THE REVOLUTION IN THE DOMINICAN REPUBLIC

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP67B00446R000500120036-5
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 19
• Document Creation Date: December 15, 2016
• Document Release Date: September 22, 2003
• Sequence Number: 36
• Publication Date: April 30, 1965
• Content Type: OPEN

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April 30, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE
But with which agency in Government in
particular shall there be cooperation, even
assuming a desire on the part of the agency
and the businessman to engage in such
amicable relationships?
EXAMPLE
During Senate debate of the Bank Merger
Act of 1960, the then majority leader gave
assurances that the bank mergers were then
and would continue to be exempt from the
antimerger provisions of section 7 of the
Clayton Act. The bill was passed on the
assumption that such mergers would remain
subject to supervision and approval by the
banking authorities; namely, the Federal Re-
serve Board of Governors, Comptroller of the
Currency, and the Federal Deposit Insurance
Corporation.
Subsequent court decisions, however, in
the Philadelphia, Lexington, and Manufac-
turers-Hanover cases repudiated all this.
Now then, no Senate majority leader, no
President, and no Congress or any part of it
can be charged with responsibility for a
Supreme Court decision; and should not be.
Here is a splendid opportunity to apply
this business of "Come, let us get together
and reason." This is so because the case
is now back in the Congress in the form of
a bill. Senator ROBERTSON, chairman of the
Banking and Currency Committee, has in-
troduced a corrective bill providing that su-
pervision of bank mergers be restored to the
Federal banking authorities.
A well-placed word or a message from the
President on the subject on which he has
personal and technical knowledge would
make the assurances of the 1960 Senate ma-
jority leader come true.
It is sincerely hoped that such will be the
case, and that current rumors are false in
saying that the Department of Justice and
the Bureau of the Budget?the President's
right arm?will oppose the Robertson bill.
TO SUMMARIZE
To pledge friendship and profess a desire
for an acceptable relationship between Gov-
ernment and business is one thing.
To try to find them in actual existence
these days is something else.
If the examples and remarks already given
are not enough, bring to your mind some
topics such as these: Packaging and label-
ing bill, minimum wage increase, double pay
for overtime, extended coverage in Wage-anti-
Hour Act, 35-hour workweek, summary ex-
tinction of the bracero program, repeal of
section 14b of the Taft-Hartley Act, expan-
sion of the Walsh-Healey Act by administra-
tive action, expansion of the Bacon Act, also
by Executive order or action, aspects of urban
renewal, rent subsidies for families living in
nonprofit housing developments, some of
which must be occupied by tenants paying
their own way.
Whatever national goals are decided upon,
their success will depend upon., the private
economy growing and prospering.
Without that growth, such goals will never
be approached.
It is the private economy alone that can
create, produce wealth, develop and keep
Up to date in a way and degree equal to the
task. It has the incentives, positive and
negative, to get this done.
It is subjected to the daily test of compe-
tition. If it makes wrong decisions, disci-
plines assert themselves at once?either a
loss of profits or corporate extinction. If
there are a minimum of errors, profits result.
For the government, there are no checks.
The most erroneous program, once started,
can roll on unchecked indefinitely and usu-
ally does. Since there is no competition and
since profit means nothing to government,
there is no incentive or reason to be efficient
or productive.
Knowing of this indispensable role of pri-
vate economy in attainment of national
goals, is it not incumbent upon the owners
and managers of American business and in-
dustry to use their strengths as a deterrent
against that incessant drive for ever-expand-
ing government activity which can end in
nothing less than complete domination?
So there is still Mine. Consensus conform-
ity is not yet absolute. Great freedoms can
still be an alternative to the Great Planned
Society. There is still time. There is still
choice. But if the time is not used to make
the choice?we may run out of both, even
as to wring our hands and pay our dues.
Time and choice will not compromise
with us. The advocates of central authority
will not and never have compromised. To-
day we cannot compromise. We must make
our choice?and it must become our life.
Today we have a choice and the choice is
yours.
That is the provocative title assigned ?to
me today, "The Choice is Yours."
I cannot help wondering whether the same
title can be assigned to a speaker on your
program 10 years from now, or even 5
years. Some people wonder whether we will
still have a choice at that later time.
I believe we will.
The choice is yours?and mine.
TRIBUTE TO SENATOR DIRKSEN
FOR ADDRESS AT APPRECIATION
DINNER
Mr. CARLSON. Mr. President, on the
evening of April 28 over 800 Republicans
and friends honored our distinguished
minority leader, the Honorable EVERETT
MCKINLEY DIRKSEN, Senator from Il-
linois, by giving an appreciation dinner
at the Sheraton Park Hotel.
Members of Congress, outstanding
business executives, and other friends of
Senator DIRKSEN were in attendance.
On this occasion Senator DIRKSEN
delivered a most informative and in-
teresting address on the future outlook
of the Republican Party.
I ask unanimous consent that his ad-
dress be printed at this point- in the
RECORD.
There being no objection, the address
was ordered to be printed in the REcon,
as follows:
Mr. Chairman, my colleagues, fellow Re-
publicans and friends, truly, I am highly
honored by your presence tonight. I am
humbly grateful for this testimonial occa-
sion. I hope that even in modest degree I
merit this expression of esteem and confi-
dence. I can only requite it by continuing
service to my country and my party accord-
ing to my lights so that at long last It may
be said that I made some telling marks in
the cause of freedom and of mankind.
In larger measure your salute should be
tendered to the distinguished Senator from
Kentucky, THRUSTON MORTON. With Com-
plete unselfishness he has journeyed to every
corner of this country in behalf of our party
and its candidates. Busy as he is with the
Important work of the Commerce and
Finance Committees of the Senate he has
cheerfully and vigorously pursued his duties
as chairman of the Republican National
Senatorial Campaign Committee. With
high devotion he has undertaken the thank-
less task of raising funds for his colleagues
and the party. He has done a superb job in
presenting the party cause. Tonight may I
respectfully suggested that we give Tintusrou.
MORTON a rising vote of thanks as a modest
token of our deep appreciation for his work.
Your presence at this dinner is evidence
of your faith in the Republican cause de-
spite the reverses we have suffered. It is a
measure of your faith in the Republican
Party as the real hope for preserving our free
8729
system against the deeper and deeper intru-
sions of government into the affairs of the
people. Your presence is an impressive re-
sponse to the needs of the party and forti-
fies our hope for victory as we approach the
campaign of 1966.
Both in the past and in the present there
is plenty to sustain our hopes for the future.
The Republican vote in 1964 was 10 million
greater than in 1936. It was 5 million great-
er than in 1940. It was 5 million greater
than in 1944. It was 5 million greater than
in 1948. It was equal to the Democrat vote
in 1952. It was 1 million greater than the
Democrat vote in 1960. It was topped only
once by the Democrat or the Republican loser
in the last 28 years. This record does not
sustain the cry of despair, disaster and catas-
trophe which was heard after the election of
1964.
In recent weeks there have been local
elections in which the results clearly indi-
cate a resurgence of Republican spirit. If
the bold and determined spirit manifested
by the party workers is a hint of what lies
ahead we can cheerfully and confidently face
the elections of 1966 and thereafter with a
high and resolute hope of victory.
The same passion which encompassed our
defeat in 1964 can be the same passion and
the same force to produce victory in the days
ahead. The campaign of 1964 was so basi-
cally one of fear which had a real impact on
the people. The basic propositions, how-
ever, on which we stand are those upon
which we have based our case before and
which are fundamental tenets of the party.
The proposition is peace and the "trigger
happy" sloganeers will find little in the rec-
ord to bring them cheer and comfort as they
face the electorate in the future. It is not
the fact that we are in Vietnam that will
count but that we have been in Vietnam too
long without decisive and encouraging
results.
The proposition still is the spending of
billions of borrowed money over and above
the heavy taxes at Federal, State, and local
levels and the open invitation to destructive
inflation which goes with it.
The proposition still is burdensome taxes.
Today the taxgatherer at all levels takes 25
percent of the national income, The boast
of reduced taxes at the Federal level and
their effect on individual incomes will van-
ish when we make it crystal clear that re-
ductions are more than offset by increasing
levies at local levels and by the indirect bur-
dens placed upon the people as well as the
eroding away of purchasing power by
inflation.
The proposition is the growing concentra-
tion of power in the Federal Central Govern-
ment. Phrased another way it is the propo-
sition of big government. One out of every
six workers in the United States is a Gov-
ernment employee. Today it totals 12 mil-
lion. Fifteen years ago it was but 7 million.
As the number of farmers diminishes the
rolls of the Department of Agriculture go up
and now stands at 110,000. Other agencies
of Government have proliferated to unbe-
lievable size. Truly this is the day of gar-
gantuan government.
The proposition is freedom. More and
more it is no longer the consent of the gov-
erned but rather the consent of the Govern-
ment which Must be obtained in the coduct
of commerce and business. More and more
the States and communities become sub-
servient. Federal aid to State and local
governments has risen from 3.8 billion in
1956 to 13.6 billion in 1966, an increase of
260 percent. Federal funds returned to State
and local governments now equal 14 percent
of their revenues and with this dependence
upon the Federal Government there goes the
quiet and steady erosion of freedom.
The proposition is foreign aid. Twenty
years after a single paragraph in the speech
of George Marshall initiated the .Marshall
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8730 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE
plan and after the expenditure of 110 bil-
lions we are still loaning, granting, assisting
on a worldwide basis and the end is not in
sight. We cannot forever redress the griev-
aces and 'Legume the burdens of this entire
world.
The proposition Is our vanishing prestige
as a world leader. Once our party was
charged with impairing our prestige abroad.
Lift your eyes in any direction and one can
say that our prestige has been all but de-
stroyed.
The proposition is respect for our country.
Our embassies has been picketed and as-
saulted. Our flag has been hauled, down and
desecrated. Our citizens have been humili-
ated. Little Caesars have insulted our pride
and it is high time that we retrieve our
prestige everywhere in the world.
The proposition is domestic tranquillity.
Long ago Jefferson wrote that among other
things the people Intended this Government
to insure domestic tranquillity. There is a
strange current of uneasiness in the land. It
springs from strife and demonstrations, from
crime and violence, from student upheavals
and a strange and growing incapacity for
living with ourselves in an atmosphere of
serenity and tranquillity. The test of any ad-
ministration is not merely the well-being of
the Nation but the tranquillity and basic
contentment of the people.
The proposition is the preservation of a
vital, vigorous two-party system. Govern-
ment is dangerously unbalanced. Top-
heavy majorities in both branches of Con-
gress come unhappily close to one-party
government. It becomes a seedbed for
bureaucratic government and partiality. A
top issue in the elections of 1968 will be the
preservation of this two-party system which
for 175 years has stood the test of time.
The average age is lowering in this Na-
tion and young Americans are going to pay
the bills which this generation so carelessly
piles up but they are beginning to ask ques-
tions. For us to say what fun it irould be
if our great-grandchildren could see how
much fun we are having in spending that
which they in their day will have to pay
back, may evoke a polite smile but down deep,
young America is beginning to appreciate
what the bitter legacy will be.
,It was written. in the Holy Book that the
fear of the Lord is the beginning of wisdom.
We can say that the fear for peace, security,
solvency, soundness, tranquillity, freedom,
prestige, all become a matter of deep con-
cern and then become a matter of political
action. Tonight we witness an impressive
beginning.
OLE REVOLUTION IN THE DOMINI-
CAN REPUBLIC
Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, the
current crisis in the Dominican Republic
presents a type of problem to the United
States which in recent years has become
all too familiar, in all too many spots in
the world. It is a revolution with the
ostensible purpose of installing a self-
avowed democratic head of state, who is
in reality either a sympathizer or front-
man for the Communists, supported by
the Communists in an effort to secure
control and domination over one more
country.
As the able chairman of the Senate In-
ternal Security Subcommittee pointed
out yesterday, in his timely and forth-
right speech on the Senate floor, there
is a convincing parallel between Juan
Bosch and Fidel Castro, and between the
current situation in the Dominican Re-
public and the events in Cuba preceding
Castro's takeover.
Pbt all the similarities, however, there
is ,)ne significant, refreshing, and en-
couraging difference between the current
events in the Dominican Republic and
these which took place in Cuba and so
many other target countries of the Com-
mu nists.
The difference, Mr. President, is the
attitude and action of the United States.
And the difference is all important. In-
stead of being too late with too little, the
Urited States has acted with dispatch
and decision to protect the interest of the
Urited States and of freedom.
Mere is little doubt, of course, that
thi President will be subjected to a loud
chorus of criticism, not only from abroad,
but probably from within the country as
will. Before the criticism starts, those
who support the President's resolute ac-
tion should make their support known.
I am sure that the President will have
e support of a great majority of Amer-
icans for this action on the Dominican
et Isis.
It was announced this morning that
the United States was sending two bat-
talons of paratroops to support the an-
'oximately 1,500 'U.S. marines already
E. the Dominican Republic. This prompt
a ation may well prevent the establish-
ment of Communist domination in ali-
o:her Caribbean country.
I commend the President for the dis-
patch and firm resolve with which he
has met this challenge. It has been many
Years, indeed, since Americans have had
c ccasion for such pride and confidence
ia their Government's handling of a for-
eign crisis.
JILL DEFENSE CONTRACTORS
SHOULD INITIATE AN AFFIRMA-
TIVE PROGRAM OF COST REDUC-
TION IN PERFORMANCE OF DE-
FENSE CONTRACTS
Mr. STENNLS. Mr. President, I have
a statement which was released by the
President of the United States under
date of Arpil 28, 1965, regarding certain
matters with reference to defense con-
tractors.
In this statement the President
enumerates that in December of 1963, he
requested all defense contractors to initi-
ate immediately "an affirmative program
of cost reduction in the performance of
defense contracts."
The objectives stated in the guidelines,
as he reviews them, are set forth in this
statement. The statement also includes
-a statement by the President with refer-
ence to the speed and effectiveness with
which our Nation's defense industry has
responded to the challenge and his grati-
fication.
This statement deserves publication in
the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD not only to
benefit contractors, who are interested
parties in such matters, but also the
general public. I ask unanimous con-
sent that this statement from the White
House be printed at this point in the
RECORD.
There being no objection, the state-
ment was ordered to be printed in the
RECORD, OA follows:
April 30, 1965
STATEMENT- BY THE PRESIDENT
On December 2, 1963,a I requested that all
defense contractors initiate immediately "an
affirmative program of cost reduction in the
performance of defense contracts." Subse-
quently, the Department of Defense issued
guidelines defining an effective contractor-
cost-reductien program to contractors hav-
ing an annual volume cd defense sales in
excess of $5 million, exclusive of firm fixed-
price contracts. The objectives stated in
those guidelines were:
1. Intensify efforts by individual con-
tractors to achieve cost reductions in the
performance of defense contracts.
2. Establish criteria for operating a con-
tractor-cost-reduction program.
3. Provide for regular review and evalua-
tion by the Department of Defense, of con-
tractors' ? individual cost-reduction pro-
grams.
4. Assure that the effectiveness of a con-
tractor's cost-reduction program will be
taken into account in making future source
selection's and in determining contractor
profit and fee rates.
5. Provide appropriate public recognition
to contractors who have achieved significant
cost reductions.
I am happy to report that 78 of the Na-
tions largest defense contractors, with a
total of 205 major plants or divisions, have
now joined us in this vital effort, and that
reports of their considerable accomplish-
ments are now being evaluated by the De-
partment of Defense. The first of these
semiannual reports covers cost reductions
for the previous 8-month period, based on
the individual contractor's fiscal year.
