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Ap DEHA11 igI1.k.C'i 1 U, il.R. 1 UJJ6 i1?A~ GG P~0001-8 H.R. 2379, H.R. 4389, H.R. 5370, H.R. 5784, AND H.R. 6700, PROVIDING FOR CREATION OF A FREEDOM COMMISSION AND FREEDOM ACADEE IY COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES EIGHTY-NINTH CONGRESS FIRST SESSION MARCH 31, APRIL 1, APRIL 28, MAY 7, AND MAY 14, 1965 (INCLUDING INDEX) Printed for the use of the Committee on Un-American Activities U.B. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 47-0930 WASHINGTON : 1986 For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office Washington, D.C., 20402 - Price $1.00 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES UNITED STATES HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES EDWIN E. WILLIS, Louisiana, Chairman WILLIAM M. TUCK, Virginia JOHN M. ASHBROOK, Ohio JOE R. POOL, Texas JOHN H. BUCHANAN, Ja., Alabama RICHARD H. ICHORD, Missouri DEL CLAWSON, California OEORGE F. BENNER, Jo., Arizona CHARLES L. WELTNER, Georgia FRANCIS J, MCNAMasa, Director WILLIAM HITE, General Counsel ALPBLD M. NITTLE, COUnset Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 CONTENTS Page Foreword---------------------------------------------------- --------------------------------------------------------- I March 31, 1965: Statement of- Hon Charles S. Gubser----------------------------------------- 5 Hon. John M. Ashbrook---------------------------------------- 14 Hon. Don H. Clausen------------------------------------------ 19 Edgar Ansel Mowrer------------------------------------------- 20 April 1, 1965: Statement of- Hon. Edward J. Gurney---------------------------------------- 38 Hon. Karl E. Mundt --------- ---------------------------------- 44 Reserve Officers Association of the United States by Lt. Col. Floyd 79 Oles, USAR (Retired)---------------------------------------- April 28, 1965: Statement of- The American Legion by Daniel J. O'Connor--------------------- 82 Reserve Officers Association of the United States by Lt. Col. Floyd Oles, USAR (Retired) ---------------------------------------- 1884 4 Arthur E. Meyerhoff------------------------------------------- Hon. John H. Buchanan, Jr------------------------------------- 122 May 7, 1965: Statement of- Hon. Earl E. T. Smith----------------------------------------- 130 Hon. Richard H.Ichord---------------------------------------- 147 May 14,1965: Statement of- Hon. Hale Boggs---------------------------------------------- 177 William B. Walsh----------------------------------------- 199 Veterans of Foreign Wars of the United States by Brig. Gen. James D. Hittle, USMC (Retired)___________________________________ 231 Order of Lafayette--------------------------------------------- 232 Hon. William C. Doherty --------------------------------------- 233 Rufus C. Phillips III-------------- ------------- ----- ------- 242^ Hon. Edwin E. Willis, statement and insertions at close of hearings-_ 247 Appendix: Proposed bills for creation of a Freedom' Commission and Freedom Academy--------------------------------------------- 259 Index------------------------------------------------------------ 1 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 PUBLIC LAW 601, 79TH CONGRESS The legislation wider which the House Committee on Un-American Activities operates is Public Law 601, 79th Congress [1946]; 60 Stat. 812, which provides : Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, * * * I'ART 2-RULES OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES RULE X SEC. 191, STANDING COMMITTEES 17. Committee on Un-American Activities, to consist of nine Members. RULE XI POWERS AND DUTIES OF COMMITTEES (q) (1) Committee on Un-American Activities.. (A) Un-American activities. (2) The subcom- mittee, Is authorized to make from time to time Investigations whole (1) the extent, character, and objects of un-American propaganda activities in the United States, (11) the diffusion within the United States of subversive and un-American propa- ganda that is Instigated from foreign countries or of a domestic origin and at- tacks the principle of the form of government as guaranteed by our Constitution, and (iii) all other questions in relation thereto that would aid Congress in any necessary remedial legislation. The Committee on Un-American Activities shall report to the House (or to the Clerk of the House If the House is not in session) the results of any such investigation, together with such recommendations as it deems advisable. For the purpose of any such investigation, the Committee on Un-American Activities, or any subcommittee thereof, is authorized to sit and act at such times and places within the United States, whether or not the House is sitting, has recessed, or has adjourned, to hold such hearings, to require the attendance of such witnesses and the production of such books, papers, and documents, and to take such testimony, as it deems necessary. Subpenas may be issued under [ the signature of the chairman of the committee or any subcommittee, or by any member designated by any such chairman, and may be served by any person designated by any such chairman or member. * * * * * * * RULE XII LEGISLATIVE OVERSIGHT BY STANDING CoMMITTEEs Sec. 136. To assist the Congress in appraising the administration of the laws and in developing such amendments or related legislation as it may deem neces- sary, each standing committee of the Senate and the House of Representatives shall exercise continuous watchfulness of the execution by the administrative agencies concerned of any laws, the subject matter of which Is within the juris- diction of such committee; and, for that purpose, shall study all pertinent re- ports and data submitted to the Congress by the agencies in the executive branch of the Government. S a Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 House Resolution 8, January 4, 1965 RULE X 1. There shall be elected by the House, at the commencement of each Congress, (r) Committee on Un-American Activities, to consist of nine Member& RULE XI * * * * * 18. Committee on Un-American Activities. (a) Un-American activities. (b) The Committee on Un-American Activities, as a whole or by subcommittee, is authorized to make from time to time investigations of (1) the extent, char- acter, and objects of un-American propaganda activities in the United States, (2) the diffusion within the United States of subversive and un-American prop- aganda that is instigated from foreign countries or of a domestic origin and attacks the principle of the form of government as guaranteed by our Constitu- tion, and (3) all other questions in relation thereto that would aid Congress in any necessary remedial legislation. The Committee on Un-American Activities shall report to the House (or to the Clerk of the House If the House is not in session) the results of any such investi- gation, together with such recommendations as it deems advisable. For the purpose of any such investigation, the Committee on Un-American Activities, or any subcommittee thereof, is authorized to sit and act at such times and places within the United States, whether or not the House is sitting, has recessed, or has adjourned, to hold such hearings, to require the attendance of such witnesses and the production of such books, papers, and documents, and to take such testimony, as it deems necessary. Subpenas may be issued under the signature of the chairman of the committee or any subcommittee, or by any member designated by any such chairman, and may be served by any person designated by any such chairman or member. * * * * * * * 27. To assist the House in appraising the administration of the laws and in developing such amendments or related legislation as it may deem necessary, each standing committee of the House shall exercise continuous watchfulness of the execution by the administrative agencies concerned of any laws, the subject matter of which is within the jurisdiction of such committee; and, for that purpose, shall study all pertinent reports and data submitted to the House by the agencies in the executive branch of the Government. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 FOREWORD Nine bills to establish 'a Freedom Commission and Freedom Acad- emy have been referred to the Committee on Un-American Activities during this 89th Congress. They are : H.R. 470 introduced by Mr. Herlong January 4,1965; H.R. 1033, introduced by Mr. Gubser Jan- uary 4,1965; H.R. 2215, introduced by Mr. Ichord January 11, 1965; H.R. 2379, introduced by Mr. Boggs January 12, 1965; H.R. 4389, in- troduced by Mr. Gurney February 4, 1965; H.R. 5370, introduced by Mr. Clausen February 24, 1965; H.R. 5784, introduced by Mr. Ash- brook March 3, 1965; H.R. 6700, introduced by Mr. Buchanan March 24, 1965; and H.R. 9209, introduced by Mr. Feighan June 17, 1965 (after committee hearings had been completed) . During the 88th Congress, nine bills having the same purpose were referred to the committee., Extensive hearings were held by the committee during 1964 on these bills, but no bill was reported out by the committee during the 88th Congress. The nine bills presently being considered, though they vary some- what in detail,2 have the same purpose-to provide for the establish- ment, under Federal -auspices, of a cold war educational and research institution which would be run by an independent seven-man com- mission, whose chairman and members would be appointed by the President, subject to confirmation by the Senate, and which would operate under the general supervision of the Congress in the sense that it would have to report to it regularly and would be dependent upon it for its appropriations. The purpose of the Academy would be to improve the ability of the United States, and the free world generally, to wage the cold war in which it is presently engaged with the international forces of com- munism. It would accomplish this in two ways : First, by instructing its students on the subject of communism generally, its strategy and tactics, and the weapons and devices it is using in all parts of the world to subvert free nations and replace them with Communist dictator- ships; secondly, by conducting research to develop new techniques which the United States and other non-Communist nations can utilize in resisting and defeating all types of Communist "cold" warfare. The cold war, as waged by the Communists, in the view of advocates of the Freedom Academy concept, has many different aspects. It includes traditional military or "hot" warfare and guerrilla warfare (i.e., Korea and South Vietnam) and also conventional diplomatic maneuvering. But it also includes economic, political, and psycholog- i The bills introduced in the 88th Congress were : H.R. 352, introduced by Mr. Herlong on January 9, 1963; H.R. 1617, by Mr. Gubser on January 10, 1963; H.R. 5368, by Mr. Boggs on April 2, 1963; H.R. 8320, by Mr. Taft on August 30,.1963; H.R. 8767, by Mr. Schwelker on October 8, 1968; H.R. 10036, by Mr. Ashbrook on February 20, 1964; February 24, 1964 Mr. and H.R. 11718, by Mr. Ta20, lc tt on June 10077, by Mr. Schadeberg on F2 See Appendix, pp. 259-300. 1 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Apl$-oved For Release 2005/0R1AJ-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 ical warfare; subversion; and numerous other unconventional forms of conflict. The free world, according to the Freedom Academy concept, is do- ing a more or less adequate job of study and training only in the tradi- tional fields of military operations and diplomacy. Little or no training and research is being undertaken in the various unconven- tional aspects of cold warfare which are just as important as, and may be more decisive in the long run than, traditional military operations and conventional diplomacy. The Communist bloc, on the other hand, beginning with the estab- lishment of the Lenin School in Moscow in the twenties, has been train- ing specialists in all forms of cold or unconventional warfare for almost 40 years. At the present time, scores of such schools exist in all parts of the Communist world-not. only behind the Iron Curtain, but in Red China, in Cuba, and, on a limited and covert scale, even within the borders of free nations. Many thousands of graduates of these schools, professionals in varied forms of unconventional war- fare, are daily working in all parts of the globe to undermine non- Cbmiuunist nations and promote Communist aims. The free. world does not have a trained counterforce on all levels of public and private life to engage and defeat these Communist "troy s." Advocates of Freedom Academy legislation believe that the free world needs such a force and that. their Academy proposal offers an effective means for developing one. The bills referred to the committee provide that a broad range of students would attend the Freedom Academy. They would fall into three general categgories : 1. Officials of the U.S. Government whose agencies are in any way involved in the TJ.S. effort to resist communism. 2. Leaders from all walks of civilian life in this country (broad comprehension of the nature of the conflict in which we are engaged- and also citizen participation in it-are essential to the U.S. effort to preserve and strengthen freedom and resist communism). Students in this category would come from the ranks of management and labor, education,- religion, the arts and sciences, and also civic, veterans', women's, fraternal, professional, and similar groups. 3. Leaders and potential leaders from all walks of life, governmental and private, from foreign countries. They would include representa- tives of our P; ATO and SEATO allies, as well as the newly independent nations of Asia, Africa, and Latin America, where the knowledge of the real nature of communism and the cold war is essential if the United States is to be successful in resisting further Communist en- croachments and thus the weakening of freedom and its own position in all parts of the world. The Freedom Academy would be purely a research and educational institution. It would not engage in operational activities of any kind. Its students, however, whether citizens of this or foreign countries and whether Government officials or privately employed, would utilize the knowledge gained at the Academy to improve measures now being utilized to resist communism and to develop new operations, govern- mental as well as private, to aid in this effort. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 HEARINGS RELATING TO H.R. 470, H.R. 1033, H.R. 2215, H.R. 2379, H.R. 4389, H.R. 5370, H.R. 5784, AND H.R. 6700, PROVIDING FOR CREATION OF A FREEDOM COMMISSION AND FREEDOM ACADEMY WEDNESDAY, MARCH 31, 1965 UNITED STATES HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, SUBCOMMITTEE OF THE COMMrrrEE ox UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES, Washington, D.C. PUBLIC HEARINGS A subcommitte of the Committee on Un-American Activities met, pursuant to call, at 10 a.m., in Room 313A, Cannon I-louse Office Building, Washington, D.C., Hon. Edwin E. Willis (chairman) pre- siding. (Subcommittee members : Representatives Edwin E. Willis, of Lou- isiana, chairman; Richard H. Ichord, of Missouri; and John M. Ash- brook, of Ohio.) Subcommittee members present : Representatives Willis, Ichord, and Ashbrook. Committee members also present : Representatives Joe R. Pool, of Texas; George F. Senner, Jr., of Arizona; and Charles L. Weitner, of Georgia. Staff members present : Francis J. McNamara, director, and Alfred M. Nittle, counsel. The CHAIRMAN. The subcommittee will come to order. The Chair would like to make a statement. Nine bills to establish a Freedom Commission and Academy were referred to the Committee on Un-American Activities during the last Congress. Extensive hearings were held on these bills and the testi- mony has been printed and published in two parts. In the 89th Congress, to date, eight bills have been referred to this committee. Five of these are bills identical to those which were offered by the same members in the last Congress; namely Representatives Herlong, Gubser, Boggs, Ashbrook, and Clausen. he other three bills were offered in this Congress by Representatives Ichord, Gurney, and Buchanan. We are convened today to receive additional testimony upon these bills. Although the bills vary in certain details, they all have the same purpose, namely, to provide for the establishment, under Federal aus- pices, of a cold war educational and research institution as an-inde- pendent agency, to be managed by a seven-man Commission, whose chairman and members would be appointed by the President, subject to confirmation by the Senate. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 4 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMIBBION The major difference between the bills before the committee appears to be that six make provision for an Advisory Committee and two for a Joint Congressional Freedom Committee. The bills provide for one or the other exclusively. The Advisory Committee is to be composed of representatives from executive agencies concerned with the Academy's objectives, to insure cooperation between the Academy and these agencies, to review the operations of the Commission, and report its findings annually to the President and the Congress. The Joint Congressional Freedom Committee is to be composed of 14 members, equally divided between the Senate and the House, whose purpose is to make continued studies of the activities of the Commis- sion, to hold hearings and investigations on matters relating to its objectives, as well as to receive bills, resolutions, and other matters in the Senate or House relating to the Commission and on which the joint committee will report respectively to the Senate and the House through those members a pointed from the respective bodies. I direct that the bills, ILR. 470, H.R. 1033, II,2215, II.R. 2379, H.R. 4389, H.R. 5370, II.R. 5784, and II.R. 6700 be received in the record.' I now offer for the record the order of appointment of the subcom- mittee designated to conduct this hearing, as follows : To Mr. Fahaois J. MoN&MARA, Director, Committee on Un-American Activities: Pursuant to the provisions of the law and the Rules of this Committee, I hereby appoint a subcommittee of the Committee on Un-American Activities, con- sisting of Honorable Richard Ichord and Honorable John M. Ashbrook as as- sociate members, and myself as Chairman, to conduct hearings in Washington, D.C., commencing on or about Tuesday, March 30, 1965, and at such other time or times thereafter and at such place or places as said subcommittee shall determine, on the following bills proposing passage of a "Freedom Commis- sion Act," and any other similar bills which may be referred to this Com- mittee: II.R. 470, H.R. 1033, H.R. 2215, H.R. 2370, H.R. 4389, II.R. 5370, and H.R. 5784. Please make this action a matter of Committee record. If any member indicates his inability to serve, please notify me. Given under my band this 24th day of March, 1965. /s/ Edwin E. Willis, EDWIN B. W=s. Chairman, Commiitec on Un-American Activities. We are glad to have with us a member of the full committee who has kindly consented to participate in these hearings and I hope that, since he is here, he can attend all the hearings and will consent to be- come a member of the subcommittee. Anyway, Mr. Welttier, of Georgia, is with us and we welcome him. The first witness this morning is our colleague, Mr. Gubser, who is author of the bill, II.R. 1033, one of the bills referred to. Mr. Gubser, we appreciate your interest in this legislation and your offering of the bill. We welcome your views. See appendix, pp? 269(Also Included is R.U, 6200, a bill introduced by Mr. I+eighan after conclusion of the bearings.) Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 PROVIDING FOR 'A FREEDOM COMMISSION 5 STATEMENT OF HON. CHARLES S. GUBSER, U.S. REPRESENTATIVE FROM CALIFORNIA Mr. GUBSER. Thank you very much. I would request permission to insert a statement in the record and make a very few informal remarks. The CHAIRMAN. You may proceed as you wish. If you want the statement introduced at this point it will be done. Mr. GUBSER. I would appreciate it at this point. The CHAIRMAN. It will be received at this point. (Congressman Grubser's prepared statement follows.) STATEMENT OF HON. CHARLES S. GUBSER, U.S. REPRESENTATIVE FROM CALIFORNIA Mr. Chairman and Members of the Committee. I deeply appreciate the oppor- tunity to appear before you to testify in behalf of my bill, H.R. 1033. There is no doubt that communism is spreading and that the territory of this planet which remains exclusively dedicated to freedom is diminishing. Though wishful thinkers say to themselves that test ban treaties, wheat sales, and other apparent improvements in East-West relations signal a permanent thaw in the cold war, a simple look around the globe reveals otherwise. The truth is that we are losing the cold war ! On December 18, 1963, I inserted a chart into the Conpresaional Record which I had prepared with the cooperation of the Library of Congress. The chart shows that in 1917, 10.1 percent of the world's population lived in 8,603,000 square miles of Communist territory. The growth and spread of communism has been gradual since that time, until as of last year 34.99 percent of the world's popu- lation (1,109,500,000 people) lives in a Communist world which includes 13,761,000 square miles. I will submit this chart for inclusion in the record at the end of my testimony.1 The world map is a seething blot of Communist-inspired trouble. Can any rational man look at the globe and say we are not losing the cold war? In searching for a reason, it is easy to fall into the trap of oversimplification. Undoubtedly there are many reasons, but certainly one of the most significant is our failure to win the war' of propaganda. Time after time the free world has responded with military action to combat communism. But almost always the forces of subversion have done their work so effectively that military action has come too late. Southeast Asia is the perfect example. Laos fell to the forces of subversion which were unopposed until It was the late. In Vietnam, the forces of subversion gained such a head start that the military response has been placed at almost an impossible disadvantage. The same thing is happening in dozens of other places. It should be obvious by now that the Communist system of subversion is work- ing and that our response has been of the wrong kind and is too late. In the battle for men's minds an initial advantage is frequently decisive, particularly in backward and impoverished areas. In view of our consistent failure to match Communist propaganda, does it not seem wise that we take stock of what has produced the success of our enemies and meet it on the ground of that success? When Lenin and his followers captured Russia, they established a training system that has grown to 6,000 special schools which teach the tactics of espionage, subversion, infiltration, agitation, and propaganda. Admittedly, this is not a proper free world tactic, nor would we want it to become our practice. The basis of freedom is freedom of choice, and we do not wish to impose our choice upon others. To do so would be to defile the essence of freedom. But to allow a vacuum into which Communist propaganda can move is to create an environment where the Communist way can win without opposition. This is not freedom of choice. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 6 PROVIDING FOR. A FREEDOM COMMISSION Our State Department hastily employs the cliche of "indoctrination" to indict any suggestion from non-State Department sources favoring a propaganda effort to influence people in favor of freedom as opposed to communism. This reaction is a carryover from the modern Intellectual's proper and justified respect for "aca- demie freedom." But it employs a basic fallacy. Academic freedom exists in an academic environment Where knowledge is freely available, But In the target areas for Communist propaganda, only Com- munist knowledge is available unless we present the other side. It is not indoctri- nation when one side presents Its case, knowing full well that the other side will do likewise. To reject our propaganda mission, then, Is to promote indoctri- nation rather than renounce it. Our long and consistent record of failures to meet the Communist propaganda offensive proves that it Is time to break the diplomatic monopoly which seems to consider any public relations or educational program that it does not suggest and control as "indoctrination." Psychological warfare, public relations, propaganda, or whatever you choose to call it, Is a science and a definite technique which must be learned through specialized instruction. Our diplomats have failed because they have not been trained In a highly skilled technique. It Is time we recognize that Communist propagandists have filled the vacuum caused by the inactivity of freedom's pro- ponents and are winning the war for men's minds. The purpose of my bill is to fill this vacuum and give our overseas personnel the training which will enable them to recognize Communist propaganda for what it is and resist It on the spot. By so doing I am convinced we can avoid the inevitable military action which always comes too late. Mr. Chairman, there are other features of my bill which could be discussed, for example, the provision for training foreign nationals. But the basic argument for this Important provision to the saine, We must recognize the fact that the Communist propagandist is succeeding because he is allowed to operate in a vacuum and we must present a counterforce which denies this advantage. This legislation is certainly not perfect and perhaps needs amendment. Per- haps an entirely new bill needs to be written. But the basic idea that we need a Freedom Academy is a sound recognition of the reality that freedom is losing to slavery and there is no present indication that the trend will change. Mr. Gulislli. Mr. Chairman, I had planned to do no more than sub- mit this statement, which is basically the same statement which I pre- sented to the committee last year, but through the kindness of your committee director I was just handed a copy of the State Depiartnlent's adverse report upon all of these bills, including nay' own. The CHAIRMAN. Will you yield at. this point? I anm very glad that you brought that up. I take it you want to make comments about it.. Mr. Gunssn. I would like to make a few comments about it if I may. The CHAIRMAN. So that the record will be complete the letter of the State Department, addressed to me and dated March 29, 1965, will be inserted in the record at this point, and we will be glad to get your comments on the letter. (The letter follows:) Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Re ~?D?R95jMj/1A3 F]PJvRQP&MW ?R000600070'D01-8 DEPARTMENT OF STATE WASHINGTON The Department appreciates the opportunity to comment on H.R. 470, H.R. 1033, H.R. 2215, H.R. 2379, and H.R. 4389, bills to create a Freedom Commission and Freedom Academy, which you forwarded to the Department. These bills are identical in purpose and scope to proposals submitted in previous sessions of Congress and on which the Department has commented. On these occasions, we expressed appreciation of the purposes of the sponsors and recognized the merits of certain aspects of the pro- posal, but expressed the belief that the bill as a whole would not serve as a useful instrument of national policy. The sponsors of the Freedom Commission bills urge correctly, in the Department's view, that in our struggle with the forces of tyranny---and communism in particular--- we must employ not only military strength but also all of the ~ppolitical, psychological, economic and other non- military means at our disposal. The President has given to'the Department of State a primary role in marshalling all of our resources in these fields which cut across many broad areas of government responsibility. The integrated efforts of the foreign affairs and security agencies are as vital in developing the overall strategy and tactics of the "cold war" as in carrying them out. Expertise and operational experience are as important in the formulation of policy as they are in its execution. For this reason, the Department seriously questions whether comprehensive and realistic plans for dealing with the infinitely complex problems of U.S. Foreign Affairs can be developed by a new, separate government agency, especially one without operational responsibilities. The. Honorable Edwin E. Willis, Chairman Un-American Activities Committee House of Representatives Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved Forp p 2Q9/Q7~1fai@A-~RF&TAQ8f46R000600070001-8 The Freedom Commission proposals place great stress upon the mobilization of private citizens---domestic and foreign---to fight the cold war, and upon a systematic orientation of our citizens against communism. The pro- posals-contemplate that these tasks be undertaken on a large scale by the Executive branch of the government. While it is very useful in certain circumstances to train private U.S. citizens and foreign nationals, our primary need---and hence our first priority---is to improve in all possible ways the training of government personnel involved in the day-to-day operation of our foreign affairs. While the cost of implementing the Freedom Commission program has never been specified, various proponents have stated it would amount to several million dollars a year. We feel there are more effective ways to use such expendi- tures in our struggle for freedom. Another problem raised by several of the Freedom Commission bills is federal control. Under the provision entitled "Information Center", the Freedom Commission would be "authorized to prepare, make and publish text- books and other materials, including training films, suitable for high schools, college and community level instruction". There is further provision that the Commission can distribute such material on "such terms and conditions as it shall determine". The Department doubts the value of any effort to centralize and standardize the dissemination of information in such areas. This would appear to be a marked departure from the traditional role of the Federal Government in the field of political education. For these and other reasons, the Department cannot support the bills to create a Freedom Commission which are now before you, Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For ReleaseID?~~( 5/ ~ 1 :FgJ&-~I PPa } 000600070@fi1-8 The Bureau of the Budget advises that from the standpoint of the Administration's program, there'is no objection to the submission of this report. Mr. GussER. Mr. Chairman, it is very interesting to me to note the changed line in the State Department opposition to this bill. Last year, if you will recall, a great point was made of the fact that it is not the proper function of the United States Government to attempt to indoctrinate people of other nations. My statement which I just filed was addressed to that point, and I quote part of it : Our State Department hastily employs the cliche of "indoctrination" to indict any suggestion from non-State Department sources favoring a propaganda effort to influence people in favor of freedom as opposed to communism. This reaction is a carryover from the modern intellectual's proper and justified respect for "academic freedom.", But it employs a basic fallacy. Academic freedom exists in an academic environment where knowledge is freely available. But in the target areas for Communist propaganda, only Communist knowledge is available unless we present the other side. It is not indocttination when one side presents its case, knowing full well that the other side will do likewise. To reject our propaganda mission, then, is to promote indoctrination rather than renounce it. I note that the State Department's adverse report this year does not dwell on the point of indoctrination. Instead it takes the tack that this is Federal control. This to me is absolutely amazing because now the State Department has absolute control of this propaganda effort and they are objecting to extending it. to a system whereby individual citizens could participate in carrying out that important function. This bill would, in effect, be a relaxation of Federal control and the spreading of the responsibility to more of our citizens instead of to just a very few. The events of the world about us, Mr. Chairman, and I don't need to relate them, are clear-cut evidence of the fact that we or the State Department or whoever is responsible for this job has not assumed the responsibility and has not done anything about it. I would like to leave you with just this one point: If you accept the State Depart- ment's thesis that the Department, the Department alone, has all the knowledge that is required to do this job and has the sole responsibility of carrying on this very, very important mission, and as long as that policy continues to produce a worldwide result like that which is happening before our very eyes today, then I say we are inviting the frustration which causes extremist groups to spring up all over this country. We are creating a situation where extremist groups will take over that which the State Department has failed to do and that which the State Department refuses to give anyone else the right to do. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 proved FcBRI,e5101AII1),QAZP(446R000600070001-8 If we have had irresponsible statements made about communism, if we have had irresponsible propaganda that has gotten into worldwide news channels as a result of extremist groups, it is because of the frustration that has resulted from the fact that the State Department continues, year in and year out, to do nothing about solving this problem. Mr. Chairman, I didn't intend to make a speech, but I get pretty exercised on this subject and I sincerely hope and pray that this com- mittee will once again face up to its responsibility, like it always does, and that it will report out a bill and give the house a chance to vote on it, in spite of the State Department's objections. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. The CrrATRMAN. The committee is very grateful for your views. I do remember very clearly tint the whole tturden of Ambassador IIarri- man's testimony last year was built around the word "indoctrination" and, I too, was troubled by the fact that nowhere in this latest expres- sion of views is that word used. Am I correct? Mr. Gunsmt. That is correct as I read it. The CrrararAN.. I said last year that this ought to he made a matter of record. We have bills tip here.. apparently. from two sources. There are some who have a feeling that if the Freedom Academy bill should pass, the operation will be 'taken over`, by the State Department. On the other hand, here we see the State Department acknowledging that we intend no such thing. We certainly will not, because we can- not involve this Academy or this ('ommission in formulation of for- eign policy or an thing else. Mr. GunsEx. Of course not-. The CIr.lr1urAN. It is none of our business in Congress. That is their department. But. certainly there ought to be a way to have an institution of this kind which, on the one hand, respects the running of our foreign policy by the State Department and, on the other hand, serves as an educational center for the purposes stated in this bill. Mr. GURSER. Mr. Chairnnan, it seems to me that there is another point: which I failed to mention; that too often American policy is to react rather than net; and always when something happens which is adverse to our interests and the rest of the world, the official propaa- ganda line or the reaction doesn't come immediately-it comes tomor- row or the next day-because somebody had to consult with ]lead- ? quarters back in Washington before they could act. We all know, as people who deal with the news columns, that the time to rebut some- thing that is adverse to your posit ion is in the same article. that prints it. in the first place. On the second day the react ion is never as etlective as the action on the day that it actually happens. This is one of [lie things that trained people could do for us. They would have the knowledge and they would have the ability to wet. instead of reacting. Action as for more productive of results t'aaan reaction. Mr. Icrrortn. Mr. Chairman , I want. to commend my colleagite, Mr. Gubser, for his appearance before the committee today and taking interest in this area and introducing a. hill because. I feel very much like the gentleman from California, that this is one of the most im- portant pieces of legislation to be presented to this body this session and also lest session. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Releas&NO-TR 11A3 &*-WP W41 00060007 01-8 PROV The gentleman witness is also a member of the Armed Services Committee and is very familiar with the military aspects of the con- flict in South Vietnam. How do you feel that this Freedom Commis- sion or Freedom Academy could have helped our country in the con- flict in South Vietnam? Mr. GLIBBER. I will only address myself to one small aspect of that question, if I may. We 'have dedicated, competent people, and this is nothing against them, but I feel, if we had had more people in Viet- nam right along who could take the offensive propagandawise, that perhaps our position with the Vietnamese themselves would have been more clearly understood, but as it stands now we wait, for something to happen which is adverse to our interests and then we explain our position and we react to it, and this is never a favorable public rela- tions position. Had we had more people who would instinctively react to a situa- tion and act then, I think that we wouldn't be in the position of con- stantly explaining our actions and more than likely there would have been a great deal more political stability in South Vietnam than we have experienced up until now, and we all agree that the political in- stability is responsible in a large measure for the military instability of the situation. I think the benefit of this bill will come from having trained people on the spot qualified to make immediate judgment. as to what could be done to our advantage. It would'be a cumulative thing. There would be no one dramatic incident which you could point to, but if it were done day in and day out by trained people then you would have a cumulative effect. Air. IcrroRu. I think the gentleman is familiar with the fact that the State Department is also sponsoring more or less a substitute for this bill called the National Academy for Foreign Affairs. I believe that is the name of it. What do you consider the advantages in your bill over the Department of State bill, namely, the National Academy of Foreign Affairs? Mr. GLIBBER. I certainly am not opposed to the State Department's idea of a national Foreign Service academy. I would strongly favor it, but the thing is that this does not go below the diplomatic echelon, and I maintain that anybody in the military or in the consular service where they have a reasonable degree of responsibility should be trained in these techniques. The State Department proposal is not. a substitute for this bill, though I am in favor of it. It will only be an enriched course in diplomacy. It will not be a course in basic public relations, and that is what I consider this Freedom Academy proposal to be, among other things. Furthermore, by taking the American people into your confidence we would make them a part of the activit . The American people are able to assume this responsibility. The ability to think and act prop- erly and in the national interest isn't confined to the State Department. We can support. State Department and U.S. Information Agency activity if we have an informed populace at home that understands these things. I think if we would have had the Freedom Academy in existence 10 years ago you perhaps wouldn't be getting some of the mail that you are getting from some of these people who believe that our position 47-093 0=85-2 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 I Al PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION in Vietnam is wrong. I think they would understand the basics of Communist propaganda. and Communist infiltration and they would be supporting us rather than making our task more difficult. Mr. IcHORD. Mr. Chairman, all of the bills provide for an Advisory Committee with the exception of II.R. 1033, introduced by the wit- ness, and IL.R. 5784, introduced by our colleage, Mr. Ashbrook. Your bill and Mr. Ashbrook's bill, Mr. Gubser, provide for a Joint Congressional Freedom Committee. I am a little concerned about setting up a joint committee. I wonder if the members of the com- mittee would really have the time to perform the duties required in the bill. I would like you to comment on that aspect of difference. Mr. Gunara. I think you may very well have an excellent point and I want to make my intentions in introducing this bill clearly known. It is presented as an idea. There is no pride in authorship: l have no illusion that if it were passed it would be in that form. It is merely to make my support of the idea known, to present it for your considera- tion. I have full confidence that this committee could improve it and come up with something that would be in the national interest and I would support it. Mr. IciioRD. Another point. is your bill provides a salary of $20,000 for each member of the Commission and a salary of $20,500 for the chairman of the Commission. Of course, since the bills were intro- duced last year we have passed the civil service increase ratings, and you believe that. the salaries should be adjusted accordingly? Mr. GuBsER. I certainly would think so. As I stated, it is only an - idea draft. It is the principle and the objective that I am after. The details I think you are more qualified to work out. Mr. Iciionm. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. The CITAM- rAN. Mr. Ashbrook? Mr. AsnmiooK. Thank you very much. Like my colleague, Mr. Ichord, I, too, welcome you to the committee and thank you, Mr. Gub- ser, only not for what. you have done, but what you have said this morning. Getting back to the point of the Joint Congressional Freedom Com- mittee as against. the Advisory Committee, would like to ask your opinion on one specific point, and this I know has been a matter of concern to me. One of the reasons that. I have not been favorable to the Advisory Committee concept is the fact that on the Advisory Com- mittee you would have one representative each from the followuig agencies and departments. As I recall I think they are State; Defense; Health, Education, and Welfare; CIA; FBI; AID; and the USIA. It seems to me that the problem we have here is that the State Depart- ment has pretty much transcended in this field and it would end up, for want of a better phrase, literally running the Freedom Academy. I think if there is anything we are looking for it is the idea of academic freedom and independence from the Government, to get away from Federal control. What, would be your thinking on the matter of the Joint Con es- sional Freedom Committee as against the Advisory Committee? Does it seem that this is a danger in the approach that we see in the Advisory Committee? Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Re W 9NgT/1A3 FRl&-RPP 2AJJW00060007 01-8 Mr. GUBSER. Once again I would not like to deal with the details and specifics. I would like those to be developed by you people after your hearings and your deliberations. I would just say generally that I would not be in favor of domination by any one school of thought or any one agency. On the other hand, I would not be one that would want to completely freeze the State Department out. I would want their influence to be completely felt, as it should be. This is the agency that is responsible for our foreign policy, but I do think that the base should be broad- ened and certainly all ideas ought to have a fair chance of being con- sidered. Whatever technique or whatever commission or joint committee would accomplish that objective I would be for, but I am not prepared to state specifically what I think, at this point, it should be. Mr. AsuBROOK. I know in my discussions of this bill with people from the academies and professors, and so forth, their biggest fear is in setting up something that will not really be independent, that will not really have what is classically known as academic freedom. And I would be most interested in your thinking on this question, because I know this is one thing the committee is going to wrestle with-how we do something like this, make it a meaningful part of our policy, and yet at the same time give it a certain amount of freedom, which could mean its going off halfcocked in one direction or another. This is 'a real delicate area where we have some difficulty in trying to ride two horses and have a policy that we want, a strong policy on the cold war vis-a-vis the Soviet Union, and at the same time have academic freedom. How do you reconcile these? Mr. GuBsuR. You just may want to consider expanding the Com- mission idea to include representatives of the minority and majority on, say, the Foreign Affairs Committee and the Armed Services Com- mittee of the Congress, but here again I wouldn't want congressional influence to dominate the policy. However, it certainly should be there and it might be a leavening influence. Mr. AsiIBROax. But you feel that a Freedom Academy of this type should have differences of opinion? You might have people on the Academy that say we should bomb North Vietnam and those who would say we negotiate, and each would have a forum for their opinions. Mr. GTBSER. Of course. Some day I hope this country comes back to the point where a difference of opinion is respected. Mr. ASHBROOS.. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. The CHAIRMAN. Thank you very much, Mr. Gubser. Mr. GuBSER. Thank you. (The chart submitted by Mr. Gubser follows:) Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For2p5/(7/'aipft-1~A46R000600070001-8 (From Congressional Record, Dec- 18, 1963, p. A7701] Communist expansion since 1917 At time of co zation mmuni- ' Area In square es mil Percent Percent of (1963) ' of world total 4 world total Nov. 7,1917 U.S.S.R--------------------- 1182,182. (100 10.1 224,700.000 7.1 6W, 000 Nov. 26,1924 Mongolia 647,000 03 00, 000 1, 0 .03 Aug. 3, 1940 Lithuanla_ '2,879.000 . 0 Aug. 5, 1940 Latvia----------------__---- 11 1, 960, 000 .10 (I) Aug. 6,1940 Estonia-- ------------------ 11 1, 121L 000 .05 t"J Nov. 29,1945 Yugoslavia------------------ 15 , 600, 000 .54 19,000,000 60 99, 000 Jan. 10.1946 Albania--- ------------------ 1,125,000 .04 1,800.000 .06 11,000 Sept. 13, IM Bulgaria--------------------- 6,993,000 3 & 100.000 .25 43,000 Dec. 30,1947 Rumania-------------------- 10.630,000 .3 0 18.900, 000 .60 92,000 June 9, IM Czechoslovakia-- -- 12,339,000 .50 0 1 9 , .44 49,000 Sept. 12,1948 Sore.. (Democratic People's 9,291,000 .37 0 00 8,9 00, .30 48,000 Aug. 20,1949 Republic). Hungary-----_-- 9, 247, 000 47 10,100, 000 .31 36, 000 Sept. 21,1949 China (Pcop!e's Republic) _ _ - 441493,000 111 730,800.000 23.00 3,897,000 Oct. 7,1949 Germany (Democratic Re .70 17. 42,000 Apr. 19,1950 , public) Poland----------------------- 24,977,000 1.00 30, 800.000 1.00 120,000 Dec. 29, ION Vietnam (Democratic Re- 16,652,000 .s0 17,000,000 .58 63,000 Dec. 2,1901 public). Cuba.----------------- ------ .22 .28 Total-- I Date given Is that on which the country declared Itself a people's republic. was incorporated into the U.S.S.R. (Estonia. Latvia, Lithuania) or, as In the case of Cuba, when Castro announced be would lead Cuba "to a people's democracy ' Beat Germany excludes Berlin in all columns. ' Because it is extremely difficult to obtain reliable demographic data for the years prior to 1965, most of the population statistics has been synthesized from the following sources: "Statesman's Yearbook." 1917. 1940, 1941; "U.N. Demographic Yearbook," 1955, 7th issue, table 3, pp. 117-177; "U.N. Demographic Yearbook," 1962, 14th Issue: "World Summary," p. 124. ' In most cases the population given Is quite close to the date of communization. In certain cases, how- ever. the data available was several years distant from the date of communization. 4 The availability of world total population upon which the percentages must be based is even more difficult to obtain. The following world figures taken from U.N. sources were used: 1920, 1,811,000,000; 1930, 2,015,000,000; 1940, 2,249,000,000; 1945, 2,423,000,000; 1950, 2,509,000,000; 1955, 2,750,000,000; 1960, 3,008,000,000; 1961, 8,069,000,000. ' "World Population, 1963," Population Bulletin, vol. XIX, No. 6, October 1963. (Percentage for 1963 based on world total of 3,180,000,000 persons.) ' Total world area, excluding Antarctica: 52,409,000 square miles. Communist nations constitute 28.25 percent of this figure. IT 1915. slog. ' Presently Included In all U.S.S.R. statistics. 101935. it 1934, u 26.25 percent. The CHAIRMAN. The Chair will recognize Mr. Ashbrook, the ranking minority member of this committee, to make whatever comments he cares to from where he sits on his own bill, II.R, 5784. STATEMENT OF HON. TORN M, ASHBROOK, U.S. REPRESENTATIVE FROM OHIO Mr. AsIrBROOK. Mr. Chairman, I appreciate the opportunity to say a few words not only in behalf of the idea expressed in the concept of a Freedom Academy, but in particular on the specific bill winch I introduced. As most of you know, my bill is a companion bill with that of Mr. Gubser's, so many of the same statements which Mr. Gubser made would be equally applicable to my bill. (At this point Congressman kslibrook submitted a prepared state- ment. It follows:) Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION STATEMENT OF HON. JOHN M. ASHBROOK, U.S. REPRESENTATIVE FROM OHIO How Is it possible that a small group of ragged Russian revolutionaries, in a few short decades of history, could place almost one third of the world's popula- tion in the grip of slavery? The answer lies, in part, in the concept and implementation of total political war which these revolutionaries and their successors have developed over the years. As early as 1928 the U.S.S.R. was graduating finely trained agents schooled in the political, psychological, economic, technological, and organiza- tional aspects of spreading global communism. In contrast, the free world has yet to establish an organization or agency to combat this onslaught on the very existence of free men or to develop an inte- grated body of operational knowledge to extend the areas of freedom. This is the purpose of pending legislation to establish a Freedom Commission. Specifically, H.R. 5784, which I have submitted would train Government of- ficials, private U.S. citizens, and foreign students concerning the strategy and tactics of the international Communist conspiracy. A Freedom Commission, an independent agency, would be established in the executive branch, to oversee and direct the program. The Commission would be empowered to establish a Freedom Academy for the express purpose of : (1) developing systematic knowledge about the international Communist conspiracy; (2) development of counteraction to the international Communist conspiracy into an operational science that befits and bespeaks the methods and values of free men; and to achieve this purpose the entire area of counteraction is to be thoroughly explored and studied, with emphasis on the methods and means that may be best employed by private citizens and nongovernmental organizations and the methods and means available to Government agencies other than the methods and means already being used ; (3) the education and training of private citizens concerning all aspects of the international Communist conspiracy ; (4) the education and training of persons in Government service concerning all aspects of Communist conspiracy. The legislation would also establish an information center to disseminate in- formation and materials which will assist persons and organizations to increase their understanding of the true nature of the Communist conspiracy. When one remembers that organizations such as the American Bar Association, the Na- tional Education Association, and The American Legion, among others, have stressed the urgent need for responsible information and education on the Com- munist conspiracy, this aspect of the Freedom Academy legislation is of particu- lar value. Also to be established by this legislation is a Joint Congressional Freedom Com- mittee, which shall make continued studies of the activities of the Commission and of problems relating to the development of counteraction to the international Communist conspiracy. When one reflects that it was just 1 year after Charles Lindbergh made his historic flight across the Atlantic that the Soviet Union began sending trained personnel around the world, is It any wonder that they are winning in this struggle for survival and the areas of freedom diminish year after year? Mr. AsHBROOK. Mr. Chairman, with each day's headlines reporting new incidents showing the Communist Party's growing grip on Indo- nesia-and I just point this out as one example-here is a news article, which I would also ask permission to have inserted in the record fol- lowing these remarks, that shows how it is being done over there. The CHAIRMAN. That will be done. The insertion will be made.' Mr. ASIIBROOK. It also shows why the United States desperately needs to face the facts and start a Freedom Academy to train demo- cratic leadership to fight back right where the cold war is being lost. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Aperoved For pR v s e20RR/~7/' 3E DC&1 g6PgTjqP 46R000600070001-8 That, of course, is at the village level and the grassroots precinct level. The CHAIRMAN. Would you yield? Mr. A8HBROOK. Yes. The CHAIRMAN (to group of students). I might say that the com- mittee is pleased to have you students visit us. You are always welcome. Mr. ASIIIIR00H. The organizational tactics described in the article which is being inserted, an article written by Neil Sheehan, are an exact copy of tactics developed by that master of Communist tactics of mass organization and propaganda, Willi Munzenberg. This was developed in Germany in the 1920's. Anyone who is interested may learn the whole story by reading Ruth Fischer's book, Stalin and German Communism.. Munzenbarg not only developed these forms of mass organization in Germany; he was also a secret officer of the Communist International at the same time, which liked his techniques and admired his genius so much that it had them taught in the Communist schools of revolution, such as the Lenin Institute. The Comintern even sent members of Asian Communist parties- including, we may be sure, some of the early leaders of the Indonesian Communist Party-to Germany to train and work under Munzenberg and learn through on-the'ob training all the skills of mass political organization we now see destroying freedom in Indonesia, expelling United States businessmen, and humiliating United States diplomats. I wonder, Mr. Chairman, when we will learn that the cold war is no task for amateurs, that kids from Keokuk and Pocatello are not going to save countries like the Congo and Indonesia; that. we have to train some foreigners in the skills they will need to cope with the Communist wreckers and create their own independence, free and democratic organizations to build better lives for their citizens. As you read the article you see how the other side-and when I say "the other side," of course I recognize the fact that we are in a struggle; I think many of us do not really in our day-to-day living reflect upon the point that we are in a cold war struggle--trains people; that you can go to Moscow, you can o to their various insti- tutes, and learn something about their beliefs.' Of course, we disagree with their beliefs, but they learn their task well and they go back to their-country. In a free government such as ours, our goal is never going to be the indoctrination, the instilling of motives in people, so when they go back to their country they will subvert. I think the dif- Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Rec9Q5A-g1A3 ,&JP 000600074901-8 ference between the Freedom Academy and the Lenin Institute, the type of cold war strategy of the Kremlin, is the fact that we can open up our Academy, or we can open up our Commission, to people throughout the world. Let them come in on a free-exchange-of-ideas basis, learn about communism, learn about our system of government, and then go back to their country, not with the idea in mind of reporting back to people here in Washington as they do at the Lenin Institute, not with the idea in mind of subverting or indoctrinating, but going back to their countries and becoming spokesmen for freedom, spokesmen for our way of life. I happen to think that one of the reasons why we are failing to some extent in the cold war struggle is the fact that we don't even recognize it exists. And to me, this would be the most single attribute and factor in our favor if we would enact a bill like this, in that it would show to the rest of the world that we really think there is a struggle; that we have set forth on our part an effort to train people in the ways of the cold war struggle; that if we would do this we would have not only Americans who could learn some- thing about communism, but many hundreds, maybe literally thou- sands, from throughout the world who could come to this Academy. I know in the hearings, as I look through them, we tend to under- rate the value of such a Commission as a. Mecca for students through- out the world who want to learn about freedom, who want to learn more about communism. And I would make that point, and stress that point, that a Commission of this type is not only valuable to the United States, but because we are a leader in the world it would be valuable to the rest of the world. It would give a forum to many students who come into this country on an exchange basis. Maybe they would be from the state depart- ments of free countries throughout the world, maybe they would be military people, but they could come to our country, could learn about freedom, could learn about communism, in an effective manner. I would stress that point as strongly as any other factor in favor of the establishment of a Freedom Commission. This article in the New York Times of March 28 points up the importance of it. I certainly hope, Mr. Chairman, that in this session of Congress we can make such a step, and I certainly pledge all of my efforts both as a member of this committee and as an interested Member of Con- gress in legislation of this type. (The article submitted by Mr. Ashbrook follows:) Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved Forp{iI 2 ?/Q7fiiglW- 7 446R000600070001-8 THE NEW YORK TIMES, SUNDAY, MARCH 2B, 2465. Q-*!L'-3} Village in Java a Case Study in Red Tactics He Joined a Group Run by Party By HELL- gHEEIIAN %P,44 .Tr Ore Tad Tr.O t. BOIATMAN; Tndonesla - siMr. Martoyoao. an elderly Jan- a nt t _ rI C b cc . l arrri er a a 1ves In this ana6 village, was asked by a visitor shy he had joined the peasant association of the Com- munist Party of Indonesia. Mr. Martoyoso, a typical Javanese peasant, to TO years old. He Is slim and a ort and his brown face is shrunken with age. He drew, In sorted turban and sarong, the type of clothing his ancestors !tart worn for anturita. The farmer twisted his fact e' In thought and, as his tcothless L1 mouth spread Into a smile, he a, "plied: "Because t am a firm- c and It to a fanners' organtca- CI tlen Them arc not an otker . y .,y. 'c~ farmers' organialbns here ?T ?F Jn ~~~aaa,,, u' The Communists a" the only -~ - rl ppeople who have ever offered / 'e' to held us..' r r LF' - .. he -think the carne way." Ap? pareotly they do. atnce molt of f ce' them have also Joined the Com ? - munlit party's Indonesian Peas-I -- _ ants Organization. __ - TNt n... n, mci araw ll~ he Case Study la TactIre , MI" Swnlharai, teacher, with members of her class at Communist women's kindergarten in, ' Solotiran is a peasant - re?imuntty of about 4.500 11 mile, conaclousaess and, It isosa 04 ganlutton has won loyalty by They Inc also an effective no north of the city of Jbgjakar[a.'sofidarily and direction. ;slowing farmer, better Lech?!mesns of Indoctrinating the M* Its woven bamboo and stucco9 The Ito hectares of amble?n+qurs, forming cooperativesfor peasants in communist Idiot- huts, with red t0e roar,, are sett the purchase of steels. salt andlogy among rice fields and banana-ce in the village a rkh,~wl and holding class., to teachi In a recent performance for groves at the foot of Mount voicenb wit that yields two to all Illiterate to read and write, a visitor, eIgkt village boys ands eH Mtrapl, a vakano that Is all]) three crops a year _The conatantilt has supported peasants ingirls, all about 10 years 0 ale .live, growth In popyulaUOa =,& di~ssppuute, aver anp,kartngldanc d gracefully in elassicll a, The village Is a ease study hasmput gent preaaurlghI. h the mom solid Javantss styk. caving their ld.1 D:Amded In- In how the Communists am nWlentary etanqpi.y and has ere in the village and hlps and arms, and tang what '~ lag a Inlto party ateaerghoWa L dlxeaIlirated antent. rnnsidenbk axlal~a One of the most Importantlfo lk tunes. like 1IIt[ng Jaraneso half Yl wiark. good er anltation.jera are Ilse and! most ofrcullturalNagtvup vthat put. on; hard the The ptasantss La "Crruil!" rn.1 onipracUcal politics and a greatlthe others, like Mr. Martoyoio. plays and skits and stages son; periallsts, eolonlallsts and the) ithldeal of fun. the CommunIats.own only about oce-third of s and dance shows. ,au-called seven village devils-~ ,T1 have brought the presents ofbintare. A hectare IS about two. These pMormaneea provide"among them the larger laodows't SoLotiran Into the 30th cfnlury..and a halt acres. _amusement for vUlager^ who~en. corrupt village official, and; Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Re eg %lW5QK/1A3i gP%W4 f20006OOO7JW01-8 The CHAIRMAN. Thank you very much. STATEMENT OF HON. DON H. CLAUSEN, U.S. REPRESENTATIVE FROM CALIFORNIA Our colleague, Congressman Clausen, has offered a, bill, H.R. 5370. He was to be here, but other appointments in his schedule have kept him away, so I now insert in the record his statement about this legislation. (Congressman Clausen's prepared statement follows:) STATEMENT OF HON. DON H. CLAUSEN, U.S. REPRESENTATIVE FROM CALIFORNIA I am happy again to have the opportunity to join with the many informed and distinguished Americans who have endorsed the Freedom Academy proposal. I sponsored such legislation in the 88th Congress. In the current Congress, 1 have introduced H.R. 5370. In the hearings conducted by this committee during the last Congress, I testi- fied on behalf of this proposal at some length. As these hearings continue, I expect to have the pleasure of extending my remarks. For the moment, I wish to reaffirm my position with respect to this bill. In the light of the grave international situation, it seems that every passing hour witnesses a growing urgency for the adoption of the Freedom Academy proposal. I want to direct the attention of the committee particularly to the provisions of section 10 of my bill. This, in fact, conforms to provisions of other bills before this committee, particularly section 10 of H.R. 470, H.R. 2379, H.R. 4389, H.R. 2215, and H.R. 6700. This section deals with the security check of per- sonnel who participate in the operation or program of the. Freedom Academy. My bill, and other bills which I have noted, require in general a security investigation of (1) all persons employed by the Freedom Commission, (2) any person who is permitted to have access to classified information, and (3) at the discretion of the Commission, of any individual under consideration for training at the Academy. It is noted that none of the bills, including my own, require a security check of members of the Freedom Commission. These members are appointed by the President, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate. Not only does the bill fail to make provision for a security check of the Com- mission members, but there is presently no statutory provision of which I am aware that would require it. However, it is true that for some years past, in- vestigations for appointments of this sort have been normally required under executive order. Executive Order 10450, promulgated by President Eisenhower in April 1953, presently in effect, requires that the appointment of every civil officer or employee in any department or agency of the Government shall be made the subject of an investigation. Under the executive order, the scope of the investigation is determined accord- ing to the degree of adverse effect the occupant of the position to be filled could bring about-by virtue of the nature of the position-on the national security. Although a "national agency check" is required of all appointees, a full field investigation is required only for "sensitive positions," that is to say, those positions which would have a materially adverse effect on the national security. While I think that there is no question that membership on the Freedom Com- mission is a "sensitive position," this may, on the other hand, depend upon one's point of view.. It must also be realized that executive orders are matters within the authority of the President. They may be amended or revoked at his discretion. Nevertheless, in view of the fact that prior practice and existing executive orders have required preappointment investigation, together with the further consideration that appointments are subject to the approval of the Senate, I have adopted the position of other bills which contain no express provision for investi- gation of members of the Commission. However, while adopting that position in the proposal, I am not certain that such a requirement should necessarily be omitted. I feel it is a matter the committee should review in some depth, as I believe it will. I want to make clear that my omission of such a requirement does not necessarily express my settled conviction on. this point. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Aroved For&.299R/J% PJft-FDP??A446R000600070001-8 I want to say further that I greatly appreciate the thoroughness of the com- mittee's inquiry on the subject of the Freedom Academy bills. Your hearings in the last Congress were extensive and commendable. I believe that those of us who have submitted proposals on this issue are hopeful that an early and favor- able report upon one of these bills can be made to the Congress. The Cn:AIRMAN. Since this is a new Congress, the committee has voted that the hearings conducted last year be regarded as included in this year's hearings. (At this point Mr. Pool entered the hearing room.) The CHAIRMAN. Our next witness is Mr. Edgar Ansel Mowrer. Would yyou please come forward, sir? Mr. Alowrer, we are delighted that you could find time to appear before our committee this morning. I know, and a lot of people know, about your background. But. I think for the record it might be better for me to state it than for you. Colleagues, Mr. Mowrer has been a newsman, writer, and columnist for 50 years, and that is a long time. He covered World War I for the Chicago Daily Neu&. He was awarded the Pulitzer Prize for overseas reporting in 1932. During World War II, he was Deputy Director of the Office of War Information. He has been a radio commentator as well as a columnist on foreign affairs. A trustee of Freedom House, Mr. Mowrer is also the author of 10 books on inter- national and foreign affairs, including : An End to Al!ake Believe in 1961, A Good Time to be Alive in 1960, and Challenge and Decision in 1950. Your service to your profession and to the country is well recognized and stretches out for many years, and I am glad to make these remarks a part. of the record. We are very much interested in having your views on the bills we have pending before us this morning, sir. You may proceed. Mr. Mowinn. I do not have to introduce myself, Mr. Chairman? For the record, my name is Edgar Ansel .1owrer. I am a syndi- cated columnist on world affairs. The CHAIRMAN. If you wish to expand on your formal education and further experience you are welcome. Mr. MowREn. For 26 years a foreign correspondent, chiefly in Europe, but in most parts of the world. I have come here to testify in favor of the bill to create a Freedom Academy because I consider that it may help us to deal with the main problem of our time. Looking back over the many years I am terribly struck with the parallelism between the behavior of F urope in the 1930's, democratic Europe, and our behavior since 1945. It is true that there have been some notable differences. Europe, Britain, and France neglected their defenses, while at the same time they were trying to persuade themselves that Hitler, Mussolini, and their cohorts did not mean business. The result was it catastrophe of which all the details are known. The CHAIRMAN. I think at this point. I should ask you two or three questions that will further demonstrate your experience. Did your experience overseas include firsthand contact with Com- munists? Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Re IJ)51f/13F~I WF Q 00060007001-8 Mr. MowRER. Very decidedly so. As a foreign correspondent of neutral America, it was the duty of a good one to get in contact with ermany people of every political party. Thus, in G, where I spent a land time, I knew everybody from Prince Louis Ferdinand of Prussia to Mr. Neumann the head of the Berlin Communists. In Paris I knew Mr. aachin, who was the second leader, and some minor figures. In England I knew Claude Coburn, who was at that time publishing a Communist weekly. With all of these people I had as friendly relations as one could ever have had with the Communists, which is not saying too much, because there is always an element in which their public affairs, you might say, their, convictions, predomi- nate over their personal relationships. The CHAIRMAN. It is my information that at one time, at least, you wouldn't have been in line to win a popularity contest, so I ask you : Were you not at one time simultaneously denied entry to they Soviet Union, Nazi Germany, and. Fascist Italy? Mr. MOWRER. That is true. At one time I had the honor, doubtful honor, whichever you choose to call it, of having been refused re- entrance into the Soviet Union, into Nazi Germany from which I was literally expelled, and into Facist Italy where I had made the march on Rome with Mussolini and then quarreled with him because of his intolerable and arrogant and imperialistic behavior. The CHAIRMAN. Did Nazi Minister of Propaganda Dr. Goebbels ever express an interest, in one fashion or another, in you? Mr. MOWRER. Yes, sir. In September 1939 another correspondent, H. R. Knickerbocker, now dead, and I filed a story in which we gave the world the full details on the amounts of money that the Nazi leaders had more or less illegally stashed overseas for their personal use, just in case. This provoked from my former acquaintance, Dr. Paul Joseph Goebbels, a vicious attack on the radio, which he made personally, declaring that he would give a. division of German troops to lay hands on those dirty American so-and-so's, Knickerbocker and Mowrer. Personally I never felt prouder. The CHAIRMAN. I compliment, you. Now will you proceed in your own way to express why you favor these bills and relate to us your further experiences, if you will. Mr. MowRER. In the course of my experience with Communists and other people, I became aware of how hard it was for Americans who have never lived under a totalitarian regime to understand the work- ings, and not only the physical workings, but the mentality and the infinite cheating and dissimulation which was part of the Nazi as well as the Communist idea of spreading their rule. For instance, when I went to Russia in 1936 those two English Socialists, Sidney and Beatrice Webb, had just published a book on the Soviet Union in very flattering terms which was the laughingstock of the foreign correspondents in Moscow. They explained how, with- out any adequate preparation, the two Webbs had come to Moscow, listened to what the Russian Communists told them, written it all down like truth, and produced a book. And the common comment among the men overseas was, "This is just lovely, only there isn't a word of it that corresponds with Soviet action,' which is the only thing that counts. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 A"roved Forte G2qg?/0Z/fig, F Mg446R000600070001-8 I was in Moscow in November-December 1936, attending the ratifi- cation of the new Soviet constitution, allegedly the most democratic in the world. It was indeed a wonderful document, setting out many civil rights, except. for two or three provisos which most of the for- eigners overlooked. One was that the rule of the Communist. Party should never be in any way upset or diminished and the other was that none of this had any relation to political crimes. Since almost anything in Russia was defined as a political crime, this meant that of course most. of the constitution was undone by these two little provisos, and this escaped tourists. This seems to have escaped even one former American Ambassador in Moscow, Joe Davies. You will remember, perhaps, that during the war, in 1943, there was presented here in Washington a film by Mr. Joe Davies called Mission to Moscow, which was based on his book and which gave such a caricature, if you will excuse me, of the real condi- tions in the Soviet Union that a group of us retired to the nearest: cafe to laugh it off. What I am driving at, Mr. Chairman, is that it seems to me that we are lacking in the understanding of the basics of this international power conspiracy-ideology, pseudoreligion, whatever you wish to call it-which threatens us at many points over the globe. There again it reminds me of a time when a very distinguished Frenchman asked me to come to Paris and tell him what Ilitler was going to do. I did my best, after 10 years' acquaintance with the Fuehrer. I thought I knew about it. When it was allover. he looked at me and said, "I lust don`t believe a word of it. Hitler is a man like everybody else.' For many years we did the best we could to believe that Stalin was a man like anybody else, and if so, God help everybody else. And we have since tried to believe that it is possible for a Communist regime to change radically without ceasing to be Communist. Therefore, because we want peace we are continually' rasping at straws, hoping. Surely, if our wartime President, Flit-in many' ways, in my opinion, a great Presidents-had really done his homework thoroughly or had the proper advisers about him during the war, he would not have thought that he could manage Stalin. If the Amer- ican administration at that time had rubbed their noses a little more thoroughly into the Communist thing-and I am not. blaming any one person, for this was a general frame of mind, as you will remember- they would not, have believed that, because the Russians had signed the Yalta Treaty agreeing to set u~i democratic regimes in all the east European countries, they had the slightest- intention of abiding by r a "democratic" regime is part of what is known as Aesopian it. FOrr, language in Communist parlance, which means, well, just as Mr. Goering used to say, "I determine who is a Jew," the Kremlin deter- mines what is a democratic regime. These were very grave errors in my opinion. I think that. our doing nothing about communism in China was a very grave error. I do not say that we could have pre- vented the taking over of China by communism. I don't know. I do know that we made no serious effort and I do know, if you will permit me to quote a man without mentioning his name, that one of the very senior officials in the State Department had dinner at. my house., along with Congressman Walter Judd, and discussed hotly Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Re Rap-(W/13 1;,,IRIA&PP&Q0006000 ij01-8 whether or not Red China could ever be a danger to the United States, and the meeting broke up when the State Department official said, "Congressman, I don't believe that anything can happen in the Far East in the next 50 years that can seriously damage the interests of the United States." I think that we have to realize-that is what I am trying to say with all these details-that most Americans still do not know very much about a totalitarian regime or about communism; that they are inclined to believe any sign that they are transforming themselves or thawing or anything of the kind; and that, therefore, we have been led into some difficulties such as the one in Laos, which we would not be in had it been understood that any sort of coalition government with Communists was inevitably, in their eyes, a pretext for a take- over. They have been trying to take over ever since; as far as they could without openly going into all-out war, and it is only our recent military counteractions that, in my opinion, have prevented them from doing it. My friends in the State Department, and I am happy to say I still have a good many, counter with this : That it is impossible for a citizen or Congressman to know the situation, what should be done about it, understand it, unless he is in possession of all the facts. By "all the facts," they mean the latest reports from all over the world. This I consider a total mistake, for wasn't Chamberlain, wasn't Daladier, in possession of all the facts, that is to say, the day- to-day facts that had been provided by the admirable British and French overseas services? Of course, to be sure, as I note one of my predecessors last February testified here, they admitted later that they had never read Mein. Kamp f . To assume that you could under- stand the Nazi regime in Germany or Adolf Hitler himself or esti- mate what he was going to do without having read Mein Kampf was a terrible and tragic error. It is my belief that there should be an independent, Government-supported but essentially independent, non- partisan, nonparty Freedom Academy which offers to a group an intensive course, not only necessarily on communism, but on all the enemies of American freedom. I can also see from, reading the newspapers and listening to my daughter's friends, meeting students, that.there is even a great lack in our country of the essential implications of American freedom. So it seems to me that any authoritative body which would give an intensive course, what and why freedom, who and what is threatening freedom, how they are doing it, what are the essences of these various things that are threatening our freedom, if this had, as it should have, high-power, opinion-making, influential citizens, including- why not .-some foreigners, it could bring about a change and not come into any conflict with the State Department, for surely the last thing such an academy would have the nerve to try to do is to set a policy. (At this point Mr. Senner entered the hearing room.) The CHAIRMAN. I am glad you say that and I want you to develop that point. In other words as I understand it, and I am not an author, the authors of these bills don't envisage the Freedom Academy or Freedom Commission as making foreign policy or speaking for Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Amroved Forag gW299R/~7/Aj,,Pa F4.R000600070001-8 our Government vis-a-vis our relations with other governments. You agreed with that? Mr. MownEn. It ought not to be done and would not be done I do not think that any Freedom Academy or any body which is a study body should have, in any way, that power. Certainly they may try to influence foreign policy as citizens. The students who come out of it may have learned something which enables them to think that this or that. change could well be made in the policy. Then they should publish, where they can, reports and if this Acad- emy had sufficient stature I am quite certain that what they said would ripple out through the country. The people would begin to give credence to what they said. Think only of the foreign element. Look at the new rulers of many of the Afican and Asian states. They are fine people. They are patriots. Many of them have taken great dangers and run the risk of death to make their countries independent, but so far as the world about them is concerned, they are babies. It is not their fault. They have had no o portunity to have any experience and no occasion to study the matter thoroughly. Therefore, many of them are patsies or pushovers for Communist agitators. We learn now that the Government of Burundi, after imagining for a long time that Red China was really their great friend, found that Red China had been involved in a conspiracy to get rid of their government; that was all. So they have now put out the Red Chinese. Had the three or four, or whoever, in Burundi had training at the Freedom Academy they never would have invited the Red Chinese in. As an old foreign correspondent, I submit there is no real sub- stitute for the personal experience of a foreign country. Since policy- makers cannot possibly have lived in all foreign countries, the best they can do is call upon people who have. I furthermore submit that in the daily routine of the State Depart- ment., all too few officials have the opportunity and the quiet, to go away, let us say, and immerse themselves for 6 months-wherever, it doesn't matter-in the Communist conspiracy. They haven't the opportunity. Mr. Rusk gets to his office and I am presuming he finds a stack of reports on his desk. By the time Mr. Rusk has done the stack he calls in the boys from here., there, and everywhere and he sends it around. This is no criticism. This is true of all foreign offices in the world. They need a Freedom Academy on which they could draw, which would argue with them if they cared to have it. There also ought to be, I would say, a part of the Freedom Academy consisting of some of the faculty who might be used, if the President or the State Department cared to, as con- sultants. Their opinions would be asked in view of what they would learn, but that would have to be outside the Academy itself. In other words, Mr. Chairman, I am convinced that the situation is not as good as many of my colleagues and most of the officials either think or simply say that it is. To me the test of whether we are doing well in the war against communism is the map. I remember when communism was restricted to Russia and doing very badly there. It has now spread over a billion people with no end in sight. I point out furthermore that, with the dubious exception of Guatemala which was not entirely Communist, Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Re g 1QQ5% /1A3 j P&J1 JK? 000600072901-8 in no case has the free world recovered from the Communists what they had previously taken from us. In other words, I believe President Kennedy said they go on the theory that "What is mine is mine, and whats yours will be mine, or is part mine." Even in Vietnam today when we discuss a compromise-a com- promise today cannot be successful for one simple reason : The North Vietnamese are trying to communize South Vietnam; the South Viet- namese are not seriously trying, nor are we, to anticommunize North Vietnam. If both were doing this, then a compromise could be to let North Vietnam remain Communist but South Vietnam non-Commu- nist. But no, the whole talk is the compromise between us, who want only a free and independent and non-Communist Vietnam, and the Communists who want a Communist Vietnam. Mr. POOL. May I interrupt right at this point? We had hearings last year, and we had one witness who came here and explained to us how the Communists work in Vietnam. They have a regional office, and their terror squads fan out from their regional office into these villages and terrorize the people. Mr. MOWRER. That is right. Mr. POOL. Americans have a responsibility not to engage in those practices. The Communists have no inhibitions against things like that. I would like to have your comment on what we are up against in formulating our tack in this field. Mr. MowRER. The two greatest experts in Washington on this, with whom I am personally acquainted, are Allen Dulles and General Edward Lansdale. I asked Allen Dulles once when we were sitting together at dinner why it was that the Communists were able to do in South Vietnam what we couldn't seem to do in North Vietnam., and he said, "The answer is quite simple : Terror." If we would resign ourselves to go into North Vietnam and murder all the people who didn't immediately offer to assist us, perhaps it would be counterbalanced, but I trust that we don't feel that we have to do anything of the kind. The other expert on this subject is, as I say, General Lansdale, U.S. Air Force, retired, and why is he an expert? During the years in which the great Magsaysay, of whom I was proud to be a friend, in the Philippines was fighting the Communist Iluks he was assisted and helped in every way by Lansdale as, I believe, first a major and then a colonel. Lansdale and Magsaysay worked out the successful tactics, the hamlet tactics and so on, which eventually suppressed the Huks or reduced them to very small potatoes, though I hear they are coming up again now. Both of those people agreed that meeting this thing is a very special problem; that Mao really had something when he worked out this idea of using soldiers, disguised as civilians, and infiltrating them into the peasants as fish in water, and. so on. And, therefore, I would say that there are only two ways of dealing with this, and perhaps they should be combined, if we are determined we are going to have a free and independent South Vietnam. One is a further expansion of the Magsaysay-Lansdale tactics, which I believe the British used with great success in Malaysia. The other Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For j g{q 2p&?/Q7/ E fi-F TT 46R000600070001-8 would be what we are doing now, trying to make any further subver- sion from the outside, any supplying of the Viet Cong in South Viet- nam, just too painful to be contemplated. Mr. POOL. Ire have no schools in our Government to teach these theories. Is that correct? Mr. MownF.R. I don't. quite understand. Mr. PooL. We don't have courses in these tactics. IVIr. Moi mt. Insofar as it, is not a purely military problem, we should certainly make the Americans familiar with what. the Commu- nists do with the Mao Tse-tung tactics. I was myself, as I say, in the Philippines awhile when this was going on. Our people, for instance, continually report when, by mischance, one of our planes bombs some of our people or some innocent- villagers, and it is lamentable. On the other hand, the fact. that the, Communists never go into a village for the first time without ruthlessly murdering any people they find who are not willing to go along with them is not. stressed. It should be made clear what we are up against. Mr. SENNER. Mr. Chairman. Mr. lfowrer, I am sorry, I wasn't hero to hear all of your testimony. I am very interested in the state- ments that you have made. However, as I understand history, the downfall of Hitler and of his attempted conquest of Russia came about because of the terror and the cruel treatment imposed by the German troops on the Russians. This also is supposedly true, by historians' statements, with regard to Napo- leon's invasion of Russia. What. I can't reconcile in my mind is how can the Viet Cong commit their terror and inhuman treatment. and still be able to win the support from the South Vietnamese. Mr. MowRER. Mr. Congressman, in my opinion as a fellow who has been writing on foreign affairs for 50 years, who has specialized a good deal on studying communism in various parts of the world, this is an example of how hard it. is for a man to understand Communist tactics unless he digs into them. There are I can't tell you how many Communist schools throughout Russia and in China today where especially bright people are indoctrinated, are taught, how to move into a village of generally ignorant peasants with the carrot, with the great reform, the great, wonderful things that, are going to happen if you will only su ,port us against these horrible Fascists and American imperialists, and so on and so on. Look what they are doing today, as I read in the papers, on the American campuses. There is apparently a small new flareup of interest. in communism as a viable philosophy among many hundreds and hundreds of students. If these students can be induced by sly Communist propaganda or, if you like, for the slicer Bell of it-I don % know whicli-to agree that. this is a viable form and desirable form of philosophy, then it ought. to be easier with these peasants. At the same time they also set up immediately organizations which look after the peasants. Let us mae no mistake about that. I would like to jump from Vietnam to Italy now because today, in my opinion, the most remarkable example of Communist influence in any country that is not under Communist rule is in Italy. A few years ago I was sent abroad by the h'eader's Digest to try to figure out and write on how it was done, and I went into the matter very care- fully. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For R) MA /13FRgy~ pP&AW44 R0006000W001-8 I was 8 years a correspondent in Italy and speak the language and so does my wife, and we would go into Communist villages and, while I would talk with the mayor, and so on, she would go into the wives' houses and discuss this matter and kiss the babies and what not. They have set up the most elaborate, slick, and fallacious system of propaganda that I have ever known. Everything is interpreted to mean something that it isn't. Secondly, in Italy the Communists have what I would call a super- Tamman~ political organization. There are whole areas of Italy around I+ errara in the north-you know where it is-around Ferrara and Bologna, where the Communists dominate all the municipalities and they look after the boys and girls. Did you, by any chance, years ago read a very interesting book called The Little World of Don Camillo? If not, it is amusing as well as enlightening reading. Mr. SENNER. Then I take your answer to be that where terror and brutality are utilized by the Communists to accomplish these objec- tives, their philosophy of also taking care of people apparently has given an added something that has been lacking in the Nazi and Fascist movements. Is this correct? Mr. MOWRER. I think it is correct, if you stress the fact that they are training thousands and thousands of propagandists every year. Suz- anne Labin, that French anti-Communist writer, in her last book gives figures that she has painfully acquired on the billions that the two big Communist countries, plus the East European countries, are giving to training experts to delude people into believing that commu- nism is a free, wonderful, utopian society. We have practiced what could be called honest propaganda for the great part. The Voice of America, I believe, is continually in discussion with some Congress- man as to whether or not they should broadcast propaganda or the straight facts. The Communists have no scruples about that. I read their moni- tored broadcast reports which are sent out. They are very educational, and what do they teach me at least? That on the same day Radio Mos- cow and Radio Peiping and Czechoslovakia, and so on, will tell differ- ent stories to different countries-make the punishment fit the crime. This is a very powerful weapon and it is working. There are half a dozen countries on earth today where a Communist takeover could not be excluded, I am sorry to say, in my opinion. Now you will get back: "Is this business in Vietnam, and so on, worth a war, worth killing Americans?" And there you .get to the appreciation of what you think the Com- munists will do once they have taken it over. If you agree with one of my colleagues writing in Newsweek that just because we lose South Vietnam doesn't mean we are going to lose anything else, then you will say, "Well, then, maybe it isn't worth the sacrifice. They aren't sup- porting us too well," all the known arguments. If you agree with me that it is impossible for militant communism to cease trying to expand without being Communist, then you would say the question is whether you make the stand for keeps here. More- over-I may shock some of you-I am totally convinced that sooner or later we will not only have to stop the leaks in containment-and it has been leaking steadily since it was proclaimed by my friend George Kennan in 1947 and is still leaking around in various spot,-,- 47-093 0-85---3 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Aoroved ForRWMS*c2@W057/AS 6b WRMM@446R000600070001-8 we will not only have to make containment watertight, but we will have to go to the counteroffensives. It is necessary, if communism is to wither away, that it be unsuccessful. Nobod ever deserts2 I believe, a political movement, even in the United States, when it is winning. There is nothing like success. We have not been successful. Our successes have been holding a, line. Mr. SENNJER. In following Four colloquy here, and I know it is against your conscience and mine is there a ppossibilityy that we could use more terror and force, play the part of Big Brother and use the ingenuity and initiative of man to follow the capitalistic free enter- prise system? Mr. Ion-au;;. I would think that it, depends on the seriousness of the danger. Nobody deplored more than I did the bombing of open Ger- man cities during 1r%orld War 11 because, having been in Germany, I knew that there were lots of anti-Nazis there who were friends of ours, or who would liked to have been, and whom we were killing ruthlessly. And if you saw Germany just. after the war, you must admit that, to- gether with the British, we did a job. I went back to Berlin, a town where I had spent 10 years, and wandered around in it daze. I didn't know where I was. It was gone. Now relay did we have to do that? Because tlae Germans started this. 'Phey did it first. to Warsaw. Then they did it to Coventry. They broke the Dutch morale in 5 days in 1940, largely by bombing- tlae snuffing out, of Itotterdam. If the thing gets serious enough, if the Chinese come into this, I would have no reluctance whatever to using what countermeasures the general staff decides are necessary. would do it with a sinking heart, but a feeling that it has to be done. I frequently argue with those: people who tell me, "Rh, ah, but we must not use the same things." I ask them, "Did you approve or disapprove of our counterbombardnient of German cities?" "Ali," the say, "that was different. Hitler was a danger." Communism is something like that, and there we conic to the root of it and back to the. Freedom Academy. I believe the Vni(ed States is in a bigger danger than we were on the night of Pearl Harbor. It is not the same danger. The night, of Pearl Harbor I spent a sleepless night, like many of us who had been worrying over this thing, and about dawn turned over and went off with the feeling that we could beat the Japs. Mr. SENNER. Xfr. Mowrer, this is a graver danger, a greater danger, which we face than was Pearl IIa rbor. Mr. MowRnu. We are fighting back, but wwe are not fighting back effectively against communism because Ave are running what they call a carrot-and-stick policy and what I call schizophrenia, a divided men- tal approach to things-it. is a question how long we can go on snug- gling up to Moscow, offering cooperation in important places like outer space to Moscow, and at the same time oppose. Moscow successfully. A totalitarian government can do that because its friendship is un- real, but Americans are friendly people and when we are friends with Moscow it is very difficult. to tell them we don't really believe it. We are just trying, just. a hoj~ e. That, is 'wily, in my opinion, the country is not facing up to the Communist menace and'why I believe that a Freedom Academy would be helpful in (lie matter. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Relgi, ;5/j(1~ :Fqa~W@ai}W00060007"p1-8 The CHAIRMAN. In that connection, last year a State Department witness in opposition to the adoption of this bill stressed the danger of indoctrination. That word was used by him throughout his testi- mony. In other words, the use of this Freedom Academy would result in, or would aid or abet or lead to, indoctrination, and that was the theme of opposition last year from the witness of the State Department. Would you care to comment on that? Then I will tell you about what they say this year. Mr. MowRER. Don't you think there has to be an element of indoc- trination to maintain any sort of civilization? Don't children have to be taught that stealing and murder and rape are wrong? That is indoctrination, Mr. Congressman. I have no hesitancy in indoctrin- ating any American with the fact that a free society is superior to a totalitarian or slave society. If they are afraid of that kind of indoctrination, I should feel very bad about it indeed. The CHAIRMAN. This year, since this is a new Congress and new bills had to be introduced, we did the usual and asked for a fresh expression of views on the part of the State Department. We have the letter here. It has been offered in evidence, but if you don't mind I would point out the points they make and get your views on three or four points for the record. Here is what they say this year. They say : Expertise and operational experience are as important in the formulation of policy as they are in its execution. For this reason, the Department seriously questions whether comprehensive and realistic plans for dealing with the in- finitely complex problems of U.S. Foreign Affairs, can be developed by a new, separate government agency, especially one without operational responsibilities. If you find that passage I wish you would comment upon it from the copy of the letter you have before you. Mr. MowRER. What would you like me to comment on? The CHAIRMAN. On that particular paragraph that is before you there, that "expertise and operational experience." Mr. MowRER. It is not for an old foreign correspondent to say that experience and expertise are not necessary in the formulation of policy. Of course they pare; and, as I say, if all our leading citizens could have had some experience, then there might be no need to do this. If they would all go and live a year in Russia or live a year in Red China, they would not have to do this. It seems to me, as I say, this would be a backing and not a rival to what the State Department is doing and to our diplomatic schools and so on, for the schools, the diplomatic academies, teach diplomacyas such. They cannot give in 6 months-I have forgotten how many months. Does anybody know how long these young men study in these special schools before they enter our Foreign Service? I think it is less than a year; some months. It is impossible to understand the various systems all over the world in this time. Now, he says he- questions whether comprehensive and realistic plans for dealing with the in- finitely complex problems of U.S. Foreign Affairs can be developed by a new, separate government agency, especially one without operational responsibilities. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 ftproved Fo, j ?g 510VgAbG4 Wfi7 446R000600070001-8 The CHAIRMAN. That is the point. They seem to say that without day-to-day operational responsibilities the Freedom Academy couldn't be of a great help. Mr. MowREii. has anybody p~ropposed, as I say, that a Freedom Academy, its president. or its facult , should attempt the formula- tion of Policy or the execution of policy? The CHAIRMAN. But they say that. without day-to-day operational responsibilities, which the Academy would not have, the Academy cannot perform a useful function. That is the point. I disagree with that. 11Ir. Mowmm. If flint were true, then we could never have an army because the President decides the policy that the United States is at war, but, except. in a special case where a move might be strongly political, he is better off to leave the conduct of the war itself to the Joint Chiefs. The Joint. Chiefs are told what the aim of the Govern- ment is and are told, "IIere. you are. Go and do it the best way." It wouldn't occur to me, as one who has worked in I can't tell you how many foreign countries.. who believes the professional diplo- niats are almost. always better than amateur diplomats, to say that operationally the Freedom Academy should have anything to say at, all, but it. should be able to furnish a body of opinion, studies, and have people throughout the other branches of the Government as students. Today they complain that so many different branches of the Gov- ernment are getting into foreign political problems. I believe there is a bill before the Senate now that has something to do with foreign aid, but this is Iargely not a technical problem, whether or not we give foreign aid. It. is a political problem, This is not exactly com- parable, but this is something which a Freedom Academy could help on. For instance, are we giving foreign aid as a weapon in the cold war-we are certainly giving military aid or are we giving it as pure charity, or are we giving it in a half-and-half way, believing that raising standards will necessarily help us since-what. is it?-a fat Communist is less dangerous than a lean Communist? I think, if I may say so in this particular case without seeming critical, that we cannot. forget too soon that the State Department has lavished for- eign aid upon a man called Nasser of the I. nited Arab Republic, upon another one called Sukarno, that we. gave a great deal of help to the Poles, hoping that they would break away and form another Tito. None of these has come about, There is being created throughout Africa and Asia it number of regimes with a part tally tribal existence, ono-party states, that. are almost indistinguishable from Nazi Fascist philosophy. They are totalitarian. Certainly one of the things we need is not just comment from friendly liberal professors who say, "Well, it doesn't matter whether Ghana has any democracy or not. They will." Well, will they? There is no evidence that they will unless you are talking in terms of decades, centuries, and so on. Therefore, I would certainly stay that it should be set, up in the bill and in the Freedom Academy that I would like to sec you create that we should not make policy or attempt. tsp. The CHAIRMAN. They make the point. in this letter that. the Free- dom Commission bills propose that the executive branch on a large Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Rel g?1g /q1 : ]q&SWQ 4fM00600070@P1-8 scale undertake the mobilization of private citizens, domestic and foreign, to fight the cold war and also the systematic orientation of our citizens against communism. Then the letter makes this statement : While it is very useful in certain circumstances to train private U.S. citizens and foreign nationals, our primary need-and hence our first priority-is to improve in all possible ways the training of government personnel involved in the day-to-day operation of our foreign affairs. So they say that while it might be all right in certain circumstances to give private citizens and foreign nationals thorough grounding in communism, the great need is the training of Government personnel involved in foreign affairs operations. The State Department doesn't seem very enthusiastic about having anyone train except Government personnel. What are your comments on that statement Mr. MOWRER. Yes. I think in the first place that most bureau- crats, if you will pardon the expression, would consider it very nice if the citizens would take their word for most things without con- troversy. I do not think that that is compatible with our system of Government, nor do I think that you can win a cold war without the support of an overwhelming majority of our citizens, and that sup- port should not be merely passive, "papa knows best," but it should be an active support. The cold war is in my opinion a real war and, as I said before, could be more dangerous than a fighting war, because in a fighting war you have to stand up and live or die, but the cold war can go by default, can go by little concessions; therefore, the more need for having en- lightenea citizens with the right that Americans maintain for them- selves, and I hope forever will, criticize any policy they don't like, to suggest alternative policies in any field. Believe me, as one who has written, as I say, for 50 years on this and spent more than 27 years abroad in various countries, the belief that the diplomat abroad knows more about the country than the foreign correspondent is great error. In most countries I would rather go to the foreign correspondents to find out what is going on than I would to the U.S. diplomats, for the correspondents are not handi- capped in getting around- by protocol and all the people they must talk to and all that kind of thing. In the second place, as I tried to point out, we have repeatedly been wrong through too much reliance upon day-to-day operators who are not in the position to learn what is necessary to make these decisions. The State Department recognizes this. They not only have opera- tives and embassies and everything, but they have a planning bureau. I was delighted when they brought in a planning bureau, but the Freedom Academy is not supposed to do that in my opinion. (At this point Mr. Senner left the hearing room.) Mr. Congressman, it comes down to this. President Johnson has asked for a consensus. I hope he gets it, but does he want a consensus of sheep, or does he want a consensus of convinced people who have had access to the facts and who have thought out the conclusions and agree with him? The Freedom Academy would help provide the kind of people enlightened in foreign affairs. May I say one thing more? Having specialized most of my life on foreign affairs I am still appalled by the Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 i proved Forifthmm 26(15I07Aftz) A-R D)446R000600070001-8 93 indifference and apathy throughout the great American people to foreign issues except when they rise to the level of a crisis, when there is nothing to do but fight or die. We cannot maintain our position in the current world until enough Americans get the understanding of foreign political issues, get the same understanding of conflicting policies and regimes that they bring to domestic affairs. All of you, as elected people, realize that you must never count on the stupidity or ignorance of your opponents in local matters, that they are pretty smart cookies and they know pretty well what is going on in Pikesvillo or Pittsburgh. We have to create enough people who will know and follow moves. I play chess. I am not a chess champion, but I follow clhampionshi chess games with some understanding and great enthusiasm, because have played enough to understand the moves and see what it. is all about. We have to create a knowing public. One last word, if you can let me have it. As I understand from read- ing Mr. Possony's testimony, in which I thought he outlined extremely well most of the things which the Freedom Academy should do and there is no need for me to repeat this, the Freedom Academy would also invite Government officials from other branches which have had no op- portunity to learn about these things, financial people, for example, for our financial and our political problems are tied up so closely in this that nobody can tear them apart. The CHAIRMAN. Do you visualize the possibility, and maybe the de- sirability, too, that perhaps administrative assistants of Members of Congress could attend this institute! Mr. Mowiirii. Mr. Congressman, if I were an elected representative of the American people who had spent my life in domestic affairs and was told that I could spend 3 months when Congress was perhaps not in session by attending lectures on certain subjects in a Freedom Aca- demy, I certainly would do it right off. The CHAIRMAN. Finally, the State Department makes this point. It says that the bills raise the problem of Federal control inasmuch as they authorize the Freedom Commission to prepare, make, and pub- lish textbooks, training films, and other materials for high school, col- lege, and community level instructions, and to distribute this material, and so on. Then they say : The Department doubts the value of any effort to centralize and standardize the dissemination of information in such areas. This would appear to be a marked departure from the traditional role of the Federal Government in the field of political education. I would like you to comment on that. They are touching a sensitive Amerien concept.--of the Federal Government not controlling schools and colleges, and so on, that we all agree with, but then they use this argument ino position to this institute. Do you see any validity to that objection on their art? Mr. Mowrmn. Do you think that the opposition is based on the fact that this would be in any way a Government institution? The CHAIRMAN. They raise the issue that, since the institute could publish books and so on, the dissemination of that information to the citizenry would indoctrinate or would lead to Federal control of Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For RelVflW5/93j1 ,:},.~I~-6g9M00060007(ff1-8 teaching, inasmuch as these publications would find their way into colleges and high schools. Mr. MowRER. Point of order. May I ask a question? The CHAIRMAN. Yes. Mr. MowRER. Is it not true that the Federal Government supports Howard University? The CHAIRMAN. Yes; through the Department of Health, Educa- tion, and Welfare. Mr. MowRER. Certainly. I think the greater part of the money is given by the Federal Government. Yet, so far as I know-and I have a friend who is a professor there-the Government has never attempted to tell Howard University what it was to do, nor has it said that the publications by professors in Howard University were documents of the U.S. Government, or let me give you a better one perhaps The CHAIRMAN. They may draw a distinction between Howard University and a congressionally created Commission. Mr. MowRER. If the Government is not in education in Howard Uni- versity, it need not be in education in the Freedom Academy. Let e give you another example which is manifest. Surely, politically Me British are a broadly democratic people and they certainly shoot off their mouth with the greatest freedom about the government and everything else. Yet the BBC, though entirely supported by government money, is absolutely independent of government pressures. In fact, the di- rector of the BBC is now in dutch with several of the leading poli- ticians for allowing certain people to make statements, and he has made it perfectly clear to the government that this was the basis on which the BBC was set up and once they entrusted him with running it he was groing to run it. There is a problem, of course, that there could be an encroachment over there, but there can be an encroachment by any government over anything else. Some people think there is too much encroachment in the United States today and some think not enough. The CHAIRMAN. Do you think the answer might be in the quality of the personnel who run this institution? Mr. MOWRER. I would think that a study of the organization and independence of the BBC would be fruitful in this matter. Since I haven't got the full details I don't want to say any more, but I do not think that this need encroach in the slightest on freedom of education. The CHAIRMAN. Or lead to Federal control? Mr. MowRER. Certainly not. Here we spoke of indoctrination. All my life I have been considered more or less of a maverick who has sometimes gotten himself into trouble by shooting off his mouth too soon where lie shouldn't, and therefore I would be the last person to say that at the Freedom Academy they should inculcate, indoctri- nate, teach a single attitude toward communism or anything else. For instance, I don't object to having Communists lecture at our universities, provided they are labeled Communists land it is perfectly clear that they represent the Soviet Union or China or the Trotskyites or the monkey businesses instead of representing the United States, for I reiterate that it is impossible to be a good Communist and an American patriot at the same time. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 ,BOproved ForAefeass 2005AO7ft&bCAt4 iQ446R000600070001-8 Mr. Icilolanm Mr. Chairman. The CiiainM:AN. Yes. Mr. Iciioian. The bells have sounded over in the House for a quorum call and I have to leave but I want to take this opportunity to thank you, sir, for appearing 'iefore the committee. I think you have made an outstanding statement. and you have made very many genet. iting comments upon the problems confronting our country in this field, and you made an excellent witness. I do want. to thank you very much for your appe a-rance. Since you are here--you obviously have a profound knowledge of our prob- ms in the cold war- I would like you to comment, if you will, upon the so-called Chinese-Soviet split. I would like to have your analysis of the split.. Mr. klownim. This is my personal view ? Mr. Iciioan.. Yes. Mr. Mowiuxu. I think that it is a mixture, of the theological disputes of the Middle Ages and the power disputes of national states of all times and the personal rivalries of people who, the higher they get, the touchier they become. I think it is all combined. I do not. think it is fraud because, in my own estimate, it. started not where some of the people say, but when the Soviet. Union stopped helping Red China make nuclear weapons-- I believe the date wits 1958-and when the Chinese got nasty about it they withdrew all the Soviet technicians from all over. Stalin was not a man to'tolerate a rival. in fact, to one who vas in Moscow in 1936 when Stalin was busy liquidating all the former Communists, including his own closest buddies, it. was perfectly obvious that there was no place not. only in the Communist world, but in Russia itself, for anybody but. the great. Stalin. Mao considers that lie, practically alone among Communist people, though helped by wartime conditions, managed to establish an inde- pendent Communist. country, and he more or less deferred to Stalin. I I do not. consider, however-I awn almost convinced-t.liat the split will ever go to an open break, at least under present circumstances, and I will tell you why. In 1937 and 1938 when I was in an open-and-closed conspiracy against Adolf Hitler, I found an ally in the British Foreign Office, Sir Robert Van Sittaart., the permanent Secretary General, who was doing his level best to convince the conservative government that. Hitler meant business. He never succeeded. But. era became very close, allies so much so that. lie used to let me see the British reports so I could write better stuff about what. was going on in Germany, where I couldn't go, but we always differed on one point.. Van . itt.art said, "Mussolini and the, Italians don't like the Ger- mans. We can divide the Italians from tlie. Germans." And, in my opinion, it was not so much Sir Samuel Hoare, but the advice that Sir Samuel got from his first assistant, Sir Robert. Van Sittart, that brought the so-called Hoare-Laval plan to settle the trou- ble in Ethiopia by a compromise, the British hoping somehow or other, by making these compromises that they would induce the Italians not to form what became the home-Berlin Axis or, even when it was formed, to break it., Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For RelggVli5JW/13 iIbbWF?Q000600073901-8 I always argued against this, largely on the basis of personal know- ledge of both Hitler and Mussolini, but also on the following thesis. Hitler was determined to create the great new Third Reich, 400 million strong, by absorbing East Europe and the Russian Ukraine. Mussolini was determined to create the Empero Romano, the new Roman Empire, stretching God-knows-where, around the Mediterra- nean. Both of them had based their whole political life on the realiza- tion of these things. Hitler's only justification for being there was to create this monstrously great new German state. Mussolini's only justification was that his rivals were pacifists, they didn't realize it took Roman grandeur, and so on. He had to make a new Empero Romano. It would seem to me perfectly obvious that neither one could succeed without the help, or a ainst the opposition, of the other, and therefore I predicted to Van Sittart regularly that they would not come apart until perhaps they had taken all they wanted and it came to dividing the swags. Then, of course, there is opportunity for any amount of disputes. At the present time, the Soviet actions, as distinct from the Soviet talk, show a determination to spread communism by subversion and propaganda wherever possible. I don't have to tell you people that there are a dozen countries where there has been found evidence, of direct Soviet help, Cuba and the rest of them. The Chinese are determined to spread communism throughout Asia, preferably ahead of the Soviets and so on, but neither one of them can succeed if the other one drifts apart or opposes it. Therefore, just like two second-storymen engaged in a little job, they may quarrel while they are on the ladder, but they are not going to fight each other or come apart, and this is to me so simple that I would think even sophisticated diplomats could understand it. Mr. ICiIouD. Thank you very much. Mr. POOL. Very well put. The CHAIRMAN. Thank you very much, sir. We will recess until 10 a.m., tomorrow morning. (Whereupon, at 12:35 p.m., Wednesday, March 31, 1965, the sub. committee recessed to reconvene at 10 a.m., Thursday, April 1, 1965.) Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 HEARINGS RELATING TO H.R. 470, H.R. 1033, H.R. 2215, H.R. 2379, H.R. 4389, H.R. 5370, H.R. 5784, AND H.R. 6700, PROVIDING FOR CREATION OF A FREEDOM COMMISSION AND FREEDOM ACADEMY TBITRSDAY, APRIL 1, 1965 UNITED STATES HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, SUBCOMMITTEE OF THE COMMITTED ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES, Was ,gtaa, D.C. Asubcommittee of the Committee on Un-American Activities met, pursuant to recess, at 10:20 a.m., in Room 313A, Cannon House Office Building, Washington, D.C., Hon. Richard H. Ichord presidingg (Subcommittee members: Representatives Edwin E. Willis, of Loui- siana, chairman; Richard H. Ichord, of Missouri; and Del Clawson, of California.) Subcommittee members present : Representatives Ichord and Claw- son. Committee member also present : Representative Joe R. Pool, of Texas. Staff members present : Francis J. McNamara, director, and Alfred M. Nittle, counsel. Mr. IciioRD. The meeting will come to order. The purpose of the meeting this morning is to continue the hearings on H.R. 470, ,H.R. 1033, H.R. 2215, H.R. 2379, H.R. 4389, H.R. 5370, H.R. 5784, and H.R. 6700, several bills concerning the establishment of the proposed Freedom Academy. Inasmuch as neither the chairman nor Mr. Ashbrook will be able to attend the hearings this morning, the subcommittee has been changed. I will read for the record the letter of designation of the chairman of the full committee dated April 1, 1965. Mr. FRANCIS J. MCNAMARA, Director, Committee on Un-American Activities: Pursuant to the provisions of the law and the Rules of this Committee, I hereby appoint a subcommittee of the Committee on Un-American Activities, consisting of Honorable Richard Ichord and Honorable Del Clawson as associate members, and myself as Chairman, to conduct hearings in Wshington, D.C., commencing on or about Thursday, April 1, 1965, and at such other time or times thereafter and at such place or places as said subcommittee shall determine, on the following bills proposing passage of a "Freedom Commission Act," and auy other similar bills Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 38 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION which may be referred to this coi,imittee : II.It. 470, H.R. 1033, H.R. 2215, H.R 2379, H.R. 4389, II.R. 5370, II.R. 5784, and I1R. 6700. Please make this action a matter of Committee record. If any member indicates his inability to serve, please notify me. Given under my hand this first day of April, 19M. /s/ Edwin E. Willis, EDWIN E. WILL 8, Chairman, Committcc on Un-American Activities. The first witness this morning is our colleague, the distinguished gentleman from Florida, Mr. Gurney, who is the author of II. H. 4389. Mr. Gurney, we are very pleased to have you with tis today. STATEMENT OF RON. EDWARD I. GURNEY, U.S. REPRESENTATIVE FROM FLORIDA Mr. Guxxim Mr. Chairman, I certainly welcome the opportunity to appear before the committee on behalf of this bill. First of all, let me say that my role here really is to indicate my full-fledged support of thisbill rather than to edify the committee about the bill or its contents or the problem it seeks to meet. I say this because I ant well aware of the fact that extensive hearings have been held by this committee in prior years and that you, Mr. Chairman, and other members who have sat on the committee in the past probably know more about. the, bill and its problem than do I, because this is one of the special areas before this coninittee--this great problem of fighting communism. Then, too, of course, the bill has had extensive hearings before appropriate Senate committees. I do have a little special interest. in this legislation which is a bit different from other Members of Congress. Air. Alan Grant, who hatched the idea of the Freedom Academy, is a constituent of mine. He is it lawyer in Orlando, Florida, the city next to where I live. I have known him ever since I have been in Florida and, as a matter of fact., was a member of his initial group way back in 1950 that- under- took to begin some courses of instruct-ion on a voluntary basis on com- munism in the local high school in Orlando, so I do have a personal interest in this legislation. Actually the idea, as you know, was born well over a decade and a half ago and was proposed by Mr. Grant- to the executive branch of the Government as early as 1954. It met with some favorable reception at that tinie, and other unfavorable reception, and it was never pushed too hard in those years by the executive department-. Later on, of course, it was introduced in the form of authorizing legislation in the House and the Senate in 1959. Hearings were held in that year and the year after, and in 1960 a Freedom Academy bill actually did pass the Senate overwhelmingly, but was not acted upon b T the house. I think it is worthwhile to note here that the Senate committee in reporting out. the bill made this comment-: "The committee considers this bill to be one of the most important. ever introduced in the Con- gress," and then amplified that feeling in their report. Leading Members of Congress have not only introduced the bill both in the House and the Senate, but have supported it, and so have other leading figures in this Nation, both in ('government and out of Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 39 Government. Many magazine articles and editorials have been written in the leading news media in the country supporting the bill, so it isn't a new idea. It is considered by a great many people in the Nation, and leading figures, as a very sound idea. Without, as I say, trying to go into the ramifications of the bill, which I know you are aware of-and the committee hearings in the past are replete with arguments pro and con-I would like to express my feeling here in favor of the bill in this perhaps, overall large sense : That I feel, as well as other Members of Congress, that in the eternal struggle of the so-called cold war between this Nation and the free world and the opposing Communist forces, we are steadily on the losing side. We make some gains and advances; we score some victories. But it seems to me, overall, that perhaps communism is defeating us in this struggle between our way of life and theirs and that while we have some weapons that we have used in this fight, such as foreign aid and, let's say, the Peace Corps, and while these weapons have been partially effective, nonetheless, they have not been a complete or a successful weapon in this struggle, in this cold war. We need new weapons to successfully win this war with communism. While we have magnificent weapons in the military field and superb Armed Forces-certainly we exceed the Communist ability there-I think on almost every front in the realm of ideas, and that is really what we are talking about here in this cold war, we have not used the potential that I think this Nation possesses. This idea of the Freedom Academy is this : It is to develop a weapon in the idea field in order to fight more successfully this cold war. The Communists, of course, have used ideas very successfully for years. Certainly in any struggle of this sort, which has perhaps a potential for hot war in the future, and right now we are engaged in the war in Vietnam in this struggle, it is far better to resolve the struggle and the outcome, if possible, by ideas than it is by bullets. Perhaps one of the best illustrations in this field which took place many years ago in history is the old story of the Trojan horse. In- stead of storming the walls of the city, the Trojans built this horse and put themselves inside and got the thing wheeled in the city and took the city in this fashion. Essentially, this is what we are talking about here. We need to develop new ideas so that we can fare more successfully in this battle against communism, and the Freedom Academy is a new kind of weapon. As you know, Mr. Chairman, what the bill does, of course, is estab- lish an Academy, a school, where people are specially trained in the background and the history of communism and would be taught methods of fighting this psychological war. The bill would establish a school that would be a research center so that we would have a resource in the Nation which would gather material on this whole sub- ject of communism and this cold war. Certainly it would serve as a receptacle like a library for collecting all manner of material on this subject. We have academies for other things. We have service academies to train our young men to take their places in the various branches of the Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 40 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION armed services. We have many other academies in this country for all kinds of things, which train people specially for one walk of life or another walk of life, and essentially this is all we are talking about here, the establishment of a school to cope with this very special area of fighting the cold war. I have read the hearings held before this committee and the Senate committee, and the hearings point up the fact that we do not have this kind of a resource in the Nation today, and this is another reason why I think we need this desperately. So I say, in summing up, that this Nation ought not to be afraid of establishing a Freedom Academy, of passing this legislation to probe this new idea of fighting the cold war which we are ever waging against communism. And I think if we do this we will have a new resource and a weapon in the cold war struggle against communism. I would like permission to file a further formal statement with the committee, Mr. Chairman. .l Mr. Iciioiw. Without objection that permission will be granted Mr. Gurney, did you introduce a bill dealing with the subject during the last session of Congress? Mr. GURNEY. I think I did. Mr. Iciioiw. For the record, is your bill identical with 13.R. 2379, introduced by the gentleman from Louisiana, Mr. Boggs? Mr. GURNEY. I was talking to Congressman Clawson about. this earlier. Actually, Mr. Chairman, I have not compared my bill with others and I can't answer your question. . Mr. IcHoi m. I presume that you did have discussions with Mr. Grant on the bill ? Mr. GURNEY. Yes. Mr. Iciiorm. And yours is probably the latest version as proposed by Mr. Grant's committee Iand the latest version was incorporated in .Ifs. Thank you very much, Mr. Gur- H.R. 2379 introduced by Itr. Bog neyy. We appreciate your contribution to the work of the committee. Mr. Clawson, any questions? Mr. CLAwsox. I would just, like to ask one. From my superficial knowledge of these bills to establish a Free- dom Academy I have this question : Do you envision the program to be also a counterespionage activity in Communist countries? Mr. GURNEY. I am sorry? Mr. CLAWSON. Communist subversion rather than espionage, per- haps try to convert. Communists to our side? M. GURNEY. I think the main purpose of the bill, Mr. Clawson, is actually to develop a school to research in this whole area of com- munism-what it means, its background, its history, its objectives, its methods of fighting--so that we would have a school with library resources and faculty resources which would contain as much informa- tion as possible on this subject in this Nation. That would be one purpose, so that we conduct effective research in this area.. The other purpose would be schooling and training stu- dents in the school. These students would come from Government certainly, and all levels of Government.. They also would come from the private sector of the ITnited States because we need people in our Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For R ai @;0 7/A3mgi*d @ 4SR00060001d001-8 schools and from other walks of life who understand more about communism, and they need a place to go to find out about it. These are the two main reasons for the bill and for the legislation and for the school. It really isn't so much an operational part of the Government as it is a teaching part of the Government. As far as the operational part is concerned, I think that appropri- ately lies either in the Armed Forces or the State Department or the CIA or some branch of Government like that. Interestingly enough and I was amazed to discover this as I read the testimony that has teen taken in previous years, there is an amaz- ing lack of knowledge in this country not only about communism, but there is no central place to get information about communism. For example, in Florida in recent years our legislature enacted a law which required instruction about communism in our public schools, and our teachers were hard pressed to find a place to go to prepare themselves to teach this subject. There is very interesting testimony-I can't remember whether it was before this committee or before the Senate committee either last year or the year before by one of the teachers in Florida, who obviously was a very intelligent, capable, dedicated teacher, who deplored the fact that he had no place to turn to, to find adequate source material to teach this subject. It is amazing in a country with the educational resources that we have. There is another interesting bit of testimony along these same lines that came out-I think it was last year again-where a South American student in this country, obviously very concerned about the advance of communism in his own country, wanted to find a place where he could go to learn specially about communism, its background, its methods, its objectives, so that he, in turn, could go home and carry the message to his country. He couldn't find any place to go. Mr. CLAwsoN. I have heard statements about what we are going to use this acquired knowledge for and what the purpose is going to be. How do you think this is going to be used and under what circumstances and conditions is it going to be used? Mr. GuiiNEY. I would say this would be true, in direct answer to your question : That the knowledge acquired will be used to under- stand better and to fight more effectively the Communist threat to this Nation and the free world. Mr. CLAwsoN. Thank you. Mr. Ionoiin. Thank you very much, Mr. Gurney. Mr. GuiiNilY. Thank you. (The formal statement submitted by Mr. Gurney follows:) STATEMENT OF HON. EDWARD J. GURNEY, U.S. REPRESENTATIVE FROM FLORIDA The idea for a Freedom Academy to combat cold war communism is a decade and a half old. This committee is well aware of the exhaustive work done by Alan Grant, Jr., of Orlando, Fla., who over these past 15 years has done more to promote this, idea than any single American. It was Mr. Grant who started this work with a small group known as the Orlando Committee for a Freedom Academy. It was Mr. Grant who first caught the attention of the executive branch of Government with his idea in 1954. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 A roved For' @ktt2B08/O7/1i&E R 00446R000600070001-8 I am personally acquainted with Mr. Grant. In fact, I was a part. Of his group who lectured on communism in the Orlando High School a decade and a half ago. Since that time, Wore than a dozen bills to create this Academy to combat cold war communism have been extensively debated, yet none has ever passed both Houses of Congress in the same session. Sponsors of these bills have included Republicans and Democrats whose po- litical philosophy range over the entire political spectrum. These include, over the years, Senators Case, Dodd, Douglas, Fong, Gold- water, Hickenlooper, Keating, Lausche, Miller, Mundt, Proxmire, Scott, Smathers, and so on. In the House they have Included, besides myself, Congressman Herlong of my own State of Florida, Congressman Ichord of this committee, Congressmen Boggs, Gubser, Judd, Scbweiker, and Taft. Private support has conic from numerous outstanding citizens. To name just two who have appeared before this committee: Dr. Stefan T. Possony, director of International Political Studies at the Hoover Institution in Stanford, Calif., and Dr, William Kintner, professor of political science at the University of Pennsylvania. The first legislation on this subject was Introduced in Congress in 191.9. In 19G0, the Senate passed a similar bill overwhelmingly, but the legislation never got out of committee on this side. The report of the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee, adopted by the full Senate Judiciary Committee said, in part: "The committee considers this hill to be one of the most Important ever intro- duced in the Congress. * * * " The major objective sought by this bill Is to establish a research and training institution to cope with the threat of cold war communism. The research arm would include a complete library, indexing publications on communism and Its history. To impart this knowledge we would gather all the top talent available, our top brainpower on communism and the motives driving it. We would train our Government personnel, our private citizens, and foreign students. This Idea for a Freedom Academy has received favorable comment from the news media. There have been scores of editorials written over the years urging this "new weapon for democracy," as It was labeled by Reader's Digest. The reasons we desperately need this Freedom Academy are many. First and foremost, we are losing the cold war with the Communists, We fight communism on some fronts, already. We have a foreign aid program which is supposed to at least check the spread of communism, if not actually roll back the borders. We have the Peace Coals working for us, too. But these are not enough. We need to roll out new weapons. Fight fire with fire. In the armament field, we think nothing of spending millions of dollars on an experimental. weapon which may be obsolete before It gets off the drawing board. We have superb missiles, planes, tanks, guns, and soldiers. We have the best economy in the world. But the Communists have a huge arsenal of weapons. They have something, else to employ. They use ideas, propaganda, to sway millions to their side. Their emphasis on this aspect of the cold war is probably even greater than their stress on their armed forces. In this century, our Communist adversaries have made a science of revolution- ary strategy. They have learned the rules of penetration thoroughly. They have marched ahead In their ambitions, but not without meticulous care and precision. Our way of life Is being severely tested by communism and Its cancerous tentacles. As Dr. Possony has so ably stated, both political parties have been guilty of negligence in meeting the Communist threat; both parties have given lipservice to this menace during election time, but little more. How do we go about closing the "propaganda gap" which has been widening to our disadvantage? I strongly feel the Freedom Academy concept is the vehicle to launch our efforts in this field. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For ReIIg9Q?/q-13A: PJ&V ~000600070,"1-8 As has been brought out in previous testimony and outlinedbriefiy here today, we are doing something in this field, but it is far too little and too fragmented. The Freedom Academy, a research and training institution, would erase the disjointed efforts in this field and replace them with a cohesive unit, capable of providing in-depth courses about communism. Objections to this Freedom Academy have been voiced, principally by the State Department. For that matter, the Government has come up with its own proposal to establish a National Academy of Foreign Affairs. But this would only serve to compound the problem, not solve it. The mere fact the executive branch has recognized a need here and has proposed its own academy bears out the urgency of the situation. But it seems quite likely the State Department is afraid some of its jurisdiction will be usurped by the Freedom Academy. This is not the case at all. The State Department already has existing training programs for its personnel, and I'm afraid an Academy of Foreign Affairs would serve only as an extension of these schools. That will not meet the problem we are facing. In fact, that is an en- tirely different problem. The Freedom Academy would not deal with foreign policy, which is State's responsibility, but would be for the sole purpose of under- standing Communist cold war tactics and techniques, through its classes and instructors supported by its library. We cannot fail to try this Freedom Academy Idea. If the executive branch doesn't want it, we should make it an arm of Congress. We must make a start in this field, or the Communists are going to continue beating us, and beating us badly. The Freedom Academy, an information center or university to train our able, talented young people, can be the first step in the right direction. In closing, let me give the following as an example if I may. We could take a lesson from Mao Tse-tung, the Red Chinese ruler. He has written the "bible" used in guerrilla warfare. We should study and respect his writings-this man who was successfully fighting Chiang Kai-shek in the jungles 40 years ago-at least respect his writings on tactics to be used, not his principles or his ideology. We must comprehend his teachings and apply his techniques-fight fire with fire, where possible. If we don't we're lost. We may as well roll over and play dead. Our dilemma is somewhat akin to that facing the bullfrog, as the story goes. If thrown into a cauldron of scalding water, he would quickly leap out, thus saving his life. However, when placed in a pail of tepid water which was slowly heated to the boiling point, the bullfrog perished. Khrushchev said, "We will bury you." Unless we wake up soon, that won't be necessary. We'll bury ourselves in our own complacency. Unless we get started, the new Kremlin bosses can update Khrushchev's state- ment to read, "We will not bury you. You will do it for us." Our very survival as a free nation may well depend on what this, committee does in coping with the global threat of communism. Mr. ICHORD. The committee is honored to have with it this morning a distinguished Member of the other body, Senator Karl Mundt of South Dakota. Senator Mundt, it is a great. pleasure to have you with us today, sir. I might state for the record that Senator Mundt is a sponsor of Senate bill 1232, a Freedom Academy bill presently pending in the other body. (At this point, Mr. Clawson left the hearing room.) Mr. ICHORD. Senator Mundt for several years has been a leading ex- ponent of the Freedom Academy concept, being one of the sponsors of Senate 1869, the first Freedom Academy bill that was introduced in the Senate on April 15, 1959, and I believe passed the body in 1960. It is a great pleasure to have you as a witness, Senator Mundt. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Y pproved F OW4WeF(VOk/g~LI;6191 T#P0446R000600070001-8 STATEMENT OF HON. KARL E. MUNDT, U.S. SENATOR FROM SOUTH DAKOTA SENATOR Mt1NDT. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. It is a pleasure to be here. I come to you as an alumnus of this committee, where I spent almost 10 happy years, dating back to its original chair- man, Martin Dies of Texas, and served through the hectic early days of the committee's career, and I am glad to come back. You have developed swankier quarters than we had up on the fifth floor of the Old Ilouse Office Building when I used to be here, and I suspect. that the erudition of the committee has advanced as its sur- roundings have improved. But in all events, I am delighted to be here for several reasons, and I am Kapp to be here immediately following Congressman Gurney, of Florida, because I come to talk to you about a concept which I believe had its inception in Florida in the first instance. As a matter of fact, I first became familiar with the challenge pro- vided in this legislation by stud ring the legislation introduced by Congressman Herlong. Ile, and I think Congressman Judd, together, introduced the original version of this that has gone through many evolutionary stages. It did, as the chairman has said, pass the Senate overwhelmingly in 1960, but unfortunately too late in the session for the House to give it due consideration and.deliberation. We now have it. before us again. It is before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, which is a badly overworked committee, and, while we held extensive hearings last year, we did not. have an opportunity to devote sufficient time to mark the bill up and bring it out. We hope to do that this year. However, I come here to express the hope that, this committee and that the House of Representatives in this session will take the initia- tive and act. on your version or a version of the Freedom Academy bill in the first place. I think we can then get it, passed in the Senate. without too much difficulty because this is a crying need. I would like to see it originally brought. out. from this committee because as a longtime defender of the House Committee on Fn-American Activities, I am aware of the kind of criticism which is leveled against it every time appropriations are required or every time some disenchanted witness decides to throw his barbs at the committee: "Well, this is just an investigating com- mittee. It doesn't serve any legislative purpose. It just wastes a lot of taxpayers' money. What. did it ever produce in the way of legislation ?" (At this point. Mr. Clawson returned to the hearing room.) SENATOR Mt'NDT. We have one great big important feather in our cap as devotees of this committee because the first. 17 sections of the Internal Security Act of 1950 were. written in this committee. It was known for a while as the Mundt-Nixon bill. It came over and be- came part of the McCarran bill of the Senate, but there it is, 17 sections of it, written primarily by this committee. They still are there. They are the law of the land, and it was the first piece of legislation passed by this Congress to deal comprehen- sively with the Communist situation and to provide the mechanics of Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Rel I?/( 3A: RgW6J 1JJ9 000600070J81-8 registration and the mechanics of disclosure so important to dealing with that kind of internal menace. I think you have an opportunity in this legislation to pass a bill which is far more important even than that one was, and that is be- cause I can think of nothing more important than to try to mobilize the expertise of this country into an intelligent and effective contest against the Communists in those areas of the world where we meet them cheek to jowl in nonmilitary competition. There isn't anybody who can deny the fact, and this goes for the people in the State De- partment also, that we are losing the cold war in most of the places where we meet in that kind of competition, and it is encouraging that the Department of State, which originally looked this over and said, "No, we don't like it," finally said, "We will have a Perkins commit- tee make a study of the problems and they will give us the proper kind of reinforcement so we can say, `No' convincingly enough so Judd and Herlong and Gurney and Mundt and Douglas and your committee, and our committee will get off our necks and quit talking about it." Well, the Perkins committee made a study and to the embarrassment of the State Department, instead of saying, "Your Foreign *Service Institute is doing the job," they said, "The Foreign Service Institute is failing miserably in this area of instruction." Something new must be added. Something new must be done, and we are living in a dream world if we actually believe that you can continue to send American amateurs into foreign countries to engage in competition with Communist professionals with sticcess, because in this day and age amateurs don't win anything very often in com- petition with professionals, and the American Baseball League and the standing of our Senators in that outfit pretty well prove that point. You have to have people who are trained for the job. So I would like to see this committee take the initiative and really put another feather in your war bonnet by coming to grips with the problem and getting this legislation on the floor, where I am sure it will pass, forcing it over to the Senate; and start at this time in the House, because this is the type of 'thing that to the all time credit of this com- mittee will strike a real blow against un-American activities all over the world. I have a prepared statement that I will skip througgh, but I wanted to say that as 'a preliminary, because I am proud of the record of this committee. I am proud of the work that you are doing!.' I am.en- tirely conversant with the kind of abuse you get. I suffered it for 10 years myself. I had the Communists picketing our apartment down at Capitol Towers for the better part of -3 years, as long as the Internal Security Act bore the name of Mundt and Nixon when it was going through the House. When it got over to the Senate, it bore the name of McCarran so the Communist line dispersed, but the 17 sections were there. Our country, I think we can all admit, has experienced a tremen- dous decline in international respect since 1943. At the end of World War II, due both to our leadership toward victory and to an accumu- lation of international prestige built over the decade, this country oc- cupied an enviable stance. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved F RS gae yg0q/( Al g& GM90446R000600070001-8 4b It was liked, admired, and trusted to a degree even by conquered nations, and we had the one great. Military Establishment intact- in the whole world. Now what has happened? Wliy has the world deteriorated? You can't. point, your finger of blame at any individual or any individual policy. But when that, kind of historic demonstration is before us, it seems to me that alert Americans ought to ask themselves why and what can we do about it. We spent, $100 billion in foreign aid in over 100 foreign countries and the dividends continue to brine de creasing results, and looking at. the picture as a whole we are disap- pointed at. what was achieved. This country today is being popularly blamed by much of the politically conscious population of the world fora great. share of the misfortunes of the world. We have failed so miserably that when the United States under this administration launches a rather humane kind of offensive in South Vietnam by using riot gas to disperse Com- munist installations-the same kind of tear gas, the same kind of riot gas, used by the police departments in every community of this coun- try, the same kind of tear gas and riot. gas that. bankers buy and put. in bombs to chase bank robbers out; it leaves its victims a#ter a few hours completely as well as they were before, is much more humane than shooting with a BB rifle in the face, or a pistol or a 22 rifle or modern small arms or hand grenades or bombs-tile whole world-the Communists, the neutrals, our friends--condemns the United States and accuses us of returning to barbarism and using poisonous gas. Now look at the other side of the coin. Just a few days ago the Communists out of North Vietnam moved in and bombed our Em- bassy, killing civilians, killing women, killing children, a completely barbaric attack. Show me the foreign country which has come to the support of the United States and publicly said, `"This is barbarism. This is a terrible thing. The Communists are launching an attack against innocent noncombatants " Don't expect the Communists to condemn the North Vietnamese. Where are the neutrals? They are not speaking up for us. The peo- ple who condemned us for using tear gas are not. condemning the communists for killing women and children. Even our friendly coun- tries, our associates, and our allies in the Western alliance say nothing or say very little against that kind of attack. There is nothing wrong Something is wrong with American policy. l with American attitudes, nothing wrong with the American idea , nothing wrong with the basic concept that we provide a lot of foreign aid and leadership and help the free world get stronger, resist the en- croachments of imperialistic, aggressive, atheistic communism. No- body really believes we are imperialistic. Nobody really believes we are trying to superimpose any religious creed or a political philosophy on anybody. We do this out. of all abundance of good will and out of some im- pulse of self-preservation, and we get attacked. The reason is in my opinion basic and fundamental, involved in conditt one tctehis ar and islation can correct and which are not going which are not correctable without. something along this line. And why there should be this st ubborn sense of pride on the part. of the State 1)epartnient to resist all idea because they didn't think of it Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Rp)R,M3Q0p697/13FRg,ORRDFR000600049001-8 first? You didn't think of it first. I didn't think of it first. I don't know whether Alan Grant thought of it first or somebody down on the Orlando Committee thought about it first or some happy Florida college professor, pepped up by drinking orange juice in the morning, thought of it first, but somebody got the idea. I think it is a corking good idea, and here is a chance to do some- thing about it and I am appalled at a State Department which comes before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, of which I am a member, and when we say, "What is wrong in Saigon? Why can't they maintain a stable government?" They say, "The military is all right. These little fellows are good fighters, but they can't develop a civilian government. They can't have stability among the people governing the land. They don't have any trained people under the top leaders." Think of it. This is their testimony. This is how they try to defend the fact that they don't get anyplace : "The military does a good job, but the civilian government, led first by one leader of South Vietnam and then by another, in the lower echelon are untrained. They are unskilled. They don't know how to run the machinery of freedom." And we ask them, "Then, you as a State Department are primarily. responsible for the collapse of South Vietnam because you have blocked the only-the only-effort to provide that kind of training for those kind of people." That is where we stand. You can correct it. We can help correct it. I think that perhaps some of this reaction to America is inevitable because we are rich and because we are powerful, but I don't think that reaction is automatic, because I think that sometimes wealth and power have traditionally elicited respect., more commonly than hatred. Peo- ple have migrated to this country by the tens of millions because they admire our wealth and our power and our system, so it isn't something of which we should be ashamed. More than that has to be involved. The United States has expended these efforts outside our borders now for a long time, about 24 or 25 years I believe since we passed H.R. 1776, the lend-lease bill. I was a member of Sol Bloom's House Committee on Foreign Affairs when we passed the thing in its first inception. It was to last. 2 years, and now it has lasted 24 or 25 years, and we get abuse instead of acclama- tion for what we are doing. (At this point Mr. Pool entered the hearing room.) SENATOR MUNDT. I think we have waited too long to come to grips with the basic problem. We have become an international scapegoat, despite our generosity, and it is more difficult to turn somebody who hates you into a friend than it is to avoid causing the person to hate you in the first instance. I know that we realize the United States does not deserve this hatred. We have done more in a sincere effort to cultivate friendship than anybody in the history of the world and we have reason to hope for better reactions and we have reason to feel that we are entitled to them. Our fault has been a failure to comprehend what makes the other peoples tick, to understand their philosophy, their background, their psychology. We have concentrated on one problem-foreign develop- Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Ap oved For A",2 10%/lqEEgaff A46R000600070001-8 ment, economic aid. We have done very little effectively to encourage the propagation of attitudes friendly to our interests or to utilize assistance to best further our own interests. This isn't just a matter of straight information. When I was in the House of Representatives, we passed Public Law 402 of the 80th Congress which provided the mechanics of information, the Voice of America, the mobilized libra- ries, the libraries on sites over there, the whole program of student exchanges. This was fine, straight information, but there is failure- and Mr. Clawson was touching on that point a moment ago in talkin g with Mr. Gurney-to understand the people with whom we deal and to understand the job our people are supposed to be doing over there. They fail to get the job done primarily because they fail to under- stand thoroughly, as experts should, the whole challenge of our day and age and what precipitates it.. We seem to depend strongly on rationality. We are practical; we attempt to disseminate information on a straight information ap- proach. The other fellow uses propaganda, which is a more effective selling technique. In developing areas of the world, we increasingly confront Com- munist antagonists who compete for allegiance, or at least tolerance, among the same host people where our diplomats and our Americans are housed. The Communists elicit emotional responses, where ours are rational responses. They are evangelists. We are practical sales- men. They offer with development activity a dogma, a creed, that Packs emotional substance aloe with rational approach; that is, they build dams and spread a world view which helps people torn away from their traditional ways of life and their homeland by the impact of the dam to adjust to the new life. In this view propa gated by the Communists of course, the United States is the world s fundamental evil and when we build dams we simply flood people out of their homes with no regard for human beings. Somehow our people have not been able to study their hosts in the intensity required to understand how to appeal emotionally as well as rationally. The question of race supplies an excellent example. We go into the situation as democratic people who believe that all men are created equal, should have anequal opportunity, but we fail to translate American concepts in terms of people of different races and different attitudes and different areas to make them appeal to them in the kind of atmosphere in which they live and with the type of associates with whom they commingle. So while we work Bard to bring benevolent change to hundreds of millions of people, the Communists exploit the insecurity and the threat to individual identity resulting from our and their efforts at. economic development. The Freedom Academy bills before your committee propose inten- sive basic research, first of all. They propose an effort to master an academic discipline fairly new to us-nonmilitary warfare, in which we have been engaged with great futility for 17 or 18 years. This discipline involves the understanding of emotional and psychological processes of differing Peoples. People from different national back- grounds are motivated by different stimuli. To erect adequate de- fense against nonmilitary aggression waged against, our interests, we seriously need this understanding. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For R p gI3RO?( 7/A13Fizg#RPR R0006000 ?001-8 Our social sciences, of course, in this country lead in this direction, but they are incomplete. Their material is not put together and uni- fied and integrated and related to the attitudes and the minds and the mores of the people in the host countries where we meet the Commu- nists toe to toe and one or the other is winning and one or the other is losing in an economic war and in a political war and in a propaganda war. People base their attitudes and judgments on cultural values that they know. Differences are apparent even within the United States. People from different areas often build and hold to different values. Maine is quite different from Arkansas. Translated outside our gen- eral culture, this raises fundamental problems. How well do our people comprehend the effects of American activity in different cul- tures when we have no concentrated effort to understand their cultures? Part of the problem is the inclination to apply knowledge gained in social sciences by observation and measurement among one segment of human civilization to other segments where such information does not apply. Africans act differently from Americans. Apparently Laotians act differently from Vietnamese. Certainly Chinese act dif- ferently from Russians, even though they both claim adherence to Marx. Knowledge about differing national and racial characteristics is diffuse. It is not systematized. You can't read it in a book. We need an institution like the Freedom Academy to systematize it and to dis- seminate it among persons who can utilize it in our own interest. I have talked to many American diplomats. "How much training have you had in the job of defeating communism in the area where you are going to do the work? " The answer : A day, 3 days, a week, 2 weeks. It is a tremendous challenge. They ought to study it as hard as a dentist studies a tooth before he puts up a shingle and says, "I am a dentist and I can take care of human beings." We cannot assume that other people think like we do. We should learn how they do think and determine how to apply that knowledge to our interest. Our antagonists utilize such knowledge to undercut governments friendly to us, to subvert independent nations, to mobilize youths, to get mobs to burn down our libraries. They are motivated to do things which they shouldn't be doing because the Communists have made a study of what it takes to motivate the people in that particular country about the kind of problems that confront them. The Communists know something about their target people. They appeal to hatred, to grudges, to resentments, to discontent, to idealism, to ambitions, whatever motivates them. They appeal to the poor to rid themselves of exploiters, and they label us the exploiters. They appeal to the young to institute justice, and they label us as the manu- facturers and portrayers of injustice. We need the same knowledge about what motivates these people to help to improve their defense against such tactics, for their defense contributes to our own defense. What is in this Freedom Academy bill, then, which is applicable to what I have been talking about? I would like to outline a few factors in the proposed legislation which are potentially responsive to the challenge. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Ag-oved ForPA4kWa2 0A7/niA FV&a46R000600070001-8- 1. This institution would not be encumbered by the traditionally highly specialized structure of social science. Instead of economics, sociology, political science, linguistics, and the many others, each maintained in a separate compartment., the whole lot would be unified in a shape applicable to this analysis of various cultures. The whole world then could be contemplated, as well as men can do it, in a unified and not a highly diversified way. Such comprehension would allow for more thorough instruction than is now available on the imine- diate problem. It would be a better answer than the State Depart- ment's casual comment that. they can get it at. Princeton, they can get it at Ifarvard, they can get it at George Washington, they can get it at Georgetown, they can get it at. American University. They are not getting it.. It. isn't taught anywhere. The question is should they have it, or should we send out. amateurs? 2. It. would permit research into subjects now ignored. How non- military warfare or guerrilla warfare is fought would be analyzed, for example. We have a War College for military warfare. We don't even have a kindergarten for nonmilitary warfare, and this year we will continue spending in the long pull in this economic program. If the economic cultural program fails, we have to fight a. "hot" war. This is the waging of peace, but we don't have a kindergarten where they teach how to avoid the war they hope never to fight.. They have war colleges all over the place. They have military academies, air academies, merchant marine academies, and a war college in town; nothing for the fellow who wants to be able to develop an expertise as a peacetime representative fighting in the cold war for the. U.S.A. 3. As a pioneer in research and training in areas not now familiar, the Freedom Academy work and methods might., where successful, serve as an example for imitation by other institutions. Maybe it would make it possible for some of the great universities of this coun- try and colleges to improve their own programs. I heard what Mr. Gurney said. They require them to teach what communism is, the true facts about. communism, in Florida. They have a difficult time getting a textbook. You can get one written by a crypto- Communist that makes it sound better than it is. You can get one written by some extremist in the anti-Communist field who makes it sound like something which it is not. But to get an objective, intelli- gent, analytical basis, it is very difficult to find a text written either for colleges or high schools. 4. TheFreedom Academy could lead to better comprehension of our own Government and of executive branch processes in foreign affairs as they are related to the problems of combating communism in foreign countries. 5. The Freedom Academy could organize, verify, and systematize ideas and data and concepts from throughout the world, from every possible cultural situation, and apply them to our interests, so that those who go there to represent us in the foreign country would know something more than about the geographical facts, something more besides the population facts, and the rainfall facts. They would know what it is that makes people operate in that area, what motivates them, what their dreams are, what their ideals are, what their fears are, what their history has led them to support. or to fear. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For R l CIRQ05fU/A3 eMP69EN&MiBR0006000$Q001-8 6. It would better situate us to keep pace with world change. As change occurs it would be observed and evaluated as part of the con- tinuous research effort. Since we passed the Voice of America pro- gram in this Congress, originating also in the House, in the 80th Con- gress, the vision of America throughout the world has become more im- portant than the Voice of America, the utilization of television and community screens and the whole Pandora's box of opportunity that television provides. We are playing with it as though it were a toy. We have done a good job with radio, not very much on television. People can believe what they see, and we can get a story across through the use of the various opportunities of television. 7. It would provide information helpful to private business in main- taining good relations with host governments and peoples abroad. American corporations all over the place have fine junior executives stationed in virtually every foreign capital of the world. They are eager to help in the fight for freedom. They are motivated not only as patriotic Americans; they are motivated because their job goes out the window when the Communists walk in the door. They are motivated because their corporation might be expropriated. The corporation, the one that pays their check, is pushed out of the country and they lose their job. Self-preservation is the greatest mo- tivating factor any human being has ever had anywhere. They are motivated by self-preservation plus pretty good Americanism. They would like to help, but a lot of them :develop into the "Ugly American" and they are hurting us. Why? Nobody has trained them. Nobody has given them the background. They know what to do to sell Buick automobiles, aspirins, and Coca-Cola, but they don't know what to do about serving Americanism. Even President Eisenhower one time when asked by Khrushchev, "Tell us the difference between com- munism and democracy," said it was too difficult a question to translate. Every American ought to have an answer to that one quickly, which is right, which is sound. He has to get it some place. He has to understand it and an American shouldn't speak like a Babel tower with a thousand different explanations of the difference. We ought to understand it so well that you can say it with the same validity that you talk about the Constitution and what is the 10th amendment or the 5th amendment or the 1st amendment. 8. It would bolster our defense and the defense of nations not unfriendly to us in resisting Communist nonmilitary aggression. 9. It would teach Americans to understand the factors which moti- vate the Communists and would identify the best means to counteract that motivation and to help advance democratic processes instead of communism, one of the most difficult jobs I could never quite master after serving almost 10 years on this committee on which you serve so well now-what is actually motivating a Communist? I asked it of Alger Hiss. I asked it of Elizabeth Bentley. I asked it of Whittaker Chambers. They are smart people that could make a success in any area. "What in the devil makes you work for the Com- munists?" And their eyes glitter and they have a sense of mission and they themselves believe they are somehow serving a good cause. They don't do it for money. They don't do it for power. I am talk- ing about these people in our country, like the three that I have mentioned. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Aproved For446R000600070001-8 What motivates Communists? We ought. to know that and get, the demotivator in operation and try to motivate them with a better ideal, a religious ideal, an ideal of the brotherhood of man, the equality of opportunity, and the American dream. But first we have to under- stand that. these are just not a bunch of people going out because they are paid. They are prodded into supporting the Communists. They have been misled. They have been brainwashed, gentlemen, by some of the greatest psychologists in the world. You know what they talk about with respect to Dr. Pavlov and his dog and the condition of saliva, not a condition of mind. The whole Communist approach is based on the conditioning capacity of the human mind and how you operate it., and our people overseas ought to understand that. We should know how to condition people in freedom. Let. me conclude by saying that I think that the training in this Academy would primarily include three categories. You are familiar with them. The first is what. I have been talking about, the intense training of people from our own Government who work in foreign affairs, how to give them the tools they need to achieve the objectives that they hold in mind. Second, there would be training for Americans engaged in non- Government activity, in the private sector. Read the sorry State De- partment substitute evolved from the Perkins commission report which they put in as a backfire to the Freedom Academy concept. They don't even approximate anywhere the concept of giving people in the pri- vate, sector a chance for 90 days or 9 months or some other period of time, who are going to serve a lifetime overseas to become volunteers in this great crusade for freedom by giving them the training and the equipment. We have been told by employers the would love to put their em- ployees in hero with their expenses and Iet them learn. They would love to have them learn the common goal which we have, but there is no place they can go. We wonder why we don't win the cold war. We haven't even begun to fight with the troops available. Third, the United States would, at long last, establish a litical training center for foreign nationals who are either favorable to our values or who want to stop or avoid Communist subversion in their countries. We have identified six schools to which young Communists can go in China or in Russia or in Yugoslavia anbecome ex[~erts in the conveying and portraying of communism. There is no enlace, no place, a young Vietnamese civilian who wants to develop stability and permanency and continuity in government in Saigon can go to get it. The French, don't have it.. The British don't have it. We don't havo it. If lie wants to be a soldier fighting in the ungle, we can send him to the United States. We will train him and send him back to fight.. If he wants to be an aviator, we will train him. If lie wants to be a navigator, we Will train him. But if he wants to be a statesman, if he wants to maintain stable government., if lie wants to set up democratic processes, we say, "You can go to college someplace. We can get you a scholarship. Go to Harvard," or some other school. And it helps him and it. is good, but he doesn't become expert in this field. It is a little remnant of the days Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For,9 2P9/&7/ t. - 7 h446R000606670001-8 of a long time ago when we had a sort of inter-American training con- cept so that young bureaucrats, civil servants from Latin American countries, would come up to this country and serve in the various offices here that they served in there, and I have addressed, and maybe you have addressed, some of their commencement exercises. It is good for them. They learn a little about the census if theylare in censud work or about agriculture if they are in agriculture. Vey don't have any place to go to learn about the existing menace. We have been trying to do the impossible. We have been trying to win with amateurs against people who have been carefully trained. Citizens of non-Communist countries who would like to benefit by appropriate training simply cannot find any place in the world an in- stitution to which they can go. May I conclude by saying I honestly believe this is the most im- portant legislation this committee or this Congress has ever had. Its passage, I believe, would benefit freedonr and promote permanent peace more than any one thing that Congress could enact. I ask permission, if I may have it, Mr. Chairman, to include at the end of my remarks three recent statements I have made on the floor of the Senate about the Freedom Academy' Mr. ICHORD. Without. objection permission will be granted and, Senator Mundt, I want to take this opportunity to thank you for your very valuable contributions to the record on these bills. I would state to you that it is the intention of the committee to conclude the hear- ings next week'and we will definitely take action on this legislation and make a final disposition of the same. You have talked considerably about the South Vietnam problem, and today we are concerned about the escalation of what is going on now in South Vietnam into a full-scale military war. I sometimes think we have forgotten that over the years the problem in South Vietnam has escalated from the nonmilitary field into the present situation. SENATOR MUNDT. It is a most perceptive observation and absolutely correct. Mr. IcxoRD. On February 24, 1965, we had a discussion on the South Vietnam situation, led by Mr. Gallagher, a gentleman from New Jersey a member of the Committee on Foreign Affairs; and the gentleman Irom Florida Mr. Fascell, also a member of the Foreign Affairs Committee, made a very interesting observation which I would like to read into the record at this time, and I quote : The Vietnam and Cuban problem emphasizes the continuing difficulty that the United States and the free world have in dealing with a new concept of international politics which has been evidenced by the Communist world. We no longer have fixed lines in the old military sense. That went out many years ago. We no longer have a direct or overt crossing of a boundary line by a recognizable armed force. We no longer have a clear-cut definition of what is armed, overt, or just plain aggression. This requires us on the free world side to maintain more than military flexibility. A standard, flexible, or new. military response appears to be insufficient to a problem like the one we are facing in Vietnam, despite the fact that we are committed to a military response and may have to respond in even a greater degree. But we have not solved the basic problem of how to deal effectively in nonmilitary terms with what is commonly called subversion either military, economic, or political. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Appi ved For R Witaflbl 41W/13g a; QPcgNpp 46R000600070001-8 We are willing and should be willing to commit the necessary manpower, materiel, and resources to meet any military threat, but we must also look one step ahead and be working to obtain those solutions which will permit us to deal effectively with subversion without being forced Into a partial or full mili- tary response. I think, Senator, that we will all agree that we are not succeeding in meeting effectivelyy the subversion, the political warfare waged b the Communists. How do you consider the Freedom Academy will operate? It will not bean operational body as such. SENATOR MUNP'r. No, I don't envision a university campus and a set of buildings or a formal situation like that. I envision instead a train- ing procedure, many times operating in the form of seminars under the general aegis of the Freedom Academy Commission and that, in the main, its faculty members will be recruited from knowledgeable people in Government, some from outside of Government. I suspect they will have to have sore chancellor or chairman or president to sort of direct the operations, but a fairly good analogy is the way the War College operates. It doesn't have a campus. It doesn't have a football team. It doesn't have a college yell. This is a place where people go to get the kind of training they need. I envision that as far as the training procedure. The research business will have to be done by experts. It will have to have a library to which people can go to undertake certain assignments. There is a young man who is going to be assigned to the Congo, let's say, by General Motors or by Coca-Cola. For his career and to be- come just as expert as he can in this problem, he. is going to attend a class with Congolese background, but under knowledgeable direc- tion. He will be given this whole understanding so before he goes he will know first of all, and I think this is paramount, exactly what the Communists are doing there to try to undermine us and how they operate and to what what impulses and motivations and aspirations they appeal when they go to their Congolese hosts, everything that they do. And they would not I believe, Mr. Clawson, engage in cotuiter- espionage, but they would engage in countercontacts against these operations, trying to offset them. That would be part of the job, to try to defeat this thrust. that the Communists are making in their cultural and propaganda and economic activities, and also to get- on the. offen- sive, to do things which, if they succeed, will be highly embarrassing to the Communists, which will show Their system up for the failure that it is. They become experts trained over here, as I say, in seminars and private tutelage, research, by bringing to bear in dial particular case the best genius and ability that we have. Mr. Iciroun. The Academy would also not be a policymaking body. SENATOR 111uxnT. It would not. We strictly say the State Depart- ment is that body. air. Ieiioiin. It might throw suggestions of policy to the Department. SENATOR MUNiYr. There might be suggestions, but not the niachinei,y for inlementing our policies. I .don't believe really that our failures abroad have come because our policies are bad. I think our policies generally are pretty good. I think our failures have come because, to be frank, the State Depart- ment has not made the effort to use the techniques available today to Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 55 meet the problems which confront them. They are somehow or other sealed in the 19th century concepts of diplomacy, which used to work all right, but they just haven't grown up to the new challenge. As I said to the Secretary of State before the Foreign Relations Com- mittee about 3 months ago-21/2 months ago maybe-"Dean, we are all trying to do the same thing here, but you have a fearful respon- sibility. If this thing fails now and this triggers off a great atomic war, the State Department is going to be cursed by people the rest of their lives, because they haven't even developed the machinery to try to develop the stable civilian central government, which you say is in- dispensable to military success." And maybe it wouldn't work, but we have been in this thing for 5 years. Suppose we tried 5 years ago and brought in 500 South Viet- namese civilians, servants, in government each year. We would now have 2,500 people who were trained to understand the discipline of democracy rather than the compulsions of communism, who would understand that the function of a bureaucrat or a civil servant in the central government of Saigon is to be loyal to his country and to work with whoever is in control of his government, not to try to figure out some way to upset, the fellow and put somebody else in and keep con- stant turmoil going. A public office is a public trust, not a license to steal, not ,,t position from which you can promote your own personal or political or private fortunes, but a place to develop these concepts of service, patriotism, that public servants have in our country. Mr. IorroRD. Senator Mundt, the Academy will be both teaching, training, and also conducting research. SENATOR MUNDT. That is right. Mr. IcTioRD. New means and methods of fighting successfully cold warfare. SENATOR MUNDT. The chairman has stated it exactly correct. Mr. IcnoRD. Then what do you think would be the most important contribution that the Academy could make? SENATOR MUNDT. It is hard to evaluate them on a priority basis, Mr. Chairman, because we are dealing in a field which has been so com- pletely neglected. I honestly believe if we were just going to do one single thing this would be a colossal mistake. I think it would be perpetuating the failures of the past, but I think the greatest glaring weakness on the whole free side of the world is the fact that a young Filipino or Vietnamese or Congolese, a young or old civil servant abroad, newly involved with all the responsibilities of running a demo- cratic state of some kind or another adapted to his climate just hasn't any place in the world he can go to learn to run the machinery of free- dom. He can learn to be a preacher or a doctor or a dentist or an agrarian, but no matter how deep his dream or how high his hopes, there is no place he can go and learn precisely what you have to do to operate the machinery for freedom in the world in which Communists continue to try to encroach upon you and undermine you. So I think I would have to place that at the top, but I would hate to put it on a priority basis. You can build, I think, equally strong arguments of the other aspects of the Freedom Academy complex. Mr. Iciioim. Mr. Pool. Mr. PooL. Senator, I came in late and I don't know whether you, covered this or not, but Averell Harriman in testifying before this Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 56 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION committee last year brought up one objection to the Freedom Academy in which he said that it woud be Federal control of education. I would like to hear your comments on that. SENATOR MUNDT. Yes. That same point was made in our Senate hearings. Personally, I can't we any basis for than In the first place you start. out here, talking now about the first two sectors, for Americans, private or public figures, you are dealing with people who have been pretty well educated. Most of them are college graduates, I hope, before the State Department brhigs them on board. They have their academic training. They have been through high school, grade school, and they have been through college. This is teaching them in techniques, and they come under a certain control of Federal discipline, Congressman, the minute they take the oath of office as a Foreign Service officer. Their job is to carry out the policy of the President and the State Department and the Congress. All we are adding to that. is, here are the tools with which you can move on it. As far as bringing in the foreigners are concerned, they raised the objection, "Well, this might be considered some kind of propaganda." Well, so be it. I guess in a world in which the forces of propaganda are arrayed, unless we do something to propagandize our cause we are not going to win it.. They are doing plenty to propagandize theirs. We take people who want to come over. We don't go out and recruit them or solicit them or sign them up because they are good football players or boomerang throwers or something else.. They come over because they want to learn about our way of life, and "Here it is, Chum. You can take it or leave it. This is it," and give them an opportunity. I don't think it is serious reason for people to vote against the Freedom Academy concept. Mr. Poor,. You can draw an analogy also between the service acad- emies. You can say that is Federal control of education, but it is a necessary thing that we have defense and this is part of our defense. Senator MUNtrr. You make a very good analogy there, and there is even more danger, if you are worrying about Federal control there, because they are teaching at the college level. We are at least get- ting people who have gotten out of the college and have gone to the college of their choice. Mr. Ienotm. Would the gentleman yield at this point? This year, Senator Mundt, the State Department made this state- ment in opposition to the bill, and I read : Expertise and operational experience are as important in the formulation of policy as they are in Its execution, For this reason, the Department seriously questions whether comprehensive and realistic plans for dealing with the In- finitely complex problem of U.B. foreign affairs can be developed by a new, separate Government agency, especially one without operational responsibilities. The Department seems to be saying that before you can possibly formulate any policy you have to be in the operating field. I don t quite understand the point the Department is making there. It would appear to me that the Department would have the point of view that the colleges today which are conducting research for the Federal Gov- ernment and also for business are not capable of conducting research into business, into governmental operations, because they are not in the operating field. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 57 SENATOR MUNDT. I am glad the chairman prefaced his statement by saying, "It would appear to me," because it is a statement which is certainly subject to a lot of interpretations. It is not very clear-cut It is written by a fellow who is accustomed to discussing some diplo- matic blunder overseas and who can say it in language you can read any way, certainly not a very succinct or concise statement. Mr. IcuIORD. Perhaps the State Department doesn't understand the true concept of the Academy. It is not an operational body. SENATOR MUNDT. Right. It appears to me they are simply saying something which isn't the fact. We are not trying to develop the poh- cymakers at the top level. We are trying to develop the operational people to carry out the policies. I suspect the State Department, which is criticized for lots of things, thinks we are trying to criticize the policy. It isn't that at all.. The policies, we have to believe, made by Americans are generally going to be good. Mr. IcuoRD. Of course, the Department may feel that the Academy will intrude into their traditional area of responsibility and authority. SENATOR MUNDT. True, and it is going to expand the circle of ex- perts and maybe some of these operational people will grow up to be policy people some time, and I think that. might be good for the country. Mr. IcuoRD. That certainly wouldn't be operating within the State Department field. SENATOR MUNDT. Not at all, no. Mr. ICHORD. Go ahead, Mr. Pool. Mr. PooL. I have one other question which I asked yesterday. This witness last fall from the Army was testifying about Vietnam. He was telling about the regional offices of the Viet Cong and where they sent out terroristic gangs to go into these villages and if they didn't agree with them they murdered the mayor or the leader, and he recited many things that the American people would not countenance. It would be against our morals to do things that they do. I don't believe that we can just give up and say, "Well we can't operate that way." I think that a Freedom Academy could do research and find methods to combat that type of activity, and I would like to hear your com- ment on that. I am sure you have thought about that. SENATOR MUNDT. Yes. I am glad you mentioned the village anal- ysis, because we were discussing with Maxwell Taylor and some of the other people from the military and the State Department over at the Foreign Relations Committee one day what our general approach was to this problem of the underground operation down in the Me- kong Delta. And they mentioned they have built a large part of it on the village concept, which you discussed, that you develop a little village government. They develop a compound. The peasants work in the daytime and come back at night. They have an orderly system of government, but they have been unable to develop methods for screening out the subversive elements that creep in. They haven't been able to develop an adequate police force to protect them at night and they do get down through the compound and murder the village chief and parade through the village with his head on the end of a stick, and that discourages somebody else from running for mayor. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 58 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION So I raised the perfectly innocent, question, "flow do you train these mayors? Where do you get them? how do you train these municipal governments?" You would think I asked them a question in Chinese. They never hoard of such a thing, the idea that you are going to have sonic place to train them, another look at places you can send them in this country to train. You could send them to a municipality to train them and, if you had it systematized as you would tinder this Freedom Academy concept, you would at. least let him know "If you are going to be a good mayor you have to have a police department." You experts in this field of subversion in our country have staff members, and you yourself are competent to say some of the things they have to do to be alert to the subversive elements from the Communist Party who are going to try to weasel their way in. Actually I think it is a cruel thing to say, but we haven't made an intelligent try at winning the conflict in Vietnam with peaceful meth- ods. I have no particular criticism of the military methods. This is a tight, spot they are in. But. I shed crocodile tears that we have wasted years and we haven't been training these village chiefs and these mayors and these civil servants, Mr. POOL, And we are getting into the basics when we think of those problems. We have to have a way to do it, and this Freedom Academy, the way I envisage the Freedom Academy, would have a curriculum to work on that, problem and also to find out whom they are going to train and how they are going to train them. I am sure there is an answer to any type activity on the Communist side if we just work at it and do research and have experts in the field to work at. it, and we don't have any schools in the United States doing that. at the present time. SENATOR uN[)T. This is right. Mr. POOL. As you said a while ago, it is a bunch of amateurs and we can't win with amateurs. SENATOR Murrnr. You are absolutely right. Mr. IcnoRn. Mr. Pool, the Senator made a very interesting observa- tion before you came in about the tear gas situation in South Vietnam. I, like the Senator, was completely astounded at some, of the people in the United States speaking out against. the use of tear gas, as I un- derstand to be the case, not by the United States, but by the South Vietnamese themselves, who when they are out pursuing an enemy, the Viet Cong, and go into a village, rather than going into the village and bombing the entire villa's and perhaps killing all of the innocent villagers, they go out ancsubjeet then to tear gas or nauseating gas, whatever you call it, and they are able to take the Viet Cong in a more humane way and save lives. SENATORMux[Yr. In that. connection, Mr. Chairman. I had an inter- esting letter just the other day from a dear friend of mine back home, a minister of the Gospel, just. giving the administration the devil and castigating it from one end to the other for even using the barbaric weapon called gas, so I wrote him. I said, "Look, as a Republican I don t like to spend too much time every day justifying the acts of the administration, but let nee ask you the question. Suppose you had been Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For RR ,&;Q0 ,7/13FR , D f R00060003A001-8 the target. Would you rather have been gassed with tear gas and be feeling all right a few hours later, or hit in the back with a bullet or hit on the head with a club?" Well, he thought it over pretty carefully and he said, "I guess maybe the administration wasn't so wrong on that." The publicity was bad. Mr. IcIroRD. I was talking to an enlisted member of our Armed Forces the other day who was also astonished at the reaction in this country. He merely pointed out in his training he and many of the boys were subjected to tear gas by being placed in a building where tear gas, a nauseating gas, was exploded, and usually about 50 percent of the boys before they got their gas masks on were overcome by the gas, particularly if they didn't know how to get the gas masks on effectively. Does the gentleman from California have any questions? Mr. CLAWSON. Just one or two : Senator, you provoked a number of questions in my mind over the establishment of the Freedom Acad- emy and our activity in this direction in order to win the global struggle which you have described, and you have indicated to win is necessary. May I ask one very simple question? Do you think peaceful coex- istence with communism is possible? SENATOR MUNDT. Yes, because the alternative is global atomic war, and I would hate to get into that pessimistic camp, so I think it is pos- sible and I think it is possible to win. All of us believe our system is infinitely better. Our selling tech- niques are not as good. Our methods of winning the people are not as good. It is more difficult to translate the aspirations of free men into the minds of aborigines than it is the immediate rewards of commu- nism, but it is not impossible. What brought all our ancestors to this country in the first place as immigrants? It was this American dream that we just have to take over and sell to them and make it possible for them to do. Mr. ICHORD. I take it the Senator is not so hopeful that the Com- munists will change in, and of, or by themselves. SENATOR MUNDT. No, I certainly do not. I think we have to set them back, and with all our fumbling, we see evidences that they are lagging behind in consumer goods over there in meeting the needs of their own people. They are finding it more and more difficult to keep their satel- lites in line. With a little intelligence muscle applied, I think we could have won this thing in the last 17 years and not spent as much money as we have. Mr. CLAWSON. I am not nearly as optimistic as you apparently seem to be, looking at Christianity in the past 2,000 years and the ability, in a peaceful way, to sell what we believe is right. We have had dedi- cated evangelistic type of people who are selling. You indicated a period of possibly. 