the advice and leadership which is now available to us. Possibly we could contribute more American troops to start with, but as to what the ultimate number should be, I have no knowledge-possibly a contribution of 5 million would suffice since with compe- tent leadership and direction our quota could be held to a minimum. As I say, let us leave it to Russia and _ China to do the trembling. They have wanted us to make a bigger effort in Vietnam so that in 2 years we will be more thoroughly bogged down and they will be in a position to undertake a war of any size and kind. Now, let them worry. As I have said, I thank the majority leader for calling our attention to this change in leadership, and it is up to each of us to decide whether he will swell with pride or tremble with apprehension for fear of what it might bring about. Mr. MANSFIELD. May I say to my distinguished friend that if we were to follow General Ky's advice, we would directly presume to be an Asiatic power Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090004-5 Approved For Release 2005/06/29: Cl United States of America Vol. 112 00 C:on ressional Record 9 PROCEEDINGS AND DEBATES OF THE ;9th CONGRESS, SECOND SESSION WASHINGTON, TUESDAY, JULY 26, 1966 Senate The Senate met at 10 o'clock a.m., on the expiration of the recess, and was called to order by Hon. THOMAS H. KUCHEL, a Senator from the State of California. Rev. Edward B. Lewis, pastor, Capitol Hill Methodist Church, Washington, D.C., offered the following prayer: Dear Lord and Father of mankind, we recognize a basic essential of life for prayer at the beginning of this session of the U.S. Senate. This moment of prayer is for the sin- cere purpose of invoking divine blessing and guidance upon one of the highest of government assemblies Prayer is offered today, 0 God, because of the sense of personal need. We are grateful for leaders who have a con- sciousness of heavy responsibility. We know that Thou art with them; even through this prayer and their personal meditations, deliberations, and decisions. Be Thou their guide and strength. Be with our President and the world leaders. Give men of the governments of the world sincere desire and insight to the way of peace, we pray sincerely in the name of the Prince of Peace. Amen. DESIGNATION OF ACTING PRESI- DENT PRO TEMPORE The legislative clerk read the follow- ing letter: U.S. SENATE, PRESIDENT PRO TEMPORE, Washington, D.C., July 26, 1966. To the Senate: Being temporarily absent from the Senate, I appoint Hon. THOMAS H. KUCHEL, a Senator from the State of California, to perform the duties of the Chair during my absence. CARL HAYDEN, President pro tempore. Mr. KUCHEL thereupon took the chair as Acting President pro tempore. On request of Mr. MANSFIELD, and by unanimous consent, the reading of the Journal of the proceedings of Mon- day, July, 25, 1966, was dispensed with. (Legislative day of Friday, July 22, 1966) FOREIGN ECONOMIC ASSISTANCE, 1966 The ACTING PRESIDENT px-o tem- pore laid before the Senate the unfin- ished business. The Senate resumed the consideration of the bill (S. 3584) to amend further the Foreign Assistance Act of 1.961, as amended, and for other purposes. Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, is the amendment offered by Senator MORSE now the order of business? The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. TY- DING,s in the chair). The amendment offered by Senator MORSE is now the order of business. ORDER OF BUSINESS Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, pending the arrival of the distinguished Senator from Oregon, I ask unanimous consent that the Senator from Massa- chusetts [Mr. SALTONSTALLI may speak for 3 minutes. The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered. REFERRAL OF BILLS AND RESOLUTIONS Mr. SALTONSTALL. Mr. President, I thank the majority leader for giving me this opportunity. I shall be very brief. Mr. President, I submit, for appropriate reference, a resolution to provide that all original bills or resolutions proposed to be reported shall be introduced and re- ferred to the appropriate Senate commit- tee before being placed on the Calendar of Business. I do so in light of the situa- tion which recently developed on the floor When the chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee reported an origi- nal resolution from that committee and asked for its consideration, without its having been referred to the Armed Serv- ices Committee, which has jurisdiction over the subject matter involved., In. response to a question first raised by the senior Senator from Rhode Island [Mr. PASTORE] the Vice President said that had the resolution been introduced in the customary way, it would have been referred to the Armed Services Commit- tee. He emphasized, however, that this was his informal opinion given to a0hypo- thetical question. Later, as a result of a point of order made by the senior Sen- ator from Georgia [Mr. RUSSELL] when the question arose of whether the-resolu- tion as reported from the Foreign Rela- tions Committee had to be referred to the Armed Services Committee, the Vice President ruled that there was no prec- edent, and left the matter to the Sen- ate to decide. I think the Senate made the proper de- cision in that instance, but I do not be- lieve it should be faced with such a ques- tion again. As it now stands, the prec- edent is that the matter should be re- ferred to the Senate for a vote. I think the issue involved in that situation is too important to be left unclear. It should be spelled out in the rules. We know that in instances such as the one recently be- fore us, the House of Representatives has procedures which would prevent the floor action proposed by the supporters of the original resolution. I do not believe this matter should be left open to doubt in this body, either. I believe that my resolution will be helpful. If a committee is allowed to extend Its jurisdiction Into areas tradi- tionally within the jurisdiction of other committees, all subjects may be "up for grabs," so to speak. No committee can feel secure that the jurisdiction it pos- sesses today will not have to be shared tomorrow with another committee which asserts its desire to extend its traditional jurisdiction to cover other subjects. This could be done without hearings and without providingan opportunity to con- sider the views of the committees which traditionally have had jurisdiction over the subject in question. There would, of course, be an opportunity for discus- sion on the Senate floor, but such mat- ters should first be given careful consid- eration with adequate opportunity for all interested parties to be heard. 16243 Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090004-5 July 26, 1966 Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090004-5 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE 16245 which is something I do not think we ITNITED STATES MUST DISAVOW PREMIER XY'S should do under any circumstances. I EFFORTS TO EXPAND THE WAR IN VIETNAM believe that we should stay with our his- Mr. President, in recent weeks leaders toric position which goes back beyond of the military junta in Saigon, and in the time when we were an Atlantic particular Premier Ky, have made state- power, in reality. We should remain, on ments and stated objectives that are both the other side of the world, a Pacific dangerous and contrary to the aims of power, and not try to stretch ourselves U.S. policy in Asia. If the United States into being an Asian power. Is to maintain and strengthen the cred- Our interests are on the fringes and ibility of its peace position, we must borders of the Western Pacific Ocean, disavow those dangerous objectives as but not deep in the mainland of Asia. expressed by the Saigon leaders. We are not in Vietnam to become and we The latest of these statements is re- should not seek to become an Asiatic ported in today's New York Times. power. Quoting from an interview with Premier Mr. AIKEN. There is nothing like a Ky from U.S. News & World Report, the conference in the mid-Pacific to develop article indicates that Premier Ky wants the greatest leadership in the world. the United States to face the Communist Mr. JAVITS. Mr. President, will the Chinese now. "Sooner or later we, as Senator yield? freemen, have to face the Chinese Com- Mr. MANSFIELD. I yield to the Sena- munist. I think it is better to face them tor from New York. right now than in 5 or 10 years." Mr. JAVITS. Mr. President, I wish to Last week, Premier Ky called for an identify myself with the majority leader Allied invasion of North Vietnam. and the Senator from Vermont [Mr. In previous weeks Ky has repeatedly AIKEN] In what they have said. I rise to stated that his government, or indeed underline the words of the majority any South Vietnamese Government over leader, which I think are the key words which he has any control, would never of importance today, and that is to dis- under any circumstances, negotiate sociate this Government from the asser- with the National Liberation Party. tions of General Ky. All three of these aims are dangerously The origin of the present situation is out of line with U.S. policy. It Is not Honolulu, and the situation has now enough for the United States simply to come full circle with General Ky repre- ignore these remarks. Silence is not senting a position into which the United sufficient disavowal. If Premier Ky's States might be thrown. remarks are ignored by us, other nations I wish to pay my tribute to the major- cannot help but believe that he is ex- ity leader for calling the turn on it. I pressing objectives which we ourselves hope very much that this position is hold but choose not to state publicly. followed by our Government in calling There is no reason for us to fear the the turn on General Ky. consequences of challenging Premier Ky It is high time that General Ky found in these matters. The United States that he does not speak for the United should not allow the military junta to States and that he cannot impliedly maneuver us into a position where we are speak for the United States because he made to feel that any public disagree- represents, for the time being, the Gov- ment between our Government and the ernment of South Vietnam. one in Saigon will result in the toppling Second, as the Senator from Ver- of the present Saigon government. mont [Mr. AIKEN] emphasized, our re- If we act only by silence now, then we sponsibility is to the people of South will increasingly lose control over events Vietnam, so long as they demonstrate a that happen to us in Vietnam. We may hunger for freedom and the will to fight soon find that no reasonable, negotiat- for it. If we find that these factors have ing position and no peace offensive are changed, I say that we do not belong acceptable to the military junta. U.S. there. interests are at stake in Vietnam and Third,. It demonstrates that we must American troops are fighting there, but push with all of the effort that we have those interests and those men should a duly elected, legitimate civilian gov- ernment. As long as there is a military junta running South Vietnam, this kind of irresponsibility becomes possible. I think that the majority leader has shown time and again his complete probity in these matters of foreign pol- icy by taking positions of this kind. I honor the majority leader for taking the position that he has today. I hope make It possible for us to have greater safety for our own citizens and more security in our own country. We are doing that with the idea that if we help South Vietnam to establish a government of their own, then we will have more security and safety here for our own citizens. If we are to extend our responsibility, as suggested by General Ky, into other areas of Asia, we only decrease our oppor- tunities for security and safety of our own citizens and increase our military re- sponsibilities. In substance we spread our efforts too widely to be effective. I certainly join with my colleagues who have spoken this morning on that sub- ject, and I commend the majority leader for having emphasized the need for keep- ing our responsibilities to the original purpose of making it possible for the South Vietnamese to establish their own government which, I understand, is what we are trying to do and what we hope we will succeed in doing in our efforts there. Mr. KUCHEL. Mr. President, what has been said in this Chamber this morn- ing should have been said. The majority leader, and those who have followed, spoke for the American people and for this Government. General Ky does not speak for the people of the United States, nor for the Government of the United States. On this occasion, I think that mem- bers of the executive branch should join responsible Members of Congress in speaking out and saying so. I very much doubt that the world misunderstands. My judgment is that the position of the American people has been made clear over the past months and years. I think that Communist China clearly understands the goal of the Government of the United States and what it seeks in southeast Asia. Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum. The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll. The legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll. Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded. The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection it is so ordered. or to a massive Asian land war. Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I I urge the Government of the United ask unanimous consent that the Sen- States to restate our negotiating position, ator from Ohio [Mr. YouNc.] may be to reaffirm U.S. desire for peace, and to recognized for 7 minutes. disavow any objectives stated by the The PRESIDING OFFICER. With- Saigon government which run counter out objection, it is so ordered. to our own. Mr. SALTONSTALL. Mr. President, will the Senator yield? Mr. MANSFIELD. I yield. CLEVELAND RAKES COALS OF RACIAL VIOLENCE that it is followed by our Government. Mr. SALTONSTALL. Mr. President, I I think that it is the only way in which wish to add my comments to the discus- the implications of Honolulu-where, it sion to which I have just listened. has been said, the United States put its The other day the majority leader and arm around General Ky-can be ended. the chairman of the Committee on For- General Ky has provided us a splen- eign Relations engaged In a colloquy as to did opportunity and it should be taken our responsibilities in Asia, and as to advantage of. whether we were an Asian power, and all I congratulate the majority leader for that that implied. for his great exercise of responsibility to- At that time I rose and spoke briefly day and the leadership which he has and said that I believed our position demonstrated. there was one of a military character to Mr. YOUNG of Ohio. Mr. President, in recent days, on the East Side of the city of Cleveland where I have lived in the past, there have been acts of violence and killing of Innocent people. In the Hough Avenue area, where some years ago I made my home with my wife and little children, Negroes, frustrated no doubt by neglect, have resorted to acts of violence. Stores have been looted and burned, abandoned, and neglected. Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090004-5 Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090004-5 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE July _26, 1966 Apartments and old dwellings have been destroyed by fire, stores looted of mer- chandise, and four or more citizens have been killed. Hundreds have been wounded by gunfire or brutally beaten. This is not at all the result of any con- spiracy, Communist inspired or other- wise. Obviously one of the causes of the rioting in Cleveland is the terribly in- adequate and long-neglected housing condition throughout the Hough Avenue area. The indignities of ghetto life are distressing and the routine rat-filled houses of the slums appalling. The ne- glect of this entire area is inexcusable. Church and community leaders in Cleve- land should accelerate efforts on a non- profit housing program not only for the Hough area but for other East Side areas of Cleveland. Then, we in the Congress have a duty to enact into law more effec- tive programs to back up and aid efforts of communities to provide adequate housing. Violence that has occurred in my home city is also taking place in many other cities throughout the Nation, particularly in northern cities which have tolerated what could be termed "Negro ghettoes." We are witnessing explosions in various cities in various sections of our country, both north and south of the Mason- Dixon line. This is an explosion of pent- up frustrations, unemployment, and hopelessness of those living in neglected neighborhoods. Mayor Ralph Locher of Cleveland, when our police force was unable to cope with the rioting, requested that National Guard units be sent in to restore law and order. Governor Rhodes complied. Elements of the Ohio National Guard, to the extent of approximately 2,000 men, are in this East Side Hough Avenue area establishing road blockades and barri- cades and enforcing a curfew seeking to end rioting and the killing and injuring of men, women, and children. In most part, objects of destruction by Negro youth in the Hough Avenue area have been stores and property largely owned and operated by absentee owners. Store windows have been smashed, stores looted, apartment buildings burned. In Cleveland many of the young men, members of the National Guard sud- denly called in, frightened of the terror and violence, seemed unable to quell the rioting and to prevent women, children, and men from being injured. In fact, in some instances the guardsmen, unac- customed to handling weapons in com- bat, appeared trigger happy. Mr. President, nearly one-third of the large population of the city of Cleveland consists of Negroes. We have always taken pride in the fact that our city is truly a melting pot. We have believed that our population of various and di- verse ethnic origin, Slovenian, Hungar- ian, Polish, Italian, German, and na- tionals of other countries of the Old World who came here themselves or whose fathers and mothers settled in Cleveland away from the prejudices and. oppressions of the Old World, came in search of political and religious liberty and found it in Cleveland. Perhaps we were wrong in our high hopes. In this administration of Mayor Ralph Locher there are considerably more than 2,000 men on the Cleveland police force. Yet, of this large number only 137 are Negroes. This in a city where 33 percent of the population is Negro. Further- more, it has seemed evident that some members, a minority but a substantial minority, of our police force conducted themselves with brutality and a lack of intelligence in trying to cope with unruly crowds who were rioting. In Cleveland, where the 31 members of our city council are elected and not appointed, as are members of the police force, 10 are Ne- groes. The majority leader of the city council is a respected Negro leader, Charles V. Carr, who has been elected as councilman from his ward for many years. In the cabinet of the mayor of Cleve- land two of the nine directors are Ne- groes. There are 13 municipal court judges. Of these 13, 2 Negroes have been repeatedly elected to the court. There are 23 Cuyahoga County common pleas court judges, and only 1 is a Negro. Governor Rhodes of Ohio has within the past 2 or 3 years made a number of ap- pointments to the common pleas court of Cuyahoga County. He has made good appointments, but not one has been a Negro. Ohio courts afford a citizen the right of one trial and one review. The court of appeals of the Cleveland area has six judges, one of whom is a Negro. It. is deeply saddening that in a great in- dustrial and beautiful city such as Cleve- land respect for the laws of our land which American citizens. should defend and respect have been flouted and disre- garded. The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator's 7 minutes have expired. Mr. YOUNG of Ohio. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that I may proceed for 3 additional minutes. The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered. Mr. YOUNG of Ohio. However, it is difficult to convince a Negro living with eight or nine others in a one-:room flat amid rats and disease in Cleveland's Hough area that abstract constitutional ideals have any meaning to him. His immediate needs are food, a roof over his head, and employment. I deplore the violence which is ex- ploding throughout Cleveland. How- ever, I am thoroughly convinced that much more of the same is to come un- less strong corrective measures are taken. It is no solution to beat back rioters with clubs or tear gas. Such action, merely generates more violence and de- struction in a spiral which ends in ruin and more bitter memories, which, given a spark, will explode out all over again. It was hoped that the Economic Op- portunity Act of 1964 would provide some answers. Unfortunately, that act has failed to fulfill the high hopes held out for it at its enactment. The programs sound good but the targets have been set far too low. Yet the Economic Op- portunity Act has given rise to some very beneficial programs directed toward our urban poor. Only Federal action on a large scale can strike to the heart of this urban dilemma. I am, hopeful that meaningful changes will be made this session to rid the war on poverty of its deadwood. For example, Federal funds for the elimination of poverty must be taken from the hands of the politicians in some of our cities who have been appointed to high-salaried positions and who have done very little for the poor and unemployed. The housing program is too small. The poverty program is too small, The program for slum, schools is too small. It is not the riots in the slums but these lame and inadequate programs that are the real disgrace of the richest nation on earth. It is clear that the elimination of slum misery will require new programs and much money. We as legislators must act with determination in providing the wherewithal to rub out conditions in slum neighborhoods which give rise to the ugly rioting which has racked our cities over this summer. We must be determined in this task. The handwriting is clearly written on the battered walls of Cleve- land, Chicago, and other great cities of our Nation. Cleveland is my home city. It is a matter of pride with me that from 1911 when I moved to Cleveland from the small city of Norwalk, Ohio, right up to the time I was elected to the Senate in 1958, I practiced law in Cleveland and lived in the Cleveland area. My neigh- bors there, including many thousands of Negro citizens, have been good and gen- erous to me every time I sought elective political office. Years ago my wife, children, and I lived in the Hough Avenue area close to where the worst of this terrible rioting occurred. We in the Congress and very definite- ly the city officials of Cleveland, from Mayor Locher down, have neglected peo- ple living in this area and have permitted it to deteriorate into a miserable slum where many thousands live in the midst of filth, stench of overcrowding and lack of toilet facilities and where children are crowded into dark and filthy tene- ments and compelled to play in streets and where young men and young girls, even to have a breath of fresh air, are compelled to walk outside to escape the heat and fetid air of the tenements. In this hopeless situation and in the contin- uing heat of some July nights, hindsight tells us that the explosion, was inevitable. Four deaths resulted and hundreds of men, women and children were badly in- jured. The damage to buildings and property will reach a million dollars. This was the worst rioting in the entire history of Cleveland. It was replete with looting, gunfire and sniping. Even some narrowminded white men considered themselves self-appointed vigilantes now stand accused of the murder of a young Negro husband and father who had not participated one iota in any rioting. George Barmann, an outstanding news reporter on the staff of the Plain Deal- er--a man who is noted in Ohio as an ob- jective and talented news reporter- wrote a fine news column which was pub- lished in the Christian Science Monitor under the caption, "Cleveland Rakes Coals of Racial Violence." Mr. President, Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090004-5 ved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090004-5 CONGRESSIONAL .R,)3CQRD -.APPENDIX July 26, 1966 thing one has .to offer. I, believe In every- thing that I am doing and will give my all- as I feel this is a true threat to my family's freedom as well as, my country's, and I will defend our flag as long as I am able and will always feel I have saved my children from going through, the "hell" these kids are here, Defense Pattern Alarming EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. GLENARD P. LIPSCOMB OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, July 26, 1966 Mr. LIPSCOMB. Mr. Speaker, in- creasingly expressions of concern are be- ing heard across the Nation concern- ing the adequacies of defense