During March a:ncl_ April, defense contrac-
tors from all parts of -the country are par-
ticipating in the advanced planning brief-
ings for industry at Los Angeles, New York,
Chicago, Dallas, and Washington, D.C.
These briefings, which are jointly sponsored
by the Department of Defense and the
National Security Industrial Association, are-
providing opportunities for defense con-
tractors -to display the many impressive cost
reduction ideas which they have already
put into practice and of which they are
justifiably proud.
The speed and effectiveness with which
our Nation's defense industry has responded
to this challenge is not surprising, but it is
gratifying. The contractors engaged in this
important effort have pledged a dollar's
value for every dollar spent, and this value
is being reflected in lower costs to the Amer-
ican people for their national defense.
JOINT ECONOMIC COMMITTEE
SETS HEARINGS ON BERNSTEIN
COMMITTEE REPORT ON BAL-
ANCE-OF-PAYMENT STATISTICS
Mr. PROXMIRE. Mr. President, to-
day the Bernstein committee, which has
been meeting for 2 years, has published
its report on balance-of-payments sta-
tistics. This is a very important and
controversial report.
The report recommends that we stop
measuring the balance-of-payments
deficit in the manner in which it is being
measured now, and promote the use of
a new concept which gives sharply dif-
ferent numerical results.
As chairman of the Subcommittee on
Economic Statistics, I announce that our
subcommittee will hold hearings begin-
ning on Tuesday, May 11. Dr. Bernstein,
chairman of the Bernstein committee,
will appear, accompanied by the very
distinguished panel of economists who
filed the report with him. These econo-
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ATE 8777
citizens, especially those public officials
who want to honorably perform their
duties and also those citizens who seek
to live in peace and who have a right to
do so, without unreasonable interference.
Surely, with all of the power available
to the Attorney General under this pro-
posed bill, and with all of the legal pro-
cedures available to those who seek the
right to vote, there is no need for
marches, sit-ins, stand-ins, and other
demonstrations that would unreasonably
interfere with the rights of others. This
amendment would strengthen the meth-
od of taking the issue out of the streets
and placing it into the courts, where it
properly belongs.
Unlike the terms of the substitute bill,
this amendment applies to all States and
political subdivisions, not just a select
few. It will be needed in every State
and in many cities outside the South.
The April 12 issue of Newsweek maga-
zine contained an article whip quoted
Martin Luther King as saying demon-
strations would be conducted nationwide
in the coming year. He said:
You can expect this in New York and in
Philadelphia and Chicago and Detroit and
Los Angeles and Selma.
This amendment is not just to pro-
tect the South?it is to preserve law and
order throughout the Nation.
The growing demonstrations are ap-
parently a Matter of grave concern to
high ranking officials in the administra-
tion, including the White House, where,
the same Newsweek issue states:
Presidential aides privately expressed fear
that Martin Luther King might lose his
leadership to SNCC hotheads.
This amendment is necessary as a
protection to our public officials and
the taxpaying, peaceable citizens of our
Nation.
At the appropriate time I shall urge
its adoption.
THE INICAN
Mr. STENNIS. Mr. President, before
I yield the floor, I wish to make a few
brief remarks with reference to the very
grave and serious situation with which
we are confronted now in the Dominican
Republic. In my judgment, it becomes
graver and more serious hour by hour.
The news is not at all good now, and it
is entirely possible that the Government
in the Dominican Republic could collapse
over the weekend. I have not read any
of the news on the tickers in the past
few hours, but the situation is changing
by the hour. It could collapse in such a
way, before the Senate reassembled on
Monday, that the rebel forces, unless
otherwise prevented, would take over.
Among those rebels forces are an ex-
treme Communist group which has come
to the top, have come to power, and these
include a group of them specially trained
in guerrilla warfare of the most effective
and severe type. They are already the
dominant position of that group. If
they get an opportunity to form a gov-
ernment, they will naturally be at its
head.
President Johnson has acted wisely
and quickly in sending in the armed
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CON
ht of this Na0on to protect 04, r civil-
& there. I know t.hat We will be criti-
rdOuna the woricLforleing too 'harsh or
by many of the family of nations
?0 qUick, or for engaging in a diplomacy
power, or of blood and iron. How-
ver, I am one of those who have be-
eyed for a long time that we were going
o have to take stronger measures and
at quickly Under these new conditions
we are going to be effective.
LI believe in this situation which is so
ear Our own shorelines and what has
ready happened in Cuba, and is now
becoming apparent in the Dominican
epublic, that the President has acted
entirely properly, that his action was
necessary and that his promptness to act
kill save a great deal of serious trouble,
tnd probably far more extensive inter-
entions and loss of life in the future.
The big question is still to come, a
Edtiestion which we may have to decide
tier the weekend; How much further
an our forces be used to keep a possi-
le Communist regime from coming to
f wer Dominican
itnairtn
keingRoevpeurbtlihce? Government
the
i I hope that the President will see fit
k:t least to exercise his power for a hold-
action to prevent such a take over.
Fe must then get a decision from the
lilrganization of American States to see
nether they will stand with us and try
prevent another nation from being
ken over by an actual, outright Corn-
}mist regime. WQ cannot afford to wait
ip.the OAS to apt ffrst.
]Ifr.'PreSfdent, I attend a great many
:inlitary hearings and briefings perhaps
d am therefore closer to the problem
BM most. I cannot overemphasize how
ave the situation is and how essential
will be for us to make up our minds
iu1ekly. Wo are taking one of the
itvest steps a nation can take. How-
the stakes are very high and if we
n. prevent this takeover and the Or-
snization of American States does not
k us up?I hope and pray that they
, and I believe that they will?then
,
e will have to make ft decision as to how
we are loing alone.
nder all the circumstances, we have
real choice. We cannot permit a
communist regime to set itself up in the
minican RePublic, in a country so
i oie to our shores. If we do permit it,
1 en that will. really be the break-
ough, and expansion in Latin Amen-
after that will come thick and fast,
6, soon get beyond our control.
I earnestly pry, that the situation will
Cr elop in the other direction,, It is
ye at present and is growing ''ind de-
loping by the hour. We must stand
and take whatever steps are 'woes-
ry through the armed forces which
, fortunately have there, in order to
eVent this takeover, and to set up a
1ton?even irWe have to go it alone?to
rake our opposition effective and per-
ent.
l'ifIr. Pre,sident I, yield the floor.
" EXECUTIVE SESSION
1VIANSi'LeJLIT. I. President, I
Ve that the Senate proceed to the con-
oration of executive business.
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April 30, 1965
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE
PURPOSE OF THE BILL
The purpose of this legislation is to au-
thorize the Secretary of the Navy to sell items
of enlisted naval clothing at no Govern-
ment expense to the Naval Sea Cadet Corps
for sea cadets.
PAYMENT OF SPECIAL ALLOWANCES
TO DEPENDENTS OF MEMBERS OF
THE UNIFORMED SERVICES
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I
ask unanimous consent that the Senate
turn to the consideration of Calendar
No, 160, House bill 3043.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The bill
will be stated by title for the informa-
tion-of the Senate.
The LEGISLATIVE CLERK. A bill (H.R.
3043), to amend title 37, United States
Code, to authorize payment of special
allowances to dependents of members of
the uniformed services to offset expendi-
tures incident to their evacuation, and
for other purposes.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there
objection to the present consideration of
the bill?
There being no objection, the Senate
proceeded to consider the bill, which had
been reported from the Committee on
Armed Services, with an amendment to
strike out all after enacting clause and
insert:
That title 37, United States Code, is amended
as follows:
(1) The following new section is inserted
after section 405:
"I 405a. Travel and transportation allow-
ances: evacuation allowances
"(a) Under regulations prescribed by the
Secretaries concerned, when dependents of
members of the uniformed services are or-
dered evacuated by competent authority
from places outside the United States to
places inside the United States, they may
be authorized such allowances as the Secre-
?tary concerned determines necessary to offset
the expenses incident to the evacuation. Al-
lowances authorized by this section are in
addition to those authorized by any other
section of this title. For the purposes of this
section, a dependent 'ordered encuated by
competent authority' includes? ?
"(1) a dependent who is present at or in
the vicinity of the member's duty station
when the evacuation of dependents is or-
dered by competent authority and who ac-
tually moves to an authorized safe haven
designated by that authority, whether such
safe haven is at or in the vicinity of the
member's duty station or elsewhere.
"(2) a dependent who established a house-
hold at or in the vicinity of the member's
duty station but who is temporarily absent
therefrom for any reason when evacuation of
dependents is ordered by competent author-
ity; and
"(3) a dependent who was authorized to
join the member and who departed from his
former place of residence incident to join-
ing the member but who, as a result of the
evacuation of dependents, is diverted to a
safe haven designated by competent au-
thority or is authorized to travel to a place
the dependent may designate, even though
lie was in the United States when the evacua-
tion was ordered.
"(b) Under regulations prescribed by the
Secretaries concerned, each member whose
dependents are covered by subsection (a) of
this section is entitled to have one motor
vehicle owned by hint and for his personal
use, or the use of the dependents, trans-
ported at the expense of the United States to
a designated place for the use of the depend-
ents. When the dependents are permitted
to rejoin the member, the vehicle may be
transported at the expense of the United
States to his permanent duty station."
(2) The analysis of chapter 7 is amended
by inserting the following new item:
"406a. Travel and transportation allowances;
evacuation allowances."
(3) Section 407(a) is amended by insert-
ing the words ", or whose dependents are
covered by section 405a(a) of this title" after
the word "station".
(4) Section 407(b) is amended?
(A) by striking out the word "or" at the
end of clause (1);
(B) by striking out the period at the end
of clause (2) and inserting the word "; or"
in place thereof; and
(C) by adding the following clause (2) :
"(3) the member's dependents are covered
by section 405a(a) of this title."
(5) Section 411(a) is amended by insert-
ing the figure "405a," after the figure "405,".
(6) Section 1006 is amended?
(A) by adding the following sentence at
the end of subsection (C): "The Secretary
concerned or his designee may waive any
right of recovery of not more than one
month's basic pay advanced under this sub-
section if he finds that recovery of the ad-
vance would be against equity and good con-
science or against the public interest."; and
(B) by adding at the end:
"(g) Under regulations prescribed by the
Secretary concerned, the dislocation allow-
ance authorized by section 407 of this title
for a member, of a uniformed service whose
dependents are covered by section 405a(a) of
this title may be paid in advance of the
evacuation of the dependents and to the de-
pendents designated by the member."
SEC. 2. This Act becomes effective on Feb-
ruary 1, 1965, and terminates on June 30,
1966.
The PRESIDING Ok k10ER. The
question is on agreeing to the committee
amendment.
The amendment was agreed to.
The amendment was Ordered to be en-
grossed, and the bill to be read a third
time.
The bill was read the third time, and
passed.
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I
ask unanimous consent to have printed
in the RECORD an excerpt from the re-
port (No. 173) , explaining the purposes
of the bill.
There being no objection, the excerpt
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
PURPOSE OF THE BILL
The purpose of this legislation is to au-
thorize the payment of special allowances
and dislocation allowances to dependents
of members of the uniformed services when-
ever these dependents are evacuated from
an oversee danger area to the United States.
As many Members of the House will recall,
the need for such allowances was graphically
demonstrated during the evacuation of de-
pendents of military personnel from the Na-
val Base, Guantanomo Bay, Cuba, to Nor-
folk, Va., in October 1962.
As a consequence of that evacuation, un-
der circumstances in which dependents were
only permitted to take one suitcase per per-
son, ? they arrived in Norfolk with limited
amounts of clothing, and most with limited
funds. Consequently, a number of cases of
serious hardship occurred.
In the absence of legislation, the Secretary
of Defense subsequently approved certain ex-
penditures from his contingency fund to
cover some of the unusual expenses incurred
8779
by dependents evacuated from Guantanamo
Bay, Cuba, to Norfolk, Va.
EXISTING LAW
Under existing law dependents of uni-
formed services personnel evacuated from an
oversee area are entitled to the following
payments?
(1) There is presently no authority for
special allowances for dependents who are
evacuated from oversee points to the United
States.
The present authority for payments is lim-
ited to evacuations from one oversee area to
another oversea area. Under these circum-
stances dependents are entitled to a per diem
payment and the cost-of-living allowance
prescribed for the area to which they are
evacuated.
(2) Advances in pay up to 2 months' basic
pay can be made by the service to depend-
ents of members of the Armed Forces desig-
nated for evacuation. This advance, how-
ever, is basically a loan which requires ulti.
mate repayment.
ORDER OF BUSINESS
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I
suggest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
clerk will call the roll.
The legislative clerk proceeded to call
the roll.
Mr. CLARK. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent that the order for the
quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without
objection, it is SQ ordered.
THE SITUATION IN THE DOMINICAN
REPUBLIC if '
Mr. CLARK. Mr. PresiWn , this
morning's newspapers carry the news of
the landing of T.J.S. marines in Santo
Domingo. The announced purpose is to
protect American lives, to defend our
Embassy, and to restore order in a coun-
try where government appears to have
broken down.
I hope that that is the entire purpose
of the landing of the marines. I do not
question the authority of the President
to send our marines to that strife-torn
country; nor do I criticize him for doing
so for the announced purpose. Never-
theless, it is disturbing to find a reversion
to what has come to be known histori-
cally as gunboat diplomacy. Criticism is
already appearing in metropolitan daily
newspapers of high repute. I ask unani-
mous consent that an editorial published
in this morning's New York Times en-
titled "Marines in Santo Domingo," may
be printed in the RECORD at this point in
my remarks.
There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
MARINES IN SANTO DOMINGO
There was a valid reason for the United
States to put a Marine landing force in Santo
Domingo. This reason was to protect Ameri-
cans and evacuate those who desire to leave.
There would be no excuse for American Ma-
rines to remain beyond that short time. It
will be for the Organization of American
States to pick up from there.
Only Latin Americans and students of the
history of the Caribbean can appreciate fully
what it means to have the word flashed
around the hemisphere: "The American Ma-
rines have landed." The symbol of President
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8780 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE
Theodore Roosevelt's "Big Stick" and Of
President Taft's "Dollar Diplomacy" is United
States occupation by Marines.
The present move, according to President
Johnson, is not intended to be an occupa-
tion. He has explained that the troops went
ashore "to give protection to hundreds of
Americans who are still in the Dominican
Republic and to escort them safely back to
this country."
This is a right and necessary function; It
should be the only one. At in the Cuban
nuclear crisis of 1962, the OAS has been
faced with a fait accompli and there appears
to be some hard feelings on that score. The
United States decision was a unilateral one
made, presumably, because there was no Do-
minican Government empowered to ask for
American troops.
The main function of the OAS now is
to set up a mediation mission and send it to
Santo Domingo as soon as possible. The
heavy fighting cannot last much longer.
- Afterward the full depth of the tragedy
will be only too clear. In a brief and con-
centrated fashion, the Dominican Republic
is in the throes of a species of civil war. It
is a small country, in which the leading
families are well known to each other and
to the people. The seeds of hatred have been
planted, and they will bear bitter fruit for
years to come.
The political situation will defy simple
solution, whichever side wins. The Domini-
can Republic is now and will be for some
time a shattered country. Moreover, its poll-
tiCal components?in the parties, the trade
union, the army and the so-called "club of
families" or oligarchy?are immensely corn-
Heated. The way things are going to be, the
- Dominican Republic will need an extended
period of peace, one sustained by Domini-
cans, perhaps with the help of the OAS?
but not by American Marines.
Mr. CLARK. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent that an editorial in
? this morning's Washington Post, entitled
"Back to 1916?" may be printed in the
RECORD at this point of my remarks.
There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
BACK TO 1916?
