AMERICAN FOREIGN POLICY IN THE DOMINICAN REPUBLIC

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP67B00446R000500110028-5
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 10
• Document Creation Date: December 15, 2016
• Document Release Date: September 29, 2003
• Sequence Number: 28
• Publication Date: September 21, 1965
• Content Type: OPEN

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September 21, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
ENROLLED BILLS PRESENTED
The Secretary of the Senate reported
that on today, September 21, 1965, he
presented to the President of the United
States the following enrolled bills:
S. 402. An act for the relief of Oh Wha Ja
(Penny Korleen Doughty);
S. 618. An act for the relief of' Nora
Isabella Samuelli;
S. 1198. An act for the relief of the estate'
of Harley Brewer, deceased; and
S. 1390. An act for the relief of Rocky
River Co. and Macy Land Corp.
ADDRESSES, EDITORIALS, ARTI-
CLES, ETC., PRINTED IN THE AP-
PENDIX
On request, and by unanimous consent,
adresses, editorials, articles, etc., were
ordered to be printed in the Appendix, as
follows:
By Mr. YARBOROUGH:
Article entitled "Veteran in Unions Mo-
bilizing Women," written by Bob Tutt and
printed In the Houston Chronicle of Septem-
ber 12, 1965, in tribute to Miss Elizabeth
Kimmel, a political worker.
By Mr. PELL:
Poem entitled "Lords of the Eagle Eye and
Lion 4eart," in tribute to Lt. Col. L. Gordon
Coopb% Jr., and Lt. Comdr. Charles Conrad,
THE DOMINICAN REPUBLIC
Mr. CLARK. Mr. President, on Satur-
day, September 18, in the highly re-
spected daily newspaper, the Christian
Science Monitor, appeared an editorial
entitled "The Fulbright Speech," which
I ask to have printed in the RECORD at
this point.
There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
THE FITLBRIGHT SPEECH
It will be a great pity if senator FuL-
BRIGnT's Senate speech on the handling of
the Dominican crisis leads simply to a fierce
public argument about the past. As he him-
self says, analysis of the past is useful only
If it helps to avoid mistakes in the future.
There is validity in Mr. FULBRIGHT'S
charges of initial "overtimidity" and subse-
quent "overreaction." But he is careful to
say that his assessments are made with the
advantage of hindsight. Yet even if one
concedes that there were mistakes during
those early weeks of the upheaval, we believe
that the U.S. Government has since done a
good job in trying to pick up the pieces
which it perhaps helped to shatter-albeit
involuntarily.
Only the first wobbly steps have been made
toward normalcy In Santo Domingo. But
Ambassador Ellsworth Bunker, tireless and
resourceful, would never have been able to
encourage those steps if he had not had
Washington's backing. It has been a little
bit like Macmillan furiously repairing the
damage done by Eden at Suez, protesting all
the time that no damage had been done.
But over the Dominican Republic, the Mac-
millan and Eden roles are "combined in one
man-and he wears a Texas hat.
As we have already said, however, we think
that what is important now Is to eschew the
same kind of mistake in the future.. Senator
FULBRIOHT uttered a few home truths,
among them:
"The movement of the future in Latin
America is social revolution and the choice
which the Latin Americans make will depend
in part on how the United States uses its
great influence.
"Since just about every revolutionary
movement is likely to attract Communist
support, at least in the beginning, the ap-
proach followed in the Dominican Republic,
if consistently pursued, must inevitably make
us the enemy of all revolutions and therefore
the ally of all the unpopular and corrupt
oligarchies of the hemisphere.
"It should be very clear that the choice
is not between social revolution and con-
servative oligarchy; but whether, by support-
ing reform, we bolster the popular non-Com-
munist left or whether, by supporting un-
popular oligarchies, we drive the rising gen-
eration of educated and patriotic young Latin
Americans to an embittered and hostile form
of communism like that of Fidel Castro."
Admittedly all this Is easier to preach than
to practice. To begin with, effective com-
munication has to be established with that
rising generation-and their confidence won.
Their language will differ from ours in many
ways. But most of them want for them-
selves what we have won and want-and the
overwhelming majority of them would still
prefer not to turn outside the American
hemisphere or to alien tyrannies to try to
get it.
Mr. CLARK. Mr. President, the edi-
torial makes a point which both the
chairman of the Foreign Relations Com-
mittee and I, as well as other Senators,
have been endeavoring to make for some
time, that the important matter with
respect to our policy in the Dominican
Republic, which some of us think has
been mistaken, is not what happened in
the past, but what should happen in the
future.
In this regard, I should hope very much
that the attitude of those in the State
Department responsible for our Latin-
American policy who have become more
friendly to democratic nations which are
endeavoring to carry out the principles
of the Alliance for Progress will be en-
couraged. This, to inc. is of the greatest
importance, and is emphasized by a col-
umn entitled "A Losing Struggle in Latin
America," which appeared in this morn-
ing's Washington Post, by the highly
respected columnist, Marquis Childs.
Mr. Childs points out that poverty is
increasing, not decreasing, in Latin
America; that the population problem is
becoming worse and not better; and that
the hope of saving those nations for free-
dom and democracy depends, to a very
large extent, on the friendly basis on
which we in the United States of America
advance the cause of free, liberal demo-
cratic nations in that portion of the
world.
I ask unanimous consent that the Mar-
quis Childs column from today's Wash-
ington Post be printed in the RECORD at
this point.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
A LOSING STRUGGLE, IN LATIN AMERICA
(By Marquis Childs)
The rich lands are getting richer and the
poor lands are getting poorer. That is the
harsh reality that cannot be concealed by
any amount of wishful talk put out by ad-
ministration spokesmen.
This applies with special force to Latin
America, since the Alliance for Progress was
to reverse the trend in this hemisphere: In
country after country the gnawing ache of
poverty, hunger, and the revolution of ris-
23625
ing demands bring unrest and disorder. It
is no answer, as Senator J. WILLIAM FUL-
BRIGHT noted in his speech on the Dominican
crisis, to put this down to the machinations.
of a handful of Communists. Communism
will always try to exploit indigenous dis-
orders.
A recent statement that got too little at-
tention underwrites the reality about Latin
America. Felipe Herrera, president of the
Inter-American Development Bank, a Chilean
with wide banking experience, In discuss-
ing the prospect of a common market for
Latin America, made some personal observa-
tions about the present state of affairs. He
said:
"The positive efforts undertaken internally
by the Latin American countries, especially
since the establishment of the Alliance for
Progress, to accelerate development and to
achieve the necessary reforms in their eco-
nomic and social structures have not yet sub-
stantially altered the current situation in
Latin America. Two out of three inhabitants
of the region still suffer from chronic mal-
nutrition, per capita agricultural output is
lower today than it was 30 years ago and
two out of every five adults are illiterate.
"It is not surprising therefore that ten-
sions of every sort are rising as a product
of the interacting processes of inflation, sub-
standard social conditions, urban pressures
created by the mass movement of the rural
population to the cities, frustration in the
middle class and unrest in the countryside.
This inevitably has forced governments to
take emergency action on a stopgap basis
and has made it difficult to undertake long-
term programs on a regional level."
The prospect in the near future is there-
fore for more explosions like that in the
Dominican Republic. Herrera's statement
confirms this reporter's findings in a recent
tour of South America. It belies the con-
venient explanation of State Department
spokesmen such as Under Secretary Thomas
C. Mann who tends to see the unrest in
terms of a Communist plot than can be sup-
pressed by force.
Herrera pointed to a recent statement by
President George Woods of the World Bank.
Addressing the developed countries of the
West, Woods said that the "present level of
financing (for the underdeveloped countries)
is wholly inadequate."
Since 1961 the long-term public capital
supplied by the developed countries
struggling to get going has held at about
the same level. This has been true even
though the gross national product of the
industrialized countries has increased during
this period at a rate of 4 to 6 percent a year.
Conequently, Herrera oberved, the net offi-
cial assistance from the industrialized coun-
tries represents a declining percentage of
their national income.
For the underdeveloped countries this
level of aid has meant a decreasing amount
in per capita terms because of the population
explosion. This is the simple arithmetic
demonstrating that the rich are getting rich-
er while the poor get poorer.
In spite of a steadily increasing population,
as Hererra noted, per capita income increased
by over 2.5 percent in 1964 which was the
goal set by the Charter of Punta del Este in
1961. The same increase is in prospect for.
1965. This was part of the optimism ex-
pressed by Assistant Secretary for Inter-
American Affairs Jack Hood Vaughn on his
recent tour of the Americas.