planning by the administration. One such expression of concern is con- tained in the July 20, 1966, issue of the Glendale, Calif., News-Press. Under leave to extend my remarks, I submit the Glendale News-Press edito- rial for inclusion in the RECORD. I be- lieve the position taken in the editorial and in the comments it contains will be of interest to the Congress: NEW SHORTAGE Is OLD STORY: DEFENSE PATTERN ALARMING Testimony of Gen. James P. McConnell, Air Force chief of staff, that the Tactical Air Command is down to "bedrock" in strength sends a ripple of alarm through the nation. General McConnell says the shortages are so serious that trouble elsewhere than Viet Nam would result in a call-up of the Air National Guard and disrupt vital training. It is not a new story so far as the Defense Department has been concerned recently. There have been persistent and verified shortages of vehicles, helicopters, aircraft parts, certain weight bombs and even cloth- ing in Viet Nam. A Senate subcommittee, after a study, listed 29 items in short supply in the critical war area. The shortages were verified after vehement dissent from Secretary of Defense Robert Mc- Namara, who labeled such information "ba- loney" "Never have ground operations been so well supported by air," he said. True, perhaps, but an evasion of the fact that sup- plies were short. Later, after newspaper reports and investi- gations by members of congress it was learned that fully half of the four U.S. combat divi- sions in the United States were not ready for combat, but engaged in training. All "ready reserve" battalions were earmarked for Viet Nam or other U.S. commitments. Then, at the height of a crisis in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, the secretary of defense withdrew 15,000 troops, mostly highly skilled technicians, from Europe with- out first consulting our allies. The with- drawal came shortly after his comment that it is "absolutely false to say we are overex- tended and cannot meet our military re- quirements." Additionally, of course, Congress and key military leaders are concerned that there is no anti-missile defense in operation, that no program exists for a follow-up bomber to the obsolescent B-52, at cutbacks in the Strategic Air Command and refusal of the Defense De- partment to construct nuclear frigates au- thorized by Congress to speed a nuclear sur- face Navy. The pattern is clear evidence that, regard- less of Mr. McNamara's background of man- agement, the matter of defense Is-too critical to be left to the decisions of a single man. No one should have this kind of power. Rather, defense should be a co-operative ef- fort that Includes Congress and the experi- enced wisdom of our military leaders. Only time and a careful analysis of the secretary's claim that he has saved $14 bil- lion in defense over the list four years will It can be said now, howe er, that "savings" are a misnomer if the nati n's defenses have been weakened or a war e rt is slowed down Wars cannot be go ;Mt ith short supplies and a missile that jh been built cannot How the Vietnam Problem Was Neatly Solved, or * * * EXTENSION OF REMARKS HON. TIM LEE CARTER OF KENTUCI;Y IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, July 26, 1966 Mr. CARTER. Mr. Speaker, the Sat- urday Evening Post often carries thought-provoking articles. In the issue of July 30, 1966, I found this interesting observation of the Vietnam situation, written by Russell Baker: THE HUMAN COMEDY: HOW THE VIETNAM PROBLEM WAS NEATLY SOLVED, OR (By Russell Baker) Until 10:32 p.m. when the direct phone from Saigon rang in the White House, Sep- tember 17, 1971, had been just another day In Washington. Once again President Johnson had urged the- nation to be patient about the Viet- namese war. Secretary of Defense McNamara that afternoon had issued his semiannual. declaration that the Viet Cong were no longer winning. At the State Department, Secretary Rusk had assured the press that despite wide- spread riots and library burnings, there was every reason to believe that Gen, Quang Cai Quec, who had seized power three weeks be- fore, would at last give South Vietnam a long period of governmental stability. Mr. Rusk said that Gen. Quec might even agree soon to take some of the South Viet- namese army out of pagodas and put them into battle alongside the Americans. The White House phone call was from the American ambassador. "General Quec wants an island," he said. The presidential jet touched down at Hono- lulu 36 hours later. "What's this about an island?" the President asked Gen. Quec. While the President and his advisers listened, the general explained. On the night of September 16, unable to get to sleep, he had slipped down to the kitchen of the presidential palace for a midnight snack, only to discover that the Viet Cong terrorists had been there just minutes before him and raided the icebox. To govern a country under such condi- tions, he reasoned, was impossible. "You can't drive outside town without being kid- napped," he said. "The pagodas are packed with politicians, and there are so many over- paid GI's in Saigon that a premier can't even get a bad table In a restaurant anymore without slipping some piasters to the maitre d'. The trouble is that South Viet- nam is located in the wrong place." "Keep talking," said the President. "I have loaded every available sampan with elements of my army," Gen, Quec said. "I propose to move offshore to the Republic of Nationalist Vietnam, where we can rally our strength for a victorious return to the mainland." " "And just where Is the Republic of Na- tionalist Vietnam?" asked Mr. Rusk. Gen. Quec smiled, "How about Catalina Island?" he asked. Next morning, while Gen. Quec inspected Waikiki beach, the President's advisers came to grips with the question of Nationalist Vietnam. They stayed at grips all day, all the next day, and all through the day after that. On the morning of the fourth day their conference was Interrupted by Gen. Quec with the announcement that the first sam- pans carrying his army has beached on the island of Mal Tai, 60 miles off the Vietnamese coast, had seized Cum Quat, the capital, and had proclaimed it the seat of the Republic of Nationalist Vietnam. ,.If you will excuse me, I must now meet with the press and vow to return to the mainland one of these days," Gen. Quec said. "It will never work, General," said Secre- tary Rusk. "Look at what happened to Chiang Kai-shek." The papers reported that Gen. Quec ex- cused himself and exited laughing. Instead of flying immediately to Cum Quat, Gen. Quec accepted a series of speaking en- gagements in the United States, where news of his stirring pledge to return to the main- land one of these days had made him an overnight hero. Landing in San Francisco to a tumultuous reception, Quec promised that if the United States would only unleash him, he would send the Nationalist Vietnam Army lunging across of Gulf of Tonkin to provide military advisers to American armies and clear the Communists off the mainland. For that eventual triumph, he told a joint session of Congress, the Republic of Nation- alist Vietnam on Mai Tai would require mas- sive American aid. Cum Quat, after all, was still only a provisional island town, he noted. It needed new factories and bomber strips. Vast sums would be required to build a Cum Quat Hilton and air-condition Cum Quat's bars for U.S. military, diplomatic, and aid teams when they arrived to defeat Com- munism. Meanwhile, at the White House, the Presi- dent's advisers struggled with the Mai Tai problem. "The question," said a man from Texas, "is whether we are are going to recog- nize Mai Tai as Vietnam:' "Unthinkable," said Secretary Rusk. "Mal Tai is only a two-bit island sixty miles off the Asian mainland." "Impossible," said Secretary McNamara. "We already have a million-and-a-half Amer- ican soldiers tied down on the mainland." The man from Texas winked. "Suppose we stopped recognizing Vietnam as Vietnam," he said. "Suppose we said that the real Viet- nam is on Mai Tai. What do we do with our soldiers?" "Well," said Secretary Rusk, "since we are fighting to preserve the freedom of Viet- nam, we would, of course, have to locate the soldiers wherever Vietnam may be." "That would mean taking them off the mainland and putting them on Mai Tai," said Secretary McNamara. Next day the United States announced that it had recognized the Republic of Na- tionalist Vietnam on Mai Tai and did not recognize anyplace else that called itself Vietnam. At his news conference Mr. Rusk was asked If Americans would continue to fight on the mainland. "Since we do not recognize any Vietnam on the mainland, your question is absurd," he explained. "Obviously an army cannot preserve the freedom of a place that does not exist." Which, as we all know, is how the fight- ing in Vietnam-mainland Vietnam, that is-finally ended. For a while it was ex- pensive, maintaining the American, army on Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090004-5 Approved For Release 2005/06/29: CIA-RDP67B00446R00 July 26, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX is an America. There can be no escape from' it, How can the Negro obtain payment of this debt? In order to obtain payment of this debt after 300 years of promises the Negro needs the help and strength of all other Americans just as all other Americans need the strength and help of the Negro. For, despite its racial troubles, the United States is a nation of one people, and the Negro, representing only ten percent of the population, must never be deluded into thinking he can "go it alone" and force his will on the majority. Nor can he afford to complacently accept persecution and abuse as an "outsider." The Negro is an "insider." He is an in- tegral part of an indivisible nation and he must never forget it. He is not alone as an American, and his ?ast history and future destiny have been and will be worked out in America through mutual coexistence With other Americans, working for a better America. Thus the Negro needs the contributions )f all black men and all black organizations it working toward his goal. He needs Dr. Martin Luther King of the Southern Chris- iian Leadership Conference, who can be com- pared to a "modern day Moses" attempting to lead his people out of the wilderness. He also needs the leadership and contribu- tions of Congressman Adam Clayton Powell; Roy Wilkins of the NAACP; Jack Greenberg, head of the NAACP Legal and Educational Defense Fund; A. Philip Randolph, the elder statesman; Whitney Young of the National Urban League; J. Raymond Jones, the polit- ical leader; Floyd McKissick of CORE; Miss Dorothy Height of the National Council of Negro Women; James Farmer, the ex-CORE leader; Stokely Carmichael of SNCC; James Lawson of the Black Nationalist Movement; Elijah Muhammad of the Black Muslims; and business leaders such as A. T. Spaulding of the North Carolina Mutual Life Insurance Company; T. M. Alexander of Atlanta; Joseph Davis, president, Carver Federal Savings and Loan Association; John H. Johnson, editor and publisher of Ebony Magazine; Carl Mur- phy, publisher Afro-American newspapers, and all other Negroes. The solution of the Negro's problems also requires the leadership and contributions of that great reservoir of fair-minded white Americans in this country who have already contributed so much to the Negro's progress. We refer to such men as President John- son, Vice President Ruapanzy, Senators KEN- NEDY, JAVITS, DOUGLAS and DIRKSEN, Governor Rockefeller, former Mayor Wagner and Mayor Lindsay, and thousands of others including the courageous students, many of whom have given their lives for the cause. All these people know that America owes a great debt to the Negro and they are the ones who stand ready to help America pay off that debt. What the rest of this nation must now realize is that 22 million Negroes, keenly aware that this debt has been outstanding for more than 800 years, are now demanding payment, regardless of the consequences. These Negroes know their rights and they know the laws passed by whites which guar- antee them life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. They can no longer be fooled by persuasion and clever promises. For, as Abraham Lincoln has so aptly said: "You can fool some of the people all of the time, and all of the people some of the time, but you can't fool all of the people all of the time." Wake up America and remain great! C. B. POWELL, M.D., Editor. JAMES L. 17rcxs, Executive Editor. Captive Nations Week SPEECH OF HON, JOHN B. ANDERSON OF ILLINOIS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, July 