Tn 1018, when President Wilson waS other-
wise distracted with the war in Europe, he
was persuaded to send U.S. Marines into the
Dominican Republic on the argument that
the political anarchy there threatened Amer-
ican lives and property and assistance was
needed to service foreign debts. The Presi-
dent's action resulted in a full-scale military
occupation and the marines stayed on for
8 years. When they did leave, they were
soon succeeded by Rafael Trujillo, a military
dictator who tyrannized the Dominican peo-
ple for another 30 years.
Now President Johnson has ordered 'U.S.
Marines to the Dominican Republic to pro-
tect Americans and other nationals and as-
sist their evacuation from a republic beset
with political anarchy. Their numbers,
listed by the White House as 400 on Wednes-
day night, already had jumped to 556 in a
State Department announcement yesterday
noon.
The leaders In the Dominican military coup
last Sunday were members of the Dominican
army. They were opposed by members of the
Dominican tank corps and air force and,
eventually by members of the Dominican
navy. The army tossed out President Juan
Bosch's unconstitutional successor, Donald
Reid Corbel, and moved to bring Bosch back
from his exile in Puerto Rico. The anti-
Bosch forces, led by tank corps Brig. Gen.
Elias Wessin y Wessin, a tough-fighting,
fanatically religious anti-Communist who
booted Bosch out in the first place, quickly
stood up to the army. Then, as the crossfire
continued, the anti-Bosch forces?not the
Domincan military as a whole?appealed
to tint United States to send in the Marines.
Before We get drawn into Dominican affairs
in tha name of anticommunism we need to
exam me the extent of Dominican commu-
nism, There are three minor groups, the
orthrtiox Soviet-oriented, PSPD which is
aimect at both indoctrination and infiltration;
the terroristic, Cuban-directed MPD; and
the minute PNR, which advbcates commu-
nism by education. There is also a fourth,
the .A.ggest and most important, the Four-
teen-2i of June Group, which is an in-
diginous nationalist party with, indeed, a
heavy Communist sprinkling.
Until now, it has been U.S. policy and in-
tereot to keep these Communist groups fight-
ing lath other, and to prevent a polarization
of military extremists on the right and uni-
fied Communist extremists on the left which
would leave no room for moderates in the
middle.
Certainly, the United States does not want
to Ise the Dominican Republic become an-
other Communist Cuba. But equally cer-
tainly, the United States does not want to
seethe Dominican Republic revert to another
tyrannical military dictatorship led by the
Trujilloists still around.
When Trujillo was assassinated 3 years
ago, a Latin American elder statesman,
former President Pigueres of Costa Rica,
smgested that a trusteeship be established
either under the Organization of American
States or the United Nations to provide for
some sort of orderly transition. Yesterday
th s OAS called for a cease-fire and began to
m arve toward collective action. Certainly
either the OAS itself or the U.N. would ap-
pear preferable to the U.S. Marine diplomacy
of 1916.
Mr. CLARK. One would hope that
the Organization of American States
would agree promptly to take over the
job of reestablishing order in the Domin-
ican Republic and would make prompt
arrangements for free elections. One
would also hope that as soon as that was
cone the Marines would be withdrawn.
I have long been of the view that in
the modern world military solutions to
pblitical problems are no longer feasible.
We have a well-established procedure
Iii the Western Hemisphere for dealing
with civil disorders and for calling into
:ilay rather elaborate treaty provisions
:n which all of the countries of the West-
nal Hemisphere can join under the aus-
pices of the Organization of American
States.
We have suffered too long under the
criticism of what has sometimes been
called "dollar diplomacy," or "gunboat
diplomacy," to look with equanimity on
another example of its use in an inde-
pendent country.
Mr. President, I would hope that these
legal agreements to which we are a party
could be promptly brought into effect.
I do not have the slightest doubt that
this is the intention of the Secretary of
State and the President of the United
States. We shall recall that the last time
marines went into the Dominican Repub-
lic, they stayed there for 8 years.
Shortly after they left, the Dictator Tru-
jillo took over, and he oppressed, killed,
or imprisoned his people and ruled with
a ruthless dictatorship for 30 years. We
did very little to remove his dictatorial
and cruel government. Possibly we
were quite correct in not doing so, be-
cause once we withdrew the Marines,
we undertook to recognize the sever-
April 30, 1965-
eignty of that country and of all others.
In due course, the Dictator Trujillo, far
too late, was removed from office.
There was a revolution. He was
assassinated. A free election was ar-
ranged, and Juan Bosch received 60 per-
cent of the votes in a free election. He
took office. It has been said that he was
not a good administrator. It has been
said that he did not very satisfactorily
deal with t;he many different factions
and disruptions and with the economic,
political and financial problems of his
country. No doubt those criticisms have
some merit. No one is perfect. But he
was the first duly elected President of
the Dominican Republic as a result of a
free election within the memory of man.
I do not say that the United States
supported the revolution which deposed
him. I do say that we viewed his deposi-
tion with rather extraordinary equanim-
ity. It is now suggested that the revolu-
tionaries are supporting a return of Mr.
Bosch. I do not condone either the rev-
olution which deposed him or the revo-
lution which seeks to reinstate him. I
do say that there is no reputable opinion
in this country or elsewhere which can
produce a scintilla of evidence that Mr.
Bosch is a Communist. On the con-
trary, his political principles are quite
closely related to those of the great Gov-
ernor of Puerto Rico, Mufioz-Marin.
Whether a revolution to unseat the
duly elected President of a neighboring
and friendly country is desirable or not,
we did not send Marines down there to
restore him to power. On the contrary,
in short order we recognized the military
junta which replaced him, and then the
civilian junta which took over from the
military.
It may well be, as the newspapers have
stated, that there are certain Castro-
trained Communists who are in the rev-
olution and are promoting chaos in
Santo Domingo today. If that is true,
I deplore it. It would be a tragedy to
have Santo Domingo follow the Castro
example and show up with a Communist
government. But in all candor I suggest
that it is not a very good way to prevent
a country from going Communist to send
4,800 marines into that country to pro-
tect 1,300 American citizens. I suggest
also that the natural adverse reaction to
sending marines back into the Carib-
bean is not helped very much by the re-
ports in today's newspapers. I quote
a dispatch from Santo Domingo that
appeared in the New York Times:
A high ranking United States naval officer
said early today that the function of the
marines who have been landed here was not
only to protect the evacuation of Americans
and other nations but also "to see that no
Communist government is established in the
Dominican Republic.
Mr. President, since when have anony-
mous high naval officers been stating
the foreign policy of the 'United States
of America? I would hope that the
naval officer who made that statement
was not authorized to do so, either by
the Pentagon or by the State Depart-
ment. I hope that his identity will be
determined and that he will be disci-
plined.
The foreign policy of our country is
made by civilians and not by the military.
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE 8781
It may well be that this is merely a
sample of the tendency I have noted
elsewhere, and which I deplore, not only
in Santo Domingo, but in South Vietnam
and elsewhere. The military is tending
to usurp civilian authority. We find
that military operations tend to outrace
diplomacy. We became committed to
actions not only in Santo Domingo but
also in South Vietnam; and one wonders
whether they have ever been approved by
either the Secretary of State or the
President of the United States.
I would hope very much that both the
White House and the State Department
would look with great care into the state-
ment by a so-called high ranking officer
stating the purpose of our Marines in
Santo Domingo. I am encouraged to
note that the statements which have
come from the White House and the
State Department do not conform to
what that anonymous high ranking
naval officer has said. On the contrary,
they say that, "The purpose of the Ma-
rines in Santo Domingo is to protect
American lives." Once arrangements
can be made for the Organization of
American States to restore order and to
establish some kind of interim govern-
ment there so that free elections can be
held, I would hope that the State Depart-
ment would withdraw the Marines.
I not on the floor of the Senate the
able chairman of the Subcommittee on
American Republics Affairs of the For-
eign Relations Committee, who is an ex-
pert on this subject. I wonder if he has
any views with respect to what I have
said.
Mr. MORSE. I had come to the floor
of the Senate to make a speech, but the
Senator from Pennsylvania is making it
for me. I did not vote for that resolution
last August; the Senator from Pennsyl-
vania did, so he is better qualified, I
think, as I am sure he voted for it based
upon an interpretation as to what he
thought it meant.
I should like to ask the Senator from
Pennsylvania a question, because I think
these things are all related. I shall not
interrupt the Senator very long. I won-
der if the Senator from Pennsylvania,
when he voted for that resolution last
August, thought he was authorizing the
President of the United States to send
many thousands of American boys into
southeast Asia without coming back to
the Congress of the United States and
asking for approval?
Mr. CLARK. Or to send hundreds of
American boys and airplanes to bomb
the North Vietnamese north of the 17th
parallel. My categorical answer is that
I did not. I have had an opportunity
this morning to review a part of the
debate in the Senate with respect to that
resolution, and I find, not to my surprise,
that the chairman of the Foreign Rela-
tions Committee did not think so either.
Mr. MORSE. I say to the Senator
from Pennsylvania that that subject will
be a part of my speech this afternoon,
too. I have studied that debate. I do
not see how anyone could read the debate
in the Senate of last August and find
any justification for the President of the
No. 77----10
United States bombing North Vietnam or
sending increasing thousands of Amer-
ican boys to South Vietnam. Once again
I say to my President, "Come to a joint
session of the Congress and do what the
Constitution clearly calls upon you to do.
Recommend to the Senate and to the
House of Representatives a declaration
of war, or else stop conducting John-
son's war in southeast Asia that is going
to kill thousands and thousands of Amer-
ican boys."
From the floor of the Senate today I
say to the American people, "Wake up.
Your President is taking you into war
without the authorization of the Con-
gress." When the President says, "You
people in Congress voted for it; you
determined the policy last August," I say
that the President had better read that
debate, because that debate never gave
the President the authority that he has
assumed today to make war in southeast
Asia and in which there is taking place
the killing of unjustifiably increasing
numbers of American boys, because in
th absence of a declaration of war, the
President of the United States has no
justification for killing American boys in
southeast Asia.
The Senator from Pennsylvania is re-
sponsible for my statement about it be-
cause of the brilliant observations that
he has made. But I say that he and I
are members of the Foreign Relations
Committee. The Foreign Relations Com-
mittee had better get on the job. The
Foreign Relations Committee has the
responsibility. The Foreign Relations
Committee has the responsibility now of
pointing out to the American people what
I consider to be usurpation of power on
the part of the President of the United
States in making war in southeast Asia
in the way he is making it now. The
resolution does not give him the author-
ity. The Constitution does not give him
the authority. The Foreign Relations
Committee had better begin to hold him
to an accounting.
Mr. CLARK. Mr. President, I say hi
all good humor to my good friend from
Oregon that I shall not detain him much
longer by holding the floor, but I would
prefer to have him make his speech on
his own time. I disassociate myself from
his criticisms of the President of the
United States, whom I hold in very high
regard.
I should like now to turn very briefly
to Santo Domingo. To conclude my
comments in that regard, I would hope
very much that the President and the
Secretary of State, both of whom I honor
and both of whom I support, would find
it possible, in short order, to turn over
the Santo Domingo problem to the Orga-
nization of American States, of which
we are a part, and to withdraw the U.S.
Marines from Vietnam, having provided
for the safety of the American citizens
there, and to appreciate that in the
modern world it is wiser to solve these
problems, wherever possible, through bi-
lateral diplomacy, and when that type of
diplomacy fails, then by regional or col-
lective action of the countries which are
treaty bound to preserve order in the
hemisphere and to prevent the infiltra-
tion of communism there.
The image of the United States all
over the world is suffering?and I am one
of those who thinks that the image of
the United States all over world is im-
portant?because we are increasingly re-
sorting to farce instead of to diplomacy
in attempting to solve the difficult prob-
lems which confront our country all over
the world. Some of those problems are
beyond our somewhat limited power to
solve unilaterally, but none of them are
likely to be brought to a happy solution
by turning our foreign policy over to the
military.
COLUMNISTS AND AMERICAN
FOREIGN POLICY
Mr. CLARK. Mr. President, I now
turn briefly to another subject. It has
to do with some of the recent activities
of some of our columnists with respect
to American policy in South Vietnam.
It has been pointed out that in our
pluralistic and democratic society, it is
impossible, and probably unwise, to stifle
criticism of governmental action. Many
of us who are loyal supporters of the
Johnson administration have under-
standably been reluctant to criticize his.
policies in Vietnam and elsewhere. Per-
sonally, I am still reluctant to do so. But
we cannot shut the mouths of columnists,
letter writers, editorial writers, and
others. It is a good thing that we
cannot.
But just as the comments of a Member
of Congress on the floor of either Cham-
ber are not subject to suits for libel or
slander, so we on our part are reluctant
to' criticize the widely syndicated col-
umnists whose readership is so much
greater than our own, as our views are
published either in the press or in the
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD. So realizing the
risk one runs, and having already, in fact,
made a few comments on this subject
before, I should like to indicate my rather
complete dissent from the point of view
of that most emotional, although none-
theless erudite, of columnists, Mr. Joseph
Alsop, a gentleman of deep knowledge,
great energy, careful and studious schol-
arship, yet, nevertheless, a gentleman
with whose judgment I have had many
an occasion to quarrel?and not only
with his judgment, but with his manners.
Mr. Alsop wrote for the Washington
Post of the 21st of April an extraordinary
column entitled "Pompous Ignorance."
Parenthetically, this is one of the most
outstanding instances of the pot calling
the kettle black that I have seen in some
time.
I ask unanimous consent that this col-
umn by Mr. Alsop be printed in full at
this point in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the column
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
POMPOUS IGNORANCE
(By Joseph Alsop)
One proof of the wisdom of President
Johnson's Vietnamese policy is its marked
success to date.
One must always be prepared for bad news.
But it must also be said that since the
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8782 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE
April 30, 19'613
Pleiku episode drove the President to take
determined action, he and his policymakers
have been calling the shots with quite un-
precedented accuracy.
Another proof of the President's wisdom
is the kind of criticism his policy has thus
far invited. It is bad enough when Senator
FULBRIGHT allows himself to ruminate in pub-
lic on the desirability of stopping the
bombings. Apparently the Senator believes
that this is the best way to promote negotia-
tions on an acceptable basis. One can only
reply that credulity is a cherished senatorial
prerogative.
A more detailed reply is demanded, how-
ever, by the increasing barrage of such pieces
as one just published by Prof. Hans J. Mor-
genthau of the University of Chicago. Mor-
genthau is an interesting figure; for he plays
almost the same key role among the modern
appeasers that Geoffrey Dawson of the Times
of London played in the be-nice-to-Hitler
group in England before 1939.
The resemblance is curiously exact, more-
over. "We are deluding ourselves in Viet-
nam," says Professor Morgenthau and he
gives two main proofs for this assertion.
First, he warns that we are getting Commu-
nist China's back up, which he thinks dan-
gerous because he also thinks that the Chi-
nese Communists are "the wave of the fu-
ture."
He does not quite use that phrase from
the old days. But his explanations of the
need to recognize Communist China as the
dominant power in Asia appear to have been
borrowed, almost in too, from the old Times
of London leaders about the need to recog-
nize Hitler's Germany as the dominant power
in Europe.
But just as credulity must always be recog-
nized as an inalienable senatorial preroga-
tive, so the right of professors of political
science to play at being realists must also
be acknowledged. What is not pardonable in
any serious academic figure is simple, pom-
pous ignorance such as is revealed by Pro-
fessor Morgenthau's statement that "the mil-
itary conquest of Tibet" is an exceptional
episode in Chinese history.
This statement is the key to the second
Morgenthau, argument, that if no one gets
China's back up, China will leave her neigh-
bors to "live peacefully in (her) shadow."