The 2.5 percent gain is from such a low
base-about $200 a year in many countries-
that it is meaningless. Vaughn rightfully
said that the Alliance is doing many splendid
things. It is pointing the way to the changes
essential if the desperately poor nations to
the south are to move forward and begin the
kind of economic integration that can mean
real progress.
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=26 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD- SENATE September
But it is the limited scale on which these
.changes have begun to take place that can-
not be concealed by optimistic talk. For
what the facts show, as a responsible banker
has now suggested, is the need for a new and
far broader dimension for the Alliance.
A book President Johnson is said to have
read and reread is Barbara Ward's "The Rich
Nations and the Poor Nations." It may be
that a new edition, "Richer Nation and
Poorer Nations" is due.
WHAT GOES ON IN THE SKY?
Mr. CLARK. Mr. President, one of
the most controversial matters now be-
fore this country is whether the decision
by the President to authorize the Air
Force to construct a. military observation
laboratory in outer space was or was not
wise. In that connection, I ask unani-
mous consent that what I consider to be
an excellent editorial, written by Norman
Cousins in the Saturday Review of Sep-
tember 11, 1965, entitled "What Goes On
in the Sky?" be printed at. this point in
the RECORD.
There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed in the RiscoRD,
as follows:
WHAT GOES 024 IN THE-SKY?
On various occasions during the past year,
President Lyndon B. Johnson has stressed the
importance of continuity in U.S. foreign pol-
icy. One aspect of that dontinuity is now
in question. We refer to,the policy of Presi-
delst Dwight D. Eisenhower and President
John F. Kennedy on the need to avoid a
nightmarish danger of colossal dimensions to
the American people and the world's peoples
in general. This danger arose the moment
man discovered he was able to liberate him-
self from earth's gravity and go cruising in
space. For this development meant that
space stations could become the orbiting car-
riers of atomic weapons, putting- the entire
planet under the nuclear gun.
President Eisenhower was the first to warn
of this Orwellian horror. He spoke of the
very real possibility of accident or miscalcu-
lation that could trigger an unspeakable
holocaust. And even, without accident or
miscalculation, weapons in orbit would con-
vert the sky into a grim canopy. Prime Min-
ister Harold Macmillan fully supported Presi-
dent Eisenhower's declaratoonr against nu-
clear weapons in space.
On coming to office, President Kennedy
gave high priority to the need for effective
agreements aimed at preventing military
spacecraft from occupying outer space. Both
through the United Nations and through
direct negotiations with Premier Nikita
Khrushchev, President Kennedy persisted
with his effort to insure that space would
be reserved for peaceful purposes. As a
result, both the United States and the Soviet
Union issued declarations of intent against
military operationer in space. The United
Nations, on October 17, 1965, endorsed this
action and called upon all other nations to
be bound by it. Though the potential mili-
tary use of rockets was inherent in the devei-?
opment of space technology, neither country
crossed the line into military ventures. In.
fact, the space programin the United States
had been deliberately put under civilian con-
trol, just as President Truman years earlier
successfully fought to keep atomic energy
development in nonmilitary hands. To be
sure, the U.S. Air Force had been pressing
for a prominent. role In space development,
,but Presidents Eisenhower and Kennedy held
to their contention that outer space should
be out of bounds to the military,
The continuity of thispolicy has now been
broken. On August 25, 1965, President John-
son announced he had authorized the Air
Force to proceed with its plans for a Manned
Orbiting Laboratory. While it was em-
phasized that the MOL would not be armed
,with nuclear firepower, the MOL nevertheless
,represents a specific military use of space
vehicles. As such, it is a step toward the
direct extension of the arms race into outer
space.
What makes the matter all the more inex-
plicable is that no one has stated the case
gai.nst military activity in space more
6ogently than President Johnson himself-
(n the very act of making the announcement
;bout MOL. He did not make clear beyond
.e reasonable doubt, however, why the MOL
sad also the Involvement of the Air Force
io not run counter to the United Nations
::.esolution signed by the United States, or
the policy of Presidents Eisenhower and Ken-
:iedy, or his own statement about the Im-
portance of preventing the extension of mill-
iary technology into space.
If the principal opposing argument here is
that the MOL will be unarmed, this may
Iaeet a technicality, but it does not meet
the problem created'by the fact that the
c.oor is now open to a long line of new
c.eveiopmen:ts in the field of orbiting labora-
tories. In past negotiations for arms limita-
tion and control, the United-States has prop-
erly emphasized the need for adequate in-
a)ection. Yet we have now taken the ini-
t ktive in a field where inspection is most
.Improbable and virtually impossible. For
the Russians, inevitably, will now send up
IsILs of their own, and there will be no way
o:` knowing whether these spacecraft will be
secretly armed with nuclear gun mounts.
The very existence of such a possibility is
certain to produce a clamor in the United
Si,ates for armed space vehicles of our own.
Aid the stage will be set for other nations
to join the horror, cluttering up the sky
with death-disseminating vehicles and block-
ing out man's vision of a rational world in
w:iich to live out his life with reasonable
faith in the sanity and decency of his fellow
min.
We pride ourselves on being an educated
nation, But we have not yet learned the
mast fundamental lesson of the atomic age.
Tils is the lesson that our safety and secu-
rity no longer depend on the accumulation,
mexltiplication, or refinement of force, but
on the control of force. For the force can-
nol be used without destroying security,
shattering freedom, and making a weird
faxce of claims for human uniqueness,
human intelligence, human nobility. What
will It profit us in the last instant of recorded
time to know that we stood supreme among
all the nations of the world in the variety,
mtitiplicity, efficiency, and sophistication of
theforce that figured in the final holocaust?
Inherent in our history are higher distinc-
tio:is. The time in which to put those dis-
tin3tions fully to work grows short.
DANGER SIGNAL-AMERICAN FAM-
ILIES SAVING LESS, BORROWING
r TORE
Mr. PROXMIRE. Mr. President, few
economic commentators have noticed it,
but -there has been an interesting change
in spending and saving habits by the
American people in recent months that
mar have considerable significance for
our economy.
For years economic experts appearing
before the Joint Economic Committee
have asserted that Americans are in-
clined to save between 7 and 8 percent
of taelr income. They save-a little more
in good times, especially in war times
when goods are scarce and saving is
vigorously promoted as patriotic and
somewhat less in depression times when
21, 1-965
incomes are low and more is needed to
meet firm obligations and necessities.
There has been a recent, dramatic
change in this pattern, in part because
the statistics have been modified. - But
also allowing for the statistical change
there has been a distinct diminution, a
fall off in the savings of Americans in
recent months.
Now, Mr. President, this is a phenom-
enon because the present times cannot
by any stretch of the imagination be con-
sidered depression times. In fact we have
never had anything like the prosperity
that has come to this Nation this year.
Last- year was a great year for the
American economy. This year appears
to be far better. Just; this morning I re-
ceived a copy of the "Economic Indica-
tors" for September--the latest statisti-
cal report on our economic progress, and
it is mighty good reading. Inthe second
quarter gross national product smashed
all record, business and professional in-
come, :rental income, dividend income,
corporate profits, wages-all continued
to leap ahead. Unemployment continues
at the lowest level in years. It is still
much too high for teenagers, minority
groups,- and unskilled. But for married
men it is down to -2.6 percent. Average
hourly earnings have, jumped to $2.60
and weekly earnings to more than -$106
in manufacturing industries.
And yet the American people are sav-
ing less and substantially less of their
Income.
There are many possible explanations
for this phenomenon, more confidence in
the ability of the Federal Government
to keep the economy moving, greater
reliance on social security, medicare, etc.
for the future, more efficient promotion
of automobiles, appliances and other in-
come absorbing expenditure.
At any rate this changing pattern
should significantly alter expectations
and forecasts for our economic future.
One other significant economic statis-
tical development in the sharp jump in
the proportion of income the American
people are pouring into interest. This is
directly - related to the phenomenal
growth in installment credit-the time
buying of everything from vacations and
furniture to automobiles and clothing.
The increase is really spectacular. In
fact today interest as a proportion of
income is almost exactly twice - what it
was in 1950.
Both of these developments-the re-
duced tendency of the American people
to save in. a period of prosperity and the
soaring expenditure for interest could be
danger signals. The last time the pro-
pensity to save dropped sharply in a
relative prosperity period was in the late
twenties. The sharply increased expendi-
ture for interest demonstrates how ex-
tended millions of American families
have become in borrowing to buy, and
how susceptible they could be to an inter-
ruption of their income because of a
recession.