20, 1966 Mr. ANDERSON of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, I am proud to have this oppor- tunity to rise in the commemoration of the eighth annual observance of Captive Nations Week. It is a week dedicated to bolster the determination and longing for freedom of the peoples in those many nations which have been tightly yoked under Communist oppression and intol- erance. Compassion for the plight of these captive peoples is difficult for us Americans to fully feel, I fear, Mr. Speaker. The heritage of freedom of the press, freedom of speech, and freedom to worship is taken all too nonchalantly nowadays. It is easy for us to let our memories and our hearts gloss over the blood and the sweat and the tears that have embossed the pages of American history with our world fight for freedom. As a sponsor of House Concurrent Resolution 395, which I introduced on April 3, 1965, to give hope to the Baltic States In their sorrowful predicament, I am convinced that the annual Captive Nations Week can be a highly effective assistance in the movement toward in- dependence in the Eastern European countries. The various totalitarian Communist governments do not represent the down- trodden, underlying captive nations. A force that can help to penetrate this Communist barrier which separates the captive peoples from the realization of their long quest for freedom is an in- stitution like Captive Nations Week. This week and others like it over the years will give courage to those who might otherwise lose all hope. It will serve as a reminder of freedom where heretofore the only reminder of freedom lay deeply submerged in the conscious- ness of a generation which once knew the joys of freedom but is rapidly aging under the yoke of totalitarianism. The purpose of Captive Nations Week, and indeed the purpose of all free na- tions, should be the construction of a bridge of understanding sympathy. We should provide moral support and exert all possible efforts to help set free from Communist colonialism these oppressed and tyrannized captive nations. When one reads of the shameful ac- cusations by the Sino-Soviets of Yankee imperialism and compares them with the facts that are so incontrovertible, It is perfectly clear that Russia and China are the last two remnants that remain of the world's backward centers of colonial con- quest. The free world and those in bondage who :learn for the free exercise of their former freedoms, look to the United States for leadership. They look upon the United States as their last citadel of hope, their last bastion for the cause of freedom. While we continue to remain strong, and champion the cause of those who are free and those who yearn to be free, we must continuously assert our leadership in that respect. Such leader- ship lies not only in the diplomatic and foreign policy efforts of free governments around the world but also in commemo- rations of freedom such as Captive Na- tions Week. This I believe to be the chief raison d'etre of the principles upon which this great Nation of ours is con- structed. EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. GEORGE H. MAHON OF TEXAS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, July 26, 1966 Mr. MAHON. Mr. Speaker, Mrs. E. C. Hogan, Sr., of Post, Tex., recently sent me a letter which she received from her nephew, Royce S. Bolding, who is serving in the Navy in Vietnam, indicating that she would like to share it with other Americans. The. American people owe a great debt of gratitude to the young men who serve our country in Vietnam, and I would like for others to have the oppor- tunity of reading Mr. Bolding's letter, also. I am, therefore, submitting ex-? cerpts from his letter of July 1, 1966, for insertion in the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD; Before I arrived here two months ago I wondered just what the heck did we want to fight over Viet-Nam for! Well, it didn't take this farm bay long to see what we were do- ing here--all I had to do was look around me-and I was proud of what my country was doing and much more so to be a part of it. These people here have been at a war of one sort or the other for over 30 years and have finally attained a semblance of a partial peace. In other words, they have more free- dom now than they have ever known before. After working with them, visiting in their homes and fighting with them, I marvel at their determination and the great lengths they are willing to go to keep this newly found freedom. I have many Viet-Namese friends and really think they are great people. Of course, all things can't always have only a bright side and it seems to me the home papers always manage to print the grim side of things. Granted the demonstrations, etc? that we had here not so long ago were truly very discouraging, but from an eye-witness's viewpoint here is how I look at it. Most of the Vietnamese are very uneducated. By this I meal they do not have the schooling or even the facilities to teach all the peasants here. I find that this class plus teenaged kids were for the most part the main body of these demonstrations. The kids were in it mostly for kicks, as when else would they ever have a chance to throw a rock, break a window, etc. There is no doubt also in my mind that there were North Vietnamese in.+ spired to add to all this. Just a little on the makeup of the land here. There are aver 2,000 miles of navigable waterways in the delta alone during the mon- soon season, and-most of the land is either steaming hot jungles, rice paddies or moun- tains. Life is sheer hell here for the Ameri- can, who is so used to his plush living, eat- ing, and in general all his habits that he really suffers. However, after seeing one of these little kids break into a big smile and say, "You number 1 it is worth every- Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090004-5 Julyf 6, 1966 Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090004-5 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX . A3945 Mat Tai and converting Cum Quat into a fail to bolster the NATO organization FINDS SYMPATHY place where Gen, Quang Cai Quec could which has been so successful in keeping Sen. FRANK CHURCH, the Idaho Democrat live comfortably. With time, however, the Western Europe free without war? who went to Europe last month to inquire job was done, the soldiers came home, and My good friend and colleague, Con- into the NATO crisis for Sen. J. W. FUL- wro a that gressman PAUL FINDLEY Of I11in0iSI askRIGHT'S ed for a Foreign copy f MrtPearson's text. Committee, When thin his Great mSociety as emoirsthe begun President earnest. the only bad advice he received during the thought enough of the Prime Minister's Syn. CHURCH conducts hearings into the Mal Tai crisis came from the Secretary of address to insert it into the CONGRES- NATO question later this month, the Pearson the Treasury, who told him, "Mr. President, SIGNAL RECORD. I want to add my own statement is expected to figure prominently the one thing this country cannot afford is support to Mr. FINDLEY'S proposal to ac- in the discussion. For Mr. Pearson has sug- another Quang Cal Quec." tively consider the concept of Atlantic gested (among other things) that de Gaulle's "'History," wrote the President, "has proved Union as a solution to the present trend complaints about U.S. domination of the 'aim wrong. As long as we in this country of the NATO Alliance. I have intro- alliance may be quite valid after all, and can keep Asia confined to islands, we can live Sen. CHURCH, too, is reported to agree that with it." duced House Joint Resolution 999 to pro- the French president may have a point. vide for U.S. participation in an Atlantic There is, meantime, some evidence that Union Convention with delegations from President Johnson has neither seen the Pear- Horton Urges United States To Heed the other North Atlantic countries. son speech nor heard about it, that the state I think the need for such a move could department or the presidential aides, in the Prime Minister Pearson's Warning on not be stated more meaningfully than words of one Capitol Hill source, are hiding Weakening NATO, Support for Atlantic it was in the Prime Minister's own words: it from his view. I believe only the United States can give the At a White House ceremony Tuesday for Union , effective lead required for Atlantic unity. the signing of a bill authorizing the con- Without her active support nothing can be struction of a new dam for the Columbia River project, OF REMARKS done, at least on the broad front which is ject, the president referred to Mr. Johnson- essential. Without her leadership we will be Pearson as "my good friend." Johnson- aF driven back to a national or continental so- watchers say that if the president had been HON. FRANK HORTON lution for the organization of security and aware of what Mr. Pearson had said in for progress. Springfield, Ill., Saturday he would not have of NEW YORK paid him such a warm tribute. This may IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES We cannot in conscience let this mat- sound petty; but that's the way LBJ operates. ter drop with passive American gestures In his speech to the Atlantic Federal Union, Tuesday, July 26, 1966 at rebuilding the alliance. Only a few the prime minister placed a major share of Mr. HORTON. Mr. Speaker, this will nights ago, I spoke about the need for new the blame for the current disarray of NATO France, be the third time this year that I have dimensions in our Atlantic policy to a wthe the United Johnson n as admratherinistration than has cast ast which stood before my colleagues in this Cham- large audience in Rochester, N.Y. Their in the role of "bad guy." ber to discuss the urgent need foi Ameri- concern for this matter was evident, as "France," the prime minister said, "is not, can initiative in the Atlantic alliance. all Americans who cherish the unity of has not, and will not be satisfied with an In the past few months, with NATO un- the free world are concerned about the Atlantic organization, or an Atlantic alliance dergoing turbulence and change, our weakening trend in our ties to Western of Independent states dominated by Amer- foreign policy makers have responded Europe. ica." His choice of the term "dominated" passively at best to the initiatives of Eu- I urge my colleagues to study this mat- is regarded as very strong, at least for a pro- ropean governments. Our most recent ter closely, and to join Representative fessional diplomat of Mr. Pearson's expe- rience. move was the announcement of a whole- FINDLEY and myself in demanding an ap- rh Pearson made another remark that is sale withdrawal of U.S. Military units propriate and constructive response to sure to gall the president when he equated from France. There is no evidence that Prime Minister Pearson's remarks on the Washington's dominant position in NATO our Government views the obvious weak- future of NATO. with that of Russia in the Warsaw Pact. ening of the alliance with any appropri- At this point in the RECORD, I want to EARLIER TIFF ate degree of concern. Even more include three newspaper articles which The total lack of an administration re- alarming is the fact that outside of Con- point up the need for new directions in sponse (even in the way of inspired reports gress, no one in Washington has taken our free world foreign policy. The three quoting "administration sources") to the any serious steps to plan for strengthen- newspapers, the Montreal Star, the New Pearson speech is all the more surprising ing the alliance. York Times, and the Baltimore Sun, are when viewed in the light of the Johnson- I believe that our leaders have made to be commended for their responsible Pearson tiff over Viet Nam tactics at Camp a tacit decision to step down from active reporting on this issue: David 14 months ago. The Prime Minister and enlightened leadership of the North offended Mr. suggesting, reetlytly, , that bombing then by of North [From the Montreal (Canada) Star, June 16, ever ver so so discreetly, Johnson h Atlantic nations. This fact became clear 1966] Viet Nam might be -suspended at "the right when the administration failed to react PEARSON SPEECII: WHITE HOUSE SILENCE time." to Canada Prime Minister Pearson's FOLLOWS CRITICISM If Mr. Pearson's remarks on Viet Nam last speech in Springfield, Ill., last month, (By Raymond Heard) year gave comfort to the "doves," his Spring- which was highly critical of America's WASIIINGTON.