But the central fact of Chinese history, its
most impressive, indeed awe-inspiring aspect,
is the tirelessness with which the Chinese
people have resumed the task of conquest
whenever an opportunity offered.
China, properly so called, appears when
her history begins as a rather small region
in the Yellow River Valley. Since then,
China has regularly expanded whenever a
strong central government possessed the
means to do so. Even in this century, when
China's Government was weak for so long,
the geographical area of ethnic China?the
territory mainly inhabited by people of Chi-
nese blood?has nonetheless more than
doubled.
Manchuria is fully Sinified. Inner Mon-
golia is largely digested. The huge province
of Sikang where tribal peoples lived in effec-
tive independence until the end of the Sec-
ond World War, is already being swallowed
down. In one or two more generations the
Tibetans, if they survive at all, are only likely
to survive outside Tibet. And the ancient
peoples of central Asia have heard their
doom proclaimed,
Even in southeast Asia, both the Vietna-
mese and the Thais are refugee peoples, long
ago pushed out of whet is now China by
Chinese pressure. In these circumstances,
expecting the Chinese to let their neighbors
alone, if everyone is just nice to them, is
really a great deal sillier than the old be-nice-
to-Hitler arguments.
That does not mean that the Chinese peo-
ple are evil or perverted. On the contrary,
they are enviably intelligent, industrious,
courageous, and in all ways talented. There
is a grain of truth among Professor Morgen-
thau's silly chaff, in the sense that the for-
midable qualities of the Chinese people also
make them a formidable problem.
One way to solve the problem, to be sure,
is to recognize the Chinese as the Asian her-
renvolk, and to allow them to gobble their
neighbors at will, even though their neigh-
bors happen to be our friends and allies. If
Professor Morgenthau possessed enough
forthrightness to recommend this solution,
he could not be called ignorant, although he
might perhaps be criticized on other grounds.
It seems a bit better, however, to stand
fast by our allies; to defend our own vital
position as a Pacific power, and to hope, with
good reason, that the evolutionary power of
time and the native strength of the Chinese
people will eventually bring the present bout
of Chinese governmental Stalinism to an end.
Mr. CLARK. Mr. President, in the
course of his column, Mr. Alsop under-
took to criticize an eminent professor, a
student of Far Eastern affairs and of
foreign affairs generally, Prof. Hans J.
Morgenthau, of the University of Chi-
cago. Mr. Morgenthau, an acquaintance
of mine, but a man whom I do not know
well, has written with what I think has
been great perspicacity and shrewd un-
derstanding about many of the problems
confronting our country in the modern
world. It is true that he has been some-
what critical of our foreign policy in
Vietnam.
In the column he wrote, Mr. Alsop
took affront?and rather angry affront?.
at some of Mr. Morgenthau's views; in
fact, Mr. Alsop was rather shrill about
it. Mr. Morgenthau, with what I
thought was considerable good humor
and devasting logic, undertook to rebut
Mr. Alsop's point of view in a communi-
cation published in the Washington Post
this morning. I ask unanimous consent
that Mr. Morgenthau's reply be printed
at this point in my remarks.
There being no objection, the com-
munication was ordered to be printed in
the RECORD, as follows:
A Comsanwicsriox
The story is told of a medieval peasant who
made it his hobby to visit the public disputa-
tions of learned men. "What do you do this
for?" one of his fellow peasants asked him
one day, and he answered: "I want to know
who is right." "How can you know that since
you don't understand Latin?" was the retort.
Our man replied: "I don't need to. Who-
ever gets angry first is wrong."
Mr. Joseph Alsop, in his column of April 21,
is obviously angry with me, and he chooses to
express his anger by questioning my intelli-
gence, my knowledge, and my character. If
Mr. Alsop had arguments with which to de-
molish my position, he would have used them
rather than hurling invectives at my person.
Mr. Alsop misrepresents my position with
regard to our involvement in Vietnam and
our relations with China virtually out of
recognition. I cannot be expected to re-
peat here what I have said elsewhere for the
benefit of the readers of Mr. Alsop's column
Who might be misled by his misrepresenta-
tion. I refer to the New Republic of April
3 and 31 and to the New York Times maga-
zine of April 18. I cannot be expected
either to explain to a literate public that Mao
Tse-tung is not Hitler, that the position of
China in Asia is not like that of Nazi Ger-
many in Europe, that Vietnam is not Czecho-
slovakia, that my opposition to our involve-
ment in Vietnam is not identical with that of
the appeasers of 1938. Anyone who believes
that these disparate situations and issues
are identical is beyond .the reach of rational
argument.
However, Mr. Alsop puts up what has at
least the appearance of -a rational argument
in the form of his references to Chinese his-
tory.. Anyone With the slightest knowledge
of that history must recognize the absurdity
of Mr. Alsop's contentions. But not all
readers of Mr.- Alsop's column can be ex-
pected to have that knowledge. Thus I must
perform the unpleasant but -necessary task
to set the record straight. -
Mr. Alsop contends that "the central fact
of Chinese history * * is the tirelessness
with which the Chinese people have resumed
the task of conquest whenever an oppor-
tunity offered." In support of that conten-
tion Mr. Alsop adduces three facts: First,
China appeared originally -"as a rather small
region in the Yellow River Valley." Second,
even in this century the geographic area of
ethnic China has more than doubled, with
Manchuria, Inner Mongolia, and Sinkiang
having been digested. Third,. in southeast
Asia, the Vietnamese and Thai are "refugee
peoples, long ago pushed out by Chinese
pressure."
The first fact refers tothe bronze age and
is, of course, equally true of all natiOns now
existing. . They all have developed through-
out rnillenia from small beginnings- through
conquest and migration into their present
size. The second fact refers not to conquest
but to inner migration. It is analogous to
the westward expansion of the original
States of the Union, to the recent settle-
ment of California and Arizona by eastern-
ers and midwesterners, or to the settlement.
of Siberia by Russians. The third fact is
not a fact at all, The Vietnamese and Thais
migrated in prehistoric times to where they
have lived ever since, and in the absence
of any record nobody can tell for sure where
they IN/me from and why they moved. ?
Nothing Mr. Alsop has said invalidates my
original statement that China has expanded
south and southwestward primarily
through its and cultural superiority
and not through conquest. To quote from
an article in the Far Eastern Quarterly of
February ? 1942 by Prof. John K. Fairbank,
of -Harvard, whose knowledge of Chinese his-
tory is superior to Mr. Alsop's and mine;
"Separated from the West, the Chinese Em-
pire grew by the acculturation of its borders.
Its expansion was the expansion of a way
of life * * * the Chinese were impressed
with one fact: that their superiority was not
one of mere material power but of culture.
Gradually but invariably the barbarian in
contact with China tended to become Chi-
nese, by this most flattering act reinforcing
Chinese conviction of superiority." It is this
cultural superiority recognized by all con.-
cerned which ma,de it unnecessary for China
to conquer her neighbors to the south and
southwest. During approximately 2,000 years
of her history. China could have conquered
any of her neighbors to the south and south-
west but did not do so. Throughout her
history, China was satisfied with special trib-
utary relationships which left the individ-
uality and autonomy of her neighbors in-
tact.
Mr. Alsop's column is indeed a scandal.
It is a flagrant abuse of the freedom of the
press, for he uses that freedom as a license
to smear, abuse, and misinform. But there
is a consolation in that episode, too; for
since the real reason for Mr. Alsop's excesses
Is my opposition. to a policy which is likely
to lead to war with China or the Soviet
Union or both, -that small but influential
group within our Government, whose spokes-
man Mr. Alsop has been consistently, must
be pretty desperate if they have nothing bet-
ter to offer in support of their cause than
this column of Mr. Alsop's.
H. J. MORGENTHAU,
Center for the Study of American For-
eign and Military Policy, University of
Chicago.
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April 30, i1965 A p p rove dcfablEgge.A3L1 Neoig
These are invasions of privacy of the
worst sort.
If the Food and Drug Administration
would spend a little less time and effort
on religions, small manufacturers of vita-
mins, and milk substitutes, and a little
more on the large manufacturers of such
dangerous drugs as chloromycetin, Mer-
29, and thalidomide, the public would be
better served.
This subcommittee has no desire to
hinder effective law enforcement; but it
does mean to assure that law enforce-
ment complies not only with the letter
of the Constitution, but also with the
spirit of the Constitution so that the
promise and opporunity granted by that
great document is available to all Ameri-
cans.
I shall do all in my power to see to it
that the abuses we have learned of in the
past few days do not recur in the future.
It must also be stated that it is the im-
mediate and urgent duty of the Food and
Drug officials to acquaint themselves
with, as well as to Instruct their em-
ployees on, the rights of the individual
and to learn that in America, the state-
ment that a man is innocent until proven
guilty is a credo by which we live and
not a worn and tired cliche.
POLICY WITH RESPECT TO THE
DOMINICAN REPUBLIC
Mr. MORSE. Madam President, dur-
ing the day there was some discussion on
the floor of the Senate with regard to the
sending of U.S. Marines into the Domini-
can Republic. I have been asked by a
good many persons, both in and out of the
Senate, to make some comment on the
matter because of my chairmanship of
the Subcommittee on American Repub-
lics Affairs of the Committee on Foreign
Relations. I have kept myself informed
of and have followed step by step, as I
could obtain information from the execu-
tive branch of the Government, our
course of action in the Dominican Re-
public.
It seems to me there is one salient
point that some members of the press,
who seem to be criticizing the sending of
American Marines into the Dominican
Republic, are overlooking; that is, that
our Government was officially advised by
the officials of the Government of the
Dominican Republic, which we recog-
nized, that that Government could not
give assurance that Americans in the
Dominican Republic would be protected.
Madam President, I have familiarized
myself with the timing of the event; and
time was of the essence. Some of our
good friends in Latin America seem to
hold to the position that the President of
the United States should have first re-
sorted to the procedures of the Organi-
zation of American States before sending
in the Marines.
I would share that point of view if
time had permitted it, but it did not. we
are either going to protect and save
American lives or we are not.
When we were notified by the officials
of the Dominican Republic that they
could not give assurances that Ameri-
can lives could be protected, I think it
was imperative that the President meet
the emergency.
-RDsPEMW46R000500120036-5
Many labor under the false impression
that emergencies can be continuing
things, lasting for a considerable period
of time, and, so long as that period of
time runs, there is no responsibility on
the Chief Executive of this land to resort
to procedures that would permit of a re-
view of his exercise of power.
However, in this case the President
was well within his authority and his
duty, having been notified by the Do-
minican Government that these Ameri-
can lives were in danger, in proceeding
to rescue the American nationals and
directing the attention of the Marines
to that operation and that operation
only, instructing them not to involve
themselves or participate in the internal
strife that had broken out in the Do-
minican Republic.
I am not in a position to comment on
what has happened in recent hours, but
I feel that I am at least in a position
to comment on the cause and purpose
of our going in, and the instructions
that were given to our Marines and
their officers.
I believe that the mission is being ac-
complished. As far as the protection of
Americans in the Dominican Republic
Is concerned, a large number of them
have already been evacuated. I am ad-
vised that steps are being taken to evacu-
ate the others.
It has been brought out in discussions
today, with members of the Committee
on Foreign Relations and others, that
there is concern as to whether our Ma-
rines are not being used now for an
occupation that involves them in the do-
mestic affairs of the Dominican Republic,
rather than in the right of our Govern-
ment to respond to the need for protect-
ing American nationals in the Domin-
ican Republic.
Frankly, I am in no position to com-
ment on what has transpired, if any-
thing, over and above the effectuating of
the purpose for which they were sent
in under the invitation of the Dominican
Government itself.
These matters are so vital, so critical,
and so important to our country that I
have no intention at this time of com-
menting in regard to certain allegations
that have been bandied about today to
the effect that we have pretty, much
performed the mission for which we went
in, and that now apparently a policy is
being pursued of staying there in order
to prevent the Dominican Republic from
being taken over by elements that our
Government may think are Communist
oriented?God forbid?and elements
that might possibly set up another Cuba
in the Dominican Republic?God forbid.
I shall await a further briefing as to
whether there have been any changes
in instructions to our military personnel
in the Dominican Republic. So far as I
am concerned, I believe the President
acted properly. He acted after consulta-
tion with the leaders of Congress and
with our ambassadorial officials ,who
were in a position to give him the best
evidence available at the moment. I do
not believe that the President is deserv-
ing of any criticism for sending them in.
Apparently the purpose of our presence
in the Dominican Republic is being lim-
8795
ited to protecting American lives and
getting American nationals out. If that
is not the purpose, that raises the very
difficult and delicate matter of whether
the fact that the government that we
recognized?if it has, and I do not know
that it has?invited us to come to its as-
sistance to protect our American na-
tionals from an alleged Communist over-
throw would justify a further occupation.
As a matter of international law, I
would say that it would not justify fur-
ther occupation without two approvals.
We should have the approval of the Or-
ganization of American States itself, be-
cause under that charter, procedures are
set up that would be binding upon the
United States and every other member
of the charter in respect to any interven-
tion on the part of any member of the
charter or any other country.
Furthermore, I would like to believe,
and still hope, that in this country, con-
gressional approval would be obtained on
the specific facts before any occupation
of that nature would be sanctioned by
the President in that state.
I shall await the facts, which I do not
have now, before I pass any judgment
on some of the criticisms that are being
hurled at the U.S. Government from
both within our country and abroad.
The reaction in Latin America needs
to be watched very carefully for, too
often, it is nip and tuck in Latin America
so far as having the approval of the
countries which we want as friends is
concerned.
I hold in my hand a UP dispatch which
reads:
Latin American nations today protested
the U.S. troop landings in the Dominican
Republic as a violation of that nation's sov-
ereignty, but some recognized the need to
protect 'U.S. citizens.
I digress from the dispatch to say that
apparently they are not aware of the
fact, as I announced earlier in these
comments that we went in when we were
Invited by the then official government
of the Dominican Republic. It prob-
ably still is the official government of the
Dominican Republic. Until we get re-
ports to the effect that the rebels have
succeeded, I have no reason not to be-
lieve it to be.
The dispatch continues:
Mexico, in a government statement, "la-
mented" the U.S. action and expressed hope
the troops would be withdrawn as soon as
possible. It conceded, however, that "rea-
sons of a humanitarian character" caused
the landing.
There is no question about it. I won-
der if the officials of the Mexican Gov-
ernment who made the statement are
aware of the fact that the United States
was notified that in the uprising which
broke out there would be no assurance
that Americans would be protected. Not
only that; we have been protecting not
only Americans, but, as is typical with
us, we made it clear we would protect
others besides American nationals.
The dispatch continues:
Uruguay's chamber of deputies voted 65-9
to protest against the landings. But the
government turned down a Venezuelan move
for joint action to halt bloodshed in the
Dominican Republic. It said there was no
"external aggression" there.
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8796 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE April' 30, 1.965
Peru last night called the landings "la-
mentable" and a reverse for the inter-Ameri-
can system.
It said the OAS charter condemns such
interference in the internal affairs of a mem-
ber state.
In Santiago, it was announced that Ven-
ezuela and Chile have formed a common
front to halt the bloodshed in the Dominican
Republic "and avoid the establishment of a
-dictatorship."
Chilean President Eduardo Frei received a
cable from President Raul Leoni yesterday
urging a joint mediation attempt, and agreed
immediately.
In Caracas, Venezuela, the Dominican exile
colony protested against "foreign interven-
tion."
The Peronist bloc in Argentina's cham-
ber of deputies attacked the landings as in-
tervention in the Dominican Republic's
internal affairs
Madam President, I quote these UP
dispatches concerning Latin American
reactions in some places to lay the foun-
dation for the observation I now make.