George Shea of the Wall Street Jour-
nal deals 'thoughtfully and perceptively
with these developments in a column in
yesterday's Wall Street Journal. I ask
unanimous consent that the column be
printed in the RECORD.
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 SePlember 21, 19 Pprove &W ?qRi/1RV~6 4_R1 fA7Rfl446R000500110028-5
4 a.m, because he had received information
the embassy might be attacked by a group
with special demolition equipment, Fortun-
ately that attack never came off.
Now after almost `5 months of tragedy,
frustrations, and travail in the Dominican
Republic, a brighter future beckons for the
Dominican people. A provisional govern-
ment-moderate in complexion and avoiding
the extremes of both left and right-has
taken office under the distinguished leader-
ship of Dr. Hector Garcia Codoy, and the
people will have a free choice for the future
in elections to be held within 9 months. For
those interested in comparisons, Fidel Castro
took over in Cuba in 1959, and there has
been no election since.
Harsh developments dictated hard de-
cisions in April. Those decisions achieved
several important results. In consequence
of them several thinsg did not occur.
1. No American civilians lost their lives,
although one remembers with sadness that
24 gallant men of our Armed Forces gave
their lives in the stern tasks that fell their
lot. Close to 5,000 persons from 46 nations
were evacuated safely from the country.
These evacuees, almost 5,000 of them, went
voluntarily, the departure of each testifying
to his individual estimate of the dangers in
the situation.
2. The Communists were prevented from
taking over In a chaotic situation and push-
ing aside democratic elements involved in
the revolt. Communist tactics contributed
to the long delay in reaching a settlement,
but at the same time made their presence
more publicly apparent than had been the
case at the beginning. Their leadership has
not changed.
8. Another development which thankfully
did not occur was that the fighting did not
spread throughout the country, as seemed
decidedly possible on more than one occasion.
Disorders were confined to one or two areas
in the capital city, and a major civil war
with much wider. consequences and untold
loss of life was prevented.
In a situation In which distribution and
transportation of foodstuffs was almost com-
pletely disrupted and imports to an island
nation out off, starvation was avoided.
Along with other actions taken by the United
States and the OAS to shore up the country's
paralyzed economy, more than 63 million
pounds of food were distributed to the
hungry, substantial quantities of it directly
by our soldiers and marines. Medicines and
medical care and other vital services were
provided. Private American citizens and
companies and voluntary relief agencies
made generous food and medical contribu-
tions, as did 11 other American republics
from Argentina to Mexico. Brazil, Costa
Rica, Honduras, Nicaragua, and Paraguay
have joined with the United States in supply-
ing military units to make up the Inter-
American Peace Force, which is a guarantee
of order and protection for rehabilitation
and progress. ,
It was one thing to stave off disaster. Now
the need is for positive, productive action
to build a better nation, with greater par-
ticipation for all its citizens. A moderate,
progressive government needs our help and
cooperation and will get it. Suffice it to
say that the situation continues to be a
most complex one-and one that requires our
best efforts.
It is worth underlining here that modern
Dominican democracy is really only 4 years
old, dating from 1961, when the country
broke loose from 31 years of the harsh Tru-
jillo dictatorship. Today's complicated
problems derive in large measure from the
political, social,, and economic stresses ac-
companying the emergence from the long
night of totalitarianism-the social frustra-
tions and the pent-up demands for more
economic opportunity and a better life-for
more jobs and more food. Our task and our
objective is to respond to this desire for
change in the social structure and to find
rational ways In which the demands of a new
society can be met.
The United States and fellow nations of
the Americas, acting through the Organiza-
tion of American States, are now mustering
manpower and resources to help energize
and build the country whose fertile valleys
and wave-tossed shores were so admired by
Christopher Columbus. Agriculture, trans-
portation, and education will have priority in
these efforts, and there will be specific proj-
ects in such areas as housing, irrigation,
school construction, cattle production, and
farm-to-market roads, as well as main-
tenance of the existing road net. An im-
portant part of our effort will be to help pri-
vate enterprise repair Its damages, increase
its productive facilities and put people to
work:
All these activities, whether in the Domini-
can Republic or elsewhere in the world, rest
on cooperation and understanding. This
brings us to communications, for the com-
munication of understanding is an important
factor in making effective this Nation's for-
eign policy, a policy based on truths, prog-
ress, and freedom. Communications is per-
haps best defined as the ability to talk to
each other and be understood by each other.
It is much harder than many realize. Each
of us has our own frame of reference. We
tend, naturally enough, to accept the his-
tory of our country as the only correct his-
tory and the only really important one. Oth-
er people put similar emphasis on their own
history.
Modern transportation and the speed of
the news Industry means that today groups
with vastly different frames of reference are
attempting to communicate with one another
on a scale hitherto not possible. These dif-
ferences between groups and peoples make
communication difficult-basic differences
in religion for example. Some religions be-
lieve in one God, others in many. Some have
life after death as a tenet of their faith;
others reject that idea. Some consider that
the killing of even a fly, not to mention a
cow, Is a crime; others hold that killing In
the name of their God is the surest way to
heaven. These are fundamental differences
as to the very purpose and meaning of life.
There are great differences of culture.
The differences between the urban and rural
approach to every day problems has been a
lasting aspect of our political life in this
country. And there is of course in today's
divided world the basic difference between
Communist and non-Communist, and the al-
most impassable semantic boundary. The
Communists have precise but very different
meanings from our own for many words, such
as democracy, republic, popular, elections,
etc. These differences are one reason why
negotiations with people like the Russians
and the Chinese are so frustrating and in-
terminable.
In the struggle to win men's minds, we
have got to communicate effectively with the
sugarcane cutter in the Caribbean, with the
coffee harvester in Central America, with the
Indian herdsman in the wind-swept villages
of the high Andes, with the planter in the
rice paddies of southeast Asia. The tools of
language are required, of course. But fore-
most these fellow members of the human
family can use a friendly hand with their
problems. We work with them to increase
their crops through new techniques; we as-
sist their local doctors by offering them
modern practices; we persuade them and
their neighbors of the advantage of com-
munity development, of a closer working
relationship with their neighbors. It is done
with honest toil and basic truth.
Recently at the swearing-in ceremony for
the new Director of the U.S. Information
Agency, Mr. Leonard Marks, President John-
23669
son quoted the following from Mr. Marks'
writings: "Communications is the lifeline of
civilization. Without it, people live in small
tribal societies, suspicious of strange and
different customs. With improved commu-
nications comes better understanding and a
removal of the barriers of suspicion and dis-
trust. When we know our neighbors, we are
more likely to become friends, philosophi-
cally and socially, and from this relationship
may evolve a world dedicated to the preser-
vation of law in an atmosphere of peace."
The President went on to say in his own
words: "I believe this is a new era in the
affairs of man and the relations between
nations. It is an era of greater maturity-
and I hope that our own goals and standards
may also mature. I hope we shall not ex-
pect quick answers to ancient questions, that
we shall not expect simple solutions to com-
plex problems. I especially hope we may not
strive foolishly and vainly for the world's
love and affection when what we really seek
is the world's respect and the world's trust."
You and I-all of us-are engaged in the
great adventure of communications as a
means to achieve this respect and trust on
the part of others. To those of you who
labor in the vineyards of the press, the radio,
the television, and other mass media, I would
recall our common responsibility to get the
facts, to be accurate, to be objective. And
as one who has spent a good part of his time
in recent years-along the border of the Iron
Curtain in Central Europe, in the Balkans,
and the Eastern Mediterranean with their
age-old feuds, and now in the turbulent
Caribbean-trying to compose problems of
varying difficulty, I feel qualified to observe
on the basis of some tender experience that
it is usually easier to find fault than to find
solutions.
Around the world our country is engaged
on many fronts and In many fields. As our
fellow Georgian, Secretary of State Dean
Rusk, recently observed: "It is the purpose
of the Department of State to try to bring
about what some people will call a boring
situation; that is, a period of peace. I
should not object if we got international
relations off of the front page for a while.
I see no prospect of it.
"But settlement is our object, and settle-
ment frequently is not very newsworthy."
But peace is elusive, and the way of the
peacemaker often leads across stony and un-
yielding ground. President Kennedy re-
minded us that "only a few generations have
been granted the role of defending freedom
in its hour of maximum danger." That Is a
proud and demanding role-one that befits
a great nation and demands its best.