5 years experimenting with this. SENATOR MUNDT. About what? Mr. CLAWSON. Five years. SENATOR MUNDT. No; I said 5 years in Vietnam. We have lost 5 years of opportunity. Mr. CLAWSON. I misunderstood. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For kqgW;20Q?/Q7/ k pg446R000600070001-8 Senator MuN-DT. No; I don't think we are going to have peaceful coexistence with Communists and defeat them in 5 years. Mr. CLAWSON. No major inroads are going to be made within the period of 5 years. I am afraid what you are talking about is a total global struggle. Mr. Pool.. It could very easily be a hundred years. SENATOR MUNDT. Very much. Mr. CLAWSON. This is a long-term program. The State Depart mint has indicated in correspondence that I have had with them, and this hasn't been verified, that they are now doing many of the things that you are talking about with respect to the Freedom Academy in connection with foreign assignments-their economics, society, their geography, their culture, their language. All of these things are being taught, so to speak, before they are ever assigned to a country. SENATOR MLTNDT. They are pecking away at it. They are not making any experts. They are giving a very short period of time in the Com- munist techniques. We are talking here now not just about taking these American officials who go overseas, whose job it is to represent us, and giving them a quickie course in these things of 30 days or so. We should take the time. It may be 6 months; it may be 9 months; it may be a year; it may be longer, depending upon the complications involved, but making them experts in this field. Mr. CLAWSON. What guarantees would we have that we would be more successful? Would tests be given and this'sort of thing? Some of our training today is certainly in capsule form and it is thrown at them in doses that. years ago would have been considered perhaps totally impossible to be absorbed by the people who are taking these courses. SENATOR MuNDT. This is right. They would be screened out. They would be tested. This is the seminar or academy concept., that you train people and explore how successful we have been. Mr. CLAWSON. This could have been in the existing program? SENATOR MuNDT. There isn't any such existing progr,im. There is no place for the foreign national to cone, no place for anybody in the private sector to cone, no place where they have done the research in the place to get. the raw material with which to teach, having for them the kind of experts, advocates, and tutors required to do the kind of job we are thinking about. It isn't. here. First, you have to have, as in any school, a teacher and it background and a textbook and the research and the know-how and then the ability to impart it to the people who need to absorb it. The Foreign Service Institute, you say, now does a good ti of teaching them the language, does a good job of teaching them thee. economics of the situation, the population statistics, the kind of seasons that they have, does it good job on how to try to maintain security for your records and how you transport the innumerable cables that. go back and forth, but it doesn't even get into this thing, in the depth required and the depth achieved by their Communist aersaries. We are forced by the kind of com- petition we meet over there to use professionals, in my opinion, to will. Mr. IciioRn. In that respect, if the gentleman will yield, last year Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For R p gi]RQ0 t7/A 3FR 9-QRD UMOR000600006001-8 we had the State Department testifying on these bills and the Senator has made a statement in reference to the Foreign Aervice Institute. Of course, we don't have a complete record as to what the State De- partment is doing in this field-and I might point out that much of it have in the record-but n regard tote Nat owouldn't be nal Academy of Foreign Affairs, I got the idea.-- SENATOR MUNDT. You mean for foreign nationals? Mr. ICHORD. The National Academy of Foreign Affairs recom- mended by the State Department. SENATOR MUNDT. Yes, I see. Mr. IcnoRD. I got the idea that the State Department in that bill had borrowed many of the concepts set forth in this Freedom Academy legislation. They did make it possible to train private citizens, for example. I know they don't contemplate doing it on as large a scale as contemplated by these bills. SENATOR MUNDT. This is correct. After their first testimony in op- position to that as their bill has evolved, as ours has, they have brought some of that in, and I am not a stickler, whether you call it an Academy of Foreign Affairs or a Freedom Academy. The Foreign Service Institute which they now operate isn't doing the job and the commis- sion they appointed to collect the orchids to pin on the breasts of the State Department came back with brickbats and catcalls. The Per- kins commission jarred it, and then they began to move in this direction. Mr. ICHORD. I would like to ask the Senator how you envisage the information center operating. There has been some question about the advisability of such a center being established. SENATOR MUNDT. Yes. This would operate much along the same line that the Voice of America information service and the U.S. Informa- tion Service, and that means that they limit what they provide to the needs of the people who are qualified to function and to operate the activities of the Government. It is not a propaganda instrumen- tality to be turned internally upon the schools. It provides the facts, which are documented without any propaganda, and it does it primari- ly to train the people who are going to utilize it. It could be made available to a college professor who wants to come and learn it if he is going to be stuck with the job he has in Florida of teaching com- munism or a high school professor, but not in the sense of propaganda at all. Mr. CLAWSON. I have just one more question in that connection. This is the first of these hearings that I have been in on, and I am in- terested in this legislation. I certainly appreciate your testimony and I think it lays a good foundation for me and I am sure it is beneficial to the committee. Since you have indicated that junior executives of American corpora- tions going into foreign lands might be involved in this program, and certainly our own foreign diplomatic corps and our State Department personnel, would you seek to have a compulsory program under the Freedom Academy? SENATOR MUNDT. For the private sector ? Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 62 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION Mr. CLAwsoN. Or for either sector. SENATOR MUNDT. Not for the private sector. Mr. CLAws0N. Not for the private sector, at all I SENATOR MUNDT. That is purely voluntary. They would operate as volunteers, Mr. CLAwsoN. You think you would get a lot of response? SENATOR MUNDT. A lot of these ambassadors are not operating on a team basis. Some of them would bring in some of the people for dis- cussions to seo what they could contribute, but that is all voluntary and just a labor of ggood love for the country and to preserve the private concept, ownership concept, in the country so they can continue to function. For the fellow who is going to serve as a member of the foreign policy establishment, diplomatic establishment overseas, if he is, for example, the agricultural attache or the commercial attache, or the military attache or the second secretary or the first secretaryy or any important job over there, yes, sir, cola ~ulsory. Perhaps the Ambassa dor too should take it if it Is in a small courtly and he is an inexperi- enced Ambassador. I don't mean for the girl who is doing the typing necessarily, although I i~ Quid give her 30 days or so because we have a lot of girls over there and young people who are doing things unin- tentionally which are, to use a State Department expression, "counter- productive." Mr. CLAWSON. I think we have had some experience in that line. t Mr. Iciloiw. I thank the gentleman from California. There will be no further questions. Thank you very much, Senator, for your very penetrating analysis. Senator MUNDT. Thank you. Thank you for your very penetrating questions, and we have great hopes for this committee to get something done. (The statements submitted by Mr. Mundt and referred to on p. 53 follow:) Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Releaeei2f2&5/O15it11:1 1 R PGZB0.M481 000600070 1-8 March 4, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE (p. 4059) THE FREEDOM ACADEMY Mr. MUNDT. Mr. President, it is my intention to address the Senate briefly each week in order to emphasize our need for legislation patterned after our Freedom Academy bill (S. 1232). I intend to present timely evidence sup- porting the contention behind the bill that we are yielding ground which we need not yield in our efforts to stem the expansion of aggressive communism. To the many observers who support the Freedom Academy concept, this at- titude that we are not so successful as we might be has required no argumen- tative support; and, naively perhaps, we have thought we needed no considerable evidential support in contending that our side of the world is not prepared to fight in the specific arena where the. battle between Communist aggressors, and their victims is being fought. This arena is essentially the nonmili- tary or only quasi-military arena. We Americans, who exhibit pride in our his- toric guerrilla-type warfare capabilities which we demonstrated so effectively during the French and Indian War, our American Revolution, and the conquest of the West, inherit from our ancestors a contempt for militarists like Braddock who refused to recognize the impotence of continental-type enemies , against backwoods guerrilla bands, now find ourselves the ones who send million dol- lar Jet aircraft armed with thousand- pound bombs against an ephemeral enemy whose operational capacities are ;so adroit that he may well not be there when the bomb arrives. But the guerrilla game has gained sophistication, too, since we left it. Its political side is far more thorough now. Psychological warfare is mounted against a people by their enemies from within to soften their resistance to the more tangible guerrilla or quasi-military operation conducted in conjunction' with it at the later stages of attack. And we seem to stand by,' wringing our hands, wondering what is going on as we see the will to resist among an ally's people wafting away like so much smoke. The L. L. Sulzberger column in Wed- nesday's New York Times testifies to our need for the Freedom Academy. Listen to some poignant observations from this gifted observer of foreign affairs. ' American defense plans, during the past decade have carefully and expensively pre- pared to fight the only kind of war we are least likely to face. And we have not in any major sense prepared to fight the kind of war both Russia and China surely intend to press. * * * Moscow endorsed peaceful coexist- ence* * * always reserved one vital area * * * to support wherever possible "wars of liberation." * * * The modern elaboration of guerrilla techniques called "revoluntionary warfare" by the Communists does not depend on heavy weapons or atomic arsenals. It de- pends upon simultaneous organization of- partisan units and civilian administrators who seek to rot a selected country from within like fungus inside an apparently healthy tree. * * * Even today, when we have growing special service counterguerrilla units, some with kindergarten Italning in revolutionary warfare, we are absymally behind.' * * * we have nothing capable of off- .setting what revolutionary warfare calls "parallel hierarchies" * *-the secret politi- cal apparatus that undermines morale and softens up the population. * * * while we are engaged in blue- printing superplanes and superrockets, we risk losing the world to guerrillas. * * * The quintessential problem is how to defeat revolutionary warfare * * Not merely the aggressive Chinese but the relatively less aggressive Russians are com- mitted to sponsor "wars of liberation." Despite this glaring truth, both in weapon? and in training we are basically prepared alone for the war our adversaires don't intend to start. Those, Mr. President, are Sulzberger's words. I ask unanimous consent that his article "Foreign Affairs: One Kind of War We Can't Fight" from the New York Times of March 3, 1965, be printed in the RECORD. . There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: [From the New York (N.Y.) Times, Mar. 3, 1965 ] FOREIGN AFFAIRS: ONE KIND OF WAR WE CAN'T FIGHT (By C. L. Sulzberger) PARIS.-Some wars become associated with the names of individuals, and thus we have the Napoleonic Wars, the Black Hawk War and the War of Jenkins' Ear. There have been those who have sought to label the Vietnamese campaign "McNamara's war," after the U.B. Secretary of Defense and, poli- tics aside, this is not wholly unjust. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 AW-roved ForPF 20II5/S7f'1'ZlI1*-RO TBi 46R000600070001-8 March 4, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL, RECORD-SENATE (p. 4059) M'NAMABA's INFLUENCE For Secretary McNamara has clearly had more influence in our evolving Vietnam pol- icy than his senior colleague, Secretary Rusk. McNamara has been a familiar Saigon visitor; his former military right hand, General Tay- lor, Is now Ambasador there, and United States-Indochina strategy is more heavily marked by the Pentagon than by the State Department. American defense plans during the past decade have carefully and expensively pre- pared to fight the only kind of war we are least likely to face. And we have not in any major sense prepared to fight the kind of war both Russia and China surely intend to press. When poet-Stalinist Moscow endorsed peaceful coexistence it always reserved one vital area. It openly promised to support, wherever possible, what it calls "ware of lib- eration." Khrushchev tried to play a trick on us In Cuba, but he had to back down be- cause he was patently not engaged in a lib- eration war--only in directly threatening our vital interests. Our strategy was prepared for such a showdown. However, when the Communists stick to their own rules they have a demonstrated ad- vantage. The modern elaboration of guer- rilla techniques called "revolutionary war- (are" by the Communists does not depend on heavy weapons, or atomic arsenals. It de- pends upon simultaneous organization of partisan units and civilian administrators who seek to rot a selected country from within like fungus inside an apparently healthy tree. For years we refused to face the fact that, equipped as we were for holocaust, we had neither the trained manpower nor the polit- ical apparatus to tight revolutionary war- fare. To some degree. under both President Kennedy and the brilliant McNamara, this was rectified-but only in part. Even today, when we have growing special service counterguerrilla units, some with kinder- garten training In revolutionary warfare, we are abysmally behind. It is expensive and Ineffectual to blow up jungle acreage or fill It with paratroopers In search of vanishing guerrillas. And we have nothing capable of offsetting what revolu- tionary warfare calls parallel hierarchies (know in Vietnam as Dich-Van) the secret political apparatus that undermines morale and softens up the population. SHIFTING STRATEGY U.S. strategy tends to shift according to availability of weapons systems. It has moved from massive retaliation to flexible response and from land bases to seaborne armadas. But, while we are engaged in blue- printing superplanes and superrockets, we risk. losing the world to guerrillas. Vietnam is McNamara's war because, in fighting it, we have overstressed the mili- tary and ignored the political aspect. We have, furthermore, been preoccupied with selling an American way of life and political philosophy unsuited to the people we would help. FACING THE THREAT The heart ofthe crisis is not truly in Viet- nam. The quintessential problem is how to defeat revolutionary warfare. Elsewhere in Asia and Africa we will continue to face the threat of this technique no matter what hap- pens to the Vietnamese. That Is Inescapable. Not merely the aggressive Chinese but the relatively less aggressive Russians are com- mitted to sponsor wars of liberation. Despite this glaring truth, both in weapons and in training, we axe basically prepared alone for the war our adversaries don't Intend to start. Mr. MU DT. A nucleus proposal of the Freedom Academy bill (8. 1232) which I Introduced In this session of the Senate together with the following sponsors: Senators CASE, DODD, DOUGLAS, FONG, HICKENLOOPER, LAUSCHL, MILLER, PROUTY. PROXNaRE, SCOTT, and SnzArHERS, is that the U.S. Government should di- rect priority attention to providing ade- quate training for our own people and for our allies' people in this crucial area of nonmilitary-psychological warfare aggression. We propose to prepare our people who face this test in the field to recognize nonmilitary aggression for what it is In all Its variable forms. We propose to en- able them to adopt appropriate counter- techniques and counterstrategies against such aggression. Maintaining that our people should be so prepared Is not tantamount to urging our adoption of Communist tactics. But we can better meet this challenge if we know what the challenge is all about and have in hand a complete understanding of the most effective and appropriate methods which we can employ for ad- vancing freedoms cause. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Releasw2OO5/O7It13: &T8 000600076( 01-8 March 11, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE (pp. 4751-4753) Mr. MUNDT. Mr. President, last week I spoke of the need to enact some- thing like the Freedom Academy bill so that our people working in foreign relations might be better prepared to .understand techniques of nonmilitary aggression in its incipient stages when appropriate - counteraction would more -effectively enervate the aggressors, more effectively isolate them from potential success. Today I would like to consider briefly another function proposed for the Free- dom Academy, intensive training of for- eign nationals. We would bring serv- ants of friendly governments to this country, persons asking for the training. and teach them how Communists and other practitioners of nonmilitary ag- gression undercut independent govern- ments which they have targeted for de- struction. The sponsors of the Freedom Academy bill, Messrs. CASE, DODD, DOUGLAS, FONG, HICKENLOOPER, LAUSCHE, MILLER, PROUTY, PROXMIRE, SCOTT, SMATHERS, and newly joining Us, MURPHY, besides myself, a group broadly representative of the whole Senate, do not intend that such train- ing for foreign nationals be limited to government employees only. We would It goes: DEAR MR. : I was very much im- pressed by your (recently published article) A * * Even though I could not wholly agree with what you say, I do realize that the most effective way to fight communism Is using their own methods. Here. I interject to say that the Free- dom Academy bill does not propose to mimic Communist violence. We propose to study Communist methods to under- stand them and to arm the people upon whom we depend for defense with un- derstanding to better prepare them to cope with the challenge we face. Returning to the letter: It Is the future of my country * * * that compels me to write this letter. What is going to happen if * * * [the political leader] is dead? I assume then the Com- munists will make a break to get in power. Who is going to siop them? Or will it be another Korea or Vietnam? I believe we, who still believe in freedom, have to pre- vent * * * [his country] from falling into Communist hands. Unfortunately, we do not know and do not have the means how to fight the Com- munists. I have written to the American Institute for Free Labor Development, but that organ- ization is for Latin America only. Could you please tell me how I can join the Freedom Academy? educators, civic leaders, people upon I am a medical fellow in this country and I want to return to my country not only whom a friendly, nontotalitarian na- !! with the medical knowledge, but also how tion must depend for the insightful and to fight communism. wise leadership which is requisite for a This opinion of mine is shared by many nation to retain its independence in.this of us who study in your country. new day of calculated disrespect for na- tional sovereignty clothed in terms of sanctimonious honor for self-determina- tion. The Freedom Academy bill proposes intensive research into the methods of nonmilitary aggression, into methods of psychological warfare and all which goes with that, and concurrent training to disseminate findings, knowledge, and awareness - sophistication - accumu- lating from this research. The free world needs such an institu- tion. Let me read a letter symptomatic of the need. Addressed to a respected Washington journalist, whom I will not identify, the letter is signed by a foreign citizen who is studying in this country. I will not identify the nationality ofd the writer, respecting his request. The letter is dated February 15, 1965. I thank you beforehand and God bless you. The journalist attached this note: Senator MUNDT, now what can we do with a letter like this? Right now my journalist friend can do nothing with the letter except write more articles. And about all I can do is talk to the Senate. Our Government affords remarkably little in the way of political training for this man. Probably at least part of the cost for his medical train- ing is borne by our Government, but we refuse to recognize his coexistent need for realistic political education. This week's press supplies further cur- rent evidence that the need I am dis- cussing is real. It exists. It Is not a bogey in the mind of professional anti- Communists. It is as real as anything in the political sphere. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved FoiFFW1M$@ 2/IO7f3FrDAA-RD U 446R000600070001-8 March 11, 1963 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE (pp. 4751-4753) The Lloyd Garrison story In the New York Times of March 9, datelined Braz- zaville, the Congo Republic-across the river from Leopoldville In the Republic of the Congo-is :fully pertinent. Garrison writes: The youths came in about 20 minutes after midnight. They wore khaki shorts and Chi- nese peaked caps with a red star on a black shield. [They were) ? ' ? recognized * ' ? as members of the Jeunesse, the militant arm of the National Revolutionary Move- ment, the sole legal party In this country, the former French Congo. One group broke down the door of the home of Joseph Pouabou, President of the Supreme Court. The youths pummeled (him) into submission. Then they beat Mrs. Pouabou and her children and dragged Mr. Pouabou unconscious to one of three waiting cars. [The] ' ? * Scene [was] ? repeated at the homes of (the) Attorney Gen- eral * ? ? and ? ? ? [the] director of the Government's information agency. Both were found dead 2 days later ? ' ?. Mr. Pouabou is ? ? ? presumed dead. The killings took place the might of Feb- ruary 16 (the date of the letter I read earlier). They marked the climax of a campaign to seize total control over the Government of moderate Socialists. One French observer here described the seizure of power as "a classic Communist-.style takeover." With guidance from Peiping's Zmbassy here, the radicals at first appeared content to play a minority role In a Government that the moderates hoped would reflect "all shades of national opinion." But when delegates assembled to form a broadly based one-party system, they found themselves outmaneuvered and outvoted. Communists came to dominate the party's policymaking body, formerly known as the Political Bureau and as the Politburo. In quick succession, the Politburo decreed the establishment of one trade union, one youth group, one women's organization ? ? ?. Where fear has not enforced conformity. money has been dispersed freely as an added incentive. Nowhere in West Africa today is the Chi- nese presence so dominant. According to one reliable French source, Peiping's coun- selor of the Embassy ? ? ? now site In on all of the Politburo's closed-door deliberations. A classic Communist-style takeover. How much better If we could provide our willing and independent friends with un- derstanding of what constitutes a classic takeover, what must precede It, what the tactics and techniques of takeover are. Garrison's dispatch was continued in the New York Times of March 10: The Chinese Communists are the dominant diplomatic force beyond this country's "sci- entific Socialist" regime. Many widely held assumptions about how they operate have proved false. For oen thing, they are not linguists ' ' ?. There is no attempt to live simply or play on the Image of the austere revolutionary. The Chinese ' ? ? occupy big villas and drive chauffered limousines ? ? ?. They are never seen in the open-air dance halls with other diplomats, who drink the local beer, dance the cha cha, and mix with the Africans. ? ? Africans End It Impossible to strike up friendships with the Chinese. Garrison notes, too, that China is quick to provide well-directed aid. For ex- ample, they have provided $20 million to set up "Chinese-run small industries." Excellent vehicles for further infiltra- tion. He concludes: The most informed concensus Is that the Chinese will go only as far as Is necessary to insure that the regime continues to be virulently anti-Western and affords them a secure base for subversion in the biggest prize of all-the former Belgian Congo, which Use just across the Congo River. Mr. President, I ask unanimous con- sent that these two articles by Lloyd Garrison, "Brazzaville: Story of a Red Takeover," from the New York Times of March 9, 1865, and "Chinese Aloof in Brazzaville," from the New York Times of March 10, 1965, be printed in full at this point In my remarks. There being no objection, the articles were ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: [From the New York Times, Mar. 9, 18651 BaAZZAVU,LE: &rOlT or Raa TASxovm' (By Lloyd Garrison) BLAmAvuzx, THE CONoo RE'u8LIc, March 5- The youths came about 20 minutes after midnight. They wore khaki shorts and Chi- nese peaked caps with a red Star on a black shield. Most were armed with wooden staves and empty quart-size beer bottles. Awakened neighbors easily recognized them as members of the Jeunesse, the mili- tant arm of the national revolutionary movement, the sole legal party in this coun- try, the former French Congo. One group broke down the door of the home of Joseph Pouabou, president of the supreme court. The youths pummeled Mr. Pouabou into submission. Then they beat Mrs. Pouabou and her children and dragged Mr. Pouabou unconscious to one of three waiting cars. The scene was repeated at the homes of Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For F?@#?qAP(97k1lRDJYmMOO446R000600670001-8 March 11, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE (pp. 4751-4753) Attorney General Lazar Matsocota and Anselme Massouemi, director of the Gov- ernment's information agency. Both were found' dead 2 days later beside the Congo River. Mr. Pouabou is still missing and presumed dead. The killings took place the night of Febru- ary 15. To experienced diplomats here they marked the climax of a campaign by the pro-Peiping African Communists to seize total control over the Government of mod- erate Socialists who outsed Abbe Fuibert Youlou's corrupt and discredited regime 2 years ago. From the New York Times, Mar. 10, 19851 CHINESE SUCC SSA DESPITE LIMITED ~AFRICANR CON- TACTS (By Lloyd Garrison) BRAZZAVILLE, CONGO REPUBLIC, March G.-- Peiping's diplomatic style has many Western observers Wondering why the Chinese have .been so startlingly 'successful in this former French colony. The Chinese Communists are the dominant diplomatic force . behind this country's scientific Socialist regime. Many widely One French observer described the seizure of power as "a classic Communist-style take- have proved false. For one thing, they are not linguists, at over." least in French, for there are many inter- With guidance from Peiping Embassy preters attached to their Embassy. Neither here, the radicals at first appeared content the Ambassador, Chou Chiuyen, nor his to play a minority role in a government principal aide, Col. Kan Mai, speaks French. that the moderates hoped would reflect all In their propaganda the Chinese have shades of national opinion. striven to project themselves as the purest But when delegates assembled to form a and most down-to-earth Marxists whose skin broadly based one-party system, they found color should make them the Africans' natural themselves outmaneuvered and outvoted. allies. Communists came to dominate the party's But there is no attempt to live simply or policymaking body, formerly known as the play on the image of the austere revolution- Political Bureau and as the Politburo. In ary. The Chinese dress in Western style, quick succession, the Politburo decreed the occupy big villas, and drive chauffered limou- establishment of one trade union, one youth sines. group, one women's organization. ?. j They are hardly outgoing. None indulge in comradely back slapping and joke swap- Only the Boy Scouts have yet to be ab- ping with the Africans the way the Russians sorbed into the party fabric. do. They are never seen In the open-air Some prominent moderates, such as Paul dance halls with other diplomats, who drink Kaye, former Minister of the Economy, have the local beer, dance the cha cha? and mix slipped across the border into exile. Others with the Africans. have been retained in the civil service, where they do the government's bidding in politi- BRING THEIR OWN SERVANTS cal silence. Unlike almost all the other diplomats, the Under threat of reprisal if they don't com- Chinese employ no African servants and have ply, several Congolese in private occupations brought their own cooks, launderesses' and have been "persuaded" to fill key secofrd- even gardeners. echelon posts. . Africans find it impossible to strike up Where fear has not enforced conformity, ? friendships with the Chinese." All members money has been dispersed freely as an added of the staff are required to travel in pairs incentive. even when going for a haircut. The government still maintains a facade. Why the success of the Chinese? of moderation. President Alphonse Debat, a Western officials agree on two points. mildly leftist. former schoolteacher who First, they stress the fact that the radicals holds the French Legion of Honor, occasion- in power here had long been warmly dis- ally balances the Communists' anti-Western posed toward the Chinese. tirades with warm references to President de Of course, the Chinese have been clever," Gaulle and French aid. one Western observer said. "But the table But he and Premier Pascal Lissouba are was already set for them when they arrived, powerless to initiate even the smallest decd- and all they had to do was sit down and eat Sion without the rubber-stamp approval of and mind their manners." the 10-man Politburo. The second point is that the Chinese work Nowhere in West Africa today is the Chi- incredibly hard. nese presence so dominant. According to From a handful, the embassy staff has one reliable French source. Peiping's coun- grown nearly to 50 officials. each a specialist selor of the embassy, Col. Kan Mai, now sits assigned to work closely with a ministry or in on all of the Politburo's closed-door organization, ranging from agriculture to deliberations. children's groups. SWIFT OFFER TO HELP Compared with other Communist states, China moved swiftly in offering aid. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Apogoved For F 7~1 Q$ P 6R000600070001-8 f A4 March 11, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE (pp. 4751-4753) First came a $5 million loan to help bal- ance lest year's budget. Recently the gov- ernment has accepted a $20 million loan foi setting up Chinese-run small industries. Each loan is interest free, with 10 years' grace on repayment. The Soviet Union has offered an $8 million agreement for financing, at 2.6 percent in- terest, such long-term, prestige projects as a luxury hotel and a hydroelectric dam that the Americans turned down as economically unfeasible. What are Peiping's objectives? Moat Western experts doubt that the Chi- nese want to replace the French here com- pletely. The Congo is a poor small country, and to assume the major responsibility for aid and budget subsidies would prove ex- tremely expensive. The most Informed consensus is that the Chinese will go only pa far as is necessary to insure that the regime continues to be viru- lently anti-Western and affords them a se- cure base for subversion In the biggest prize of all-the former Belgian Congo, which lies just across the Congo River. Mr. MUNDT. Mr. President, tech- niques of takeover appear quite diverse. For example, I read from a recent United Press International dispatch: Punta, PERU, February 20.-A report pub- lished here today Indicated Latin American ,'volunteers" trained In Cuba are fighting on the Communist aide In South Vietnam. The family of Julian Jimenez Ochoa, a young Peruvian who went to Cuba for guer- rilla training, has been notified unofficially of his death in battle In Vietnam. The report of Jimenez's death was con- tained in a letter purported to come from other young Peruvians who were serving with the Reds in South Vietnam. One must wonder what the future holds for these young Latin American fighters for communism. They will likely utilize these skills in their homelands. Hopefully, non-Communists in Latin America will have timely opportunity to prepare themselves for confrontation with experienced guerrillas. But although techniques of takeover are diverse, as with all else in human relations, there must be identifiable pat- terns in them. We should identify these patterns and lay them open to full comprehension. More important, we should make this knowledge available to persons who can use it to defend their own countries' sovereignty and, in so doing, to contri- bute to our own defense. We have here a mutual interest. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For RR gl2O0 ,7/A 3FROIA8RD6tWB 6R0006000"001-8 March 18, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE (pp. 5276-5281) THE FREEDOM ACADEMY GAY in this Nation, ranging from conserva- Mr. MUNDT. Mr. President, in speak- tive to liberal, which are within the main ing on the Freedom Academy bill, 2 current of American political thought. weeks ago, I emphasized,' on page 4059 in supporting this bill, we express our common vieW that this strength of of the RECORD, the need for greater American heterogeneity is not adequate- sophistication among our own Govern- ly utilized in order to protect our na- ment people who face Communist non- tional interests abroad. military aggression in the field. These From section 2(a) (8) (IV) of the Free- are the persons upon whom our defense dom Academy bill, I read: is structured. The private sector must understand how Then, last week, I discussed, on pages it can participate in the global struggle in 4751-4753 of the RECORD, the need that a sustained and systematic manner. ' There - this country provide training for foreign exists in the private sector a huge reservoir nationals who want to preserve their of talent, ingenuity, and strength which can own national sovereignty against non- be developed and brought to bear in helping military aggression by Communist or to solve many of our global problems. We other expansive totalitarian powers. A have hardly begun to explore the range of whole new discipline of subversive tech- possibilities. niques by the Communists is utilized, The bill makes broad provision for particularly against newly independent better utilizing this talent. countries; and formal educational in- A remarkable article in a recent issue stitutions to disseminate to potential of Orbis, the world-affairs journal pub- practitioners knowledge and familiarity lished by the University of Pennsylvania, about this discipline are now operating 'now adds greater substance to our pro- in several Communist countries, training posal. The article is authored by Alex- people from nearly every country of the ander T. Jordan, an authority on politi- world in the techniques of subversion. cal communication and psychological The United States does very little to warfare, who also is a commentator for confront this challenge. Foreign na- Radio Free Europe. He entitled the ar- tionals, upon whom rests the obligation title "Political Communication: The to maintain their own national inde- Third Dimension of Strategy." it ap- pendence from Communist expansionism, pears in the fall, 1964, editon. have no place to go to acquire knowledge The article concerns the science of about nonmilitary, subversive techniques political communication, a science in to help them know how best to resist which our country has fallen critically this most effective method of aggression. behind; we hardly even recognize its ex- Today, I shall speak briefly about a Istence. Powers antagonistic to our na- third major feature of the proposed Free- tional interests are far more knowl- dom Academy. This is the training of edgeable than we. According to George nongovernment persons, persons from Gallup: the private sector, who could constitute Russia is a good generation ahead of us in re very potent force in defense against her understanding of propaganda and in nonmilitary aggression. her skill in using it. Sponsors of the Freedom Academy.bill Another recognized authority, Murray consider the non-Government sector of Dyer, observes: our heterogeneous democratic society a' In ~ttussian hands . the psychological in- potentially valuable asset in contesting strument has been used with consummate the communist antagonist who must by skill and no little success. It seems to be definition be restricted to such homo- generally admitted that in our own hands geneity in emotional and intellectual re- both the skill and the success have been sources as to constitute his potentially more limited. fatal weakness. But the purpose of Mr. Jordan's essay The Senators sponsoring this bill re- is not simply to criticize United States fleet this breadth of American diversity efforts in psychological warfare. Rather, which should be our great national he plumbs the "one major aspect of the - strength. Senators CASE, DODD, DOUG- psychological arm of strategy, namely, LAS, FONG, HICKENLOOPER, LAUSCHE, long-range ideological conversion." MILLER, PROUTY, PROXMIRE, SCOTT, This concerns us. We are obviously SMATHERS, and MURPHY, besides myself, under attack throughout the world. The represent all facets of political attitude expansionism of Communist China is Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Ap$oved For RebE3asw2006t0W1&>:Ci&4R -7R6%W6R000600070001-8 March 18, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE (pp. 5276-5281) particularly aggressive, and the Chinese patient labors and intense convictions of Communists utilize these techniques: missionaries of religious and political faiths- Yet little is done to forge new weapons and from St. Paul to Lenin. An organization develop new techniques which will give us dedicated to spreading its ideas among others a chance to win the psychological war. ? ? - should start with a group of passionate be- livers. The various classifications of political com- munication differ among themselves at least Mr. Jordan emphasizes: as much as the Strategic Air Command dif- The most urgent need ? - ? Is to utilize fers from the Coast Guard. Each requires a the spiritual energy of such people, while different approach, different techniques, and guiding and assisting them In accordance different organizational structures. where with national policy. is a tendency to overlook this fact and to demand simply more propaganda, without A basic principle, which he identifies, specifying the type required. In such an organic communications sys- U.S. shortcomings lie particularly in the tem is this: area of long-range ideological change, The communicator's intensity of convic- I interject that a great part of the Lion is the critical factor In his effectiveness Freedom Academy effort would be ex- (persuasiveness). pended In research directed exactly Mr. JORDAN continues: here-at understanding International Effective political action, especially in the and Intercultural political communica- long-range strategic sphere, must take the tion. The first of the principal functions form of advocacy. Mere distribution of In- assigned to the Freedom Commission by formation ? ? ? Is not enough. this bill is: Senators know this. It is clearly true. 1. To conduct research designed. to Im- Successful practitioners of domestic poll- prove the methods and means by which the tics advocate something; they seek to United States seeks its national objectives In the nonmilitary part of the global struggle. persuade. This should include improvement of the Mr. President, the Freedom Academy, present methods and means and explora- or an institution like it, would stand in tion of the full range of additional methods perfect accord with this understanding. and means that may be available to us in Here is precisely the reason why the both the Government and private sectors. sponsors of the bill want suitable train- Mr. Jordan identifies what he considers our outstanding need: What Is needed is an organic system of political communication. ? ? ? By organic, as opposed to inert, we mean a system in which the operating methods and even the orga- nizational structure are determined by the ideas to be propagated. The organic approach would begin with the selection of Ideas. The next step would be to find people who believe these Ideas firmly enough to Impart their conviction to others. People who believe in the values we try to propagate. Are there people who really believe In American values?- Some object that "convinced political com- municators" will be bard to find; If thane true, then it would seem that American Ideas are hardly worth propagating abroad and we face eventual defeat on the Ideological level. There are many such people among us; but government officials do not make good communicators of this kind. The reasons are obvious. Because of their very association with government, offi- cials cannot effectively propagate a po- litical philosophy among a people alien to it: The model for successful political com- munication is to be found ? ? ? In the Ing for private individuals. The United States sends hundreds of thousands of its private citizens to reside abroad. A great many believe fervently in our in- stitutions. All that is needed to make of them a very effective force for propaga- tion of our beliefs is to let them know how and where they can be politically influential. Mr. Jordan offers examples of the po- tential Impact of such individuals acting independently of the Government. A typical example ? ? ? Is the Center for Christian Democratic Action In New York, Which endeavors to promote Christian de- mocracy In Latin America. It is a private body ? ? ? but it has behind It the au- thority of strong parties In Western Europe. It also has the support of Important sections of public opinion In Latin America. A Christian Democratic Party, inci- dentally, has just won control of a Latin American government, through a popu- lar- election. Other groups? The AFL-CIO is al- ready in the field. People in their pro- gram support the Freedom Academy bill. The National Association of Manufac- turers certainly Is interested In promot- ing free enterprise. The American Bar Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Re HlaM/AYt13 : P6178 6R000600070rdO1-8 March 18, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE (pp. 5276-5281) Association promotes the rule of law. Veterans organizations have common interests internationally. Supporters of the Freedom Academy concept propose to utilize such a poten- tial as this. There are hundreds of only slightly effective groups. This diversity in democratic life is our real strength, but it is one which we refuse to utilize in present-day foreign relations. Ac- cording to Mr. Jordan: We would commit a major error if we tried to use Communist methods in reverse, merely substituting white for black and vice versa. The use of entirely original methods, reflecting the character and way of life of the United States, would place the Commu- nists on the defensive. It is now time for us to bring our real strength up to the firing line in this new day of determined and deliberate non- military warfare. It is time to call up' strong reserves. We should no longer rely on skeleton forces delegated to per- form a job which requires our best effort if we are going to win. I ask unanimous consent that the ar- ticle entitled "Political Communication: The Third Dimension of Strategy,' written by Alexander T. Jordan,. and pub- lished In the fall, 1964, issue of the Uni- versity of Pennsylvania's journal of for- eign affairs, Orbis, be printed in the RECORD following my remarks. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: POLITICAL COMMUNICATION: THE THIRD DIMENSION OF STRATEGY (By Alexander Jordan) Military power and diplomacy comprise the two conventional dimensions of strategy, and economic action is sometimes called the "third arm of statecraft." i By the third dimension in this article, however, we mean all efforts, not confined to dealings between governments, to influence foreign audi- ences-whether we call it propaganda, po- litical communication or psychological war- fare. While less easily defined than the other two, this third sphere of strategy is recog- nized by political scientists-though not always by politicians-as equal to them in importance. American weakness in this third dimen- sion is deplored by writers on the subject. "It is my personal belief that Russia is a good generation ahead of us in her understanding of propaganda and in her skill in using it," wrote George Gallup .2 Murray Dyer has commented: "In Russian hands the phycho- logical instrument has been used with con- summate skill and no little success. It seems to be generally admitted that in our own hands both the skill and the success have been more limited." ? Another writer noted: "The psychological warfare of the West is waged almost exclusively by, America, or at least with American money; however, it is unsuccessful." + Arthur Krock, New York Times columnist, entitled one of his articles on this subject "Why We Are Losing the Psychological War." Books such as "The Propaganda Gap," "The Weapon on the Wall" and "The Idea Invaders" contain critiques of the U.S. psychological warfare effort by Americans dismayed to see their country sec- ond best in a field which they regard as vital e The purpose of this article is not to criti- cize the current U.S. program in psychologi- cal warfare, although some reference will be made to its shortcomings. Rather, we will examine at some length one major aspect of the psychological arm of strategy, namely, long-range ideological conversion, and rec- ommend introducing into the overall U.S. effort an "organic system of political com- munication" which places more emphasis on the role of private, i.e., nongovernmental. institutions. THE NEED TO FOCUS ATTENTION ON TECHNIQUES In the many studies devoted to the subject of psychological warfare, major attention has generally been focused on broad lines of policy and on the status of pertinent gov- ernment agencies. Little attention has been given to the actual operating procedures and techniques. "The history of this instrument, roughly for the past 25 years, shows very clearly that a great deal of effort has been expended on who should control it, i.e., De- partment of Defense or State. By compari- son relatively little effort has been spent on what the instrument ought to be doing and what its main job was.' 17 In othc- words, there has been much concern with what should be said and who is to be in charge of saying it, but little thought as to the tech- nique of conveying the message to its target. 1 Murray Dyer, "The Potentialities of Amer- ican Psychological Statecraft," in "Propagan- da and the Cold War," it Princeton University symposium edited by John Boardman Whit- ton (Washington: Public Affairs Press, 1963). 2 Ibid., "The Challenge of Ideoloigcal War- fare." a Dyer, op. cit. A Bela Szunyogh, "Psychological Warfare: An Introduction to Ideological Propaganda and the Techniques of Psychological War- fare" (New York: The William-Frederick Press, 1955). 5 New York Times Magazine, Dec. 8, 1957. 9 Walter Joyce, '"The Propaganda Gap" (New York: Harper & Row, 1963); Murray Dyer, "Weapon on the Wall" (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1959); George N. Gor- don, Irving Falk, and William Hbdapp, "The Idea Invaders" (New York: Communications Arts Books, Hastings House, 1983). 7 Dyer, "The Potentialities of American Psychological Statecraft," op. cit. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Ap72oved For M07419rtl t Q0 446R000600070001-8 March 18, I965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE (pp. 5276-5281) This omission would seem to imply that the critics consider the current techniques satisfactory. If that were Indeed the case, victory in the battle for the minds of men could be achieved by finding the right mes- sage and then leaving its transmission to an agency with an adequate budget and a proper status within the structure of government .4 This Is. of course, a dangerous oversimplifica- tion. For while it is obvious that the scale of operations of the third arm of strategy must be substantially Increased before a proper balance among the three instruments can be attained, there is an even greater need for a major revision of thinking on the subject. Nothing less than a systemic revolution in the field of Western political communication can turn the tide of battle in the war for the minds of men. The assertion that the out- come of that war, rather than the outcome of one fought with nuclear weapons, will deter- mine the fate of the United States and of Western civilization Is almost a cliche of political writing and speechmaking. Yet lit- tle is done to forge new weapons and develop new techniques which will give us a chance to win the psychological war. Even some of the most vehement advo- cates of a "psychological offensive" seem to think that the only weaknesses of present USIA (U.S. Information Agency} activities fie in their limited scope and insumctent co- ordination with the other branches of gov- ernment. Hence they conclude that an in- creased budget and a direct line to the White House would solve the problem. Such an oversimplified view suggests a failure to dif- ferentiate properly between various types of political communication. Military power- the first instrument of strategy-includes air, naval and land forces, which are not Identical either in their character. deploy- ment or operations. The various classifica- tions of political communication differ among themselves at least as much as the Strategic Air Command differs from the Coast Guard. Each requires a different ap- proach, different techniques and different organizational structures. There Is a tend- ency to overlook this fact and to demand simply more propaganda, without specifying the type required. The customary subdivision of political communication Into strategic and tactical categories is not an adequate guide for fash- ioning Instruments of psychological warfare. @ The Idea that world opinion can be won over merely by spending more money and ap- pointing a new Cabinet officer is similar to the suggestion that the problem of cancer could be solved in a few years by a crash program with a multi-billion-dollar budget. Scien- tists point out, however, that the solution to the cancer problem is a matter of brains rather than funds, that all the qualified re- searchers are already at work, and that their number could not be rapidly Increased at any cost. In both these suggestions we are faced with a mechanistic outlook, inclined to sub- stitute money for creative Insights. There is also an important dividing line be- tween ideological conversion and all activ- ity-both strategic and tactical-aimed at securing "relevant political action." The two fields inevitably overlap, but U.B. shortcom- ings lie particularly in the area of long- range ideological change. While less imme- diate in its effects, ideological conversion provides the Indispensable infrastructure for strategic and tactical action toward specific objectives. The strength of Soviet political communication is precisely in this sphere, while in the medium-range and tactical fields the disparity between East and West is not as striking. In advocating an enlarged U.S. effort, most writers fail to distinguish between these dif- ferent types of endeavor and simply recom- mend Increasing the budget of the USIA and enlisting advertising talents in the campaign of "selling America to the world." This might be a valid approach in dealing with political communication at the level of "rele- vant political action," but It falls far short of what is needed to bolster U.B. efforts at long- range strategic conversion. Much more basic changes are necessary in methods of action, organizational structure and operating pro- cedures if we are to reverse the trend and strengthen the third Instrument of foreign policy. AN ORGANIC SYSTEM OF COMMUNICATION Nature of an organic system: What is needed is an organic system of political com- munication serving as a means of long-range conversion and cooperating with existing strategic and tactical psychological opera- tions. By organic, as opposed to inert, we mean a system in which the operating meth- ods and even the organizational structure are determined by the Ideas to be propagated. Organic communication systems are as old as the great religious faiths which, In their earlier stages at least, were seldom propa- gated by Inert, bureaucratic methods. The Innovation suggested here consists in con- sciously promoting the organic features of a communication system at the expense of the inert ones. That has certainly not been done by any Western government! An organic communication system would differ basically from a conventiIIe In the sequence of its operations. The conven- tional approach starts with the appointment of an administrative staff, which then hires professional communicators and seeks Ideas to propagate. The organic approach would Y The possibility of creating an organic sys- tem of communication has been glimpsed, but sufficient attention has never been given to It. Senator KARL E. MUNDT, in a briefing paper presented to the White House In 1883. noted that: "The private sector must know how it can participate In the global struggle in a sustained and systematic manner. There exists In the private sector a huge res- ervoir of talent, ingenuity, and strength which can be developed and brought to bear in helping solve our cold war problems." "Propaganda and the Cold War, op. cit., p. 75. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For R W@5W/*3FICk xRflP9 WR0006000f601-8 March 18, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE (pp. 5276-5281) begin with the selection of ideas. The next step would be to find people who believe these ideas firmly enough to impart their. conviction to others. Some may be trained communicators and others not, but it is easier to impart communications skills than intensity of belief-especially since profes- sional communicators, by the nature of their calling, often tend to develop an attitude of doubt or even cynicism. Once assembled, a team of dedicated persons should be given a fairly free hand in propagating its idea, and should be given such technical assist- ance as it may require. Far more mental energy would be released by such a method than could ever be delivered by a conven- tional organization working for the same objectives. The importance of conviction: The model for successful political communication is to be found not in the dull bulletins of gov- ernments, nor in the flamboyant prose of copywriters, but in the patient labors and intense convictions of missionaries of reli- gious and political faiths-from Saint Paul to Lenin. An organization dedicated to spreading its ideas among others should start with a group of passionate believers.10 There are thousands of people in the United States who believe fervently in ideas which. if adopted in other countries, could serve the long-range interests of national policy. These individuals would not make good diplomats or information-officers, but they could make excellent propagandists, The most urgent need of the third arm of strat- egy is to utilize the spiritual energy of such people, while guiding and assisting them in accordance with national policy. No attempt should be made, however, to try to make their activity merely a carbon copy of current tactical and medium-range policies. The importance of what might be called the conviction coefficient has been demon- strated by many propaganda campaigns of the past. In the period between the two World Wars several Central European nations engaged in strenuous- political communica- tion efforts, directed largely against one an- other. Although their objectives are now ir- relevant, these efforts merit our attention because of their success in proportion to the means used. The budgets and the numbers of personnel employed were but a minute fraction of those now at the disposal of the USIA; yet the worldwide effectiveness of their persuasive efforts was impressive. This is attributable not to the Central Europeans' superior knowledge of communication tech- niques, but rather to their firm convict-ion of the righteousness of their respective causes. Armed with such conviction, a single agent working from his apartment in a foreign city may sometimes achieve a 10 This is one of the reason why civil serv- ants are generally inappropriate for this pur- pose: they may be passionate believers, but their first allegiance is to official policies; they are not free to act in accordance with the intensity of their convictions. greater impact on the public opinion of the country than can a large government infor- mation office.' Even tiny Lithuania managed to make the West aware of her claims to Vilno, while the. Ukrainians-though with- out a state of their own-conducted active propaganda campaigns in Western Europe and in the United States. The results of these endeavors, while perhaps not signifi- cant in terms of "relevant political action," were quite impressive in relation to the puny resources committed. These cases illustrate one of the basic principles of an organic communication sys- tem: the communicator's intensity of con- viction is the critical factor in his effective- ness (persuasiveness). The objective value of the propositions advocated is compara- tively irrelevant, particularly as it is not susceptible to any scientific measurement. Government agencies and the organic sys- tem: There is another important reason for recommending an organic communication system-not as a substitute for the existing one, but as a coequal auxiliary. If political communication activities are to be expanded in volume-as they must be if we are to achieve substantial results-that expansion should not simply take the form of a bigger and better government agency. A huge ministry of propaganda would be both in- adequate and undesirable. Such a central- ized agency might be a suitable instrument for spreading a dogmatic and codified doc- trine. In this sense Dr. Goebbels' Propa- gandaministerium was an organic body, since its structure and discipline reflected the character of the Nazi movement. But when the subject of communication is to be a vast body of thought which might be de- scribed, for want of a better term, as "the philosophy of Western civilization," the use of a huge centralized bureaucracy for its propagation would constitute a basic contra- diction. Any attempt to spread an essen- tially pluralistic culture though a single agency of one government would be a denial of the very philosophy we are advocating, as well as a psychological blunder. It would be a violation of the principles of organic communication. Vast expansion of the USIA to handle these new activities would place an undesir- able official stamp on them. Moreover, po- litical action in the field requires personal initiative and a readiness for risk taking which are not characteristics commonly as- sociated with bureaucracies. That is why in- creasing the budget of the USIA many times over and giving its Director equal status with the Secretary of State would not solve the real problem of bringing the third arm of strategy up to full strength. Effective political action, especially in the long-range strategic sphere, must take the form of advocacy. Mere distribution of in- formation, even selected and slanted, is not enough. "From this view of the nature of Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 A170roved For a T120 tOZ/t3t>r>QI lR M8 6R000600070001-8 March 18, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE (pp. 5276-5281) foreign policy, and of the psychological in- strument of statecraft," one commentator has noted, "it follows that the 'information' approach to psychological operations Is woe- fully insufficient." " The tactical and me- dium-range activities of the USIA should be continued and even expanded, but they can never substitute for true political action of a more basic nature. In any case, no Gov- ernment agency can openly engage in politi- cal action abroad; international law is ex- plicit in prohibiting such activity by gov- ernments.' The inappropriateness of advertising tech- niques: The other standard suggestion for strengthening U.B. psychological operations, that we use advertising techniques In selling our political philosophy to other nations, Is potentially even more harmful and reflects a profound misunderstanding of the whole Issue. Because commercial advertising bears some superficial resemblance to political communication, its practitioners conclude that the two are interchangeable. The dif- ferences between them, however, are more significant than their similarities. Further- more, the cost of using advertising tech- niques on a world scale would be prohibitive. and high-pressure campaigns might well evoke adverse reactions. This approach would be the least organic of all. "Adver- tising men have their function-on the American scene and Inside the American economy. But the world situation calls for a totally different type of professionals. Po- litical propaganda, a task of extraordinary complexity, requires intellectuals, scholars, specialists, and-in the final analysis-polit- ieal philosophers." U SOME ADVANTAGES OF THE ORGANIC SYSTEM In summing up the shortcomings of the U.S. effort in the field of political communi- cation, John B. Whitton points to: (1) the lack of clear objectives; (2) the lack of con- fidence in our efforts; and (3) the purely defensive character of our efforta.'+ Al- though Whitton was referring to the entire communication effort, his observations are particularly applicable to long-range ideo- logical conversion. All three areas of weak- ness could be bolstered by a program of or- ganic communication, based on the better utilization of existing intellectual and spir- itual resources. The causes for these major areas of weak- ness are not difficult to find. The first is related to the commonly heard argument that we have no single great idea to sell, " Robert T. Holt, "A New Approach to Po- litical Communication," in "Propaganda and the Cold War," op. cit. " L. John Martin, "International Propa- ganda, Its Legal and Diplomatic Control" (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1958), pp. 62-108. "Saul K. Padover In the American Scholar, April 1951. 11 John B. Whitton, "The American Effort Challenged," in "Propaganda and the Cold War," op. cit. hence our efforts tend to be reactive and de- fensive. "Our policy has been too negative, its programs and slogans almost always a mere response, or reaction, to the more imag- inative Initiatives of the Soviets. Hence, it is claimed, we have been unable to provide for the West the inspiration and leadership the situation demands and our great strength warrants." u Furthermore, In a de- mocracy, a governmental propaganda strat- egy Is unlikely to have clear objectives for these might offend certain sections of domes- tic political opinion. Official objectives must be phrased In a manner acceptable to all domestic political factions, and as a result they often become so watered down that they lose their attraction for the peoples of other cultures. These are all very real obstacles. While one may argue that freedom and democracy are ideas or ideologies that can be articu- lated and packaged for distribution abroad, these concepts often appear vague and ir- relevant to the target audience. One solu- tion is to give these Ideas more concrete form through person-to-person contact: this be- comes the task of the private political com- municator. While he must serve the Inter- ests of national policy formulated by the President, the political communicator must also have the freedom to interpret broad national policies and goals, and to go far beyond official statements In explaining the "American way of life." Private organiza- tions devoted to political communicationcan set themselves clear objectives and, unham- pered by official connection with the Gov- ernment, they can afford to be more candid In pursuing these objectives than can our public servants. The lack of confidence in our efforts, which Whitton lists as the second failing, is this largely to the absence of clear objec- tives and the limited achievements to date of the American propaganda effort. If a private political communication organization were permitted to establish its own objec- tives, select its own method of operation and subdivide the overall task Into a num- ber of separate endeavors, this obstacle might not seem so formidable. A private association, selecting a limited number of targets in a specific territory, would be more likely to give Its members a tangible sense of accomplishment than a government agency which endeavors to do everything everywhere and thereby dilutes Its efforts to the-point where they become largely ineffec- tive. Unlike civil servants Inhibited by their official responsibility, private communicators would not confine themselves to purely de- fensive tactics. The morale of troops In the field is always at its highest in offensive action, at this lowest In holding operations. The private organization wouldbecomposed of individuals selected to propagate abroad a coherent set of ideas which they hold very strongly. Some object that convinced po- litical communicators will be hard to find; Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Rip 4/7/I,3iig,DR6 iG46R00060001($001-8 March 18, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE (pp. 5276-5281) if that is true, then it would seem that overrated in weighing the immense advan- American ideas are hardly worth propagating tages of an organic communication system. abroad and we face eventual defeat on the Since the members of private organizations ideological level. But the assumption here working in the field would have no official is that many Americans do feel strongly status, any faux pas they might commit enough about their political heritage to serve would be no more compromising than those as propagandists. of an ordinary tourist. Civil servants, in- The defensive character of the American eluding the personnel of information serv- communication effort-the third weakness- ices, may be guilty of few flagrant faults, is largely due to the restraints of govern- but their official capacity permits of even mental action. A separation between long- fewer conspicuous achievements. The So- range ideological conversion and current viet Government dissociates itself from Com- U.S. foreign policy would remove this handi- munist propaganda activities abroad very cap. The ban on political initiative, implicit simply, by subordinating the Agitprop to the in diplomacy, tends to discourage some of Presidium of the Central Committee of the our ablest civil servansd contributes to Communist Party of the Soviet Union, rather the second failing-lael of confidence in our than to the Government of the U.S.S.R 1 effort. The situation bears an analogy to The distinction appears purely academic, but the loss of morale in the U.S. Air Force re- in practice it provides an effective shield. sulting from the ban on crossing the Yalu An organic system of communication River during the Korean war. The Govern- would also avoid the tendency of all bureauc- ment is, of course, justified in forbidding its racies to spend as much time and energy civil servants to adopt an offensive political in reporting to headquarters as in perform- posture. Since they are representatives of ing their primary functions. In a flexible the U.S. Government, their statements are organization, run on the lines of a fraternal subject to close scrutiny abroad and serious association rather than on those of a govern- complications could follow any indiscretion. ment bureau, there would be little need for The problem, then, is not one of changing the voluminous reports and ratings, and persons operating rules of the existing agency, but of evaluating the performance of others will transferring those aspects of political com- have worked in the field themselves. This munication in which it cannot engage to an is an important point, for in the sphere of instrument capable of doing so. c6mmunication few objective yardsticks of The organizational form for such a politi- achievement are available. cal communication instrument should be WHY AN ORGANIC SYSTEM WOULD BE MORE kept as flexible as possible. Various groups EFFECTIVE may be formed for the purpose of spreading The operation of an organic communica- particular aspects of American political tion system with specific missions allocated thought or culture, or for working in specific to separate groups might be compared to countries and among different types of per- illuminating a distant target with beams of sons. As purely private organizations, with- coherent light emitted by a laser. Each out official status, they would be able to in- laser beam. uses a single wavelength and a tegrate closely with local communities., single color, permitting far greater concen- They should not isolate themselves in the tration of energy and more accurate aiming international compounds of capital cities. of the beam than is possible with a beam of They would have to be accepted by the local ordinary diffused light, comprised of all y populace or quit. The members might not colors mixed together. Thus a program de- necessarily be American citizens, and they voted to a single set of ideas will more would not have to be screened as closely as readily. find its target than an ideologically government employees. This would involve amorphous campaign aimed at everyone and no risk, since the security problems that hitting nobody. When a target is struck exist in tactical and medium-range strate- simultaneously by many single-color beams gic psychological operations are not present of coherent light, the illumination will be in long-range ideological communication. better than if it had been lighted from a Communicators need not have access to any single source of diffused, so-called white classified information, nor would they re- light. Moreover, it. will be possible to avoid quire any knowledge of overall plans. Their the transmission losses of diffused light activity would be wholly overt and involve which did not hit the target at all. The over- no secrecy. There should be no connection all efficiency between the energy input and between persuaders and intelligence . collec- the amount of light received at the target tors, for their tasks are clearly incompati- will be many times greater when laser beams ble. It is always possible that in some coun- are used. The same is true in the propaga- tries propagandists may be suspected of es- tion of thought: the penetration force of pionage. To avoid such charges, they should well-defined "coherent" concepts is greater be kept completely clear of any compromis- than that of nebulous and diffused ones, and ing contacts. the sum of these concepts will convey greater Under such a loosely organized system meaning than generalized ideas can. The some errors might occur occasionally, through incompetence or excess of zeal. 18 See Evron M. Kirkpatrik, editor, "Target: However, their importance should not be The World" (New York: Macmillan, 1956). 47-093 0-65-6 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 AAroved For'R@F4@X2808/O7M&F F2O EWO446R000600070001-8 March 18, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE (pp. 5276-5281) difference, as in optics, IS in employing a method of transmission which avoids ex- cessive losses. The importance of using a specific ap- proach, clearly defined both as to content and target area, Is particularly great when the amount of energy available for Input and the choice of objectives are limited. One of the major shortcomings of advertising tech- niques when applied to political persuasion to the relatively indiscriminate character of their appeal. The number of potential pur- chasers of amp or cigarettes may almost co- incide with the total population, but the number of persona wielding political Influ- ence does not. That is why the use of mass appeal in foreign action is doubly mis- directed; it seldom affects the majority and Is likely to miss the vital minority. A specialized organization with clearly de- fined and limited objectives is better equipped to reach Its particular target- those persons who are likely to be receptive to the ideas which it propagates. Such an approach may result ultimately in the estab- lishment of close links between groups of people in different countries. Societies for international friendship in general founder in a flood of pious declarations and cliches. Associations for friendship between two na- tions sometimes do better, though they also tend to specialize In platitudes and lofty speechmaking. But associations devoted to promoting cooperation and friendly relations between two nations in a specific field of thought or action are more likely to achieve tangible results. If they exist In sufficient numbers, such operational and binational organizations can accomplish, cumulatively, far more than worldwide associations dedi- cated to furthering the brotherhood of man. If a small proportion of the economic aid now given to foreign governments were chan- neled through such bodies, the political effectiveness of U.S. aid programs would be vastly increased. An organic communication system would foster the establishment of a greater num- ber of such specific links between well- defined groups in different countries. As in an atomic pile where no chain reaction oc- curs until the number of neutrons emitted reaches a critical level, so In a target area undergoing psychological penetration the re- action will not become self-sustaining until the paths of the diverse and apparently ran- dom messages begin to intersect each other in sufficient numbers. In the absence of mathematical formulas dealing with the prerequisites for a psychopolitical chain re- action, we have to rely on empirical observa- tion and a study of recorded cases. It is clear, however, that by whatever method we might measure it, the political radiation we are now emitting is far from the level neces- sary forstarting a chain reaction. USE OF EXISTING ORGANIZATIONS AND PUBLICATIONS Organizations carrying out programs com- patible with an organic communication eys- tem already exist, but the scale of their activ- ities is too limited for an accurate evaluation of results. Furthermore, they now operate on a random, ad hoc basis; within the frame- work of an organic system they would be given specific missions. A typical example of such an organization Is the Center for Christian Democratic Ac- tion In New York. which endeavors to pro- mote Christian Democracy In Latin America. It is a private body, staffed by Americans, Europeans and Latin Americans, and enjoy- ing some support from American founda- tlons. Christian Democracy has the advan- tage of being a genuine ideology with a posi- tive content, rather than merely a reaction against communism. It did not originate in the United States, and is therefore free from association with "Yanqui Imperialism," but it has behind it the authority of strong par- ties In Western Europe. It also has the sup- port of Important sections of public opinion in Latin America. Support given to Chris- tian Democracy in Latin America may pro- vide a better antidote to communism than some openly pro-American activities. This does not mean, however, that other deserving movements should not also be encouraged. If only one party were supported, it would soon be labeled the "pro-American party," with all the adverse consequences of such a designation. One of the weaknesses of a gov- ernment agency is that Its rigid policy lines and its official character may make it difficult to back simultaneously several movements competitive with each other. Yet such ap- parent inconsistency might be the wisest course in some situations. American labor organizations have already entered the international field, endeavoring to promote their ideology. One could imagine the National Association of Manu- facturers doing the same for the philosophy of free enterprise, the American Bar Asso- ciation for the rule of law, the American Legion for cooperation with veterans, and so on. The fact that the activities of these private bodies might be overlapping and even to some extent contradictory would not de- tract from their effectiveness. On the con- trary, the variety of viewpoints would reflect the pluralistic nature of a free society, while the consensus of all on basic issues would illustrate the possibility of combining free expression with national solidarity. Such an approach, diametrically opposed to the monolithic Communist method, would convey the American message not only through its actual content, but also through the manner of Its communication. The director of an organic communication system would use specific ideological pro- grams, selected for their force of penetration as well as their content, to create a mental picture even as an artist uses pigments to create a painting. Inevitably, such a picture would become meaningful only In the overall perspective. Its pattern would then emerge from the apparently jumbled juxtaposition of colors. Conventional communication, on Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Re DN05{L 112 :F0A> P # 00060007bb01-8 March 18, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE (pp. 5276-5281) the other hand, paints a single-color image riodical gives it an authority which a pro- in which the overall pattern is constantly paganda pamphlet does not possess. The repeated in miniature. Spanish editions of some American maga- The presence in a foreign country of a zines prove the feasibility of such operations. number of American-inspired communica- One can only wonder why this has not already tion organizations, each handling a separate been done on an adequate scale. aspect of political, social, cultural or tech- While it would be undesirable to try to nical activity, and each pursuing its own imitate Communist methods, any communi- aims yet remaining in basic harmony with cation effort counteracting the Communist the others, would be a most convincing scale- offensive would have to match it in sheer model demonstration of the practical work- volume of operations 17 International Com- ing of a free society. This accomplishment munist front groups claim a membership could never be duplicated by the Commu- running into hundreds of millions; interna- nists, and that would be its most valuable tional broadcasting originating in Commu- feature. nist countries totals 1,672 hours weekly; 29,- We would commit a major error if we tried 736,000 copies of books in free world lan- to use Communist methods in reverse, merely guages were published in the U.S.S.R. In 1954; substituting white for black and vice versa. and Communist Parties in Western Europe The use of entirely original methods, reflect- alone claim a membership of over 3 million .'s ing the character and way of life of the CONCLUSIONS United States, would place the Communists, The vast scale and diverse nature of the on the defensive. ! operations required rules out the single gov- In military strategy there f9' often the! ernment agency approach. Experience has temptation to build a replica of the type of demonstrated that Government bureaus be- force with which we are threatened, instead come unmanageable beyond a certain size of concentrating on a type of force which and that further increases in personnel fail the enemy could not easily duplicate or to produce a corresponding increase in use- defend against. So in psychological warfare ful output. If, as has been suggested, the the subconscious desire to match the opposi- single information agency were to become an tion exactly in methods and tactics is al- appendage of the State Department, confu- ways present. The greatest strength of the sion would be further compounded. United States in opposition to communism The Government agency responsible for lies not-as is sometimes assumed-in its directing the overall strategy of political superior material resources, but rather in the communication should be a supervisory, not ability of its people to work together in an operating,' body. Its function would be harmony in the midst of many differences, to set targets and offer some degree of guid- A visible demonstration of that capacity for ance, without attempting to perform the cooperation and for releasing individual ener- actual task in the field. Such. an agency, gies within a diversified, flexible communica. whatever its status within the structure of tion system, working through a variety of Government, should have a small staff of channels for a broad common purpose, would senior experts, but no operating branches. be more impressive to foreign observers than It would differ entirely in purpose and char- mere declarations of principle. acter from the USIA as it exists today and An example of the efficiency of the organic it should not be associated with it, either method of communication is provided 6y the in personnel or in operational patterns. international editions of Reader's Digest, Recognition of the inherent inability of which supply an estimated 30 million readers any governmental body to undertake certain with material likely to strengthen their loyal- types of political action and transfer of this ty to the West and open their eyes to the work to organizations capable of doing so deceptions of communism. It is possible that 'would represent a real turning point in our the international editions of the Reader's political communications procedure. The Digest, which cost the taxpayers nothing, point of contact between such organizations contribute as much to the understanding of and the Government would be narrow, but the American idea abroad as all the publica- vital. There is ample precedent for private tions of the U.S. Government specifically de- bodies receiving Government grants for the signed for foreign readers. Precisely because performance of specific duties, such as re- it is not primarily a propaganda medium, the search or education. Once it is recognized Reader's Digest carries conviction and secures 17 One expert, George Gallup, had this to paying readers, say about the cost of an American psychologi- Many other American periodicals could be cal warfare program: "Some years ago I had adapted for foreign readers merely by elimi- suggested to a senatorial committee that $5 nating subjects of purely domestic interest. billion spent on today's tanks, guns and They could provide a communication medium battleships will make far less difference in far superior to the pamphlets specially pro- achieving ultimate victory over communism duced for that purpose. A system of sub- than $5 billion appropriated for ideological sidies permitting leading magazines to put warfare." "The Challenge of Ideological out foreign editions would be less costly than Warfare," in "Propaganda and the Cold War," trying to produce special publications. The op. cit. Identity of a well-established American pe- Is Kirkpatrick, op. cit. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 i. proved FOIPRBIOa&e 71 ErOEA- 46R000600070001-8 March 18, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE (pp. 5276-5281) that International communication at the long-range ideological level should not be a function only of the Federal Government, suitable ways and means of supporting it will evolve, and the Government will still have a large measure of control over the recipients of such support. An organic communication system such as the one roughly sketched here is, by Its very nature, incompatible with crash programs. It has to be built up gradually, starting in the case of each project with an idea or a definite objective, not with a readymade organization. Since the Individual projects. by reason of their specialized nature, cannot be very Large, the overall effect can only be attained by multiplying their number. The effectiveness of such an approach will not become evident until the sum of all the individual endeavors reaches proportions comparable to those of official operations in the same sphere. Although no accurate measurements are possible In this field, it is clear that an organic system would give a higher return on the investment of human and material resources than an inert one. Furthermore, the results of its operation are more permanent and can become self-sus- taining. Any communication effort without a built-in capacity for self-propagation Is futile. In this respect, the organic system might be compared to cloud-seeding oper- ations which use a few pounds of silver iodide to release thousands of tons of rain. while the conventional method resembles a project which sends up aircraft with tanks full of water to sprinkle the countryside with Imitation showers. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For R g SI 0?67/A3 oWF R00060007?001-8 STATEMENT OF RESERVE OFFICERS ASSOCIATION OF THE UNITED STATES BY LT. COL. FLOYD OLES, U.S. ARMY RESERVE (RETIRED) Colonel OLES. I am Colonel Oles. We have a statement which we would like to have your permission to submit. Mr. IciioRD. Do you want to present testimony in opposition? Colonel OLES. No, sir; we would like to submit a statement for the record. Mr. IcJIORD. You represent? Colonel OLEs. The Reserve Officers Association. Mr. Iczioxn. If there be no objection permission is granted to in- clude such statement in the record of the next hearings. Colonel OLES. Thank you, sir. Mr. ICHoRD. The committee is recessed until the call of the Chair. (Whereupon, at 11:50 a.m., Thursday, April 1, 1965, the subcommit- tee recessed to reconvene at the call of the Chair.) Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 HEARINGS RELATING TO H.R. 470, H.R. 1033, H.R. 2215, H.R. 2379, H.R. 4389, H.R. 5370, H.R. 5784, AND H.R. 6700, PROVIDING FOR CREATION OF A FREEDOM COMMIS- SION AND FREEDOM ACADEMY WEDNESDAY, APRIL 28, 1965 UNITED STATES HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, SUBCOMMITTEE OF THE COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES, Washington, D.C. The subcommittee of the Committee on Un-American Activities met, pursuant to recess, at 10 a.m., in Room 313A iCannon House Office Building, Washington D.C., Hon. Richard H. chord presiding. (Subcommittee members: Representatives Edwin E. Willis, of Lou- isiana, chairman; Richard H. Ichord, of Missouri; and Del Clawson, of California.) Subcommittee members present : Representatives Ichord and Clawson. Staff members present: Francis J. McNamara, director; William Hitz, general counsel ; and Alfred M. Nittle, counsel. Mr. IcnoRD. The committee will come to order. This meeting is a continuation of a hearing on the eight Freedom Academy bills now pending before this committee. I believe last year we had a total of 7 days' hearings on the bills, which hearings will be regarded as a part of the record of this year. So far this year we have had 2 days of hearings. Mr. Director, what was the date of the last hearing on the Freedom Academy bill? Mr. McNAMAR,A. About 3 weeks ago. I believe it was April 1 or 2. I am not certain. Mr. ICHORD. Our first scheduled witness this morning was the ma- jority whip, Mr. Boggs of Louisiana, who has introduced one of the bills dealing with the Freedom Academy. It is my understanding that Mr. Boggs will not be able to appear this morning before the commit- tee. Another date will be arranged for him. Before calling our witness today, I would like to place a number of documents in the record. STATEMENT OF THE AMERICAN LEGION BY DANIEL J. O'CONNOR Mr. ICHORD. First, I would like to insert in the record a statement in support of the Freedom Commission and Freedom Academy con- cept by Daniel J. O'Connor, chairman of the National Americanism Commission of The American Legion. 81 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 droved ForpW21M/Q7plai-@,W?,46R000600070001-8 This statement reiterates official American Legion support of the Freedom Academy, first given in its name by Mr. O'Connor when he test.ified at the hearings last year. If there be no objection that will be placed in the record of the hearings; (Mr. O'Connor's statement follows:) STATEMENT OF TILE AMERICAN LEGION BY DANIEL J. O'COIN'NOR Mr. Chairman and Members of the Committee: Inasmuch as testimony was submitted to your committee during the second session of the 88th Congress on similar legislation and since the position of The American Legion remains unchanged, we are submitting for the record the statement which was made last year. As the distinguished members of this committee know, The American Legion has, since its very beginning, been cognizant of the Communist menace. In fact, the militancy of Americanism expressed by the founders and early organ- izers of the The American Legion drew such wrath from the advance guard of communism in this country-the Industrial Workers of the World-that the latter shot down, in cold blood, American Legionnaires marching In the first Armistice Day parade In Centralia, Washington. That was in 1919, even as the young American Legion was perfecting Its organization at its first National Convention in Minneapolis, Minnesota, November 10-12, 1919. Forty-five years ago the basic tenets of communism may have been generally understood by a considerable portion of our population. Today, however, the complexities of Communist plans and activities have grown to such proportions that scarcely one in a thousand Americans has a mental grasp of Communist machinations. Of course, all of us, through the news media of the Nation, are familiar with the known Communist successes such as in Cuba, and elsewhere. But how to thwart communistic encroachments, before the fact, Is a problem which we seem unable to solve. While I feel certain the members of this committee recognize the long hard fought battle which The American Legion has waged against communism since the Centralia massacre, there can be no denial that there have been changes in the techniques of political and psychological warfare. Centuries ago a question was posed to the brilliant scholar, Francis Xavier, namely : "What loth it profit a man If he gains the whole world and suffers the loss of his own soul?" Might I paraphrase that question In pointing to the tremendous armed might of our country, the greatest Nation on earth, and say, "What doth it profit the United States of America to have the greatest atomic power for both peace and war if the United States of America is robbed of Its own soul?" In the past 17 years millions have been encircled and their lives regimented under the yoke ofMoscow or Peiping because of a poison that has been adminis- tered In slow, measured, but lethal doses to humankind, In all parts of the globe. The Incontrovertiblebut, sad reality is that, without firing a single weapon, the masters of Communist propaganda have been proliferate, not only in the Far East but in our own hemisphere. There Is no committee of the Congress that has performed a greater public service than the House Committee on Un-American Activities in marshaling the various sources of Information reflecting the pattern of inflltiation, not only In Latin America, Panama, and Cuba, but also within the confines of our own geography. There Is no task more painstaking or more difficult than the burden shouldered by this committee in probing the Influence of communism In our own society. Your committee and staff labor under constant threat of liquidation, not by members of the Communist. Party alone, but by Americans who recognize the congressional power of Inquiry for every subject under the sun except the exposd of the Communist conspiracy. What I would like you to understand and appreciate Is that we in The American Legion who have consistently sup- ported the creation of a Freedom Academy have also supported the duly con- stituted committees of the Congress whose findings and publications serve to spotlight the uncanny aggressors for the minds of men. In giving our wholehearted support for the creation of the Freedom Academy, we cannot help but emphasize that the greatest care must be exercised that this new beacon of liberty shall never become, In even the smallest part, a haven for anyone who professes a belief in our way of life and yet performs brilliantly for the proponents of world socialism. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For F"?lkR0 7/9i Efl)A 6X00060060'0001-8 Lest you think for one moment that I have introduced a strange note amid splendid testimony offered to your committee during the 88th Congress, 2nd session, by the Honorable Hale Boggs, majority whip from Louisiana, Dr. Lev E. Dobriansky, Georgetown University professor, and many other distin- guished Americans, please understand that we in The American Legion share the dismay and disappointment of many who believe the cold war has achieved some measure of success in the United States. We. have also witnessed the replacement of a program dedicated to the men of our armed forces on Veterans Day, 1962, with comment and appraisal by a convicted perjurer passing judgment on the political fortunes of a man who served as United States Senator and Vice President of the United States. While the producers of the program are not accused of having Communist sympathies, leftwing leanings, etc., there can be no question about the bad taste exercised in that decision. Why do things like this happen? Why was America's fighting man relegated to oblivion? What is there on the American scene which causes the cancellation of a tribute to the American fighting man and substitutes instead an attack on a war veteran who held high public office by a perjurer who is given a television podium in a vain effort to restore his respectability. This is only one example of the erosion of patriotism. Only last week at a private school in East Williston, Long Island, American boys and girls from upper middle class families refused to salute the flag of the United States. No accusation is made against the faculty of the school, but what has happened in the fabric of American education which causes this debasement of our traditional salute to the flag and our love for that for which it stands. Perhaps, the "cross-fertilization of ideas" pursued in a divi- sion of research for the private sector of our society will, in the Freedom Acad- emy, give some clue to the problem. In my experience as a lawyer who handled the Security Risk Inquiry in the City of New York, I feel that I can make a personal observation on this pro- gram that terminated about 6 years ago. If it was shocking to learn that engineers and others educated in our colleges and universities had joined the apparatus of the Communist Party and their activities remained undetected +'or years, then is it not of paramount importance that the greatest possible security measures be taken to insure against the possibility of the Freedom Academy itself being infiltrated by anyone tutored by the great masters of deceit? During the 2nd session of the 88th Congress Congressman Boggs pointed out quite properly that the work of the Freedom Academy in no way pre-empts the work of the FBI or the CIA. He stated that what is intended is to "use affirmatively of the great reservoir of talent that we have in the United States to show what the free system and what a free society can do," but also remarked "I have no preconceived notions of how this Academy should be set up." Concededly, how- ever, this is a most important corollary to the passage of this legislation, namely, the staffing of the Academy. While The American Legion is deeply concerned about the competence of Americans who officially represent the United States, both here and abroad, our support of the Freedom Academy would also embrace the area of research for the vast sector of Americans engaged in the war of ideas who are not on the public payroll. We believe the many who are engaged in stemming the tide of w Communist propaganda which has poured into this country by the ton must be encouraged, enlightened and strengthened. Finally, we commend the Freedom Academy to your consideration. We believe its success will be measured by its service to God and country in a recognition of the basic discipline and spiritual values which have made the United States the greatest nation on earth. In conclusion, Mr. Chairman, I ask that the attached American Legion 1964 Convention Resolution, No. 270, be made a part of the record, following my statement. In behalf of The American Legion, and myself personally, I thank you for the opportunity of placing this statement in the record. FORTY-SIxTII ANNUAL NATIONAL CONVENTION OF THE AMERICAN LEGION, DALLAS, TEXAS, SEPTEMBER 22-24, 1964 RESOLUTION No. 270. COMMITTEE : Americanism. SUBJECT : The Freedom Academy. Whereas, The United States is preparing to defend its national interests in com- ing years, faces grave and complex problems in the non-military as well as mili- tary areas ; and Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Ap oved For RRl W'20B8107V12RE RO 446R000600070001-8 Whereas, To further fortify and meet the preparation of that defense, there has been introduced into the Senate of the United States by Senator KarlFreundt, Senate Bill No. 414, designed to create the Freedom Commission and the Medom Academy, to conduct research to develop an Integrated body of operational knowledge in the political, psychological, economic, technological, and organiza- tional areas to Increase the non-military capabilities of the United States in the global struggle between freedom and Oummunism, to educate and train Govern- ment personnel and private citizens to understand and implement this body of knowledge and also to provide education and training for foreign students In these areas of knowledge under appropriate conditions, Now, therefore, be it Rcsolrcd, By The American Legion in National Convention assembled in Dallas, Texas, September 22-24, 1964, that we hereby announce our full and complete agreement with the said Senate Bill No. 414 and urge Its adoption by the Con- gress of the United States. STATEMENT OF RESERVE OFFICERS ASSOCIATION OF THE UNITED STATES BY LT. COL. FLOYD OLES, U.S. ARMY RESERVE (RETIRED) Mr. Iciroim. I would also like to insert in the record, a letter from Mr. Floyd Oles, Lt. Colonel, U.S. Army (Retired , expressing the sup- port of the Reserve Officers Association of the kited States for the Freedom Academy concept. The Reserve Officers Association, which has formally expressed its support of the Freedom Academy idea for a number of years, also submitted a statement for inclusion in the record of the 1964 hearings. If there be no objection the letter from Mr. Oles will be placed in the record. (Col. Oles' letter follows:) RESERVE OFFICERS AssocrATION OF THE UNITES) STATES, THE CONGRESSIONAL HOTEL, 100 New Jersey Avenue RE., Washington, D.C., 20001, April 8,1965. The HouionAsLE EDWIN E. Wn.L,a. Chairman, Committee on Un-American Activities, House of Representatives, Washington, D.C. DEAR SIB: Permit me first to express the appreciation of our Association for the privilege, granted by the Honorable Richard H. Iehord, as Chairman of your subcommittee having under consideration the matter of a "Freedom Academy", to present a statement In support of that proposal, as outlined in several bills now under consideration by that subcommittee. We submitted last year a copy of a resolution in support of the "Freedom Com- mission Act", as adopted by our 34th National Convention in New York City on July 1, 1960. That resolution appears on page 1420 of the hearings held in Feb- ruary and in May last year. That resolution continues to be a mandate of our Association, and has been re-affirmed in various succeeding national meetings of the organization. In view of the different numbers of the bills now before you, it has seemed to us best simply to re-affirm in principle our support for legis- lation on this subject, as now before you. It was my privilege to author the original resolution of our Association on this subject, adopted at our National Convention held at Atlantic City, New Jersey, in June of 195$. In general, the spirit and intent of that resolution is embodied in the bills now before you. It is our desire to have your records show that we. are. Still, as we were"in 1958, wholeheartedly In favor of the proposal to create a "Freedom Academy" along the lines set forth in the current bills. In our extended discussion on this subject at various national meetings it has become clear that there are two primary reasons for our active support of this legislation. First, we are convinced that such an establishment could go far to correct the situation where this Nation seeks to counter professional propaganda and subversion by the use of sporadic and amateur efforts. Secondly, and as a corollary, it seems clear to us that, until we can develop the professional skills which are the objective of the "Freedom Academy", we shall continue to be on the defensive, rather than taking the offensive in a field where the facts of the current world situation provide us ample support for an intelligently directed "cold war" offensive. We feel that it is only by this means that we can substitute Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For RP W 2OO f-OT/43F cRD 4f,0006000o001-8 positive action in this field for the belated and ineffectual reaction which has been our only response thus far to the continuing Communist initiative in mat- ters of propaganda and subversion. We have listened with keen interest to the hearings conducted by your sub- committee, and in particular to the very scholarly and well documented state- ments made of late by Senator Mundt. We find ourselves heartily in agreement with Senator Mundt and the others who are supporting him in this legislative effort. Since delay can only contribute further to our existing inferiority in this im- portant field of "cold war" strategy, we would also urge that the subject matter is something which calls for early and favorable action by your committee. Permit us once more to thank you for the opportunity of submitting this statement. Very sincerely yours, /s/ Floyd Oles, FLOYD OLE$, Lt. Col. USAR-Ret., Vice Chairman, Committee on Retirement. Mr. IcxonD. Finally, the chairman of the committee, the Honorable Edwin E. Willis, of Louisiana, who unfortunately found it impossible to attend the hearings this morning, has asked me to read a statement which he had prepared for today. I will read the brief statement of the chairman of the full committee. This is the statement by Mr. Willis : I would also like to insert in the record at this point the text of a document on existing Communist political warfare schools which was prepared by the Department of State last year at the request of the Committee on Un-American Activities. It is entitled A Survey of Sino-Soviet Bloc Political Train- ing Establishments for Free World Nationals. The committee requested that the State Department fur- nish it with a list of all such schools which, to the knowledge of the Department, were then in operation and also an approxi- mation of the number of graduates turned out by the schools each year, the length of time they spent in the schools, the countries or areas from which they are recruited, and any other related data it could provide. Because the content of this document will, I believe, be of interest to the members of the committee who are here, to the witnesses present, and all others in the hearing room, I would like to summarize its contents briefly. The very first paragraph reads as follows : The Communist Parties of the Sino-Soviet Bloc are currently giving extensive training to Free World Communists in the operational doc- trines, techniques, and major functional programs of political action and political warfare. This training is a strategically important Bloc "export," contributing to the promotion of revolution and attempts to seize power throughout the world. The next point made in the introduction to this study is that the document cannot be considered exhaustive. Much Comunist political warfare training, it points out, is carried on secretly and there is, therefore, a very real possibility that the Communists have successfully concealed "particularly sensitive political training projects." Furthermore, it is noted, the report contains no informa- tion at all-for obvious reasons-about the Communists' most carefully guarded aspect of political warfare training, Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 A?Oroved Fort@WD 28O5/e7k1 FXFltt R6?$Y 446R000600070001-8- namely, that given by the intelligence services of the Com- munist bloc to their agents. The report also points out that it does not include informa- tion on the extensive military training programs and the paramilitary and guerrilla training projects provided by vari- ous Communist governments. It notes that even guided tours for cultural groups and sports enthusiasts are utilized for po- litical purposes by the Communists and that all conventional universities in Communist bloc countries are Marxist-Leninist in orientation and thus utilized for political goals. By spelling out these varied aspects of Communist cold war o erat.ions and training which it does not cover, the report em- p asizes the tremendous scope of Communist training in all forms of nonmilitary techniques designed to subvert the free world. By way of summary, here are some of the high points in the report: There are at least seven schools of political warfare op- erating in the Soviet Union, nine in East Germany, nine in Cuba, four in Czechoslovakia, three in Hungary, and two in Bulgaria. In addition, it is known that. political warfare schools exist in Communist. China. The number, however, is not known. There are so-called Higher Party Schools in the Soviet Union, Bulgaria, Cuba, Czechoslovakia, and East Germany, all of which have some foreign students. The Higher Party School in the Soviet Union has about 1,500 students per year about half of which come from other nations and 300 of which are from the free world. The courses vary in length from 1 year to 4 years. There is an international school for non-bloc Communists in the Soviet Union. It handles about 250 students a year. They come from all over the world, the largest number from Latin America. The courses they take vary from 6 months to 2 years. Red China has specialized in the training of Latin Amer- ican and African Communists. From 1958 to 1961 it had a very ambitious Latin American program. It is still train- ing some Latin Americans, though not as many as in the past. The training has included. guerrilla warfare, and some of it has been devoted exclusively to paramilitary activity. The political warfare schools in Red China have stressed clandestine party work and organizational work with mass groups. Pe g has also run a special training course for Africans. Students taking this course do not have to be party members. In 1960, the course included not only political ideology, but also guerrilla warfare and sabotage. Two thirds of the course was devoted to training in weapons and military strategy, the use of explosives, and sabotage techniques, and one third was devoted to Communist. ideology and how to introduce Communist organizations and influence into rural areas. The Cuban picture is roughly as follows : Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Reke n' MWi,1$ :A, a R00060007(O01-8 In 1961 there was an enrollment of approximately 18,830 students in political warfare schools in Cuba. In 1962 the figure jumped to 36,487. There are Higher Party Schools, plus a school for labor leaders, one for teachers, and one for local security personnel. Five additional schools are dedi- cated to the training of Communist leaders, functionaries, and activists. There are also provincial and basic schools and programs for guerrilla warfare and paramilitary training. Students from other Latin American countries study at these schools. Their exact number, however, is not known. Of special interest, I believe, is the fact that in the last few years, according to this State Department document, three special schools for journalists have been established behind the Iron Curtain. One, set up in 1961 is located in the Roztez Castle near Prague, Czechoslovakia. It is called the Study Center of the Union of Czechoslovak Journalists. Students include Asians, Latin Americans, and Africans, with emphasis on the latter. The speciality of this school is training personnel to staff the national press agencies of African countries. The third class to go through this school completed its 6 months' course in May 1963. It included 30 students from six different countries and brought to 50 the number of students trained for Communist work in sub-Saharan and Arab Africa. Another journalist school, called the School of Solidarity for the Training of African Journalists, has been set up in the East Berlin suburb of Buckow. The first formal class was graduated from this school in November 1963. It included 20 young Africans from eight countries. In earlier, less formal training during the years 1961 and 1962, 16 Africans from eight different countries went through this school. There is also a Communist political warfare school for journalists in Hungary called the International Center for the Training of Journalists. It is located in Budapest. Its students include Asians, Africans, and Latin Americans. The school is operated under the auspices of the International Organization of Journalists, Moscow's worldwide Communist front for newspaper people. Many persons have been disturbed in the past few years by the evidence of Communist influence in the rising revolu- tionary tide in Asia, Africa, and Latin America. The high- lights of the State Department's report on Communist schools of political warfare, which I have touched on, provide a strong clue to the origins of this Communist influence. It also indicates that the Communist bloc is doing everything possible to widen and strengthen this influence, that we will see additional evidence of it in the next few years, and that it is time for the United States and other free nations to recognize the increased Communist threat it faces in these areas and to adopt firm measures to counter them. If there be no objection from you other members of the committee the report will be placed in toto in the record. (The report follows : ) Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Wroved Forp 2f/Q7fJ4sCb&-Rdt3MORNW46ROOO6OOO7OOO1-8 A Survey of Sino-Soviet Bloc Political Training Establishments for Free World Nationals The Communist Parties of the Sino-Soviet Bloc are currently giving extensive training to Free World Communists in the operational doctrines, techniques, and major functional programs of political action and political warfare. This training is a strategically important Bloc "export", con- tributing to the promotion of revolution and attempts to seize power throughout the world. This tabulation of the main schools and programs obviously cannot be considered exhaustive. On the one hand, since much of this training is carried on secretly, there is no assurance that particularly sensitive political training projects have not been successfully concealed. The most carefully guarded aspects of political warfare training--that given by the intelligence services of the Bloc to their agent personnel--has not been considered at all, for obvious reasons, in this survey. On the other hand, the alt-pervasive nature of the Communist approach to indoctrination and political action training affects to varying degrees the many varieties of nominally non-political education the Bloc states offer to visitors and guests from abroad. Professional education in philosophy and economics at conventional universities is obviously Marxist-Leninist in its conclusions; but even guided tours for sports enthusiasts and cultural groups are exploited to expose the amenable to ideas and precedents they may find useful in pursuing political goats. Finally, the extensive military training programs as well as the paramilitary and guerrilla training projects provided by various Bloc governments are not included in this survey except in the case of China. The training described has been given since 1960 in schools run by the Communist Parties, by the Young Communist Leagues. by trade union, or by youth organizations, and professional bodies such as the national journalist associations, Europe. Latin America, Africa, and Asia all have been repre- sented at these schools, by both Communist party members and non-members. So far, the USSR and East Germany have been most energetic in building these programs. with Czechoslovakia and Hungary next in line. China's role, vigorous during the earlier period, is obviously in a period of change as a Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67BOO446ROO0600070001-8 Approved For Rel ,6/ 1I :& P@aJ5QqM?R00060007 result of the Sino-Soviet Dispute. The overall program is not static; changes in program, and the development of new establishments are obviously occurring constantly; and the interest displayed by the Communist parties in deriving as much benefit as possible from these opportunities is still high. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 A,lgproved ForpR%WR#g 5/,07iipDQIA-W446R000600070001-8 The CPC currently trains a limited number of Latin American Communists each year, with the trainees apparently drawn almost exclusively from pro-Chinese factions. For the time being the number of Latin American Communist trainees going to China is a mere trickle compared with the numbers who went during 1958- 1961, when the CPC maintained an ambitious and organized program of training numerous Latin American Communists. The earlier program tapered off in the course of the Sino-Soviet dispute. The length of the average course for Latin American Communists appears to be about three months, with additional time spent in touring China. The CPC training includes guerrilla warfare as well as political indoctrination, with most Latin American Communists apparently getting a combination of both. (In some special cases, however, the training may be almost exclusively in paramilitary activity.) The political indoctrination portion evidently includes the history of the CPC and its ideological development, plus Marxist-Leninist doctrine and how to put theory into practice. In the past the CPC was known to stress clandestine party work, and organizational work within different mass groups; these probably continue to receive emphasis. A series of special training courses for Africans has been apparent. So far these courses appear to be held at irregular intervals. For the most part, the Africans who attend these special courses are not CP members or even particularly knowledgeable of Communism prior to the course. The training does not all take place in Peking, but other location(s) used are not firmly identifiable. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For F M NOQ5I 7L13n I [ 6iBG R0006001W0001-8 The curriculum reported for a L960 course for Africans is probably representative of subsequent training given to other Africans. The training involved guerrilla warfare, sabotage, and political ideology. About two-thirds of the course was devoted to explosives,- sabotage techniques, weapon training, and military strategy. The final one-third of the training focused on Communist ideology and the methods of introducing Communist organizations and influence in rural areas. Students from at Least three African countries attended the L960 course. No information can be provided concerning specialized youth, trade union, or other functional training establishments in China. 47-093 O-66---7 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Ap2oved For Felteas ~5t07/I1 @ 21~ Q 6R000600070001-8 1. Party Ideological Schools a. Higher Party School of the CC/CPSU Miusskaya Square 6, Moscow As many as 1500 students in one year have been reported at this school, although the average yearly enrollment may be slightly smaller. Soviet trainees are believed to number roughly one-half of the total student body. In July 1960, the school announced that 437 persons had graduated that year, including a large number of party officials from fraternal CPs in socialist countries. This number is not believed to have included the free world Communists who were graduated. In the past, an estimated 300 free world Communists attended the school each year. After the 1963 graduation, however, it was reported that no free world Communists would henceforth be enrolled at this school, and that separate facilities had been created for them. (See school b. , below.) The Higher Party School is now said to be used exclusively for Soviet and bloc CP trainees. Regular courses run for periods of one, two, three and even four years. The curriculum stresses ideological training, including such subjects as economics, philosophy, history of the CPSU, party structure, economy of socialist countries, and history of national liberation movements. Study of the Russian language is also stressed. Foreign students, all of whom must be CP members, have come from all areas of the world. b. International school for non-bloc Communists (exact name unknown) Mo scow Believed to have commenced operations in 1962 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Re tb 5JOJ/143 rOAoRO 48R00060007ftO1-8 Regular courses reportedly run for periods of six-months, one year, and two years. Two six-months courses are said to be given each school year, thus permitting more students to receive training each year. The curriculum stresses ideological training but is apparently more realistic and specifically designed for .free world CP members than was the case at the Higher Party School. Besides the Russian language, subjects studied include history of the CPSU, philosophy, political economy, and the theory and tactics of Communism. In addition, each student reportedly studies the political and economic situation of his own country. Students are all CP members and are said to be members of non-bloc CPs only. CPs from all areas of the world have sent trainees to this school. Communists from Latin America are believed to have made up the largest single area group thus far. c. National group training school (no name known) Believed located just outside Moscow Established prior to 1960 Upon occasion, a group of trainees from one CP only, or from one country only, is enrolled in a separate training establishment. This establishment is probably administered by the Higher Party School. Apart from considerations of secrecy, creation of this special facility appears inspired by: (1) The development of CPSU projects that require giving ideological training to an unusually large number of trainees from one CP at a specified time; or (2) The necessity to give special attention to inexperienced and unsophisticated "emerging Communists" from a developing country where there is as yet no CP. Illustrating the first case, during a four year period a total of 100 members of one Latin American CP alone reportedly received separate training. Their studies included political economics, philosophy, history of the CPSU, structure of the CPSU, international relations, and history of the labor movement. Illustrating the second case, these facilities were reportedly used on one occasion for a group of about 30 Africans from one country. For over a year this Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved Forg{,~~2~/(~7/E}-F~~446R000600070001-8 ? group received special political indoctrination and were taught organizational techniques. Their poor academic preparation reportedly was taken into account during the course. d. Regional party schools in USSR (e. g. Tashkent, Baku) There are a few reported cases of foreign Communists being enrolled in regular courses at regional party schools. In the reported cases, the foreign Communists have been either Greek or Iranian nationals long resident in the USSR. Central Komsomol School Veshnyaki Pvospekt Oktyabrskiy Moscow E. 402 Established prior to 1960 This school is said to have a capacity for nearly 1, 000 students. An estimated 300 foreign students, including those from other bloc countries, appear to be enrolled each year. No reliable statement of the number of non-bloc trainees can be given. Courses for foreigners generally run for either six- months or twelve-months periods. The curriculum provides what is virtually CP ideological training. It includes the study of the history of the CPSU, organization and work of the Komsomol, philosophy, political economy, and the Russian language. This school enrolls non-CP youths as well as members of CP youth organizations; they receive their training together. Hence, the foreign students include a significant number of trainees from countries where no organized CP exists. In 1963, students from about 30 foreign countries were reported at the school, with about 10 African countries represented. All areas of the world sent students to the school. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For ReRirW/13riCtP66iR0006000t001-8 3. Trade Union schools Trade Union School of the All-Union Central Council of Trade Unions Moscow Established 1961 A course of about nine months is given for foreigners, combining instruction in Marxist doctrine with training in tactics to be employed in organizing and manipulating trade unions. The first class was made up entirely of Africans. Subsequent classes, numbering as many as 100 each, have included, along with Africans, a few students from Asia and numerous Latin Americans. A class of this varied composition began in 1963, with another scheduled for 1964. Other groups of trainees have from time to time been sent from overseas labor unions to the Soviet Union for less formal training of a few weeks' duration. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 AAroved ForFRoleaB 2@6f/Q7/ B: EIA-1 7B 46R000600070001-8 Higher Party School Sofia Established prior to 1960 It is believed that a few foreign Communists are enrolled from time to time in this school, Paralleling the CPSU's Higher Party School, this school provides similar ideological training. Georgi Dimitrov Trade Union School (Courses for foreigners have been given intermittently since 1960) A one-year course is currently being presented. A class began in October 1963. Latin Americans are prominently included (including four from Cuba). A previous class was composed chiefly of Africans. Groups of trainees from the Arab countries have also been trained in Bulgaria. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For R ni2:DSW/13FIC DP6 6 680006000 001-8 All ideological training within Cuba is organized and directed by the t. governing party through the National Directorate of Revolutionary Instruction, without the division of administrative responsibility already developed in the Soviet Bloc systems. Organized principally for Cubans, these schools--at least the key ones--enroll students from other Latin American countries as well. No estimate of the numbers of foreign students is possible at this time. The total enrollment, in national, provincial, and basic schools, was 18, 830 in 1961 and 36, 487 in 1962. 1. Key National "Schools of Revolutionary Instruction"--1962 a. "Nice Lopez"-- This school, intended eventually to be equiva- lent to bloc "Higher Party School", currently is supplemented by the training of Cubans in higher party schools elsewhere. b. "Carlos Rodriguez"-- School for national and provincial labor leaders c. "Juan Ronda"-- for defense committee (local security auxiliary force) members d. "Ruben Bravo"-- for teachers These key national schools are supplemented by five others that train functionaries, leaders, and activists for smaller functional groups and for work at the local level. Provincial and basic schools indoctrinate even larger groups of Cubans. These national schools do not include the programs for paramilitary and guerrilla training, in which some political indoctrination and training is known to be given. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 A00roved ForYWW&a1UOg/0'7/ '3r:%P4iR P%VfiBU0446R000600070001-8 Higher Party School Prague Established prior to 1960 It is believed that a few foreign Communists are enrolled from time to time in this school. Paralleling the CPSU's Higher Party School, this school provides similar ideological training. 2. International Communist Seminar Facilities Problems of Peace and Socialism (PPS) headquarters Prague The editorial board of the international Communist publication, PPS, in Prague, sponsors, sometimes in conjunction with the Czechoslovakia party, international seminars on subjects of importance to all CPs. Participants from many CPs have also prepared detailed written contributions for use at these seminars. (Not all PPS-sponsored seminars are held in Prague, but the majority take place there.) The materials used are, once properly edited and compiled, published and distributed for use throughout the world in ideological training. Some 1962-1963 seminars were on the following subjects: Building a United Anti-Imperialist Front; Socialist World System and the National Liberation Movement; Communists and Democracy; and Present Stage of the National Liberation Movement of the Arab Peoples. Central School of the Trade Union Federation (ROH) of Czechoslovakia Near Prague Course for foreign students established 1961 The first classfor foreign students conisted of 25 from ten African and two Asian countries. The curriculum covered, in five weeks, the main phases of Communist theory and its application in practical terms to the developing-countries, Subsequent classes have included, along with Africans, participants from Arab countriesand from Latin America. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Rg &RRO?69,7/A13F,Rjg&RDP&715QQR000600090001-8 4. Journalist Training Study Center of the Union of Czechoslovak Journalists Roztez Castle (near Prague) 1961 At this location and elsewhere in Czechoslovakia training has been given, both in organized courses and through individual instruction, to young Latin Americans, Asians, and especially Africans. It is carried out largely through the Czechoslovak Press Agency (CTK). A specialty has been the training of persons to staff new national press agencies in the African countries. The third class completed a six months course in May .1963. It was made up of some thirty students from six countries. This class brought to a total of fifty the number of journalists trained to work in sub-Saharan and Arab Africa. The Czech Union of Journalists, in conjunction with the International Organization of Journalists (which also has its headquarters in Prague), has sponsored similar training of young Latin Americans on "scholar- ships" awarded for extended visits in Czechoslovakia. Details are not available. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Aop oved For A@kQ#?X29Q /QL7/F1At 46R000600070001-8 a. Karl Marx School of the SED East Berlin Established prior to 1960 It is believed that a few foreign Communists are enrolled from time to time in this school. Paralleling the CPSU's Higher Party School, this school provides similar ideological training. b. School facilities provided to other CPs Bad Doberan, Greifswald, Rostock, Wismar, Oderberg Established prior to 1960 At the above locations the SED is reported to provide assistance and facilities for the party training of Communists from several other CPs, from principally those of Scandinavia. The program for the Nordic parties, which appears to take place chiefly at the first three locations above, is a continuing and regular venture. The use of facilities in East Germany is dictated in part at least by the belief that the students can thus be trained under more secure conditions. Literally hundreds of foreign CP members have received training in these schools. A class of 30-50 from one CF is not unusual. There is no known mixing of students from different cps. The length of the courses is usually described as ranging from a few weeks to a few months (one of four months was reported). Often the schooling is given during the "vacations" of the CP members. As part of the curriculum, SED instructors may lecture on the building of socialism in East Germany. Otherwise, the subjects taught are handled by instructors from the particular foreign CP. Subjects reportedly include political economy, problems of the workers' movement, and "party questions." Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For R g gIgQO?( 7/13 f;* EblaMdikR000600Q1)Q001-8 Wilhelm Pieck Youth Academy Bernau am Bogensee (near East Berlin) Established prior to 1960 Courses for foreigners generally run for either six-months or twelve-months periods. Like the CPSU's Komsomol school, the curriculum provides what is virtually CP ideological training. It includes the study of Marxism-Leninism, political economy, history of the CPSU, history of the German workers' movement, youth work of the Free German Youth and Young Pioneers, and history of the international labor movement. The school enrolls non-CP youths as well as members of CP youth organizations. Students come from all areas of the world. Fritz Heckert Academy of the Free German Federation of Trade Unions (Institute for Foreign Students) Bernau (near East Berlin) Established prior to 1960 Trainees have been accepted from Asia, Africa, and Latin America, both for lengthy periods (upwards of one year) and for briefer courses of a few weeks. As many as 175 have been trained in a single year for activity in labor organizations in Africa alone. School of Solidarity for the Training of African Journalists Buckow (suburb of EastBerlin) Established November 1963 The first class at the new school consisted of some twenty young Africans from at least eight countries who were given a month's training in preparation for journalistic activity in their home countries. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For o2QWO7/jAg.&hk R 9446R000600070001-8 This institution is directed by the Union of German Journalists, which has previously, on a less formally organized basis, provided training for Africans. Within atwelve-month span in 1961-62, sixteen Africans from eight countries were trained for periods of six to eight months. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Re D5>!$ 1A3 1,P 3W 0006000pi No information of enrollment of foreign Communists in the Hungarian party school system is available. Trade Union School of the General Council of Hungarian Trade Unions Budapest Established before 1960 In addition to class instruction on theoretical and practical topics presented to trainees from a number of the less developed lands, a specialty has been to provide periods of observation and on-the-job training in Hungarian industries to further the career of invited foreign unionists. International Center for the Training of Journalists Budapest Established 1963 Under the auspices of the International Organization of Journalists (the international Communist front centered in Czechoslovakia) preparations were under way throughout 1963 for the opening of the school (including construction of a special building for instruction and for residential purposes) late in the year. Students were to come from Asia, Africa, and Latin America. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 I* 4roved FolPiR I a e /107 EBOR- P 46R000600070001-8 "Radio College of Marxism-Leninism" Radio Pyongyang A course in Marxism-Leninism is beamed to South Korea. According to an overt announcement, "Through a systematic study of lectures provided by the college, a person will acquire an education equivalent to that provided by one year courses in the Communist Institute in North Korea." Inaugurated in the spring of 1962, the course is specifically designed for a South Korean audience. The announced subjects of the course are philosophy, political economics, scientific C.)mmunism, DPRK constitution, Korean history, history of the Korean Workers Party, and current political situations. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For R MwnRQOiWQ7A13'$Ob9aRDRS O 6R000600 bOO1-8 Mr. ICHORD. The first witness for today then will be Mr. Arthur Meyerhoff. Is Mr. Meyerhoff present? You may be seated, Mr. Meyerhoff. The chairman of the committee, I might say to you, a few days ago received a letter from a former member of the Congress, the Honorable Clinton D. McKinnon, requesting that this committee give favorable consideration to your testimony. In his letter he referred to your deep concern about the Communist, problem and mentioned the fact that after addressing the San Diego Rotary Club of 350 members a few weeks ago you received one of the greatest ovations the club has ever given a speaker. The chairman has asked that I make this letter a part of the hearing record, and if there be no objection it will be made a part of the record. It reads as follows : Honorable Edwin E. Willis, House Office Building, Washington, D.G. Dear Mr. Congressman: You may recall me as the Democratic Congressman from San Diego who entered the House for the 81st Congress--both of us "freshmen" together. I am writing to ask your favorable consideration. of the testimony Arthur Meyerhoff will give your Un-American Activities Committee this coming Wednes- day, April 28th. Mr. Meyerhoff is one of the highly respected persons in the advertising profes, sion and, like many another businessman, is deeply concerned about this coun- try's failure to measure up to the Commies in propaganda warfare. Mr. Meyerhoff talked on this subject before our San Diego Rotary Club of 350 members a few weeks back and received one of the greatest ovations this club has-ever given a speaker. I am hopeful that what he advocates will make sense to you and your com- mittee, for we appear to be losing out to the Commies in our "idea" warfare and a change is certainly indicated. I hope things are well with you. Cordially, /s/Clint CLINTON D. M0KINNON. Mr. Meyerhoff, I know you are the author of The Strategy of Per- suasion, the Use of Advertising Skills in Fighting the Cold War. I ? might point out that this book has an afterword by our distinguished colleague, Representative Dante B. Fascell, chairman of the Subcom- mittee on International Organizations and Movements of the House Committee on Foreign Affairs. Mr. Meyerhoff since 1941 has been president of the international advertising firm of Arthur Meyerhoff Associates, Incorporated, of Chicago, Illinois. It is a pleasure, Mr. Meyerhoff, to have you with the committee today and the Chair will now recognize you for your testimony. STATEMENT OF ARTHUR E. MEYERHOFF Mr. MEYERHOFF. Thank you. I am very pleased with Mr. McKin- non's letter because I am not a professional speechmaker. The talk at San Diego was the fourth speech I have made in my 33 years in the advertising business. Mr. Chairman and Committee Members: My name is Arthur E. Meyerhoff. I am the executive head of Arthur Meyerhoff Associates, Inc., an advertising agency established in 1932. We represent national Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 AllPfbved Ford d'3 02( 5/0'7/l't3 %IN-F Cg1 BUO$46R000600070001-8 accounts with offices in Chicago; Toronto and Montreal, Canada; and Zurich, Switzerland. When it was first suggested that I appear before this committee I was reluctant to do so because the field of my studies and activities, did not seem to qualify me to speak with authority on the work of the Un-American Activities Committee as I understand it to be. However, when I was informed that my appearance had to do with the hearings on a bill to establish a Freedom Commission and Freedom Academy, and I subsequently studied the reports of previous hearings on the bill, I realized that it came within the scope of what I had been working on for the past 20 years. I think it is important for this committee to hear the results of my experience and research, which have to do with: 1) an analysis of the skills with which the Communists are fight- ing the pgropaganda war against the free world; 2) w }rat skills we as a nation are using to counter that war; 3) the reluctance on the part of our State Department and the United States Information Agency to take a more dynamic approach to offset the worldwide Communist propaganda offensive against the United States and the free world; 4) the resources we have in the United States to effectively fight the Communist propaganda offensive. While I wish to speak in support. of bill II.R. 2379, I believe there are other immediate steps that we must take to stop the progress of the Communist propaganda offensive, making use of the skilled practi- tioners who already exist in the United States. These people have the special qualifications to understand the methods and technical skills behind the Communists' propaganda war, and they have the tools to help turn the tide of battle in our favor. People in our State Department and our United States Information Agency, whose background and outlook eminently qualify them to deal with people on a person-to-person diplomatic level, aiming pri- marily at. people of their own intellectual level or what they refer to as the opinion leaders, seem to have no qualifications for, and little understanding of, the modern techniques of persuading a mass of people to accept. an idea. Their experience doesn't include the possibility that diplomats and opinion leaders can, in some instances, be motivated by a direct appeal from the masses, which, in turn, may help them to more easily achieve their diplomatic objectives. Certainly, the appeals to large numbers of people through the masses require it completely different orientation than those skills required in diplomacy. Our peaceful intentions, our humanitarian acts and our desires for self-determination for peoples of the world should speak for them- selves. Normally, our country should have no need for external propaganda, but we have a competitor that is poisoning the minds of people all over the world, using the very selling skills that were actually developed by the advertising, merchandising, and selling professions in the United States. Mr. Iciionu. At that point, Mr. Meyerhoff, how do y-ou analogize tlie. propaganda tactics of the Communists over the world to advertising techniques used here in the United States? Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Re~aaeJ28O5 /1g %Mt l P U1f46R0006000t6P101-8 Mr. MEYERHorr. How do they use those techniques? Mr. IOI30RD. Yes. How are they similar? Mr. MEYERHOFF. I point out some of those as I go along. One par- ticular technique is the use of repetition. We in advertising don't say a thing once to get an idea over; we say it over and over again. The same is true of Communists. For a number of years they have used this same theme : "We are the people's democracy. America is the imperialist," and they say that so often that I think they have a lot of people believing that and echoing that point of view. Another similarity is in the research techniques. Instead of speak- ing in the context of their own experience, the Communists research the group they are working on, to learn their aims and hopes and aspirations, and address their messages and their propaganda to the self-interest of the people they are trying to persuade. This is precisely what we do in the advertising business. Mr. IcHORD. In other words, they study the people where they are directing the propaganda. One selling technique might work in one country and another selling technique in another. Mr. EYERHOFF. That is correct. I don't believe there is any three- or five-point program for solving all our propaganda problems all over the world. It depends, for example, on what has been said by our major competitor in each particular country. It depends on their experiences, their hopes, their needs, and how we relate to their security. Have I answered your question? Mr. IcHoRD. Yes, sir. Mr. MEYERHOFF. We must face this fact : If our Government were doing an adequate job of combating the Communist propaganda as- saults against us, there would be no need for a Freedom Commission and Freedom Academy outside of the State Department and the United States Information Agency. Because of the State Department's failure to come to grips with the problems which the Academy would attack,,. I also strongly urge this committee to reject the State Department's request that any academy of this type come under their immediate direction. The resistance that the bills to create a Freedom Commission and Freedom Academy are facing now, and will face in the future, is the same resistance which I, and many leaders in our industry, have faced in the past in trying to get our Government information agencies to use the professional skills of people trained in the arts of persuasion to fight the propaganda offensive. This resistance does not, as some people in our country believe, come from sinister forces in our Government that are on the side of the Communists. Wherever I speak, people ask me if there are people in our State Department who are influenced by the Communists. I hasten to tell them that I don't believe so. My studies indicate that this resistance stems partly from the antip- athy that the intellectual elite in general have for anything involving selling, advertising, and public relations. I recently received a letter from a news correspondent with broad experience m Government and educational circles. He said, in part, `'I dislike the word `sell' almost as much as `advertising.' For many Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 4 roved Fop a 2W/OW4i3zDCiA4figa?ft446R000600070001-8 reasons, they have built up a connotation, no matter how unfair, of charlatanism." Because of my background and studies, I believe I can give you an analysis that may not only help this committee to understand the resistance the bill is meeting, but may give those who are opposed something to consider which may possibly change their point of view. An understanding of this resistance may save this bill from meeting the same fate that other similar efforts have met. During much of my career I have had what amounts to an avoca- tion in applying the skills of selling and advertising to public service causes, working with schools, hospitals, and charitable organizations on a voluntary basis to increase enrollment or win public support. In addition, during World War II one of our clients devoted an important part. of his advertising budget. to helping various Govern- ment services involved in the war to bring to the people of the United States the story of the contribution of these services in the war effort, Our client, who was extremely public spirited. noticing the lack of understanding of selling and advertising techniques in Government agencies, felt that his stake in the, war effort was to help the Govern- ment services to do a better job of presenting their story to the Amer- ican public by using the same skills of selling and advertising that were responsible for the success of his business. I supervised much of the liaison between our client. a.nd the various Government. services, and at. one time our organization was working with the Armyy, the Navy, the Manpower Commission, the Maritime Service, the Office of Wray Information, and the Treasury Department, as well as other services. Based on our procedures, we researched and examined the important ob"ct.ives these services told us they were trying to achieve in gaining pudic support. We then, in cooperation with our client, planned pro- grams to accomplish their goals. In our work with public service organizations and Government, over 20 years' time, the people we dealt, with-whether they were Army officers, educators, public-minded citizens, or Government officials- were in the beginning almost always entirely resistant and fearful of working with anyone who used a selling or advertising vocabulary. I think you could compare the situation to the image that. some people have of the Un-American Activities Committee : it was not what we might. have been able to do that frightened them, it. was their preconceived notions of what- we represented. We. were "hucksters," `hidden persuaders," "'Madison Avenue boys"; all terms created by journalists, novelists, and the movie industry. I found that when we avoided the terminology often associated with advertising-words such as "persuade." "hard sell," "promotion"-it was easier to gain their confidence. There is definitely a strong resistance in higher educational circles to the techniques of selling, advertising, public relations, or any method which attempts to " ersuade." It is the academic theory that people should he intellectua y challenged and should be able to get the truth by themselves. They fail to realize that the masses of people believe a great. deal of what. they bear, right or wrong, particularly when it- is repeated to Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Re rW051ON1t8 rOA PWl@01) 000600020001-8 them over and over again. We in advertising know we must repeat a message over and over in order to get people to take action. To give you some further evidence of the academic resistance to sell- ing techniques, results of a survey on the opinions of college men and their grasp of the functions of advertising and selling brought out some of the following results : Three fourths of the male college slu- The biggest student objection to sales work is that it is "forcing people to buy things they don't ne2d." A Yale student. said of selling that it is both too frustrating and prostituting. An Oregon youngster, who was trying to be openminded, came up with the statement that he wouldn't mind selling a product of "pro- found significance to the consumer." But he had never found such a product. Mr. IciroRD. The image of you in the advertising field is almost as bad as in the politician field. Mr. MEYERxoFF. Not as bad. We are not heckled as publicly to the great extent that politicians are. Ted Repplier of the Advertising Council, in a talk at a luncheon of the leaders of education in New York City, urged the educators : "Please understand me; I am not suggesting that educators cease criticizing advertising, but merely that they be fair and specific. Neither am I defending all advertising although perhaps 95 percent of advertising offends no one. Ninety-five percent, by the way, is not perfect, but it is not bad. Some might question whether the actions of less publicized professions like law and medicine would score any high- er. But, for heaven's sake, when criticizing advertising, may we not have some of that fine objectivity for which educators are famous?" Incidentally, I have noted some recent relaxation outside of Gov- ernment of the attitude against selling and advertising, on the part of several outstanding educators. For example, I had quoted Raphael Demos, a world-renowned philosopher, formerly of Harvard and presently at Vanderbilt University, as having warned a Radcliffe graduating class that they'd be assailed by the spellbinders and `tempted by the magnetic voices of the demagogues and fanatics" of advertising once they were outside the protection of their college. Ina recent letter from Professor Demos, he said, in part ; + Advertising fulfills a need in our society ; it awakes, arouses, even creates wants in the hearts of the public ; in this way, our economy becomes an expand- ing one. We need what we want, and we want what we imagine; advertising enlarges our imagination. Many of the people in our State Department and the U.S. Informa- tion Agency have not emerged from the rarified atmosphere of the academic world and still cling to antagonistic theories and attitudes toward selling, advertising, or any method designed to persuade the masses. No wonder they resist taking an active role in doing what should be their number-one job-selling freedom to the world. Any effort to convey ideas to people through selling skills represents "indoctrina- tion" or "brainwashing" to them. I think this committee heard this point of view expressed during the testimony of Mr. Averell Harri- man. Several times he referred to "indoctrination" and "brain- washing." dents questioned thought that selling at best was a job, at worst a Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 W roved FoolteQ5(O-N&b4?Q446R000600070001-8 In trying to understand the strong opposition to the selling point of view and to the opposition to the Freedom Academy bill, I have come across an additional concept that is held by Government leaders, namely, that freedom in and of itself is in the order of a self-evident truth which is self-motivating and self-perpetuating. Therefore, in the name of freedom all manner of negative, as well as small percentages of positive, news can be freely communicated to uncommitted nations on the assumption that this "breath of fresh air" will, as if by magic, turn a, confused mind in our direction. The recognition that freedom as a concept must be sold in its own way does not enter their minds;. therefore, to propose an aggressive, professional sales campaign runs contrary to the basic philosophical beliefs of many people who create policy in Government circles. The idea that there is something reprehensible about selling has taken on in their minds the characteristics of what one might call a religion. Yet, if we examine the history of our democratic truths, which we hold to be self-evident or accepted as revelation, it is easy to see that at one time they were disseminated as selling messages, in the strict sense of the. word, and repeated over and over again- otherwise they would never have been accepted. "Indoctrination, brainwashing" if you want to call it that-. Academic. people often see advertising as a gaudy page in the news- paper or an irritating interruption in a favorite television program. They think only of the high-pressure magazine salesman who wedges his foot in their door or of the Hollywood version of the obnoxious publicity man. They don't understand that persuasion can be subtle or pleasing or lofty in purpose. They don't understand that advertis- ing of some breed or shade is being practiced all the time by all peo- ple, in all media, and for all purposes. A little freedom symbol painted on the side of a stone wall can be a sales message or an advertisement, too. The question which prompted me to spend 5 years in researching and writing my book, The Strategy of Persuasion, is the same question, it seems to me, that motivated the many people who worked on the vari- ous bills to establish a Freedom Commission and Freedom Academy. It is the same question more and more Americans are asking every day. While that question is being stated in various ways, essentially it is, "What is wrong with the way we are being interpreted abroad?" Many leaders inside Government have been asking this same question. When Robert. Kennedy returned from a visit to 14 nations he wrote: The amount of misinformation, as well as lack of information, about the United States and our system of government 1s appalling. The Communist propaganda machine constantly spews out its facts and figures and its version of how to solve the problems of the world. Mr. Kennedy continued; - No one comes forward with an explanation of the modern-day United States; no one counters with the fact that modern-day colonialism is tied to Communism, not capitalism. _No one is there to talk about Latvia, _Lithuania, Hungary, Poland, Tihet, or East Berlin. No one is prepared to counter the C-omuunists' arguments. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Resei20O5 1,8 MAPROP 000600026601-8 Our President, as Vice President, came back in 1961 from a good- will tour of several countries and made this observation : The United States has not sold itself to the world. A nation that knows how to popularize corn flakes and luxury automobiles ought to be able to tell the world the simple truth about what it is doing, and why it is doing it. That statement suggests that the methods and people who did pop- ularize corn flakes and luxury automobiles and a lot of other things could apply their knowledge and methods to making the truth about the United States better known and better understood. Over the years, whenever a leader in our industry has spoken out about Government using the skilled people and methods of advertising to help turn the tide in the propaganda battle, the same statement has been heard from our Government information agencies-that you can- not sell Government ideas the way you sell soap flakes. This has not been confined to one administration. It has persisted for the past 20 years, as far as I can tell. This statement was recently reiterated by a spokesman for the United States Information Agency. The statement, in part, said : The advertising industry is a skilled and effective force in the American marketplace, but I hasten to say it is a naive person who assumes that if a man is a top salesman of soap and deodorant he is automatically an expert in selling ideas or political outlook. Well, of course, you don't sell ideas the way you sell soap and deodorant. Neither do you sell Cadillac cars the way you sell soap. Inherent in the product is the means for selling that product. A good salesman adjusts his technique to the product or idea and the people he is trying to persuade and sell. The reference to soap and deodorant, by the way, showed a_ deep- seated resentment toward selling. There are many of the neces- sities of life that are sold through advertising; it isn't all soap and deodorant. The important thing is that advertising men make their living by finding out how to reach people and developing the right words or symbols to get them to act in a predictable way. Why do we buy one brand of cigarettes rather than another? With our eyes shut we probably can't tell one cigarette from another. But we live by symbols. Some catch phrase, some familiar melody, some glimpse of a cowboy in God's country-and we are impelled to buy a particular cigarette. My research indicates there is no one in a responsible position in the United States Information Agency with training and experience in the "arts of persuasion" as practiced in the United States. This agency is long on information and short on persuasion. With their background in journalism, education, and foreign af- fairs, it is easy to understand why officials of USIA concentrate on information centers, lending libraries; printing and distributing magazines; and engaging in activities designed to improve the cul- tures of people; but they have not designed these activities to present a direct, convincing story that will bring masses of people to the side of the free world. Incidentally, in speaking of our overseas libraries with books in English that are aimed at improving the culture of peoples rather than presenting a direct story that will make them favorable to us, Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 -Nilyoved Fob ffl*@ /277A2EDt*- ~gg%446R000600070001-8 I would like to say that libraries have an extremely limited appeal in countries like Malaysia, Indonesia, Egypt, South Vietnam, and elsewhere, where they were burned recently. A statement recently issued by the USIA said that the libraries act as a lightning rod-a safety valve-and if they weren't avail- able in some countries, the organizers of these anti-American demon- strations probably would direct their mobs to move against private U.S. interests in their midst-a rather novel use for the expensive libraries that we have established overseas. This explanation appears to me to be a little farfetched in justifying our present sterile propa- ganda approach. USIA's most noteworthy activity is to tell the truth of what goes on in the United States through its own news facilities. Of course, the truth of what. goes on in the United States-as you and I know it lias far more to offer to the world than Russia or Cuba or Red China can offer. In spite of our problems, no rational man would exchange our way of life for that of-the man behind the Iron Curtain. And yet, there is a fallacy in the USIA approach. This approach has put the United States Information Agency, a Government agency, into the news busi- ness, a function that is contrary to the principles of a democratic societ} USIA explains that by broadcasting the news of what goes on in the United States, good or bad, people will eventually realize that we tell the truth, and our messages will be believed. Unfortunately, the news does not always reflect the truth of what goes on in our coun- try as a whole. In fact, we know that. the events which make the headlines are the events that are unusual. That's why they are in the headlines. If riots and scandals were common occurrences, they would not be given such heavy coverage. When we hear of unusual or newsworthy events, we automatically relate them to what. is normal and familiar. People overseas, who know virtually nothing about life in the United States, cannot do this. They accept the events they hear about as being typical or common- and anyone who has entertained a visitor from overseas has place, had that fact brought home to hiin. And yet we have the spectacle of the USIA-an official Government agency-broadcasting day after day throughout the world news of crime and scandal in the United States. Yes, these unpleasant events do happen, but do they represent the real United States that you and I know ? I don't think they do. The things we hear on the air and read about in newspapers are unusual. That's why they are "news." There are many more law-abiding citizens than there are lawbreak- ers. There are infinitely more responsible teenagers than wild or delinquent teenagers. I think that is being demonstrated on the Mississippi River today, the way those kids are working on the dikes to stem the floods. There are more enduring marriages than divorces. But none of that is news. It is a sad fact that. the truth is not usually news. And news does not necessarily reflect the truth. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Rele iM5/@'793: EW6 i46W0060007DF91-8 The constructive things about our society and what it represents are not newsworthy and can be completely overshadowed by the violence in the daily headlines. The problem is magnified in other nations, where the Communists add their own distorted version of what goes on in the United States. How many people stop to think that the reason they don't hear very much sensational news about the Communist nations is not that mur- ders, divorces, and riots don't happen there, but that they are rarely reported? By contrast, we look pretty bad. The true contrast-the contrast of a free press versus a totalitarian press-is lost in the mass of head- lines. I have been advocating that our Government get out of the news business and get into the selling business, that is, USIA should no longer attempt to cover the news for the people of the world. This vital function is best left in the hands of the free press of the world, the nongovernmental commercial news services that completely serve the free world. Where this commercial news is not available-as behind the Iron Curtain-our Voice of America is not an able substitute. What news does get through the jamming is neutralized by incessant hostile pro- paganda. And for those behind the Iron Curtain who do want news of the free world, there are Radio Free Europe and Radio Liberty- both privately operated broadcasting operations that are, by some re- ports, more effective than Voice of America. Through the Voice of America, USIA broadcasts programs, some of which are so erudite and dull that I'm sure they attract only a tiny fraction of their potential audience. Here are some titles of Voice of America scripts : National Institute of Arts and Letters, Eugene O'Neill: Part I, Earthquakes: Cause and Effect, and one called Dead Horse, the Featherbed and Unwork. The last one is a discussion of useless work in our society of super- abundance. I wonder how impressive that subject is to those nations where the big problem is how to stay alive from day to day. Creative programming on the Voice of America designed to reach the largest possible audience with effective messages woven into the broadcast schedule on a day-in-day-out basis can bring many more mil- lions to our side. The entertainment industry and the advertising industry working together as they do in the United States have proven that they. have the know-how to get results. Many people don't realize that a propaganda offensive can pack the lethal power of a python-and can coil and choke just as effectively, too. Now, everybody understands the weapons threat-that a 50- megaton bomb can knock the hell out of a city, and a 1000-megaton bomb will knock hell out of a county. But they don't understand that a megaton of propoganda can knock the resistance out of a continent- or of the world itself. In 1917 Lenin invented a slogan : Peace, Land, Bread. That's all- three lovely words-and then repetition did the trick. That slogan was to be more effective than the whole Russian Army. An old United States advertising technique was getting a potent new application. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 approved Fgfi,gkaraep0/OAigp~A$JJ0446R000600070001-8 Lenin saw, as some of our brilliant leaders even today do not see, that if you control the minds of men it doesn't matter who controls the guns. And so, Russia has had an enormous jump onus in the strat- egy of political persuasion. The Communists may threaten the free world with their weapons, but I believe that we have more to fear from the psychological devices they are using in the war of words. It will be this war that will even- tually decide whether communism will rule the world, or will wither and die. While we congratulate ourselves on having achieved a lull in the cold war in the West, the long-range Communist propaganda war goes on full force. Treaties, trade agreements, and cultural exchanges be- come propaganda weapons for them. I would like to have you look at some of the papers that many col- leges throughout the United States are getting. Each one of them has in it the inevitable propaganda statements downgrading the United States and praising the Communist world. The publications are cir- culated openly through our mails. I ask you to look at a recent issue of Ame ka, a USIA production, written in Polish for distribution in Poland, with 35 pages of news and dramatic pictures devoted to our race riots. It. does give the history of the civil rights movement, with an attempt to tell the story of freedom in academic detail. But the dramatic pictures and the colorful language used to describe the "oppressed peoples" throughout America overshadow the explana- tion, and I am sure that the overall impression from this article is that America is torn by strife. Consider its impact-a Government produc- tion. How the Reds must love this ammunition we give them. Now, would it have been so unethical to feature a 35-page illustrated article about our fine Polish-American citizens in America enjoying the fruits of freedom rather than to emphasize this material? I would like to, if I may, just show you this magazine. Mr. Iciionu. Could you leave that with the committee, Mr. Meyer- hoff? Mr. MEYERnov'. Yes, sir, I will. Here is a picture of the march on Washington. The very picture demonstrates the freedom of our country. The country where this magazine was sold is not free. But the words that stand out in this article are, "We seek freedom in 1963." Mr. CLAWSON. Mr. Meyerhoff, what was the distribution? How many were circulated? Mr. MEYERHoFF. As I understand it, it is about 30,000, and they are sold on the basis of an exchange program with the Communists. They publish a counterpart of that magazine in this country and, from what. I have seen of the Communist counterpart, they are doing one heck of a selling job. Mr. Icxoan. Your idea is it would be very easy for the Communists to come in behind an article such as this and sell the idea that no one has freedom in the United States? Mr. 14SETF.RLiOFF. It would be very simple. They have the material right there to work with. It is true that the magazine has quite limited distribution. It is true that it. does tell the story of freedom. It does make a complete analysis of our side of the story, But if you take it in its entirety, the detail is overshadowed by the violence. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For R AWWQO 7V'0'EUA W~OM6R0006066f0001-8 The USIA explains the use of material such as this in the following manner : "* * * we must plan our efforts in certain knowledge that what is done in a Selma or a Harlem or said in the Senate or in our press becomes part of our campaign." Many people are killed annually by slipping in their bathtubs, but if you were to bring up this fact at the same time that you were trying to tell people of the joy of taking a. bath. you would discourage them from taking baths. This does not mean that you should suppress the statistics of the number of people who are killed annually in bathtubs, but it is an example of what happens when you combine a news function with a selling function. You cannot do an effective job of presenting. an idea or product by emphasizing the negative sides.'of the product. The negative aspects are often so spectacular that they overshadow the benefits that the idea or the product has to offer. When a Government agency gets into the news business, it is almost impossible to present impartially what is good. in our society. There is hardly a product or an event that doesn't have its negative factors, but in selling we emphasize the positive. I am certain that if the skilled men in advertising, public relations, and selling were called upon to direct our propaganda efforts, they would find many ways to emphasize the constructive things that our society has to offer. I want to make this perfectly clear. I am in no way suggesting that the free press be inhibited or that they be stopped from publish- ing the news. What I am saying is that our Government should begin an educational program designed to have people overseas understand our society its humanitarian purposes, and its free press, so that they can properly evaluate the truth of our position. I have no concern about the people in the United States understand- ing our country as a whole, but I am concerned with these people in other countries who don't understand it. Freedom and truth will not be bought on what we consider their "self-evident" merits, unless we effectively bring those merits to the attention of the people whom we want to influence. Any American will grant that in a court of law each side should, without distorting facts, be as persuasive as possible. We accept this as proper. We'd be quick to fire our lawyer if he kept stressing the spectacularly negative aspects of our case. Yet, at present, two ideologies stand before the bar of world opinion, fighting for survival. The opposition uses every emotional trick in the led news facts, book. But our own counsel persists in citing only so-cal often highly damaging to us-and conscientiously refuses to persuade the jury of the world. Propaganda can have noble aims. It is merely an organized effort to spread particular doctrines. Propaganda can be misused, of course, but so can a hammer or a razor-or anything else. Automobiles can transport and automobiles can mangle. Water can quench thirst and water can drown. But we don't forego these great necessities because somebody else misuses them. I think that also came up in the testimony from the State Depart- ment, that we can't use the methods that the Communists use. If Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Apbk6ved For Febaas$v20#6fi07/1AkfAM6R000600070001-8 they are misusing the proven methods of persuasion by lying, wily cant we use these methods to tell the truth? Our Defense Depart- ment is quick to match and surpass the Communists with every wea- pon of war; why should a weapons gap exist, in the propaganda war? Whether propaganda is good or bad depends entirely on its pur- poses. Hitler made a vicious use of propaganda; Stalin made a vicious use of propaganda. Consequently, propaganda has a bad name. Yet propaganda may be used for excellent objectives-to back charities, to wipe out disease or forest fires, and many other constructive things. Naturally I support the bill to create a Freedom Commission and a Freedom Academy, dust as I would instantly support any approach or technique which can possibly help us in the struggle against commu- nism a.nd the understanding of what they are trying to do. Certainly, it. is important to train people in and out of Government to understand the ideeological assaults that. are being made against. the free world and means for fighting those assaults. We need every force that America can muster, even though this force would be an un- organized force fighting a highly efficient., organized propaganda organization. In addition to the people in and out of Government who will be trained by the Freedom Academy, there must be a Government agency that becomes operational now to direct our cold war efforts if we are to successfully offset the hate and subversion that the Communists are spreading against. us and the free world. This organization can be our present United States Information Agency, but it must carry out the spirit of Public Law No. 402 upon which it was established-"an Act to promote the better understand- ing of the United States among the peoples of the world and to strengthen cooperative international relations." In order to accomplish this end, it must be headed and staffed by people with definite experience and training in the skills of persuasion. There must be professional leadership, under the direction of the President, to establish an effectivepropan'anda program. In a communication from the State Department to this committee, dated March 29 of this year, which opposes the bill to establish the Freedom Commission and Freedom Academy, Douglas MacArthur II stated, "Expertise and operational experience are as important in the formulation of policy as they are in its execution." I agree with this wholeheartedly, but the State Department has not proven its expertise and operational experience in the area of propaganda. To draw an analogy from the business world, the State Department can be compared to the sales department of a large corporation which sells only to wholesale buyers. The sales manager mays consider his jab of primary importance, since he makes the sale. But the adver- tising department that directs its efforts to the consuming public knows that the wholesale buyer has to buy the product if the con- sumers demand the product as a result of the advertising. The sales manager's job is made easier by virtue of the pressure of the adver- tising. Isn't it possible that the State Department's fob might be easier if there were an effective force in the field bringing pressures to bear on the diplomats? I believe this is precisely what the Communists are doing when they demonstrate in various countries. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For R I&RO0fQ7k13--.i0i~oRD R000600])YbO01-8 By stressing the importance of the diplomats and the opinion lead- ers, we overlook the fact that opinions of the masses are not neces- sarily influenced by a few leaders and that leaders can be influenced by the masses. I believe that this is the reason that Russia has large, trained propaganda organizations throughout the world to do just this. We must move to the attack in all parts of the world now with the readily available professional persuaders of the United States. We need a broad-based, effective propaganda program directed by men skilled in the "arts of persuasion." We in the United States are the greatest salesmen in the world, but we have not sold freedom to the world. We have not exposed the living lie that is communism and the hate it is spreading. It is high time to call in the experts-not the Hollywood version of the Madison Avenue hucksters, but the trained, imaginative, dedi- cated men who have proved they have precisely the skills needed to make people yearn for what is good-and motivate them to obtain it. Once again I say, as a representative of the advertising profession, that I will endorse bill No. H.R. 2379 to create a Freedom Commis- sion and Freedom Academy. But, in conclusion, I wish to mention several matters on which the success of this general project will hinge : First, the Freedom Commission and Freedom Academy must be centralized in its control, undominated by other departments, bold and imaginative in its proposals. Second, any department or agency receiving policy proposals from the Freedom Academy should be expected to cooperate with these proposals, or be required to justify its refusal. Third, a liberal budget must be made available to carry through the Academy proposals. According to estimates, the Russians spend between $11,/2 to $2 billion a year on propaganda missions. Here we are at a tremendous competitive disadvantage. The finest proposal will be a strangled pigeon without cash. And if it only saves a tiny part of our great big defense budget by win- ning the propaganda war, it will save many billions. Fourth, the techniques and skills of advertising men and public relations men should be employed to the fullest now in a reor- ganized and adequately financed USIA. Unlike others who will need years of training, these professional forces are ready to tackle the job for America immediately. Spot experiments would precede any widespread campaigns, of course. As in advertising, we must try out a technique in a limited locality and then broaden the scope when results are favorable. I challenge the USIA to recruit a group of skilled advertising and public relations men and assign to them the responsibility for reaching the people of just one country with the story of what America means to them. Instead of arguing over theory while the uncommitted world goes down the Communist drain, let us put the matter to a practical test. Give us a year or two to present American ideas to the masses of another country with techniques adapted from those that have been so success- ful in our own country, and we will soon see which way gets results. We must avoid the gross blunders of the Communists-luckily, we Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Aqi ved ForR%4~M9G2( /0,IIjt a-F Mg446R000600070001-8 Americans have a far better product to promote and could make far faster headway than they. Thank you. Mr. IciioRi3. Thank you, Mr. Meyerhoff, for a very interesting and important contribution to these hearings, and I might say that I whole- heartedly join with former Congressman McKinnon in his appraisal of your ability to present your ideas. I have a few questions which I would like to develop. In your statement you have indicated that the State Department has failed to reach beyond the foreign leaders and the foreign diplomats and get to the people. That charge has often been leveled at the State Department. Don't you feel that- in recent years the State Department has made some improvement in that field? Mr. MEYFRiioFF. I frankly find little evidence of it. I spent 2 years in Europe, went into East Germany, made other studies, and I do not feel that the U.S. has made much headway in reaching the masses of people. As a matter of fact, from everything that I can see -and I could give you dozens of notations on this subject from knowledgeable peo- ple-our prestige has deteriorated rather than gained. I cite the attacks on our USIA libraries, which apparently are increasing. I see little evidence of the State Department reaching the people of other nations more effectively. I would certainly like to see such evidence. I have made these statements in speeches and have had a book on the market for 5 months, and I have had no one in Government give me any evidence to indicate that my evaluation is wrong. Mr. IciioRn. You made a very serious indictment of the USIA and its broadcasting policies, namely, your testimony about- the reporting of that which is bad in American news, reporting that news abroad. I have heard that criticism made of the USIA quite frequently. Not. too many months ago that was in the newspapers, criticism made of USIA. What. is the date of this Polish pubblication? Mr. MEYERiioFF. I would like to comment while I am getting that. Mr. IciioRD. Not being on the Foreign Affairs Committee I Haven't followed this matter closely, but. I was of the understanding that the USIA had made some changes in its presentations abroad. Mr. MEY$RiioFF. By the way, that is October 1964. Mr. Iciiono. October 1964. Mr. AfEYERnoFF. By the way, I want to state that I have looked at the records and the backgrounds of these men in USIA and I have the deepest respect for all of them. I think they are dedicated. I think they are well trained in their fields. I have no criticism of any- one in the USIA. Mr. IoiioRn. You feel it, is just. R mistake in judgment? Mr. MnraRiiorF. I say they are not. skilled in the professions that can help improve our image abroad, and have been to some extent in- fluenced by their academic or journalistic backgrounds. Walter Trolian of the Chicago Tribune reported on Vietnam and USIA's newer tactics in the propaganda war over there. In essence, he said theCommunists use extensive propaganda to aid IIo Clii Minli ; they sing songs in his praise. They quote ioems about him. They show him with babies. They show 'him with guerrillas. They show Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For F M%gN 0g?f7,A1k,:E 41446R00060QQ3)0001-8 him working in his garden. They build him up as a personality to be loved. But on our side, we have helicopters broadcasting the message of truth to the Vietnamese, often in English, or in dialects that they do not understand. And what is more important, the content of these messages is ineffective. Mr. ICHORD. Of course, you have picked out and put your finger on one field of activity, and I do agree with you, but I think the USIA does a lot of good work. For example, I just received this morning a report from the United States Information Agency. In this report it has excerpts from Cuban letters, some of them reading as follows : Keep up the good work because all of Cuba can hear you. God bless you all. There is much need for a program like this where young people can learn what unfortunately they do not now teach to our land. Congratulations for the brilliant workbeing carried on for our cause, which is the cause for democracy. Mr. MEYERHOFF. May I comment? Mr. IouoiD. Yes. Mr. MEYERHOFF. When we in advertising appraise a market with our techniques, we look at that market as a total thing. If we paid too much attention to the few letters that we get, pro or con, we might be completely misled. Any effort in any direction will motivate letters good and bad, but you cannot decide a program that is designed to reach masses of people based on these letters. A few letters, pro or con, have no significance whatever. Mr. IcHoRD. You made a very cogent point about how your think- ing will be influenced by the reporting of bad news. I know I had that brought home very forcibly to me during the past week, that is, you sit up here on the banks of the Potomac and read in the newspapers of the crime committed by juveniles. You read of the activity of cer- tain beatniks among our schoolchildren and the activities of certain college groups fighting for the right to display obscene four-letter words, and it is very easy to get the idea that the young generation is going to pot. During the Easter vacation, I had the opportunity to speak to about 9,000 high school kids at various schools in my district and I came back with the idea that the young kids are not only healthier today physi.- cally than the preceding generation; they are more intelligent. They are just as strong morally. And your idea was brought home very forcibly to me. Mr. MEYERHOFF. I agree with you wholeheartedly on what you say about our young people. Mr. ICHORD. One more question. I would point out to you that the bills that have been Introduced would only establish the Freedom Academy for a research training and development center. It would not be an operational agency. Are you in favor of setting it up as an operational agency ? Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Appggved For Ig#Mq?g aOp?07/1Aig Qg gg6R000600070001-8 Mr..MEYERIIOFF. I can't say that. I am in favor of the training of people. I believe it might be well not to make it operational. The United States Information Agency could use personnel trained in the Freedom Academy. Mr. ICIIORD. I might say that I believe that was one of the mis- understandings of the State Dc ~artment in its opposition to the bill. I think they thought that the freedom Academy would intrude into their field of traditional authority. Mr.:,-ERIioFF. I do not believe it will. Mr. IciroiD. Then you more or less believe that the State Depart- ment does have the operational agencies it needs? You do feel that there could be considerable improvement made in their techniques and you have suggested here today ways in which their activities a.nd procedures could be improved. Mr. MEYERIIOFF. Yes. sir. Mr. IcnoRD. Do you have any questions? Mr. Crwsox. lSIr. Chairman, I have a number of them. In fact, I wish we could spend a long time together here and explore some of your ideas in connection with your testimony. I jotted down just a couple of notes because of your application of a different principle than this record that USIA put out, where you would do what the old song said, "Accentuate the positive and elimi- nate the negat ive." I approve of that. However, now let me move on into something that might appear just to he a little argumentative. I think the masses of people to whom I have talked feel tliat we have failed in the world to sell the United States of America and freedom and the kind of choices that we have to make in this country. Because of that failure they are making demands upon us who are in elective posit ions. I am sure these same demands are being made upon people who hold appointed positions. If the masses make this kind of complaint, why haven't you been able to sell your program to the USIA? You are in the selling business. Mr. l*{EYERIrOFF. As I have pointed out, there has been strong op- position in Government to the effective use of people from the adver- tising and selling industries. Your statement. really says, "'Why hasn't the advertising profession who have spoken out in f leis area Mr. CL WSON. "been able to sell their product?" Mr. MEYERIIOFF. The advertising business, a number of rears ago, decided to demonstrate to Government through the Advertising Coun- cil that it can be an effective force in selling ideas. The Advertising Council has been doing an exiremly effectik a job for Government and publio service objectives on the home front. But these mere demonstra- tions apparently have not convinced people in Government that these great industries can help our image abroad. I see indications that- the time is ripe to bring this story to the public in a more forceful and direct manner. And I am urging our industry to take dynamic steps in this direction. At present, there are only individuals interested in promot- ing it. Mr. CLAWSON. Excuse me just a minute. Air. 'Meyerhoff, you mean interested in this particular area of the advertising industry getting into the field of Government.? Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 121 Mr. MEYEanoFF. Yes, we sell our clients' products, not ourselves, primarily. Mr. CLAWSON. The reason I question that is because I can remem- ber, ever since I have been able to understand the language, "It pays to advertise." That is a common household propaganda piece as far as I am concerned, and I think you have done a good job in selling your own product. Mr. MEYERiioFF. Thank you. Mr. CLAWSON. Let me hasten to tell you that you and I are on the same side. I want to sell our program, too, and I want to do it the best way we can. I think perhaps we have explored this one. Mr. MFYERiioFF. I had hoped that my book was a way of getting the attention of the people and stirring up enough people to get back of the idea. Mr. CLAWSON. We are talking about two areas of advertising. One, of course, is unrelated at the present time, by using immediately what you call a professional persuader, and this brought all kinds of visions to me. I can remember the persuaders that some of the teenage kids used ; it was a pair of brass knuckles or a tow chain or something of this kind. You propose the use of this information for some immediate exploration or propaganda tool by the Government agencies involved, and the second approach is through the Freedom Academy, the bills that we are considering now. A witness prior to this has indicated that he would like to see the Academy established and that every person possible go through this Academy, whether they are with a corporation that has a business in some foreign country or an oil company that is exploring some oil in- terests in other areas or a construction company or a mining company or with the State Department. He would make that compulsory as far as the State Department is concerned, but all of these who are going overseas in any capacity, private ar public, should take advantage of the Freedom Academy facilities in order to learn their function in dealing with these foreign nations and peoples of foreign lands. Would you subscribe to that philosophy? Mr. MFYFRIrorr. I certainly would. The point is that the more people that are aware of the problem and the more people that have an understanding of this problem, the better we are going to be able to fight it. However, I maintain that it also must be undertaken by an opera- tional organization that does this job within Government, even though we will be training people in the private sector or in the various Government departments to be aware of the fight that is being waged against us, because I don't think people understand it at the present. Mr. CLAWSON. Thank you. Mr. MEYFRrroFF. However as a group to fight this very well-orga- nized Communist propaganda organization, I don't see the Freedom Academy becoming too useful fora little while. Mr. CLAWSON. That is the reason you want some immediate action. Mr. MEYERUOFF. I want immediate action. I am trying to separate the two things. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 A ved For a a( IOZ/HEEgI,IF L f 46R000600070001-8 Mr. Ci.awsox. I set., Mr. Chairman, we have another witness, and he is present. here this morning so I will withhold any further questions. Mr. ICIIORD. Thank you very much, Mr. Clawson. I might. point out to you, Mr. Meyerhof, that the director of the committer staff just handed to me a copy of your book] The Strategy o f Persuasion, and it is on the Library of Congress waiting list of books. A notice slip in this copy states that "The long list of Senators and Representatives waiting for this book requires in fairness to them it be treated as a ten-day book." I might say that. I have heard of your book, but I haven't had any opport unity to read it myself. I am going to put myself on that list. Mr. MEYERt[OFF. I have an extra copy here if you like. Mr. Icrtoan. I would like to have a copy. I would also suggest that it. might be a good idea if you had sufficient copies to send the same to the committee on foreign affairs, both the douse and the Senate, and I hope that the proper people in the State Department are also reading your book because I think you have made a great contribution to this work that we are all interested in. You have many ideas which I think can be accepted. Thank you very much, sir, for your excellent testimony. Mr. MEYEmtoFF. Thank you. Mr. Icitoim. The next witness is Congressman Buchanan, a member of the full committee. STATEMENT OF HON. JOHN H. BIICHANAN, JR., U.S. REPRESENTATIVE FROM ALABAMA Mr. BucHAxAN. Mr. Chairman, because of the lateness of the hour and the most fascinating testimony of the previous witness if you would like to further question him and let me come at a later time I would be most happy to do so. Mr. Icnnoan. I think we can go ahead and proceed with your state- ment, Congressman Buchanan. (At this point, Mr. Clawson left tltehearing room.) Mr. BuciiANAN. I first want. to compliment the previous witness for this very fine statement and will look forward with you, Mr. Chair- man, to reading this book. I think perhaps the wisest statement. I could make in following him is simply to say Amen. In the language of business and of advertising, we do have a product that is worth selling, a superior product, and one which deserves the finest skills of the advertising art. In the language of politics, we have a platform that is the right platform and all the issues are on our side. In the language of the church, we have a message to proclaim that I believe to be the truth and, in contrast to world communism, a matter of good as over against evil. I happen to believe in the inherent power of good to overcome evil or truth to cast out error, as light might cast out darkness. Mr. Chairman, if truth is to triumph in our time in this death strug- le between our way of freedom and the way of totalitarianism that has taken such deadly form in what we call communism and if in our time good is to overcome evil, it seems to me that we need to learn the Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For FW,?ip9QSdJ7A1$R D1 @ R000600*001-8 danger that we could easily see from the work of Hitler or Stalin, the danger of lies skillfully told, of evil operating under the mask of good, the danger of letting the other side, which is the wrong side, consist- ently employ superior techniques and so skillfully fight a battle they ought to lose that we find ourselves continually on the losing side instead. I don't think there is any question in your mind or the mind of the gentleman here or of any American as to the innate superiority of our way of life over the way of communism. I would say that we have a country worth keeping and a way worth preserving. I am sure on this we would all agree. But the disconcerting fact is that world communism has made great progress in overcoming the forces of freedom. Starting at the turn of the century with a hand- ful of men, Lenin, with the ideas of Marx and Engels, began to move forward. By 1917, with a few thousand, he was able to takeover the government of Russia. World communism has continued to move forward until in this day some 40 million people are members of the Communist Party. More than one billion people, more than one third of the world's people, more than 25 percent of the earth's surface, and some 20-odd nations are now under the control of the Communists. (At this point Mr. Clawson returned to the hearing room..) Mr. BUCHANAN. Therefore, it would seem most obvious to me that this is a struggle we appear to be losing in light of the progress in conquering territory and in subjecting people that world communism has made. Yet this force standing over against our force, the force of our free society, is one which ought to lose because of the inherent superiority of our way of freedom. I think there are three mainstreams of our culture that are worth preserving and that stand in utter. contrast to the Communist way. These three causative forces have worked together toward making America what it is, toward creating this land of freedom, toward trans- forming a wilderness into a great nation, and a dream of human freedom into a reality here. The first mainstream of influence, I would say, would be the Judaeo- Christian tradition of religious faith and morality. We are tradi- tionally a people of faith and a people who have certain moral con- cepts as to right versus wrong and truth versus that which is false. We are people with strong traditions of religious faith and morality, and this has gone into the basic framework of Western civilization, has run like a golden thread through its fabric, has been a main- stream of influence in the creation of this American society. With due respect to the heathen in our midst, I think this is a rather important aspect of our society, and without prejudicing the right of the heathen I would say that it is one of the ways in which our society stands in contrast to the way of communism because commu- nism is a system. of militant atheism and it is in its essence and at its heart an atheistic philosophy and movement. Its leaders have repeatedly reaffirmed this fact about communism. It is not only militantly atheistic, but where it comes into control, into power, it attempts to limit and at times, as in Red China, to brutally persecute religious groups and to maintain a basic attitude at best of tolerance and at worst of hostility in the form of persecution towards religious groups. Appro$Wt%r eTe' se 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Allptoved Fortac2G 5i/Oi7/tF? WRfZRAARAA4446R000600070001-8 This, I think, is one clear ray in which our society stands over against and above the Communist way, and in like fashion in the matter of morality. The people who created this country were people who had a certain sense of moral value. Our traditional concepts of morality, of right, are not shared by the philosophy of communism. Right, according to Communist philosophy and practice, is that which serves the interest of the Communist movement, whether it be to lie or to deceive or even to kill vast, numbers of human beings. There is no concept of individual liberty, of individual human dignity, of indi- vidual people having inalienable or unalienable rights, such as those of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, but a total relativism in the moral outlook of world communism. Over against America's tradi- tion of religious faith and morality we have the militant atheism and the complete relativism of the Communist outlook. I would say the second mainstream of influence that has made our society what it is, is our traditional political system of liberty under law, guaranteed by the Constitution. As the basic law of our land, the Constitution guarantees representative government at every level and the maximum possible degree of individual liberty under law. It further guarantees ggovernment by law and not by man, of the divi- sion of the powers of government to make certain that liberties of the people are protected from too much concentration of power in any branch of government or at any level of government-. This basic American political system which has put. its emphasis on individual liberty to the maximum extent possible, consistent with the rights of other individuals, has put its emphasis on representative government at every, level, in total contrast to the totalitarian system of world communism, it system designed to first create a strong state in the dictatorship of the proletariat. In time, after the proletariat has taken over, the state is to wither away. Of course I don't- need to instruct, this committee that world com- munism has consistently in the past, and will consistently in the future, become stuck at the dictatorship stage and will develop a dictatorial clique which retains control and a totalitarian system which remains totalitarian. In utter contrast to our American way, communism is It system in which individuals have no certain rights or certain liberties, in which they have no choice as to leadership, and in which concepts we take for granted in this society of representative government, of individual liberty, of local self-government, are totally absent from the scene. The third mainstream I would say would be our system of free and private enterprise. This system-you may call it capitalism or free enterprise or what you will-which has been a very significant factor in the transformation of a wilderness into a great. nat-ion, in the creation of the great- middle class in our society for the first time in world history, in raising the level of the standard of living of the average American family to such a high level that it is higher than that of the average fancily of any great nation in all the world's history. This American way of economic freedom has fit-hand in glove with our system of religious and of political liberty. This third mainstream has helped to make our Nation what- it is and has been .a resounding success. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For RBI AIZO /13 bbd D 6 46R000600di1001-8 Karl Marx, many years ago, rebelled at early capitalism when he saw child labor and when he saw people who constituted the poorer class who were stuck at a subsistence, or almost below subsistence, level for all their lives. He saw the terrible factory conditions, the terrible working hours and conditions, and he looked at this ugly bulb of early capitalism and proclaimed it to be wrong. He didn't see the flower that was within the bulb. He did not know the fragrance or the beauty of the fairest flower of Western civiliza- tion, our 20th century America. He looked at the ugly lump of coal of early capitalism and proclaimed it dirty and wrong. He didn't see the jewel that was within that lump of coal. We know the flower and we know the jewel and, therefore, we have every reason and right to seek to preserve that which has proven itself to be a success. Mr. Chairman, in the year in which Jesus Christ was born I am in- formed there were some 250,000 able-bodied men in the city of Rome alone living on the public dole of corn. This system, developing to- ward collectivism and toward a pretty thoroughgoing welfare state even for able-bodied persons, was one of the things, as I understand it, which served to bring about the decline and fall of the Roman Empire. The idea of collectivism is an old one, not a new idea in human his- tory, and has not been a resounding success in any instance of which I am aware. A system of economic freedom, of political freedom, of religious freedom, of the many-splendored freedoms which we know in this country, has been a resounding success and is worth keeping. Our country is a place of goodness and of freedom, a golden land for all its citizens, a land of hope and a land of progress and a land of opportunity, still dynamic, still moving forward, still crossing new frontiers. There is utter contrast between this way, which seems to be so much light and so much goodness, and the way which. is a way of totalitarianism, a way of abrogation and violation of all human rights that I can understand, the way of world communism. Given the fact that this seems to be light versus darkness and good versus evil pretty clearly, it is strange to me that we could be losing this bat- tle, and yet in terms of territory and numbers and time, we still are on the losing side of the greatest struggle which I believe our way of life has ever had, the greatest challenge to our system and to our Nation that it has known, this challenge of world communism. What is the trouble? What is wrong? What is the basic reason we are apparently losing this battle for our way of life against a way that is evil, a totalitarian way that is wrong? I do not claim to be a seer or prophet, but may I say that it would seem to me that one of the things, as I look down the road ahead, that would lead me to have deep fears for the survival of freedom is the fact that we are not, as the gentleman has previously testified, sales- men for freedom. In the language of the church, we have a message to proclaim that is good and right, but we aren't doing a very good job of proclaiming it. With all due respect to the agencies of our Government, filled with many dedicated people who are sincerely trying to do this, I think one of the problems is lack of adequate preparation and train- ing for this particular job of selling the American system to the world. I have noticed, for example, this policy of the U.S. Information Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 A oved For Release2O Ia7 r&C'dA-Id 7,a?k 46R000600070001-8 Agency. I have had them explain to me why it is they accentuate the negative sometimes and report the bad news about America.. They say it is going to be reported anyway, that it is quickly reported by AP and lUPI and other news agencies, and they feel in order to accomplish their purpose they must admit the facts, admit the truth, join in reporting the news, and then as they can in time try to explain it satisfactorily and give the best. possible interpretation to the world. This is one kind of strategy, but I have driven a fair number of Chevrolets and I have never driven one yet, that wasn't hard to start on a cold morning, and I have never yet seen an advertisement by Gen- eral Motors or Chevrolet that: "Of course, our cars are hard to start on a winter morning, but otherwise they are pretty good automobiles." I expect it will be a cold day in July before I ever see such an adver- tisement.. I have driven several ears of another make, and have yet to drive one of that make on which the wheels would stay in balance. You just can't in to keep the wheels of that particular automobile in balance, but I have never seen them advertise the fact. I think we need to recognize the mote in our eye along with the beam that is in the Communist. eye and I think we need to recognize the at. of the things that. are wrong with our societyy along with the camel that is wrong with their society, but. I don't. t.Ihink we need to strain at the gnat and swallow the camel and to give equal attention to the mote in our eye and the beam in their eye in our attemlit. to be fair and to make certain that the world understands we understand what is wrong with our own society. Our tremendous superiority over the way of tyranny and totalitari- anism makes me feel we can be justified in accentuating the positive, in devoting our full attention to bringing the world's attention to the things, the very great many things, that are right about American society. I believe the creation of this Commission or this Academy can serve well toward that. end. With the Peace Corps and its emphasis on person-to-person and project-by-project diplomacy, with the great value that can come from person-to-person salesmanshi of our way of life and its superiority to people all over this world through the Peace Corps and other like activities, with the U.S. Information Agency and its vital responsibility in this area, it seems that the per- sonnel of such agencies really need this kind of training to be able to effectively, and with the best techniques of advertising or, if you please, of evangelism, sell our point of view and get our message across. We have something that is worth selling, and it needs to get across to the people of the world, and I believe specific training toward this end could be very valuable toward the survival of human free- dom and toward making the world understand and be more recep- tive toward the truth and rightness of the American way. It would seem to me that everyone who is in foreign service, and I would concur with those who have testified-they feel this would be of value to people overseas, whether they be working for private com- panies or for the United States Government in some capacity-if we could have this made available, this special training made available, to all such persons and require it for those who in the official service of this Government. go overseas as our representatives, if we could have Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For R1 $41RQ0,5&7/A3ra,CMdMP69t 49R000600( '001-8 it available for all Americans so that each of us could be a salesman or an evangelist for the way we know to be right against the way we know to be wrong, it seems to me it could have great value not only from an American point of view, but from the larger point of view of fulfilling our responsibility toward working that all men may some day know the freedom which we enjoy and working toward the fulfillment of the responsibility of protecting the inalienable rights of all men in every nation to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. I for one am not satisfied with a rearguard defensive action. I cannot rest so long as millions of our fellow citizens all over this world live under the heel of tyranny and I feel it is time for us to go on the offensive in this war for freedom. It seems to me to fight an offen- sive war we must have training in the art of warfare. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Mr. ICHCRD. Thank you very much, Congressman. Buchanan. As a minister as well as a Congressman and member of this committee and author of one of the bills, all of which are similar, the committee ap- preciates very much receiving your contribution to the record. Do you have any questions, Mr. Clawson? Mr. CLAW sON. No, in the interest of time, I won't -ask any. Mr. ICHCRD. Off the record. (Discussion off the record.) Mr. BUCHANAN. May I point out two things in my bill, H.R. 6700, that are different from other versions so far as I can ascertain just for your consideration. On page 9, sec. 5, subsection (a) Members of the Commission and the Chairman shall be appointed by the Presi- dent, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate. Not more than four members, including the Chairman, may be members of any one political party. I am not trying to inject politics into this, but having grown up in a part of the country where we suffered under the limitations of a one- party system, and since we seem to be moving in that direction in this country, I thought while we still had two parties left in the country that this might be worth including. Mr. ICHoRD. Don't the other bills have that provision also ? Mr. BUCHANAN. Do they? I am sorry. There is a second one then on page 19, line 8, which is sec. 11, subsection (b) : The personnel referred to in subsection (a) (2) of this section may be employed and their compensation fixed without regard to the civil service laws and the Classification Act of 1949, as amended. Such personnel shall receive compensa- tion at rates fixed by the Congress. I am pretty sure this is different. Is that not right, Mr. McNamara? Mr. MCNAMARA. Yes. Mr. BUCHANAN. This simply takes the employees of the Commis- sion out from under civil service, with no reflection on the civil service. I thought this might be a better arrangement for people who might need high skills, and so forth, that there might be left to the Commission this more complete freedom in employing persons working in this area. Mr: IcHORD. I would like to have from the State Department, if they are opposed to this bill, a very critical analysis of the legislation. I have even thought about sending it around to some of the Members that, I thought might be opposed to the bill when it hits the floor and Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 A -oved ForPRot6>2t /87 F -RMMMM446R000600070001-8 encouraging them to come before the committee to discuss the pros and cons of it. Mr. CLAWSON. Would it be in order to make such a proposal and ask the director to advise these folks and ask them to appear before us? Mr. IcnoRu. I would be glad to do that myself, send & 'copy of the legislation and a brief analysis of the bill and give them an oppor- tunity and ask them to appear and get some testimony on the other side. There is bound to be a lot of opposition to this bill or it would have cleared the Congress by now since it has been around since 1959, so let's get it out.. Thank you very much. Mr. BQCriaNAN. Thank you. Mr. Iciionn. The meeting will stand adjourned until the further call of the chair. (Whereupon, at 12:10 p.m., Wednesday April 28, 1965, the sub- committee recessed subject to the call of the Nair.) Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 HEARINGS RELATING TO H.R. 470, H.R. 1033, H.R. 2215, H.R. 2379, H.R. 4389, H.R. 5370, H.R. 5784, AND H.R. 6700, PROVIDING FOR CREATION OF A FREEDOM COMMISSION AND FREEDOM ACADEMY FRIDAY, MAY 7, 1965 UNITED STATES HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, SUBCOMMITTEE OF THE COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES, Washington, D.C. The subcommittee of the. Committee on Tin-American Activities met, pursuant to recess, at 10 a.m., in Room 313A, Cannon House Office Building, Washington, D.C., Hon. Edwin E. Willis (chairman) presiding. (Subcommittee members : Representatives Edwin E. Willis, of Louisiana, chairman; Richard H. Ichord, of Missouri; and Del Claw- son, of California.) Subcommittee members present : Representatives Willis, Ichord, and Clawson. Committee member also present : Representative Joe R. Pool, of Texas. Staff members present : Francis J. McNamara, director, and Alfred M. Nittle, counsel. The CHAIRMAN. Please come to order. Today we renew hearings on various Freedom Academy bills which have been introduced. There is widespread interest in these proposals as evidenced by the authors of the bills; namely, Representatives Herlong, Gubser, Ichord, Boggs, Gurney, Clausen, Brooks, and Buchanan. I think there are others. We are extremely fortunate and honored to have here today the Ambassador to Cuba in the years 1957 to 1959, the Honorable Earl E. T. Smith. Ambassador, we are very pleased that you could take time out to give us your views on these proposals. With your experience and background and dedication to the principles of our country, I might say that you add luster to an already long list of people in Govern- ment,, former Ambassadors, former military people, former high civil- ians who have appeared in these hearings. We welcome you here and look forward to receiving your views. Mr. SMITH. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. The CHAIRMAN. You may proceed in your own way, Mr. Ambas- sador. We will probably defer any questions until after you have testified. Make your presentation in your own way. 129 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 A -oved Fop a /A7YAirufi&- W46R000600070001-8 STATEMENT OF HON. EARL L T. SMITH Mr. SMrrll. Mr. Chairman and Members of the Committee : I ap- preciate the invitation to testify before this distinguished committee in behalf of the Freedom Academy bills. Shall I just read my state- ment first? The CHAIRMAN. Yes. Mr. SMITH. I attended the Taft School and Yale University. My business is investments. I have been a member of the New York Stock Exchange for more than 35 years. During World War II, I served in the United. States Army and the United States Air Force, attain.- ing the rank of lieutenant colonel, with 18 months of overseas duty. I have been active in politics both on the national level and in my home State of Florida. I have received appointments from three Presidents: as a member of the War Production Board (before Pearl Harbor) by Franklin D. Roosevelt; to accompany Vice President Nixon in 1956 as a member of the American delegation to the inaugu- ration of Brazilian President Kubitschek in Rio de Janeiro by Dwight D. Eisenhower; as Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to Cuba by Dwight D. Eisenhower ? I was personally selected by President Kennedy to serve as Ambassador to Switzerland-later declined. I am the author of The Fourth Floor, which is an account of the Castro Communist revolution and is well documented to show that the Castro Communist revolution need never have occurred. In reference to the Freedom Academy bills, I am not an expert on these bills. However, I am very much in favor of the general pur- pose of the bills, which I understand is: (I) To greatly increase the scope and depth of training of cold war personnel in the now forms of struggle i (II) To provide training for private citizens so they can partici- pate more effectively in the global struggle; (III) To give training to foreign nationals who will have to bear the main burden of the struggle in their respective countries; (IV) To explore, through research, the full range of methods and means that can be utilized -by the Government: and the private sector to achieve our twin global objectives of defeating all forms of Com- munist political warfare, insurgency, and subversion while seeking to build free, independent., and viable nations. (At this point., Mr. Pool entered the hearing room.) Mr. SMITSL We very much need a United States graduate school for advanced political study and training, which is called the Freedom Academy. In my o inion, a strong leftwing political philosophy took root in the United States as a result of the world depression of 1932, the inhumane activities of Adolph Hitler, and World War II. In some cases it represented a sincere effort to better the general conditions of the American people, but in other areas it was undoubtedly Commu- nist inspired. One of the major errors of judgment of doctrinaire leftwing thinkers is their belief that all revolutions taking place throughout the world are either democratic, or Communist, and that the United States should support, aid, and abet. all democratic revolutions. It is not that simple. Many revolutionary groups which call themselves Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For R9 i260D(17/A 3raDAe iED@&MOf R000600d 4001-8 democratic are in, reality. Marxist oriented or are just the means to satisfy some power-hungry individual. This is. what happened in Cuba, and this is why the United States was primarily responsible for the success of the Castro Communist revolution, granting that the Batista government was losing strength from within because of corruption. I mention Cuba because it serves as an example of what can happen throughout Latin America and .why a Freedom Academy is vitally important to the United States. Castro was not the only alternative to Batista. There were many alternate solutions. The Castro Communist revolution need never have occurred. That it did was, to a surprising degree, due to the policy of many in critical State Department positions. These officials of the "fourth floor" believe that a leftist dictator is better than a rightist dictator. Incredible as it seems, they even believe that a leftist dictator who is anti-American is a better gamble than a rightist dictator who is friendly to the United Staes. They look upon a leftist dictator as being progressive. They were determined to have the revolution succeed. Their official responsi- bility should be determined by what is beneficial to, and in the best interest of, the United States. But many of these State Department career men on the "fourth floor" determine our foreign policy by what fits their doctrinaire views of the future world. Their peculiar philosophy does not depend on reason, logic, actual facts, or a. realistic appraisal of a situation. Its source of inspiration is primarily an emotional one. It is dif- ficult to understand this political philosophy from an American point of view. I testified to the Senate that I had learned from experience and ob- servation that our policies are determined by influential individuals in the lower echelons of the State Department in their day-by-day actions. By the time the higher officials receive them, policies have already been made and they have to live by them. The Dominican Republic is another case in point. The President of the United States stated, according to an Associated Press release of May 3, 1965, that : The revolution started out as an action dedicated to social justice, but it took a very tragic turn when the Communists saw a chance to create more disorder and seized control. What began as a democratic revolution was taken over and really seized by a band of Communist conspirators. If the policy of the United States is to continue to aid and abet so- called democratic revolutions in the hope that democracy will follow, then it is essential that we have the Freedom Academy so that the United States will be thoroughly familiar with, and know in advance, the origin and nature of each revolutionary group. The United States risks its survival on such knowledge. Neither the State Department nor the CIA would take a realistic view of the Castro Communist revolution. My reports to Washington were that the present policy of the State Department would only bene- fit the Communists. The CIA reports out of Havana, following a doctrinaire position, were that the revolution was not Communist con- trolled. This is not meant as a criticism of these great departments of Government. Insufficient attention has been given to the long-range Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 ved Forfk%WMG2(@JO/fal4EgWR@46R000600070001-8 research and training program which underlies Communist capabilities in political warfare. Mr. Lionel Soto, who, as I recall, was the .Minister for Education under Castro, in an article appearing in goeialist Cuba [Cuba Socia- i;Bta] in November 1961, bragged that during the last 5 years of the Batista regime, the Communists. operated the highly important Na- tional Cadre School inside Havana and graduated some 200 selected cadres without the operation being discovered by the Batista police. To my knowledge, BIiAC (Bureau of Repression of Communist Ac- tivities) was also unaware of these activities. If The Freedom Academy had been established in 1954, as origi- nally proposed, then by 1958 a number of Cubans from various orga. nizations would have graduated from the Freedom Academy, for example: student leaders, labor leaders, businessmen, journalists, et cetera. These graduates would have been throughly grounded in the techniques of Communist political warfare and insurgency and, even more important, well versed in the methods and means that: free men properly use to defeat these techniques. I believe they could have made the better elements of the anti-Batista forces aware of the Communist infiltration and Communist. control of the Castro movement (known as the 26th of July Movement). It is incorrect to assume that the only opposition to Batista was Castro and his followers. A powerful anti-Batista element existed that was not terroristic. It represented the middle class and the intelligentsia of the country. From the time Castro landed in the Province of Oriente in December 1956, the State Department received reports of probable Communist infiltration and exploitation of the 26th of July Movement. The State Department was cognizant of Fidel Castro's Communist affiliations since the bloody, Communist-inspired uprising in Bogota known as the "Bogotazo" of 1948. Reports on Fidel Castro's, Raul Castro's, and Che Guevara's Com- munist affiliations were provided by Ambassadors to Cuba. Mexico, probably Colombia, and many other sources, including the State De- part.mcnt.'s own Bureau of Intelligence and Research. If the Freedom Academy had been in existence, a number of persons within the na- tional security apparatus of the United States Government would have graduated from the Academy. As a result of their training, they would have been better able to evaluate what, was going on in Cuba and, because of their evaluation, might, well have been responsi- ble for altering the operational thinking of the United States Govern- ment insofar as Cuba was concerned. Today, with Cuba and the Dominican Republic before us as shock- ing examples, the. United States should be training men from every country in Latin America so that we may avoid repeating our mistakes. Communists have intensively trained their leadership groups and cadres in advance schools for many years. We must train our people for self-protection. Klirushchev said, "We will bury you." Only through education on Communist tactics and operations will we prove him wrong. I would like to point out another area of responsibility in which the Freedom Academy could be very important to our future security. That area is not. a preventive one, but a corrective one. Today, Cuba has been a Communist nation for more than 5 years. During this Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For RtM00p7k1:rAOR000600001-8 period, generations of children have been raised who have never read or heard the truth. They know only one side of the coin-the Com- munist side. If today Fidel Castro and the Fidelistas were elimi- nated, it would take time to decommunize a nation whose citizens have been in an "intellectual prison" for many years. Up to now, what program has the United States evolved to reeducate these people . If today we freed Cuba, what program have we worked out to help reeducate the Cuban people? The Freedom Academy would be in- valuable through research and training to aid such a plan for rehabili- tion and reeducation. I heartily endorse the Ichord-Boggs-Herlong Freedom Commission and Freedom Academy Act.. In closing may I quote from an address given by President John F. Kennedy before the National Press Club on April 20, 1961: We dare not fail to see the insidious nature of this new and deeper struggle. We dare not fail to grasp the new concepts, the new tools, the new sense of urgency we will need to combat it-whether in Cuba or South Viet-Nam. And we dare not fail to realize that this struggle is taking place every day, without fanfare, in thousands of villages and markets * * * and in classrooms all over the globe. * * * * * No greater task faces this country or this administration. * * * Too long we have fixed our eyes on traditional military needs, on armies prepared to cross borders, on missiles poised for flight. Now it should be clear that this is no longer enough-that our security may be lost piece by piece, country by country, without the firing of a single missile or the crossing of a single border. We intend to profit from this lesson. We intend to reexamine and reorient our forces of all kinds, our tactics and our institutions here in this com- munity. We intend to intensify our efforts for a struggle in many ways more difficult than war * * *. Thank you, Mr. Chairman and members of the committee. The CHAIRMAN. Mr. Ambassador, I take it that you are not express- ing a belief that the revolutions you refer to are all supported by the State Department because the Department personnel are, in and of themselves, leftist or pro-Communist? Mr. SMITH. No, sir, not at all. I think it is lack of proper under- standing. Are you now referring, Mr. Chairman, to the people I am talking about in my book, The Fourth Floor? The CHAIRMAN. Yes. Let us talk about them because those are the ones you refer to specifically. Mr. SMITH. The Fourth Floor must be taken symbolically. The Fourth Floor identifies the State Department officers or secondary officials who determine our Latin American policy. I am not in any way intimating, and never have intimated, that they are or even have Communist leanings. I believe supporting so-called democratic. revolutions is partly due to lack of proper education and knowledge of communism. Such support implements our policy as it has been and, I believe, it is today. And I would like, Mr. Chairman, to explain this in. more detail. This policy of the United States is based on the premise, I believe, number one, that the old status quo in the world no longer exists. I agree with that. This implies that the classes are no longer in control. It is now the masses. Number two, that revolutions are taking place all over the world and that all revolutions are either democratic or Communist revo- Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 ApW4)ved For g(?00T/14EECR,P~6R000600070001-8 lutions; and, number three, it is our duty as the leaders of the free nations of the world to aid and abet all democratic revolutions. If it is our policy to bring about the overthrow of rightist dictators in the hope that democracy will follow, then we must be prepared to take whatever steps are necessary to preserve law and order until a new government has been established. Otherwise, we leave a vacuum for the Communists to gain control. If we are going to aid and abet all so-called democratic revolutions or democratic revolutionary groups, then the State Department and the CIA must be thoroughly familiar with the origin and nature of each revolutionary group. Cuba is a shocking example that they were not. I believe, if the Freedom Academy Act and the. Freedom Academy Commission bill were enacted, that' the United States would be far better prepared to know more about the origin and nature of indi- vidual revolutionary groups. This foreign policy which I have just outlined is more or less spelled out in the State Department white paper on Cuba of April 1961. So far, where we have been successful in removing rightist dic- tators, we have left. a. vacuum in which the Communists gain control. By this I mean that the United States should be prepared-when rightist dictators are removed--to support a broadly based provisional government to function until such time as general elections have been held. The CHAIRMAN. And your point is that the establishment of the Freedom Academy would provide a central point where training, research, and development of techniques and ideas could bring about the things you advocate? Afr. Sarrrir. Yes, sir; I agree with your statement 100 percent. The Freedom Academy is necessary so that we may better recognize so- called democratic revolutionary groups for what they really are. Until the President- of the ITnited States moved our troops into the Dominican Republic we did leave such a vacuum in that country. To get back to your question, I believe if we gave training to foreign nationals so that they may be forewarned and know how to cope with the Communists, they would obviously be much better prepared to function. With guidance from Freedom Academy graduates, the broadly based provisional government would be much better prepared to maintain law and order until such time as a democratic government is established to carryon the affairs of the nation. The CHATRM tN. Now, the State Department has submitted a letter to the committee outlining its reasons for opposing these bills. Did you examine them or did you read that letter and would you care to comment on it? Mr. SarrTu. I have only seen the letter this morning and read it twice. This is the first, time that it was brought to my attention. I would be happy to make one or two comments. On page 1, paragraph 3, the letter states : The President has given to the Department of State a primary role in mar- shalling all of our resources to these flelds which cut across many broad areas of government responsibility. * * * Obviously the State Department is naturally jealous of its own prerogative. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For R 2W51161'/43FIC DP6 O ttR000600(7Mb01-8 On page 2, paragraph 1, the letter states : The Freedom Commission proposals place great stress upon the mobilization of private citizens-domestic and foreign-to fight the cold war, and upon a systematic orientation of our citizens against communism. The proposals con- template that these tasks be undertaken on, a large scale by the Executive branch of the government. While it is very useful in certain circumstances to train private U.S. citizens and foreign nationals, our primary need-and hence our first priority-is to improve in all possible ways the training of government personnel involved in the day-to-day operation of our foreign affairs. Well, as I understand the Freedom Academy bill and the Freedom Academy Commission, the Academy would give much broader train- ing and training in depth and scope than the Foreign Service schools are set up to do. I believe there has been a great deal of testimony before this commit- tee to that effect. The CHAIRMAN. Yes; and I think you would agree that, under our Constitution and based on your experience as a former Ambassador, that under no circumstances could this Freedom Academy overshadow, take over, or interfere with the operation of foreign policy by the executive department. That would not be the purpose of the bill. Mr. SMITH. No, sir; as I understand, the Freedom Academy would not encroach at all upon the operations of the State Department. The CHAIRMAN. I prefer your word that it would not "encroach" on the jurisdiction and traditional constitutional provisions vesting the conduct of forei affairs in the executive department. Mr. SMITH. Yes. The CHAIRMAN. This would be a central point where you can get the research, training, and general information over to business, labor, people in the educational field, and foreign nationals who, would care to understand the other side of the coin, as you express it. Mr. SMITH. Yes. Mr. Chairman, I also believe there has been objection to the training of foreign nationals. The statement has been made that when they return to their own respective countries the charge would be made that they are stooges of Yankee imperialism. It would seem to me that if these foreign nationals are trained in the State Department it would give even more weight to those charges. Of course those charges aren't true, but it would give more weight if they were trained by the State Department than if they were trained by the Freedom Academy. I don't know if that is a valid accusation, but at least that is my first reaction. Then, as far as research is concerned, it seems to me that under the Freedom Academy the research goes much?beyond the normal State Department operation. Then in the next to the last paragraph, the letter states that : The [State] Department doubts the value of any effort to centralize and standardize the dissemination of information in such areas. This would appear to be a marked departure from the traditional role of the Federal Government in the field of political education. They are speaking of the problem raised by several of the Freedom Commission bills regarding Federal control. "Under the provision entitled `Information Center'," the letter states- the Freedom Commission would be "authorized to prepare, make and publish textbooks and other materials, including training films, suitable for high schools, college and community level instruction." * * * Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 A1&oved ForPi 1 20 5/87fEiE -R 46R000600070001-8 Well, Mr. Chairman as far as the Freedom Academy is concerned thew documents would be factual material on communism whereas the State Department puts out. documents designed to its policies. It would seem to me this is much more indoctrination than factual mate- rial on Communists. Those, sir, are about all the comments I would like to make because I really have not had an opportunity to study the letter. The CHAIRMAN. Now would you care to make an observation or so with reference to the Dominican Republic situation, as related to the a ~plicability of this bill if it had been law years ago? Mr. S>,rrrnr. I would like to, but not in great detail because you are going to question the former Ambassador to the Dominican Republic; and he obviously knows more about. the situation than I do. The CHArRMAN. Yes. Mr. SMITE. I would just like to say that in September of 1963 I wrote an article for the New York Journal American, which appeared 4 days after Juan Bosch was removed. At that time I wrote that all Americans should welcome the overthrow of Juan Bosch. I pointed out then, and I would like to point out again now that, after the assassination of Trujillo, the U.S. olicyinake.rs encouraged the re- moval of President Balaguer of the Republic. They feared. that Balaguer would become a rightist. dictator because he had served as President of the Republic under the administration of Trujillo. Once again, as in Cuba, the U.S. was prepared to gamble on an ambitious leftiving politician in order to help the Dominican revolu- tion succeed. So President Bosch was elected, and the American Government welcomed his election in the hope that our American form of democracy would be transplanted and implanted in the Do- minican Republic, but. political soil after 30 years of tyranny is and and not, fertile. Dr. Bosch's affiliations and sympathies with leftist groups were well known to the L.S. State Department. and CIA. After his elec- tion, Dr. Bosch took no action to keep out Communist societies or to prevent the infiltration of communism throughout the country. Such Marxist-Leninist organizations as the Movimento Popular Dominicano were allowed to take a prominent. part within the politi- cal activities of the country. Without tracing further the historical events of the country, it is obvious that. if Dominican nationals had been trained in depth by the Freedom Academy, such nationals would have anticipated, and been cognizant of, the Communist infiltration in the Dominican Republic and, as a result, the state would have been much better informed as to what was going on and what the true nature of the revolutionary group was. If the Dominic-an Government had been taken over by the Com- munists, the whole Caribbean would have become a Red lake. Cuba is already a Communist nation. British Guiana is on the brink. If the Dominican Republic had become a Communist nation, Haiti would soon have been engulfed. Fortunately, President Johnson landed our troops just in time to avert this catastrophe. The CHAIRMAN. Mr. Pool. Mr. PooL. There is some criticism of the Freedom Academy, not for the Freedom Academy, but there is some criticism that I have Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Releew2W5W/1,3FrOM4WPGV 0 ?9R000600d 001-8 heard, some people think if you establish a Freedom Academy that the extreme leftists or pro-Communist groups could infiltrate that. Do you have a comment on that ? Mr. SMITH. Mr. Pool, did you say that the criticism comes from extreme left and extreme right? Mr. Poor.. Well, some people have said this. I think it is more from the right. ? Mr. SMITH. That would be from the extreme right; yes sir. Of course it is very difficult to make happy either the extreme left or the extreme right. After all, the President of the United States is going to appoint the members of the Freedom Commission, and the mem- bers of the Freedom Commission, as I understand it, will have to receive approval of the U.S. Senate. FBI checkups will be made on all members of the Commission. Any validity to such a fear would also apply to other branches of our Government. If the "Commies" are going to take over in this country, they will do so in other branches of the Government just as quickly as they will in the Freedom Academy. Mr. Poor.. I appreciate your remarks for the record. This is a criticism that can be answered by your remarks. I appreciate it. The CHAIRMAN. Mr. Ichord. Mr. ICHORD. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Mr. Smith, I wish to express our appreciation for your coming be- fore the committee and making your valuable contribution. Mr. Pool brought up a very interesting point. I would like to comment on the history of this legislation and ask for your comments on the same. The bill was first introduced back in 1959. In 1960 it passed the Senate by a unanimous vote, without a dissenting vote. I don't think there was a rollcall on the vote, but there was not a dissenting vote. When I first heard the testimony about the bill, I was a little skeptical. I thought that the State Department would have some real sound objections to the bill. The State Department appeared before the committee, and about the only thing I could glean from their objections was the point that you mentioned, that they were con- cerned that this measure would infringe upon their traditional terri- tory or jurisdiction. As Mr. Pool indicated, the opposition seems to come from both the extreme right and the extreme left. The extreme right are afraid that it might be infiltrated by the extreme left and it would be a dangerous situation. Of course, if you are going to adopt that view, you might as well give up the fight altogether. I suppose if there is any opposition from other than the two extremes, it is in regard to the information center in the bill. Personally, I don't think the information center is the most im- portant part of the bill. I would be willing to delete it in order to get the Academy itself so we can do research of training into the ways and means of fighting the cold war. I would like to have your comment on that point. Mr. SMITH. First of all, sir, I believe this bill is so meritorious that if the American people were aware of the bill and understood it, they would insist upon its passage. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 A oved ForPReleaae;2ffiM/Q7 t A-Ia 7ig 46R000600070001-8 Mr. Icaoxv. I believe the people are aware of it because in 1960 the Gallup Poll conducted a polf on it. I think the people voted 10 to 1 in the Gallup Poll for the legislation. We still don t have it. Mr. Serrrnr. This bill has bipartisan support, I think that, after all, whether you are a Republican or Democrat or a liberal or a con- servative, the people supporting these bills are Americans first. That is the reason why they are supporting the bill. May I ask you to please repeat again the question you wanted me to comment on? Was that the research-end part of it? Mr. Icuon . Mere is the thing that concerns me. I believe this is the 11th day of hearings which started back in February of last year. We have no one who has appeared before the committee and tried to take this bill apart. It is my position that no legislation is per- fect. It can always be improved upon. I have been a little concerned about not having anyone here giving real opposition to the bill. I would like to know its weak points. I am pretty sure there are some weak points. Any legislation has weak points. Mr. SlirrIl. I would hate like the dickens to try to take this bill apart. You would not have much to support your views on. One of the objections I see is that it may cost too much. They are talking about $35 or $40 million. Well, as far as the security of the U.S. is concerned, if we are going to worry now about $35 or $40 million, I know many places where they can save much more money than that. Mr. Icnonn. I feel there is an urgent need for the research and training which would be afforded by this bill. As I sat on the floor of the House this week and we voted upon the $700 million bill, I thought. time and time again that we would be in all-out war today if we had anybody to fight.. Our problem is that we really don't have the enemy out front to fight. All people, both of the leftwing philosophy and the rightwing philosophy and the middle-of-the-road philosophy, recognize that there is a cold war going on today. What is happening in South America, Africa, Southeast. Asia today is merely a fulfillment of the promises of Communist leaders themselves. Khrushchev said, "We will bury you." He also said, "Peaceful co- existence does not mean that there will be peaceful co-existence of ideology." At the same time he said, "We will support wars of liberation against. the capitalist nations all over the world." I think he would have more accurately described his intentions if he had said "wars of world conquest," but that essentially is his statement. What is hap- pening is proof that he meant what he said. Now if we don't learn how to fight a cold war, if the Communists continue to knock over one small nation, one emerging nation, after the other, it could very well result in a hot war. We had testimony the other day put in the record from the State Department about schools along this line that the Communists are conducting. How many of these schools, Mr. Director, were there in Russia and Czechoslovakia $ Mr. MCNAMARA. At least seven in Russia; four in Czechoslovakia. There are also a minimum of seven in East Germany, three in Hun- Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 ,*01-8 Approved For RqR@Ail/,k3FP0006000f gary, and two in Bulgaria. The number in Red China is not known, and Cuba has at least nine major schools. Mr. IcHORD. That is all we know about anyway. Mr. McNAMARA. That is right. Mr. IciIORD. The President of the United States the other day named the Dominican Republic Communists. Nearly every one of them had attended a political or subversive warfare school in Cuba or Russia or some other place where they not only studied propa- ganda and subversive warfare, but also such things as how to make Molotov cocktails. I fear very strongly that if we don't develop more effective cold war techniques the probabilities of a hot war will continue to increase. Mr. SMITH. Yes, sir; I think the State Department will have to come up with more valid objections than have been indicated in this letter which I just read. Let me ask you a question, Mr. Ichord. I assume that President Kennedy voted for this bill when it came up for a voice vote in the Senate. His statement which I read to this committee was so strong that I must assume he voted at that time for the bill. Mr. ICIIORD. I would say this, Mr. Smith. That there was testi- mony before this committee by Mr. Grant that his group had a conference with President Kennedy. He was very much interested in the legislation, and the testimony was, as I remember it, and I can be corrected, that the State Department objected and there was, at least it was stated as a matter of opinion, that the State Department brought up the Academy of Foreign Affairs as a substitute, which does do part of the things contemplated by this bill. President Kennedy definitely recognized the need for the leg- islation. The CHAIRMAN. Will the gentleman yield? Mr. ICHORD. Yes. The CHAIRMAN. I concur in the concern of my colleague from Missouri. I point out that we held hearing after hearing last year, again this year. I issued a press- release on Monday, May 3d, an- nouncing that we would have 2 more weeks of hearings, namely, this week and next. I deliberately included this statement : All persons desiring to present testimony on the bills during the hear- ings * * * should contact Mr. Francis J. McNamara, Staff Director of the Committee * * *. The strange thing is this. Only one person in opposition has appeared thus far in person, Mr. Harriman. His main objection of X number of words was, "This would be indoctrination, indoctrina- tion, indoctrination." This year we have invited some more comments from the State Department. The word "indoctrination" is not used this time. I just received a letter, which I now insert in the record, from the Department of Defense. Here is their comment : The broad objectives of the proposed legislation are praiseworthy. How- ever, the need for the creation of new agencies for their accomplishment is questionable. * * * Why, for what reason? What argument? We are not told. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 1~jroved Fof@ Wq5/1Q7p-ADgi}@4446R000600070001-8 They conclude by saying, however, that they "defer to the State Department" and wind up the letter by saying : The Bureau of the Budget advises that, from the standpoint of the Adminis- tration's program, there is no objection to the [the Department of Defense's] presentation of this report ? ' '. Now I reiterate--everyone in the Congress, the House, the Senate, in Government, in the private sector, news media, and every other part or segment of our society in America has been given oppor- y after opportunity to come forward and testify. Ve are going to move next week. They still have 10 days. I don't want on the floor any bleeding heart to say how come we were not told about it. I now present the letter of the Department of Defense for the record. (The letter follows:)` GENERAL COUNSEL OF THE DEPARTMENT OF DEFENSE WASHINGTON 1O. Q. Honorable Edwin B. Willis .Chairemn, Committee on Un-American Activities House of Representatives Washington, D. C. 20515 Iris letter is in reply to your request for the views of the Department of Defense an H. R. 474, H. R. 1033, H. R. 2215, H. R. 2379'and H. B. 4399, all of which propose the creation of a Freedom Commission and a Freedom Academy; for the purpose of developing an integrated body of knowledge to win the non-military global struggle between freedom and eo?unism, and to train government personnel and private citizens for this purpose. The broad objectives of the proposed legislation are praiseworthy. How- ever, the need for the creation of new agencies for their accomplishment is questionable. inmost of their functions, the proposed agencies mould duplicate the work of existing government and/or private agencies. While the Department of Defense questions the need for the establishment of a Freedom Camiaiseion and a Freedom Academy to accomplish the objectives of the proposed bills ve defer to the State Department and other interested agencies more directly concerned for more authoritative views on this matter. The Bureau of the Budget advises that, from the standpoint of the Adminis- tration's program, there is no objection to the presentation of this report for the consideration of the Committee. L. Aiederlehner Acting General Counsel Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For R?l&W/13DI26ERMdfwR000600g71Q001-8 Mr. SMITH. What you have just said is very significant, sir. Mr. IcHoRD. Mr. Smith, there was one objection that I have heard voiced and that was that the Academy could not be conducted as an open operation. The opposition stated that an institution of this nature should be a secret operation. Would you care to comment on that? I point out that this is not an operation agency at all. Mr. SMITH. No, this is not an operation agency. I read the testi- mony of Admiral Burke. I think lie answered that very well when he said the truth doesn't hurt. If you tell the truth, you have nothing to be ashamed of. Therefore, why shouldn't things be disclosed because we have noth- ing to be ashamed of. If the Communists disagree and say the find- ings of the Freedom Academy are wrong, then they will have to have facts to prove that. Mr. ICHORD. Thank you very much. The CHAIRMAN. I also insert for the record the press release I mentioned, of May 3, 1965. (The release follows:) [For immediate release, Monday, May 8, 1965] COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES, U.S. HousE of REPRESENTATIVES, WASHINGTON, D.C. Representative Edwin E. Willis (D-La.), Chairman of the House Committee on Un-American Activities, announced today that the Committee will continue hearings during the first two weeks of May on various bills to create a Freedom Commission and Freedom Academy. Hearings will then be terminated. The Freedom Academy bills would establish a federally-financed cold war educational institution where Government officials and key persons from all walks of American life, as well as foreign officials and nationals, would receive intensive training in Communist cold war objectives, strategy and tactics. The Academy would also have the function of studying and analyzing Communist unconventional warfare techniques for the purpose of proposing methods which could be utilized by the free world to block or undercut implementation of them. Mr. Willis pointed out that the Committee held seven days of hearings on the Freedom Academy bills last year, in the course of which thirty-seven witnesses testified or submitted statements. This year, the Committee has held three days of hearings, at which nine individuals have testified or submitted statements. With the exception of Mr. W. Averell Harriman, who testified for the State Department last year, all witnesses have endorsed the bills. All persons desiring to present testimony on the bills during the hearings in the first two weeks of May should contact Mr. Francis J. McNamara, Staff Di- rector of the Committee on Un-American Activities, Room 226, Cannon House Office Building, Washington, D.C. The CHAIRMAN. Mr. Clawson. Mr. CLAWSON. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. In response to Mr. Ichord's statement I would like to ask this question. As a new member of the committee, I am going to ask the chairman : If this has been before us for such a long time, why has not this com- mittee acted on it and brought it to the floor? The C]aAIRMAN. That is how cautious we want to be, how thorough we want to be. It is a new concept, and we prefer to move with caution and be on solid ground. That is about all the answer I can conceive of, that we didn t want to have an onrush of our conceptions. I have no preconceptions about this proposal. That was the reason for a cautionary and careful, realistic approach to the problem. We Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 A oved FoiFFMCQM 2W5/971 v4Z- #46R000600070001-8 wanted to give the American public an opportunity to express them- selves. We have had an expression through the Gallup Poll several years ago. We wanted another opportunity to test the feeling of the Ameri- can public. I think that has been tested. As you know the hearings will end neXt. week. We have two more Ambassadors to hear from. Mr. CLAwsoN. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I am a new member of the committee. That is the reason for my question. I wasn't on the committee when previous hearings were held. I notice it has had bi- partisan support m both the Senate and the House, that both political parties have had bills introduced by their members. This is one of the reasons why I wondered about the delay. I would like to ask you a question : Could not this same kind of pro- gram he conducted throughout all the public and private educational institutions in the Nation today? Mr. Smrrii. I am sorry. I can't hear that. Would you repeat the last part. Mr. CLAwsox. Could not the same program and the educational aspect of it be conducted within the public and private educational institutions of the Nation that exist today, without the establishment of a new facility or a new academy? Mr. SMrrx. First of all, I am not an expert on this bill. I believe in its concepts. However, I believe there has been a great deal of testi- mony to the effect that universities don't have the money or the time to conduct such a program in the depth and scope that is necessary. Mr. POOL. I must say I agree with that testimony. Will you yield at this point? Mr. CLAwsom. Yes. Mr. POOL. Mr. Ambassador, don't you think, as a practical matter, the Government would have to support this type program for it to be a successful program l Mr. SMrni. Mr. Pool has given you the answer. That is right. Mr. CLAwsoN. That is significant. We are helping them now by passing a tremendous educational bill for their support.. So I don't think this is a deterrent to their moving into this direction because we are helping them now. If it is so important-and I think it is and I am not in opposition to this program-it seems tome that the base needs to be broadened and every institution of an educational nature in the Nation should be involved in this program so that our people are forewarned and then forearmed as a result of their training in their educational institutions and the elementary schools, too. Mr. Santa. Yes, sir. This will give the universities the opportunity to enter the field. They will t-hen have a center from which to obtain the necessary material required for teaching their own students. As I understand it. there is no place today where universities may obtain sufficient material to explore this subject through research in depth. Mr. Cr.Awsox. You mean we don't have people today who are knowledgeable in the field of anticommunism or pro-Americanism to the point that we can train? Mr. SMITit. No. sir; I didn't mean to imply that. I meant to imply merely that I do not believe that there is sufficient material available for the universities today to carry on a program which would compare favorably with what is called for in the Freedom Academy Act Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Re L / 3 R9L4R FiR000600Q7M01-8 The CHAIRMAN. And we have evidence to that effect, that no single university or numbers of universities, somehow, have the facilities, the abilities, the finances to come forward with the development of a pro- gram of this kind. The record is already replete with testimony along that line. Mr. SMITH. Mr. Clawson, this should be a. Government project. As President Kennedy said, this is a new form of struggle. This is a nonmilitary global conflict. It should not be left to private uni- versities or to private enterprise to make this fund of Information available. We need an academy, a place where all the experts will be together. Mr. CLAwsoN. It seems to me we need a broader base than this. I am appalled over the fact that we even have this problem in America where people are not trained in the free enterprise system, capitalistic system, .to the point where they can recognize the danger signals of communism. It seems to me we have had a failure along the line some place in our educational institutions that we have not been able to get our people acquainted with this problem. Maybe we need this approach, but I am fearful it will not have a broad enough base to do the total job and to do it in time. I think we are faced with a time element, too, as well as the educational problem. Mr. SMITH. I think we ought to get something done. Maybe this can be improved on after it has had a fair trial. It is natural in our form of democracy for people to be reticent about getting into psycho- laglcal warfare. However, there are two ideologies in the world and the Com- munists are out to destroy us. They believe it can be done without military war, that it can be done covertly. It is obvious to me that we have to prepare ourselves to fight against the Soviet research ' and training program in political warfare. It takes pros to fight pros. Mr. LAWSON. I understand that. There is' no question about it. Let me ask just one further question then and I won't pursue this line of questioning any longer. Do you envision the Academy as a physical plant similar to our military academies where all of this is taking place, or do you consider it as a possible extension of this pro- gram into selected private universities or public universities? Mr. SMITH. Well, sir, LIFE magazine spoke of this as a political West Point. I think that connotes an undergraduate school. It would have been better if they had said a political West Point for adults or a political West Point for college graduates or a political West Point for those who have passed the college age. I mentioned this point in my statement before your committee. I referred to the necessity of the Academy and stated that what we needed was a United States graduate school for advanced political study and training. I emphasize the word "graduate" so that the Academ will not be confused with an undergraduate school. The CHAIRMAN. I might mention that the record contains the testi- mony of knowledgeable people in the educational world with ref- erence to the necessity for this Academy. It was brought out and I can assert it myself, that in a number of the States of the Union and glory to them, the legislatures of several States have enacted laws to require the teaching of a course roughly referred to as "Com- Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Aoved ForpRgW2P/Q74tfJ&4a rA46R000600070001-8 munism versus Americanism." But upon the enactment of these laws, and one of them was passed in my State we woke up to find out that teachers in public schools say, "What. am. i to teach? What do I know? Where is the reliable information?" I had I don't know how many letters from all over the country, espe- cially from my State, from teachers, having the strangest idea about this course, asking me, for instance, how many Communists there are in the town of Jonesville, and so on. They didn't have the wildest concept of what course ought to be taught.. I took a stab at it by saying that-I used to be a public school teacher, I taught law for 10 years-I said why don't you draw some com- parisons. Talk about education, for example. Compare our system with the Soviets. That would be a good project.. Why don't- you com- pare our system of free elections, as compared to no system, along that. line? Why don't you compare our constitutional provisions regarding free speech, religion, and so on, with their absence in Communist. coun- tries. This would be a good beginning. If you are going to try to point the finger and to expect to find out how many Communists are here and there and you expect to rout them out in X number of days, I am afraid that is not the idea of these bills. So, we are faced with that situation. You are right, Mr. Ambassador, that no university, somehow, has been ableto develop information, reliable information, on-the ways and means of tactical warfare in the cold war world, and so on. That is why something ought to be done. Mr. CLAWSON. 'Ir. Chairman, I appreciate the statement and I agree with you fully. However, I still go back to this other problem, as I see it. The old adage that you train the child in the way it shall go and when it is old it will not depart therefrom is just as true today as when it was uttered centuries ago. I believe if we wait until we train adults and try to change their direction we are still going to miss the point in this Academy. Now is there a new concept that this is going to be a source of re- search material and training techniques and operational know-how to disseminate to all of our universities? Is that. going to be part of the function of the Freedom Academy as you envision it? Mr. Sirs. Mr. Clawson, I have been trying to avoid testifying on the technical parts of this bill Mr. CLAWSON. I will withdraw the question. Mr. -Sazrrn.-because there are so many people who are better quali- fied, like Mr. Alan Grant, He has been working on this bill, I believe, since 1952 or 1953. They have testified before this committee. For me now to appear as an expert on the technical points of the bill would be a mistake. So I would like to duck that question if I may. Mr. CLAwsoN. I will withdraw my question. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. The CIAraxAN. I might say at this point that someone picking up the record and reading it perhaps would want to find out why there was not an explanation at this point. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Rel 5/Q1~ : PIP?ajip&4,4WO00600019 01-8 Mr. McNamara, will you say two or three words concerning the op- erational feature of this bill? Mr. CLAWSON. My question was this, whether the concept was going to extend or magnify the program to the point where this will be a source of material, research material, operational programs, and so on, that can be drawn upon by all the universities and educational institu- tions throughout the Nation., both private and public. Mr. MONAMARA. That is true. That is one of the functions of the freedom centers provided for in this bill. There will be localities, units, for dissemination of reliable information on all phases of com- munism. Any citizen will be able to go to these freedom centers and obtain the type information they want on various aspects of commu- nism. This will apply to universities, apply to high school teachers, anyone who wants this information-political leaders, labor leaders, religious leaders, educational leaders. So far as the children of the country are concerned, this is intended to be a graduate-type institution. The children of our country need, I think you will agree, education in American ideals, but this is pri- marily the function of the schools and the local boards of education. What the Academy is concerned with is Communist political war- fare. The adult population of our country, shall we say, the people who by their vote influence our policy-give them the education they need on Communist operations which are a threat to the security of this country and, all other free nations. This is generally a more sophisticated type knowledge than the average grade or high school student can absorb. It is primarily a graduate-level school. Mr. CLAWSON. I just don't believe the base is broad enough here in this one Academy to do the job. Mr. PooL. Will you yield at this point? Mr. CLAwsox. Yes. The CHAIRMAN. In other words, you want a stronger bill? Mr. CLAWSON. I want a stronger bill. Mr. McNAMARA. The concept here is that there is a limit as to how far you can go. If you bring in all the peak Government personnel to be trained in fighting the cold war and train them thoroughly for 6 months or a year and if you do the same thing with leaders from all walks of American life-the trade union field, educational field, re- ligious field, field of veterans organizations, womens groups-you will disseminate by these leaders, through their organizations and thus through the population generally, the kind of knowledge that is needed to support a sound policy. Mr. CLAWSON. When they leave here they have the zeal of St. Paul to go out and sell this program so that they can get some effectiveness throughout the world. That is what I would like to see done. I think we need a broad base to do it. The CHAIRMAN. I might point out that we have in a small way an effective precedent for this concept. The AFL-CIO sponsors the American Institute for Free Labor Development from their own funds and with money from big business. They bring to American shores labor leaders from the Latin and South American countries and teach them the American way of the labor movement and also about Communist strategy and tactics, particularly in the labor field. And they go back, in turn, and impart our democratic labor concepts to Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 A60roved Fo efea 20051D7ft&DQh4 67446R000600070001-8 their countries and also use their knowledge of communism to combat it in their native lands. I am told that it has done a great deal of good. So that is one precedent for it. Finally I point out, again, the broad base support. of this bill. Included among the authors of this bill on the Senate side are Senators Dodd, Douglas, Mundt, Goldwater, Proxmire-you can't have a broader base of political philosophy in America with that kind of support for it. So, we ought not be too much concerned about the cries, or if that word is too strong I will use "misgivings," of the people on the right or the left. That is why, having discussed this with members of the committee and the staff, I decided to make this announcement.. I made it on the floor some time ago. The only thing we have is testimony in favor of the Academy. If anyone is in opposition, here is their chance. Don't say, like the Defense Department, "The broad objectives of the proposed legislation are praiseworthy. However, the need * * * is questionable." It is time to put up or shutup now. Mr. SMrmH. They don't amplify that? They say the needs are ques- tionable, but they don't amplify that? The CHAIRMAN. If it is questionable, my goodness, let us have the reasons why. Mr. Clausen. Mr. CLAUSEN, Mr. Chairman, if I could take a couple of minutes. The CHAIRMAN. Mr. Don Clausen is not a member of the committee, but he is a very interested supporter. Ile is the author of one of the bills. I am delighted to recognize him. Mr. CLAUSxN. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Mr. Smith, I have enjoyed your comments very very much. I think that some of the points you have made as far as tie State Department is concerned certainly have brought to light one of the major issues that we have at stake, that is, certainly the State Department does not want to yield on foreign policy matters. I think this committee certainly has done a. great. service for the American public. I think as Members of Congress we certainly need to develop a program that. is going to be responsive to us and coordi- nate this, of course, with all of the agencies because many people are writing to us. The fact that the director of this committee has pointed out that there are educational facilities all over the Soviet Union and some other satellite nations teaching communism, purely for the purpose of export, it would appear to me certainly desirable to have the Freedom Academy so that we can teach freedom and export freedom. This is a great. struggle; it will be with us for sometime to come. As you pointed out frankly, the Communists are sending hard-core, trained professionals, and we are sending kids out to do the job. Again I would like to go into this in more depth, but. I hope that. I can hold my comments for the floor of the House after it passes the committee, Ur. Chairman. Mr. SwaTii. May I say one thing, Mr. Chairman. Because of my experience I would recommend that the chiefs of the political divi- siopa of all Embassies, located in a politically turbulent. nation, attend the FPreedom Academy before being assigned to their posts. I think this is very important. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For R o ei26O r7/A 3Fn a DE ROOO6OOG OO1-8 Mr. CLAWSON. A compulsory requirement? Mr. SMITH. No, sir; I am not suggesting it be compulsory. I am making this as a specific recommendation. In other words, the State Department will come back and say, well, how many of our people do you think should attend the Academy. It is obvious that all the officers of the Foreign Service can't attend the Academy. So, I am selecting what I believe to be one of the most sensitive positions in an Embassy--the First Secretary for Political Affairs. He is in direct contact with the various political groups in the nation, whether they are progovernment or antigovernment. The office of the chief political officer in Havana during the Castro Communist revolution was on the fifth floor, where I was. All types of individuals came up to see him. If he had been trained in the Freedom Academy, he would have had more knowledge of commu- nism and a better background to cope with the situation. This is obvious. The CHAIRMAN. Have you concluded? Mr. SMITH. Yes, Sir. The CHAIRMAN. I recognize the gentleman from Missouri. Mr. ICHORD. Mr. Chairman, if lie has concluded The CHAIRMAN. First, Mr. Ambassador, we are very grateful for your appearance and your great contribution to this proposal. Mr. SMITH. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. STATEMENT OF HON. RICHARD H. ICHORD, U.S. REPRESENTATIVE FROM MISSOURI Mr. IOHORD. Mr. Chairman, I have a statement that I have pre- pared and I ask permission to insert in the record. All the members of the committee know my views on these bills, and certainly we will have an opportunity to discuss them in executive session. But I would like to point out that, in addition to my service on this committee, I am also a member of the Armed Services Committee and yesterday we took up a bill providing for the procurement of ammunition and hardware, various implements of war. Included in that bill was the sum of $6 billion for research. We are researching in the field of - weapons that to many people would be unbelievable. We are spend- ing better than $50 billion it year to support our armed services. We have built up one of the greatest war machines in the history of man- kind. We are able to fight a hot war and defend ourselves. Certainly I don't want that hot war to come and I don't want to be a prophet of doom; I don't want to play the part of a prophet, but if the present trend continues, we could very easily become engaged in another worldwide conflict. You don't have to take my word for it; you don't have to take the word of the leaders of our Government. All you have to do is to take the word of the Communist leaders themselves. When they make the statements which Mr. Smith pointed out, when they say we will support wars of liberation all over the world, and then proceed to support and push wars of conquest from one end of the globe to an- other, we should realize the danger. The American people to me seem to be obsessed with the idea that the Communists are going to become less and less belligerent, that Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67BOO446ROO0600070001-8 ApSoved For @WgM299?/(17/ E -F~ M9946R000600070001-8 they will experience a change of heart. This appears to be, at its best, Just mere wishful thinking. I can't see any factual basis for that belief at all. Last week, Mr. Myerhoff, head of one of the great advertising con- cerns in this country, testified, and, Mr. Chairman, I am sure you read his statement, but. I wish it would have been possible for you to have heard him. He presented many novel ideas. He stated that he thought that the Communists were using techniques in selling their ideology, in carrying on political and propaganda warfare, that had long been developed by the American advertising industry. I can see instances where they are. I don't believe advertising techniques would in all cases be effective in selling democracy, but at least in this institution you could examine his proposals and see if that is the best way to proceed. We could assemble the best minds of our country and research and develop effective techniques of cold war defense. We are spending $6 billion this year on hot weapon re- search and development. Can't we afford to spend the relatively small sum called for by these bills for cold war research and development? He made the statement, Mr. Chairman, that one of the great prob- lems that we had in USIA was the policy of reporting all of the news in the United States because unfortunately the things that make the news are bad. That is true. Now I could condemn the State Department, I could condemn the USIA. I decline to do that because I have sympathy for them. It is quite a problem. We have some very dedicated people in the State Department and the USIA, but something is wrong, and I think it is very simple--our techniques are in need of improvement. Mr. CLAUSEN. Will the gentleman yield? Mr. IcHoan. Yes. Mr. CLAusEx. In addition to your own comments, Mr. Ichord, it would appear to me that, there has to be a national declaration of policy to win the cold war and then developp the institution to train people and, in articular, to move out into the private sector to take advan- tage of thenonmilitary capabilities. If we are going to win this great struggle of ours, certainly we are going to have to train people. I think frankly the public sector has a responsibility, but our foreign aid problems throughout the world have pointed out very vividly that the public-to-public sector concept has not been working. We need to expand people-to-people. I think this would give a great o portuni Mr. IcsoRn. M. Myerhoff brought to the attention of the committee a publication of USIA which was similar to LIFE' magazine. In it he showed us pictures of racial riots that were published in this maga- zine to be distributed in Poland. I am sure that USIA's motive was to assure the people of Poland that in this country we have freedom of assembly. But Mr. Meyerhoff argued, and I am inclined to believe that he is right, that the (om- munists very quickly picked this up to show that we have great inter- nal trouble, that we don't have a stable Nation, that we are about Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Rtttgasi~qPOD5iD7111 t.E R? 6R0006066~0001-8 to be involved in civil war. Whether or not the effect of the article was good or bad, I think we can all agree that this policy needs to be examined and studied and perhaps refine our methods of getting ideas across. We should be truthful, but should we publish pictures of race riots abroad with the aim of improving our image? Isn't there a better way of explaining our racial problems to a nation completely unfamiliar with those problems? Mr. Chairman, I would ask leave that my statement, together with three articles, be included in the record. The CHAIRMAN. The statement and extraneous material will be received at this point. (Congressman Ichord's statement and insertions follow:) STATEMENT OF HON. RICHARD H. ICHORD, U.S. REPRESENTATIVE FROM MISSOURI Mr. Chairman and Members of the Subcommittee : As you and the other members of the subcommittee know, I am the author of H.R. 2215, one of the eight Freedom Academy bills now pending before this committee. Last year, nine bills to create the Freedom Commission and Freedom Academy were introduced in the House and referred to the Committee on Un-American Activities. We held hearings for 7 days on those bills, and a.total of 38 persons testified or submitted statements on them. All but one of those witnesses-Mr. Harriman speaking for the Department of State-strongly endorsed the Freedom Academy concept. So far this year we have held 3 days of hearings, during which several wit- nesses have testified. Every one of those witnesses has endorsed the Freedom Academy idea. I appear today for the same purpose. All of us are thoroughly familiar with the Freedom Academy envisaged in the bills pending before the committee. For this reason I do not intend to discuss their details. What I would like to do, however, is to bring to the attention of the committee some facts and items which have come to my attention in the last few months and which emphasize, at least to me, the importance of the bills before us and how vital it is that the United States get along with the Job of making the Freedom Academy a reality. I should like to bring to the attention of the committee an item from the New York Times, page 3, of the issue of April 11, this year, which tells about a Com- munist political warfare school, the Institute of National Minorities in Kunming, the capital city of the Yunnan Province in Red China. This is a school estab- lished by Peking in an effort to tighten, and guarantee, its control of national minorities in or bordering on Red China and also the people of Tibet, that un- fortunate Himalayan kingdom which was completely subjugated by Peking in 1959 after many thousands of its citizens had been slaughtered in an unsuccessful and bloody revolt against Red rule. The minorities about which Peking Is concerned and to whom this school de- votes its attention include not only the Tibetans and residents of Sinkiang Prov- ince, but also various tribes living along the border of Burma, Laos, and North Vietnam-people who are ethnically linked to Red China's neighbors. According to the New York Times article, about 1,000 hand-picked students from these areas are receiving training and Indoctrination in this Institute of National Minorities at any given time. The courses extend some 6 months to 3 years. The Times article quotes the deputy director of the Institute as stating : "We are different from other educational institutes-we are a political institute for training minority cadres with Communist Ideas." I also have several items which have appeared in the press recently concerning the role of the U.S. Information Agency in Vietnam. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Ap"6ved For Rasap(108&07/1Ft>ulMf6R000600070001-8 The first, an Associated Press dispatch published in the Washington Evening Star of March 28, of this year, states that our country intends to increase Its propaganda efforts in Vietnam. It quotes the USIA Director, Carl T. Rowan, who had just returned from South Vietnam, as stating that during the past year USIA officers In that country had been increased from 24 to 55 and that perhaps another 20 will be sent out. He also stated that the number of South Vietnamese employees of USIA had been Increased, that USIA shortwave broadcasts from the Philippines have been strengthened and the USIA broadcasts in Vietnamese raised from 2 to 6 hours daily. Mr. Rowan, according to this article, pointed out after his return from South Vietnam that the government there is so busy fighting the Viet Cong that It has little time---and also lacks the know-how-to counteract the Red propaganda activity. The next item, published in the Washington Star of April 3, of this year, re- veals that the State Department had issued an urgent appeal to key personnel to volunteer their services In South Vietnam, Foreign Service officers, It stated, are needed to serve as representatives for the Agency for International Develop- ment in South Vietnam provinces. AID lacks thepersonnel to do this work. The notice stated, and I quote "the President personally attaches the highest priority to that effort and to our participation in It." Items published in the Washington press on April 7-just a few weeks ago- reveal that President Johnson had ordered USIA Director Rowan to take charge of our psychological war efforts in Vietnam. In addition to having charge of his own agency's psychological warfare operations, Mr. Rowan will have charge of those of the Department of Defense, Central Intelligence Agency, and Agency for International Development I certainly hope, as I know all members of this committee do, that this pro- gram will be successful. I cannot. help wondering, however, why we have had to wait until the last minute or so for this effort to be made when it has been obvious for so many years that we have been engaged in a very crucial political warfare contest in South Vietnam. I find it hard to understand why the steps I have just mentioned were not taken 2, 3, 5, or even 7 or 8 years ago. According to these press Items I have mentioned, there Is a tremendous job to be done. In this effort the USIA Is going to try to influence an estimated 50 percent of the South Vietnamese population which is now "fence-sitting." It Is going to try to create a sense of national unity, ward off defeatism, explain the U.S. Involvement and commitment in South Vietnam, publicize Viet Cong tactics, According to testimony received by this committee this last year from compe- tent witnesses, the United States has not been training adequate numbers of personnel adequately In the work that has to be done today In South Vietnam. The State Department appeal for volunteers stated that "broad experience and versatility of skills are important for this assignment," and that the Foreign Service officers going to Vietnam on this project as province representatives will have to work with the U.S. military adviser and the native province chief In "planning and directing the pacification of the province." Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For RJR&0 7/1:~,RfA&RD ,ZM R000600Q$Q001-8 The situation is so desperate that five officers were needed immediately at the time the appeal was made. I wonder just how much training they have had in pacification techniques and in lighting Communist political warfare. It would appear to me that an admission that the training of State Department personnel in this area has been far from adequate is found in the fact that 10 additional Foreign Service officers will be given a 41/2-month training program here in the United States before being assigned to Vietnam to work on this project. For years, Mr. Chairman, advocates of the Freedom Academy have been pointing out the great gap that exists in this type of training for U.S. personnel. They have been urging that a Freedom Academy be established to impart this kind of training as well as other vital unconventional warfare skills. Nothing has been done about it. Today, we have a crisis in this area and we still do not have any kind of institution to train the personnel we need to do the job that has to be done. We have all kinds of psychological warfare and political warfare specialists in our Government and, of course, we have our propaganda officials as well,. but none of them, apparently, has been able to perceive or understand until recently the need for real intense political and psychological warfare effort in Vietnam. Last year we were fortunate in having as witnesses a number of journalists of very wide experience, who emphasized the need for political warfare training in their own profession. Since listening to their testimony, I have seen a con- siderable number of articles dealing with communism, both abroad and at hone, which have emphasized the importance of what these witnesses said. We know that the Communist bloc is attaching a great importance to control and use of the press and other communications media as a cold war weapon. If we are not to lose out in this area, we need an institute where free world journalists can be taught the facts about political warfare and the vital role both the Communist and the free world press play in it. I would like to submit for the record at this point an article entitled "Journal- ism and the Cold War," published in the January 1965 issue of The Quill, official publication of the journalist fraternity, Sigma Delta Chi. The article is written by Eugene H. Methvin, a member of the Washington staff of the Reader's Digest. Mr. Methvin, who studied journalism in the Henry W.. Grady School of Journalism in Atlanta, has long been a student of communism and its unconventional warfare techniques. His article, which emphasizes another one of the major gaps in our defense against communism and shows how we suffer from this gap, will, I hope, be an important addition to this hearing record. (The article follows:) Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 The Magazine for Journalists 53 YEARS OF PUBLICATION Every Newsman Practices Psychiatry without a License ._?JOHIN DeMOTT Students' Newspaper Idea Helps Bridge Detroit Strike Gap . W I LA(l U )',C'S " HAPPENED IN A i m It rChi ICc k~lr? 5rr'wt"t;~lan, or Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 A1groved ForPSgORW2p5/Q7 %i - fITAPM46R000600070001-8 JOURNALISM AND By EUGENE H. METLIVIN Erodes', Digest THEN THE NEWLY independent Sultan of Zanzi- bar was overthrown last January New York Times Correspondent Robert Conley put himself in the running for a Pulitzer prize with his stories revealing that the power seizure was engineered by 30 or 40 com- munist:; trained in Cuba, the Soviet Union and Com- munist China. This was brilliant cold war coverage that alerted the American people to brewing trouble in yet another sector of what Adlai Stevenson calls the "world civil war." But the American people could be even better served if journalists were prepared to "background" such news with a knowledge of the communist revolu- tionary training schools and what they teach. For ex- ample, last Jan. 20 Conley reported: "The real power is concentrated in the hands of the vice president, Kassim Hanga, a bitter opponent of the West. He studied international law in Moscow and has a Russian wife." And what do Africans study in Moscow's "internation- al law" course? We know what one Nigerian student, Anthony G. Okotcha, got. He found himself among 200 other students from Africa, Central America and Asia in a class in "self defense," rigorous paramilitary training in the guerrilla arts. "One army officer told me, 'Remember, today you are a student, but tomorrow you THE AUTHOR Eugene Methvin was born in 1934 in Vienna, Ga., where his father was a cousin1 weekly editor and publisher of the Vienna News. His mother still op- erates the paper and has won Georgia Press Association prizes for "most fear- less editorial" in duet with the white Citizens Councils, and for general ex- cellence (runner-up). Young Methvin could lay clahn to having started as a reporter (leg-man only) before he could write, for at the age of five he wandered around the streets with pad and pencil insisting that the residents write down their nears for him. He studied journal- ism at the Henry W. Grady School of Jmunalisin, graduating in 1.955 with an ABJ and supplementary major in law. Upon graduation he spent three years as a jet fighter pilot. In 1958 he joined the Washington Daily News as a gen- eral assignment reporter and in 1960 he went to the Reader's Digest at its Washington editorial office as a stall writer. He is treasurer of the Washing- ton Professional chapter, will be a leader of a revolutionary front,"' Okotcha re- ports. His next study was "occult science," a witch-doctor class arranged exclusively for African students. An Af- rican affairs expert in perfect Swahili lectured sur- rounded by plastic human skulls and skeletons, plastic serpents of various sizes. "One witch doctor carrying on among primitive people can do more than a dozen po- litical lecturers," he said. "He can move the masses in any way he chooses. Well, then, supposing he is a com- munist?" The professor placed a skull on the table and using radio microphones caused it to issue commands such as: "I am your ancestor speaking. I command you to go tonight, kill the British governor, and bring his head and hands to me. If you fail I will cast evil spells on you and your family." With this background, it is not hard to add two plus two-and the obvious answer is more trouble of the Mau-Mau type in all of East Africa in coming years as the communists turn Zanzibar into an unsinkable Cuba-style little red schoolhouse. (It is already hap- pening, under Red Chinese tutelage, in the eastern Congo. A special school near Peking is training witch doctors in guerrilla warfare and upon their return they are organizing tribal insurgency.) (Editor's Note: This article was written prior to the November outbreak of conflict in the Congo.) Certainly this is an indispensable part of "depth" reporting on this cold war round. And any news commentator or desk man in America who had bothered to get himself on the mailing list for Senate Internal Security Subcommittee reports could have pro. duced sparkling "interp" pieces backgrounding the Zanzi- bar development-fox that is where Okotcha's account is to be found. This Zanzibar example illuminates a major problem many thoughtful journalists see confronting America's free press today. Simply put, the problem is this: The professional practitioners in our communications media are not generally equipped to recognize communist-in- spired violence, deception and psydropolitical manip- ulation and to adequately "background the news" on thousands of complex cold war skirmishes being fought daily around the globe. This problem can mean op- portunity" for the professional-cash, recognition and satisfaction for those with reportorial initiative to dig out and write the "depth" stories nobody else is tack- ling. Let me cite a minor personal experience. After the June 1960 riots in Tokyo forced cancellation of Pres- ident Eisenhower's visit, a Reader's Digest editor asked Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Re I O /13 MDoWE!6 46R000600d1S6001-8 THE COLD WAR the obvious question nobody else seemed to have thought of: "All the newspapers say these riots are red- inspired. How do we know? If you're a communist, how do you start a riot?" Assigned to get the answer, I asked my State De- partment contact to set tip an interview with the De- partment experts on such things. "Sure," he said, "Call you back in a day or so." Two weeks passed. My friend finally called, quite crestfallen. "I hate to tell you this, and frankly Pm a little shocked myself. I've checked everywhere. Nobody in the entire U.S. government really keeps up with these things." Realizing we had stumbled onto a major gap in our cold war defenses, the Digest Washington Bureau initiated what became a series of stories on national policy machinery and communist tactics. Meanwhile, fascinated by a whole new world I never know existed, I spent six months digging into mob psychology and crowd management and researching case studies. The result was an article which was published in a relatively obscure scholarly journal. The U.S. Army Command & General Staff School picked it up for its Military Re- view, and the State Department sent a briefed version to all 375 U.S. diplomatic posts overseas. The article has been adopted in our own armed forces training texts, translated into Spanish and circulated among Latin American services, and to my utter dismay the Army has even invited me as an expert to lecture on communist mob techniques. This experience shows how widespread is the infor- mation gap on what has been called "the now frontier of war." Other examples: PRESIDENT KENNEDY'S ASSASSINATION- American journalists were poorly equipped to "back- ground" the Dallas tragedy because assassination as a political weapon is so utterly foreign to us. Americans find it hard to connect the act of handing a 15-year- old boy a hate-filled pamphlet on the Rosenbergs, con- demned nuclear spies, and that youth's act nine years later of shooting the President of the United States. Yet there is a connection. Although psychiatrists recognized Oswald was potentially dangerous when he was 13 still he is a case study of how inflammatory communist propaganda can attract, activate, and motivate a con- fused, frustrated individual and give direction and focus to his aggressive behavior. The lesson Oswald so eloquently teaches is that inflammatory communist propaganda can kill. Yet reporting on the sociology and psychology of communist organizational and psycho- logical warfare is generally distinguished chiefly by its shallowness. Beyond Oswald the whole history of communist as- sassination as a political weapon was relevant back- ground the press missed. Nobody pointed out that the Soviets were caught using it in Western Europe as late as 1959, for example. A few commentators pointed out that Lenin condemned assassination-but they only demonstrated that a little knowledge can be danger- ous. For Lenin only condemned the approach of the Narodnaya Volya terrorists, one of whom was his older brother Alexander, hanged for plotting to kill the Czar. Lenin said that assassination used indiscriminately would be counter-productive, especially if it took the place of careful organizational work. But he not only never ruled out assassination. He always considered it an integral part of the revolutionary's arsenal and in- sisted that communists be willing and able to use all weapons, including murder. He required all Commu- nist parties formed under the Communist International to set up secret apparatuses. The German Party, for ex- ample, organized covert M(military), N (intelligence), Z (infiltration), and T (terror) groups. We have some well-authenticated and corroborated accounts of the early beginnings of the communist T-groups in Ger- many. Their function was to punish traitors and to murder anti-communist political and military leaders. Most interesting was the emergence of a willingness to use the T-groups to solve infra-party differences. With the Khruschev-Mao feud heating up the history of this intro-mural use of the communist T-squads it may one clay prove to be a vital part of one of the biggest news stories of our century. ANTI-CIA CAMPAIGN-Any psychological warfare technician knows that in his adversary's society there are always groups and individuals who will share his objectives and do his work for him, for their own inde- pendent moral or political reasons. In his jargon these are called "targets of opportunity." In Western society, for example, the communist warrior knows there in- evitably are people who will oppose almost any policy of their governments that he wants to attack always for their own independent reasons. The Red strate- gist's problem then becomes: How to activate the op- position? The answer is the simple stratagem of throwing the spotlight of publicity on the issue and draw the target group's attention to it. Such has been the nature of the Soviet campaign to discredit the CIA and undermine public confidence in it. Enough Ameri- cans fear any secret agency and abhor the idea of a "department of dirty tricks" so that to draw their at- tention to its existence guarantees a substantial public opposition and steady drumfire of criticism, controversy Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 i roved Foo l @ WQ5/Q7iA&D -aWZ?AQ446R000600070001-8 and suspicion. (Of course the agency earns some of its criticism quite honestly)) Nikita Khrushchev's seemingly casual remarks on his 1959 tour of the United States about the CIA set this strategy of exposure rolling. The most famous incident was carefully staged at the White House within easy earshot of reporters when Khrushchev met CIA Direc- tor Allen Dulles and joked about paying the same spies and reading the same reports. Throughout his tour Khrushchev's remarks were repeated too often and too prominently to have been genuinely casual. Since that time we have learned the Soviet KGB has set up a special section assigned to think up and execute de- ception operations to discredit the CIA. It's called- shades of "1984" - the "Disinformation Bureau." Among its favored weapons are the forgery, the fake news story, the planted rumor. On April 23, 1961, when the Bay of Pigs and the Algerian generals' revolt were top news, a crypto-communist newspaper in Rome, Il Paese, carried a story declaring that "some people in Paris are accusing the American secret service headed by Allen Dulles of having participated in the plot of the four 'ultra' generals." This paper, testified Assistant CIA Director Richard Helms later, is frequently "used as an outlet for dis- guished Soviet propaganda." TASS promptly relayed the story, and the London Daily Worker and the Paris communist daily L'Humanite headlined: "U.S. SPY AGENCY ENCOURAGED REVOLT." Simultaneous- ly the Polish press attache spread it in Paris bars where newsmen hang out. Soon the free world press services -not one of them aware of the story's origins-splashed it onto front pages everywhere. This Moscow-manufac- tured "fable," as such intelligence gambits are called, was taken up by Paris officialdom anxious to redeem French honor by proving their rebellious officer corps had been inspired from abroad. They drew hot words from the U.S. Ambassador and White House Press Sec- retary Pierre Salinger, in Paris preparing for a presiden- tial visit, Salinger accused Pierre Baraduc, French For- eign Office press chief, of putting out the story to put President Kennedy at a disadvantage with General De Gaulle. "I'm not putting it out," Barraduc replied. "It seems to have sprung from nowhere. But you have to admit the story sounds logical." no Western press continued to play it for a week without any idea where it originated. FAIR PLAY FOR CUBA COMMITTEE-On April 6, 1960, the New York Times carried a full-page ad branding as "false' the rising tide of news reports indi- cating Castro's communist ties. "Not a shred of evi- dence has been produced," the ad proclaimed, prais- ing the "great work of revolutionary reform now in progress in Cuba." Thirty citizens calling themselves the "Fair Play for Cuba Committee" signed it. The FBI very quickly flagged the Fair Play Committee as a typical front operation initiated by individuals with known public record communist links, and reporters who bothered to inquire were so informed as early as the summer of 1960. Yet so few bothered that the Fair Play Committee was able to organize 30 committees in major American cities, 40 college chapters, and enlist 10,000 students, adults, and subscribers who contrib- uted at an annual rate of $45,000 for this propaganda effort. On Oct. 20, 1960, 1500 people attended a New York rally urging "hands off Cuba" at a time when growing communist influence in that unhappy isle was a presidential campaign issue. Not once, so far as diligent inquiry reveals, did any newspaper or wire service reporter do a story re- vealing the known facts of communist involvement, or- ganizational talent and publicity support going into the "Fair Play' operation or suggest that this was a com- munist-inspired maneuver. Indeed, when the Senate Internal Security Subcom- mittee initiated hearings it was hotly denounced by a leading magazine and a score or more newspapers for "McCarthyism." Yet the subcommittee got nothing like equal notice when a young Cuban physician testified that he had gone with the Fair Play Committee's organizer to U.N. headquarters to pick up $3500 from Raul Roa, Jr., a member of the Cuban delegation and son of Castro's foreign minister, for the Times ad that kicked off the whole operation. "T"oe whole sad episode reveals a deep double stand- ard," says Sen. Thomas J. Dodd. "Show too many peo- ple a nutty right-wing outfit like the Birch Society and they are off like chargers, eager to do battle. Editors send reporters to their meetings, probe their organiza- tional structure, and hound them with steady criticism. But they are not interested in a Fair Play for Cuba Committee, organized with secret communist financial support by an ex-convict who is actively misleading thousands of innocent students and using them to ad- vanco Moscow's grand strategy. Yet that organization proved itself capable of inciting and channeling the hatred of the sick soul who killed the President of the United States." THE GAP IN JOURNALISM EDUCATION-Re- cent scholarship in the history of revolutionary move- ments forces us to realize that the "cold war' between democratic due process and revolutionary totalitarian. ism has been with us, on a minor scale, since the French Revolution, and that the totalitarians have developed a thorough technology of planned violence and social demolition. The persistent recurrence of domestic ex- tremist groups ranging from the Ku Klux Klan, the Black Muslims, and the pro-Chinese communist splin- ter factors indicates these phenomena are likely to be with us indefinitely. Since they borrow liberally from Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For RePetp?D? 952T/1A3 Fg RRP&7A"W000600017,p01-8 each other their methods are generally uniform, and covering them adequately requires specialized back- ground knowledge. One cause of the inadequacy of cold war coverage so far is that journalism schools have paid so little at- tention to it. Of course, thus far the profession has not asked them to supply journalists trained in what has up to now not been recognized as a specialty. When the demand exists, they will supply it. They give courses in science writing, political affairs reporting, even book reviewing-but not propaganda, psycholog- ical warfare, and the sociology of political conflict. But more and more is this gap being recognized as editors turn to "depth" reporting to meet growing read- ership sophistication and compete with electronic media on "spot" news. It is not too optimistic to predict that in a few years every newspaper large enough to have a business editor, garden writer, or editorial page editor will also have some staffer who has made some special study of the sociology and psychology of ex- tremist groups and hate ideologies, and who devotes at least part time to keeping track of communist strategy and tactics-for example, by reading The Worker twice weekly (subscriptions cost $7.00 yearly), or the Mos- cow-published monthly' of the international communist movement, International Affairs (available in English for $3.50 a year). Even so, the current vacuum in journalism education concerning psychopolitical warfare, which tremendous' ly affects the mass communications media, is a little surprising. The Library of Congress at the request of Sen. Karl Mundt (R., S.D.) surveyed 46 journalism de- partments accredited in 1962 by the American Coun- cil on Education for journalism and found that 22 of- fered no courses even brushing psychological warfare and propaganda, insofar as course descriptions indi- cated. In the rest, 51 courses here amorphous titles rang- ing from "Attitudes and Media Research Methods" to "The Press and World Affairs." Only eight schools out of the entire 48 had courses bold enough to mention the word "propaganda" in their title and the course descriptions showed that most were irrelevant. Out of the hundreds surveyed in the entire United States, only two courses seemed to zero directly in: 1, SEMINAR IN PROPAGANDA AND PSYCHOLOGICAL. WARFARE, at Boston University-primarily concerned with the study of propaganda and psychological warfare develop- ments in the twentieth century. Major emphasis on case study approach to important private and governmental efforts at home and abroad. Special attention to social and political im- plications of such activities. Evaluations of worth of different methods of persuasion and of utilization of the mass media of cornmmrication. Direct importnnee of these subjects to the free societies, the garrison states, and the under-developed areas in the world. A three semester-hour course. 2. PSYCHOLOGICAL WARFARE AND PROPAGANDA, At Washington & Lee University-"Functions, tactics and me- dia of psychological and political warfare, with special refer- ence to World War 11 and contemporary world conflict. Or- gaol .noon and strategy of information programs; cultural Of. military procedures." A three-hour course. Prof. O. W. Riegel, who teaches the Washington & Lee class, says his course deals directly with psycholog- ical manipulation and the cold war. "We try to cover the policy-making apparatus of the United States and Soviet Union, the propaganda directives of the two countries, and how their propaganda works out in prac- tice. We spend quite a bit of time on Soviet and com- munist operations. But we make no case studies or post mortems on communist manipulations of the Western press." Washington & Lee graduates only eight or nine jour- nalism majors annually. If the Library of Congress sur- vey is indicative, pitifully few of the annual crop of American journalism graduates get even a whiff of this vital subject matter. There is a silver lining however. Prof. Riegel's course has proved so popular it attracts 30 to 50 students ev- ery year from history and political science majors. And he says it excites a lot of student interest, indicating there will be a good campus "market" for such courses if journalism departments introduce them. Recognizing that courses outside the journalism schools would be available to journalism students, the Library of Congress checked the full curricula of the five metropolitan universities of Washington, D.C. Since these have many. students studying for military, diplomatic and other government careers, they offer highly non-typical concentrations on international af- fairs and conflict. But even they offered only two courses whose descriptions might attract a journalism student shopping the university catalog for a good sur- vey of psychopolitieal warfare and propaganda. Cath- olic University offers "Strategy and Tactics of Organ- ized Communism," and Georgetown University, even though its international relations school is renowned as a "prep" school for the Foreign Service, offers only one, "Propaganda, Political Warfare and Revolutionary Techniques in the 20th Century." Teaching this six- hour course is Dr. James D. Atkinson, a recognized au- thority who was consultant to President Truman's Psy- chological Strategy Board, a veteran intelligence offi- cer and National War College lecturer. But there's still a hitch. "The last time I taught the course I had nine stu- dents-and no journalists," Dr. Atkinson reports. The simple fact is that a journalist who has not studied the history of communist operational techniques is hardly more equipped to report or comment on to- day's world or handle copy on the cold war than a doc- tor who has never studied the measles syndrome is competent to practice medicine. He needs a solid factual course on the sociology, psy- chology and history of insurgency, guerrilla warfare, ur- bin terrorism, and the organizational warfare tech' Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 roved FoFAg1gp a ?9p5~07 I&bp4f4RAXR@Q446R000600070001-8 JOURNALISM and the COLD WAR_ , continued niques of the communists. This doesn't mean tuning journalists into witch hunters, but they should know more about such operations historically, write and talk more about them so that the American people will be better informed, all in a cool, calm, factual and sophis- ticated fashion. The history of Soviet psychological warfare and policy sabotage through such operations as the Institute of Pacific Relations and the Harry Dex- ter White-Alger Hiss interlocking subversion rings should be as much a part of the equipment of every journalist as the John Peter Zenger trial and the Hearst role in the Spanish-American War. Recently, Allen W. Dulles, former CIA director ad- dressing the American Association of School Adminis- trators, made an appeal that could be addressed to the nation's journalism educators as well: "I am convinced that unless we increase our understanding of the real nature of the communist threat and improve upon our techniques to meet it, the past may well prove to be the prologue to further advances of communism. The nature of the communist apparatus must be exposed to the world as best we can, through the press, through publications, in public addresses and in the schoolrooms. The fact that it has at tines been able to work in secret until the moment of actual take- over has been a major contributin cause of the success they have had. I earnestly ask you to Bnd a place for teaching the hard facts about the communist program to undermine out free way of life" Ten years ago to suggest "teaching communism in the schools" was to risk being smeared by McCarthy- ists as "pinko". Today it means risking being labeled a "neo-McCarthyist" or "right-winger". Fortunately there is an admirable precedent that could servo as a model for professional action by a society like Sigma Delta Chi. Today, the American Bar Association conducts a three-prong program: 1. internal self-education; 2. a continuing analysis of communist tactics, strategy and objectives; and 3. the promotion of teacher training institutes so that public school teachers may get both sound scholarly knowledge and professional guidance in presenting it. The Commmittee taps graduate centers such as the Georgetown University Center for Strategic studies, the Hoover Institution on War, Revolution and Peace at Stanford University; the University of Pennsyl- vania Foreign Policy Research Institute, and the Uni- versity of South Carolina Institute of International Studies. Currently the ABA is issuing two timely studies: 1. "Peaceful Coexistence-A Communist Blueprint for Victory," a sifting of the evidence of "internal" com- munist communications which indicates that "peaceful coexistence" in the Red lexicon means more cold war by subversion, insurgency and social demolition tech- niques; 2. "Communist Propaganda on the Campus," summarizing propaganda themes now being promoted by top U.S. communists in their speaking forays on American campuses. The ABA has given both respect- ability and coherence to a national movement that might otherwise have turned into a McCarthyistic-Birchite brouhaha. Ise t it time SDX, the one professional society rep- resenting all news media, joined the ABA pioneering in this field? Of course so broad or elaborate an effort is neither practical nor desirable now, but the Society might begin by establishing a committee to encourage professional development through chapter workshops, journalism courses and research. Such a committee could offer a centralized collecting point for experience, guidance and general information to interested chap- ters and professors. Any such undertaking is of course fraught with hazards. Opportunities for lunacy and in- eptitude are legion. But the job must be done by re- sponsible leaders or it will be botched by cranks and witch hunters. The hazards can be avoided by one com- mon-sense rule and one corollary. RULE: An SDX committee on education about com- munism must stick to its mission-education. Not indoc- trination. Not censorship. Not name-calling. Not witch- hunting. COROLLARY: The committee and the teachers, courses and workshops it would inspire must stick to facts. Not conjecture, not speculation, not propound- ing dogma, not prescribing remedies or telling jour- nalists how to practice their profession. Let us teach the facts about communist operational methods and propaganda themes in their orchestration of psychopolitical warfare, insofar as diligent, objective scholarship can reveal them through case studies. This knowledge should be a part of the professional equip- ment of every journalist in this "century of conflict" SDX, as a society devoted to truth, has a duty to help supply that equipment by encouraging the teaching and research in our journalism schools needed for a deeper, more systematic knowledge of the facts. In the spirit of the Scripps-Howard motto, the profession will then be better able to "give light and the people will find their own way." ^ Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 159 The January 1965 Issue of the Reader's Digest also featured an article written by Mr. Methvln. It was entitled "How the Reds Make a Riot." It is an excellent description of the techniques of riot-instigation, one of the unconventional war- fare techniques Communists in all parts of the world are using against the United States, its allies, and, as a matter of fact, against all non-Communist governments. Following the publication of this article in the Reader's Digest, Mr. Methvin received a letter from an Indonesian in the United States, who asked that the letter be kept confidential. This letter points out the desperate need of freedom- loving people in foreign nations for assistance in combating Communist efforts to take over their respective countries. The writer of this letter wants help. He has heard of the Freedom Academy and asks, "Could you please tell me how can I join the Freedom Academy?" The reply which Mr. Methvin wrote to this Indonesian states in blunt terms, and terms which I am afraid we cannot refute, the complete inability of the United States at the present time to give to such persons really effective assist- ance in preventing Communists from subjugating' additional nations of the world. Why can't we give really effective help? Basically, it is because we do not have the know-how which the Freedom Academy can make available. It is because in our struggle with communism-a struggle that, if we take the Commu- nists at their word, is going to see the end of us or of communism-we are still relying on outmoded, inadequate 19th century weapons-dollars, guns, and news and information programs delivered in a fashion with little appeal for the masses and which is not even designed to convince them that our cause is just and right and communism is evil, wrong, and inimical to their best interests. Mr. Chairman, I ask that these last three items I have mentioned, Mr. Meth- vin's Reader's Digest article, the letter he received as a result of it, and his reply to the letter, be made a part of the record at this point. I have excised the. letter in question so as to eliminate any possibility that the writer might be identified through its contents. (The above-mentioned articles follow : ) Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 A Reader's Digest HOW THF. REDS MAKE A RIOT Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved Forfhqejt2gQ)/0/~I,IYl~-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 FK)W THE RIDS MAKE A RIOT Its time for Us to recognize-and to counteract- one of the communists' most deadly cold-war weapons: the vicious "manipulated" demonstration Cl1Exttsr knows that if he drops t block of sodium into water, tt will explode. An engineer kno,.ris that if he buries dynamite in proper quantities and patterns and detonates it, he can dig an irrigation ditch. A communist leader knows that if he chooses proper slogans, gathers a crowd and agitates it, he an create a riot. The techniques of starting a riot are as simple, as scientific and as Systematic as that. And ever since the beginning of the cold war the co itmunists have been using the deadly s+weap n of the managed riot oil every continent-to poison a l l i - a n c e s , to topple governments, to hu- Tios nnru Lt i s based in four scan of rc- srarch by }{ugrnc f 1. Mrthvin, a mrmlxr of the Reader's 1)i,gcst Vsohing(on, U.C., st.iIT. It rrpresenis scores of case studies of Rrrl rusts, plus hundreds of Into nic-ws slob thr Flil, CIA, Secret Service, police experts, academic and rnilit.irs-intclligrncr authorinrs, and for incr communists who hasc prrsonalls orga- nizrd sirs k,- and riots. miliate leaders, to nullify billions in foreign aid, crush Americ,in pres- tige and shoot holes in U.S. foreign policy. The latest instances of orga- nized violence include bloody street fights between Buddhists and C,Ith- olics in Vietnam, food marches in India, chaos in the Congo, and mass executions by it riot-instilled Red regime in "/,anzihar. U.S. embassies and libraries have been mobbed and our diplomats humiliated in Indo- nesia, Ghana, Cyprus, Sudan and Bolivia. American businesses have been smashed in Panama and Vene- zuela. A recent study for the I)e- Ic?nsc I )ep,trnnent showed that in the five preceding years in Latin Amer- ica alone there were 351 reported outbreaks of communist-inspired terrorism, sabotage and guerrilla w.irfare, plus 2(riots, demonstra- tions and strikes. I )espiic our diplomatic efforts, our missile strength and our military might, these riots could well defeat Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For RM;QOOQ7/11PIAloRDlR6r7RO00600btO01-8 us in the world struggle if we don't soon learn how to cope with them. Red Tornado. Consider the riot as it was wielded in Panama last January. That four-day anti-Ameri- can maelstrom left 24 dead, 400 in- jured, two million dollars' worth of property damaged. When U. S. troops were fired on by snipers and forced to shoot back, the little repub- lic's charges of "U.S. aggression" were blazoned around the world. What really happened in Pana- ma? Communists were already pre- paring to exploit frictions arising from a bus strike when a better issue fell into their laps. U.S. students at Balboa High School, defying agree- ments to fly the flags of both Pana- ma and the United States at speci- fied places, hoisted the U.S. flag alone on their school's flagpole. Informants hurried the news to Panama's communist Minister of Education, Solis Palma, and within hours students and hundreds of in- nocent Panamanian patriots were decoyed into a Red-planned tornado. Experts, reconstructing the Panama explosion, unearthed these facts: ? "Molotov cocktails" thrown against U.S. homes, places of busi- ness and automobiles contained not improvised rags stuffed into bottle- necks but meticulously hand-sewn wicks. Student members of a pro- Castro Red organization had stayed after school making the fire bombs a full week before the riots. ? An amazed American witness stood beside a radio commentator broadcasting into a portable trans- mitter : "Ten thousand persons are defying the bullets, going toward the Canal Zone. . . . The North American troops are machine-gun- ning the brave Panamanian patriots. ... Tanks are now in our territory." What the commentator was describ- ing bore no resemblance to the scene before them -a small crowd of spec- tators watching a fire-bombed Bra- niff Airways office burn. (Not one U.S. tank or machine gun was used during the four days of disorder.) ? A Panamanian carrying a cam- era rushed from the Legislative Pal- ace, drew a pistol and shot a man in the crowd. Affidavits from onlook- ers have confirmed that the killer then snapped a photograph of the body, stepped into a waiting auto and sped away. Later, six known communists led a funeral procession for "martyrs murdered by the North American imperialist troops." ? Panamanian President Roberto Chiari, under pressure from com- munist aides and fellow travelers, ordered the troops of Panama's Na- tional Guard to stay in their bar- racks for four days.* During the peak of the violence, he appeared on the Presidential Palace balcony with communist agitator Victor Avila, who tongue-lashed the crowds on to new attacks against the Yanquis. *At Panama's request, the highly regarded International commission of jurists, from Geneva, Switzerland, conducted an on-the- scene investigation and concluded that if Panama authorities had acted promptly the violence and damage to property and tragic casualties would not, in alt probability, have occurred." Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Apofirved For ReJAti?p;AOPgO77/1A-:f,; -F1~~` 004468000600070001-8 ? Reliable authorities identified at least 7" communists- in estimat- ed 55 of them trained in Cuha-agi- tating and directing moll action_ Violence Step-by-Step. The corn- munists have studied :Ind t:ntght mob manipulation for (,o years. Len- in himself developed ruob tech- niques, which he taught in a clandestine cofnmLill i.s[ ',drool at I.onkjunfeau, France, in lot 1. } lis hold hoist: "f4'hen sve have panics of specially trained svorkc?r- revolutionaries who hive passed through a long course of schooli:lg. no police in the world swill he? ;Iille? to cope with them....li,dav, born a worldwide c,dlection of data, ioclud - ink c.lpttnc?d documents and inter- Iogations of defectors from traiill nt' schools, the step-by-step stages of Red-nfanipulated violence can he fully revealed. St,q.,c 1. In filtrate agents into _dra- trgic orgdmnations and ma,; mc,li,r. Io nu,hilizc crowds, the Marty must first slip operatives into nessspaprrs. radio stations, labor unions, civic as- so(lations, college faculties, student organizations, even military and po- lice units. In \'cnezueLI, for ex,unpie, communists dominate the principal school of lournalisrn, at Central University in (;:Issas, and students arc trained in how to load the press W1111 hale ideologies. Actual Red control of in organi- zation isn't always necessary, is Britain's democrat IC labor unions learned in M.irch When their peaceful demollst r.itiotl all nrlenl- plovtncnt moved into London, Reds sneaked into their ranks and in- vaded the entrance to Parliament whcrc, traditionally, demonstrations are not allowed. Mounted police in- tervened, and a battle raged for an hour. Following instructions ofTcred by the Dail, If %ul~er on "Ilow to Unhorse a Cop by Quick and Cer- tain Means," rioters pressed lighted cigarettes against horses' flanks. London newspapers called it one of the ugliest riots in recent history. Stage 2. So/ten up the populace with cvmbol, and slogans. In the opening phase of a propaganda c.tm- p.rrgn. Red professionals never use All upr nlc Cu mnumist cruse to sway people t.. their way of thinking. Rather, they seize upon universal as- pirations for ''peace," "bread," "civil liberties " "freedom," and then cast these :aspirations in inflammatory "class warfare" lingo. As scapegoats for all frustration they point to "[;.S. imperialism," "capitalist ex- ploiters" or "the white po er elite." Under a steady drumfire of such hate slogans, ordinar% citizens can be worked up sufficiently to move into the .streets when the cornrnu- lusts sound their riot gongs. So effective is the sloganeering that Reds organized riots against higher tram fares in C,dcutta and higher electric rates in Buenos AAires, against U.S. forces in J.Ipan and against a Congressional hearing in San Francisco. St,/ge 1. Druiuw together the mob nucleus. Using the standard bally- hoo methods of newspaper publicity, leaflets, radio announcements and Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Re ~~~ 5 ?j / J,3 F R 1O446R0006000] 01-8 offers of free transportation, cell chiefs attract the curious, the un- happy, the bored and the lazy who gather at any circus, fire or ruckus. Crowds may also be hired. In Brazil, an American mingled with demon- strators protesting the death of Red- leaning Congolese politician Patrice Lumumba. "Who is this Lumum- ba?" he asked the people around him. Nobody knew. "Where is the Congo?" Nobody knew that either. "Why are you here?" The answer: "I was paid ten cruzeiros." In Japan, during the weeks of the anti-Eisenhower demonstrations in 1960, Red agitators so regularly hired all applicants away from unemploy- ment offices that police were able to tell newsmen that the absence of lines at those offices in the morning meant certain demonstrations in the evening. Japanese security officials estimate that the five weeks of anti- American violence cost the Reds a minimum of $1,400,000. Stage 4. Agitate the crowd. Com- munists follow various patterns to fit the tactical situation when ex- ploiting the mob. They may herd it closely like sheep or raise the tension like a boiler until it explodes. But the fundamental methods are the same. Here, based largely on docu- ments captured from the Iraqi Com- munist Party, is how a Red "secret staff" runs off a demonstration: External command: The riot com- mander and his staff take up stations well removed from the activity, from which they can observe the entire "battlefield." Internal command: Red cadres within the crowd direct the dem- onstration under the external command's orders. The internal commander, always closely guarded, often posts himself near a particular- ly conspicuous banner so that scouts and messengers can find him at all times. (In the anti-U.S. demonstra- tions in. Caracas in 1958, Vice Presi- dent Richard Nixon found that he could identify mob leaders: they rode piggyback on the shoulders of others, to be able to see better and to give directions.) Messengers; They carry orders and intelligence between the inter- nal and external commands, and report on police movements. Shock guards: Armed with pipes and staves, these men wait in reserve. If police attack the communists, they jump in and provide a blitz to cover the communists' retreat. Cheering sections: Loud-mouthed agitators are carefully rehearsed in slogans to chant and the order in which to chant them. Police baiters: Specially trained women scream hysterically, faint at policemen's feet or claw at their faces. Other pawns are instructed to roll marbles under the hoofs of po- licemen's horses, attack them with razor blades on the end of poles, or jab them with pins, causing them to rear and charge through the crowd and thus provide photographers with "proof" of "police brutality." Stage S. Manufacture martyrs. All agitators are taught to create a mar- tyr, carry the body through the Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 T68 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION and otherwise aiding the ABA program. 2. Seek advice from those who have had experience in the kind of political in-fighting required to ex- pose and defeat the communist "hid- den persuaders." The communists devote "not their spare evenings but the whole of their lives," as Lenin commanded, to engineering social strife and violence. Amateurs who oppose them must learn fast. The following organizations offer infor- mation and assistance born of ex- perience: American Institute for Free Labor Development, 1925 K Street, N.W., Washington, D. C. 20006; National Strategy Informa- tion Center, 12! E. 21 St., New York, N.Y. iooai; Information Council of the Americas (INCA), 620 Gravier St., New Orleans, La. 70130. 3. Wherever Red agents of vio- lence set up party units or front groups, citizens must organize spe- cific attack forces to wreck the wreckers before their organizations are deployed for action. By keeping an ear to the ground and intelligence channels to official agencies open, citizens' groups can isolate the engi- neers of social demolition. In New Orleans, for example, when Lee Harvey Oswald, later assassin of President Kennedy, started organiz- ing a chapter of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee, there to expose him was INCA, which produces anti-communist radio programs to counter mass demonstrations to Lat- in America. Edward Butler, INCA's executive vice president, debated Os- wald on a radio panel and, using officially documented data, forced him to admit his Marxist devotion and defection to Russia. Thus iso- lated, Oswald soon left town, dem- onstrating once more that exposure is democracy's most potent weapon against such hatemongers. 4. Where prevention fails, citizens must overwhelmingly support civil authorities and police to maintain order. In Harlem, after the first violence flared last summer, civil- rights leaders called together every non-communist organization in the community-69 of them-and formed the United Harlem Organi- zations. Working closely with police to expose and isolate the incendi- aries, they distributed thousands of leaflets urging people to stay away from a communist-called rally. The rally fizzled. The UHO is now working hard to counteract the com- munist-promoted "police brutality" sloganeering, a decades-old commu- nist stratagem diabolically designed to hamstring proper police action. Rights groups everywhere must ex- pose it as energetically as they seek to prevent real instances of excessive force. - The lesson of the rising global tide of Red-led violence is one of the old- est lessons of history: eternal vigi- lance is the price of liberty. Reprints of this article are available. Pikes. postpaid to one address: so-sot; 50-$2; too-33.50; 500-$13.50; 1000 -$t6. Address Reprint Editor, The Reader's Digest, Pleasantville, N.Y. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Re}~1Q95 j,/1A3 ipJ& P&7A*N 0006000Y?901-8 !r. Eugene H. Methvin Reader's Digest Washington, D.C. Dear Mr. Methvin, I was very much impressed by your article "How the reds make a riot" in the January issue of the Reader's Digest. Eventhough I could not agree wholly with what you say, I do rehlize_ that the most effective way to,fight Communism is using their own methods. It is the future of my country Indonesia that compel me to write this letter. What is going to happen if President Sukarno is dead? I assume then the Communists will "ake a break to 'et in power. Who is going to stop them? Or will it be another Korea or Vietnam? I believe wee who still believe in freedom have to prevent Indonesia from falling into Communist hands. Unfortunately, we do not know and do not have the means how to fight the Communists. I have written to the American Institute For Free Labor Development, but that organization is for Latin Arerica only. Could you please tell me how can I join the Freedom Academy? I am a. - in this country and I want to return to"my country not only-with` knowledge, but also how to fight Communism. This opinion of mine is shared by many of us who study in your country. I thank you beforehand and God bless you. Sincerely, Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 P Moved Forp ftlyM ~ Qa9S/27Q CIA-RDPP667Br00446R000600070001-8 THE READER'S DIGEST PLEANANTVILLE . NBV YORK Washington Editorial Office 1300 Connecticut Ave., N.W. Washington 6, J.C. Your letter of Pebxnary 13 tooted me deeply. I have delayed aaswmring few so long because I have bees groping for an adsr$tate answer - but there is now. You see, though the words done hard, I must tell you that my country, the so-called "brsseal of Democracy" and leader of the free uorid, offers virtaallyn>'thiag to a young area lilac you wdo vaata mad seeks training is how to defend his era country against erswnaisn and implant democracy. Ye nations that look to as for help in maintaining 0 1 mad building a better life, we offer food and arcs. uac!-isesy and medicine. But when it cases to the shills in political aeganization and conflict they will need to maintain from and democratic government in that atraggle adlai Stevenson calls "the world civil our," sins, we offer nothing at all. On one can say what is going to happen to your owntry of Indonesia after President Sukarno dims. You are quite correct in amswimg that the cam^naists will asks a break to gat in proar. In fact, the nwws in recent weeks indicates they are already moving rapidly to grab such a stranglehold that se ass will be able to stop then. it grimes are to have to tall you that it. say be too late to saw Indonesia free commmnist takeover. You ask about the freedom Academy and how you Can attend. It is ^ sad story: First, let as say that you are quits shrewd to recognise the importance of the political-ideological struggle even to a medical student such es you. You will net accomplish any not gain in the cause of humanity if. while you devote your Use and medical skills to saving a few lives, the politicians so run things that periodic mans famine (as in C urnist China) and civil violence (as in South Yisteam) sweep Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For R 9 &3R0P6%7/A 3Fj fi-. D 4R000600474001-8 away the lives of hundreds of thousands and heap misery upon millions. Politics, which is basically the art of human organization, is the master science -- and all who love mankind must study and practice it. "Man is by nature a political animal," said Aristotle. And it's no use doctoring his body if his politics are bad -- for he will die anyway. And who shall doctor the ills of the body politick? where are the great academies that train professionals in this master science? They are, ironically, all to be found in Russia or China or -- now -- Cuba. '!hose countries operate scores of institutes and schools teaching all the arts of "revolutionary warfare"; the organization of youth, stu- dents, farmers, women, professors, etc.; the infiltra- tion of communications media, armed forces, police and governments the fomenting of strikes, mass demonstrations and bloody riots; and the ultimate seizure of power and totalitarianization of nations, with all the bloodshed and starvation that inevitably follow. (Cuba alone is turning out 1500 to 2500 trained revolutionaries a year from all over Latin America.) These schools have been running since 1921, when Lenin started the "University of the Workers of the East" for Asians such as you. Indeed, your own country of Indonesia has sent un- told hundreds to the Lenin School and its successor col- leges of destruction. The Communist Party of Indonesia (PXI) after its founding on May 23, 1920, very quickly established contact with representatives of the Soviet Union and its "Communist international" or Comintern. One of the founders, Semaun, visited the Comintern repre- sentative in Shanghai and was sent on to Moscow in 1922 for the "First Congress of the Workers of the East," one of Lenin's gimmicks to attract recruits he planned to use to implant Communist Parties throughout Asia. Semaun want back to Indonesia, was expelled in 1923 for leading a strike, and spent the next 20 years in Russia and Europe, attending Comintern congresses, training on the job in its international operation, and lecturing in its training schools. Alimin, another Red leader, Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Apkved For RN*@g&g00j/1EcJ-,,7gq6R000600070001-8 went to the Sixth Comintern Congress in 1928 and stayed to study at the Lenin School with such future Red chief- tains as Chores of France, Browder and Gus Hall of the United States, Sharkey of Australia, Chou En-Lai of China, Pollitt of Great Britain, and Sanzo Nozaka of -Japan. Darsono, run out of Indonesia by the Dutch in 1925 for strike fomentation, went to Moscow and spent the years 1929-30 at the Lenin School. So one knows how many other Indonesian communists went to this and other schools of revolution during these early years. But these years of schooling and revolutionary apprentice- ship gave then the organizational and agitational know- how that enabled them after World War II to not up a revived Communist Party, with their own schools and organization, and make the P!I the largest Communist Party in the world outside the Sino-Soviet nations. And so the plight of Indonesia today is really in large measure the result of training operations that Lenin began in Moscow 44 years ago. Fifteen years ago, after the communist takeover of China and at the time of the Korean war, a handful of Americans in Orlando, Florida, studied Lenin's works and the peculiar political education system he started and realised the nature of this global communist program for professionalizing social conflict. This was the beginning of the "Freedom Academy" proposal which I have described in the enclosed article from The Reader's Digest of May 1963. It is sad to have to report to you that the Freedom Academy is still, at this late date in the 20th year of the cold war, no more than an idea. Bills to create such an institution have languished in Congress for the last five years. This year the prospect is bright that the Souse will pass it, for the House Committee on Un-American Activities has held several hearings and compiled impres- sive evidence of urgent need. But the situation in the Senate is less favorable. Hearings were held in the Senate Foreign Relations Committee in May 1963, but the chair- man, Senator Fulbright, did not seem persuaded of the need for the legislation, and since that time the situa- tion in the Senate has been stagnant. If the House does Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For ReWMD3#B5/g7'12 11 P&FQPPjP2?g~46R000600019R01-8 pass the bill, however, the chances are good that Senate sponsors will press for some kind of action, though I am afraid the State Department's wrongheaded and selfish opposition may prevent passage. Unfortum tely, there are still too many idealists and optimists who have never accepted the realities about communism, even as Neville Chamberlain found it impossible to face up to the reality of Mr. Hitler until too late. This is a blindness which, I fear, will have to be paid for by the blood of many fine people like you and your countrymen in Indonesia, who are already in grave danger of takeover by the Red professionalsi and by many young American soldiers who find themselves bogged down in wars like South Vietnam because our civilian and military officials in Washington do not know that to do to thwart the trained communist conflict managers before the shooting starts. I do have faith in freedom, the democratic process and the ultimate rationality of man, and I think that before so very many more years pass by, the United States will have a Freedom Academy -- simply because the facts of life and Red imperialism are compelling ever wider recognition of the desperate need. Because I have faith in freedom, the democratic process and the ultimate rationality of man, I think that before so very many more years pass by, the united states will have a Freedom Academy -- simply because the facts of life and Red imperialism are compelling ever wider recognition of the desperate necessity of it. Meanwhile, no institution in the entire United States offers training in the strategy, tactics and organizational know-how you and others like you need to contend against the Leninist professionals. Ironically, there is one nation in the free world which is moving to fill this "training gap," and that is the Republic of Korea. Impressed by the Freedom Academy proposal in the U.S. Senate, a few years ago the Asian People's Anti-Communist League, a non-governmental asso- ciation of Asian anti-communist organizations, decided to move ahead on its own and build a Freedom Center in Seoul, Korea. With backing from the Republic of Korea government and other governmental and non-governmental groups in Asia, that,,p;ojct is moving steadily forward, Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 4pproved FoppdWVV@ ?r g5IA AA FzD f~-&W7 ?446R000600070001-8 despite great obstacles and a tragic apathy throughout Europe and the United States. Senator Thomas J. Dodd, a leading sponsor of the U.S. Freedom Academy bill, visited Seoul to speak at the Freedom Center on April 4, 1965, and I enclose a copy of his speech for your infor- mation. Perhaps you could get in touch with Senator Dodd's office upon his return and find out something about the training offered in the Seoul institution. or perhaps the Korean Embassy in Washington could tell you something about it and how you might be admitted for study there. To this very inadequate answer to your letter, let me add my own good wishes, and may God go with you and keep you safe. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Releash 0 ,;T7A1 alFL M446R0006OQQ )001-8 PROVI The CHAIRMAN. I have just received word that due to illness in the family, former Ambassador to the Dominican Republic, Mr. Farland, cannot be with us this morning. So we will hear from him another day. The hearing is recessed subject to the call of the Chair. (Whereupon, at 11:40 a.m. Friday, May 7, 1965, the hearing was recessed subject to the call of le Chair.) Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 HEARINGS RELATING TO H.R. 470, H.R. 1033, H.R. 2215, H.R. 2379, H.R. 4389, H.R. 5370, H.R. 5784, AND H.R. 6700, PROVIDING FOR CREATION OF A FREEDOM COMMISSION AND FREEDOM ACADEMY FRIDAY, MAY 14, 1965 UNITED STATES HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, SUBCOMMITTEE OF THE COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES, Washington, D.C. PUBLIC HEARINGS The subcommittee of the Committee on Un-American Activities met, pursuant to recess, at 10:10 a.m., in Room 313A, Cannon House Office ,Building, Washington,. D.C., Hon. Edwin E. Willis (chairman) presiding. (Subcommittee members: Representatives Edwin E. Willis of Louisiana, chairman; Richard H. Ichord, of Missouri; and Del Claw- son, of California.) Subcommittee members present : Representatives Willis, Ichord, and Clawson. Committee member also present : Representative Joe R. Pool, of Texas. Staff members .present: Francis J. McNamara, director; William Hitz, general counsel; and Alfred M. Nittle, counsel. The CHAIRMAN. The subcommittee will please come to order. Our first witness this morning, my good friend and colleague, Con- gressman Boggs, and without saying any more, Hale, we are glad to have you once more before the committee to discuss the Freedom Academy proposals, of which your own bill is one. We will be glad to hear from you, because I know you have to leave for other business in a few minutes. STATEMENT OF HON. HALE BOGGS, U.S. REPRESENTATIVE FROM LOUISIANA Mr. Booms. Mr. Chairman, I shall only take a minute or two. I filed a formal statement several weeks ago, but I am happy to be back before the committee and to again urge the favorable report on this bill. (Mr. Boggs' statement of April 6, 1965, follows:) 177 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Aped For Padeani i Q5J 7A1~IiE CAP fi4*6R000600070001-8 STATEMENT OF HON. HALE BOGGS, U.B. REPRESENTATIVE FROM LOUISIANA it is Indeed a pleasure to testify once again before this committee on behalf of the enactment of an important proposal for strengthening our Nation in its worldwide commitments. My bill, H.R. 2379, and similar bills sponsored by my colleagues in the House, providing for the establishment of a Freedom Academy and & .Freedom Commission, is a constructive piece of legislation for the benefit of our country and the free world. As members of this committee know, this legislation enjoys a growing bipartisan support in both Houses of the Congress, and I am most hopeful we will have the opportunity to act on It in this session. It is my understanding that the outlook for House action in this session Is better than ever before, I am confident this committee, chaired by my good friend and colleague, Ed Willis of Louisiana, will do everything possible to report this legislation so that the House can act on it. Mr. Chairman, as all of you know, we have only to look at the Communist infiltration and subversion in South Vietnam today and in other countries In Southeast Asia (such as Malaya, Laos, Thailand) and in the developing nations of Africa and Latin America to realize the great effectiveness and the great danger which these nefarious activities are producing in many parts of the world. The Communist-trained members of the guerrilla army, the Viet Cong, are continuing to Infiltrate into South Vietnam from the north and to operate in a subversive manner, as well as to engage in open warfare with South Vietnamese and American troops, These Viet Cong guerrillas not only battle the South Viet- namese and American soldiers with bullets, but also they employ all manner of propaganda, nonmilitary, and subversive techniques to weaken the will of the people of South Vietnam to continue their fight against Communist aggression. Both the Soviet Union and Communist China have well-trained agents deployed around the world, particularly in the new developing nations of Asia, Africa, and Latin America-there to ply various malevolent tactics of agitation, espionage, and subversion, designed to foment revolution and the overthrow of existing gov- ernments. The Red Chinese now are quite active In the new nations of Africa and in some of the countries in Latin America. With unceasing pressure, these Communist agents are driving to bring more peoples into their dictatorial orbit. They will stop at nothing to achieve their diabolical goals. Therefore, it is most important that we In the United States, as the leader of the free world, take new and positive steps, through the full use of our citizens from both the public and private sectors of our society, to counter this Com- munist offensive around the globe. We can do so by training our own citizens and certain foreign nationals who are visiting our country to combat these Com- munlat nonmilitary techniques with their own information and tactics. But such skills In nonmilitary techniques cannot be attained through cor- respondence courses at home-they should be taught by knowledgeable and trained professionals at a special school. I am confident that the best means to provide this specialized training Is to enact this legislation to establish a Freedom Academy and a Freedom Commission as a separate arm of our National Government, That is why I am sponsoring this legislation, and why I offer my firm conviction on the need for Its enactment. The Freedom Academy would make use of some of our Nation's best talent and brains from both the public and private sectors of our society. Particularly, do we need to employ the services of our educated and dedicated private citizens in this continuing battle for men's minds. I know there is a great, untapped source of imagination, patriotism, and dedication among our private citizens, many of whom would gladly take this specialized training in nonmilitary tech- niques in order to do their part to maintain our freedom and that of other na- tions In the world. The fact is that we do not now have, even for the training of our Government personnel, an agency of our National Government to provide an extensive course in nonmilitary propaganda tactics. I am convinced we need such an agency in the form of a Freedom Academy. The Communist base in Cuba has brought home to the people of the New Orleans area and of south Louisiana, as well as the country as a whole, the very real threat posed by the worldwide Communist conspiracy. If there ever was any doubt before Castro revealed his true colors as a Communist puppet that the Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Release 2005/R7 ~tj-Mfi-F TE?W46R000699970001-8 PROVIDING FOR United states does need to train our citizens to meet the Red peril, then surely there can be no doubt now. Agents in Cuba are being trained to export their tactics of nonviolent or violent overthrow of other governments in Latin America. Thus far, their efforts have been foiled in Venezuela,. Colombia, and Chile, but conditions are not fully stable in those countries even now. Thus we should not be lulled into any false security. As you _now, the stability of some of the Latin nations is volatile, and our successes of today could be eclipsed tomorrow, unless we maintain a keen alertness throughout our hemisphere. To emphasize this point, I would call attention to those members who may not have read it, a penetrating column in the Washington Post of March 31, 1965, by two of our Nation's most able ana respected journalists-Rowland Evans and Robert Novak. In this column they write of Fidel Castro's attempts in recent months ",to accelerate his export of Communist revolution." They also note that the United States' strong stand in Vietnam has definitely hindered the effectiveness of Castro'?s program to export Communist revolutions to other nations in Latin America. However, Evans and Novak go on to say that Castro's "new drive was launched at the hemispheric conference of Communist parties in Havana last November. With Moscow's concurrence, it was determined there to pick up the pace of terror and guerrilla warfare." Their column continues : "The result since January has been threefold : The beginning of new terrorist activities in Guatemala and Honduras ; a step-up in chronic guerrilla action by Colombian Reds ; and continuation of the long campaign of violence by Venezuela's Communists." Evans and Novak point up the positive effects of the United States' stand in Vietnam and note that its weakening impact is very real on Castro's plans to foment Communist revolutions in the Western Hemisphere. They assert "the strong U.S. stand in Vietnam * * * hurts subversive com- munism throughout the hemisphere. It shows Latin America that an Uncle Sam willing to risk all in far-off Southeast Asia won't hesitate to intervene in the Guatemalan jungles or the Colombian hills if need be. This stiffens the spines of Latin American governments." All of this emphasizes, to my mind, that our country should press any propa- ganda advantages in various parts of the world where we do have the upper hand and move into those places where we are today in a vulnerable position. Because I think this column by Evans and Novak is pertinent to the commit- tee's consideration of legislation to create a Freedom Academy and a 'reedom Commission, I would like to include it at this point in the extensive record which I know the committee is compiling. The text of the column follows : [Washington Post, March 31, 1965] CASTRO AND VIETNAM Speaking at the University of Havana in mid-March, Fidel Castro reached the climax of his harangue with these words : "We are in favor of giving Vietnam all the help it needs. We want the help to be in the form of arms and men. We want the Socialist (Com- munist) camp to take whatever steps are necessary for the sake of Vietnam." This was the signal for a trained claque to break out with sustained applause and a rhythmic collegelike cheer (in rough translation, "Let's .hit the Yankees hard"). Despite these standard comic-opera trappings, the Castro performance was studied with more than the usual care by Cubanologists in Washington. Their.. conclusion : Castro's program to subvert all Latin America, in the doldrums lately, has been slowed down still more by President John- son's strong stand in Vietnam. The Castro bravado about sending troops there was a clue how deeply the hard U.S. line in the Far East is cutting into the Castro program. Not generally known is the fact that in recent months Castro has sought to accelerate his export of Communist revolution. His new drive was launched at the hemispheric conference of Communist parties in Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 180 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION Havana last November. With Moscow's concurrence, It was determined there to pick up the pace of terror and guerrilla warfare. The result since January has been threefold : The beginning of new terrorist activities in Guatemala and Honduras ; a step-up in chronic guerrilla action by Colombian Reds; and continuation of the long cam- paign of violence by Venezuela's Communists. The strong U.B. stand in Vietnam, coinciding with the new Castro campaign, hurts subversive communism throughout the hemisphere. It shows Latin America that an Uncle Sam willing to risk all in far-off Southeast Asia won't hesitate to Intervene in the Guatemalan jungles or the Colombian hills if need be. This stiffens the spines of Latin American governments. It is only natural that Castro be ahead of the rest of the Communist world in asking that arms and men be sent to the Viet Cong guerrillas. Moreover, he may well send a token Cuban contingent. Looking ahead to a possible armed rising against his own forces, Castro needs to buttress the international principle of mutual security among Communists. Even more Important, Castro must maintain himself as an international figure to withdraw attention from his domestic failures. It should be added quickly that Castro is in no imminent danger of being overthrown. But Cuba today is a long way from a well-ordered Communist monolith. Telltale signs of turbulence crop up everywhere. Most recent were a new campaign to purge "bourgeois" elements from University student groups and the surprise appearance of Transportation Minister Faure Cbaumon (an old rival of Castro's) with a mysterious gunshot wound. Transcending all of this is Cuba's continuing economic stagnation. If all goes well during the next three years, Castro at best can hope to bring Cuba up to the miserable economic level he found when he seized power In 1959. That's running at top speed to remain in the same place. If Castro is seen by his own people as a domestic failure rather than an international success, his doom may be brought just a little closer. That's why U.S. bombs dropped north of the 17th Parallel had fallout in Havana. The active use of the Ingenuity and talents of private citizens to join in the fight against Communist propaganda and subversion in the cold war has been admirably displayed for more than 4 years now by the Information Council of the Americas, based in my home city of New Orleans, La. Under the able direction of Mr. Edward S. Butler 111. the executive vice president, this organ- ization known as INCA is doing a splendid job of promoting the significance of freedom by way of countering Communist propaganda and subversion In 16 countries In Latin America. INCA dispatches on a regular basis radio "Truth Tapes" to some 136 different stations in these countries. These tapes feature Cuban refugees who relate their stories of escape from Castro's op- pression and the debased condition of their country and their people under his Communist regime. Recently, Juanita Castro, Fidel's sister, who defected from Cuba last sum- mer, gave an exclusive radio statement on Castro's Red dictatorship to Ed Butler of INCA. Radio tapes of her call for freedom and for ousting commu- nism from all of Latin America were sent to 21 stations in Chile for use just prior to the recent. national election there. The results were fruitful: the Com- munist-backed candidate was defeated, and this was achieved particularly by the response of the Chilean women to Juanita Castro's warning. A.. substantial majority of their numbers voted against the Red-supported candidate. A recent article in the January 1983 Issue of Reader's Digest entitled "How the Reds :Bake a Riot,"' by Eugene H. Methvin of the Digest's Washington bureau, praises INCA and similar groups for their efforts against the Communist conspiracy. This article brought a positive and widespread reaction from people in the United States and around the world. Particularly did students and teachers at colleges and universities In our Nation and in other countries respond and express a real Interest in this work to defend freedom and to strengthen it against the Communist offensive. Mr. Chairman, at this point I would like to submit for the record a cross- section sampling of the hundreds of letters received from citizens in the United Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Reelease 09~~07A/1 - qR#WM6R00060Qg!0001-8 States and other nations who had read the Digest article. Six of these letters follow : 2319 BARTHOLOMEW STREET, NEW ORLEANS, LOUISIANA, January 18, 1965. INFORMATION COUNCIL OF THE AMERICAS, 620 Gravier Street, New Orleans 30, Louisiana. DEAR SIRS : I have just read an article in the January Issue of Reader's Digest which lists you as an organization offering information on how to fight communism. I would like the following information : What can the individual citizen do? Is there any organization formed in Louisiana that citizens may join to do their share in fighting communism? What Is the Federal Government doing? Has it formed a committee to alert the citizens of the United States against communism? Is the Valley Forge Freedom's Foundation organized for those who want to do something against inter- national communism? If so, how can one join? I have been interested in doing my part in fighting the Communists ever since we had an Americanism vs. Communism seminar in school last year. Now that I have graduated I am anxious to find out if there is any organization, club, or foundation which is helping to alert the American citizens against propaganda, demoralization, socialism, etc. I would appreciate if you would answer this letter at your earliest convenience. Yours very truly, /s/ Julia E. Dale, JULIA E. DALE. FORT WORTH PUBLIC SCHOOLS, FORT WORTH, TEXAS, January 6, 1965. INFORMATION COUNCIL OF THE AMERICAS (INCA), 620 Gravier Street, New Orleans, Louisiana, 70130 DEAR SIRS : I am a teacher of the sixth grade, and we have a unit in our social studies about the Soviet Union. If you can furnish me with literature which would be helpful in showing the children the various aspects of this type of government, I shall be very grateful. Your address was obtained from the January 1965 issue of the Reader's Digest. Thanking you in advance, I am Sincerely, /s/ Elton W. Derden, ELTON W. DERDEN, Teacher, South Hills Elementary School. 3009 Bilglade Road, Fort Worth 15, Texas. 447 GREEN OAKS EAST, Addison, Illinois, January, 1965. INFORMATION COUNCIL OF THE AMERICAS (INCA), 620 Gravier Street, New Orleans, La. 70130 DEAR SIRS : In an issue of the Reader's Digest (January 1965) was an article on "How the Reds Make a Riot" in which your organization was referred to as a source of information. This and similar articles have inspired several of us and made us aware of the terrible threat to democracy that communism represents. We are now on a campaign to make ourselves and other teenagers more aware of this problem. With this in mind we are hoping you could send us as many copies of pam- phlets, etc., possible on this subject. Also any suggestions on furthering our campaign would be appreciated. Thank you. /a/ Miss LINDA DIETZ. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Appggved For M?gkg0q?k07(1Ai qgI4 6R000600070001-8 WILLAMETTE UNIVERSITY, OFFICE OF THE DEAN OF STUDENTS, Salmi, Oregon, December 22,1964. INFORMATION COUNCIL OF THE AMERICAS, 620 Gravier Street, New Orleans, Louisiana. DEAR SIRS : In the article entitled "How the Reds Make a Riot" which appeared In the January 1945 Issue of the Reader's Digest, your organi- zation is noted as one offering Information In this Instance to people who are Interested in understanding the problems discussed in the article. I would be most grateful to you for sending anything that you feel would be of Interest to a person serving as a dean of students at a uni- versity, with particular reference to the emphasis on Incitation of stu- dent groups. I shall be glad to pay any charge there may be for material that you deride to send. Sincerely yours, /s/ Walter S. Blake, Jr., WALTER S. BLAKE, Jr., Dean of Students. SIR GEORGE WILLIAMS UNIVERSITY Montreal, Que. RICHARD ANDERSON, 3705 ST. JOSEPH BLVD., Montreal 36, Quebec. DEAR SIR: I have just finished reading an article In the Reader's Digest entitled "How the Reds Make a Riot." This article mentioned your association as being one of a few that gives out Information on bow people can oppose Communist backed riots. etc. I would, be grateful if you would send me some information. It Is not to be used for anything other than to Inform me since I don't represent any group. Thanking you In advanc I remain Yours truly, /a/ RICHARD ANDERSON. JANUARY 27, 1965. DEAR SIRS: As I have students in my classes who mouth the Commu- nist Party line (learned In part from some of my fellow teachers) I feel compelled to offer them constructive rebuttal. For this purpose I felt you might have literature and programs available that would help me reach this end. At any rate, I would like to bear what your group has to offer. Cordially, /s/ F. L. ALLARD, Jr., Instructor, Conversational English, Robe University, Rokko, Kobe, Japan. In addition to the 136 stations In the 16 Latin American countries which use INCA's "Truth Tapes," there are also some 426 stations in the United States which are cooperating to engender interest and solicit support for this patriotic work. These American stations in 43 of the 50 States are helping to provide their audiences with an insight and understanding Into political and social develop- ments and events in Latin America in recent years. In order to focus on the potential tragedy and the dangers inherent In the lack of alertness to crazed persons and Communist sympathizers in our midst, INCA has sold almost 8,040 copies of its recording of the apparent assassin of the late President Kennedy, Lee Harvey Oswald. Oswald participated, along with Mr. Butler and other New Orleans citizens, in a general panel discussion on communism and democracy, broadcast over WDSU radio, New Orleans, just 3 months before the tragedy of November 22, 1983. Mr. Butler, INCA's vice president ; Bill Slatter, a WDSU reporter ; Bill Stuckey, at the time a reporter for the New Orleans States-Item, Carlos Bringuier, a Cuban refugee from Castro's oppression ; and Oswald, then In New Orleans to promote the so-called Fair Play for Cuba Committee, took part In this program. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved ForPReoIf.I%"02(,gR/OA7/4 gb*F WM?*46R0006Q(B$T0001-8 On the program, Oswald showed himself to be an exponent, albeit not always an accurate one, of the Marxist line. Oswald's comments then, though some- times contradictory and meandering, gave no real hint of the very violent bent which his twisted mind soon was to take. The tape of this panel discussion was submitted to The President's Commis- sion on the Assassination of President John F. Kennedy, on which I had the sad duty participants and, on tththe same time, the e panel cooperated lfully o with the Commission land gave other some very useful information. The recording which INCA has sold throughout our country is entitled "Oswald : Self-Portrait in Red." I had the pleasure to introduce this recording, before the panel discussion opened. Dr. Alton Ochsner, of New Orleans, a world- famous surgeon from my city and the president of INCA, also is heard on this fine recording. So Is Mr. Marshall Pearce, news director of WSMB radio, New Orleans, who serves as the moderator. Mr. Chairman, I would like to offer for the record "the full, unedited tran- scription of the panel discussion which took place on the evening of August 21, 1963, in the city of New Orleans ..." The transcript follows : Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Appt$4ed For R Q I;gL2 0?d7/)13~ &DF&7MPsR4016R000600070001-8 EYEWITNESS SCRIPT THE INFORMATION COUNCIL Of THE AMERICAS (INCA) a P.O. BOX 53371 a NEW ORLEANS, LA. Oswald Self-Portrait in Red CSI E=) P= MARSHALL PEARCE. The next. voice you hear is that of the ac- cused assassin of President John F. Kennedy, 24 year old Lae Harvey Oswald. LEE HARVEY OSWALD: Yes, I an a Hastier. MARSHALL PEARCE: These words are typical of the dramatic debate which follows. Now to introduce the uncut, un- edited transcription, is the honorable Hate Boggs Congressman from New Orleans, House Majority Whip and a close legislative associate of President John Fitegeraid Kennedy. Congresaman Boggs... CONGRESSMAN BOCCS: You are about to hear an historic recording. This recording was made in New Orleans last year. It is far once significant today to the light of subsequent event.. It is to the credit of the private citizens of New Orleans that It was they who first recog- nized the bizarre and incredible activities of tee Harvey Oswald and brought his and his activi- ties to the attention of the public. Credit is due to Radio Station 8DSU and to newsman Bill Slat ter who moderated this program so alertly, to Latin A ericen affairs reporter, Bill Stuckey, who sought wt Oswald and arranged the interview. and to Cuban refugee leader, Carlos Bringuier who refuted his blatant pro-Castro propaganda, And last, but certainly tsar least, to Ed, Butler, Harcufive Vice-President of INCA, the Information Council of the Americas, who develop- ed much new material on Oswald'. movements and activities, not only in New Orleans but elsewhere. Let me say a word about the purposes of INCA the organization which Mr. Butler direct.. I have taken a very personal interest in INCA, as I said, a private organization which or- iginated to my own Congressional District. On September 17, 1462, 1 said to my colleagues in the Congress chat INCA I. actively engaged in the defeat of tie Communist mwament through its TRUTH TAPE program - a program which provides scores of refugees from Communist tyranny the opportunity and the forum to relate their experiences on tape recordings for broadcast by radio stations throughour the America,. In this worthy counterattacks Hr. Butler hes been Joined by many highly respected private citizens, led by Dr. Alton Ochuner, president of The Information Counc It of the Americas, and an internationally famous surgeon from Hew Orleans. I concluded my remarka with the statement that such a program me INCA'. is a solid, force- ful way to counteract Red propaganda, infiltra- tion, and subversion. Mow the full, unedited transcription of the panel discussion which took place on the evening of Auguat 21, 1963, lnthe city of New Orleans,,, DRUM ROIL AND MUSIC INTRODUCTION - ANNOUNCER: WDSU Radio presents Conversation Carte Blanche nest on cavalcade. ANNOUNCER: it's tier now for Conversation Carte Blanche, Hare is &1 11 Slettar ... BILL SIATTER: Cood evening, for the next few minutes Bill Stuckey and I, Bill whose program you've- probably heard on Saturday night, "Latin Listening Post", Bill and I are going to be talking with three gentlemen, the subject mainly revolving around Cuba. our guests tonight are Lee Harvey Oswald, who is Secretary of the New Orleans Chapter of The Fair Play for Cuba Committee. a New York headquartered organi- eatimn which is generally recognised as the prin- cipal voice of the Castro gwarrment in this country, Our second guest Is Ed Butler who is Executive Director of the Information Council of the Americas (INCA) which is headquartered in New Oriaans and specializes in distributing anti- comotmist educational materials throughout Latin America, and our third guest is Carlos Bringuier, Cuban refugee and New Orleans Delegate of the Revolutionary Student Directorate, one of the more active of the anti-Castro refugee organica- tiona. Bill, if at this time you will briefly background the situation as you know it ... BILL STU EY, Thank you 5111. First, for those who don't know too much about the background of The Fair Play for Cuba Committee, this is an organization that specializes primarily I. distributing literature, based in Hew York. For the several years In which It has been in existence it has operated principally out of the East and out of the vest Coast and a few college campuses, recently, how- war , attempts have been made to organize a chapter here in New Orleans. The only member of the group who has revealed hi self publicly so far is 23 year old Lae Harvey Oswald who is the Secretary of the local chapter of The Fair Play for Cuba Committee. He first cow to public notice several days ago when he was arrested and convicted for disturbing the peace. The ruckus In which he we involved started when several local Cuban refugees Including Carlos gringuier, who is with us tonight, discovered his distributing pro-Castro literature on a down- town street. Now, Mr. Oswald and Bringuier are with us tonight to giv us opposing view on The Fair Play for Cuba Committee and if. objectives. I believe that I we probably the first Hew Orleans reporter to Interview Mr. Oswald on his activities here since he first came into public view. Last Saturday in addition to having his on my show we had a very long and rambling question and answer session over various points of dogma and line of The Fair Play for Cuba Committee and now I'll give you a very brief digest of some of the principal propaganda lines I use the word propaganda, as rather I should say Informational lines, of The Fair Play for Cuba Committee. Copyetgbt i 1964 by The to(ormatton Council of the Americas INCA). All rights renamed euicept that peemit{un 1. granted for reproduc- tion In shole or in part ff meteat is preserved, credit given and two copies are forwarded to INCA international Hradquenen at addreu beretabovs. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Re WMD39 5/ 1~ ~F APjP~a#q?#0006000JR801-8 "OSWALD: SELF- PORTRAIT IN RED" Record Album at $5.00 BILL STUCKEY, contd. Number One - the principal thing is that they insist that Caatro'e government today is comple- tely free and independent, and that it is in no way controlled by the Soviet Union. Another cardinal point of The Fair Play for Cuba Committee's propaganda is that Premier Castro is forced to seek aid from the Russians only because the United States government refused to offer him financial aid. Following another line I asked Mr. Oswald if he had ever, or was, a member of the American Communist Party, and he said that the only organi- zation to which he belonged was The Fair Play for Cuba Committee. Mr. Oswald also gave me this run down on his personal background: He said that he was a native of New Orleans, had attended Beaure- gard Junior High School and Warren Eastern High School. Had entered the U.S. Marine Corps in 1956 and was honorably discharged in 1959. He said during our previous interview that he had lived in Ft. Worth, Texas before coming here to establish a Fair Play for Cuba chapter several weeks ago. However, there were a few items apparently that I suspect that Mr. Oswald left out in this original interview which was principally where he lived after, between 1959 and 1962. We, er, Mr. Butler brought some newspaper clippings to my attention and I also found some too through an independent source, Washington newspaper clippings to the effect that Mr. Oswald had attempted to renounce his American citizenship in 1959 and become a Soviet citizen. There was another clipping dated 1962 saying that Mr. Oswald had returned from the Soviet Union with his wife and child after having lived there for three years. Mr. Oswald are these correct? CARLOS BRINGUIER, contd. head of the Latin American countries and I can show you that in Cuba in 1958 every 37 persons had an automobile and in Russia was 200 persons for I auto; in Cuba was 6 persons for 1 radio and in Russia was 20 persons for I radio; in Cuba was 1 television set for 18 persons and in Russia was 85 persons for I television set; and in Cuba was I telephone for every 38 persons and in Russia was I telephone for every 580 persons. Cuba was selling the sugar in. the American market and was receiving from the U.S. more than one hundred million dollars a year over the price of the world market and the U.S. was paying to Cuba that price in dollars. Right now, Cuba is selling sugar to Russia. Russia is paying to Cuba 80% in junks, machinery, and 20% in dollars. I think that Cuba right now is a colony of Russia and the people of Cuba who is living in Cuba every day, who is escaping from Cuba every day, they disagree with you that you are representing the People of Cuba. May- be you will represent the er, the colony of Russia here in this moment, but not the people of Cuba. You cannot take that responsibility. LEE H. OSWALD: Well ... in order to give a clear and coincise and short answer to each of those, well, let's see, questions. I would say that the facto and figures from a country like Pakistan or Burma would even reflect more light upon Cuba inrelation to how many TV sets and how many radios and all that, er, this, I don't think that is a subject to be discussed tonight, er, the Fair Play for Cuba Committee as the name implies is concerned primarily with Cuban-American relations. LEE HARVEY OSWALD- That is correct. Correct, yes. BILL STUCKEY: You did live in Russia for three years? LEE H. OSWALD: That is correct, and I think those, the fact that. I did live for a time in the Soviet Union gives me excellent qualifications to repudiate charges that Cuba and The Fair Play forCuba Committee is communist controlled. BILL SIATTER: Mr. Bringuier perhaps you would like to dis- pute that point. CARLOS BRINGUIER: I'd like to know exactly the name of the organi- zation that you represent here in the city, be- cause I have some confusion, is Fair Play for Cuba Committee or Fair Play for Russia Committe? LEE H. OSWALD: Well, that is very provocative request and I don't think requires an answer. CARLOS BRINGUIER: Well, I will tell you why because, before the communists take over Cuba, Cuba was at the BILL SCATTER: How many people do you have in your Committee? here in New Orleans? LEE H. OSWALD: Er, I cannot reveal that as Secretary for the Fair Play for Cuba Committee. EDWARD S. BUTLER: Is it a secret society? LEE H. OSWALD: Er, no, Mr. Butler, it is not. However it is standard operating procedure, er, for a poli- tical organization consisting of a er, poli- tical minority, er, to safeguard the names and number of its members. EDWARD S. BUTLER: Well, the Republicans are in the minority,I- don't see them hiding their membership. LEE H. OSWALD: The Republicans are not a, well, er, the Republicans are an established political party, representing a great many people. They represent no radical point of view, they do not have a very violent and some- times emotional opposition, as we do. EDWARD S. BUTLER: Oh, I see. Well, would you say than that Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 4 Rroved Fop&4M?@ ? 5/,07JA2iDW-PjEfiZg9R446R000600070001-8 "OSWALD: SELF- PORTRAIT IN RED" Record Album at 95 00 ?WARD S. SUTLER, contd. The Fair Play for Cuba Committee is not a for awnist front organization? H. OSWALD; IT. Senate Subcaasitteem who have occupied themselves with iwaatigating the Pair Play for Luba Committee, or, have found that there is nothing to connect the two committese. We have been investigated from several points of viw, that i^ points of view of Cr, tames , allegiance, subversion, and so forth. The findings Cr, have been as I say or, absolutely zero. EDWARD S. LURED; Well., I have a, the Senate Hearings before me and I think what I have in front of se re- fute, precisely every statement that you have dust mad.. For instance, who is the Honorary Chairman of She Fair Flay forCuba C?ittee' LEE H. OSWALD: Pr, the Honorary Chairman of this Committee, or, the acme of that person, or, I certainly don't know. BILL SLATTU: Ho. Oswald, if I may break in now a moment, I believe it we mentioned that you at one time eked to renounce your American citizen ship and become a Soviet citizen, is that correct? LED H. OS ALD: Well, I don't think that has particular im- port to this discussion. We era discussing ar, ar, Cuban-American relations... SILL SLATTEA: Well, I think it has a bearing to this ex- tent Mr. Omld, you say apparently that Cuba is not dominated by Russia and yet you apparently by your own past actions have shown that you have an affinity for Russia and perhaps commumtem, although I don't know that you admit that you either are a tar mint or have been, could you straighten out that point, era you, or have you been a communist? LEE H. OSWALD: Well, 1 had answered that, or, prior to this program on another radio program... EDWARD 8. BDTLED; Well, 1st me tell you, in came you don't know about your own organization... LEE H. OSWALD: No, I know about it. M WARD S. BUTLER: His name Is Waldo Frank and I'm quoting from the 'Rtev laeses" of September, 1932 in that, the title of his article, 'Row I Came to Coaaamiam - A Symposium" by Waldo Frank - "tbere I Stand and How I got There" or, now let me ask you a second question, who is the Secretary of the Fair Play forCubs Committee? the Rational Secretary? LEE H. OSWAID- Well, we have a National Director who is nor. V. T. Lee who to recently returned from Cube and because of the fact that the U.S. government has Imposed restric- tions on travel to Cuba he is now under indictment for his traveling to tuba. er, this however, very convenient for righist organizations to drag out this or that literature purporting to show a fact which has notbeen establt- shed in law. I have said that The Fair Play for Cuba Committed has de- finitely been investigated, that is vary true, but I will also may that the total result of that, ear, investigation was zero. That is, The Fair Play for Cuba Committee is not now on the Attorney General's Subversive List, any other material you may have is superfluitous (sic) EDWARD S. BUrLMt: Oh, it is? BILL STU(SBT: Are you a M rust? LEE H. OSWALD! Yes , I mm a Marxist. 7D IARD S. BOMBS: What's the difference? LEE H. OSWALD: The difference is primarily the difference between a country like Ghana (sic) Guiana, Jugoslavia, China or Russia. A-very, very great differences. Differences which we, or, appreciate by giving aid let's say to .tugoelavt in the sum of a hundred million or so dollars ^ year. EDWARD S. SUTLER, That's extraneous, what's the difference? LEE H. OSWAED: Tha, er, or, difference is as I said a very great difference, er, many Parties, many countries are based on Marxism. Sr, many countries such as Great Britain display very socialistic or, aspects and character- istics I might point to the socialised medicine of Britain. SILL SlATTU: Gentlemen, I'll have to interrupt, we'll be back in a moment to continue this kind of lively discussion after this massage. ttARSflALL. PEARCE: During the next two minutes the public heard s commercial message and the panelists saying little - shuffled their papers, Pre- paring for the final round of the debate. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Rely ,5/ 41~ :F9h$- P@7MM?g0006000j"01-8 "OSWALD: SELF- PORTRAIT IN RED" Record Album at $5.00 MARSHALL PEARCE: The only man in the listening audience who knew the full story of Oswald's defec- tion beforehand was Dr. Alton Ochener, the world famous New Orleans surgeon who is President of INCA. Dr. Ochener, on a world tour as expert, consultant to the Surgeon General of theAir Force, has himself con- fronted delegates from communist China. He has also seen and heard Red agitators and propagandists at work in Latin America. Here are his firsthand impressions of Lee Harvey Oswald. Dr. Ochsner... DR.