I am sorry that apparently these dis-
patches were sent abroad without the
knowledge that the U.S. Government has
made very, very clear that it would wel-
come consideration of the entire prob-
lem from the standpoint of the Orga-
nization of American States and its pro-
cedures, and will proceed with those dis-
cussions.
The last information I have received
which was within the hour, is that dis-
cussions will start as early as tomorrow.
It is not expected that we are going
to walk out on our nationals in the Do-
minian Republic before we evacuated
them. I have been told, and I believe
correctly, that the evacuation is proceed-
ing as rapidly as possible.
This is not a black and white situa-
tion; grey areas are bound to develop.
Therefore, we are entitled to know, and
I believe we will be told as soon as the
facts can be collected, whether or not
there is any basis in fact for a point of
view I have heard expressed here and
by some in the Foreign Relations Com-
mittee this morning, that in the Domini-
can Republic we are going beyond the
legitimate protection of American na-
tionals and are seeking to decide for our-
selves whether or not the military junta
is being threatened by a proleftist group,
and that, therefore, we ought to stay and
involve ourselves in that controversy.
From the standpoint of our treaty obli-
gations, our Latin American allies who
object will have the better of the argu-
ment. In regard to that kind of infor-
mation, we had a clear duty before that
matter was initiated, but we do now,
certainly, if that happens to be the fact?
I have no reason to believe it is, and
trust it is not?to lay that problem before
the Organization of American States and
abide by the procedures and processes of
that body as set up in the charter.
I conclude my remarks for today on
the Dominican Republic matter by
saying- that I believe the President was
right in sending troops in to protect our
nationals. I believe the President was
right in making it clear, as to any of the
other events that might develop, or that
it is alleged are developing out of the
incident, that we are perfectly willing to
have a full disclosure, an unconditional
discussion of those issues before the Or-
ganization of American States.
Madam President, it is very impor-
tant?and I am absolutely confident the
President and the Secretary of State
share this point of view?that in a crit-
ical situation such as this we leave no
room for doubt among our Latin Amer-
ican allies and friends that we join with
them in seeking to carry out the obliga-
tions that we all have under the Organ-
ization of American States; that we are
not seeking to .engage in unilateral mili-
tary action on the part of the United
States in respect to any of the domestic
problems of the Dominican Republic.
Under that charter, we have no right to
do so. Under that charter we have an
obligation to place the problem before
the Organization and recommend what-
ever joint action we might think under
the premises and facts are justified.
Mr. ALLOTT. Madam President, will
the Senator yield for a question?
Mr. MORSE. I yield.
Mr. ALLOTT. I have listened to the
remarks of the Senator with a great deal
of interest. Does the Senator believe
that if events should occur which would
make clear that we were encountering a
Communist takeover in the Dominican
Republic, along similar lines, but not nec-
essarily the same lines, as occurred in
Cuba, the Organization of American
States would see fit to take action, or
_would they. still regard this as an in-
ternal affair of the Dominican Republic?
Mr. MORSE. My point is that, in the
first place, we have an obligation, under
the charter, to lay the matter before the
Organization and see what it wants to
do. I believe, particularly from the
Punta del Este Conference and the meet-
ing of the Ministers of the Organization
of American States held last year in
Washington, that they would not stand
by and have communism take over the
Dominican Republic, because both at
Punta del Este and the Conference here
last year the members of the Organiza-
tion of American States pledged joint
action against the spread of communism
in the Western Hemisphere.
My plea is that we go through the pro-
cedures of the Organization of American
States and not run the risk of giving
anti-American groups in Latin American
countries propaganda fodder. These
groups exist in practically every coun-
try there. I do not know of one country
in which they do not exist. In my judg-
ment, they are a relatively small minor-
ity. I do not wish to give them any
reason to build up a successful course of
action by making charges that the
United States is deciding unilaterally
what shall be done in regard to an as-
sumed Communist threat in the Domini-
can Republic.
Mr. ALLOTT. With that point, which
I would agree with the Senator from
Oregon at this point in time that we
should not place ourselves in this posi-
tion, in a short time we may find our-
selves on the horns of the proverbial
dilemma, that after we have evacuated
our citizens and perhaps have evacuated
ourselves?and we would have to evacu-
ate, in order to keep full faith with the
statements President Johnson has
made--we might then find ourselves fac-
ing a de facto Communist takeover.
After presenting the problem to the Or-
ganization of American States, we might
find them reluctant to live up to its ex-
pressions of last year and permit an-
other Communist country in the Western
Hemisphere. It seems to me that we
cannot afford to permit that to happen,
although, at the present moment, no one
can give an answer.
Mr. MORSE. But we can talk about it
hypothetically, and that is what I am
coming to--
Mr. ALLOTT. That is all we can do
at present.
Mr. MORSE. I am coming to the
hypothetical question the Senator has in
mind in regard to what our rights are.
The rights of every other member of the
Organization of American States happen
to be that when they find that the secu-
rity of, say "X'' country?and I am going
to talk about the United States?becomes
jeopardized, and there is no action which
the Organization of American States can
agree to, of course, that was the Cuban
missile case. It does not have to be a
missile threat. We can take other kinds
of threats, which I shall discuss mo-
mentarily. I thank the Senator for help-
ing me point up the problem.
Mr. ALLOTT. I appreciate the Sen-
ator's remarks because in discussing a
hypothetical situation, we also look down
the road to see alternatives that will have
to be met, which will not be easy to
solve.
Mr. MORSE. Madam President, I re-
capitulate, because I wish the RECORD to
be perfectly clear, for future reference
regarding my position, which is the same
as that of the Senator from Colorado, on
the basis of what he has stated thus far.
We acted by moving in to protect our
nationals when we were advised that the
Government of the Dominican Republic,
which we had recognized, could not guar-
antee their protection, although we are
protecting other nationals as well as our
own. We have no right to act unilaterally
beyond that limited purpose. As I have
said, discussions with other Latin Ameri-
can countries on what to do next will be-
gin tomorrow morning. As I have stated
to the Senator from Colorado, I believe
that if a factual situation should develop
which would meet the premises of the
hypothetical points I now state; namely,
that Communist forces are about to take
over another sector of the Western Hemi-
sphere within the boundaries of an exist-
ing country--in this instance, the
Dominican Republic?the OAS will be
obligated to act under both Punta del
Este and the Washington act of a year
ago, signed in Washington, D.C., along
with ? the Senator from IoWa [Mr. RICK-
ENLOOPER] and I, who had the privilege
of being the two Senate delegates, as the
Senator from Iowa [Mr. HrexEmoopEsl
and I were to Punta del Este, and also to
the Act of Bogota.
Assuming that such facts did exist?at
least we thought they existed?if the
OAS' decided not to act and did not
agree with the contention I have just
made that under Punta del Este and the
act of Washington they should act,
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?
80, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE
wouid we then be justified in unilateral
Action?
' Let the record be clear that It is my
opinion that we would be justified H?
and only if--we believed that the secur-
ity of the United States Was directly
threatened by such a Communist take-
over.
That is the Cuban case all over, so far
as the missile situation is coneArned.
President Kennedy acted unilaterally in
that situation, in that there was no
formal agreement at the time he acted
on the part of our allies in Latin Amer-
ica, but there was an informal'under-
standing. There was immediately a fall
briefing of our allies in the Western
Hemisphere, as to wby the President
found it necessary from the standpoint
of the security of our country to take
the action which he'' dia. Everyone
knows what the aftermath was; namely,
complete understanding. Not only that.
we had the acceptance of that act on the
part of the United States to protect its
own security, which is not removed from
us by the OAS Charter?or the United
Nations Charter, for that Matter.
I hope that the hypothetical points
I have just outlined will nee deirelOp. -
Many disagree with ree hi the pbsition
I took, but I thought it was a great
mis-
take for the United States. to recognize
the military junta in the Dominican Re-
public.
Remember that when the President
invited a group of us to a Cabinet meet-
ing for a briefing on the saltation, mine
was the lone dissent in the gram. I
stated at that nieeting that I feared rec-
ognition of the military junta would be
interpreted in many places?including
the Dominican Republio?as a refection
on the part of the United States of con-
stitutionalism in the Dominican Repub-
lic. I further stated then, and refterted
on the floor of the Senate Immediately
thereafter, that I held no special brief
for Bosch, and did not know the facts
about the allegations concerning him,
but that I knew he was President consti-
tutionally.
He had left the country. The Consti-
tution called for his successor to take
?nice. I said it was a great mistake for
the United States to recognize and assist
the military junta in open defiance of
that constitutional system; that our posi-
tion ought to be that the neXt Mail in
line should take office; and that the Con-
gress of the Dominican Republic should
be defended and should be allowed to
carry out Its constitutional authority.
I said in that Cabinet meeting and
later on the floor of the Senate that if we
did not follow that course of action we
would be inviting other uprisings in the
Dominican Republic and would play into
the hands of military juntas elsewhere
in Latin America.
The record is perfectly clear that that
is exactly what is happening and what
has happened in other places, and will
continue to happen, so long as the Unit-
ed States follows, as it does intermittent-
ly, a course of action in respect to aiding
governments which come into being
through military overthrow.
No 77--l2
We shall not.strengthen the image of
the United States in Latin America
whenever we turn our back on a constitu-
tional itritern.
I said we should not recognise any
military junta unless we get some condi-
tions precedent, by way Of commitment.
I want to know. what the group that is
now asking for support proposes to do
about returning the Dominican Repub-
lic to a constitutioanl system providing
for elections.
Is it merely a caretaker government
for an, interim period of time until the
Congress of the Dominican Republic can
put its constitutional processes to work
again? It is perfectly obvious that what
we are being asked to do is to recognize
a group of milits.rtsts who 'have taken
over s government by force. Wessin y
Wessln was the leader then, and he is
now. I said; also that I thought all we
were doing was buying trouble for our-
selves. We have certainly found it.
That does not mean that I shall sup-
port. a revolutionary body in the Do-
minican Republic Ont.!! I 'know at least
what its intent is. There is 110 doubt
that since we have recognised it the
DonliniCan Ciovernrnent has been ruled
by a military group. It is their right to
revolt. It Is very easy, when a group
of freenien revolt againet military tyr-
anny, for roam to put the label of
"Communists" on them.
I have not the slightest idea how many.
if any. Communists are involved. I
would not be surprised if there were not
some. However, my words today should
be phrased in syllables of caution. Let
us be careful not to prejudge what may
be a good faith attempt on the part Of
freemen to overthrow a form of totali-
tarianism which liiia plagiled this little
country for Many years.
...VIETNAM
Mr. MORSE. Mad. fen President. the
discussion today in the Senate and in
the Foreign Relations Committee about
the Dominican Republic led into a dis-
cussion of South Vietnam. I shall be
exceedingly brief about -it. HOwever,
good deal of this discussion today has
been around the meaning of the joint
resolution which Congress passed on Au-
gust; 7 vdth only 2 dissenting vote*, those
of the Senator from Alaska [Mr. Owes-
real and the senior Senator from Ore-
gon.
I ask unanimous consent that the joint
resolution may be printed at this point In
my remarks.
There being no objection, the joint
resolution was ordered to be Printed in
the Reopen as follows:
Whereas naval units of the aonuntinist
regime In Vietnam, In violation of the prin-
ciples of the Charter of the United Nations
and of international law, have deliberately
and repeatedly attacked United States na-
val vessel, lawfully present in international
waters, and have thereby created a serious
threat to internationei peace; and
Wheresethass attacks are part of a delib-
erate and systematic campaign of aggression
that the Communist regime in North Viet-
nam has been waging against its neighbors
8797
and the nations joined with them in the
collective defense of their freedom; and
Whereas the United State% Is assisting
the peoples of southeast Asia to protect
their freedom and has no territorial. mil.
Mary or- political ambitions in that area.
but desires only that these peoples should
be left in peace to work out their own desti-
nies in their own way: Now, therefore, be
It
Resolved by the Senate end House of
Representatives of the United States of
NICTiCa in Congress assembled, That the
Congress approves and supports the deter-
mination of the President, as Commander
In Chief, to take all necessary measures to
repel any armed attack against the forces
of the United Ste tee and to prevent further
aggression.
Sec. 2. The United States regards as vital
to its national interest and to world Peso*
the maintenance of international pesos
and security In southeast Asia. Consonant
with the Constitution of the United States
and the Charter of the United Nations and
in accordance with its obligations under
the Southeast Asia Collective Defense
Treaty, the United States Is. therefor*, pre-
pared, as the President determines, to take
all necessary steps, including the use of
armed force, to assist any member of pro-
tocol state of the Southeast Asia Collective
Defense Treaty reguestiong assistande in
defense tif its freedom
Sac. di Thte resolution shall expire when
the President shall determine that the
peace and security of the area is reaaonahly
*secured by international conditions created
by action of the United Nations or other-
wise. except that it may be terminated
earlier by concurrent resolution of the
Congress.
Mr. MORSE. Madam President. in
gee of some of the statements I heard
today from my colleagues in the Foreign
Relations Committee, which I believe
can fairly be said to reflect reservation*
on their part as to the sweet, and breadth
of the resolution, I voted against the
resolution because of its sweep and
breadth, as the material which, without
taking the time to read it, I shall put into
the RZCORD shortly will show.
My argument of August 6 and 7 em-
phasized over and over .again that I
thought the resolution was entirely too
broad and did not contain within its
language sufficient checks on the Part of
Congress.
The first resolving clause reads:
That the Cowen approves and supporta
the determination of the President, as COM,
Mender in Chief, to take all necessary meas-
ures to repel any armed attack against the
forces of the United States and to prevent
further aggression.
The words "to prevent further aggres-
sion" are obsolutely undefined as to tizne.
place, or the source of said alleged
aggression.
So also are the words "take all neces-
sary measures" totally unlimited and
undefined.
That is rather broad.
Section 2 reads:
Sao. 2. The United States regards as vital
to Its national interest and to world pesos
the maintenance of International peace and
security in southeast Asia. Consonant with
the Constitution of the United States and
the Charter of the United Nations and in
accordance with Its obligations under the
Southeast Asia Codiective Defense Treaty, the
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AMERICAN POLICY AND THE n
LWINICAN REPUBLIC
Approvegsrairn@wmamol to4,6
_DP67B00446R000500120036-5
permitted to speak for 10 minutes.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr.
1VIoNDALE in the chair). Without objec-
tion, it is so ordered.
Mr. ELLENDER. Mr. President, I re-
gret that I was unable to be in the Sen-
ate Chamber yesterday when the senior
Senator from Mississippi [Mr. EASTLAND]
made his remarks concerning the situa-
tion now prevailing in the Dominican
Republic.
On several occasions in the past I have
pointed out the fallacy of American pol-
icy toward the Dominican Republic.
The role played by the United States in
the overthrow of the Trujillo regime was
shameful. There can be no doubt that
we were wrong in meddling in the inter-
nal affairs of the Dominican Republic.
In our zeal to foist democratic govern-
ments upon the people of Latin America
we inevitably find that in most all at-
tempts we have exchanged a stable gov-
ernment for one of chaos. The record
of our policy toward Latin American gov-
ernments should convince us that there
are far worse things than the traditional
military governments of those republics.
In Cuba we exchanged an innocuous
army sergeant for a dangerous Commu-
nist that almost brought disaster to us in
October 1962. I had warned against
Castro, but the State Department and
the press clamored for Batista's ouster
and saw in Castro a savior for Cuba.