To close I would recall the words of
Euripides in describing ancient Athens-a
world power in its time which, not unlike
our own country today, was the leader of a
coalition of free communities against those
who would smother freedom and stifle de-
mocracy. Euripides wrote with pride and
compassion of the penalties of power when
he spoke of Athens as a city which "takes
much and bears it; (and) therefore she is
blessed."
ExHmrr 2
THE WHITE HOUSE,
Washington, September 17, 1965.
FELTON GORDON,
Dinner Chairman, Big Beef Banquet Progres-
sive Club, Atlanta, Ga.:
I am very happy to join the many friends
of Tapley Bennett as they gather to applaud
.his dedicated record of public service. Yours
is a richly deserved tribute to an outstanding
professional who has shown his coolness,
courage, and good judgment in danger and
difficulty. To Ambassador Bennett and to all
his fellow Georgians who honor him this
evening, I extend my warmest good wishes
for a memorable event.
LYNDON B. JOHNSON.
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 23670 Approved For ReleE 81311 IIAR.19004, ffl0PJ0011002,Ptember 21,
ExHIBIT 3 . The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Rus- to be used in transferring personnel. We
[From the Atlanta Journal, Sept. 17, 1985] SELL of South Carolina in the chair). believe an orderly transition can be made
AaIBASSADox BENNETT The report will be read for the informa- from the present arrangement under the
our Ambassador to Santo Domingo Is W. tion of the Senate. Public Health Service to the new Admin-
Tapley Bennett, Jr. A Georgian, Ambassa- The legislative clerk read the report. istration.
dor Bennett is a frequent (and current) (For conference report, see House The managers for both the Senate and
visitor to Atlanta. proceedings of Friday, September 17, the House agreed that the selection of
Now that the Dominican crisis seems set- 1965, pp. 23372-23374, CONGRESSIONAL the Administrator is crucial to the suc-
tled there is a lot of second guessing going RECORD.) cess of the pr'ogram and that his grade
on in Washington. Did the administration
handle the matter correctly? Or was the The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there level and status should reflect the im-
President panicked into sending troops? objection to the present consideration of portance the Congress attaches to this
The Journal has been with the adminis- the report? program in establishing it as a separate
tration, therefore it was good to read that There being no objection, the Senate Administration.
recent criticism by Senator J. W. FOLBRIGHT proceeded to consider the report. The Senate conferees accepted the
has in turn been criticized by a substantial Mr. MUSKIE. Mr. President, the con- House proposals on increased authoriza-
part of Washington: ference report on S. 4 represents a rea- tons for sewage treatment grants.
did Senator wrongto to act GWr on Mr. thought the Bennett's advice President Sortable and sound compromise on the These include an increase to $150 mil-
that the situation was out of hand. Water Quality Act of 1965. As my col- lion a year for the next 2 years in the
A lot of the Senate has disagreed with leagues know, it was not easy to obtain total authorization and an increase to
Senator FULBRIGHT. agreement on this legislation. On the $1,200,000 in individual project author-
On September 8, the Journal looked at primary issue of water quality standards Izations and $4,800,000 for multi-com-
It this way, and theJournal still does. there were strong opinions on both sides munity projects. Funds appropriated
"The Dominican problem has been an of the table. In the end, however, the in excess of $100 million in each of the
intense one. After our Cuban experience agreement we reached represents both next 2 fiscal years will be allotted to the
with 'd anxiety liberators' plus this cynicism. country has a middle ground and, in many respects, several States on the basis of population
followed it with mocratic
d
"Bub alas * * ? there are Indications an improvement over the original version and individual project authorization
many of our writers and political theorists as it passed the Senate. limitations will not apply on the use of
are closer to the dream world than reality. ' I want to take this opportunity to ex- such funds where States match the Fed-
We didn't say Senators then, but we now press my appreciation and gratitude to era. contribution.
add them to the list. the Senate conferees, Senators RANDOLPH, The Senate conferees agree to these
Welcome home, Mr. Bennett. Remember Moss, BOGGS, and PEARSON. The una- provisions as a temporary measure be-
ide nimity we reached on the basic issues in cause of the demonstrated crisis in such
the gentsia who newspapers first and thought members Castro a a the demo. o-
erotic hero? S. 4 strengthened our hand immeasurably States as New York. I know that Sell-
They haven't learned much since. and added to the quality of the discus- ators JAVITS and KENNEDY are very much
But the rest of us seem to have learnee. sons in conference. Through the concerned about this problem. At the
the valuable lesson that so-called popular months since the House enacted its ver- same time, the Senate conferees made
fronts today are fronts for the Communists, sion of S. 4 the Senate Members of the it very clear that the increases in au-
rather than the people. conference and their staffs reviewed the thorizations and the modifications in the
dent, I yield the floor to the distinguishes: tions were Incorporated in the final ver-
Senator from Pennsylvania. sion and contributed to the successful
Mr. CLARK. I thank my friend, this agreement between the representatives
Senator from Georgia. of the two bodies. Partisan differences
Mr. President, the defense of A.mbas?, were forgotten in the common effort to
sador Bennett by the Senator from develop a meaningful act for the en-
Georgia does him credit, as an old friend hancement of the quality of our national
and as a constituent. I do not think an,' water supplies.
of, us who feel that perhaps the Ambaa ? The discussions in the conference were
sador's judgment was not entirelf vigorous, but amicable. The delay in
sound, our feeling being based, as W3 agreement is a measure of the strong
have admitted, on Monday morning feelings related to matters of principle
quarterbacking, would question in an T rather than to any unwillingness to reach
way the Ambassador's Integrity, loyalt3', a consensus. I could not report to my
or devotion. to duty. There is no fur- colleagues on the conference without
ther reason for me to further defend the paying tribute to the House conferees for
able and distinguished chairman of the the contribution they made to this leg-
Foreign Relations Committee [Mr. FuL- islation on behalf of the House of Rep-
BRIGHTI, and I have nothing further 0 resentatives and particularly to Con-
say on that matter. gressmen JOHN BLATNIK and ROBERT
JONES for their leadership on S. 4 and
WATE} QUALITY ACT OF 1965--
CONFERENCE REPORT
Mr. M7JS?KIE. Mr. President, I sul -
mit a report of the committee of confer-
ence of the disagreeing votes of the two
Houses on the amendments of the House
to the bill (S. 4) to amend the Federal
Water Pollution Control Act, as amended,
to establish the Federal Water Polk.-
tion Control Administration, to provk.0
grants for research and development, 1.0
increase grants for construction of
municipal sewage treatment works, to
authorize the establishment of standards
of water quality to aid in preventin;,
controlling, and abating pollution of in-
terstate waters, and for other purposes.
I ask unanimous consent for the present
consideration of the report.
allocation formula do not represent a
judgment as to the realistic levels of
Federal grants or formula in the years
ahead. The Senate Subcommittee on
Air and Water Pollution is examining
this problem and will make recommen-
dations in the next session of the Con-
gress.
The next major provision in the act
is the water quality standards section.
As it passed the Senate, S. 4 authorized
the Secretary of Health, Education, and
Welfare to establish water quality stand-
ards on interstate waters or portions
thereof in the absence of effective State
standards, following a conference of af-
fected Federal, State, interstate, munic-
ipal, and industrial representatives.
Violation of established standards would
be subject to enforcement in accordance
with the present enforcement procedures
in the Water Pollution Control Act.
The House version of S. 4 contained a
tion control and abatement. provision for States to file letters of in-
I shall not take the time of my col- tent on the establishment of water qual-
leagues to review in detail the entire ity criteria, with a, pollution control grant
conference report on S. 4. That report, penalty for failure to file such a letter
and the report of the managers on the of intent. There was no provision for
part of the House, can be found on pages the establishment of water quality stand-
23371-23376 of the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ards.
for September 17, 1965. The conferees agreed to amend the
In brief, the conferees agreed on the Senate version to give the States until
establishment of a water pollution con- June 30, 1967, to establish water qual-
trol administration in the Department of ity standards on interstate waters which
Health, Education, and Welfare, headed the Secretary determines are consistent
by an Administrator and supervised by with the purposes of the act. In those
an assistant secretary. The Senate con- cases where the States fail to establish
ferees accepted the House version, which such standards the Secretary is author-
transfers all of the activities of the pres- ized to call a conference of affected, F'ed-
ent division of water supply and pollu- eral, State, interstate, municipal, and in-'
tion control to the new Administration dustrial representatives to discuss pro-
and spells out in detail the procedures posed standards, after which the Secre-
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SAA HUD
In all, 3 dozen -companies and half a
dozen Government agencies have been In-
volved in the SST development to date. The
hub of the program is the Federal Aviation
Agency.