- ALTON OCHBNER: Thank You. Since I was familiar with Os- wald's background, when I heard him smoothly admit his three year defection to Russia I was not overly surprised. But when he tried to use his admission as a proof that The Fair Play for Cuba Committee was not communist controlled, I knew that Ed Butler was facing the same kind of propaganda "doublethink" that I had heard so many communists and their sympathizers use in my travels all over the world. However as the interview went on and the hardhitting questions and factual evi- dence piled up, I relaxed. Oswald had ob- vioulsy met his- match. It is important to remember that at that time, Oswald had technically committed no crime. Therefore, no official could prevent him from spreading poison on the airwaves. Nor would any of us, who believe in the freedom of speech, want a Thought Control Agency to assume such powers. Private citizens must meet the distortion with truth. On the other hand, a professional approach, with indisputable facts and a planned strategy, is needed if private citizens are to provide the antidote for propaganda poison. Because the full facilities of INCA were available - for a change the propaganda battle was fought evenly. The results speak for themselves. Oswald dropped out of eight immediately after the debate, and left New Orleans shortly thereafter. According to published reports he went to Mexico where he visited the Communist embassies of Russia and Cuba. Then he took up residence in an apartment in a Dallas suburb under the alias 0. H. Lee, where several letters from the same man written on the stationery of both the Co?uniat Party U.S.A. and The Fair Play for Cuba Committee, were reportedly found. Many who have heard this record have expressed the belief that if an INCA branch office had existed in Dallas, Oswald would again have been exposed, and the President DR. ALTON OCHSNER, contd. might be alive today. No one can say for certain. But as you listen to the second part of this record, think about it, and decide for yourself. MARSHALL PEARCE: This is the second segment of the "Conversa- tion Carte Blanche" interview, with Lee Har- vey Oswald on radio station WDSU, in New Orleans, exactly as it was broadcast a few weeks before President Kennedy's assassin= tion..... BOOTH ANNOUNCER: And now back to Conversation Carte Blanche. Here again Bill Slatter. BILL SCATTER: Tonight Bill Stuckey and I are talking with three guests Lee Harvey Oswald, who islocal secretary of a group called Fair Play for Cuba, and with Ed Butler, the Executive Vice President of the Information Council of the Americas (INCA), and Carlos Bringuier, a Cuban refugee and obviously anti-Castro. Mr Oswald as you might have imagined is on the hot seat tonight and I believe you, Bill Stuckey have a question. BILL STUCKEY: Mr. Oswald I believe you said in reply to a question from Mr. Butler that any questions about your background were extraneous to discussion tonight. I disagree because of the fact that you refuse to reveal any of the other members of your organization so you are the face of The Fair Play for Cuba Committee in New Orleans. Therefore, any- body who might be interested in this organi- zation ought to know more about you. For this reason I'm curious to know just how you supported yourself during the three years that you lived in the Soviet Union. Did you have a government subsidsyl LEE H. OSWALD: . Er, well, as I er, well, I will answer that question directly then, since you will not rest until you get your answer, er, I worked in Russia, er, I was, er under the protection er, that . is. to say, I was not Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 A -oved Forp ftl?gM 2p 5/97~ll-Ii-RM7 Q446R000600070001-8 "OSWALD SELF. PORTRAIT IN RED" Reto.d Album oa $5 00 LEE H. OSWALD, contd. under the protection of the American govern- ment, but that I was at all tiara, or. con- eideredan American citizen. I did not lone ay American citizenship. BILL SLATrER: Did you say that you wanted to at one point though? What happened? LEE H. OSWALD: Well, it's a long drawn out ^ituat Lon, Cr, with permission to live in the Soviet Union granted to a foreign resident is rarely given, er, this calls for a certain amount of technicality, technical papers and an forth, Cr, at no time a I say we I or. did I renounce my citizenship or at no time we I out of contact with the American Robassy. EDWARD S. BUTLER: Excuse me, may I interrupt just one second. Either one of than two statements is wrong The Washington Evening Star of Oct. 31, 1959 page 1, reported that Lee Harvey Oswald. a former kavine, of 4936 Collingwood St., Ft. Worth, Texas, had turned In his passport at the American Embassy in Moscow on that sae dote and It said that he had applied for Soviet citizenship. Now, it seems to me that you 've renounced your American citizen ship it you've turned In your passport. LEE H. OSWALD" Well, the very obvious answer to that is that I a back in the United States. A person who renounces his citizenship ba- comes disqualified for returning to the U.S. EDWARD S. BUTLER: Right, and Soviet authorities - this I. from the We ahington Post & Times Herald of November 16, 1959 - Soviet authorities have refused to grant it although they had informed him he could live in Russia a^ ^ Resident Alien. What did you do in the 2 weeks from Oct. 31st to NOv. 16th 1959? LEE H. OSWALD: A. I have already stated, of course this whole conversation and we don't have too much time left, is getting away from the Cuban-American problem, however, I a quite willing to discuss myself for the romafnder of this program, as I stated it L vary difficult for a rnldent, for a foreigner to get permis aioO to reside In the Soviet Union, luring thoir two wake and during the data you mentioned I we, of coursa,er, er, with the knowledge of the American go- b asy getting this permission. LEE H. OSWALD, contd, the Foreign Ministry, I presume, or, no, I was never In that, place, although I know Moscow having lived there. BILL StATTER: Excuse me. Let me interrupt here. I think Mr. Oswald is right to this extent, we should get around to the organisation which he is the head of in New Orleans, the Fair Play forCuba, LEE H. OSWALD: The Fair Play for Cubs Ccmittee. BILL SLA7TER, As a practical matter Mc. Oswald, knowing as I'^ Sure you do the sentiment in America against Cube, we. of course, severed diplo- matic relations sometir ago, I would may thet Ceatco is as about as unpopular an any body in the world in this country. As a practical matter, what do you hope to gain for your work? How do you hope to bring about what you call "Fair Play for Cuba"? snowing that sentiment? LEE H. OSWALD: The principals of The Fair Play for Cubs consist of restoration of diplomatic trade and tourist relations with Cuba, that is one of our main points, or, we are for that, I disagree that this situation regarding Am- erican-Cuban relations is very unpopular, we are in a minority surely, or, we are not particularly interested in what Cuban exiles or rightists or, er, members of righter or- ganizations have to may, we are primarily Interested in the attitude of the U. S. government toward Cuba. And in that way we are striving to get the United States to adopt measures which would be more friendly toward the Cuban people and the new Cuban regime in that country. We are not at all commamist controlled. regardless of the fact that I have the experience of living in Russia, regardlea of the fact that we have been investigated, Cr, regardless of any of those facts, Cr, The Fair Play for Cuba Comlttes is an independent organiza- tion not afflicted with any other organics- tion, our aims and our Ideals are very clear, and in the best keeping with Ameri- can traditions of democracy. CARIAS BRINGUIER: Do you agree with Fidel Castro when in his last speech of July 26th of this year he qualify President John Fitzgerald Kennedy of the United States as a ruffian and a thief? Do you agree with Mr. Castro? EDWARD S. BUTLER Were you ever at a building at II Kunnyet- okaya Street in Moscow? LEE H. OSWALD: Kuenyetakoys? Kuanyetskoya is the or, well that would be, well, that would probably be LEE R. OSWALD. I would not agree with that..er particular wording. However, I and the Cr, Fair Play for tuba Comittee does think that the Uni- ted States government through certain agencies, mainly the State Department and the C.I.A. have made monumental mistaksi to Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Re"D3gg5Q11~ ,AW0006000TQ901-8 "OSWALD: SELF- PORTRAIT IN RED" Recorj Album of $5.00 LEE H. OSWALD: contd. its relations with Cuba. Mistakes which are pushing Cuba into the sphere of acti- vities of let's say a very dogmatic coun- try such as China is. MARSHALL PEARCE: assassination of President Kennedy on Novem- ber 22, 1963, and the subsequent murder of Lee Harvey Oswald before a television audi- ence of millions. BILL SIATTER: Mr. Oswald, would you agree that when Castro first took power, er, would you agree that the United States was very friendly with Castro, that the people of this country had nothing but admiration for him, that, er, that they were very glad to see Batista thrown out? LEE H. OSWALD: I would say that the activities of the Uni- ted Ste tea government in regards to Batista were a manifestation of, not so much support for Fidel Castro, but rather a withdrawal of support from Batista, in other words, we stopped arms to Batista, what we should have done was to take those armaments, and drop them into the Sierra Maestra where Fidel Castro could have used them, as for public sentiment at that time, I think even at that even before the revolution there were rumb- lings of official comment and so forth from government officials, er, against Fidel Castro. EDWARD S. BUTLER: You've never been to Cuba, of course, but why are the people in Cuba starving today? LEE H. OSWALD: Well, in any country, er, emerging from a semi-colonial state and embarking upon re- form. which require a diversification of agriculture, or, you are going to have shortages, after all 80% of imports into the United States, er, from Cuba were two products, er, tobacco and sugar. Nowadays, or, while the er, Cuba is er, reducing its product as far as sugar cane goes it is striving to grow unlimited and unheard of for Cuba, quantities of certain vegetables; sweet potatoes, lima beano, cotton and so forth, so that they can become agricul- turally independent ... BILL SLATTER: Gentlemen, I'm going to have to interrupt, our time is almost up. We've had three guests tonight on Conversation Carte Blanche: Bill Stuckey and I have been talk- ing to Lee Harvey Oswald, Secretary of the New Orleans Chapter of The Fair Play for Cuba Committee, Ed Butler, Executive Dir- ector of The Information Council. of the Americas (INCA), and Carlos Bringuier, Cuban refugee. Thank you very much and good evening. MARSHALL PEARCE: The and of the interview foreshadowed a tragic series of events climaxed by the Now for an impression in depth of Os- wald , we turn to one of the panelists on that fateful evenine - Edward Butler, Execu- tive Vice-President of INCA. Mr. Butler a specialist in communist propaganda activities and how to overcome them, has interviewed scores of refugees from communist takeovers during the past several years. In 1960 he conceived, and now manages INCA, and its TRUTH TAPES program. TRUTH TAPES are half- hour and fifteen minute tape recordings featuring eyewitness refugee testimony about communist takeover tactics, sent to a net- work of over 120 local radio stations in 16 nations of Latin America. The author of several articles on this vital subject, Mr. Butler has appeared as a witness before the House Foreign Af- fairs Subcommittee on International Organi- zations and Movements to outline ways to win the war of words and avoid nuclear conflict. He was the only known propaganda specialist ever to confront Oswald. Mr. Butler ... EDWARD S. BUTLER: While sketching the portrait of Oswald for the jacket of this record, I sorted through a mental inventory of scores of memories of Oswald, his expressions, statements, reac- tions, and gestures. Although our only confrontation was the evening of the debate, I knew a good deal about Oswald before the encounter. I had listened for hours to a tong, tape-recorded interview with Oswald by Bill Stuckey; I had questioned Bringuier and other refugees who knew him; I had read the anti-American, pro- Castro propaganda Oswald was distributing on behalf of The Fair Play for Cuba Committee and of course, I had data about his defection to Russia. We finally met in the reception room at the WDSU studio; Bringuier introduced no. Oswald seemed outwardly self-confident, but his hand was clammy when I shook it. I sat down opposite him, about three feet away. Stuckey came in, and after a somewhat stiff 'hello' all around, he and I began to chat, while Oswald and Sringuier began to argue. When Oswald spoke, he sounded like a man with a piano roll in his. head, grind- ing out the same tired Red propaganda tunes that I have heard no often in my work. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 AjJ1Joved Fore1gg 29,?/Q7/ k&IA-Fa h,A46R000600070001-8 "OSWALDSELF- PORTRAIT IN RED" Rscoed Album an $5.00 EDWARD S. BUTLER, contd. It was then that I happened to mention to Stuckey that a certain local businessman we "progressive" in his advertising policies. On the first syllable of the word 'progres- sive', Oswald abruptly broke off his discussion with Eringuiez and looked at me , slightly startled. But by the time I had finished the sentence, Oswald rsalited that I we applying the term 'progressive' to capitalism. and his glance changed Into a smirk of utter disgust. To those of us who have to delve into the murky jargon of Marxism-Leninism. Oswald's re- action we, no surprise. In the Red catechize. the term 'progressive' always indicated the 'proletarian' forces led by the Party; to apply It to capitalism is blasphemy. I will never forget Oawld's loot of loath- ing. I was to ace It several times mere during the vening, since everyone noticed that he ova particularly antagonistic towards me. I tried to capture that black look on the jacket sketch. It had to be a look of impersonal hatred, since Oswald knew nothing about as, or the organisa- tion which I represented. But more about that in a moment. EDWARD S. BUTLER, contd. target - a propaganda technique used defensively to avoid dangerous or eabarrasing aide-issues, offensively to sharpen the point of an attack - when he said: LEE B. OSWALD: .. Thia,..I don't think this is a subject to be discussed tonight...The Fair Play for Luba Coitttee, as the name implies, is concerned primarily with O,ban-American relations:" EDWARD S. BUTLER: And again when he .aid... IRE H. OSWALD: "I don't think that has particular Import to this discussion. We are discussing Cuban-As- erican ralat ions." EDWARD S, BUTLER: And, finally when he dismissed the lnvestiga- tiva resource. of the Congress of the United Statma with the etacement: LEE R. OSWALD: ...The Fair Play for Ohba Committee is not now, on the Attorney General's Subversive List. Any other material you may have is ^uperflus."(sic) I listened closely as Oswald and Bringuler res,wed thalr dispute, and was impressed by Oswld's technical competence as a propagandist. Let as illustrate with ^ few examples from the debate you've just heard. Subject paralleling I. a Kandard propa- ganda technique- On defence, the propagandist uses it to turn an attack backward upon his op- ponent. Dawald's attempt to use his visit to Russia zee a proof that the Fair Play for Cuba CoaLLtee is not communist controlled, in an example of defense paralleling. On defense, paralleling to used to link and smear by Implication. Oswald did this three t tees when he Labeled as a 'righist' and YMCA -a 'right at organization'. As a matter of fact he didn't even know the name of my organirtton whet he pulled the parallels, because he asked for that Information and wrote LL down I. a notebook, when the debate was over. For the record. INCA'. membership and Board Includes Liberals and Conservatives, Uemacrats and Republieans, scattered al /.aver the nation, all bound in their-opposition to cotnlat tyranny by a aingle common ideal - Liberty Under Law. Oswald knew .any other tricks of the trade target narrwing and subject expansion, slogan building. theme repetition and ^o on. EDWARD S. BUTLER: Thus Dow id was trying to narrow my range to courtroom evidence, while presumably reserving the broad field of opinion unto himself. Oswald also knew how to expand his subject a method used, defensively, to blur and confuse the Issues so that there is nothing but late to attack. Do offense. expansion is used to make b tanker caparisons or charges coveringmany individuals, groups or nations. You heard Oswald defensively expanding ir. answer to my embarrasing qu melon about the difference-betwen Mar-at= and Communize. In just a Tow sentences he spanned the globe from Africa to Europe, then tried to bring in Am- erican Foreign Aid and alliance policies to pew* his point. LEE R. OSWALD: `rhs difference is primarily the difference be- tween a country like Chem, Outana (etc), Jugo- slavia, China or Russia. A very, very great differences. Differences which we, cc, appre ciate by giving aid let's may to Jugoslavia In the sum of a hundred million or ^o dollars a year." EDWARD S. BUTLER: I was narrowing on the attack when I refused to be confused and interrupted him with "That's extraneous, what's the difference?" LEE R. OSWALO: "The, Cr, difference is as I said a very great difference, et, many parties, many countries are based on Marxism, er, many countries such Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved ForG2(/0/EqKrRjW46R0006QW70001-8 LEE H. OSWALD! as Great Britain display very socialistic, or, aspects and characteristics. I might point to the socialized medicine of Britain." EDWARD S. BUTLER: Oswald also used the familiar Big Lie techni- que, made famous by Goebbels, but originated by Lenin and perfected by his successors when he said: LEE H. OSWALD: "The Senate Subcommittees who have occupied themselves with investigating the Fair Play for Cuba Committde, have found that there is noth- ing to connect the two comoittee.." EDWARD S. BUTLER: To anyone who has read the detailed Congress ional Hearings on The Fair Play for Cuba Com- mittee, Oswald's distortion is obvious, and I urge every American to get these revealing docu- menta and decide for yourself. I suppose many mature Americans find it hard Co take seriously the Marxist theory of a world split into two warring classes, never changing except by revolution, never progree- sing except by hatred and conflict - but Oswald took it religiously. Similarly, many Americans can't conceive of anyone idolizing a brutal dictator like Castro, who has left a trail of blood, false- hood, and misery ever since he participated in his first political assassination, in Bogota, in 1948 - but Oswald certainly idolized him. What mystifies Americans most is how an American boy, could come to accept such a phil- osophy, and to worship such a man. Oswald him- self gave us a vital clue when he said he was introduced to communism by a pamphlet sympathe- tic to the Rosenberg Atom Spies. Later, read- ing Marx's "Das Capital" he said he felt, ..like a religious man opening the Bible for the first time." The answer, of course, is that communist propaganda, in gradual doses, conditions the immature mind to glorify vio- lence. It teaches impersonal hatred of whole classes of humanity. Many communist books, pamphlets, broadcasts or films are an open invitation to revolutionary terrorism. President Kennedy's death has proved that words - which can be shot around the world faster than any missile - words are the ulti- mate weapon. What makes these new word weapons so powerful is that they can reach into the midst of any country, manipulate its own people, and invisibly motivate the minds of men who have the power to press buttons and pull triggers. As a professional who handles word weapons every day, in my opinion the most frightening statement known to man is the bland phrase, "It's just propa- ganda!" ORDER NOW ! EDWARD S. BUTLER, contd. Propaganda made Oswald the man he was. Communist propaganda inflamed the mind of the man, who - evidence indicates - pulled the trigger, to fire the bullet, that killed the President of the United States. For instance, I have in my hand a car- toon from an official Cuban publication called "Verde Olive" showing President Kennedy wear- ing a -Nazi Swastika armband, and giving dir- ections to a Cuban Refugee leader pictured as a worm. We know,.because Oswald admitted it open- ly, because he recited communist doctrine like scripture, and because people saw him in the act, that he had been steadily absorbing this mental poison for years. Until we counteract the vast bulk of hate propaganda which pours forth both from offici- al communist publications and their echoes here at home like The Fair Play for Cuba Committee, no elected official, no free institution, no private citizen's life, liberty or property will be safe. Communism can attract only the thinnest minority anywhere. For every embittered Oswald in America, or Castro in Cuba, there are thou- sands of young men all over the world who can be trained to meet, compete with, and defeat them on the mass media battleground. What is needed are professionals -- or more accurately a practical means of subsidiz- ing the efforts of private propaganda profes- sionals for freedom. I emphasize the word 'private' because every Red revolutionary from Lenin, to Castro, to Oswald, has worked as a private citizen until after a successful revo- lution. Here at the private level, using words as weapons, is where most major battles will be won or lost. And here is where nearly every American can help. Only a few will have the inclina- tion, opportunity, and training to wage and win the war of words now going on. But all can, and must, --- back the attack. In buying this "Oswald:Self-Portrait in Red" you have taken the first step, because revenue from this record is helping INCA to combat communism at the private level, profes- sionally, throughout the Americas. I for one, will never forget these liv- ing words, which no assassin's bullet can ever silence: PRESIDENT JOHN F. KENNEDY: "And so my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country." COPIES OF OSWALD SCRIPT-..... 10 FOR- $ 1.00 "OSWALD: SELF PORTRAIT IN RED" LP RECORD .... $5.00 THE INFORMATION COUNCIL OP THE AMERICAS (INCA) P. O. BOX 53371 NEW ORLEANS, LOUISIANA Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Apb6ftved For F stsasiN2oo6io741&tWagpp&74?4"6R000600070001-8 One of the principal values in such a recording lies In the fact that it serves as a vivid reminder to the American people and our National Government that there is a pressing need to provide greater protection for the President and Vice President and to maintain a more extensive alertness to the dangers from suspicious persons In our country. On this score, as well at many others, Mr. Butler, Dr. Ochaner, the other officers and board members of INCA, have ren- dered great service to our country. Members of INCA today Include businessmen, professional men, educators, farm leaders, journalists, and others living In 21 States of our Nation. They are providing solid support to INCA's "Truth Tapes" and its other efforts to counter communism In our hemisphere. Leading representatives of both the govern- mental and the private sectors of our society are Included. This is certainly true In my community of New Orleans and the surrounding area. At this point, Mr. Chairman, I would like to pay tribute to the late deLesseps S. (Chep) Morrison, long-time mayor of New Orleans and former United States y Ambassador to the Organization of American States, for his dilligent efforts to assist Mr. Butler and INCA in its work. Chep Morrison, in his 151/2 years as mayor of New Orleans and his 2 years as OAS Ambassador, did a splendid job, through his contacts, his good will, and his knowledge, to help bring the peoples of all the Americas closer together and to solidify their governments against communism. I am proud to have been an admirer and a close friend of Chep Morrison, whose life was cut off too soon. I am pleased to salute him for his contributions to the cause of which we are concerned today. I know that Mr. Butler and his staff and the supporters of INCA are doing a fine job, but such organizations, with their somewhat limited resources, cannot do this work alone. INCA and similar organizations, dedicated to strengthening and expanding freedom In our country and around the world, could use the as- sistance and direction of the National Government and the Congress to provide an extensive anti-Communist training program. Such a program should re- ceive the full support of the Congress and the executive branch of our Gov- ernment. It would in no way conflict with the great efforts in this field by the United States Information Agency, the Central Intelligence Agency, and the State Department and others, but rather the Freedom Academy and the Freedom Commission would augment them, particularly by utilizing the vast resources and talents of our private citizens. Therefore, I say. Mr. Chairman. that now is the time to act and to act posi- tively. A year ago, before this committee, I spoke on behalf of this legislation. I cited the immortal words of the late President Kennedy in his historic in- augural address : And so, my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you : Ask what you can do for your country. The Freedom Academy will give Americans In many walks of life the oppor- tunity to answer our late President's summons to service--to join In strengthen- ing our country and its freedom. No one doubts the ultimate goals of the Soviet and Chinese Communists. We must use all of our human resources in order to counter effectively the Communist offensive and to refurbish democratic societies wherever we can. I would conclude, Mr. Chairman, by saying that the Freedom Academy will offer our Nation the best and most imaginative means to utilize the brains and talents of our people In a total effort against the Communist offensive and to foster the Ideals and the principles of freedom upon which this great country of ours was founded. Mr. Booas. There are many reasons for this bill. More recently, we have seen additional reasons. The evidence which has been docu- mented now about events in the Dominican Republic shows that there was a real subversive movement there; that it originated in Cuba, by and large, those people associated with the Cuban enterprises; and as this committee knows, there are. similar activities elsewhere in this hemisphere--particularly in the countries in Latin America, where there is lack of stability in the governments. (At this point Mr. Clawson entered the hearing room.) Mr. Boras, Last week, I had an interview with the Assistant Sec- retary of State in charge of Latin American Affairs, also in charge of our relations at. the Alliance for Progress, and he said that they Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Re gj 15fO I plMAD estimated that Cuba was spending almost a billion dollars a year on activities having to do with the teaching of terror, subversion, the overthrow of democratic governments, and so on. Now, everybody knows that these funds are not coming from Cuba. Cuba is in a desperate economic plight. They are being supplied by the Communist organizations throughout the world, China, Soviet Russia, the satellite countries. The notion that this is not a threat to us is just not so. As I said, the Dominican Republic is the best example that I can think of. Now, we pride ourselves in the United States in being the most information-conscious nation on earth. We probably have more pages of news, more words of radio, and more pictures on television dealing with news, than any other country on earth; and yet somehow or an- other, we fail in the propaganda field, even in our own country. The President, right at the moment, is terribly concerned about events on some of our college campuses with respect to developments in Southeast Asia. On the other side of the spectrum, this commit- tee has taken note of the activities of the Ku Klux Klan, so that we have, in. many ways, failed to tell the story of this, the greatest, the freest nation that mankind has ever known. We have the people to do it in our institutions, both in and out of Government. I think that this idea of mobilizing the intellectual resources of our country for an offensive to tell the story of America and what it means is something that just should be done. Now, from all that I can ascertain in Southeast Asia, for instance, we have established a real rapport with the people of Southeast Asia and yet there has been the worst type of terrorism on the part o the Viet Cong, and yet the Vice President of the United States was con- fronted yesterday with questions indicating that we-the United States is guilty of atrocities in Southeast Asia. So it seems to me, Mr. Chairman, that there is a vast need for this. I don't believe that we can do all of this through Government enter- prise. It may very well be that USIA is not being adequately fi- nanced. I don't know. But even if those appropriations were doubled or tripled, we still should utilize these vast potential resources in the universities and elsewhere that we are not utilizing. We have had a group operating in my hometown in New Orleans called INCA, which has done quite a remarkable 'ob, using existing radio stations and making tapes, movies for reproduction, answering propaganda lines, whether they come from the extreme left or the extreme right, on the scene, not letting this propaganda just prevail. And I am convinced that this group has had a very profound impact in Latin America. All of us know the impact that Radio Free Europe has had in East- ern Europe, so that the need for this, I think, has been very well estab- lished, and I believe that if this committee reported this bill, that the House would pass it, and I think the Senate would pass it, and I hope that that is done relatively soon. I ask unanimous consent to incorporate this statement in the record. The CHAIRMAN. That will be done at this point. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 A oved FoiPIReksum 205/,071 1r -- 46R000600070001-8 (The formal statement submitted by Congressman Boggs follows:) STATEMENT OF HON. HALE BOGGS, U.B. REPRESENTATIVE FROM LOUISIANA Mr. Chairman, I am happy to be with you and the members of this distinguished committee for a few minutes today to talk with you about what I consider to be an Important piece of legislation. The establishment of a. proper training acad- emy-as envisaged in this legislation-would alert our own citizens in a con- crete way to the nefarious tactics of the agents of the international Communist conspiracy. Such an academy would equip them in a firmer, more extensive manner to counter the paramilitary and propaganda techniques of the Communist orbit and, at the same time, provide constructive tactics to foster our own demo- cratic principles. The formation of this special academy-A Freedom Academy-would be a fine way to help achieve these goals--that is, by bringing together, both as teachers and students, the beat minds of our country from both the public and the private sectors of our society. We have only to look at the Communist attempt to subvert and take over the Dominican Republic to realize just how serious in our own hemisphere is this menace to all the established governments. All types of agitation, espionage, subversion, and other paramilitary and propaganda techniques are utilized to achieve the success of any Communist revolt. In a recent discussion I had with Mr. Jack Vaughn, Assistant Secretary of State for Inter-American Affairs and our U.S. coordinator for the Alliance for Progress, Air. Vaughn cited an almost unbelievable sum of money which I had not heard before. He told me that the international Communist conspiracy, through Cuba and Castro's regime, is now spending between $600 million and $800 million a year to maintain the Cuban Government and to train Communist agents and to export revolution throughout Latin America. This is truly a frightening sum, particularly when we know what it is being used for. As Mr. Vaughn pointed out, this financial output equals the approximate total funds which our country provides for Latin America annually through the Alliance for Progress program and related social assistance programs. If there was any shred of doubt about the Communists' intentions in our hemisphere, it was obliterated last November in Havana when the Castro regime signed a charter, in which Its leaders agreed to do everything in their power to subvert the existing governments in Latin America, to foment their so-called wars of national liberation, and to seize control of all the other governments in the Western Hemisphere. Mr. Vaughn stated that. our Government knows that Castro and his agents have a priority list of Latin nations for future subversion and overthrow and that we are aware of which countries are at the top of the list. The Communists obviously are doing an extensive job of propaganda and sub- version in Latin America. In Cuba, there Is a real and total slave economy- and yet the Castro regime seems to be able to train agents and to export propa- ganda and revolution. This Communist regime seems to enjoy some success in convincing the poor people of Latin America that Castro and his government are helping the ordinary man, the workingman, to achieve a better life. I asked Mr. Vaughn why the United States apparently has been less successful than we should be in fostering information on our own Government, our prin- ciples, and our way of life in a free society, and the virtues and accomplish- ments of our Alliance for Progress program. Among other things, he said- that in his opinion one of the reasons for this is that our country does not provide enough money to the United States Information Agency so that it can do the most effective fob in this area. He said that the USIA has been allotted less money over the years than have similar agencies of our Government. Mr. Vaughn noted that more funds were needed for this impor- tant Agency, and I agree with this. As I stated in my earlier prepared remarks for your committee, the Freedom Academy in no way would circumvent, or compete with, the USIA, the CIA, the National Security Agency, the State Department, or other similar agencies of our Government. On the contrary, the Freedom Academy-by utilizing the best brains not only from the public governmental sector of our society, but also from the private Hector, would augment and supplement in a fine manner the good work which these other agencies are continually doing for our country. The skills which could be provided to our citizens in such an academy must be Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For FW~Q0 q7/AlliQ DRR M R000600Q$g001-8 taught by knowledgeable and trained professionals. Such skills and knowledge can best be offered in a special school, as envisaged in this legislation. I know that there is a great, untapped source of imagination, patriotism, and dedication from among our private citizens, many of whom would gladly take this specialized training in nonmilitary and propaganda techniques in order to do their part to maintain our freedom and that of the other nations of the world. The fact is that we do not now have, even for the special training of our Gov- ernment personnel, an agency of our National Government assigned to the task of providing an extensive course in nonmilitary and propaganda tactics. The Free- dom Academy, directed by a high-level Freedom Commission, would give our country and its citizens the right kind of specialized school for this purpose. In my own city of New Orleans, Louisiana, there is in active operation, a private citizens' organization, the Information Council of the Americas, directed by Mr. Edward S. Butler III, as executive vice president, and Dr. Alton Ochsner, an internationally famous surgeon from my city, as president. This organization, known as INCA, is performing an outstanding service to the people of Latin America, as well as to our own country; by fostering the significance of freedom and countering Communist propaganda and subversion. INCA is achieving this by sending to some 136 radio stations in 16 different Latin nations "Truth Tapes"-which feature the voices of Cuban refugees relating their own stories of oppression and terror, of poverty and the generally debased condition of their country, under Castro's Communist regime. In the United States, there are also some 426 radio stations which are coop- erating with INCA to promote interest and to solicit support for this patriotic work. These radio stations in 43 of our 50 States also are broadcasting some of these "Truth Tapes," thus giving their audiences an insight and an understand- ing into political and social developments in Latin America and the Communist activities to subvert and overthrow the governments of our good neighbors to the south. In INCA's membership today are businessmen, professional men, educators, farm leaders, journalists, and others living in 21 different States of our Union. They are giving their support to INCA and its important work-they are private citizens who are assisting in fighting communism in our hemisphere. This fine organization is just one example, a very sound example, of what a group of private citizens can do to assist our National Government and our people in com- bating communism. But INCA and similar organizations cannot do this work alone, because the task is too big for a select group of our citizens. It requires a total commitment by our Government and a majority of its citizens to counter the spread of communism around the world. I submit, Mr. Chairman, that the estab~ lishment of this specialized Freedom Academy would be a concrete way in which to engender a greater response to this total commitment. Therefore, I am pleased to Join with many of my colleagues on both sides of the aisle and in both Houses in sponsoring this legislation. It is enjoying increasing bipartisan support in both Houses of the Congress. As the committee knows, the Senate passed a similar bill in the 2d session of the 86th Congress, but the House did not have the opportunity to act upon it then. I am most hopeful that the 89th Congress will have this opportunity and that the House will pass this legisla- tion to strengthen our country and the principles for which it stands. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and members of the committee, for permitting me to speak to you today. The CHAIRMAN. Now, Congressman Boggs, I wish to say this. The May 1, 1965, issue of New Times was brought to my attention just the other day. This is a Soviet weekly journal of world affairs which is published not only in Russian, but six other languages-English, French, German, Spanish, Polish, and Czech. This propaganda maga- zine is put out by Trud, the U.S.S.R. so-called labor newspaper, pub- lished by the All-Union Central Soviet of Professional Unions in Moscow. On page 23 of the May 1 issue, which is the beginning of the section on "International Notes," there is a subhead "U.S.A." and under that another subhead "Academy of the Science of Subversion." The item opens with mention of the fact that Senator Mundt had recently made a long speech in the Senate on the Freedom Academy and states that a bill providing for its establishment has already been subm tte to the Congress. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Appved For NqM~qWOX/14 Actually, of course, eight bills to establish a Freedom Academy- and you are the author of one of them-have been introduced in the House and one in the Senate, with 12 s )onsors.1 Senator Mundt has long been a sponsor of the Freedom Academy concept and testified before this committee on the bills now pending before it just a few weeks ago, on April 1. The article then goes on to claim that, in speaking about the Free- dom Academy in March of last year, you, Ir. Boggs, declared that the prototype of its activity should be ` the work done by our security agencies, the FBI particularly on the domestic scene, the CIA else- where in the world.' "In short," the article continues- it was a question of setting up an institution in which American diplomats, correspondents, businessmen, tourists and sportsmen going abroad would be trained in the art not only of anti-communism but also of subversion. It next states, truthfully, that Senator Mundt has urged that en- rollment in the Freedom Academy should not be limited to American citizens, but that it be an international school and quotes him to this effect. The article concludes with the following words: Wouldn't it be better to rename the Freedom Academy the Academy of the Science of Subversion? This item is a wholesale lie, typical of the kind of "news" published in Soviet organs. It indicates, I believe, that. the Communists are concerned about, and fearful of, the Freedom Academy and are al- ready beginning their attempt. to discredit it. Mr, Boggs, the committee staff has checked into this quotation at- tributed to you, which allegedly spells out the function of the Free- dom Academy. To clarify the record and to refute this Communist falsehood, I would like to state for the record what the staff learned. First., you made no such statement in March of last year. Second you did speak the exact words attributed to you on February 19 of east year, when you appeared before this committee to testify on your Freedom Academy bill and others then before it.. Moscow, however, has twisted your words completely out of context. What actually happened was that, in prefatory remarks you made before submitting your formal statement on the Freedom Academy for the record, you mentioned, among other things, that you believe one of the reasons the Peace Corps has been so successful was because it has demonstrated the basic idealism of Americans. You added that the Freedom Academy would provide an opportunity for us to chan- nel the idealism and dedication "that are innate in our society to fighting the greatest threat. thatmankind has ever faced." Now we come to the important point. You continued-and I quote your exact wards Now, in saying this, I do not want to derogate anyone. I think that the work done by our security agencies, the FBI particularly, on the domestic scene, the CIA elsewhere in the world, is by and large the highest type of activity on earth. But what is proposed here is something else. This is not intelligence work. It is not checking on subversives-all of which is vital and important to the security of this country and the security of free men everywhere. This is the use affirmatively of the great reservoir of talent that we have in the United States to show what the tree system and what a free society can do. < 3 8. 1282, Feb. 19, 1905. by Mr. Mundt-for himself Mr. Case, Mr. Dodd, Mr. Douglas, Mr. Fong Mr. Stekenlooper, Mr. Imusehe. Mr. Miller, Ir. Prouty, Mr. Proxmire, Mr. Scott, and Mr. Smothers. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For RWg# 3QJQ7A1 lli, CO R00060OWD001-8 Those were your full words. I do not think you could have made a clearer and more explicit statement to the effect that the Freedom Academy was not in any way to do the work of, or to be patterned after, the FBI or the CIA. You stressed the fact that just the opposite was true. Yet, the Kremlin has seen fit-and this, of course, is one of its typical per- formances-to lift your words completely out of context and at- tribute to you a meaning that is in 100 percent opposition to your true position. As I said before, this Soviet use of the big-lie technique on this matter indicates that Moscow appreciates the significance of the bills now before this committee. It realizes the potential effect of a Free- dom Academy on the long-term outcome of the cold war. It doesn't want a Freedom Academy established in this country. And so, be- cause the truth cannot be used to discredit the Academy concept, it uses falsehood in an attempt to do so. This, perhaps, will assist the Congress and this committee in determining how they will vote on the bills we are now considering. In other words, they just use your testimony in a 180-degree oppo- sition to what you did say before this committee. I now insert this article mentioned in the statement at this point in the record. (The article follows:) NEW TIMES - No. 18 - May 1, 196w INTERNATIONAL 14O TES U.S.A. Academy of the Science of Subversion anti-communism but also of subver- Senator dt recently made a sion. long- speech in the U.S. Senate on While giving the Academy plan the plans to set up the so-called his full support, Senator Mundt sug- F~a emy. gested that enrolment should not be prow ing for its establish- limited only to American citizens. ment has already been submitted to He wants it to be an International Congress. Speaking of the Academy's school. functions in March last year, Repre- "We would bring servants of sentative Boggs declared that the friendly governments to this coun- prototype of its activity should be try, persons asking for the training, "the work done by our security and teach them," he said. agencies, the FBI particularly on the Among these persons he includes domestic scene, the CIA elsewhere journalists, teachers and public ftg- in the world." In short, it was a ures wishing to master the methods question of setting. up an Institution of "psychological warfare" and sub- in which American diplomats, eor- version. respondents, businessmen, tourists / Wouldn't it be better to rename\ and sportsmen going abroad would (the Freedom Academy the Academy be trained in the art not only of of the Science of Subversion? Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Aplved For LOZ/r;RR6R000600070001-8 Mr. Boons. Mr. Chairman, as I understand what you are reading, apparently that article had said that I advocated the establishment of an academy of subversionI The CUAmMAN. Yes, and that we wanted a broad, worldwide FBI- CIA agency. Mr. Boons. Meaning, of course, that anything that is contradictory to Communist propaganda is subversion, and that is exactly what the meaning of that is : that any effort that we make to counteract their propaganda is not the use of the weapon that we seek to use, namely, the truth, but what they call subversion. In a sense we do "subvert" communism, because it is hard to make a system, which basically is one of slavery, into one of freedom. So when you tell our story, the truth, it becomes a very devastating thing for the Communists. When you compare the freedom of an American with the lack of freedom of a Soviet citizen or a Chinese citizen or any of the satellite people, the comparison is so tremendous that it is one that they don't like to hear. It is like the case of the Berlin wall. I know all of you have looked at that wall. That wall is erected, reall , to keep the East Berliners in not to keep anybody out, because if they can get out of there and taste a look at what the rest of Berlin is like, they don't need any further testimony about freedom. It has been my observation, Mr. Chairman over the years that I have been here, that the best way to test the effectiveness of a proposal is to see what the Soviet reaction is. Now if they didn't think this was an effective idea, they wouldn't be so concerned about it. I was in Berlin at the time of the airlift, flew in there on a plane loaded with coal. The efforts made by the Soviets to discredit the airlift and to discredit the Marshall plan, which was just then being talked about, were something fantastic. And I came away convinced that they were more afraid of the fact that we were staying in Europe and that we were prepared to work with the forces of genuine democ- racy than anything that had happened recently. So my reaction to that article is that they are really concerned about the Freedom Academy. They know that. if we really mobilize, as I said in my original state- ment, the talent, the latent talent that we have in this country, just to answer their obvious lies about the United States, that they are in serious trouble. And the lies that are told by the millions about this country are fantastic to anyone who has traveled around and listened or read some of the propaganda. I remember going into a barbershop in New Delhi, in India, and you know how you do in a barbershop. You reach around and get something to read while you are waiting for the fellow to cut your hair, so I picked up a very smart-looking maga- zine that looked something like. LIFE or L068 and was very beau- tifully illustrated. Well, it turnedout to be a Communist Party organ, published in Czechoslovakia., beautifully illustrated and the whole theme of it was "the great leap forward." As they described it, the told all that they were supposedly doing for children and people and families and health and welfare and sanitation, and so on, and I be- Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Rea rDW /W rQ&gQP&Z8W4&R0006000T9901-8 came curious about this, so I went to our people at the Embassy and at the information offices, and they pulled out just reams and reams and reams of these publications from the Soviet Union, China, and the satellites, including North Korea and North Vietnam. So these people well understand what is proposed in this idea, because what they call subversion is what I call the truth, and in this case, truth directed against what they are doing really is subvert- ing them. There is no question about that. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. The CHAIRMAN. Thank you very much; we appreciate your taking time out to appear before us. We have with us Dr. William B. Walsh. Dr. Walsh is the founder and president of the Project HOPE, which, since 1960, has operated a hospital ship, SS HOPE. Project HOPE has served three continents and in 4 years has trained more than 2,500 physicians and other medical personnel and treated more than 100,000 persons. The ship has voyaged to Indonesia, South Vietnam, Peru, Ecuador, the Re- public of Ghana. Dr. Walsh, we are not only privileged but honored to have you and we are greatly indebted to you. If you will, give us your views, not in technical terms, about the possibility of having a central place where we can do research, some training, on how to handle this cold war which has been with us and is likel to be with us for a long time to come. We are delighted to have you and look forward to hearing your views. STATEMENT OF WILLIAM B. WALSH Dr. WALSH. Mr. Chairman and Members of the Committee : First let me apologize to you for not having a prepared statement, but I have been in Latin America and in Africa over the bulk of the last 2 months and, in the past month, have actually been in Washington only 3 days, so we have not had time to prepare a statement for you. The CHAIRMAN. Before you proceed, I overlooked that I have before me more detailed background material concerning your education and the many honors that have been conferred upon you and the high esteem that you have in this and other lands. I will make this document a part of the record at this point. (The document follows:) Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 AgNoved For gkqf1W2Q??/Q7 h i$46R000600070001-8 5he peornie to pao,ne Jdaafih .JounIafion, inc. 7233 tuceo n Ave., M.W.. Wash nglon, U. C. 20007 ? 33&6110 Dr. William B. Walsh was born in Brooklyn, N. Y., on April 26, 1920. After graduating from Brooklyn Preparatory School he attended Sty John's University in New York, where he won the Hamilton Scholarship, majored in biology and received his B.S. Degree in 1940. In 1948 Dr. Walsh received his M.D. from the Georgetown University School of Medicine, Washington, D. C., fulfilling his post-graduate training as an intern at Long Island College Hospital and Georgetown University Hospital. Dr. Walsh's medical education was interrupted in 1943 by World War II. He served as a medical officer aboard a destroyer in the South Pacific until his discharge in 1946. The squalor and poor hospital conditions of the area began the young doctor's dream of returning with a floating medical school. When, in 1958, President Eisenhower asked Dr. Walsh to co-chair the Committee on Medicine and the Health Professions of the President's new People-to-People Program, Dr. Walsh suggested that a Navy hospital ship be taken out of moth- balls and converted into a floating medical center. After he won approval of the idea, Dr. Walsh decided that it's success hinged on support from private American citizens, and he founded The People-to-People Health Foundation, Inc., the parent organization of Project HOPE, which sponsors the world-wide voyages of the S.S. HOPE. At the time, Dr. Walsh was a noted internist and heart specialist, an assistant professor of internal medicine at Georgetown University, and an internal medicine resident at the school's noapLtai. Since then, he has given un his private practice to devote full time to his duties as medical director and president of. Project HOPE. Dr. Walsh lives with his wife Helen at 5101 Westpath Way in Washington with their three sons, William Jr., John end Thomas. Dr. Walsh is the author of A Ship Called HOPE, an account of the S.S. HOPE's maiden voyage to Asia and is writing a second book on the ship's trips to Peru and Ecuador. A third book on ROPE in Africa will follow. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Re 4i~,gb Q5JO /' 3p RQP(WaW4W00060009D01-8 A full listing of Dr. Walsh's honors and affiliations follows; HONORS Medal of Merit, 1964, Government of Ecuador Star of October, 1964, City of Guayaquil (Ecuador) Certificate of Meritorious Service, 1964, Medical Society of the District of Columbia National Citizenship Award, 1963, Military Chaplains Association of the U.S.A. Special Service sward, 1963, merican Association of Industrial Nurses _ Cold Medal (Medallo de Oro), 1963, City of Trujillo (Peru) Thanksgiving Award, 1963, Clarke (Iowa) College (First recipient) Knight of the Daniel A. Carrion Order, 1962, Government of Peru Knight of the Magisterial Palms, 1962, Government of Peru Honorary Doctor of Science. Degree, 1962, Georgetown University Service to Mankind Award, Sertoma International Humanitarian of the Year, 1961, Lions International Volunteer of the Year Award, 1961, American Society of Association Executives International Freedom Festival Award, 1961, City of Detroit Distinguished Service Award, 1961, U. S. Information Agency Health U.S.A. Award, 1961 John Carroll Award, 1961, Georgetown University (Washington, D. C,) Alumni Association PROFESSIONAL AFFILIATIONS President of The People-to-People Health Foundation, Inc. Member, American Medical Association Member, District of Columbia Medical Society Member, Board of Trustees, Landon School for Boys, Washington, D. C. Member. Board of Governors, John Carroll Society, Washington, D. C. Member, Board of Directors, Institute for Human Progress Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 A202oved Forlfiekeaw2Q-0A/R /13 t -F 0446R000600070001-8 Former Vice Chairman of the Health Resources Advisory Committee, Office of Civil and Defense Mobilization Former member, Executive Committee and Chairman of the Legislative Committee of the American Society of Internal Medicine Former Vice Chairman, President's Advisory Committee for the Selection of Doctors, Dentists and Allied Specialists for the Selective Service System Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Rem,49A5/1~ :D%PjP@3@P1W@Y0006000701-8 Dr. WALSH. And I would like to make a second apology because, since my second bout with malaria, I have some eighth nerve deafness which I have not as yet corrected or obtained a hearing aid for, so if you have any questions, I would appreciate it if you would raise your voice just a little bit. The CHAIRMAN. You have been so busy treating others that you have forgotten yourself. Dr. WALSH. Yes; that is correct. In speaking to this point I, of course, would not presume upon the wisdom of this committee to tell you what form the Freedom Academy should take, but rather to tell you that I agree 100 percent that some- thing is very seriously needed.. As you were pointing out, our experience has borne out your con- clusion that in this era of so-called cold war or coexistence, which means to me a continuing war without the use of thermonuclear weap- ons, the Soviet has not forgotten for a moment what its prime objec- tive is. In virtually every walk of life to which we have been exposed on three continents, we have found that the Soviets are interested in everything that we do, in everything that the United States does, and they pay attention to details because they have been instructed to pay attention to details. In Indonesia, for example, they didn't feel that we had any oppor- tunity of success initially. But they soon found that the response of people to a gesture such as the HOPE was something they had not bar- gained for. So, shortly after we arrived2 the Soviet had a team of 10 follow us through three different ports in Indonesia, sometimes pre- ceding us, and attempting to frighten the people away from coming to the ship. They distributed pamphlets; they described to the local people in Indonesia that the cameras which the physicians and nurses carried were for purposes of pornographic photography; that we were there to rape their women, not to treat them; that we were not really there to teach these people to help themselves, but primarily there for some nefarious political purpose, which was to lead to the overthrow of the Sukarno government. Our purpose was really to teach and to train, and the fringe benefit of this purpose is naturally to give a different aspect of the United States. This type of performance by the Soviet is repeated in legion through- out the countries in which we have been. They will attempt to infil- trate through local trainees. They even attempt to infiltrate our ranks here in the United States. They do all that they can to release rumors, to release things to the press which will upset public confidence in our project which depends, of course, in large part, upon public support for its continuation. Now mind you, while this is the most important thing, perhaps, in my life, it is really a very small thing in the so-called cold war or battle for men's minds, but yet it is not so small as to have the Soviet overlook it. Even as recently as 2 months ago, we had two volunteers, physicians from among the 3,000 who volunteer every year, from one of the Western States; both of whom, I think, had een before your committee. 47-098 0-6 - ---14 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 ft roved Fc e1ell 90Q5AOj.njdB 446R000600070001-8 Had we not utilized the precaution that we always use of investi- gating all our volunteers before they are taken, we may well have been unaware that these people were actively engaged in activities against the United States. Midway through our own investigation, we were coincidentally ad- vised by. the FBI that. they would like to know the itinerary of these people, because they were highly active and dangerous, and they would like to be sure that they were followed, if we were to let them out of the country. In this instance, since the FBI did not insist. upon our letting them go, we, needless to say, did not let them go, because they are in too good a position to sabotage our program abroad. This was, I would say, about the 15th and 16th attempts at infiltra- tion of an effort even as small as ours, because it has a significant impact, abroad, by known Communists in this country To our knowl- edge, no physician, nurse, or technician who has been identified or known to be subversive has ever been on board, but this has not stopped them from trying. V can't s peak for the crews, because they are checked by the Coast Guard, but I do know that, on a few occasions, we have been alerted in regard to certain crewmembers who have been passed by the Coast Guard, but who have records, apparently, of past Marxist interest. In working abroad, we found, for example, particularly in Vietnam, and I am not reticent to say so, a strange communion of policy be- tween the Viet Cong and the French. The French virtually black- balled our every activity by totally ignoring our presence, despite the fact that they exercised heavy influence in the medical school of that country. ?%Ve reported this, of course, to the Ambassador, and the Ambassador was conscious of it, but as you well know, there is very little that he was able to do about it. I have no doubt that this is continuing, because we have maintained a hospital in Saigon, a teaching center, since 1961, and our physicians who have been stationed there have reported to us constantly of this type of activity. If I can digress for just. a moment, I was not certain on reading your bill, about the extent of people to attend whatever institution you initiate, or whatever type of training you initiate, but I would hope that it would be not Qnly open to Government officials, but open also to representatives of major businesses that go abroad. Frequently, our foreign correspondents-who I do not say for one moment. are un-American, believe me, but many of them are young and many of them are extremely gullible to propaganda-many of them go out among the people and, unfortunately, are cornered once again by the trained Communist, who they do not even know is a Communist, but who gradually is able to make an impression upon them. I think you have seen this. Certainly in the reports from Vietnam, which reached such a peak and may have influenced our foreign policy, you may remember even President Kennedy was reported to have re- quested the removal of one correspondent from the country. As late as this morning's paper, you saw the frustration of the USIA spokesman speaking on the Dominican Republic, who stated Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For ReWMRg51~ R4AJaPPJ&MW0006000tfA01-8 that he wished the reporter who was writing for one well-known paper would talk to someone besides the rebels before he criticized his cwn Government so vigorously in the press. I do not feel that this would in any way be intervention in the free, dom of the press. I feel simply that they, too, are not so profound that they can't tolerate education along with the rest of us. We see now what is happening to the colleges throughout the country, in these so-called teach-ins, which to me, as an American, is almost unbe- lievable. We see at the University of Oregon a man leading a teach-in who has been fired as a result of his wife's active activity at another univer- sity, where she was quoted as having stated that if we came into a war with Cuba, she hoped we would lose, so that we would be taught a lesson. And yet this man is given sufficient respect to lead a teach-in at the University of Oregon, at which representatives of our Govern- ment have to come and explain our ]policy. I think this is a very strange position for us to find ourselves in, and I think that, somewhere along the line, whatever you have must also be broadened to get some of our educators in the Academy courses, or some of our own faculty members in the universities, so that the stu- dents will be exposed to both sides of any story. The CHAIRMAN. Let me tell you that if the Academy becomes an actuality, the students, the attendance of this center, will cut across all segments of our society : labor, management, Government, foreign stu- dents, educational fields. In fact, I would hope that sonne of the staff of the Governors and Members of Congress will take time to go, because the courses are going to vary. We can get 2 months, 3 months, 2 years. It will cut across our whole society, both domestic and foreign attendants, or students, but of course the students are intended to be from the adult population. So it is not restrictive. It is as broad as you can imagine. Dr. WALSH. This will be, to me, an essential aspect of your effort, because too often we have the tendency to only blame our Govern- ment or our Government representatives when frequently it goes much further than this abroad. In Latin America, too, I think we have been very derelict in whatever type of indoctrination we give our citizens, because we have permitted the Communists to merchandise and to virtually possess the word "change." Change is neither a word that belongs to-and I hate to use labels-but it is not a word that belongs to the liberals or the conservatives or the progressives. Change is progress, but yet in Latin America in particular, the Communists have merchandised the word "change," so that even when loyal Americans try to support something which is a change for the better, the citizens many times think, "Well, you must be a Communist, because you are trying to get us a change from what we are now experiencing." Yet they are very aware of the impact of any American who goes into these cities and into these villages, who can bring about change. When we first went to Peru, the Communist students littered the streets in Trujillo with "Yankee go home" signs. This was a town of about 100,000 people. They came to me in the street and told me that if we went into the barriadas with our program where, of course, Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 A Moved Fop /,17i*agQi#- 446R000600070001-8 they were fomenting communism through mise and disease, that they would create violence and that people would be hurt and prob- ablyy killed. Iare not responsive to this kind of threat, because we found that even when we were in Vietnam and went down into the delta that the Viet Cong did not bother medical teams. I think that our own State Department can tell you that now that they have put medical teams throughout the villages, that no matter what happens you will rarely read-and I don't. think you have read-of a single member of any medical team in any village in the delta or in the north being touched by the Viet Cong. When we went down into the delta, back in 1961-62, they would leave, in fact, their own wounded outside of a compound or outside of a hospital at which we were working. They would leave them there during the night, because they had no medical care of their own, and I feel that this is just one area where we can reach people through the field of medicine, and the same thing was true in the barriadas abroad. In South America, within a week after we were there the Com- munist students could do nothing about keeping us out. They had to let us in. We taught the people a little something about. free enter- prise; we taught them to dig a well and sell water so they could buy their own medicine, which they have done. And actually, the people of Trujillo soon found that employed residents of the barriadas are no longer Communists, but are almost a little bit on the capitalistic side. This doesn't mean that these people are now members of the center or perhaps just left. of center but eventually they may be members ol the center. The same thing is true in Africa. I can speak primarily of West Africa, which I know fairly well= but there, once again, we are looked upon as are Europeans, with suspicion. Too often, the representatives of our Government apologize to the African, which is a very bad thing to do, because the African does not understand this type of treatment. The African is having troubles enough, without having seven repre- sentatives of SNCC (Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee) sent to the Republic of Guinea so as to explain the civil rights problem in the United States. The African that we see in the villages is not nearly so concerned with civil rights as he is with his own progress and survival. At the top level we almost invite them to utilize this issue. We fortunately see them at the top level, but we also see them in the villages. There, they don't know what civil rights is. Now this doesn't mean that civil rights is not a problem which this country must overcome, and it doesn't mean that. civil rights has not been a long time coming, but we too often, particularly in Africa, ad- vertise our deficiencies and are reticent about the things of which we should be proud. And I would hole that even this, this type of thing, is going to be included in the curriculum-not only the evils of com- munism, but some of the, positive aspects of freedom, and the simple psychology that would relieve us of almost a national masochism abroad which affects us so that we seem to have to tell everyone of our deficiencies. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Rq%B~FD5g~/1A3 Fl&-RPPf4W0006000ffff01-8 There is nothing more irritating, because these people then use this to blackjack us into types of help we would not give them by saying, "If you don't do this, it will prove you are really against. the Negro," a statement with which no sane person in this country will agree. The feeling of the necessity to explain these things is inviting inter- ference into our own internal affairs by foreign governments, so that we even have civil rights spokesmen, and respected civil rights spokes- men, who now say that they are going to excite the African nations to the extent that the votes in the United Nations will have a bearing upon what we do in the United States in regard to civil rights. I personally don't think that this country has come to that. I am for civil rights and I believe in civil rights, but I believe it is also our internal problem, and is not one that should be constantly ex- plained by our ambassadors abroad. I can't believe that this is anything but individual policy on the part of some of them. I can't believe that this is the wish of the Secretary of State, because he is a much wiser man, in my opinion, than this. But I think that in going into your Academy, I realize you have to first establish an Academy before you establish a curriculum, but I would not identify it as primarily just an anti-Communist academy, or academy that just teaches communism and what communism is and how we should combat it. But I think it must also stress the posi- tive parts of freedom, the positive parts of democracy, and also the understanding of the peoples with whom we deal. It is high time that, if we are going to continue to spend money abroad-and I be- lieve we are going to have to, and we should-that we should not sell ourselves down the river at the same time by advertising that we are a land of plenty, but actually a land of much moral deficiency. Now I will be happy to answer your questions. The CHAIRMAN. Well, Dr. Walsh, I think you have answered about everything, particularly in the last few minutes, that I was going to ask you. And I think you have covered it, but I will ask you specifically if your experiences did not indicate that some of the U.S. officials or representatives abroad, both Government and private, sometimes because of ignorance of communism and its methods, make mistakes which aid the Communists and hurt the United States cold war effort? Dr. WALSH. Absolutely. The CHAIRMAN. I think you covered it, but I wanted to ask you. Dr. WALSH. I would like to go off the record. The CHAIRMAN. Well, now, you want to go off the record? Dr. WALSH. Just for this one statement. The CHAIRMAN. Well, I will accord you that right. (Discussion off the record.) The CHAIRMAN. Now let's go on the record. Dr. WALSH. This individual I referred to off the record was not a Communist. He sincerely believed he was doing the right thing. He wanted reforms to come overnight, and actually, he, without real- izing it, was influencing a revolution, so much so that many of the American businesses in that country actually took full-page ads in the paper, saying that they did not agree with his position. Now this, to me, is either a lack of education and understanding on the part, say, of the individual, or a lack of understanding on the part Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 A oved Forp t2 5/Q7~%i - & 46R000600070001-8 of the businessmen. I don't care which it was. It was lack of under- standing on somebody's part and embarrassing to the United States. The URAIAMAN. And you think that a center, academy, where the true, solid evidence of Communist. tactics, methods, and so on and how to combat them would be taught, would help in that regard I Dr. WArsn. Yes, I think he would have been helped appreciably. Somewhere along the line, all of us who are in work abroad have to find a place where we can be educated to be able to tell, on the fine points, who is what and what he is doing, and when is a Communist not a Communist.. Just the fact that he makes a public declara- tion that. he isn't, is not sufficient. The C111AIRMAN. I might add that your reference or your expres- sion of hope that the course will include discussions of a positive as well as the negative will be included. I have said this many times, but just since you have brought it. up, we have heard a lot of evi- dence---the record is full of it where people in the educational field can't seem to lay their hands on completely reliable material that can be imparted in schools and universities. Specifically, some States, my own, have passed legislation requiring a course of Americanism versus Communism, and the teachers throw up their arms and say, "Well, what does that mean? What do I teach?" Well, the material is not there in a concise, reliable way, and I have written to many of them. I said in effect, "I like the old Lucky Strike cigarette ad. 'Compare.. Comparison proves."' It is enough for these students, or even in colleges, to compare our school system as against the Communist school system, our system of free election against the nonexistence of election; our system of religion against their irreligious system, so that you are teaching the affirmative, and you are at the same time teaching the lack of those things in other areas, and that, of course, will be considered, I know, and the staff of this center will be of the highest. They must not be of extreme right or extreme left, or anything of the sort, about developing our own system here and putting those things on the record. Any questions I Mr. PooL. No. Mr. Iciioim. I would like to go off the record. (Discussion off the record.) Mr. Icuom). Going back on the record, I was very interested in your testimony concerning our publicity activities abroad which fairly well parallels the testimony given by Mr. Meyerhof of the 1lfeyerhoff advertising agency. His idea was that we had the policy of reporting all of the things that go on in America, and he said, un- fort.unately, only the bad news is newsworthy and that we, by this policy, are given people abroad a bad concept of what America is. Dr. Wmsrr. There is no question about it. We see this not only in our own experience, but in many others. Good works are not con- sidered newsworthy. If we were sued for malpractice by some African chieftain it would be on the front page, but, unfortunately, the competition in the sales of newspapers and magazines and so on is such that an article is much more readily printed in a. magazine that Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Rq%B gnin95 o /1A3 p,&1&-WPAMR 0006000f will call the President a dunderhead than one which says he is doing the right thing. And I believe that this is something in our times with which we really must cope, because the fact that the President felt forced to sanction this long debate this coming weekend, with his advisers, on the television and radio, while it is not my position to criticize or commend him for it, the fact that he has been put in that position, to me, is almost unbelievable. I can't see how the Communists can do anything but gain by giving public exposure to those people who are going to condemn the United States. And I see another television program has Colonel Caamano on from the Dominican Republic, who threatens to kill more marines every day, and when he kills the marine, it is always because the marine has made a wrong turn-nothing about the fact that they should perhaps use restraint and that a three-man patrol in a jeep is really not violating a truce and is no real threat to the rebel holdings in Santo Domingo. Mr. Ici-roan. Along that line, Doctor, I have here a publication of USIA, Ameryka, which is a publication published in Poland by USIA, which Mr. Meyerhoff handed to the committee. This is an October 1964 issue, and it, I suppose-I can't read Polish-however, I have taken it to one of our Polish Members, a Member of the Congress of Polish descent, who could read Polish, and he was very critical of the issue. It shows picture after picture, photograph after photograph, of racial riots and unrest in the United States, one in actual physical combat. You seem to be concerned about this. He was concerned about it. Of course, I know what USIA intends to do here. They are trying to show the Polish people that in this country we do have freedom of assembly. I would like for you to elaborate. Mr. Warw. Well, I understand also the motivation of USIA in printing such a thing. They feel that it is better that it come from us instead of a distorted version from them. I think that the only error that I would feel in this policy is that surprisingly, at least in the countries in which we have been, they really are not that interested in what is going on, because most of them have so many troubles of their own. I think that inadvertently, and with sincere motivation, we put a weapon actually in their hands, because they then blow this up, not as the isolated instance, because, remember, when a magazine like this, say, hits Africa, where over 90 percent of the people can't read, what makes you think that the political leaders don't change the wording under the pictures? Because all they can show are the pictures, and they show the pictures in their movie houses, and so on, and they show them around. Now, once again, I am sure that the magazine has 90 percent positive things about the United States, and I don't feel that we should ape the Soviet by any means, but some of the most magnificent publications I have ever seen in North Africa, in West Africa, and in Asia are the Chinese publications which would make you think it was a land of complete and utter paradise. Now we know this isn't true, but the ignorant African doesn't know it, and the other ignorant Asian isn't too sure of it, and this is what he looks at. And I feel that here rather than the question of motiva- tion is the question of understanding of what this whole business of cold war and coexistence is about, is something that has to be reexam- Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 P3oved ForpftlM" 5/917fl&gLgLA- Bf74W46R000600070001-8 fined to the extent that it is possible that these agencies may then want to give reconsideration to this policy. Now, USIA, for example, has been very good in regard to Project HOPE. They made movie films and everything else, and they spread them all over South America and received a very, very good reaction, but if in that same movie clip, there was a race riot, you can bet your boots they would remember the race riots rather than the HOPE shot, in Latin America. Mr. Icnioiw. In any event, this is the type of thing which needs to be studied by an institution such as the F eredom Academy, whether this ppolicy is right or wrong, and perhaps we can see whether we should2 for example, have, as suggested by this Member of Congress of Polish descent., a human-interest story of a Congressman whose parents came from Poland, showing his activities in the Congress of the United States and how he was elected by his constituents to be a part of his Government. That was what he suggested would be much better material. Dr. WALSH. Well, I don't think we should do ourselves damage un- der the guise of intellectual honesty, because after all, this is a politi- cal organ. It is an American political organ, and why should we pretend it is anything else? Mr. Icirosn. That is correct. I am sure that this was published in absolute good faith. However, I do question the effect, the desirable effect of the publication. Thank you very much, Doctor. I would like to ask one more ques- tion. How many doctors do you have on the SS HOPE? Dr. War,sa. Well, between doctors and nurses, and so on, we carry 110at a. time, 110 teachers at a time, Somewhere between 30 and 35 are physicians. They come from 43 States and they are all volun- teers. We don't pay them a nickel. They all work for nothing. They spend at least 2 months of their time, and we have already used in 4 years, now 41/2 years, 621 doctors, who have been selected from actually about 3,000 applications a year, and they come from all over, and so we really get the cream. Their average age is about 45. They are at the height of their ability to produce, and they are under no inhibitions when they go, and we organize them. Mr. IciloiD. Where is the ship at the present time? Dr. Waraa. The ship at the present time is still in Africa, and then it is committed for the next. 2 years to go to Nicaragua, and then to northern Colombia. Mr. Icuoan. That is all. The CHAIRMAN. Mr. Clawson? Mr. CI.Awsox. Thank you, Air. Chairman. Dr. Walsh, your appearance here has been refreshing to me. With your background and experience and the service that you have pro- vided in many foreign countries, I am sure this gives you and your testimony credence before this committee on the subtleties and the sophistication of today's communistic techniques. I think from your testimony that even this emphasis on the theme "peaceful coexistence" is another technique of the Communist activity today in trying to de- stroy freedom and liberty as we know and understand it, Dr. WAIsrr. That's right Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Rp QO{ ,7/,Q 3FnCAAa DDB. Bf ROOO6OOBTiO01-8 Mr. CLAWSON. There are, however, some rather refreshing and, I think, encouraging signs on the horizon. One of them has come to my attention just since our last session. And, Mr. Chairman, if I may, I would like to refer to the Howard Payne College in Brownwood, Texas. Can you hear me all right? Dr. WALSH. Yes, I can hear you. Mr. CLAWSON. I think this would please you because of what you have said and done. They have established the Douglas MacArthur Academy of Freedom in the State of Texas and began its operation in September 1963. I would like to read just a few paragraphs of their philosophy, aims, purposes, and standards, and perhaps we can gain some experience from their activity when we establish an academy on the Federal level. I quote from a brochure published by Howard Payne College : The purpose of the program is to prepare young people thoroughly to under- stand the world in which they live, to appreciate the problems which they face, to recognize the place of Christian leadership and to be able, successfully, to present the point of view of the Free World. Such preparation should then enable a graduate of the Academy to go into foreign service for his country, to become an intelligent diplomat, to represent American corporations in foreign areas, to be a capable statesman at home as well as to be intelligent proponents of ideas and ideals calculated to promote world peace and world progress wher- ever he may be. It would also provide a rich background for training toward foreign missions. And they go on. I think perhaps I will skip over most of it and read just a few paragraphs : Since the entire program would be designed and directed toward providing an understanding and intelligent support of freedom and liberty, it will natur- ally consider those threats to them. Although the signers of the Constitution expressed the desire to "secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity," such is not possible. Each new generation must secure anew for themselves "the blessings of liberty." Each new generation must, therefore, overcome the threats to liberty which they face. Because of the repeated declarations of communism to control the world, it seems imperative that those who cherish freedom should understand the aims, plans, actions and status of communism to today's world. Thus, there will be special courses designed to teach not only the theory of Marxism- Communism, but its historical significance former attempts at its use, and the practice of communism as found in Russia and China today. And they continue with this same kind of theme. Now I don't know what the experience has been but, Mr. Chairman, at this point, I would like to have unanimous consent to insert the Senate Concur- rent Resolution No. 47 of the legislature of the State of Texas and "Facing the Future with Faith and Knowledge," from the university, and the "Academic Characteristics," as part of the record. I think it would be helpful to the committee. Mr. PooL. Mr. Chairman, I would like to also join with my col- league in making the presentation and asking unanimous consent, also, since the State of Texas is my State. Mr. CLAWSON. It is your State. I think it is wonderful that one of our States has already moved in this direction in one of their edu- cational institutions. The CHAIRMAN. The material referred to will be inserted at this point in the record. (The documents referred to follow:) Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Aggaved For RWg a( (0Z/1E R 46R000600070001-8 By: Parkhouse Crump SENATE CONCURRENT RESOLUTION NO. 47 WHEREAS, In the one hundred eighty years of its existence, the United States of America has vindicated the faith of its found- ing fathers in the type of political, economic and moral system they envisioned by becoming the strongest and most effective free nation in modern history; and WHEREAS. Americans are now engaged in a life and death struggle with the forces both inside and outside the nation which seek to destroy the basic freedoms and values which undergird the nation's strength ; and WHEREAS, The administration and faculty of Howard Payne College, a four-year Baptist institution of higher education in Brownwood, Texas, believe that the American heritage, Judeo- Christian traditions and the free enterprise system have a special affinity of purpose which needs to be understood and preserved; and WHEREAS, Believing that higher education has an indis- pensable role in the protection of the nation and in the promotion of the ideas upon which it was founded, Howard Payne College has established the Douglas MacArthur Academy of Freedom which will become operative in September, 1963, the first center of this kind ever established on a college or university campus ; and WHEREAS, The idea for the Academy is an outgrowth of the college's Democracy in Action program, which won an award from the Freedoms Foundation of Valley Forge, Pennsylvania, as the outstanding project of its kind in the nation; and WHEREAS, Unlike most "freedom" and "anti-communism" efforts now in operation, the program will be objective arid non- partisan, not seeking to impose the viewpoint of any group or organization ; and WHEREAS, It should be a matter of pride to all Texans that a small private liberal arts college in the Southwest is the first in the nation to undertake such a program; and WHEREAS, flamed for the great American leader who said that the protection of this country "will only be possible if we regain some of the spirituality and wisdom of our forefathers which caused them to ordain by constitutional precepts that gov- ernment be servant rather than master of the people," the Acad- emy of Freedom will have the following three stated obligations: Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For R ppgI O (7/13F qKE&W4fqR000600Qjg001-8 (1) it will be maintained on a high professional and educational level; (2) it will be non-partisan politically and seek to inspire all student members to search diligently for the truth without being inhibited in any area of life, thought and action; and (3) it will seek and maintain the highest type of professional lead- ership in the academic world and give these leaders freedom to inspire students to fuller understanding of the American heritage and the destructive processes in our culture and help them prepare themselves for any and all areas of public life and civic respon- sibility; now, therefore, be it RESOLVED, By the Senate of the 58th Legislature of Texas, the House of Representatives concurripg, that Howard Payne College and its administration and faculty, particularly Dr. Guy D. Newman, president of the college, be commended and congratu- lated on the concept, planning, philosophy and goals of the Douglas MacArthur Academy of Freedom and wish them every success in this important undertaking. I hereby certify that S. C. R. No. 47 was adopted by the Senate on April 16, 1963. I hereby certify that S. C. R. No. 47 was adopted by the House on April 16, 1963. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 FACING THE FUTURE WITH FAITH AND KNOWLEDGE ,lhe 2ouj/ai 71//ac Jrthur ACADEMY OF FREEDOM occupies a distinctive campus as the Interdisc plinary Honors Program of the Social Sciences Division of Howard Payne College Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Apqpved k~gkqW FC~~~tR?y7~~0~~46R000600070001-8 DOUGLAS MacARTHUR ACADEMY OF FREEDOM Unique among the nations colleges is an Honors Program at Howard Payne College called the Douglas MacArthur Academy of Freedom. The Academy Program is a concentrated liberal arts curriculum. largely in the social sciences, designed for superior students who wish to examine in depth the meaning of the American Way of Life, the threats to the survival of that way of life, the value of inter-American solidarity, and means by which American traditional values may be appreciated. protected, and advanced. n e Academy Prof-ram is open only to upperclass students who have maintained an honor point average of at least 1.8 either at Howard Payne College or at the collrge from which they have trans- ferred. Members in the Academy of Freedom are classified as: Minor members- -Students from any diyi-ion of the college who have qualified for the comprehensive minor course of study in the Academy. Major members- --Students majoring irr the Division of Social Sciences who are accepted for the comprehensive major course of study in the Academy. Fellows - -Selected Major members nominated by the fa- culty of the Divi-ion of Social Sciences during senior year. Students who wish to enter the Douglas MacArthur Academy of Freedom are urged to file an "Indieati,n of Intent' u+ith the Di- rector of the Academy of Fr?cdorn during, their frr?-hrnari year as a means of alerting their faculty ad%i-er and the Faculty .Academy of Freedom Council of their interc-t. A formal application will be required in the seme-ter prec edin- full eligibility f,rr menihcr-hip. Members are -elected by vote of the Fay iilty Academy (if Freedom Council..A - befitting superi(rr -tuderit- they may ,elect any of several paths through the optional course, in the Acadenry of Freedom. To receive the Academy of Freedom diploma. a major in the Academy rnu-t pas, a comprehen,iye exarninatioo co%rring .-k(aderny rour,es which he has taken. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For R BI S O J / 3 ff P~M99sJJ .R000600~J01001-8 Any member of the Academy of Freedom who drops below a 2.0 grade average in the courses taken during his junior year, or receives any form of disciplinary correction loses his eligibility to continue as a member during his senior year, but he retains the course credits earned during his membership to apply toward his normal gradua- tion. GENERAL REQUIREMENTS Degree The Academy of Freedom program requires completion of at least 128 semester hours. A B average must be maintained during the junior and senior years. The degree awarded is that of the Bachelor of Arts. The diploma of major members will be suitably embossed to show completion of the Academy of Freedom Honors Program. Prerequisites A candidate for membership in the Academy of Freedom must have completed his sophomore year and have at least a 1.8 grade average at the time of admission to the Academy. All candidates must have earned credit for: American History (Hist. 201-2-6 hours) and American and State Government (Pol. Sc. 201-2-6 hours). Curriculum A comprehensive interdisciplinary major program or a compre- hensive interdisciplinary minor program, each with two choices of emphasis (called paths), is available through the Academy of Free- dom program. This program will supply both the major and minor for the Bachelor of Arts degree. The plan features the opportunity for superior students to have a wide selection of options. Costs Participation in the Academy of Freedom requires slightly higher tuition fees than do other programs at Howard Payne College. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 ApDr)oved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 PRU\ FDIS(; FOR A FRF:LDO\i CO\tMISSION Comprehensive Major The comprehensise inte-rdi-ciplinarv rnajor require, in addition to the fifteen hours of srx ial -r icrtce cour-r- in, laded in the e.cncral educational requirement-: 1. A minimum of six semester hours in each of the departments of Economics, History, Political Science. Psychology, and Sociology. The courses. World Geographv 1Geo. 3(111, Cold War Semantics (Speech ?128), or Problems in Arncricani'rn ISoc. Sc. 11121 may Ie. substituted for inc course in any di,iplir? crcept f.conomir -.. l)crnoc- racy and Totalitarianism i Pol. Sc. 301 1 i, rt-quired. Third- scmcster hours. 2. Completion of Chrii2OO 7/A3FRfltAQRD .8D SR0006OOUtOO01-8 Social Science Courses ECONOMICS 203-Outlines of Economics ........................................... 3 Elective-Advanced Economics ........................................ 3 HISTORY 101-102-World History ............................................. 6 201-202-History of United States .................................... 6 315-American Heritage .............................................. 3 Electives-Advanced History .......................................... 6 PHILOSOPHY 302-Christian Ethics ................................................. 3 PSYCHOLOGY 408-Group Dynamics ............................................... 3 (Academy members may substitute this course for Psy. 121) GEOGRAPHY 301-World Geography ............................................... 3 POLITICAL SCIENCE 201-American Government ........................................... 3 202-State and Local Government ..................................... 3 301-Democracy and Totalitarianism .................................... 3 Elective-Advanced Political Science .................................. 3 SOCIOLOGY Elective ............................................................. 3 SOCIAL SCIENCE 401-Teaching of Social Science in the Secondary Schools ............... 3 (Social Science 400-the six hour summer field trip, American Shrines Traveling Seminar, may be used as an elective, or combination of electives in any field except history.) Professional Education Courses Ed 315-Adolescent Psychology ....................................... 3 Ed 411-Directed Learning in the Secondary School ...................... 3 Ed 321(s)-Evaluation and Guidance .................................. 3 Ed 423-Philosophy of Education ..................................... 3 Ed 419-420-Student Teaching in the Secondary School .................. 6 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Ajj oved For iReleras a 2005/07/$3j.:r:Cl#RDR67tBOO446R000600070001-8 Comprehensive Minor A comprehensive interdisciplinary minor program is offered to students of all divisions. The comprehemive minor will satisfy one teaching field requirement for prospective teachers when approved by the Texas Education Agency. Participants in the minor program are Minor members of the Academy of Freedom and are entitled to enroll in any Academy course, including the Academy of Freedom American Shrines Semi- nar. They are not eligible for selection as Academy Fellows; neither may they be considered life-time members of the Academy of Free- dom. In addition to fifteen hours of the general education prerequisite social science courses, the comprehensive minor consists of: I. A minimum of three semester hours in each of the departments of Economics, History, Psychology, Sociology, and Political Science. (World Geography may be substituted for any course, and the Academy of Freedom American Shrines Seminary for any two courses, except Economics). Fi/teen semester hours. 2. Christian Ethics in Today's World. (Phil. 302) Three semester hours. 3. Democracy and Totalitarianism. (Pol. Sc. 301) Three semester hours. Total Twenty-one semester hours. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Re. ge ?5i 1'l P AoR0P& B,I 4*R00060002B601-8 2 0 G 11 n 0 C ACADEMY OF FREEDOM AMERICAN SHRINES SEMINAR (Traveling seminar to the political and historical shrines of the United States.) 014 w c~0.WOA ?w~, aooA0. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 A oved Forr ojeo 2f)/Q74%pgda-1 3 46R000600070001-8 Defending Path 1. Major Members who elect to follow the Defending Path through the Academy of Freedom must complete the indicated num- ber of the following courses: Group A: Each of the following courses is required: Christian Ethics in Today's World (Phil. 302-Three semester hours) Democracy and Totalitarianism (Pol. Sc, 301-Three semester hours) Group B: At least two of the following courses, which are ex- clusively for Academy members, must be completed: American Heritage (Hilt. 315 Three semester hours) Formulation of United States National Strategy (Pol. Sci. 408-Three semester hours) Contemporary American Social Problems (Soc. 408--Three semester hours) Group C: Two of the following courses are to be completed: The Academy of Freedom American Shrine Seminar (Soc. Sc. 400-Six semester hours) The American Free Enterprise System (Econ. 400-Three semester hours) American Constitutional Development (Pol. Sc. 405-Three semester hours) Social Psychology (Psy. 304-Three semester hours) The United States Since 1914 (Hist. 312-Three semester hours) World Geography (Geog. 301-Three semester hours) 2. Minor Members who select the Defending Path must take both Group A courses and at least one course from Group B and one from Group C with all courses being in different disciplines. Prospective teachers must take Teaching of Social Sciences in Secondary Schools (Soc. Sc. 401-Three semester hours) which may be substituted for either a psychology or a sociology course. Explaining Path 1. Students who elect to follow the Explaining Path through the Academy of Freedom may be either: A. Those students who anticipate serving church, government, or business overseas, or Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For F &ly~ 7A1;R& Qja 6R00060(M001-8 B. Those students oriented toward Latin America and desiring to participate in the development of mutual respect and under- standing between the peoples of the U.S. and Latin America. 2. Major Members who follow the General Overseas Plan must complete the following courses: Language: Eighteen semester hours of foreign language. Group A: Each of the following courses is required: Christian Ethics in Today's World. (Philo. 302-Three semester hours) Democracy and Totalitarianism (Pol. Sc. 301-Three semester hours) Group B: At least two of the following courses, which are ex- clusively for Academy members, must be completed: American Heritage (Hist. 315-Three semester hours) Group Dynamics (Psy. 408-Three semester hours) Comparative Economic Systems ,(Econ. 408-Three semester hours) Cold War Semantics (Speech 428-Three semester hours) Group C: Two of the following courses are to he completed: The Academy of Freedom American Shrine Seminar (Soc. Sc. 400-Six semester hours) Comparative Government (Pol. Sc. 312-Three semester hours) International Politics (Pol. Sc. 306-Three semester hours) Political Geography (Pol. Sc. 304-Three semester hours) Diplomatic History of the United States (Hist. 402-Three semester hours) World Population Problems (Soc. 401-Three semester hours) 3. Major Members who follow the Anglo-Latin American Plan must complete at least eighteen semester hours. of Spanish, the two Group A courses, one course from Group B, one from Group C, and Latin American History (Hist. 310-Three semester hours) 4. Minor Members who select the Overseas Plan must take eighteen semester hours of foreign languages, the two Group A Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Aoved ForA@{ggW2QN/Q,74hjF#9, courses, and at least one course from Group B, and one from Group C. Prospective teachers must take Teaching of Social Sciences in Secondary Schools (Soc. Sc. 401--3 semester hours) which may be substituted for the psychology or sociology course. 