It is time that our Government put
aside its moralist attitude in foreign pol-
icy. We must acknowledge the fact that
we cannot hurry the process of democ-
racy. We can only encourage it. We
can hope that others will follow the ex-
ample of our Revolution, but we must not
allow ourselves to pursue unwise policies
when they choose to charter their course
differently. Democracy is a slow and
painful process which has its founda-
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App
oved
or Release goo3nom PIA-RDP67B0a446R00050
The Senate met at 12 o'clock InAKidian,
and Nast called to order by the President
pro tempore.
The Chaplain, Rev. Frederick Brown
Harris, D.D., offered the following
prayer:
Eternal God, who art behind the en-
shrouding shadows, and in them, and
Who in all life's crises art a shelter from
the stormy blasts, and as the shadow of
a great rock In a weary land: Thou hast
called us to play our part in tragic and
decisive years which are determining the
shape of tomorrow's life for Thy chil-
dren on this earth which is our home.
Undisturbed by the shattering events
which fling their angry fury across our
troubled world, we would maintain an
Inner sanctuary inviolate and still.
As Increasing tests await this dear
land of our hope and prayer, we pray
that we may not shirk facing the issues
of these creative days as we discharge
the stewardship of world leadership, or
lose our victorious faith in the final
overthrow of evil and the coronation of
righteousness and truth, but that sol-
emnly committing ourselves and our
cause unto Thee who knoweth the way
we take, we may come forth like gold
tried in the fire.
We ask it in the dear Redeemer's
name, Amen.
THE JOURNAL
On request of Mr. S1TNNIS,. and by
unaninious consent, the reading of the
Journal of the proceedir.gs of Thursday,
April 29, 1965, was dispensed with.
MESSAGES FROM THE PRESIDENT
Messages in writing from the Presi-
dent of the United States, submitting
nominations, were communicated to the
Senate by Mr. Jones, one of his secre-
taries.
120036-5
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April 30, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE
tions in the development of a sense of
personal responsibility in the citizenry.
Leaders who are not satisfactory to us
may be suitable for the countries they
head. If we continue to look for George
Washingtons in every revolutionary up-
rising in Latin America, we shall con-
tinue to be rewarded with Castros.
That Trujillo was a strong man can-
not be denied, but to equate his type of
dictatorship with that of Hitler's was a
serious mistake. Here I am speaking of
intensity and not just magnitude. During
the Trujillo regime American assistance
to the Dominican Republic was negligi-
ble, amounting to only $4 million. Now
It is enormous. In spite of that aid, the
political and economic conditions of tnat
country were far healthier than today.
We have given $103.9 million to that
nation since Trujillo's death, excluding
fiscal year 1965, the current fiscal year.
I visited the Dominican Republic in
1958 and at that time the assistance we
granted was primarily technical and at
low cost. Great progress was made in
the econalllie development of the coun-
try under Trujillo's direction. In my
report to the Senate, I observed that:
His [Trujillo's] efforts have been directed
at bettering the living conditions of his peo-
ple. It is obvious that under his administra-
tion the Dominican Republic has made great
economic progress. As a Matter of fact great-
er progress has been made in the Dominican
Republic since 1952, the year of my last visit,
than in any country in South and Central
America during the same period.
I have never advocated the use of
American aid to shore up dictatorships in
Latin America. I have advocated self-
determination of these republics and the
encouragement of closer economic ties
between the United States and the other
countries of this hemisphere. I have
favored and do now favor technical as-
sistance and repayable loans for the
development of the great natural re-
sources of our hemisphere. I support
the principles of the Alliance for Prog-
ress and have always insisted that our
first consideration in extending assist-
ance should be to Latin America. Close
proximity alone is sufficient reason to
concentrate on the economic develop-
ment of these republics.
In my speech on the Senate floor on
August 24, 1960, regarding our policy
toward the Belaguer government of the
Dominican Republic, I said:
In politics, both domestic and foreign, as
in physics, a vacuum once created is quickly
filled. The sanctions which the President
proposes to impose against the Dominican
Republic?commercial sanctions, as opposed
to an embargo on arms shipments?will, in
time, I am convinced, result in the removal
of the existing government of that country
and in the creation of a political vacuum.
Once a vacuum develops, Mr. President, it
will be quickly filled.
If we constantly pressure governments
to conform to our ideas of democracy by
use of the aid programs we shall never
have stable governments. It is charged
that our aid is being wasted by corrupt
practices. This is one reason I have op-
posed this type of aid. Countries are
less likely to waste money obtained
through repayable loans than by grants.
Emphasis should always be placed on
technical assistance which is of endur-
ing value to the countries because it im-
proves the people themselves.
An examination of our aid to the Do-
minican Republic from 1946 to 1964 indi-
cates how much assistance we extended
the Bosch regime and even with such
massive aid it collapsed. Very little as-
sistance was given to Trujillo, yet the
country and its people were much better
off then than they are today.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent to have printed at this point in the
RECORD a table entitled "Aid Extended
to Dominican Republic During the Period
1946-64."
There being no objection, the table was
ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as
follows:
Aid extended to Dominican Republic during
the period 1946-64
Year: Amount
1946-48 (economic) $500, 000
1949-52 (economic) 300, 000
1953-57 ($4,300,000 military;
$1,200,000 economic) 5, 500, 000
1958 ($900,000 military; $200,-
000 economic) 1, 100, 000
1959 ($700,000 military; $200,-
000 economic) 900, 000
1960 ($200,000 military; $200,-
000 economic)
1961 (economic)
400, 000
100, 000
1962 ($200,000 military; $35,-
000,000 economic) 35, 200, 000
1963 ($1,900,000 military; $51,-
600,000 economic) 53, 500, 000
1964 ($1,500,000 military; $13,-
700,000 economic) 15, 200, 000
(From 1946 to 1963 an additional $2,500,000
of military stocks at acquisition cost to the
United States was given to the Dominican
Republic.)
Mr. ELLENDER. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent to have printed at
this point in the RECORD my full report on
the Dominican Republic, which I made
in 1958.
There being no objection, the report
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
DOMINICAN REPUBLIC
The Dominican Republic occupies the
eastern two-thirds of the island of His-
paniola, which lies in the Caribbean Sea be-
tween Puerto Rico and Cuba. The western
third is occupied by Haiti.
The area of the Dominican Republic is
approximately 20,000 square miles, or about
the combined areas of Vermont and New
Hampshire. The maximum length from east
to west is 240 miles and the maximum width
from north to south is 170 miles. It has a
coastline of more than 1,000 miles and the
common border with Haiti runs 193 miles.
The population is approximately 2.5 mil-
lion, composed of 70 percent mixed blood,
10 percent white, and 20 percent Negro.
Ciudad Trujillo, the principal city, has a
population of 194,000.
Discovered by Columbus on his first voyage
in 1492, the island of Hispaniola constituted,
In early colonial times, the jumping-off point
from which the Spaniards fanned out into
this hemisphere. The French settled the
western end of the island which in 1697 was
ceded to France and in 1804 became the
Republic of Haiti.
In 1822 the Haitians conquered the whole
island and held it until 1844 when the hero
of Dominican independence, Juan Pablo
Duarte, drove the Haitians out and estab-
lished the Dominican Republic as an inde-
pendent state. In 1861 the Dominicans vol-
8711
untarily returned to Spanish domination and
remained annexed to Spain until 1865.
In 1905 the U.S. Government established a
receivership over the Dominican customs on
behalf of U.S. bondholders, and U.S. financial
tutelage continued in one form or another
until 1940. From 1916 to 1924 the U.S. Ma-
rines occupied the Dominican Republic. Ra-
fael L. Trujillo rose to power in 1930 when he
first was elected President. He has remained
In effective control of the Dominican Repub-
lic since then.
During Trujillo's stewardship, the Domini-
can Republic has made very substantial prog-
ress economically and in public health and
construction. Members of the Trujillo fam-
ily occupy high offices in the Government,
Including the Presidency, and also are re-
ported to hold wide economic and financial
interests in the country.
The Dominican economy is basically agri-
cultural and is dependent for prosperity on
world markets for its agricultural staples?
sugar, coffe, and cacao. Of prime importance
is sugar, which normally constitutes about
38 percent of the value of Dominican exports;
95 percent is sold for dollars in the world
market.
Most of the coffee and cacao production is
sold in the United States. Small quantities
of foodstuffs, such as coconuts, beans, chilled
beef, and live cattle, are exported to Puerto
Rico and other Caribbean islands. The
value of Dominican exports in 1957 was
$161,017,000 and the value of imports, $116,-
478,000. Half of the exports normally go to
the United States and more than 60 percent
of the imports come from the United States.
Per capita national income in 1955 was $226.
Rice, corn, plantains, oranges, and pine-
apples are produced principally for domestic
consumption. Manufacturing is limited pri-
marily to the processing of certain agricul-
tural commodities such as the manufacture
of raw sugar, of sisal for cordage and other
purposes, the production of rum, chocolate,
and edible oils.
There are a few other industrial enterprises
including cement, brewing, textile, and soft
drinks. The mining industry is very small,
although some salt and gypsum deposits are
being mined and high-grade iron ore is being
produced in very limited quantities. Bauxite
deposits are being developed by Alcoa.
I was amazed at the signs of economic de-
velopment since my last visit in 1952. The
capital city of Ciudad Trujillo has had its
face lifted and is being converted into a
modern municipality. I was told by a num-
ber of U.S. businessmen as well as our own
official representatives here, that Generalis-
simo Rafael Trujillo is a human dynamo, and
one of the busiest men in his country. His
efforts have been directed at bettering the
living conditions of his people. It is obvious
that under his administration the Dominican
Republic has made great economic progress.
As a matter of fact greater progress has been
made in the Dominican Republic since 1952,
the year of my last visit, than in any coun-
try in South and Central America during the
same period. I was told that the country is
now almost self-sufficient in the production
of many commodities.
The Trujillo reign has been the subject
of much criticism in the United States. In
all frankness, I wish to make it abundantly
clear that I do not regard myself as being in
a position to comment on the conduct of
the Government of this country, one way or
the other. I have no personal knowledge
as to the internal policies or, for that matter,
the political composition of the Government
of the Dominican Republic, although Ameri-
cans with whom I spoke during my visit
offered some criticism and also lots of praise.
I did find that hundreds of new homes
have been built in Ciudad Trujillo. In ad-
dition I saw many fine schools, good hospi-
tals and excellent market facilities. I was
informed that similar facilities have been
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8712 CONG1ESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE April 30, 1915
provided in other parts of the country. I
did not see cleaner and better operated mar-
kets in any South or Central American coun-
try than those I saw In the Dominican Re-
public. It is apparent that good meat, fine
poultry and a large assortment of vege-
tables and other products are now being pro-
duced in large quantities.
I was informed that the Trujillo govern-
ment has fostered the immigration of over
200 Jewish people who are engaged in de-
veloping a dairy industry. They have met
with much success,
A good road system is being built and many
harbors are being adapted to commerce.
I talked with both Generalissimo Trujillo
and his brother, the President, Hector ?B.
Trujillo Molina. We discussed various sub-
jects and I reminded Generalissimo Rafael
Trujillo of two previous Occasions when I
had met him, both of which were in Wash-
ington. He remembered the two occasions.
I asked for a frank opinion from both
men as to the status of relations between the
United States and the Dominican Republic.
General Trujillo emphasiZed that, in his
opinion, relations were extremely good, and
that he knew of no way to 'improve them.
Our discussions centered on the island's
economy, and I was given much information
which later I substantiated by personal
visits. I did not discuss the case of Gerald
Lester Murphy, the Amerioan pilot who dis-
appeared under mysterious circumstances
in December of 1956, nor did I allude to the
criticism of the Trujillo regime in connec-
tion with that incident.
In my tour of the Republic, I saw visible
evidence of expanded agricultural and in-
dustrial capacity far beyond my expectations.
The people are working and seem to be con-
tented.
I visited one of the world's largest sugar
mills, located at Rio Haina. The equipment
is massive. The mills crush 15,000 tons ef.
cane each 24 hours, and with a total capacity
of over 2,700,000 tons of cane per year. Total
sugar production for the country is 900,000
tons per year. The Dominican Republic's
Internal consumption amounts to 60,000
tons. Some 73,000 tons ie exported to the
United States under the existing quota sys-
tem and the remainder is sold at world
prices.
I also saw the site of the 1956 fair (the
buildings are now being used to house vari-
ous government agencies) and I visited the
site of Christopher Columbus' landing on
Hispaniola. The stump of the old tree where
Columbus is said to have tied his ship still
stands, although reinforced by concrete.
I also visited a palace built by Bartholo-
mew Columbus, which was recently restored
at a cost of over $1 million. At Columbus
Square, I entered Columbus Church, where
Christopher Columbus is said to be buried.
The church is over 400 years old.
A very spacious and modern hotel has been
built in recent years. It compares favorably
with many of our own. The country offers
an ideal spot for tourists.
EMBASSY OPERATIONS
Our Ambassador to the Dominican Repub-
lic is Joseph S. Farland, a conscientious
worker who is apparently doing a good job,
and is well liked.
So far he has prevented the construction
of a new chancery building?or, at the very
least, an expensive addition to the present
building. He told me that the addition of
a few rooms to the rear of the present struc-
ture would more than take care of the
Embassy's needs.
He also did his best to prevent the recent
extensive repairs to the home of the Ambas-
sador, but his views did not prevail.
Incidentally, 2 years have elapsed since
constructfon began, and the work is still not
completed. The Ambassador is living in a
rented building. I was informed that the
repairs will cost more than $150,000.
Ibe political section is headed by Francis
L. Spalding, who is also deputy chief of
mil Sinn. He is assisted by one officer and one
secretary. Two other Americans are also
ass. gned to this section but are not charge-
abi the State Department.
The section is well organized, and could
welt serve as a model for other posts. No
reparts are required of this section, other
ths it contributions to WEEK/I.
economic and donimercial section is
uni ter the direction of Henry S. Hammond.
His 'staff, is composed of one American officer
anerone secretary, plus two local employees.
He Said his chief duty is filling the compre-
her ekive reporting program reports.
Itarry M. Lofton is chief of the consular
section. He is assisted by two American of-
ficers, one American clerk and five locals.
Th ire are 1260 U.S. citizens registered with
the:consular; some 3,000 or 4,000 additional
Arr ericana in the Dominican Republic who
serve on occasions although not registered.
Ths latter category includes a number of
peeple who entered the Dominican Republic
froco Puerto Rico to work in the cane fields.
Many have remained here so long that they
ha're lost their U.S. citizenship.
Ruling the first 6 months of 1958, this sec-
tioa issued 650 immigrant visas and 2,030
nonimmigrant visas. Mr. Lofton said that
thee yearly average amounts to about 6,000
no limmigrant quotas and 1,150 immigrant
quAas. About $30,000 in fees are collected
each year. Lofton is a fine and faithful offi-
- ceL, and is well qualified to hold a much
higher position than he now fills.
Lee Cotterman is head of the administra-
tivs section. Thirteen Americans and 11
local employees are charged to this section.
Hcwever, of the 13 Americans 7 are U.S. Ma-
rine guards. Cotterman is the only officer
in this section, which does all the "house-
keming" work for USIS, including the prep-
aretion of their budget. It also extends
either full or partial administrative support
to ICA (but does not participate in either
budget preparation or payment of employees
for: this agency), the agricultural attach?
an I the Air Force and Naval Mission, and
Military Assistance Admisory Group.
rixhibit A is the table entitled "Current
Tctal Allotment Limitations," which lists,
among other things, the amount of money
pad the administrative section on a reim-
bursable basis for work performed for non-
fitrite agencies.