-Diplomats and interested field speech about NATO has encouraged failure to lead the alliance toward even- members of Congress can't understand it. those in Congress, most of whom appear to tual Atlantic Union. Mr. Pearson said: Lester Pearson came to the United States be Republicans, who favor an Atlantic union France and not only France feels that Con- Saturday to attack American "domination" and a more "realistic" attitude toward de Gaulle. tinental Europe is now strong enough to be of the Atlantic Alliance. Yet there has been FINDLEIY, who, as representative for given its rightful share in the control of the no reaction to the speech from the Johnson Rep. policies of the alliance. administration, which is very sensitive to Springfield was one of Mr. Pearson's hosts criticism from its foreign friends. Saturday, is dedicating himself to arguing Despite the fact that the United States However, it is predicted that the speech- the need for an Atlantic community bound of all nations should be aware of the regarded by many here and in Ottawa as one together with federal ties. Utopian as his changes in the international order since of the most outspoken anti-American dec- goal may seem, he counts such major Re- 1945, our NATO policies have remained larations of Mr. Pearson's career-will have publicans as Dwight Eisenhower and Barry nearly unchanged since the alliance was a delayed action effect. Sooner or later, the Goldwater among his supporters, as well as word will seep through to Lyndon Johnson the former NATO commander, Gen. Lauris founded. that his "good neighbor" is behaving toward Norstad. I am disturbed not only because there Washington rather like the Romanians are GOP SUPPORT was no administration response to the behaving toward Moscow. Mr. FINDLEY finds too, that Republican Prime Minister's address, but also be- As it is, to generate wider interest in the support in .Congress and at the grass-roots Isolationist has representative PAUL the text in~to I the Midwest, even in the cause Mr. Pearson hit on policies, the weakest speech, Illlinos Republican for his Atlantiic dream is growing point points tf our ourse arid SiSUn CONGRESSIONAL RECORD. Mr. FINDLEY has also fast as the impasse with France escalates. Bested the best t possible course of action told this reporter: "There should have been On Saturday Mr. Pearson paralleled the to strengthen the alliance. Our failure a full debate here on the prime minister's view of the Findleyie Republicans when he to respond indicates to me a lack of speech., His remarks were both plain and called on Washington to take the lead in interest in improving the alliance. How wise. I can't recall an occasion when a for- establishing a closer Atlantic alliance, less can we while we are pursuing a conflict eign head of government has spoken quite so dominated by U.S. authority. Perhaps this in southeast Asia to contain communism, critically while on American ground." Is the reason for the strange official silence Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090004-5 Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090004-5. A3946 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-APPENDIX of the . Johnson administration to Mr. Pear- son's provocative remarks, The president may not have been informed of the impart of Mr. Pearson's speech. But there are others in the administration who fear that to answer the prime minister would give the Republicans ammunition to sug- gest that Mr. Johnson's leadership of the West has become so poor that even America's closest friends, the Canadians, are com- plaining. (From the New York Times, June 12, 19661 NATO SUBSTITUTX URGED BY PEARSON--SAYS UNITED STATES SHOULD SHOW WAY TORE- SPRINGFIELD, ILL., June 11.-Prime Min- ister Lester B. Pearson of Canada urged here tonight that the United States lead, the way in establishing a new, revitalized Atlantic alliance. to replace what he described as the outdated North Atlantic Treaty Organization, Whether or not the organization survive the Crisis precipitated by the French mili- tary withdrawal, he said the Atlantic powers must move forward to "an international com- niunity with common political institutions." "An alliance for defense only is an an- achronism in the world of 1966," the Prime Minister declared. In an address purpose for an Atlantic Union dinner in the Leland Hotel, Mr. Pear- son obliquely critized the United States for not acting sooner to alter "an Atlantic al- liance of independent states, dominated by America." "France, and not only France, feels that continental Europe is now strong enough to be given its rightful she in the control of the policies of the alliance" declared the Prime Minister, who won ,the Nobel Peace Prize i$ 1961. Earlier in the day, Mr. Pearson received an Atlantic Union at a ceremony in New Salem State Park, where the, village of New Salem has been restored, as it was when Abraham Lincoln ran a store there. The award was presented by Clarence Strett, president of Federal Union, Inc. This is a private or- ganization that has worked for many years to bring European and North American states together 4n federation. Christion Herter, former Secretary of State, also was given an Atlantic Union peace award. The late Adlai .E. Stevenson, who was the chief United States delegate to the United Nations, also was honored with a peace award. CITES DOUBT AND PISTRUST Prime Minister Pearson said that the At- lantic powers had worked together enthus-, lastically in the trying days after World War n but had developed "impatience and doubt and some distrust" after the recovery of Europe. NATO, he suggested, had fallen victim to "intertia and vested interest in a new status quo." He said Canada, since 1964, had tried with- out success "to find anyone . on either side of the Atlantic ... prepared to specify what should be changed (in NATO)." Change at last was occurring only because "abrupt and unilateral action by France thrust change upon us," he said. 1 Mr. Pearson disagreed with the nationalist Motives of President de Gaulle in taking France out of the defense alliance. But he suggested it was "dangerous" to rail at Gen- eral de Gaulle for demanding for France "a position in the Atlantic alliance equal to that of Great Britain and somewhat closer to that of the United States." Rather, Mr. Pearson said, the Atlantic power must find a way to enable France to participate "in the march to greater not less Atlantic unity." The way, he suggested, would be to build toward Atlantic unity by first' giving Europe "more control . of its direclaon and its character." "I realize,"he said, "that the united Eu- rope would, in its political, economic and military decisions, be more independent of Washington than is the case now. "But what is. wrong with this?" he asked. A realistic approach to Atlantic union, he said, would be to accept a united Europe, Britain, "not as an obstacle to, but as a stage on the way to Atlantic union. "If we, cannot at present achieve a pat- tern of Atlantic federalism," he said, "it may be necessary to acknowledge the realities of the situation and, as North Americans, work with Europeans in the hope that, in the longer sweep of history, both European and North America will come to realize that their '-rel;pective affairs can best be harmonized in a wider union. "If an intervening European stage is nec- essary, however, it must be taken not in continental isolation but in close Atlantic cooperation and understanding. He added that he felt that "continental- ism, either of the European or North Ameri- can variety is not the answer." Finally I believe "only the United States can give the effective lead required for At- lantic unity," he said. Without her active participation and support :nothing can be -done, `at least on the broad front which is essential. Without her leadership we will be driven back to a national or continental so- lution for the organization of security and for progress." [From the Baltimore (Md.) Sun, May 30, 1966] PANEL URGES COMMUNITY OF DEMOCRACIES- STATE DEPARTMENT HELD SLOW To FACE NEED FOR LARGER UNITY (By Joseph R. L. Sterne) WASHINGTON, May 29.-North American and European countries were urged today to give up part of their national sovereignty in building an Atlantic community that eventually could grew into a worldwide "community of democracies." The National Planning Association said Americans-and the State Department-have been too slow in facing up to the positive requirements needed in the construction of a more secure order. This group of influential leaders in busi- ness, labor, agriculture and the professions contended that the Atlantic nations must be prepared to create a common organization that could integrate their foreign and de- fense policies. NO VETO POWER Following a pattern established by the six-nation European Common Market, de- cisions could be made on the basis of a "weighted vote" that, in effect, would deny the United States the veto power it now holds in the United Nations and NATO. At the outset, the proposed Atlantic Com- munity Organization would have the powers necessary to raise appropriations to carry out foreign and defense policies. Economic integration and the knotty prob- lem of freedom of migration, would come later, under the National Planning Associa- tion formula. In addition, the Atlantic community would not be an exclusive "club." As conditions permit and agreement is reached, democra- cies in Africa, Asia, and Latin America would be added. FEDERAL PATTERN The association said the proposed inter- national organization should be based upon the Federal pattern followed when the thir- teen American colonies formed the United States. Certain powers now exercised by the individual nation-states would be delegated to the "community," an agency with supra- national powers. In a report entitled "Strengthening the July ,06 1966 Free World through Steps toward Atlantic Unification," the N.P.A. board and its stand- ing committees argued that the "limitations" of the nation-state are obvious in a world threatened by nuclear weapons, MORE EVOLUTION NEEDED The United Nations and NATO were ex- pressions of a growing trend toward "inter- dependence" and "community," it said, but more "evolution" is'needed. "Along with the feeling of loyalty Amer- icans have always had toward their city or town, their state and their country, they will have to develop an additional loyalty toward a larger political entity," said the report. "For the people, of the United States, how- ever, the price will not be paid in the loss of their sovereignty. In a democracy, sover- eignty is the possession of its citizens: the governments they create are only their agents. "The sccvereign citizens of a democracy can entrust certain functions to entities other than national governments without 'sacri- ficing' or 'losing' any of the sovereignty they possess. "They lose nothing, and may gain much, by delegating powers to a new agent when the existing agency cannot adequately serve their interests in peace, freedom and eco- nomic welfare" The National Planning Association said an integrated Atlantic community could be created "around" France If President Charles de Gaulle continues his nationalistic policies. Once Europe and North America are united, it said, there will be a sufficient concentra- tion of military power to secure peace and a sufficient concentration of economic strength to bring real improvements in. the living standards of less developed nations. At a press conference last week in which today's report was discussed in advance of publication, top officials of the N.P.A. ex- pressed disappointment over the State De- partment's attitude toward Atlantic com- munity. Elmo Roper, the public opinion expert and a member of the association's board, sum- marized the department's attitude as: "It's a fine idea, but not now." Roper noted that Senate support for the concept is rising. In 1946, only the last Estes Kefauver fav- ored the community idea. Now, he said, Senators GORE (D., Tenn.), CASE (R., N.J.), COOPER (R., Ky.), MCGEE (D., Wyo.), CHURCH (D., Idaho), KUCHEL (R., Cal.), JAvrrs (R? N.Y.), MCCARTHY (D., Minn.) and others sup- port bills pending before Congress. EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. JAMES H. (JIMMY) QUILLEN OF TENNESSEE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Tuesday, July 26, 1966 Mr. QUILLEN. Mr. Speaker, "Public patience is wearing thin," so ends the following editorial from the Bristol, Tenn., Herald-Courier, which speaks out on the present airline strike. Everyone's patience is being stretched to its limits by this disregard for the pub- lic welfare. I do not wish to see the Fed- eral Government take control of the air- lines, but I do urge that lawful means be used to end this strike, and, if necessary, that stricter laws be enacted to prevent this from happening again. Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090004-5 16346' Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R00040009000 -5 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE 7u7;26, 1966 In Chicago, the National Guard continued criminals. Undoubtedly this change of to patrol the Negro district which saw three plans on the part of North Vietnam can days of rioting last week. However, the guard be traced to tremendous world pressure force was reduced yesterday when 1,236 of and the demand of public opinion that the 4,200 troops were sent home. Maj. Gen. Francis P. Kane said disturb- North Vietnam abide by the Geneva ances had dwindled since the guardsmen be- Convention of 1949. gan patrolling the west side area Friday. The convention agreement was signed At a news conference in Montreat, N.C., by 61 governments including the United evangelist Bill Graham said the Chicago States and the Soviet Union, but not riots were organized by extremists teaching Communist China. However, on earlier violence. He said President Johnson and the occasions both South Vietnam and North FBI know who they are and should name Vietnam have indicated a willingness them. At South Bend, Ind., police were trying to to abide by the convention, but Hanoi ascertain the cause of rioting Sunday night had previously indicated it would try the in a predominately Negro area. Seven per- Americans as war criminals notwith- sons were injured, none seriously, by stones, standing. bricks and bottles and the teeth of police Following this report from Hanoi, dogs. however, the world was shocked by the The Cleveland rioting, in the predomi- nantly-Negro Hough East Side area, lasted news that North Vietnamese troops exe- more than six hours. cuted at least six wounded U.S. Marines Then, just before daybreak, firemen fought whose company had been ambushed. a blaze which roared through a supermarket The Washington Post reported this at Hough Avenue and Crawford Road and spread to an adjacent apartment building. Police at first said there was a possibility that some people were trapped in an apart- ment, but said later that all occupants ap- parently got out safely. Firemen had re- ported hearing screams as flames enveloped the building. It was the fourth sizable fire in a four- block area near that intersection. Police and newsmen reported they were shot at by snipers in the Hough area last night as police sought to quiet the widely scattered disturbances. Police shot out street lights in the vicinity of East 75th and Hough to keep from being targets and ordered all occupants out of an in effort to a i duce the enemy to desist from illegiti- mate practices. The use of reprisals is an accepted part of U.S. policy and is outlined in the most basic Army field manuals. Hanoi has invited swift and decisive reprisals against her for this type of ac- tion, and should know that this type of conduct on the part of the enemy only serves to unify our determination, not divide our resolve. This was a lesson that the Japanese Empire learned many times over following the bombing of Pearl Harbor. Mr. Speaker, I have today introduced a House concurrent resolution relating to U.S. military personnel held captive in Vietnam and expresses the sense of Congress that North Vietnam seriously diminishes the opportunity for the achievement of a just and secure peace in Vietnam and southeast Asia by such actions. I believe its speedy passage would help to convince the Communists they must abide by established rules of international law or face reprisals. CIVIL RIGHTS LEGISLATION (Mr. MARTIN of Alabama (at the re- quest of Mr. REINECKE) was granted per- mission to extend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and to include ex- traneous matter.) Mr. MARTIN of Alabama. Mr. Speaker, this is a tragic day in American history. The Congress of the United States is being coerced into debating and passing legislation under threat that if we fail to do so the mobs will take over in the streets of this Nation. This is not democracy, Mr. Speaker, this is anarchy. Who is the authority for demanding that we pass this legislation with a pistol, in the form of the threat of mob action, held at our heads? I regret to remind you that it is the leadership of the ma- j ority party. Yesterday, the chairman of the Judiciary Committee said that if we do not pass this bill, or if we voted against the resolution to bypass the orderly pro- cedures of Congress that we would be encouraging the mobs. Of course, he put its nicely by saying we would be en- couraging the militant voices. Further on in yesterday's debate, the majority leader on the other side of the aisle said that we must pass this civil rights bill soon if it is to be passed at all in this session of Congress. Why must we pass it now? Why could not we follow the orderely proce- dures and allow this bill to come to the n a v apartment building there find a sniper. of the pilots. The Agreement on Con Firemen trying to fight fires some started dition of Soldiers Wounded in Armies by fire bombs-were shot at and had to dodge in the Field was signed at Geneva in bottles, fire bombs and rocks, police reported. 1864 and was revised in 1906 and 1929. A gang of men cut a fire hose near 86th This convention provides for protection store e b b a uildings ngs d b of ttrneeded. two-story brick and treatment of sick and wounded who af' a me me where r and f Firemen were called off twice because of fall into enemy hands. interference but returned to put out the The 1949 convention as well as these flames. They were aided by a brief, early earlier conventions protected these sol- morning rain. The rain also helped police biers. Article 12 of the 1949 agreement clear the streets. A witness said Mrs. Arnett-who was killed reads: by gunfire-had been ordered into a building Irrespective of the individual responsibili- as police sought to clear the 73rd street ties that may exist, the Detaining Power is intersection; she was shot as she leaned out responsible for the treatment given them a second-floor window and screamed for her (prisoners of war). three children. Mr. Speaker, this language is clear and say unequivocal. It means, notwithstand- area at There the had time, been and no sporadic one was gunfire able in to the where the bullet came from that killed the ing the fact that North Vietnam is not woman, police said. a signatory, international law recognizes Wallace Kelly, 32, and Alton Burks, 18, the Central Government in Hanoi as re- both residents of the area, were shot, but sponsible for the field commander's or- aides at Mount Sinai Hospital said the ders that the U.S. marines who were wounds were not serious. Circumstances of wounded be executed. Article 13 re- be tho shootings were not known. 8o quires that all pri of war must The article ads : Plain tea Dealer Anewsmen and pha graphers humanely treated t or omission by the Re- f l ac u was fired on twice by a sniper fter they Any unlaw passed a police roadblock ~tJ g t to the taming Power causing death or seriously en- proper hearings? Mr. Speaker, I am the health of a prisoner is pro- convinced that the leadership on the a r n ge g -- morning: Eyewitnesses said the Communists moved methodically through the ranks of the wounded, shooting in the head anyone who moved. Mr. Speaker, this is an outrageous, barbaric, insensible, act committed against our troops. By this action North Vietnam further isolates itself from the civilized nations of the world. We should not be misled by Hanoi's latest informal assurances. The sense- less slaughter of wounded soldiers is an even more shocking violation of the Geneva Convention that would be a trial - Jl wu. Ut,11Gi oau... ....., .. ,. - for all people are fed up with mob rule and gov- w ere These wounded marines CHANGE OF PLANS TO TRIAL OF intents and purposes prisoners of war ernment by demonstration, directed by U.S. PILOTS BY NORTH VIETNAM when executed. hoodlums. I think the leadership on the (Mr. FINDLEY (at the request of Mr. Hanoi should remember that it is an other side knows that if the people of REINECKE) was granted permission to accepted principle of international law this country find out what this bill will extend his remarks at this point in the that where one belligerent has com- actually do, how much of their freedoms RECORD and to include extraneous mat- mitted illegal acts of warfare against an- will be taken away, they will rise up in other belligerent, this second party may rightous anger to demand its defeat. ter.) Mr. FINDLEY. Mr. Speaker, by re- for the purpose of enforcing future com- Mr. Speaker, as for me, I would rather ports yesterday we learned that North pliance with the recognized rules of civ- trust the American people than the mobs Vietnam has informally notified this ilized warfare, employ reprisals. These in the streets. I speak for law-abiding country that at the present time it has no are not adopted merely for revenge, but citizens, the overwhelming majority of plans to try captured U.S. pilots as war only as an unavoidable last resort to in- hard working, honest, dedicated Amer- Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090004-5 Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090004-5 July 26, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE A car drove along Willoughby with its Mayor Sorensen said that the police would radio blaring "America the Beautiful." A continue to operate on an emergency basis. sign in the window of a sh i i l op sa n b d ock letters: "Raped! Bedford-St~uyvesant has no representative in Congress," an illusion to the fact that whites represent the area, where more than 300,000 Negroes live. At a corner of Throop Avenue and Hart Street, a Negro man refused to give the police any information about the fight. "Nothing happened, nothing," he said. [From the New York Times, July 5, 1966] TROOPS ALERTED IN OMAHA LOOTING-POLICE ON EMERGENCY DUTY FOR 2ND DAY IN NEGRO AREA OMAHA, July 4.-Two companies of Na- tional Guardsmen went on stand-by alert to- day to support efforts of the police to con- tain what Mayor A. V. Sorensen called major disturbances on Omaha's Near North Side. Most of the city's Negro population, esti- mated at 30,000, live in this area, which for two successive nights has been the target of vandalism and disorder. The area was quiet today. When the Mayor was asked if the situation was primarily a problem in racial relations, he said it was not. He said he had reports of tene-agers riding in cars breaking windows in other sections of Omaha. -Neither he nor the police provided details. The Rev. General R. Woods, president of the Citizens Coordinating Committee for Civil Liberties, told newsmen he could not say what had touched off the outbreaks that, included bottle and rock-throwing in the heart of the Negro community in the early hours yesterday. Four stores were looted and many windows broken by a gang of young Negroes early today. Mr. Woods said that the Negroes had been considerably frustrated. The recently form- ed Police Community Relations Council has heard complaints, he said, "but they just ex- plain them away." Mr. Woods, who is the minister of an African Methodist Episcopal church, said that once the current disturbances had quieted down his group would like to partic- ipate in conferences to help work out a permanent solution. He did not elaborate. His group, however, has pleaded frequently for more jobs for Negroes, an end of de facto segregation and a larger voice, in policy making on projects affecting them. Announcement of Stand-by alert was made at a joint news conference of Mayor Soren- sen and Lieut. Gov. Philip Sorensen, who is acting Governor in the absence of the Governor Frank B. Morrision, who is in Los Angeles for a Governor's conference. The Mayor and Lieutenant Governor Sorensen, who are not related, said that two more companies of Guardsmen-about 350 men--would be available if needed. The announcement came after the second night of disturbance in which the Mayor The chief cure for urban unrest, A.dmin- said the property damage had been sub- Istration officials believe, lies in eradication stan ial. of slums, in education and employment. Ea ly yesterday about 150 to 200 persons These are long-range objectives. were involved in disturbances precipitated Certain things can be done in the short by what the chief of police, C. Harold Ostler, range to mitigate the danger and these called young rowdies, who smashed bottles, things are being attempted