The thin line between military and civilian
interests in the program is the main source
of objection to the SST development.
Senator VANCE HARTKE, Democrat, of Indi-
ana, reportedly plans to question the $140
million SST appropriation in the Senate be-
cause hd feels the FAA is becoming mili-
tarized. He was against the appointment of
Air Force Maj. Gen. William F. McKee as
FAA administrator, and now he is upset be-
cause Brig. Gen. Jewell C. Maxwell is to re-
place Gordon Bain as deputy administrator
for supersonic transport development.
PRESTIGE IN BALANCE
But any delay in the SST program will
probably be monetary, because U.S. prestige
rides with development of the plane.
Unless the United States goes ahead with
the SST, domestic airlines will probably be
forced to buy the supersonic Concorde being
developed by Britain and France.
The 1,450-mile-per-hour Concorde is due
to be ready for service in 1971 while the
present schedule would have a U.S. SST
flying by 1974.
THREE-YEAR LAG
Because the U.S. plane will be faster and
carry 220 to 250 passengers as opposed to
118 to 132 for the Concorde, informed sources
believe the 3-year lag will not be too damag-
ing.
However, if the U.S. development program
falls much further behind the Concorde
schedule, airlines would be more or less
forced to buy the Concorde to compete. The
lions on the export market as well as at home.
Up to now U.S. and foreign airlines have
deposited $9.6 million in advance payments
for. supersonic transports.
U.S. RESERVATIONS
At the rate of $100,000 per plane, domestic
airlines have reserved 44 delivery positions
and foreign lines have reserved 52. The U.S.
reservations so far are:
American Airlines, 6; Braniff Airways, 2;
Delta Airlines, 3; Northwest Airlines, 4; Pan
American, 15; Panagra, 2; and Trans World
Airlines, 10.
The FAA estimates that in the 1980's there
will be a market for more than 400 U.S.
supersonic transports. These planes, the FAA
says, should be carrying some 45 percent of
all the free world's revenue passenger miles.
MORE THAN DOUBLE
This market could more than double in
the 1990's.
With a demand for 400 planes,; the Indus-
try would have a market in excess of $10
billion.
Manufacturers estimate 60 percent of this
would be spread among 10,000 subcontractors
and allied firms in 48 States, providing jobs
for 50,000 persons for 20 years.
The aircraft industry estimates the cost of
developing this plane for production will be
$1 billion.
STAGGERING COST
Despite this enormous development ex-
pense and a staggering cost for each pro-
duction aircraft, one of the goals of the
program is to fly passengers at supersonic
speed for the same price they now pay to
creep along at 600 miles per hour.
This was one of the major reasons the
United States is shooting for a place with
a capacity of 220 or more passengers.
To be sure, there is opposition.
FOOLHARDY VENTURE?
Dr. Bo Lundberg, chief of Sweden's Aero-
nautical Research Institute, an airplane de-
signer, and one of the most respected fig-
utes in aviation, considers the SST an un-
necessary, if not foolhardy, venture.
He insists the sonic boom associated with
supersonic flight will create havoc beneath
the routes of the supersonics. What's more,
he says, door-to-door travel time will not
be reduced substantially because ground
transportation has not kept up with air
transportation, and jetports will have to be
located at greater and greater distances from
cities.
Passengers who ride the SST will sacri-
fice comfort, Lundberg says, because much
of their flight time will be spent belted into
seats while the plane climbs to or descends
from its cruising altitude. And more time
will be spent sitting in the aircraft on the
ground as it prepares for take-off.
SST OUTDATED?
Some visionaries say the SST will be out-
dated before it ever realizes the potential
forecast by its proponents.
This school of thought suggests that 20
years from now, rocket-boosted passenger
vehicles will hurl travelers across the seas
at near orbital velocities, making cities on
opposite sides of the earth less than an
hour apart.
But each new generation of commercial
air transports has descended from military
parentage. And today the military has no
active program, which would logically pro-
duce this speedy type of civilian travel.
The Dominican Crisis and Its Impact on
Hemispheric Relations
TENSION OF REMARKS
of
HON. JOHN G. DOW
OF NEW YORK
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, September 21, 1965
Mr. DOW. Mr. Speaker, yesterday 52
Members opposed House Resolution 560
stating the sense of the House of Repre-
sentatives as to U.S. relations in Latin
America.
I was among those who,opposed the
resolution. Since yesterday I have read
the following statement published in a
newsletter called "Latin American," July
1965, by a department of the National
Council of the Churches of Christ in the
United States of America. Had Members
read this statement before the vote, I
believe that more of them would have
voted in opposition to the resolution.
The newsletter follows:
THE DOMINICAN CRISIS AND ITS IMPACT ON
HEMISPHERIC RELATIONS
(NOTE.-The Latin America Department,
Division of Overseas Ministries, NCCUSA, re-
ceived on May 26, 1965, the following docu-
ment signed by four Latin American church
We, the undersigned, represent institu-
tions and movements of the evangelical com-
munity of Latin America. We play a vital
part in these movements-representing
churches of the most diverse tradition-
'whose common goal has been to incarnate
and spread the gospel of Jesus Christ in the
countries of Latin America throughout the
various stages of Its history. These are.
churches which originated in Europe or the
United States and have become today a part
of our reality, constituting the heart of the
nature, the sentiments, the problems and
aspirations of the Latin American people. In
this double character-as part of the Evange-
lical Church which recognizes its continuity
A5331
in time and space with the Universal Church,
and as institutions solidly identified with the
destiny of Latin America-we believe it is
our urgent duty to make the following
declaration about the grave events taking
place in the Dominican Republic which af-
ects every sphere of opinion in Latin America
today.
I
Nothing could posibly explain Christian
indifference and silence-a . silence of com-
plicity-confronted as we are with events
which are daily causing destruction, death,
and terror in a sister nation. And yet it
would be an act of irresponsibility on our
part if we were to aline ourselves with this
elemental human problem without analyzing
the political, economic, and military ele-
ments constituting the root of the situation.
This is the aim which has brought us to an
analysis of the facts and to a manifestation
of our concern.
II
.Information coming from various groups
leads to little doubt as to the factors provok-
ing the present crisis in the Dominican Re-
public. The closest point of departure would
be the overthrow of President Juan Bosch,
who headed the first constitutional govern-
ment to be established after the long and
dismal reign of the dictator, Trujillo. From
that day in September 1963, until the un-
leashing of present events, the country re-
turned to a military regime imposed by a
junta which justified its rise against Bosch
with a program based on an organized strug-
gle against communism. The junta ob-
tained U.S. Government recognition very
soon after President Johnson took office. On
April 24, 1965, a new military movement
which seemed to have popular support suc-
ceeded in overthrowing the junta and was
close to resuming power in the name of the
constitutional mandate which is in force
until 1967. When the struggle appeared al-
most resolved, the North American Marine
Infantry stepped in, initially alleging protec-
tion of U.S. citizens and other foreigners
in Santo Domingo. Because of the irrefut-
able evidence of their acts they had to admit
later that the purpose of the intervention
was to control the revolution due to a sup-
posed participation of Communist elements.
During. those days, dispatches of every in-
ternational news service stated that the
North American soldiers were taking over for
the weakened forces of the offiical Dominican
army and were presenting the final obstacle
to the victory of the rebel faction. The Do-_
minican Congress gave its support to the
revolution, naming Col. Francisco Camaano
constitutional President of the country
until the expiration of the lawful term.
The North American intervention imposed a
momentary truce, with the rebel forces con-
fined to the central zone in Santo Domingo.