Ixhibit B is a memorandum covering Em-
bassy operations.
stavion ATTACHES, MILITARY MISSIONS, AND
-MIL/TART ASSISTANCE ADVISORY GROUP
The naval military attache, Cmdr. Thomas
Keyes, is the sole military attach?ere. The
Ary attach?n Havana and the Air attach?
in Caracas are also accredited to the Domini-
en lispublic.
'30Snmander Keyes is assisted by one civil-
lair and. one local employee.
Jowever, we maintain both naval and air
mitsions here. The naval mission is headed
by Comdr. George H. Rood. The command-
ini; officer of the air mission is Col. John J.
Th ornhill,
yhile a naval mission Is very much desired.
I was informed that the air mission is not
wanted by the Dominican Government. We
furnished airplanes to the .Dominican Re-
public at one time and now that they are
no longer needed, the Government wants to
rettirn them to us at once, I was informed.
:::_recommend. that the aircraft be accepted
by the United States, pursuant to the desire
of the local government, and that the Air
Fo ice mission be withdrawn. Certainly, we
are "doing ourselves no good by maintaining
a mission here which is not wanted by the
hait government, especially when the sole
exeitse for the continuation of the misaion is
the possession by the local government of
air #aft which that government Is anxious
to return to the United States. In addition
Colonel Thornhill was frank in telling me
that he has nothing to do and sees no reason
why he should be kept on assignment here.
Attached to the concluaion of my remarks
on the Dominican Republic and labeled "Ex-
hibit C" is a description of the duties of the
naval attach?nd specific answers to ques-
tions as to availability of hardware flurnished
to the Dominica Republic by the Military
Assistance; Advisory Group. However, the
latter portion of answers furnished by
MAAG have been declared confidential and
are for the use of the Appropriations Corn-
mitee alone.
U.S. INFORMATION SERVICE
The U.S. Information Service mission is
headed by Miss Juana A. Vogt; she told me
that she keeps very busy. She is the only
officer and is assisted by three locals. Aside
from her salary (which is paid by Washing-
ton), the cost of operating this mission
amounts to $24,480 per year. We maintain
one binational center here. We contribute
$8,000 to pay English teachers, and pay for
one grantee who operates the center.
There are also three educational exchange
programs in operations in the Dominican Re-
public;
(1) The program of scholarships and oth-
er aid under Public Law 402;
(2) A bilateral exchange program under
agreements authorized by the inter-American
cultural convention, which provides two
scholarships in each country; and
(3) Scholarships provided through the
Institute of International. Education, which
have averaged about two a year.
Exhibit D is a compilation of USIS activi-
ties in the Dominican Republic.
INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION ADMINISTRATION
The ICA mission is headed by Henry R.
Jasmer. For fiscal 1959 the program calls
for eight U.S. citizens and five locals.
The administrative expenses for fiscal 1959
will require some $42,000. This sum includes
the salaries of the five locals and the director.
I was assured that no money is being used
for economic aid, but only for demonstration
purposes. Forty thbusand dollars was con-
tributed to a vocational education service,
along with books, tools for shops, etc. It
strikes me that some of these programs could
be eliminated.
The projected ICA program for fiscal year
1959 shows a substantial increase over fiscal
year 1958, with $238,000 programed for ex-
penditure, compared with $171,000 during
fiscal 19513. In this regard, as exhibit E (at-
tached) demonstrates, the program in the
prior fiscal year, fiscal year 1957, required
only $136,000.
While these amounts are comparatively
small, I frankly doubt the need for further
expenditures here at all. The Dominican
economy is healthy, and, I believe, well able
to provide the needed advancement.
I want to make it clear that while the
program presently is confined to technical
assistance, I can see no reason why the local
government should not either pay the needed
technicians, or at least, reimburse the 'U.S.
Government for their salaries. As a matter
of fact, the local government has already
employed a number of American and Europe-
an technicians in various fields.
Exhibit E is a fiscal summary of ICA/
Dominican Republic expenditures during re-
cent years, and a discussion of various tech-
nical aid projects either underway or already
completed.
Mr. ELLENDER. Mr. President, I
should like to read excerpts from a
speech I made in the Senate on February
9,1959:
In the Dominican Republic, I learned, to
my surprise, that it possesses one of the
largest sugar factories in the world, and
I had the opportunity to see this factory
at the time of my visit. It, as the report
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A.ril 30, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE
shows, grinds 15,000 tons of sugarcane every
24 hours. It is modern in every respect.
To me, it is a great advancement in the
production of sugar, which, by the way, is
the principal industry of the Dominican
Republic.
I may say by way of repetition, because it
appears in My report, that I found the least
amount of progress being made in Haiti.
In my report, I state that although condi-
tions in Haiti are not exactly hopeless, it
would take the expenditure of much money
to improve economic conditions there.
I found that in Haiti?as in other under-
developed countries of the world?many of
our foreign aid administrators are trying to
start at the middle rung of the economic
ladder rather than the bottom rung. They
have tried to do the job too fast, and go
far beyond the capability of the people. In
other words, it is my feeling that aid pro-
grams should begin at the lowest level and
be worked upward very slowly. A man must
first be shown how to build a better hut
before he is shown how to build a four-
bedroom house with three baths.
Many of the projects which the United
States has fostered in Haiti through ICA
and other operations are, in my opinion,
more or less WPA?or make work?projects.
For instance, modern machinery is not used
to build canals for irrigation purposes. The
work is actually carried on to give employ-
ment to the greatest number of people. That
may be a good thing, but I found it to be
very expensive. I learned that prior esti-
mates of projects cost?because of this make-
work procedure?are many. millions of dol-
lars under what the actual construction costs
will be.
Mr. President, I was interrupted by the
distinguished Senator from Florida [Mr.
SMATHERS] who, as all of US know, has
had much experience in the affairs of
South and Central America. The Sen-
ator from Florida said:
Mr. SMATHERS. I congratulate the able Sen-
ator from Louisiana on the report which he
Is making about his trip through Central and
South America. I was privileged to follow
him by about 6 weeks. I visited only five or
six of the countries, but each of the countries
which I visited had been visited earlier by the
Senator from Louisiana, and the people were
still very much impressed by the interest
shown by the Senator from Louisiana in every
facet of their life.
I also congratulate the Senator on having
the courage to stand in the Senate and make
the statement in which many of us who have
traveled in that area completely concur,
namely, that in the Dominican Republic,
which operates under a form of government
of which we do not necessarily approve in
this country, more schools and hospitals and
better health facilities and better roads have
been built per thousand persons than in al-
most any other country in either Central
America or South America. Unfortunately,
too infrequently are Senators willing to make
such an assertion, because they fear that
some criticism might be directed to them for
having, in some fashion, upheld the hand of
Mr, Trujillo. But in this instance, I con-
gratulate the Senator from Louisiana for his
statement, and I associate myself with it.
Mr. ELLENDER. Mr. President, as
was specifically stated by the Senator
from Florida, I could get no one except,
as I recall, the distinguished Senator
from Mississippi [Mr. EASTLAND] to agree
with me with respect to my findings in
the Dominican Republic. Everyone was
afraid to say anything good about Tru-
jillo. Because I had visited South
America and Central America in 1952
and again in 1959, I was able to compare
the situations that existed in 1952 and
1959. As I said in my report, I found no
country in South America or Central
America that had made the progress that
the Dominican Republic under Trujillo
had made. I was lambasted by some of
the newspapers from ocean to ocean and
from Canada to Mexico when I spoke
favorably of the Trujillo regime.
Notwithstanding what my critics may
have said about me the statements I
made in 1959 and 1961, when Trujillo
was assassinated, have proven to be
prophetic. I derive no great pleasure in
having been proved right in predicting
the chaos that would enure in the Do-
minican Republic. But if my advice
had been heeded by the administrations,
we would not be in the trouble we are in
today in Santo Domingo.
On October 1, 1963, a few days after
Juan Bosch had been deposed, the Sena-
tor from Oregon [Mr. MORSE] and I had
a colloquy which appears on page 18485
of the RECORD for that day. I said:
Mr. ELLENDER. The Senator will remember
that we were at odds with respect to what
was happening in the Dominican Republic
prior to the Bosch regime. At the time of
my visit in the Dominican Republic I said it
was a mistake for us to do anything to throw
Trujillo out. We did it. Today there is
turmoil, and it can be expected to continue.
That has been true since Trujillo's overthrow.
Since the death of Trujillo we spent more
than $65 million in economic aid alone, and
that is only a beginning,
Since that time, as I pointed out ear-
lier, we have spent $40 million more; and
although I do not have the precise
amount we have spent in fiscal year 1965,
it has been quite a large sum. I con-
tinue to read:
As I pointed out, there is no question
that Trujillo was a dictator. There is no
doubt that he might have had to kill a few
persons to get where he was. He did it
with force. However, that is the condition
we find all through the South American
countries.
If the distinguished Senator from Oregon
or the distinguished Senator from Alaska
believes that they can establish democracy,
as we know it in this country, he is mistaken.
It will require time to do so. If Trujillo had
not been killed I venture to say that much
of the property that he owned would have
been distributed among the people. He had
started to do that. Unfortunately, he was
shot before that operation could be carried
out. After that happened, I predicted that
there would be chaos in that country. It
will take millions of dollars to restore order,
and we may never be able to restore the
prosperous economy that existed prior to
the death of Trujillo,
Mr President, I must reiterate that it
causes me great pain to see my dire pre-
dictions come to pass in the Dominican
Republic, when it is realized that little
effort would have been required to pre-
vent their fulfillment. When blunders
are committed, however, it often takes
drastic action to bring about their cor-
rection. In this connection, I agree that
it is necessary for our Nation to protect
the American lives that are endangered
by the current chaos in the Dominican
Republic, but I hope that the action
1-*
8713
taken by our President will be restricted
to just the attainment of that goal.
Our motives are now being questioned
by some of our friends in this hemisphere.
Due to the fact that our present inter-
vention is occurring at a time when we
are being accused of interfering in Asia,
it will be most difficult for us to make a
convincing argument as to what prompts
us to follow through with our in-
tervention in the Dominican Republic.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent to have printed at this point in the
RECORD, a chronology of the regimes in
the Dominican Republic since the ouster
of Trujillo.
There being no objection, the chro-
nology was ordered to be printed in the
RECORD, as follows:
CHRONOLOGY OF REGIMES SINCE TRUJILLO
OUSTER
Trujillo was killed on May 31, 1961 and at
that time Belaguer was President. He re-
mained in office until December 29, 1961.
II
Belaguer was ousted as the result of a
coup d'etat and the coup set up a govern-
ment which remained in power during the
period January 18, 1962 through January 31,
1962.
/II
On January 31, 1962, the "Council of
States" Government, headed by Mr. Borelli
took control and remained in command
until the inauguration of Juan Bosch on
May 27, 1963.
Iv
Mr. Bosch was ousted by a military coup
on September 25, 1963 and subsequent to
his removal the military group set up a
civilian triumvirate, which remained in con-
trol until this past weekend.
REPORT OF A COMMITTEE
The following report of a committee
was submitted:
By Mr. MAGNUSON, from the Committee
on Commerce, without amendment:
H.R. 5702. An act to extend for 1 year the
date on which the National Commission on
Food Marketing shall make a final report to
the President and to the Congress and to
provide necessary authorization of appropri-
ations for such Commission (Rept. No. 174).
BILLS AND JOINT RESOLUTION
INTRODUCED
Bills and a joint resolution were in-
troduced, read the first time and, by
unanimous consent, the second time, and
referred as follows:
By Mr. BARTLETT;
S. 1858. A bill to promote the replace-
ment and expansion of the U.S. nonsubsi-
dized merchant and fishing fleets; to the
Committee on Commerce.
(See the remarks of Mr. BARTLETT when he
introduced the above bill, which appear un-
der a separate heading.)
By Mr. BASS:
S. 1859, A bill for the relief of Giovanni
Profeta and Oliva Pizzo Profeta; to the Com-
mittee on the Judiciary.
By Mr. JORDAN of North Carolina
(for himself and Mr. EawiN) :
S. 1860. A bill for the relief of Flor Franco
Guillermo and Brlindo Franco Guillermo, Jr.;
to the Committee on the Judiciary.
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8714 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE
By Mr. 13AYH (for himself, Mr. BART-
LETT, Mr. BURDICK, Mr. IniucsEN, Mr.
Doumas, Mr. a-EVENING, Mr. HART,
MT. HARTKE, Mr. INOUYE, Mr. KEN-
NEDY of 1VIassachuetts, Mr. LartscnE,
Mr. LONG of Missouri, Mr. MAGNUSON,
Mr. MANSFIELD, Mr. MCCARTHY, Mr.
MCNAMARA, Mr. METCALF, MT. MILLER,
Mr. MONDALE, Mr.MoasE, Mr. NELSON,
Mr. PxoxiAnit, Mr. RANDOLPH, Mr.
RIB/COEF, Mr. SMATHERS, Mr. SYMING-
TON, Mr. TYDINGS, and Mr. YOUNG of
Ohio) :
S. 1861. A bill to provide additional as-
sistance for areas suffering a major disaster;
by unanimous consent; to the Committee on
Public Works.
(See the remarks of Mr. BATH when he in-
troduced the above bill, which appear under
a separate heading.)
By Mr. BYRD of West Virginia (by re-
quest) :
S.1862. A bill to authorize an appropria-
tion of $175,000 for use in the restoration
as a historic site of the building in Wheel-
ing, W. Va., known as West Virginia Inde-
pendence Hall; to the Committee on Inter-
ior and Insular Affairs.
By Mr. YOUNG of North Dakota:
S. 1865. A bill for the relief of Salih K.
Cankir; to the Committee on the Judiciary.
By Mr. WILLIAMS of New Jersey (for
himself, Mr. KENNEDY of Massachu-
setts. Mr. KENNEDY of New York, Mr.
JAVITS, Mr. CLARK, Mr. MCCARTHY,
Mr. DOUGLAS, Mr. INOUYE, Mr.
YOUNG Of Ohio, and Mr. BARTLETT) :
S. 1864. A bill to amend the Fair Labor
Standards Act, 1938, as amended, to provide
for minimum wages for certain persons em-
ployed in agriculture, and"for other purposes;
to the Committee on Labor and Public Wel-
fare.
(See the remarks of Mr. WILLIAMS of New
Jersey when he introduced the above bill,
which appear under a separate heading.)
By Mr. WILLIAMS of New Jersey (for
himself, Mr. KENNEDY of Massachu-
setts, Mr. KENNEDY of New York,
MT. JAVITS, Mr. CLARK, Mr. MC-
CARTHY, Mr. INOUYE, Mr. DOUGLAS,
Mr. YOUNG of Ohio, Mr. LONG of
Missouri, Mr. NELSON, and Mr.
BARTLETT) :
S.1865. A bill to amend the Fair Labor
Standards Act of 1938 to extend the child
labor provisions thereof to certain children
employed in agriculture, and for other pur-
poses; to the Committee on Labor and Public
Welfare.
(See the remarks of Mr. WILLIAMS of New
Jersey when he introduced the above bill,
which appear under a separate heading.)
By Mr. WILLIAMS of New Jersey (for
himself, Mr. KENNEDY of Massachu-
setts, Mr. KENNEDY of New York, Mr.
CLARK, Mr. MCCARTHY, Mr, INOUYE,
Mr. DOUGLAS, Mr. YOUNG Of Ohio,
and Mr. BARTLETT) :
S. 1886. A bill to amend the National La-
bor Relations Act, as amended, so as to make
its provisions applicable to agriculture; to
the Committee on Labor and Public Welfare.
(See the remarks of Mr. WILLIAMS of New
Jersey when he introduced the above bill,
which appear under a separate heading.)
Mr. WILLIAMS of New Jersey (for
TBy himself, Mr. KENNEDY of Massachu-
sets, Mr. KENNEDY of New York, Mr.