by a variety of threw rocks at police cars, exploded illegal agencies with some coordination from the fireworks and ransacked stores. Mr. Ostler White House. They include selective use of said this outbreak had no racial signifi- antipoverty projects, seminars and instruc- cance . ton for local police and an intelligence sys- Again early today there were disorders as tem that attempts to identify trouble spots a band of Neero youths moved 11.,., 16345, mind, declaring that behind the trouble lay Negro resentment of "police brutality, lack of recreation facilities, lack of jobs." Mayor Sorensen and other Nebraska officials prom- ised that steps would be taken to correct conditions. But promises are no longer enough for many Negroes. In Chicago last week, Martin Luther King, announcing plans to step up pressures on that city's officials, declared, "I can't stop a riot unless I can give people jobs." [From the Washington, (D.C.) Star, July 19, 1966] RIOTS FLARE IN 3 CITIES, ONE DEAD IN CLEVELAND Racial violence flared in Cleveland, Jack- sonville, Fla., and New York City last night, leaving a young Negro woman dead and scores of persons injured. The worst outbreak was in Cleveland where, police said, Mrs. Joyce Arnett, 26, a mother of three, was shot in the head, two men suffered minor bullet wounds, and fire- men had to leave a blaze when they were fired upon. Store windows were smashed, some stores were looted, and at least eight fires were set-some by fire bombs-before more than 300 police moved into the area on Cleveland's East Side, sealing off an eight-block area. The disturbance, sparked by roving bands of teen-agers, was marked by sniper fire at police and firemen. Police shot out some street lights and ordered motorists to douse their headlights to keep them from making targets of the officers. Policeman Bill Alexander said the trouble started when irate patrons wrecked a tavern after they learned they could no longer get free ice water. Several policemen and firemen were in- jured, none seriously, when the crowd pelted them with bricks and rocks. The violence in Jacksonville came after about 200 Negroes had staged an orderly march on City Hall to protest alleged racial discrimination in city hiring practices. Police said the trouble began when the group left City Hall and headed into the business district in violation of their permit to march. GROCERY STORE SET AFIRE Roving bands of Negroes then began throw- ing rocks through store windows and set fire to a small grocery store with a fire bomb, officials said. The police said an elderly white woman was cut on the leg by a thrown rock and a white youth was pulled from a telephone booth and struck by Negroes. Earlier, police arrested Warren H. Folks, 46, a white man who described himself as a segregationist, when he tried to serve a Ku Klux Klan "warrant" on Rutledge Pearson, state president of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, and organizer of the march. The "warrant" ordered Pearson to sur- render to "a Florida Klan citizen." Folks was charged with disturbing an as- sembly and released on $50 bond. A $100 bond was set for another white man, Lothern Cooper, 45, who was charged with disorderly conduct-throwing a rock. Some shots were fired in New York City, police said, as disorder was reported in East Harlem and the East New York section of street, the near North Side's main business the tensions `a, uesignea TO police unit quickly brought both situations ease over the of the summer and artery, after a dance. They broke windows forestall violence. A spokesman for one under control. in several business establishments despite Federal project which is expected to find The outbreak began in Harlem when police reinforced police details. More than 50 were work for a million teenagers this summer sought to disperse a noisy crowd of youths arrested. Mayor Sorensen said most of them said, "The more who are working the less playing bongo drums. Some of the crowd were youths. opportunity there is for discontent." began throwing bricks and debris at officers. Two stores some distance from this section . But stop-gaps may not be enough. Mayor GUARD FORCE REDUCED were broken into and a 15-year-old boy was A. V. Sorensen of Omaha originally thought One woman was reported injured in Brook- shot in the leg by an off-duty policeman near that racial tensions had nothing to do with lyn and three persons were arrested before a one of the stores. The boy was treated at a the rioting in his city last week. After meet- fight among Negroes, Puerto Ricans and hospital and released. Ing with Negro residents, he changed his Italians was broken up by police. 0 Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090004-5 [From the New York Times, July 5, 1966] DISORDER. AT FLORIDA BEACH MIAMI, July 4 (AP)-An argument on a crowded Negro beach turned into a general disturbance today, leaving one person criti- cally wounded and several others cut and bruised. A secretary at the sheriff's office described the incident as a "small riot." When sheriff's deputies arrived Negroes were reported to have turned against the offi- cers. A reporter said he saw one group of officers struggling with several Negro youths, some of whom had knives. The disturbance apparently started when two youths exchanged sharp words. One was reported to have dra 'n a gun and shot the other in the head. - Other persons on the beach apparently took sides and battled with sticks and knives until the officers gained control. [From the New York Times, July 10, 19661 WILL THE SUMMER BE LONG AND HOT? The controversy over black power came at a time when violence was erupting in an- other Negro ghetto. This time it was in the Near North Side of Omaha, Neb., where the city's, 30,000 Negroes-10 per cent of the population-live in what Gov. Frank B. Mor- rison called "an environment unfit for hu- man habitation." And the trouble began, as most such outbursts have begun, with a minor incident. A police car answering a complaint over the long hot July 4 weekend was bombarded with bottles and fireworks, and a riot was on. It lasted for three days, with crowds- sometimes numbering 4,000-on a rampage. Before it was over, six companies of Nrational Guardsmen had been sent into the area and 122 people had been arrested. But as peace returned to Omaha, there was serious concern throughout the nation-on all governmental levels-that other outbreaks would occur before the end of the summer. Federal officials are more deeply concerned about domestic peace than they will admit, though the Johnson Administration--out of a reluctance to disturb the traditional Fed- eral-state balance-has made it clear that the chief burden for preventing new violence rests with those closest to the troubled areas. Long hot summers seem to have become such a regular phenomenon of this decade and it is surprising, in a sense, that no cen- tral agency has been set up to deal with them. Administration officials are reluctant to talk frankly about their concern in the matter for fear that it will be interpreted that they are trying to suppress riots without July 26, 1966 Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090004-5 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE 16337 director of housing; Jacob Wittner, direc- tor of enforcement; human rights specialists, Joel Barkan, Leonard Vaughn, Vernon West, Doris Brooks, Ed- ward Mercado, Fernando Tapia, Frank Anderson; Edward Richardson, aide; and Shirley Reed, secretary. Mr. Speaker, I commend the New York City Commission on Human Rights for organizing this impressive array of sup- port for the pending civil rights bill which is essential if we are to achieve equality of opportunity for all Americans in every area of our national life. COMMEMORATION OF LIBERIAN INDEPENDENCE (Mr. O'HARA of Illinois asked and was given permission to address the House for 1 minute and to revise and extend his remarks.) Mr. O'HARA of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, today the people of Liberia are celebrat- ing their 119th year of independence. Liberia is the oldest republic in Africa and it is ? a land to which the United States has a long and warm attachment. Liberia had its origins in the efforts of the American Colonization Society in the early 19th century. The U.S. Gov- ernment offered funds and assistance in the negotiations for the cession of land by native chiefs. When the nation was constituted as the free and independent Republic of Liberia in 1847, the Liberian people modeled their constitution after ours. Their Government structure parallels that of our own country, 'di- vided into legislative, executive, and judicial branches. Under the leadership of the elected President, William Tubman, Liberia has been a nation of progress. Efforts are proving successful in integrating a di- verse nation of tribal customs and native dialects. Liberia boasts of an expanding econ- omy. Year after year production of iron ore and rubber increases. A great boast of the economy of Liberia has been the policy of keeping the foreign investment door open. An article in the New York Times of this year stated that increas- ing iron ore production sent Liberian ex- ports to a new high of $148 million in 1965. An indication of the growing econ- omy has been the increase in banking facilities. It is to the credit of the administration of President Tubman that the Govern- ment has been successful in its policy of improving the living conditions of the Liberian people. In industry and agri- culture, Liberia is taking its place among the modern nations of the world . Liberia's motto, "The love of liberty," has become an integral part of her do- mestic way of life and foreign policy aims. Supporting the concept of the self-determination of all peoples, Liberia was one of the charter members of the United Nations. Liberia has been a stanch supporter of this organization, participating in.many of its subsidiary organs. Liberia has also been a leader in promoting African cooperation. She has consistently supported the Organiza- tion of African Unity and has been repre- sented at all of the important confer- ences of African leaders. On this 119th year of independence Liberia is justified in holding its head high among the nations of the world. Africa's oldest republic Is meeting the problems of the 20th century. On this day of national celebration in Liberia the American people pay tribute to a prosperous and proud nation. As chair- man of the subcommittee on Africa of the committee on foreign affairs I ex- tend congratulations and good wishes to President William Tubman, to Ambas- sador S. Edward Peal and to the people of Liberia. GENERAL LEAVE TO EXTEND Mr. O'HARA of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, I ask that all Members who desire to do so may have 5 legislative days in which to extend their remarks in giving con- gratulations and good wishes. to Liberia, to its President, and to its p ple. The SPEAKER. Is there o jection to the request of the gentle a from Il- linois? There was no object1onJ A CLEARER COURSE IN VIETNAM (Mr. RONCALIO asked and was given permission to address the House for 1 minute and to revise and extend his remarks.) Mr. RONCALIO. Mr. Speaker, Presi- dent Johnson has often been accused of placing a smokescreen around our in- volvement in Vietnam. But, on the con- trary, the President's successful policies have charted a course which is becoming clearer by the day. It has been evident for some time now that the war is not going to be lost on the battlefield. The Communist military position is now in its worst shape for a. number of years. It has been a long time since the enemy won. a major engage- ment. And they have not yet been able to mount the expected monsoon offensive. The Government of South Vietnam is proceeding with much more certainty today than several months ago. The council of the Unified Buddhist Church, which claims about 2 million followers, has announced that it has temporarily called off its struggle to disrupt the gov- ernment. Premier Ky responded by re- leasing 183 persons arrested during the Buddhist-led riots. This was followed by the creation of an 80-member army and People's Advisory Council, including 60 civilians and 20 military representa- tives. Our economic aid has played a big part in stabilizing the situation. Nearly one- fourth of all Americans deployed on aid missions abroad are now in South Viet- nam and nearly 20 percent of all our financial aid is committed to that country. We have made our commitment clear and our future action is well spelled out. It will consist of trying