The opposing faction, took advantage of the
calm to establish a civilian and military
junta to reclaim legal power. The Organiza-
tion of American States (OAS), which was
later to approve North American interven-
tion, decided to mediate and to form a mul-
tilateral army with the decisive vote of the
Dominican representative who was receiv-
ing his instructions from the civilian anJ
military junta. In view of the failure of
OAS actions, the U.N. Security Council re-
solved to intervene directly. Repeated vio-
lations of the truce were committed by the
civilian and military junta with the obvious
support of the North American occupation
forces. The rebel government announced its
decision to fight to the end and to set the
entire city of Santo Domingo on fire should
North American? intervention continue. A
24-hour truce was agreed upon, and news
releases reported more than 1,500 casualties;
the city without water or electricity; scar-
city of food; the wounded lying on the
ground or in hospital beds by twos; surgery
being performed without sterilization of in-
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CON( SSIONAL RECOW)- APPENDIX e8p ember 21, 1965
Bentment of the masses in Latin America
against the people of North America is ex-
agerbating. More and more the probability
of a peaceful and sensible solution of the
grave problems affecting the social-
develop-ment ofLatin America seems to fade away.
h stead the increase of hostility, ill will, and
disillusionment of the Latin American peo-
ple has reduced the hope of arriving at a
real and necessary understanding between
both peoples in the immediate future.
v
Due to this situation, Latin America can-
not but trust in its own forces to bring to
realization its hopes for modernization and
progress. But within each nation there are
other obstacles, and in every case the moral
and material support of the United States
is given to the forces opposing progress and
committed to the maintenance of the his-
torically Indefensible "status quo." The re-
maining alternatives confronting the vast
popular sectors urgently demanding pro-
found structural reforms in the economic
and social systems are of a socialistic and
nationalistic tendency, which contradicts the
North American way of life. The latest
events in the Dominican Republic and in
other nations In Latin America corroborate
the inevitability. of such an option. What
then, is the hope for, the future? How is
there to be Involvement toward the re-
establishment--or should we say, a genuine
establishment-of fraternal relations between
the peoples of the South and North, and in
short, among all peoples?
struments; and. a procession of 20 women
dressed in mourning who. offered to place
themselves in the front lines to force an end
to the shooting.
rn
This objective description of the events in
the Dominican Republic forces one to reflect
with great depth on the significance of U.S.
intervention in the struggles of internal poli-
tics of Latin America. The present situa-
tion corroborates, with slight variation, the
actual history of hemispheric relations. The
United States has intervened, sometimes in
the name of the Monroe Doctrine (the con-
tinental defense ,against aggression); at
other times for the protection of vested in-
terests (goods or the personal Integrity of
North American. citizens, so called dollar di-
plomacy); and finally, at other times under
the banner of anticommunism, pan-Ameri-
canism, or the preservation of democracy.
These military interventions by the United
States in Latin America, in the Caribbean
and Central American countries, have been
taking place since 1824 when the double
focus was Cuba and Puerto Rico, up to this
current demonstration of power, 140 years
later, in the Dominican Republic. Mexico,
Honduras, Nicaragua, Puerto Rico, Cuba, Co-
lombia, Chile, Panama, and the Dominican
Republic have been, on repeated occasions,
subject to intervention in 1853, 1854, 1857,
1858, 1860, 1871, 1881, 1885, 1901, 1903, 1904,
1912, 1919, 1926, 1934, 1954, 1961, 1962, and
now, in 1965. 'T'hese interventions are care-
fully recorded in the histories written in
every part of America. These result from a
doctrinaire conviction expressed in the
theories of North American military inter-
vention of such men as Monroe, Theodore
Roosevelt, John. Foster Dulles, and President
Johnson, . In, all cases they reflect U.S. abro-
gation of the right of Latin American coun-
tries to modify the course of events and in-
ternal politics in accord with their own in-
terests. On the occasion of the Pan Ameri-
can Conference in 1829 which was called by
Simon Bolivar in Panama, this U.S. attitude
brought forth a bitter sentence. from the
father of Spanish American independence:
"The United States appears to have been
chosen by Providence to devastate Latin
America with misery in the name of lib-
erty." This sentence remains in the minds of
the Latin American people and events
throughout history do not permit it to be
forgotten.
Iv
What have been the causes and effects of
U.S. intervention for Latin America? At
different times the government and politi-
cians of the country in the north have ex-
pressed openly their intention to protect
goods and vested interests-the. system of
life and economic affairs of North American
citizens-in any situation which might en-
danger them. Frequently, this resolution
has been exercised by the United States uni-
laterally, and also, we must note, fre-
quently with the compliance of the. Latin
American governments involved. It has
often been legitimatized through treaties
and at other times by force of action. ' The
recent invasion. of the Dominican Republic
constitutes a violation `by the United States
o'I the nonintervention and self-determina-
tipn accord established by the very Orga-
nization of American States which punished
the Dominican Republic in 1980 under the
dictatorship of Trujillo and from which
Cuba was expelled in 1961. The North
American Government is explicitly aware of
the illegality of its action. And, even if a
large majority of the governments of Latin
America have acquiesced In. support of the
procedures of the United ates, the conse-
quences to`the relations between the people
of Latin America and North America have
nevertheless been devastating. 'More and
more the possibility of understanding, com-
munication, and fruitful dialog appears to
recede. More and more the ill will and re-
VI
11 It is the belief of the signers of this docu-
ment that the specific contribution which
we, as Christians, must make in this deci-
sive moment is the difficult one of a minis-
try of reconciliation. From the humane and
political points of view nothing seems as in-
appropriate at this time as an emphasis on
reconciliation. But it is exactly at these
tensest moments in history when God de-
mands this. particular mission fromaChrls-
tians. Who else is able to speak of recon-
ciliation at this hour but He who reconciled
the world to Himself through the sacrifice
of the cross? From what other source can
the basis for real and permanent understand-
ing between men be found but in the "good
news" which announces God's will to make
himself man in Jesus Christ to better express
his love and concern for man? But true re-
conciliation can only be realized upon the
foundations of repentance, humility, respon-
sibility and forgiveness. The concrete task
which is demanded of Christians in every
part of America in this hour is to speak the
hard word of truth. We must point out our
own guilt and the guilt of our governments
in the events in the Dominican Republic.
We must assume as much as possible our
social, political and in short, historical re-
sponsibility, in order to contribute in a posi-
tive way to the overcoming of the conditions
which oppose the humanization of man in
Latin and North America. This is the con-
crete significance which the ministry of re-
conciliation assumes in this hour. We do
not doubt that the task is heavy and diffi-
cult. Only through this thorny path did
God offer in Jesus Christ the most difficult,
sacrificial andalso the most glorious recon-
ciliation.
For the Latin American Board of Church
and Society:
Rev. Luis E. ODELL,
General Secretary.
For the Latin American Union of Evangel-
ical Youth :
Rev. OSCAR BOLIOLI,
i;xecutive Secretary.
For the Student Christian Movement:
Dr. LEONARDO FRANCO,
Secretary for Latin America.
For the Commission on Latin American
Evangelical Unity:
Rev: ErvrfLIO CASTRO,
Coordinator.
All Is Not So Good in the Great Society
II TENSION OF REMARKS
HON. JAMES D. MARTIN
OF ALABAMA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, September 21, 1965
Mr, MARTIN of Alabama. Mr. Speak-
er, the American people have been so
dazzled by the barrage of White House
press releases and the almost continuous
soap opera appearances of the President
on TV extolling his. personal greatness
and the blessings he has bestowed upon
what;,he hopes is a grateful people, that
the actual cost of his many schemes has
been practically ignored.
But surely there must come a day of
reckoning for the wild spending this sub-
servient Congress has engaged in at the
demands of the President. Like the
drunk who inevitably suffers the morn-
ing-after headache after a wild night
of orgy, the day must come when we
must face up to the mess of the Great
Society instead of realizing the utopian
dreams cooked up by White House
speech writers..
The tragedy will be, not only in the
cost in money, which may well bank-
rupt us as a Nation, but in the human
misery which will be caused by the fail-
ures of the programs which have been
oversold and over-promised in the mad
scramble for votes.
. Every American may well loin Stewart
Alsop In his recent column in the Satur-
day Evening Post, and the Wall Street
Journal of September 21 in its editorial
in asking the question-"Where Are We
Going"?
I include the editorial from the Wall
Street Journal as it part of these re-
marks in the hope that Congress and the
American people may stop to think about
where we may be going by way of the
Great Society before it is too late and
there will be no place to go, but down.
The editorial follows: -
WHERE WE ARE GOING
Where do we go from here?-or rather,
where does the administration go? Stewart
Alsop raises the question in the Saturday
Evening Post, and it is eminently worth
asking.
The point, of course, Is that the present
session of Congress will have seen the enact-
ment of so much "Great Society" legislation
that it is a little difficult to envisage bold
new programs for 1966. Medicare and a flock
of other measures once considered hotly de-
batable may prove hard to top.