JAVITS, Mr. CLARK, Mr. MCCARTHY,
Mr. MORSE, Mr. InotrrE, Mr. DOUG-
LAS, Mr. YOUNG of Ohio, and Mr.
Barrri,ETT) :
, S.1867. A bill to amend the act of June 6,
1935, as amended, to authorize tho Secretary
of Labor to develop and maintain improved,
voluntary methods of recruiting, training,
transporting, and distributing agricultural
workers, and for other purposes; to the Com-
mittee on Labor and Public Welfare.
(See the remarks of Mr. WILLIAMS of New
Jersey when he introduced the above bill,
which appear under a separate hearing.)
By Mr. WILLIAMS of New Jersey (for
himself, Mr. KENNEDY of Massachu-
E etts, Mr. KENNEDY Of New York,
Mr. NELSON, Mr. JAVITS, Mr. CLARK,
:dr. MCCARTHY, Mr. INOUYE, Mr.
:)01TGLAS, Mr. YOUNG Of Ohio, and
:gr. BARTLETT)
S. 1868.? A bill to provide for the establish-
ment of a Council to be known as the "Na-
tional advisory Council on Migratory
Labor"; to the Committee on Labor and
Public Welfare.
(See the remarks of Mr. WILLIAMS of New
Jersey when be introduced the above bill,
which aypear under a separate heading.)
Bi Mr. WILLIAMS of New Jersey (for
. himself, Mr. KENNEDY Of Massachu-
setts, Mr. NELSON, Mr. JAvrrs, Mr.
PfnCAartry, Mr. MORSE, Mr. INOUYE,
Mr. YOUNG Of Ohio, Mr. YARBOROUGH,
and Mr. BARTLETT) :
5.1861. A bill to amend the Internal Reve-
nue Code of 1954 to encourage the construc-
tion of housing facilities for agricultural
workers by permitting the amortization over
a 60-month period of the cost, or a portion
of the cost, of constructing such housing
faciliti?8; to the Committee on Finance.
(See the remarks of Mr. WILLIAMS of New
Jersey when he introduced the above bill,
which ,ppear under a separate heading.)
By Mr. WILLIAMS of New Jersey (for
_ himself, Mr. KENNEDY of Massachu-
setts, Mr. NELSON, Mr, MCCARTHY,
Mr. INOUYE, Mr. YARBOROUGH, and
Mr. McGEE) :
S.J. Res. 75, Joint resolution proposing an
amend cleat to the Constitution of the
United States relating to residence and phys-
ical presence requirements for voting in
presidontial and vice-presidential elections
and fcr voting in elections for 11.8. Senaters
and Members of the House of Representa-
tives; to the Committee on the Judiciary.
(Set-. the 'remarks of Mr. WILLIAMS of New
Jersey when he introduced the above joint
resolution, which appear under a separate
heading.)
PROMOTING THE EXPANSION OF
THE U.S. MERCHANT AND FISH-
ING.' FLEETS
Mt. BARTLETT. Mr. President, I
introduce, for appropriate reference, a
bill to promote the replacement and ex-
pansion of the U.S. nonsubsidized mer-
chant and fishing fleets.
The United States has a long and
brilliant history on the high seas. This
history began in the early days of the
Republic. Over the years the U.S. power
and prestige on the seas has known days
of glory and days of decline but there
has never been, in my opinion, a time in
history in which the U.S. position on the
higt seas was as weak as it is today.
It is acknowledged that a nation's
pown? on the high seas depends not only,
or even primarily, on its naval capabil-
ity, but rather its prestige and power
depends essentially on its ability to carry
commerce and harvest the resources of
the ocean. In turn, this power and
ability for peaceful and commercial uses
of .the oceans is ultimately dependent
upon the availability of a sizable, mod-
ern efficient, fleet of vessels. This Na-
tion has no such fleet. Our prestige as
a maritime power is hampered by many
obsacles?some are domestic, some for-
eign, but in my opinion the obstacle that
April .30, IP'65
is paramount is the shameful inade-
quacy of the present merchant and fish-
ing fleet. The fleet is too small. It is
old. Yet the United States has no effec-
tive instruments to encourage an in-
crease in the fleet or even an adequate
replacement of the fleet. This bill is
designed to accomplish precisely this.
What this bill in essence does is allow
merchant vessel operators to commit
themselves by contract with the Secre-
tary of Commerce, and fishing vessel
owners with the Secretary of the In-
terior, for the establishment of a vessel
replacement reserve fund. Into this
fund must be deposited the proceeds of
the sale of any vessel, proceeds of any
insurance and indemnities, annual de-
preciation charges, earnings made on
deposits in the ftind, and may be depos-
ited moneys from other sources such as
operating earnings. Such deposits are
treated as tax deferred but only if they
are used for this exclusive national in-
terest purpose?the replacement and
modernizatidn of merchant or fishing
vessels. This is no tax escape proposal.
Further it provides, in the case of
merchant vessels, that Government pay-
ments in the form of freight rate differ-
entials on Government-sponsored car-
goes must, and in degree determined by
the Secretary of Commerce, be deposited
in the reserve fund dedicated to vessel
replacement. It is apparent to me that
to a substantial degree the singular in-
adequacy we can now note In the so-
called cargo preference act is that it has
not promoted the construction of a
modern tramp or bulk-carrying fleet.
This must be corrected now. With this
correction we can look to the construc-
tion of modern vessels?and with them
a vast lowering in the cost of differential
payments as these programs continue in
the future..
Those who are familiar with the pres-
ent plight of our seapower need riot be
reminded of the desperate condition of
our merchant -marine and fishing fleets.
But for others let me say, but say briefly,
that it is an extremely depressing picture.
The present fishing fleet is composed of
approximately 12,000 vessels. Ninety
percent of these are extremely small craft
capable of fishing only inland and coastal
waters. Two-thirds of the present U.S.
fishing fleet is overage; 50 percent was
constructed 30 years ago.
This presents a sad picture when com-
pared with the fishing fleet of the United
States immediately before World War II.
And it is even a sadder picture when
compared with the modem fishing fleets
of European nations and modern fishing
fleets being constructed by Japan and
the Soviet Union. I believe that the
clearest illustration of the inadequacy of
the present, fishing fleet is the fact that
this summer over 1,500 large foreign fish-
ing vessels ranging in size from 1,000
to 15,000 tons will harvest our coastal
fishery resources. The United States
has only 200 vessels in its entire fleet
that will match the smallest vessel in
the foreign armada that will ring the
U.S. coast:. We must take action to place
again an American-flag fishing fleet on
the high seas.
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GRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE 8775
for not applying Louisiana law, a manifestly
untenable position under the supremacy
clause of the Federal Constitution, they re-
sponded with their ultimate weapon by clos-
ing up shop altogether. We asked a single
district judge, who had been a dissenting
member of the panel which enjoined use of
the tests, to order the registrars to resume
registration. This judge agreed with the
registrars. We appealed immediately and
obtained a temporary injunction pending
appeal. But meanwhile the rolls had been
frozen for over 6 months.
Attorney General KATZENBACH. Let me
pursue the matter a little. This is not a case
where the Congress would be invoking some
inherent, but unexpressed, power. The
Constitution itself expressly says in section
2 of the 15th article of amendment:
"The Congress shall have power to enforce
this article by appropriate legislation."
Rere, then, we draw on one of the powers
expressly delegated by the people and by the
States to the National Legislature. In this
Instance, it is the power to eradicate color
discrimination affecting tlie right to vote.
Accordingly, as Chief Justice Marshall said
in Gibbons v. Ogden (9 Wheat. 1, 196), with
respect to another express power?the power
to regulate interstate commerce?
"[T] his power, like all others vested in
Congress, is complete in itself, may be exer-
cised to its utmost extent, and acknowledges
no limitations, other than are prescribed in
the Constitution."
That was the constitutional rule in 1821
when those words were first spoken by Chief
11/fcm,zha11 7f: VPT112thR the eonstitu-
This legislation has only one aim?to effec-
tuate at long last the promise of the 15th
amendment?that there shall be no discrimi-
nation on account of race or color with re-
spect to the right to vote. That is the only
purpose of the proposed bill. It' is, therefore,
truly legislation "designed to enforce" the
amendment. To meet the test of constitu-
tionality, it remains only? to demonstrate
that the means suggested are appropriate.
The relevant constitutional rule, again,
was established once and for all by Chief
Justice Marshall. Speaking for the Court in
McCullough v. Maryland (4 Wheat. 316, 421) ,
he said:
"Let the end be legitimate, let it be with-
in the scope of the Constitution, and all
means which are appropriate, which are
plainly adapted to that end, which are not
prohibited, but consistent with the letter and
spirit of the Constitution, are constitu-
tional."
The same rule applies to the powers con-
ferred by the amendments to the Constitu-
tion. In the case of Ex parte Virginia (100
U.S. 339, 345-346), speaking of the 13th and
14th amendments, the Court said:
"Whatever legislation is appropriate, that
is, adapted to carry out the objects the
amendments have in view, whatever tends to
enforce submission to the prohibitions they
contain, and to secure to all persons the en-
joyment of perfect equality of civil rights
and the equal protection of the laws against
State denial or invasion, if not prohibited, is
brought within the domain of congressional
power."
See also, Everard's Breweries v. Day (265
U.S. 545, 558-559), applying the same stand-
ard to the enforcement section of the
prohibition (18th) amendment.
. That is really the end of the matter. The
means chosen are certainly not "prohibited"
by the Constitution (as I shall show in a
moment) and they are?as I have already
outlined?"appropriate" and "plainly adapt-
ed" to the end of eliminating racial dis-
crimination in voting. It does not matter,
constitutionally, that the same result might
be achelved in some other way. That has
been settled since the beginning and was ex-
pressly reaffirmed very recently in the cases
upholding the Civil Rights Act of 1964. See
Atlanta Motel v. United States (379 U.S. 241,
261).
All workable legislation tends to set up
categories?inevitably so. I have explairted
the premise for the classification made and,
with some possible exceptions, as I have said,
the facts support the hypothesis.
But the exceptional case is provided for in
section 3(c) of the bill which I have al-
ready discussed. Given a valid factual
premise?as we have here--1t is for Congress
to set the boundaries. That is essentially a
legislative function which the courts do not
and cannot quibble about. Compare
Boynton v. Virginia (364 U.S. 454), Currin
v. Wallace (306 U.S. 1), United States v.
Darby (312 U.S. 100, 121). See also, Purity
Extract Co. v. Lynch (226 U.S. 192).
The President submits the present pro-
posal only because he deems it imperative
to deal in this way with the invidious dis-
crimination that persists despite determined
efforts to eradicate the evil by other means.
It is only after long experience with lesser
means and a discouraging record of obstruc-
tion and delay that we resort to more far-
reaching solutions.
The Constitution, however, does not even
require this much forbearance. When there
is clear legislative power to act, the remedy
chosen need not be absolutely necessary; it
Is enough if it be "appropriate." And I am
certain that you all recall that the Supreme
Court?in sustaining the finding of the 88th
Congress that racial discrimination by a local
restaurant serving a substantial amount of
out-of-State food adversely affects interstate
commerce?made it clear that so long as there
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8776 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -- SEN,
is a "rationa basis" for the congressional
finding, the Lnding itself need not be for-
mally erabodi(4 in the statute (Katzenbach
V. McClung (379 U.S. 294, 303-305) ).
I turn now id the contention often heard
that, whatever the power of Congress under
the enforcement clause of the 15th amend-
ment in other _respects, it can never be used
to infringe on the right of the States to fix
qualifications for voting, at least for non-
Federal elections. The short answer to this
argument was given most emphatically by
the late Mr. /ustice Frankfurter, speaking
for the Court in Gominion v. Lightfoot (364
U.S. 339, 847), a 15th amendment case:
"When a Mate exercises power wholly
within the doinain of State interest, it is in-
sulated from Federal judicial review. But
Such insulation is not carried over when
State power is used as an instrument for cir-
cumventing a federally protected right."
The constitutional rule is clear: So long
as State laws or practices erecting voting
qualifications for non-Federal elections do
not run afoul-of the 14th or 15th amend-
ments, they sand undisturbed. But when
State power is abused?as it plainly is in the
areas affected by the present bill?there is no
Magic in the :words "voting qualification."
The "grand ),ther clauses" of Oklahoma
and Maryland '*ere, of course, voting quali-
fications. Yet they had to bow before the
15th amendrront (Guinn v. United States
(238 U.S. 347),, Myers v. Anderson (238 U.S.
368)), Nor are only the most obvious de-
vices reached. As the Court said in Lane v.
Wilson (307 U S. 268, 275) :
"The amend pent nullifies sophisticated as
well as simple. minded modes of discrimina-
tion."
Nor do litenkcy tests and similar require-
ments enjoy special immunity. To be sure,
In Lrosister V. Northampton Election Board
(360 U.S. 45), the Court found no fault with
a literacy requirement, as such, but it added:
"Of course, e literacy test, fair on its face,
may be emplcyed to perpetuate that dis-
crimination wi4ch the 15th amendment was
designed to up:uot (hi., 53. See also, Gray v.
Sanders (372 U.S. 368, 379))."
Indeed, as the opinion in Lassister noted,
the Court had earlier affirmed a decision an-
nulling Alabarr a's literacy test on the ground
that it was "merely a device to make racial
discrimination easy" (360 U.S. at 53). See
Davis v. Schnell (336 U.S. 933, affirming 81
F. Supp. 872). And, only the other clay, the
Supreme Cour L voided one of Louisiana's
literacy tests (Louisiana V. United States (No.
67, this term, d .1cled Mar. 8, 1865); see, also,
United States I', Mississippi, supra).
Thus, it is cluar that the Constitution will
not allow racial V discriminatory voting prac-
tices to stand. But it is even clearer, as we
have seen, that the Constitution invites Con-
gress to do more than stand by and watch
the courts invalidate State practices. It in-
vites Congress 10 take a positive role by out-
lawing the use of any practices utilized to
deny rights under the 15th amendment.
?T\i
)CRISIS INT SANTO DOMINGO
SMATIMRS. Mr. President, the
situation, in Ilanto Domingo is tragic.
The events which are occurring there
should offend, the sensibilities of the
leaders of every government in the West-
ern Hemisphere of the world and all civ-
ilized govermunts everywhere.
These event; should not be permitted
to continue. 3, for one, am very pleased
with the fact that the PreSident of the
United States Saw fit to act quickly and
decisively, as he did, with respect to
sending U.S. u.arines to protect not only
the American Embassy and American
property, but, more Importantly, Amer-
ican lives, and to offer sanctuary to na-
tionals of other countries who might
want to avail themselves of the protec-
tion afforded by our marines.
? What the outcome of the situation will
be, nobody at this point could accurate-
ly predict, but I for one hope that U.S.
forces will remain there now that it has
become evident that Castro and other
-Communist leaders have taken over the
revolution; and that men who have been
trained in Cuba, Czechoslovakia, and
elsewhere behind the Iron Curtain, are
leading the revolution, not any longer in
the name of Juan Bosch, but in the name
of communism.
We hope our forces are permitted to
bring about a settlement of conditions
in that country, and that we may call
upon the Organization of' American
States to set ,up, a trusteeship over that
area, a trusteeship which was recom-
mended by Mr. Figueres 3 years ago,
after the turmoil which resulted after
the assassination of Trujillo.
I am sure that anybody who has
thought about this particular problem
supports the position of the President. I
do not know what the final decision will
be; but I hope it will be that our troops
will remain and help bring about order,
peace, and tranquillity to that troubled
and pe plexed island.
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120036-5