to make clear to the North Vietnamese that they cannot win, that they must end the fighting and settle the political Issues by peaceful means. Meanwhile, here at home, we can hasten the end of the conflict by refusing to let down our fighting men on the bat- tlefront. As President Johnson said: If everyone in this country was working as hard to support the principles of democracy as the men in Vietnam, I think we would have little to worry about. This line of thinking is brilliantly rep- resented by Bernie Horton's recent edi- torial in the Wyoming Eagle of Cheyenne, Wyo. Throughout this conflict, he ,has played an important role by his thought- ful, unbiased, and responsible comments upon the situation. I include his views in the RECORD at this point : FOOD FOR THOUGHT The arch-critics of American policy in Viet Nam might do well to give serious thought to comments made by Secretary of State Dean Rusk in Canperra, Australia, Monday. Secretary Rusk told the ministerial council of the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO) the Communists apparently were pinning their hopes on criticism of the Viet Nam war within the United States. "America has reason to think Hanoi has been banking heavily on criticism from within South Viet Naw," he said. the free world as well as. on political dissent within South. Vietnam," he said. "Hanoi will and it's mistaken. Eventually it will have to realize that South Viet Nam and its free world allies ... will prevent the Communists from seizing South Viet Nam by force." It has long been apparent the Communists have no intention of moving from the battle- field to the conference table so long as there is any hope they may win. Their hope apparently is based, at least in part, upon the belief that the United States, in the face of criticism at home and else- where, will grow tired of fighting and pull out of South Viet Nam. They also, apparently, are deriving some hope from the political dissension in South Viet Nam. The citizens of these United States could deal the North Vietnamese Communist hopes a severe blow by making it very clear they are united, solidly behind President John- son's policy of "prudent firmness under care- ful control." We must make it clear to the Communists that the United tSates is united 100 per cent in its effort and determination in Southeast Asia. We must make it clear to the Communists that victory for them is beyond expecta- tion-that the only sensible approach left for them is the conference table. DEPARTMENT OF STATE FUNDS TO NATIONAL STUDENT ASSOCIA- TION SHOULD BE INVESTIGATED (Mr. UTT asked and was given per- mission to address the House for 1 min- ute and to revise and extend his re- marks.) Mr. UTT. Mr. Speaker, the activities of the U.S. National Student Associa- tion-NSA-have disturbed many Mem- bers of Congress over the past several years. Despite NSA's tax exempt status, it has persistently participated in bla- tantly political activities. During the past several years, NSA has become in- creasingly critical of a strong American foreign policy, especially in southeast Asia. NSA has passed resolutions which call for the abolition of the House Commit- tee on Un-American Activities, which call for the United States to sponsor the admission of Red China to the United Nations, which call for a halt to United States bombing of North Vietnam, which call for the inclusion of the Vietcong- Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090004-5 Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090004-5 16338 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE National Liberation Front-in any nego- tiations for a ceasefire, which call for an end to all U.S. "aggressive military ac- tion" in Vietnam, which oppose the Mc- Carran Act-the Internal Security Act ..of 1950-which support the free speech movement at the University of Califor- nia at Berkeley-a movement which Cal- ifornia legislative investigating commit- tees and the Federal Bureau of Investiga- tion have deemed as infiltrated by radical left-wing elements, and which have called for a myriad of other extremist positions. NSA has consistently refused to ad- here to its constitution which specifically prohibits its participation in partisan political activity. It has refused to abide by the provisions of section 501(c) (3) of the Internal Revenue Code of 1954 under which NSA has obtained its tax exemp- tion status. That section of the code allows tax exemptions for "corporations organized and operated exclusively for educational purposes, no substantial part of which is carrying on propaganda, or otherwise attempting to influence legis- lation, and which does not participate, or intervene in-including the publish- ing or distributing of statements-any political campaign." Despite these two restrictions, NSA continues with its political activity, much of which is an effort to influence legisla- tion before the Congress. Their recent participation in activities which will un- dermine a strong policy in Vietnam is even" more disturbing. Mr. Speaker, as I have indicated, NSA has adopted resolutions calling for a halt to U.S. bombing raids of Communist North Vietnam, calling for the inclusion of the Vietcong in any negotiations for a ceasefire, and calling for an end to all U.S. "aggressive military action" in Vietnam. Three particular items have come to my attention recently, and I feel that these items may warrant a close exami- nation by the appropriate committees of the Congress when the appropriations for the Department of State are consid- ered for oncoming fiscal years. We have seen that NSA has consist- ently opposed the position of a strong effort in Vietnam. They are trying to undercut any efforts, whether by the Congress or by the President, to Strengthen the U.S. position in southeast Asia. . The first item which came to my at- tention was an article in the Washington Post, Saturday, May 21, 1966, which article stated, in part: NSA is subsidized with about $600,000 a year from the Ford, Field and I~ockefeller Foundations, the AFL-CIO, the Department of State and other well-heeled organizations. This article clearly states that part of NSA's funds are received from the De- partment of State, the very Department which is charged with the responsibility for conducting our foreign policy and carrying out the programs of the admin- istration in southeast Asia, policies and programs which NSA has consistently opposed. Of course, if NSA is engaged-in political activity, and it thereby loses its tax exemption, it will place those oth- er tax exempt organizations, such as the Ford, Field, and Rockefeller Founda- tions, in danger of losing their tax- exempt statuses or seriously jeopardizing them. The second item which came to my at- tention was the article by Henry Ray- mont in the New York Times, May 23, 1966, which stated, in part: The leadership of the largest American student organization has given . a bleak and discouraging account of political unrest and the prospects of the war in South Vietnam. A report circulated by the National Stu- dent Association predicted that there would be no internal peace in South Vietnam until the United Buddhist Church assumes an active role in a constitutional government. It scored the U.S. for continuing to support the military junta. It also urged that American policies, no matter how well intentioned, had hopelessly alienated most of the civilian population, had created suspicions about the United States "domination" and had generally failed to achieve meaningful goals in economic and social assistance. The 4,250 word document is a journal of a two-week visit to South Vietnam last month by Philip Sherburne, N.S.A.. president, and two other officers, Malcolm ]Kovacs and Gregory Delin. Mr. Sherburne, a 23-year-old graduate of the University of Oregon, disclosed yester- day that the delegation had made the trip at the expense of the State Department. Now, Mr. Speaker, we see that the Department of State, according to NSA's president, is financing the travel of the officers of NSA to South Vietnam who promptly return home and blast away at American foreign policy there. What kind of a ridiculous effort is the Depart- ment of State making with NSA and its officials? As if these two items are not bad enough, I now learn that NSA has been actively supporting the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee- SNCC-the militant black nationalist student organization and the originator of the term "black power," for some time, and may even now be financing some of of their activities, directly and indirectly. This raises grave problems indeed. If SNCC is being financed, to some extent, by NSA and NSA is being financed to some extent, by the Department of State, then serious problems arise concerning the funding of the organizations. Not only has SNCC taken an active role in highly disruptive protest demonstrations against the war in Vietnam, but it boy- cotted the recent White House Confer- ence-on Civil Rights because it is opposed to the war in Vietnam and views it as a "class weapon" to draft Negroes for the armed services. NSA's association with SNCC is a mat- ter of record. Delegates to the 14th National Student Congress of NSA adopted a resolution declaring NSA's ap- proval of the objectives and 'programs of SNCC. SNCC's membership in the new left, its involvement in the Vietnam protest demonstrations, its demonstra- tions against the House Committee on Uri-American Activities, and its preach- ings of "black power" inciting class hatred in America do not seem to have affected, in the least, NSA's relationship with SNCC. As recently as January 1966, SNCC issued a policy statement concerning U.S. involvement in Vietnam July 26, 1966 which was, according to SNCC chairman at that time, John Lewis, approved by the entire national staff of SNCC with- out dissent. The SNCC statement urged draft-age Americans to deliberately avoid military service in Vietnam. The policy statement said, in part: We maintain that our country's cry of "preserve freedom in the world" is a hypo- critical mask behind which it squashes liberation movements which are not bound, and refuse to be bound, by the expediencies of the United States cold war policies. Mr. Speaker, these three items which I have cited today raise serious problems for the Department of State. I surely hope that the Department is not sup- porting the activities of NSA when it must know that NSA has in the past, is now, and undoubtedly will continue to be an organization opposed to the policies of the United States in southeast Asia, so long as those policies are anything other than withdrawal, but it does ap- pear that way. Mr. Speaker, the Committee on For- eign Affairs should consider interrogat- ing the Department on these important items. The Committee on Appropria- tions and its subcommittee on the De- partment of State appropriations should consider investigating these charges and should consider requiring the Depart- ment to cease its support of this radical student organization which is subverting American foreign policy. ILLINOIS VETERINARY DOCTORS HONORED (Mr. PRICE asked and was given per- mission to extend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and to include ex- traneous matter.) Mr. PRICE. Mr. Speaker, at its recent 103d annual meeting, the American Vet- erinary Medical Association honored 38 of its members for 50 years of continuous membership in the association. I am extremely proud that three of those honored are from the State of Illinois. Two of the three are from the 24th Congressional District, which I have the honor to represent. To Drs. Anthony Bott, of Belleville, and W. G. Teckenbrock of East St. Louis, I extend my heartiest congratulations. Both gentlemen have distinguished themselves in their profession and the communities they serve. They richly de- serve the honors they have received. Dr. Bott, whom I am pleased to call a long time friend, has been an articulate spokesman for the veterinarian in the Armed Forces. I have had the distinct pleasure of working with him on matters concrning veterinary officers in the mili- tary., He has ably represented his pro- fession on these occasions. Dr. Teckenbrock has had a distin- guished career and merits the recogni- tion afforded him for his long and valued service to veterinary medicine. I commend both gentlemen for the tributes they have received. Under leave to do so, I include with my remarks the following letter from the Washington representative of the Ameri- can Veterinary Medical Association ad- Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090004-5