For our part, we have confidence in official-
dom's inventiveness when it comes to spend-
ing schemes or, as someone has put it, in
creating nonexistent problems to solve. In
fact, some of the President's advisers are
already at work trying to devise a dazzling
legislative display for next year.
Persuading the country of the urgency of
spectacular new Federal undertakings may
be a different matter, especially after this
year's orgy. As it is, there are scattered signs
of public 'restive.Iiess and doubts, a feeling
that the? President and Congress are attempt-
ing to do too much too fast.
One ground for doubt pertains to the
efficacy of the programs. The costly anti-
poverty effort is both a political gravy-train
and' s bureaucratic horror, but It is far from
clear' that it is doing much for the poor
Many reasons exist for suspecting that medi-
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September ~Ip99% d For g? /1 /L5R i- P67~R~$
for 29 heads of state on every continent while
working with MRA.
The patriotic smash hit was produced this
summer with talent collected from the 7,000
youths who attended the MnA Mackinac
demonstration.
The movement for Moral Rearmament was
born here in 1939 at the Hollywood Bowl
under the belief that the world needed to re-
turn to principled of morality, character, and
integrity.
Since then it has spread all over the world.
Last month more than 4,000 people thronged
a hall in the Nation's Capital to view the
variety show which was sponsored there by
96 Congressmen and 54 foreign ambassadors.
Also present at this morning's assemblies
were former Rams all-star, Dan Tyler, Su-
pervisor Kenneth Hahn, and J. Blanton Belk,
U.S. director of Moral Rearmament. Tyler
greeted the students.
Mr. Speaker, on the following day,
September 17, the Herald-Examiner
commented editorially on "Sing Out,
1965" and urged attendance at a per-
formance that was given in the Holly-
wood Bowl on the 19th.
The editorial follows:
En route to Japan for a series of perform-
ances, Moral Rearmament's organization will
present Its play "Sing Out, 1965" in the
Hollywood Bowl next Sunday night. We
heartily recommend a large attendance from
the local area for this inspiring production.
Moral Rearmament strongly believes that
the one thing the free world has lacked in
the struggle with communism is an ideology
to capture the minds of the people of the
underprivileged nations.
Los Angeles County Supervisor Warren M.
Dorn, who saw the performance at Mackinac
Island, Mich., said of it:
"The message of 'Sing Out, 1965' should be
announced American foreign policy. Be-
cause of the acute need for more understand-
ing, greater tolerance, and better commu-
nications between race groups in our area,
it is our firm opinion that this should be
seen here by as many as the bowl will hold."
The advice was heeded, Mr. Speaker,
because a crowd of 15,000 was on its feet
for 10 minutes shouting for more, and
refusing to let the cast close the show.
Said one senior businessman-
I have been to the bowl for 30 years and
this is the finest show I have ever seen
of planned confusion and contempt for au-
thority Is the moral rearmament program
for the youth of the country.
Those who have joined the movement rep-
resent cleanliness of mind and body versus
promiscuity and the need of a bath and a
haircut. The MRA'ers are not ashamed to
express their belief in God or their love of
country. And they seem to get a hearty en-
joyment out of disciplined living without
rolling in the gutter and thumbing their
noses at religion and decency.
This new and youthful force has been
through a strenuous training course at
Mackinac Island. They believe the time has
come to jerk the microphone from the minor-
ity, but image-stealing college pacifists, and
speak up for the "true" America.
This is a fresh voice crying in the wilder-
ness. of demonstrations and violent "non-
violence."
"We're interested in building a new society
with backbone, patriotism and character,"
they say. "Follow us," they chorus, "and
we will turn the world right side up again."
That's fine, but it's a pretty big order, even
for unconquerable and Idealistic youth.
Those who have followed with admiration
the moral rearmament program cheer too
when word comes of the applause given the
whistlestop show "Sing Out 65" as it moves
toward the west coast.
But after the performance in Los Angeles,
the MRA'ers take to chartered planes for the
Orient. Instead they should turn back and
crisscross the United States until every city
of any size Is visited.
With the beatnik riffraff promising na-
tionwide campus chaos in the name of
pacifism, as the country goes deeper Into
war, what a contrast "Sing Out 65" would
make.
St. Louis and Nashville, even more than
Tokyo or Seoul, need to hear the voices of
clean young people raised in song for Amer-
ica and expressing a willingness to die, if
need ie, for America.
Foreigners for moral rearmament say the
rest of the world is looking to the United
States and where this country, leads, the
world will follow.
Then let's get the United States straight
first. It won't be if the national campus
stage Is left clear for a minority of long-
haired, amoral litterbugs to sneer at the
flag and steal the show.
If charity begins at home, so do patriotism
and moral responsibility.
.
The president of the student body of
the University of Southern California
ran up to the cast at the conclusion and
said:
We are going to have this on our campus.
Give me a date.
Mr. Speaker, prior to the Watts. ap-
pearance of "Sing Out, 1965," the Nash-
ville Banner commented on the MRA
group's current tour of the Far East,
coming to the conclusion that: "If char-
ity begins at home, so do patriotism and
moral responsibility."
I sincerely hope and pray, Mr. Speaker,
that when this fine group has finished
its foreign tour, it will be able to ap-
pear on each and every college campus
in the United States. We have a lot of
work to do here at home, Mr. Speaker,
in getting our own house in order.
MRA has demonstrated that it can be
of tremendous help in this task.
The Nashville Banner editorial fol-
lows:
FOR MORAL REARMAMENT-.'SING OuT 65" HAS
A JOB To Do AT Hong FIRST
The most heartening spectacle to come
upon the American scene after several years
Scholar Fulbright's Strange Logic
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. EDWARD J. DERWINSKI
OF ILLINOIS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, September 21, 1965
Mr. DERWINSKI. Mr. Speaker, there
are so many spokesmen for the adminis-
tration these days whose remarks are
interpreted as being official that they
must 'undergo objective analysis. Col-
umnist David Lawrence, in his article
yesterday entitled "Scholar Fulbright's
Strange Logic" in very proper and
timely fashion analyzed the recent ques-
tionable comments of the chairman of
the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.
The article follows:
SCHOLAR FULBRIGHT'S STRANGE LOGIC
(By David Lawrence)
Senator J. WILLIAM FULBRIGHT, Democrat,
of Arkansas, chairman of the Senate Foreign
Relations Committee, studied as a Rhodes
scholar in England and must have familiar-
ized himself with the British parliamentary
system,
If FULBRIGHT had been a Member of the
House of Commons and had made the same
kind of speech as he delivered in the Senate
the other day-saying, in effect, that the
leader. of the majority party had bungled
in handling a grave international problem-
it would have. been regarded either as a call
for a "vote of confidence or no confidence"
by the people, or the removal of the critic
himself from the councils of his party.
But political parties in the United States,
have no such system of discipline. FUL-
BRIGHT will continue to hold his - post as a
spokesman of the Democratic Party in the
Senate on foreign relations.
FULBRIGHT insists that he wasn't exactly
blaming President Johnson for what he re-
gards as a blundering policy in intervening
with military force in the Dominican Re-
public. The Senator attributes this instead
to "faulty advice" given Johnson by his ad-
visers at the time of the crisis. The Sena-
tor doesn't, say to what extent Secretary of
State Dean Rusk was at fault and whether
he should be removed, but the impression
conveyed is that the President of the United
States is either a gullible person or not as per-
ceptive as FULBRIGHT himself would have
been if he had happened to be President or
Secretary of State.
FULBRIGHT is considered one of the modern
intellectuals, but his speech 1s a little diffi-
cult for a nonintellectual to understand. He
says for instance:
"The question of the degree of Communist
influence (in the Dominican Republic) is,
therefore, crucial, but it cannot be answered
with certainty. The weight of the evidence
is that Communists did not participate in
planning the revolution-indeed there is
some indication that it took them by sur-
prise-but that they very rapidly began to
try to take advanage of it and to seize con-
trol of it. The evidence does not establish
that the Communists at any time actually
had control of the revolution. There is little
doubt that they had influence within the
revolutionary movement but the degree of
that influence remains a matter of specula-
tion.
"The point I am making is not-most em-
phatically not-that there was no Commu-
nist participation in the Dominican crisis,
but simply that the administration acted on
the premise that the revolution was con-
trdiled by Communists-a premise which it
failed to establish at the time and has not
established since.
"Intervention on the basis of Communist
participation as distinguished from control
of the Dominican revolution was a mistake
of panic and timidity which also reflects a
grievous misreading of the temper of con-
temporary Latin American politics."
FULBRIGHT evidently doesn't believe in fire
hoses or fire apparatus being used when
there's a smouldering fire but only when it
has burst into flame and a property has al-
ready been virtually destroyed. He seems to
have forgotten that the American policy in
1949, which assumed that a coalition in
China with the Communists would be a rec-
ognition of a "social revolution," wound up
with the loss of the mainland to the Com-
munist Chinese. Similar vacillation and
hesitancy on the part of the United States
lost Cuba to Fidel Castro and the Commu-
nists.
FULBRIGHT concedes that a Communist-
dominated government might have emerged
in the Dominican Republic. He rationalizes,
however, that "this might conceivably have
happened, but the evidence by no means
supports the conclusion that it would have
happened." He' declares that "we based our
policy on a possibility rather than on any-
thing aproaching a likelihood.
So the Arkansas Senator. feels that the
judgment of President Johnson, Secretary
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of State Rusk and the American ambassador
who was dodging bullets on the spot in Santo
Domingo was, as to speak, "faulty."
FULBRIGHT thinks that the United States
shouldn't have landed troops to save Amer-
ican lives or to save Latin America from more
of such revolutions but simply should have
waited on the sidelines until the Communist
mission was actually accomplished. Would
it have been another fiasco like the Bay of
Pigs? Only FULBRIGHT knows.
Latins Want Change-Not Communism
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
of
HON. ROBERT L. LEGGETT
OF CALIFORNIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, September 21,1965
Mr. LEGGETT. Mr. Speaker, I be-
lieve It unfortunate that House Reso-
lution 560 was presented on the floor
'yesterday. The house resolution ac-
cording to its terms states that:
Any subversive threat (of communism)
violates the Monroe Doctrine and any con-
tracting party (country) to the Inter-Ameri-
can Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance may re-
sort to armed force to forestall and combat
control and colonization (by communism).
A few words have been omitted from
the .quoted purpose, but the sense is ap-
parently clear.
Certainly the United States should
have learned some things from receiit
diplomatic history. We have won many
friends in Latin America in modern
times, probably really beginning with the
F.D.R. "good neighbor" policy and the
enactment of the Reciprocal Trade
Treaties. This friendship has flourished
from time to time and reached its cul-
mination in the Organization of Ameri-
can States and the Alliance for Progress
programs. Many in the Latin world are
true friends of America. Of others, their
friendship has been dulled by lack of
substantial Latin American progress In
spite of the largest hemispheric aid pro-
gram in history.
Many In Latin America want change.
They resort to communism In Chile
where 24 percent are registered in that
party, not because: of Russian sub-
marines off the coast or parachuting Red
Chinese infiltrators, but because 600,000
people can't live like animals in Santiago
seeing much of the aid money go into
military weapons and being filtered off
at the top by the 100 ruling families.
The Alliance for Progress in Latin
America should be aimed at short circuit-
ing the military juntas and,selfish power
blocks wherever possible in an all out
effort to effectuate "change" at the grass-
roots by helping plain people to better
their standard of living. During the
last year we have helped Socialist Presi-
dent Frei of Chile take steps to effect
"change"-he has the vision and the
power to stop communism in its tracks.
Our fine relations with the Chilean
people were slightly confounded with our
entry into the Dominican Republic-not
because Chile is for communism but be-
cause she resented the interference in the
affairs of a sovereign state where a clear
case oi 'Outside intervention was not made
out in violation of the Monroe Doctrine.
This is much like in a criminal case
when he court throws out an indictment
based on unlawful search and seizure.
The court takes the action not because it
favors the criminal, but because the Bill
of Rights is paramount. Irrespective, I
think ;hp Dominican Republic action can
be rat.pnalized in defense of the admin-
istrati an, especially with the. action by
the O.S.
Whim the Congress then passes House
Resohtion 560 which would appear to
lock in concrete Dominican Republic-
type policy for the future-a policy of
force :'or the United States or any of the
Amerims based on a fragmentary
threat-it is readily foreseeable that
America will be further embarrassed in
her relationship with her "good neigh-
bors."
If we then confound this by establish-
ing quotas on hemispheric immigration
to protect ourselves from hemispheric
Communists, we will, in fact, lay the
corner stone for chaos in the Americas for
the ba lance of the 20th century.
To tell any Latin dictator that he can
forcibly meddle, with our approval, in
the affairs of his neighbor that may or
may riot have a substantial Communist
Party on the theory that he is forcibly
suppro%sing a Communist threat, can
only 1 ave the effect of, in fact, stimulat-
ing t1 e forces of communism and dim-
inishing American stature on these con-
tinents.
A Birch-type philosophy does not work
in the United States. Why should it work
outside?
Equality in Bank Laws
XTENSION OF REMARKS
HON. RICHARD D. McCARTHY
OF NEW YORK
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, September 9, 1965
Mr. McCARTHY, Mr. Speaker, I want
to call the attention of my colleagues to
an ex,iellent editorial which appeared in
the Buffalo Evening News of September 9.
I think It states very persuasively the
case for applying the same Federal rules
governing bank mergers to the creation
of bark holding companies.
The editorial follows:
EQUALITY IN BANK LAWS
As a matter of sound public policy, it seems
reasonable that Federal rules governing bank
merger's should apply equally to amalgama-
tions v rhich follow the holding company route
as a way of strengthening credit and financ-
ing resources available to the public.
Yet unless the House does some fixing in
aSew.te-approved bill, discriminatory treat-
ment, of past and future holding company
acquisitions is in prospect. The threat bank-
ing at thoritles fear in such a double stand-
and-ia the way it could play hob with
stability, confidence, and equal competition
in ?th ) banking business-is a matter of
legitimate public concern.
The background on this issue is compli-
cated, but in brief the Senate bill attempts
to clear up the present confusion surround-
ing the power of the Attorney General to
break up bank mergers after these already
have 'a clean hill of health from the Federal
regulatory agencies, including the Federal
Reserve Board.
The Justice Department now can bring
antitrust actions long after merger applic4
tions have agency certification that they
serve the public convenience and necessity
as well as satisfying competitive factors. To
end the suspense and uncertainty hanging
over such mergers, the Senate bill would
keep the Attorney General in the act, with a
30-day period during which mergers could be
forestalled by bringing antitrust proceedings.
Banks that have merged without such court
contests would thereafter be exempt from
antitrust prosecution-and spared the agony
of being forced to "unscramble" their assets
and operations,,
The case for making such rules uniform
throughout the banking industry was argued
persuasively In. the House committee testi-
mony of Baldwin Maull, of Buffalo, president
of the Marine Midland Corp. Speaking as
president of the Association: of Registered
Bank Holding Companies-representing 25
such consolidations across the country-Mr.
Maull urged': adoption of an amendment af-
fording similar protection to them and their
customers against the threat of subsequent
upheavpls long. after bank acquisitions are
accomplished facts.
In the States where both bank holding
companies and branch banking are permitted,
Mr. Maull noted, most holding companies
have merged, acquired banks into other af-
filiates. Thus unscrambling a bank holding
company could involve breaking up not only
the acquisition itself but also the mergers-
even though' the latter were immune from
the antitrust laws.
Perpetuation of a legal threat against
established holding companies, moreover,
would put them at a competitive disad-
vantage with the merger approach to the
pooling of credit resources and managerial
services for the public industry, and major
financial undertakings. "The banking pub-
lic again will be the real party to suffer," con-
tended Mr, Maull, if the benefits and serv-
ices available to a single bank--and usually
beyond its capacity to duplicate-are severely
disrupted or curtailed.
Resolution of Congratulations and Com-
mendations to Mr. and Mrs. John A.
Jenkins and. Family
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
HON. JOHN BUCHANAN
OF ALABAMA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monda:v, September 20,1965
Mr. BUCHANAN. Mr. Speaker, one
of my distl:hguished constituents, John
A. "Buck" Jenkins of Birmingham, and
a native of Geneva, Ala., has recently
completed his term as commander in
chief of the Veterans of Foreign Wars
of the United States. I want to take
this opportunity to extend hearty con-
gratulations to him.
His outstanding record of achievement
while in office Is the result of his personal
dedication and contribution in time, en-
ergy, and untiring effort as commander
in chief of the VFW.
Mr. Jenkins attended school at Marion
Institute, at WashingtorL-Lee Univer-
sity, Birmingham' Southern College, and
Birmingham School of Law, and passed
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