5. Minor Members who select the Anglo-Latin American Plan must complete at least eighteen semester hours of Spanish, the two Group A courses, and Latin American History (Hist. 310) Exclusive Academy Courses The Douglas MacArthur Academy of Freedom offers certain courses and seminars that are distinctive. These courses are limited to mem- bers of the Academy of Freedom. None of these seminars may be taken by audition. They include: Problems in Americanism. See Social Science 402. Cold War Semantics. See Speech 428. Group Dynamics. See Psychology 408. American Heritage. See History 315. Formulation of United States National Strategy. See Political Science 408. Comparative Economic Systems. See Economics 408. Contemporary American Social Problems. See Soc. 408. Academy Follow A limited number of outstanding Major Members of the Academy may, on their application, be designated as Fellows of the Douglas MacArthur Academy of Freedom during their senior or graduate year. No student shall be eligible for consideration as a Fellow unless he has successfully completed one year as an Academy member. Academy Fellows shall constitute the Student Council of the Doug- las MacArthur Academy of Freedom as the highest representatives of, and spokesmen for, the student members of the Academy. Their representatives normally will meet regularly with the Faculty Acade- my of Freedom Council. Academy Fellows will constitute the members of a research semi- nar titled Problems In Americanism, (Soc. Sc. 402). They will work as a joint seminar and as independent researchers under one or more members of the faculty. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Rp k.RQO 7/,43FIz, DB$f R000600?26001-8 The objective of the course of study pursued by the Fellows will be the production of an original thesis which will have practical value as a tool for spreading to widely dispersed mature audiences the activi- ties and accomplishments of members of the Academy. Distinctive Emblem A major member of the Douglas MacArthur Academy of Freedom who completes one year of Academy work with a 2.0 average shall be entitled, after formal enrollment for his second year as a member of the Academy of Freedom, to wear as a lapel pin a repro- duction of the official seal of the Academy. This will then be a permanent emblem to be worn during the lifetime of the recipient, if he successfully completes the Academy requirements and receives his Academy diploma. All lapel pins will be numbered and engraved and ownership permanently recorded. Minor members, as well as major members, who successfully com- plete one year in the Academy program are authorized to wear an embroidered blazor. Members of the Academy who fail to qualify for a second year of membership, or who drop out for any reason, are not regarded as having permanent membership in the Academy of Freedom and are not eligible to receive or to wear the Academy's seal. It is anticipated that permanent members of the Academy of Free- dom will maintain a continuing association with the Academy by means of Academy publications and correspondence; that they will have seating preference at all Academy lectures and other functions; and that they will accept invitations from the Academy to represent the Academy of Freedom as guest speakers or as ceremonial repre- sentatives at functions within their area of residence after they have completed their study at Howard Payne College. Distinguished Guest Speakers From time to time the Academy will sponsor appearances of dis- tinguished speakers. The principal addresses of these speakers will be open to the entire college, except that when seating space is at a premium, students in the Academy of Freedom will have priority. An After Lecture Seminar of approximately one hour will nor- mally follow each address, and these intimate off-the-record discus. sions are restricted to Academy of Freedom members and faculty. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Ai? ved For thdomec2GWQ?/JAE:&bkFJQM71PO446ROO0600070001-8 1,.O i,+nD FyYhis CQLLE E hrownwood, T3xas The Douglas kacxrthur Acaderry of Freedom 1. The Academy of Freedom is organized as an integral part of Howard Payne College, a well-esa TNhed, small, private, denominational, fully-accredite-J, liberal arts college. a. The Academy is a unique study program within the Social Sciences Division. b. Completion of the major program leads to a Bachelor of Arts degree. C. A Major Member of the Academy completes his major and minor academic requirements in the one Drogram. A Minor Femter fulfills the minor study needs for his appropriate degree. d. The program is deliberately restricted to selected superior students capable of pursuing accelerated studies in small classss. e. The program goal is tho devolopment of men and women capable of assuming leadership roles in church, civic, government, professional, or business activities. f. Instruction is under a completely open academic environ- ment of free inquiry. Students are selected on the assumption that they are capable of formulating their own individual character and philosophy from the foun- dations offered by home, church, and school training. g. Courses are "non-partisan politically and seek to inspire all student members to search diligently for the truth without ioing inhibited in any area of life, thought, and action." h. The professors assigned to the program are individuals with advanced degrees who are avowedly Christians and loyal American citizens. They are encouraged to explain their p"orsonel beliefs when appropriate without demanding conformity or agreement from the students. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Refeasoi2O05 the/13FRtCtA DPPB r48R000600&001-8 2. The Academy of Freedom program is specifically designed for broad coverage and assimilation. a. 3piritua, all courses will incorporate concepts and views that re-emphasize the role that the Judeo-Christian beliefs, ethics, and standards have played in the for- mulation of Western and American civilization. h. Emotionally, courses will include elements that will R`17e an appreciation of what it means to be an American by tracing the nation's political, cultural, and military heritage, and the free enterprise tradition within the existing environment of current national problems and future challenges and opportunities. C. Mentally, courses will undertake to force the individual to demonstrate his capacity and worth by requiring a high degree of concentrated, disciplined, and objective scholarship. 3. The Academy of Freedom is an honors program. a. It is limited to upper classmen who must have completed background prerequisites. b. It requires a B-minus average to enter, and a B average to remain, with no grade below C. c. The course contents include numerous requirements for individual papers and oral reports as well as generous allowance for student participation. d. A Major Member must demonstrate integration of his studios by passing a comprehensive examination in his final semester. 4. The Academy of Freedom is an interdisciplinary social sciences program. a. Fifteen semester hours of social sciences in three separate disciplines are required as prerequisites. b. For breadth, at least two three-hour courses must be taken in each of the disciplines of Economics, Fistory, Political -science, Psychology, and Sociology, while one advanced course is required in Philosophy. c. For depth, six adiltional semester hours of advanced studies must be taken in any one of the social sciences. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 A ved For Riemmc2Qt lOd/taEEMtAfR 2 446R000600070001-8 5. The ,cademy of Freedom is lit.wel arts on-nted. It e^nohasiZes the troadl.v educate arson rath,r than centering on urofassicnal training for a specific occupation. R. The Program meets the normal prep:,retory needs for rraduate work in this social sciencees. The program is an ideal selection for the prospective hiuh school teacher of any of the social sciences. One asp5ct Is specifically designed to meet the re uiru- ments for the composite substantive teaching field. c. The program will fill the normal preparatory needs for admission to law school. 1, applicants for examinations for state or federal stovern- mental management positions will find the program'a perfoct blending for their needs. o. The errhasls of the program in dealing with studies of all areas of human relationships will increase the compe- tence of any individual who Llans to enter church or business organizations, either in the United States or overseas. 6. The Academy of Freedom is a program offering wide choice in the selection of courses. a. Only two spcclfied courses are r quired of all mLmtars. (1). Christian Ethics in Today's World studies the bas a Guest one and systems in ethical theory as perceived from the Christian point of view. (2). Democracy and Totalitarianism is a comparative study o the prac ca app cation of the theories of capitalism, socialism, fascism, and cow!unism with a view to discovering and analyzing those aspects of totalitarianism that are most vulnerable to the Influences of democratic and free enter- prise concepts and practices. b. Major Members must taco two of the following courses that are available only to Academy members. (1). The Academy of Freedom American Shrines Seminar. This covers one summer term, with one month MaTng a field trip to the historical sites, public institutions, natural wonders, and the population and industrial canters of the Northeastern United States, including Washington D. C., and New York City. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For FM@p, rWQWB7A13'RIQLR[3 6 R000600 001-8 (2). Problems in Am.-ricar..ism. This is a select seminar for Ac e8 :r,?,y of Freedom Fellow;, to moat jointly for review an-1 discussion of the results of their con- tinuing independent and individual research. The objective of the research will be the production of an criginal written thesis in the essnerul area of the Meaning of America, Threats to American Values, advancing the American Ideal, or some similar study. (3). Group Dynamics. This coursa utilizes the principles of social psychology to study discussion and small group leadership and the interactions involved in persuasion and behavior in groups. (4). American Heritage. The course studies the historical development of Amaricen culture as a basis for understanding the contemporary American scone. (5). Formulation of United States National Strategy. This is a comprehensive Integra ed seminar, bringing to,ether? the accumulated knowledge of the final semester senior. The class operates as the National Security Council, with ouch student representing his major field of career study, to formulate those major domestic and foreign policies which he fouls should guide the American strategy. Strategy in this sense is the integrating of national political, economic, sociological, military power to obtain common objectives. (6). Comparative Economic Systems. This course will develop an understanding o the basic distinctions between capitalism, the various types of socialism, and communism withrarticular'emphasis upon the implications of each to future American policy. (7). Contemporar American Social Problems. This course employs the findings and principles of sociology to develop awareness, factual knowledge, and under- standing of present social problems. (8). Cold War Semantics. This is a study of the mis- understandings that develop when people use identical words but with different meanings, or when people give their own interpretation to words without understanding their real meanin?s. The course will help eliminate misunderstandings and, consequently, crate more confidence between individuals and groups, in social or diplomatic relationships. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 i Qved For S0M0Z/At R 6R000600070001-8 c. The ress inin courses in the social sciences are at the option of the student except that prospective teachers must take the social science course titled, Peschinp of Social Sciences in Secondary Schools. d. Each member must orient his course arrangement toward either an overseas environment or life in the United States. The domestic route requires two years of foreign language while the overseas plan calls for three years of foreign language. 7. Finally, the Academy of Freedom is not an end in itself, It is only one of several programs offered in a college with a seventy-five year tradition of service in higher education. The Academy of Freedom is a means for screening those young people whose high character and dedication have attracted them to Howard Payne College by offering those with proven intellectual attainments an opportunity to concentrate their studies in those aspects of knowledge most intimately associated with contemporary problems of the American way of life. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Rp Of 7/A13Fg ,j DR BfRAdAR000600038001-8 The CHAIRMAN. There are no further questions? Doctor, we appreciate your appearance, and I am grateful for your views and a very fine presentation. Dr. WALSH. Thank you, sir. STATEMENT OF THE VETERANS OF FOREIGN WARS OF THE UNITED STATES BY BRIG. GEN. JAMES D. HITTLE, U.S. MARINE CORPS (RETIRED) The CHAIRMAN. Now at this point, I would like to insert in the record the statement of Brig. Gen. James D. Hittle, U.S. Marine Corps, retired. General Hittle is director of national security and foreign affairs of the Veterans of Foreign Wars of the United States. This statement includes the text of a resolution endorsing the Academy adopted by the Veterans of Foreign Wars. This statement is to be inserted in the record. (The statement referred to follows:) STATEMENT OF THE VETERANS OF FOREIGN WARS OF THE UNITED STATES BY BRIG. GEN. JAMES D. HITTLE, TJSMC (RETIRED) Mr. Chairman : My name is Brig. Gen. James D. Hittle, USMC (Retired). I appear before you in my position as director of national security and foreign affairs of the Veterans of Foreign Wars of the United States. The Veterans of Foreign Wars of the United States is happy to have the privilege of appearing before this committee with respect to the establishment of a United States Freedom Academy. This statement is submitted at the direction of, and with the approval of, Mr. John A. Jenkins, commander in chief of the Veterans of Foreign Wars of the United States. The Veterans of Foreign Wars supports in principle the establishment of a Freedom Academy. The reason why the VFW supports the Freedom Academy can be summarized as follows : The United States and our allies of the free world are locked in a protracted struggle with communism. The issue at stake is a very simple and basic one. It is whether or not the United States of America, together with the beliefs and institutions, which are our heritage, can survive. This, in essence, is the threat faced by all other freedom-loving peoples regard- less of the details of their governmental structure. Communism, operating on the basis of a strategy applied on a worldwide scale, is ruthless, persistent, and patient in its determination to achieve its goal of world conquest. If we are to persevere through to victory, we must know our enemy. That means we must have, as a nation, a clear, a definite, and a true understanding of communism as a philosophy and as a system. Such knowledge of our enemy and the threat he poses is indispensable to defeating that threat. The Veterans of Foreign Wars believes the Freedom Academy can fulfill a great need in providing authoritative, realistic knowledge of communism and the danger it poses. Such Academy, the VFW believes, should analyze and expose the na- ture of Communist aggression with its many facets, military, economic, social, and propaganda. We must also, as a nation, be mindful of our strength and our weaknesses as they relate to overcoming the Communist threat. This, too, it would seem, would be a function of the courses of study at the Freedom Academy. ,The position of the Veterans of Foreign Wars in this matter is based upon Resolution No. 137, unanimously adopted by the thousands of delegates attending our 1964 national convention in Cleveland, Ohio. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Aved Forga(IOZ/iet&46R000600070001-8 At this time, Mr. Chairman, I would like to Insert for the record the text of Resolution No. 187: Whereas, the International Communist conspiracy Is waging a total political war against the United States and against the peoples and governments of all other nations of the free world ; and Whereas, the United States must develop the methods and means to win the nonmilitary part of the global struggle between freedom and com- munism, and must educate and train leaders at all levels who can understand the full range and depth of the Communist attack and can visualize and organize the methods and means needed to meet and de- feat this attack and to work for the preservation and extension of free- dom, national independence; and self-government; and Whereas, a proposal has been submitted to the Congress of the United States for the creation of the necessary agency for the accomplishment of these purposes: Now, therefore, be it Resolved, by the 65th National Convention of the Veterans of Foreign Wars of the United States, That we urge immediate establishment of a Freedom Commission and Freedom Academy by the President and Congress of the United States to insure survival of world liberty. There Is one vital question that must be resolved before the Freedom Academy is actually established. I refer to the method of control for such an Academy. The role of such an Academy, In formulating national thought concerning the Communist threat and the methods of overcoming it, is so critically Important that the governing body of the Academy must be so organized that its theoretical and actual adherence to the anti-Communist objectives Is fully assured. It must be so composed as to make certain that softness, tolerance, and sympathy with communism In any form will not creep Into the curriculum and the attitude of the Academy. It would seem, therefore, that the governing body for a Freedom Academy should be established by law and should include, but not be limited to, the following: Director of the Central Intelligence Agency. Director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation. Secretary of Defense (or his representative). Secretary of State (or his representative), The chairman and ranking minority member of the Senate Internal Se- curity Subcommittee, United States Senate. The chairman and ranking minority member of the Committee on Un- American Activities, United States House of Representatives. It is submitted, Mr. Chairman, that unless such standards as set forth above are maintained for the Freedom Academy, then a Freedom Academy should not itself be established. A Freedom Academy controlled by those unsympathetic to its Intended purpose would be, in final analysis, more dangerous in existence than if it had never been created. At a later time, Mr. Chairman, the VFW will be glad to make more specific recommendations as to the governing body for a Freedom Academy The CIIAIRMAN. Further, before proceeding with the next outstand- ing witness, I would like to mention the fact that the Honorable Joseph S. Farland, U.S. Ambassador to the Dominican Republic from 1957 to 1960, Ambassador to the Republic of Panama from 1960 to 1963, and former FBI agent, had hoped to testify in sup~iort. of these proposals, and he had been scheduled to appear last week, May 7, but illness in his family prevented his attendance. Since then, busi- ness has taken him on a trip to Latin America, and therefore we will be denied the privilege of his views, because today marks the end of the hearings. STATEMENT OF THE ORDER OF LAFAYETTE Finally, I will point out that the Order of Lafayette, at its recent convention in Washington on May 8, adopted a resolution urging the House and Senate to take affirmative action on the Freedom Acad- emy bills, in their words "as a most important initial measure in a new Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For R gIA0 7/13FigI&ple&&M4 rR00060O 01-8 strategic plan for confronting Communist aggression in the cold war." I understand that the resolution is being sent to us, and it will be incorporated in the record. I might mention that the Order of Lafayette is made up of military officers who served in France in World Wars I and II. (The resolution follows:) Whereas, it is now clearly recognized that despite economic and military su- periority during the past twenty years, close cooperation with the United Nations and the most immense foreign aid program in world history, the United States has deteriorated as a world power, due to massive failures in the nonmilitary area of political and propaganda warfare. Whereas, it is now becoming increasingly clear that Communist officials are highly trained and dedicated Marxists whose consistent goal is domination of the free world by a master strategic plan and by effective political warfare ; and that this has resulted in the successful training of 20,000 student subversives each year who return to their countries as effective Communist leaders to pro- mote infiltration and subversion : Now, therefore. be it Resolved, by the Order of Lafayette in convention assembled, May 8, 1965, that the United States immediately initiate counter-measures to confront Communist aggression, infiltration and political take-over, by establishing a number of Freedom Academies to enable the citizens of the free world to develop the politi- cal skills necessary to preserve their freedom ; and further be it Resolved, that the Order of Lafayette recommends that the House of Repre- sentatives and the Senate take affirmative action on the Freedom Academy and Freedom Commission bills as a most important initial measure in a new strategic plan for confronting Communist aggression in the cold war. The CHAIRMAN. And now we are privileged indeed to have with us the Honorable William C. Doherty, former U.S. Ambassador to Ja- maica. Mr. Doherty has been national president of the National Association of Letter Carriers and, more recently, vice president and a member of the executive council of the AFL-CIO. Now, I personally point out that Bill is every ounce a. good man, a good father, a good husband, and we can see he is not exactly a light- weight. There are a lot of pounds of goodness in Bill Doherty. We are glad to have you, Bill, Mr. Ambassador. I understand that we called you on short notice and I don't know whether you have been able to whip up anything in formal shape, but, formally or informally or any other way, we would like to hear from you. STATEMENT OF HON. WILLIAM C. DOHERTY # Mr. DoHERTY. Mr. Chairman and Members of the distinguished Committee : At the outset I think I ought to make it crystal clear that I am not the Ambassador to whom the previous witness referred, although my service was in the diplomatic corps. The CHAIRMAN. I could have said so myself. That part was off the record, but since we heard it, I am glad to have your remarks. Mr. DoHERTY. I found the good doctor most interesting, and I want to say, Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, that I have had some personal knowledge of Project HOPE, and it pleases me no end to hear committee members praising the work of the good doctor. I only would that there were 10,000 ships in the good doctor's fleet. They stopped in Jamaica while I was there, and it is a magnificent operation, almost akin, I think, to the Peace Corps itself and also, I think, akin to the good work that is being done by the American In- stitute for Free Labor Development. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Ap94oved Forte@ g, 2p@?/ 7/pl&k 46R000600070001-8 These are real people-to-people programs that are so vitally neces- sary in this day and age As you know, my name is ' N"illiam C. Doherty, and I am appearing here today as a private citizen to testify in support of the Freedom Commission Act. My background and experiences have led me to take a particular interest in the subject matter of this bill. For 21 years I was president of the National Association of Letter Carriers, and I was active in both the AFL and later the AFL-CIO. I am at present a vice presi- dent emeritus of the latter organization. In addition, I served from 1962 to 19G4 as United States Ambassa- dor to Jamaica.. It was my Honor to be the first American Ambassa- dor to that nation after it received its independence from Britain. With this background in both labor and foreign affairs, I have had occasion to observe the methods employed by Communists both in this country and abroad in their attempts to undermine free institutions and turn legitimate movements and innocent individuals into instru- ments for furthering their totalitarian purposes. As is well known to the members of this committee, the Communists have over a period of 40 years developed and refined a number of po- litical warfare techniques to a high level of effectiveness. These techniques are taught to Communists from all over the world in a very extensive network of political schools within the. Communist countries. The graduates of these schools then return to their own countries to staff Communist. Party organizations and Communist- front groups. They know how to write propaganda and how to reproduce and distribute it.. They know how to couch their propaganda so as to ap- peal to various interests and attitudes among the target population. The CHArRMfAN. And you are so right about that. Mr. DonERTY. Nell, Mr. Chairman, I am glad you interrupted, be- cause I wanted to make a brief reference, if I might. digress, to tell of an experience some 20 years ago, during my short stay in Berlin. At that time, in Berlin in 1945, as all of the members of the commit- tee know, Berlin was operating under a quadripartite setup. All four governments were supposedly attempting to establish constituted au- thority in Berlin. And even at that time, the Soviet- was coming into the homes in Western Germany, and in Western Berlin in particular, and taking the heads of the house, fathers, anyone with skills, away, kidnaping them out of the Western sector of Berlin and bringing them into the Soviet, into the salt mines of Siberia, never again to be seen. And as a result, I went on Radio Berlin at that time, referring to this sys- tem of slave labor, for which some of the officials in our Government, the Office of Military Government for the United States. were at that time complaining, because I used the expression "slave labor." And what else was it, sir I They were taking them out of their homes, bringing them into the Soviet. Union and various places to use their skills in science and edu- cational fields. and they never got- back into their homes in West Berlin or in West Germany, and I had as my witness at that time the late Cardinal Von Preysing, with whom I conferred while I was visiting Berlin. I was over there on a special mission for the Presi- Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Release 2005/0 /13~;RCRAPPM 9O ~R000600( 01-8 PROVIDING FO dent of the United States, who had asked me to go there through the good offices of General Lucius Clay. May I say that the Communists know how to utilize groups which have goals only partially compatible with communism in campaigns which actually further the overall Communist program. For example, Communists often succeed in enlisting pacifists and democratic social reformers in movements which are actually aimed more at discrediting free governments and promoting Communist to- talitarianism than at the limited and laudable goals to which they superficially appear to be directed. Graduates of Communist political schools know how to organize groups, how to arrange demonstrations, and how to transmute a peace- ful demonstration into forceful "mass action." They know how to use limited slogans to enlist peasants in guerrilla operations actually un- der Communist control. Given favorable social and political conditions, such trained polit- ical experts can be effective out of all proportion to their numbers. In stable societies, such conditions are absent, and Communist movements degenerate into pitiable cliques of cranks and misfits, as we have seen in the United States and several countries of Western Europe. In the developing nations, however, which are going through the wrenching revolutions set off by the Western impact and the resulting drive for modernization, institutions are not stable, large groups feel that their interests are unrepresented, masses of people are confused and despairing, and here the conditions for effective political action by Communists trained in the appropriate techniques are all too fre- quently present. In the years since World War II, and particularly in recent months and weeks, we have seen how dangerous Communist political efforts can be to the cause of democracy and pluralistic development in general, and to the national interests of the United States in particular. Communist guerrilla and political action brought Mao Tse-tung to power in China. Adroit and energetic political action allowed the Communists to seize control of the democratic revolution which over- threw Batista in Cuba. A few months ago, a rather small number of Communists trained in Cuba and elsewhere came very close to maneuvering Zanzibar into the Communist bloc and the danger is by no means eliminated today. Most recently, a fairly small number of Communist agents, taking advantage of a people deprived of political experience by 40 years of reactionary dictatorship, captured at least partial control of an ini- tially democratic revolution in the Dominican Republic-and, mind you, I was just 90 miles from the Dominican Republic while I was stationed in Jamaica-making necessary the intervention of American troops to prevent the installation of a dictatorship of the left. I want to say, at this point, that I commend President Johnson for his forthright action in stabilizing the chaotic situation in the Dominican Republic. His administration is taking a strong stand against communism in the Caribbean, just as he is in Vietnam, where the slightest sign of irresolution on the part of the United States could endanger the whole of Southeast Asia. 47-003 O-63--16 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Ap9Ooved ForA@~RgW29g?/0,7/,lli -Ftg 7#4&146R000600070001-8 However, one cannot. help but speculate as to what. might, have been done earlier to prevent situations such as those in Vietnam and the Dominican Republic from degenerating to the point that military action was required to stave off Communist. threats. Had freemen dedicated to the cause of democratic reform and development been as well organized, as energetic, and as well trained in basic political techniques as were the Communists, it would have been democratic groups which organized the peasantry in Vietnam and it. would have been democratic forces which emerged as the focal point of action from the confused situation in the Dominican Republic. Clearly, the free world must take steps to give those devoted to democratic action the training needed to overcome the threat of Com- munist activity. Democrats must learn how to organize student groups, labor unions, women's clubs, political parties, and all the other organizations basic to effective political action. They must also learn the operating tech- niques of the Communists, so that freemen can anticipate what. the Communists will do and use democratic action to defeat the Com- munists when they do begin to move. The Freedom cademy offers one promising approach to this prob- lem of training cadres for democratic political action. It would give a full-time staff the support needed to carry out research on Commu- nist political techniques, on the curricula of Communist political schools, and on the use made by local Communist parties of graduates of these schools. It would also allow the development of ideas and procedures for combating Communist subversion and building up the many free organizations required for a pluralistic democracy capable of carrying through true social reforms. The Freedom Academy could also instruct our diplomats, infor- mation experts, and aid advisers on Communist tactics in developing areas and on techniques which could be suggested to aid-receiving groups as probably effective in countering Communist challenges. Finally, the Academy could train members of democratic groups in other countries, be they farm groups, labor unions, political parties, government bureaucracies, or other organizations, in the political skills needed to effectively achieve democratic social goals and remain im- pervious to Communist infiltration. We in the American labor movement have considerable experience in these problems. The international department. of the AFL-CIO constantly works in many ways to strengthen free, democratic labor unions throughout the world. Since 1962, the American Institute for Free Labor Development leas been working in Latin America to strengthen free unions and to bring social progress directly to their members, This year, the Afro-American Labor Center opened in New York to undertake a related program in the countries of Africa. I am convinced that our experience in the labor field shows that the type of research and training to be carried out by the proposed Frec Iom Academy will be very effective in building democratic in- stitutions and opposing communism. The CiuAim3iAx. May I interrupt one second? Mr. Donxzry. Yes, Mr. Chairman. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For RePeeOvIOR70113 r&&-WPA~MJW000600U2'01-8 The CHAIRMAN. In the conversation I had with you, I asked you at the time if you would talk about this work on the part of labor. I happen to know the work of the organization formed by the AFL- CIO and its effectiveness, right south of us in the South and Central American Republics, where people from those areas come here, and they learn about our type of labor movement, and go back, and then try to inculcate in their country what a labor movement really means in a democratic society. Mr. DOHERTY. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. The CHAIRMAN. I am glad you brought up this point. Mr. DOHERTY. Thank you far that fine observation. If I am not considered to be presumptuous, I do believe .that the American Institute for Free Labor Development has been the main strength in the whole Alliance for Progress. If you will go down to any country in Central or South America or into the Caribbean area where I served, you will find that the AIFLD is probably better known than the Alliance for Progress itself, and I know that is a broad state- ment, but I honestly feel that way about it. Whereas our work is concerned with one specific type of institution, the Freedom Academy could operate on a broader basis and bring the benefits of democratic political training to a wider spectrum of organizations. To look more closely at the relevant experience of the AIFLD, I should like to first describe its training program. Through local seminars in Latin America, through 3-month courses in resident centers in most capital cities, and through an additional course given at our school in Washington, D.C., young Latin American trade unionists are taught how to administer their unions, how to collect dues, how to prepare for responsible collective bargaining how to detect Com- munist attempts at infiltration, and how to foil them should they occur. To date over 20,000 young unionists-these are Latin Americans- have passed through one or another phase of this training. The CHAIRMAN. May I ask a question? Mr. DOHERTY. Yes, Mr. Chairman. The CHAIRMAN. How is this financed? Is that Federal money, now, or from your own coffers? Mr. DOHERTY. That is an excellent question. I am very happy to say that the major financing comes from the welfare funds of the trade unions. In many of these larger unions, such as the Steelworkers, the Auto Workers, the Sheet Metal Workers, and the Electrical Workers, their welfare funds are bulging over with accumulated funds, and so this, then, gives an opportunity to use those moneys, not in violation of Landrum-Griffin or Taft-Hartley, but to use the moneys in the field of constructing homes and schools in these various countries through- out Central and South America. In addition to the moneys that come from welfare funds, some of the largest industries in the United States, and our businesses, are putting funds into the AIFLD. I might cite that one of the founders of the AIFLD was the late Eric Johnston, and even today we have men like Peter Grace of Grace Lines on the board of directors. He is a former chairman of the Amer- icaai Institute, and the illustrious American trade union leader, George Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 ved Forte o2 /0A7/REEgAF I $4J46R000600070001-8 Meany, is also on the board of directors of the institute. So it is not a government-to-government proposition. It is a. people-to-people proposition, where business and labor together in the United States of America have started this wonderful movement to combat communism and all other subversive activities south of our border. The CHAIRMAN. Well, I compliment. the effort of labor and manage- ment in this project. I think it is a wonderful institution. Mr. DoimirrY. Throughout Latin America these trainees are now moving into positions of increasing authority within their unions, often displacing previous Communist leadershi in the process. In addition to giving the trade union leaders a thorough grounding in democratic philosophy and skills, the AIFLD gives them a con- crete social program designed to bring the Alliance for Progress di- rectly to the workers, so that their tangible needs can be filled. The AFL-CIO's member unions have earmarked $67 million for lending to union housing projects in Latin America. Representatives of AIFLD's social projects department assist. Latin American unions in setting up credit unions, housing cooperatives, workers' banks, and smaller self-help projects of community development. In rural a AIFLD experts help agrarian unions to bring knowl- edge of better farming techniques to t~ieir members and to organize marketing and production co-ops to increase rural productivity and provide a better life for the peasant.. When programs such as these begin operating, they provide benefits now, that Communist agitators can only promise vaguely for the fu- ture, after a bloody and costly revolution. Taken together, we believe AIFLD's training and social programs offer an effective approach to building free labor institutions and, in the process, defeating Communist. attempts at subversion. I gather that many of these same approaches would be taught in the courses of the Freedom Academy. And on the basis of our experience in the international field of free trade unionism, we feel such instruc- tion will be of great benefit to the cause of freedom. Mr. POOL. May I interrupt at. this point? Mr. DonxwrY. Yes, Congressman Pool. Mr. PooL. I think that is a very good point., and I think that it is most important. for the success of the Freedom Academy that labor is provided a.n opportunity to participate in this. I think that probably the point is that the American people could do the most good internationally by showing that American labor is participating in this program. Mr. Doi. Well, I thank the distinguished gentleman from Texas. It is for this reason that I support the bill now under consideration. I am referring, of course, to the bill introduced by the distingiuslied Congressman who testified here this morning, the Honorable Hale Boggs, of Louisiana.. I would like at this point. to conclude by citing a few specific lessons which we have learned from our overseas labor work and which, I am sure, will be beneficial to the successful operation of the Freedom Academy. First, the Academy must broadly represent all the main strands within the American political consensus. It can succeed only if it has Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For ReM%A95A/1A3 F&, PWNM 0006000J9001-8 the full support of most major interest groups, most philosophical viewpoints, and both major parties. If it becomes the exclusive preserve of one clique or one viewpoint, it will never get the support needed to survive. In the case of the AIFLD, its great strength is that it is supported not only by labor, but also by business; not only by liberals, but by virtually the whole sweep of United States political opinion and by both Republicans and Democrats. The same must be true of the Freedom Academy. Without the full confidence of the public as a whole, the effort would be bound to fail. I hope that in drafting the bill, machinery will be provided which will be sure to reflect the views of all major groups within the Ameri- can consensus. Second, in training foreigners, the Academy should work through existing democratic organizations in developing areas. To oppose communism, people must have an alternative program to which they are committed as strongly as Communists are to Marxism. The foreign students selected should not be isolated individuals or "professional anti-Communists," but should be active members of democratic political parties, labor unions, youth groups, and other civil organizations. It is only by working through the existing democratic union move- ment in Latin America, which is committed to a program of social progress, that the AIFLD and the AFL-CIO have had any real effec- tiveness. I feel sure that the same principle would apply to the Free- dom Academy. Third, the Academy should work to engage the United States pri- vate sector as much as possible in its efforts- This is because private efforts are less suspect abroad than the work of a Government agency. Such official agencies obviously are supposed to serve the immediate foreign policy interests of the state, whereas private groups can be presumed to have wider latitude. The Academy should train American private citizens in how to set up union-to-union, farmer-to-farmer, university-to-university, and similar private relationships. The knowledge of Communist techniques and democratic political skills could best be transmitted from the Academy to private United States groups, to their counterparts abroad, rather than directly from our Government to foreign nationals. This private, institution-to-institution approach has proved its merit in the experiences of the AIFLD, AFL-CIO, Credit Union Interna- tional, Four-H, and other private groups. Finally, Mr. Chairman and distinguished members of the commit- tee, the graduates of the Academy must promote a philosophy of social reform and economic progress in keeping with our democratic ideals. The groups chosen must be forces for progress, with programs directly attacking real social ills. While political skills and techniques are important, it is issues and programs and philosophy which win political campaigns, whether in a United States election or in a confused, cold war situation abroad. Political gimmicks will not win the cold war. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 roved Forq{" 25/,p7il?gl1- W46R000600070001-8 If the policy content of a group's program is not appealingg, all the finely honed techniques and stratagems in the world cannot hel it to match the social appeals of the Communists to a desperate poon. The real reason why American labor's efforts abroad have Mn beesuc- cessful is that we stand for a better deal for the worker. The political skills taught in our schools, and which will be taught in the Freedom Academy, are of value only as mechanisms to put across our social message. It is the content, not the form of politics, that counts. I am confident that if these maxims are followed the proposed Free- dom Academy will make a great contributionto the cause of-democracy throughout the world. It is this potential that led me to come here today to support the bill, and I want to thank the committee very sin- cerely for having given me the opportunity to come here and express my views before such a distinguished and influential forum. I will gladly answer any questions, Mr. Chairman, if I can. The CHAIRMAN. We are deeply grateful to you, Mr. Ambassador, as you still retain that title, especially an ambassador of good will for this country abroad, and we are personally grateful to you for your contribution. Now off the record. (Discussion off the record.) The CHAIRMAN. I have no questions. Mr. Dona . May I say something on the record, Mr. Chairman l I was very much interested in the question which Congressman Ichord osod to Dr. Walsh relative to our great senior statesman, Averell Harriman, in the incident that occurred last week. And from my point of view-and I can speak very freely as an American who has all the rights of free speech and expression- think it was abominable. Something is wrong somewhere when a spokesman, a top-level re - resentative of the Government of the United States, can't speak freelpy, which is one of the basic tenets of democracies, before a student group. "Abominable" is the right word. We all believe in freedom of speech. If colleges and universities- and I don't condemn them, of course, as such, because it isn't the whole faculty or student body-have forgotten that basic tenet we are in serious trouble. A Government representative, a senior statesman- being denied that privilege tome is abominable. I wanted to get that off my chest. Mr. POOL. Mr. Chairman, I will join with you in thanking the gentle- man for appearing and I want to make a comment that this is without a doubt, to mview, the best presentation that I have heard since I have been a member of this committee. Mr. I}oHioci r. Thank you, Congressman. Mr. PooL. With the nermis_ion of the committee, I want to put it in the Cangreseivnal Record. The CHAIRMAN. That will be done. Mr. IcHoin. Mr. Chairman ? I wanted, Mr. Chairman, to express my pleasure at seeing Mr. Doherty again. I doubt if there is any person who has more friends on the dill than does Bill Doherty, and I want to commend you, sir, for a very informative and enlightening statement. I join with my colleague from Texas in stating that I believe you really have gotten at the meat of the problem. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Rea ,ei29WX Y1 ?P8c7 680006000=01-8 Witness after witness has come before this committee and has elaborated upon the gap, upon the deficiency which does exist, by pointing out that we are conversing with the leaders, but the Commu- nists are getting to the people, or at least a hard core, enough of a hard- core activist group, where they are able to overthrow the existing government. And I think what you have pointed out in your statement, what American labor is doing, and how it can be expanded, is one way to get to the people. I commend you highly, sir for your statement. You are now vice president emeritus of AFL-CIO. Are you actually working with the AIFLD now? Mr. DOHERTY. No; I am not on anyone's payroll. I am free and unencumbered. You might say that I am in a quasi-retirement capacity. I resigned as the Ambassador to Jamaica last year to come back and meet some of my old friends here on Capital Hill, and enjoyed it- tremendously, and am now enjoying my present status more than words can tell. Let me thank you, Congressman, for your expressions. I am always happy to come back here and identify myself with anything that has to do with bettering conditions here in the United States of America, and as you probably suspect, I loathe communism. I am not one who looks under the bed every night before I retire to see if there is one there. Mr. IcHORD. I agree with the gentleman there. Mr. DOHERTY. But we have got to keep our eyes open all the time. I have been on the international committee of the old AFL, and the AFL-CIO, from 1945 on, more than 20 years' service on that commit- tee, and it is something to keep watching. We have got to be on the alert all the time, and that is one of the reasons I was prompted to come here this morning. Thank you, again, very much. Mr. ICHORD. I would join with the gentleman there. I have often said that one of the greatest problems that responsible people have in fighting communism is this hysteria fringe which tends to see a Com- munist behind every bush, and it makes it more difficult to really get down to the real battle of fighting communism and knowing how to fight it. Mr. DOHERTY. Thank you, sir. Mr. IcHORD. I am very happy that our colleague from Texas is putting Mr. Doherty's statement in the Record. I think that it is excellent. As I indicated a while ago, this is a real analysis of the problem. The CHAIRMAN. May I add just one thought? I think one of the finest sentences of the statement is the one appear- ing on page 2: I'They"-the Communists-"know how to utilize groups which have goals only partially compatible with communism in campaigns which actually further the overall Communist program." And I think that is exactly what is in your mind, and has been in my mind all these years as a member of this committee. From this flows the utilization of front organizations. One of the Communists' major weapons is their ability to take a high-sounding name for an organiza- Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 roved Fo,' base 5LOWt3Ei A4RDMI 6&446R000600070001-8 tion and attract the unsuspecting and the otherwise good people to join and then just sell that line through those groups, I think that is a beautiful sentence. Mr. CLAWSON. I would just like to join with my colleagues, Mr. Ambassador. I appreciate the statement. I think it is a very fine one, and frankly, it has been my first opportunity to hear you, so, as a result, I am even more appreciative of the fact that your testimony is in this hearing record. I think it will make a real contribution when the Academy has been established, because of the technical nature of your background and experience, things that should be done in the Academy, and how it should operate. Mr. DoHERTY. Thank you, Congressman Clawson. Mr. CLAWSON. I commend your view and thank you for being here with us. I am glad that. I was a part. of this committee this morning. Mr. DOHERT%. Thank you. Thank you very much. The CHAIR MAN. Well, good luck, Bill. Now, our final witness is Mr. Rufus C. Phillips III. Is he with us? Mr. Phillips is president of Intercontinental -Consultants, Inc., with offices in five countries. During the past 10 years, he has served as a United States Army officer in orea, special adviser for psychological warfare with the United States military advisory group in Vietnam, planning officer, adviser on countersubversion in Laos and Vietnam, in both an official capacity with the Department of State and as a private expert. We are very delighted to have you, sir, and I know you will give us very valuable information. STATEMENT OF RUFITS C. PHILLIPS III Mr. Puuiars. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. I would like to say initially that Mr. Doherty has already said a good deal of what I planned today to say in a general senses The CIIAIRBMAN. Say it in your own words. Mr. PHHauPS. -so I won't repeat too much of what he said. I will try and talk, however, to my own personal experience, which includes about 6 years out in Southeast. Asia, working mostly out at the grass- or rice-roots level, attempting to help local people combat communism and, at the same time build a government and a political life for themselves that they would feel was worth risking their own lives to defend, and this is precisely, and has been precisely, the issue at stake in Southeast Asia now for many years. I have also had some experience in Latun America, about 3 years as a private businessman, and I have had extensive conversations with Latin American friends of mine on the same subject. More recently, I have spent almost a year in the Middle East and have found an astonishing similarity of problems and of attitudes on the part of many of the people in those countries in comparison with Asia and Latin America, and what they seek from the United States. The kind of assistance they would like to have from us, and the kind of assistance to date that they have not been receiving, is, in particular, what I think that the Freedom Commission and the Free- Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For R J R0p69,7/13F,RQiDF R0006009 8001-8 dour Academy bill will supply. It is something which has been lack- ing, almost completely lacking, in many countries, in the execution of our foreign policy. I testify from personal experience, having been a member of the overall State Department setup. I was in the Agency for International Development, most recently as the assistant director for rural affairs and counterinsurgency in Vietnam, which was the entire AID pro- gram targeted at the rural area in an attempt to win the people away from communism. I can testify that, in my opinion, most of our people serving abroad in the United States Government do not understand revolution, do not understand communism as an organizational weapon, even though they may understand the theory of it, and, for the most part, are not able to work effectively with local people in a team relationship wherein they help the local people to develop ideas and ways and means of effectively combating communism and building political institutions for themselves in which they believe and which they will support. And, as I understand it-I have read all of the literature about it -- I think that the proposed Freedom Academy would help supply this need. We need to train Americans in how to deal with communism and how to assist people in foreign countries in opposing it. At the same time, we need to provide a facility for training those from abroad. I can tell you a personal experience of mine, and a most recent one. While I was in the Middle East, I made a friend who is a young Arab who comes from one of the countries there which has been in the midst of a revolution, has had about 20 coups since World War II, is still going through constant political turmoil, and is gradually drifting toward the left, closer and closer to the Communist bloc. This Verson told me that if he and others at some time earlier had only had an opportunity to receive some training in the techniques of opposing communism and of building their own country along demo- cratic lures, that he felt that the history of his country would not be the same as it is today. And he said, "Even now, if there was some training in the United States that some of us who truly love our country could receive, we could put it to use and I assure you that our country would not go Communist. But,'; he said, "I have gone to the American Embassy to some friends I have and presented them with this problem, and they say that there is no training like this available in the United States. "I have been to the United States. I know something about your political institutions. I know that you have much to contribute, and there is much for us to learn that we could apply in our country. But," he said, "how can I do this? Where *can I go? Who can I get to help me? We need this training and, if we could only get it, we could change the history of our country." I can assure the committee that in many other countries this is also true. I know from my own personal experience in Southeast Asia that there have been occasions when people have approached me for this kind of training and there has been no place for them to go, no one that I could refer them to. Consequently, some of us have been con- Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Ajpved For ,902( /OA7/;&E9*PQ M0446R000600070001-8 duct in , in effect, an on-the-job training pro rram, if you will, in how to apply democratic techniques in this revolutionary situation in South- east Asia. And if we have had any success at all, it is because we have been able to speak to the local people on their own terms and to respond to their real problems. But we had to learn through experience--the hard way. I have brought along with me here a statement from one of the nationalist leaders of South Vietnam, who is today a prominent ad- viser to the South Vietnamese Government. He wrote something in 1963 which was a paper addressed to his own people, about the polit- ical dilemma in Vietnam and what he felt was the way out. And in this paper he had something very cogent to say about Amer- ican aid and American assistance, and, mind you, this person is very friendly toward the United States. I would like to read this, because I believe it applies precisely to the Freedom Academy proposal. It will illustrate to you how many Southeast Asians feel about the United States and what they seek from the United States. He says the following : In short, in its aid to the under-developed world in the midst of a revolution for emancipation, the U.B. has never yet fought against the Communists with ideas of Freedom and of Justice but, at least until now, only with bombs and dollars. Instead of assuming the role of a leader, it has confined itself to that of a mere purveyor of means. ? * * And I would like to go on and read another paragraph. He says : With regard to the anti-Communist fight in general, the political solution consists of reinvigorating the Vietnamese anti-Communist movement, of a re- organization and a development of the tiationalists, and of reinforcing the anti- Communist motivation by an efficient national renovation based on democracy. By ignoring our revolution and the intranational aspect of our anti-Communist fight, the U.B. has jeopardized such a solution instead of helping work for it. As a high-ranking American official put it, "the anti-Communist fight in Vietnam is seventy-five percent political and twenty-five percent military." Yet, everything American is directed to the twenty-five percent and nothing to the seventy-five percent. ? ? * The way out, to our mind, is not by an abandonment but, on the contrary, by going deep into every local revolutionary problem and helping solve them using principles of justice and freedom, and perhaps in fusing them with the revolutionary spirit of 1776 from which the United States herself was born and developed. * * 41 Now and my personal belief is that the proposed Freedom Acad- emy could help supply this-if we can infuse our own people who go abroad with the spirit of 1778, and if we can help infuse students who come from abroad with this spirit, along with knowledge of the tech- niques of a democratic revolution, this will indeed supply something that has been terribly lacking in the executign of our foreign policy. Very frankly, had we been able to supply these things earlier in Vietnam, I assure you the course of history there would have been different. I was there from 1954 to 1956, when indeed we did supply some of these things, and this is why Vietnam survived at that time. One of the things that we did at that time was to bring potential Vietnamese leaders over to the Philippines, where they were able to see the revolution that the late President Magsaysay was carrying out there, when the Communist Huks in the Philippines were defeated precisely because Magsaysay was able to restore the faith of the Philip- pine people in their own government and in their own system of government. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Re QO5 @jiJ1A3 irg4&RQP " 0006000!q?01-8 Well, this is exactly what was needed in Vietnam-to establish a system of government in which the people could believe. We helped President Ngo Dinh Diem do this, and it was a good system. Un- fortunately, we failed to provide any meaningful followup guidance and assistance, and the system eventually went sour. But Initially, Vietnam survived because, quite frankly, there were Americans in Vietnam at the time of 1954 who were able to guide and advise and assist the Vietnamese in setting up a government and in holding together their country. Mr. POOL. At this point, Mr. Chairman, could I interrupt? The CHAIRMAN. Yes. Mr. PooL. That is one of the reasons that the American Government had such a problem during the last year or two in Vietnam, attempting to set up a government, something for them to fight for. That s what your testimony in ?act said, to the effect that it is very important to have a democratic-t pe government, and not just a dictatorship or reestablish another dictatorship or something like that. That is, in effect, what our problem is. Isn't that right ? Mr. PHILLIPS. That is correct. And by establishing the right kind of government, you create a cause for which the people are willing to fight. You can't do this by imposing something on them, but you can do it by working with them, as.friends, to help bring these political things about. Frankly, because our people are not trained in politics and most of them, most of our people in the State Department and in AID, have had no political experience, they tend, without being unduly critical, to be bureaucratic in their outlook. This is not a bureaucratic problem, and one of the things that I would hope for is that, through a Freedom Academy, we could introduce many of our people in the State Department to actual practical political problems in the United States. I would like to say that I also concur completely with Mr. Doherty in that I feel that a great deal of participation from the private sector is essential if the Freedom Academy is to really respond to this type of problem. I would like to see as much private participation as possible. I would also like to see that selected foreign nationals, who very often have quite acute observations to make about Americans and American institutions and how they can be applied in their own countries, should also have an opportunity to part icl ate in an advisory role to this Commission and to the Freedom Academy. My only reservation about the Freedom Academy is that it could become dominated too much by a bureaucratic outlook, that is to say, by the bureaucracy of the U.S. Government. If this happens, I don't think that the Academy will be effective, because unless it is able to operate semi-independently, unless it is able to establish connections with people abroad through private groups in the United States, a lot of the dynamism and a lot of the spirit of the thing will be lost. To be successful, this can't be an administrative, bureaucratic approach to things. It must be full of inspiration, and it must generate a genuine desire on the part of the people who attend it to go out and do concrete things for their country. Unfortunately, this is not the spirit that comes through much of the training which is being given inside our Government today. There is too much, and I suppose this is natural, but there is too much empha- Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 A proved Foa'Ralmm 2 15/j97f 3EilDkA- 46R000600070001-8 sis on administration. I would like to say, also, that I do not believe that the proposed bill put forth by the State Department for the Na- tional Academy of Foreign Affairs would in any sense be adequate for this problem. It would merely be an expanded version of what is now being given, which is, I assure you, inadequate. I speak from personal experience, because, although I have not attended these courses, I have given lectures at them. If the Freedom Academy idea and programs are incorporated in a National Academy of Foreign Affairs, it will not produce what is needed. It will not respond to what is a tremendous need in our foreign policy, a critical need. That's all I have to say Mr. Chairman. The CHAIRMAN. Thank you very much for a very fine presentation. Mr. ICHORD. Mr. Chairman, I wish to thank Mr. Phillips for appear- ing before the committee and giving us the benefit of his judgment and experience. I think you might, by reason of your experience in Vietnam, enlighten me on a question which has bothered me. I can't understand how the Viet Cong have apparently successfully managed and utilized terror tactics on the one hand against the po ulace, and then with the other hand held out the sugar plum, so to speak. Mr. Pauams. Well, the Communists are quite selective in their terror tactics. You will find that, generally speaking, their direct terrorism is at. people who are already fairly firmly committed to our side, and if they are dealing with it group of the population which is fairly neutral, then they will try to select out among that population as targets for their terror those who have some tendency to go against them. They make examples of these people. In order to understand how the Communists are organized in South Vietnam, you really should go back a number of years, actually back to the war against the French, which the Communists took over. In fact, Ho Chi Minh, as far as many Vietnamese are concerned, is in essence the Benedict Arnold of Vietnam, because he was a traitor to what was initially a nationalist revolution. During the war against the French in South Vietnam, there were a number of areas where resistance developed against the French. The Communists took over this resistance movement, and historically, you have had in these areas families who have always been a part of the resistance movement. As the resistance was taken over by the Communists, many of these families continued as Communists. Some left because of the Communist takeover of the resistance, but it has been on the basis of those families who remained in various areas that the Communists have been able to come back into South Vietnam and start, out with an organizational base. Using this base, they expanded their organization through the family system. As you know, in Asia, and particularly in any culture which is influenced by the Chinese, the family is extremely strong. Consequently, the Coni- munists, working through the family, initially recruit- a man's brother, then his cousin, and so on, and this is how they have been able to spread their organization. Now, gradually, of course, as they have grown stronger, their orga- nization is no longer based on family ties, but this is really how it starts out. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Rggr;@0?(J,7/13FRg,DR00060099001-8 When I was in Vietnam in 1954 and 1955, .I was assigned as an adviser to the Vietnamese Army on what were then called pacification operations. The Vietnamese Army was sent out into two very large zones which the Communists had occupied, to reoccupy these zones and take them over for the national government. One of the things we found was that just before the zones were occupied by the national government, the Communists had ordered their troops, all the unmar- ried ones to marry local girls, thereby immediately establishing family relationships. Secondly, they kidnaped as many young men as they could from these areas, from the ages of about 10 to 16, and they took them up north for training. This meant that all of the relatives of those young men were auto- matically involved in the movement. These young men were trained up north and sent back into the south, in 1958, 1959, and 1960, and some are still coming back. They, in turn, contacted their relatives upon their return to the south, which gave them a base. And then from that base they began to expand, using precisely the method of selective terror, of attempting to single out and eliminate those people who were supporting the government, and also to cow the majority into submission. Mr. ICHORD. They only use the terror tactics when they are in a position of strength, then? Mr. PHILLIPS. No; they started out initially with terror tactics. Their objective was to eliminate all government authority at the lowest level, that is, at the hamlet and village level. Consequently in 1959 and 1960, they assassinated some 4,000 to 5,000 local government offi- cials. This immediately created a vacuum, a political and adminis- trative vacuum, in the rural areas into which they moved. Mr. ICHCRD. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. Mr. CLAwsoN. T don't have any questions. I want to thank Mr. Phillips for being here. I think your back- ground of experience certainly served its purpose, by the evidence, the testimony that you provided for us. Mr. PHILLIPS. Thank you very much, sir. I would like to say that I wholeheartedly support this bill, and I certainly hope it passes. It has been long overdue. The CHAIRMAN. Thank you. CLOSING STATEMENT OF HON. EDWIN E. WILLIS Mr. WILLIS. The Chair wishes to say that recently I had occasion to examine the December 1964 issue of Free China t Asia, which is the official publication of the Republic of China unit of the Asian Peoples' Anti-Communist League, an organization established by the free gov- ernments and peoples of Asia shortly after the cessation of hostilities in Korea in order to promote freedom and oppose the spread of com- munism on that continent. This magazine contains some of the major speeches delivered at the 10th Conference of Asian Peoples' Anti-Communist League, which was held in Taipei, Formosa, in November 1964, and also messages sent to the conference and resolutions adopted by it. Before com- menting on one of those resolutions, I would like to state a few facts Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 A ved ForfkWe"02( /0 /HgEg*P ylBNg446R000600070001-8 about the conference referred to so that those not familiar with the Asian Peoples' Anti-Communist League will have some understanding of its significance and influence. Forty-seven units representing both member nations of the Asian Peoples' Anti-Communist. League and observers attended its 10th Con- ference on Formosa. They came from many parts of the world. Among the delegates were the former President of Lebanon, 3 former or incumbent Speakers of Parliaments, 2 former Premiers, 7 former Ministers, 2 former Ambassadors, 23 incumbent Members of Parlia- ments, 7 political party leaders, and 3 mayors or Governors. In addi- tion, there were college presidents, professors, industrial leaders, and political commentators. More than 60 messages from anti-Communist leaders in various nations were received, including messages from the Presidents of the Philippines, the Republic of Vietnam, and the Re- public of Korea. Obviously, this organization and its proceedings warrant our atten- tion and consideration, and I would like to read mto the record at this point the text of one of the resolutions adopted at the conference: RF..soLuTioN SUPPORTING 0PERA7I0Y OF THz APACL FREEDOM CENTER The 10th Conference of the Asian Peoples' Anti-Communist League : Recalling by previous League Conferences resolutions on the establishment of the APACL Freedom Center, on the acceleration of preparatory work for the APACL Freedom Center, and on finalizing the establishment of the APACL Freedom Center and its operation ; Having received with appreciation the report on the progress of the prepara- tory work for the APACL Freedom Center submitted by the Korean delegation ; In hearty appreciation of the unsparing support on the part of the Government and people of the Republic of Korea, as well as the wholehearted support from the APACL member units and observers and other freedom-loving peoples which have enabled the APACL Freedom Center Preparatory Commission to carry out preparations for the Center despite various difficulties, and especially for the positive support on the part of the U.S. Congress evidenced by the speech delivered by Rep. Dante B. Fascell, Chairman of the Subcommittee on International Organizations and Movements of the House Committee on Foreign Affairs on October 2, 1964, in the House of Representatives; and Recognizing the fact that operation of the APACL Freedom Center is in the common Interest of League member units and observers in the defeat of Com- munist Infiltration and Indirect aggression and the preservation of freedom and democracy ; Rcaolvee: (1) To urge each member-unit and observer to make every effort to Implement the previous resolutions of the League in supporting the establishment and opera- (ion of the APACL Freedom Center ; (2) To ask each member-unit and observer to extend further moral support and financial assistance to the APACL Freedom Center; (3) To publicize the prospectus of the APACL Freedom Center so as to insure enthusiastic support of the free world ; (4) To express appreciation to the U.S. House of Representatives for its positive support and encouragement and to urge for further assistance from the United States so that the Freedom Center may do its full part in promoting the Interests, values, and welfare of the free world. That's the end of the resolution. Now, what is the APACL Freedom Center referred to in this resolution? It is a cold war educational institution actually operating on a limited scale in Seoul, South Korea. It is patterned after the U.S. Freedom Academy concept. It came into being largely as a result Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For R%l WiNp /13mgP6 Qt46iR0006000001-8 of the Freedom Academy bills introduced in our Congress some years back. Just a few weeks ago, Senator Thomas Dodd, another of the leading congressional exponents of a Freedom Academy, made a trip to Asia. One of his purposes in doing so was to help launch in South Korea a local fund-raising drive to provide for a 2-year postgraduate course of study at this Freedom Center for students from all countries in Asia. John Chamberlain, in a recent column devoted to the Freedom Center, mentioned Senator Dodd's trip and wrote as follows concern- ing the projected course : When this course gets going, students from all over the free areas of East Asia will be coming to Seoul for graduate work in international politics, psycho- logical warfare, economic warfare, Communist Ideology, Western philosophy, and the culture of the Orient as it relates to man's need for freedom. * * * The resolution on the Freedom Center which I read a few minutes ago made reference to a speech in support of the Freedom Center made on the floor of the House last October 2 by our distinguished colleague, Representative Dante B. Fascell, chairman of the Subcommittee on International Organizations and Movements of the House Committee on Foreign Affairs. I would like to submit the text of Mr. Fascell's speech for inclusion in our hearing record at this point. (Mr. Fascell's remarks follow:) Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 AI$15Fbved For c2@/0+7/tB1;)RiD36k46R000600070001-8 October 2, 1964 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE 22979-22980 THE FREEDOM CENTER IN SEOUL,. KOREA (Mr. FASCELL (at the :request of Mr. MARSH) was given permission to extend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and to include extraneous matter.) Mr. FASCELL. Mr. Speaker, I am taking the floor this morning to call to the attention of the House a project of singular importance, undertaken re- cently by the Asian People's Anti-Com- munist League. I am referring to the Freedom Center currently under construction in Seoul, Korea. This unique project is designed to give the citizens of the free nations both the opportunity and the means for developing effective strategy and lac- tics for combating the Communist threat. In brief, the Freedom Center will be a research and training institution de- signed to produce cold war operational knowledge and to train leadership groups which, in the words of the Asian People's Anti-Communist League, will be able to "outplan, outthink, outorganize, and outdedlcate the Communists." In the center, students and leaders alike will be able to study such subjects as how to organize a democratic politi- cal party or labor union, how to draw up and execute effective social reforms, how to counter Communist propaganda and the tactics of Communist political agita- tors, and many others. A publication Issued by the Asian Peo- ple's Anti-Communist League describes the main functions to be carried out by the Freedom Center, as follows: First, to initiate and carry on a re- search program designed to develop an integrated, operational science that will demonstrate logically the errors and contradictions of the Communist ide- ology, thereby contributing to better un- derstanding of the values of freedom. Second, to initiate and develop effec- tive strategy and tactics through which citizens of the free world will be able to meet and to defeat the Communist c+on- -spiracy. Third, to educate and train anti-Com- munist leaders and cadres of the league's member units in all aspects of the international Communist movement, and in ways and means to be employed td meet and defeat Communist attempts at subversion. Fourth, to Initiate and develop a pro- gram for exposing and frustrating Com- munist propaganda, and for propagating the gospels of freedom. Fifth, to perform other functions re- quired to carry out the objectives of the center. This is indeed an ambitious program. When implemented, It should have far- reaching implications for the cause of freedom not only in Asia but throughout the world. Mr. Speaker, this great project was initiated at the Second Extraordinary Conference of the Asian People's Anti- Communist League, held in Seoul. Korea, in May 1962. Four months later, construction commenced on a 50-acre plot of land donated by the Government of the Republic of Korea. Simultane- ously, a fundraising campaign was in- itiated by the League. By May of this year, approximately $1.3 million was raised through this campaign-one-half of the total needed for the project. Most of this money was raised in Korea- through government contributions and private donations-but the project also received some help from supporters in other countries. Mr. Speaker, I wish that all Members of the House could see the plans for the Freedom Center. and photographs taken recently which show construction prog- ress achieved to date. From the stand- point of size and design, this is a very impressive project. The framework of the 17-story International Freedom House, which will symbolize the 17 na- tions which fought for the defense of Korea Lnder the United Nations Sag, is completed through the 12th floor. The framework of the main building Is fin- ished. Only the international confer- ence hall, the third principal building planned for the center, is still on the drawing board. I understand that ad- ditional funds will have to be raised be- fore construction of this building can begin. Mr. Speaker, the Freedom Center in Seoul, Korea demonstrates what can be accomplished through private initiative to advance the cause of freedom in the cold war. The entire concept of this center reflects clear recognition of the fact that the struggle which goes on In the world today will be resolved ulti- mately in the minds of men. In this Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For R $"g,N0 /A3iR1 pg Md?R000600QZQ001-8 October 2, 1964 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE 22979-22980 struggle, words, ideas and personal dedi- cation to the cause of freedom, are as important as tanks and guns. As a mat- ter of fact, the ideological elements may, prove decisive to the resolution of the cold war conflict. This very subject has deeply con- cerned a subcommittee which I have the honor to chair-the Subcommittee on International Organizations and Move- ments of the Committee on Foreign Af- fairs. For 18 months now, my subcom- mittee has been studying the U.S. ideo- logical effort in the cold war. We have looked at numerous government pro- grams and published an inventory of U.S. Government activities in this di- mension of our foreign policy. In addition, however, we have begun to study the significance of the private effort on this plane. To date, as shown in the eight volumes of hearings and the two reports published by my sub- committee, we have made considerable progress. But our job is not over, and we are continuing with our undertaking. Mr. Speaker, the members of the Asian People's Anti-Communist League, and the People of South Korea as a whole, are to be congratulated on undertaking the establishment of the freedom cen- ter. I am confident that the value of this project, and its, impact, will con- tinue to grow. I also want to take this opportunity to extend MY congratulations to a very active- and eloquent supporter of the freedom center whom I have met per- sonally-Dr. Chin Kim. Dr. Kim has been staying in Washington on a fellow- ship, studying the operations of our Con- gress. We had frequent discussions about the freedom center and other issues of mutual interest. I have en- joyed these exchanges of views and found them stimulating. I may add that Dr. Kim is no stranger to the United States. Trained at the University of Korea, he also studied at Florida Southern College, George Wash- ington University Law School, and Yale Law School. After receving two ad- vanced degrees from the latter institu- tion, he returned to his homeland and began teaching at the Seoul National University and the Korea University. Since March 1962 he has served as as- sociate dean of the Graduate School of Law of Seoul National University. In addition he has performed public service in his country by serving as mem- ber of two Board of Appeals of the Vet- erans' Administration,. and as member of the Commission on Studies of Legisla- tion of the Republic of Korea. I was delighted to have had the op- portunity to know Dr. Kim. And I con- gratulate him again on the Asian People's Anti-Communist League's Freedom Cen- ter in Seoul, Korea. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 ARgr,pved For?IQ/Q7/fk:EFgQ@446R000600070001-8 The CIiAut3MATT. The existence of the APACL Freedom Center in South Korea is a challenge to Congress and the people of the United States. The countries and organizations in Asia which have made this Center possible do not have our great material wealth or educational facilities. Yet., they have acted on what I believe-after listening to extended expert. testimony before this committee-is a very sound concept.. They have put that concept into effect. They have made it a reality. It is my hope that the U.S. Congress will do the same, with the su - port of the American peo~ile. And that support, I might. add, clearly exists. A Gallup Poll, which was made a part of our hearing record last year, revealed that 69 percent. of the adults in this country sup- ported the idea of the Freedom Academy and only 14 percent opposed it- -and that constitutes a very large margin in our political system. Finally, before concluding these hearings I would like to make a few more remarks and insert some additional material in the record. In 1962 the National Governors' Conference--composed, as we all know, of the Governors of our 50 States-set up a Committee on Cold War Education. This committee, in addition to other activities, has sponsored a number of educational conferences on the subject of com- munism. I had the honor of addressing its 4-day conference on cold war edu- cation held in Tampa, Florida, in June of 1963. Hundreds of students took part. in this conference, which brought together over 70 top au- thorities from all over the country to give lectures and engage in dis- cussions designed to assist the Committee on Cold War Education of the National Governors' Conference. Last December, in Miami, the committee held a 12-day school on cold war education for aides to the Governors of our States. In the few years of its existence, the Governors' Conference committee has made a truly outstanding contribution to the subject of cold war edu- cation. In 1963 and 1964 it issued two very valuable reports on the subject-reports which contain material that is most pertinent to the purposes of the Freedom Academy bills. Cold war education, basically, is the principal function of the pro- posed Academy. In its 1963 report, the National Governors' Conference committee gave the following definition of cold war edu- cation : Cold War Education is the development of knowledge essential to the under- standing of America's heritage of freedom, and of the nature of the attacks upon that freedom, open and covert, by the followers of international Com- munism. Cold War Education differs from indoctrination in that it follows no party line requiring blind adherence and unwavering obedience. It depends upon, and seeks to stimulate, the mind, the imagination, the knowledge, and the spirit of the individual in the belief that these are America's greatest resources in the bitter conflict called Cold War. * The appendix to the 1963 report has been both widely distributed and widely proclaimed in this country. It is entitled "W1 Cold War Education.' I have read and studied this statement. T believe it is excellent and would like at this point to enter the text of it in the record of these hearings. (The document follows:) Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Re l 95/Q1~ :TPOlIP@appiMW0006000NQ01-8 Why Cold War Education America-as a nation and as a system of government-is the most successful of all experiments in freedom. Individual citizens, working together as free men, have prospered, and have built the greatest nation the world has ever known. Freedom has been held so dear by Americans that they have always been willing and proud to defend it against all challenges. Today the nation faces the greatest challenge ever made to its freedom. The challenge comer from the Communist war to win total world domination. The Communist bloc is totally dedi- cated to the defeat of all free nations. With the Soviet Union as the power base, the Communist apparatus has advanced in deadly earnest since the end of World-War II until today more than one-third of the world's population, more than a billion people, have become slaves to Communist dictatorship. The advances of Communism have introduced new concepts of warfare to which the American people must become accus- tomed and adapt their defences. In a shooting war it is very .clear what must be done. Americans have always risen readily to the challenges of such an attack, and willingly sacrificed their comforts, and even their lives, to assure victory and the perpetuation of freedom. Until the shooting starts, however, free and trust- ing Americans abound with good will toward all mankind, and are characteristically unable to accept that others may be working vigorously for the demolition of their way of life. Although Hitler spelled out his global objectives in Mein Kampf, few Americans understood the reality of his war until the actual shooting started. Like Hitler, the Communists have embarked upon a pro- gram of world conquest. Like Hitler, they have announced their plans, and have reiterated them many times in many forums. The war being waged by Communism is called the Cold War. Many- Americans fail to accept the reality of this war because there is comparatively little shooting. The (:old War of (;omn,unism far outshadows any 'creation of the Third Reich. It is the broadest, most effective political warfare ever conducted in the history of mankind. Its aim is to cwu/uer the rest' of //re free world by use of diplomatic proposals, eeonornic sor/ics, propaganda, inlimidalon, sabotage, terrorism, snpporl of remolrrtiorraries in now-free countries, and by c/rh?in,S' acedgrc between .the frer-world allies. Theme multi.prrnrucd thrusts are made against it back- ground of diversions in which the threat of military force is alternated with strident demands for disarmament, and equally strident opposition to inspection and control pro- cedures to make disarmament meanuigful. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 tgailroved For p 2{9 5/Q7 . APM46ROO0600070001-8 Communist political warfare, as conceived by Lenin and Stalin, and practiced by Khrushehev, is keyed to the sys- tematic penetration of it country---the infiltration of stra- tegic unions, communications media, government agencies, asssociutlons and other private institutions and groups for the destruction of moral fiber, the confusion of national purpose. and the creation of misinformation and misunder- standing nmong the individual citizens. As part of their political warfare, the Communists would have us believe that the only contest is between ideologies -that the appeal of Communism has been the key to their expanding influence. Like magicians they would have us look at the wrong hand-the hand called ideology. I'hr hand iii/h ihr dagger is called politral warfare. Arguing the merits of the Communist philosophy offers no more protection from political warfare than arguing the / merits of Hitler's national socialism would have stayed his armies. The enslaved Eastern European peoples did not fall to the appeal of Communism. They fell to political warfare backed by Soviet Armies. It was not the appeal of Com- munism that returned the Hungarians to the Communist yoke. It was not the appeal of Communism that enslaved the peoples of China and Cuba. It was the practice of poli- tical warfare. Ideology must be studied and understood as a part of the Cold War Education. But the study and understanding should come within the frame of reference used by today's Communist leaders, and given the recognition due it as an element of all-out political warfare. The only real obstacle standing today br/wren Communism and world dictatorship is a s/rung United S/ales, determined to use its strength in freedom's cause. The Communists know better than many individual American citizens that the national power of the United States will be used in meeting the multiple challenges of Communism to the extent that citizens, acting through their elected representatives, urge or endorse effective action. In a free society, government serves the private citizen, and is ultimately responsible to the composite will of all its citizens. The essential difference between a dictatorship and a democracy is that in one the citizens follow the will of the government, and in the other, the government follov's the will of its citizens. The prosperity and progress of America has come dan- gerously close to erasing from the national scene a proper concept of the responsibilities and duties of citizenship. We count our telephones and televisions, we rate ourselves by the cost of our cars and the cut of our clothes. Our material progress, which may be duplicated by other societies, has become a yardstick-a false yardstick-of Americanism. The basic American heritage is the right to live in free- dom. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Repl% DN855gT/1A3 RN- P &7 41 000600Qffgg01-8 Freedom, though, is neither automatic nor conferred by the happenstance of birth or geography. Freedom must be earned again by each succeeding generation through the sound exercise of its citizenship responsibilities. Every American citizen has the duty to inform himself on impor- tant issues so that he might better exercise his right to be heard, his right to vote, his. right to freedom. Too often by a desire to sidestep conflict, or simply be- cause of laziness, many American citizens ignore the rights and are too timid to assume the responsibilities of their citizenship. They abdicate their role in democracy with a shrug or the explanation that "the government knows more about this than I do, so why should I be concerned?" For democracy to work, the individual citizen inust face up to major issnes of the day, inform inmtself and express himself in an aroused and concerned ecercise of those acts of citizenship unique to our democratic system. ii citizens' responsibility is far greater than in other types Yof war. In addition to his responsibility to help shape govern- mental actions, he himself is on the front line, and must fight independent of, but in cooperation with, his govern- ment. Private individuals, organizations and institutions must fill the gap between what government can do, and vhat must be done. If he is to be effective, cold war education for the indi- vidual citizen must include: egments of society are involved. Since, in a free society, In the Cold War, the front is everywhere. All levels and 3. Understanding that he, himself, must determine how he can be most effective as a free citizen in defeating the Communist attack upon his freedom. It is his life and his liberty that are in jeopardy. "rr the, search for Cold War understanding, individual initiative and judgment play a vital role, and must be fos- tered. Each citizen must use his own judgment and reach his own conclusions as to the truth and soundness of state- ments by others. Blind acceptance of the positions of others, regardless of position or personality, plays into the hands of the aggressor. The ('old War is a real and deadly struggle from which (only one side will emerge victorious. It is the duty of each citizen to\utilize his rights of citizenship to become a dis- cerning Cold War warrior himself, and to encourage others tp do likewise. I. Understanding what he is fighting for. lie must under- stand the basic foundations of American strength and freedom, and why freedom is worth fighting for. 2. Understanding that the Communist bloc is waging a very real war against the free nations. Ile must fully understand the nature and extent of this war and of Communist objectives. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Aggoved For gW# 2 /q7lAEQft- l?46R000600070001-8 The CHAIRMAN. I would also like to quote here an excerpt from the introduction to the 1964 report of the National Governors' Con- ference Committee on Cold War Education. It states : This Committee was an outgrowth of the Governors' Arm conviction that the minds of men are the most vital weapon in the arsenal of freedom, and that knowledge and understanding transcend the might of rockets and the power of the neutron as a tool to be wisely used In the search for peace. The involvement in this manner by the Governors was predicated on the recognition that the Cold war is a very real war which is being waged in ways and on fronts that strike more directly at the foundations of American freedoms than all of the bombs and bullets that have echoed through the Nation's his- tory. * * * Many outstanding witnesses have appeared before this committee in the course of these hearings-former Ambassadors and Foreign Service officers, professors and scholars who are recognized through- out the world as authorities on communism, Members of the House and Senate representatives of labor, the press, former high-ranking military officers, to name just a few. All have given their explicit support to the Freedom Academy. But the statement which I have just quoted must, I believe, also be accepted as a strong endorsement, even though only implicit-, of the Freedom Academy by a committee which speaks for the Governors of 50 States. What we are really dealing with in the Freedom Academy idea is an effort to go beyond conventional warfare and diplomacy, beyond guns and dollars, and to put the minds of men to work in the sti ugggle against communism- the minds of our Government officials, our leaders in civilian life, and also civilian and governmental lenders in foreign countries. As the Governors' committee stated, "the minds of men are the most vital weapon in the arsenal of freedom," and they "transcend the might of rockets and the power of the neutron." I lieve this is unquestion- ably true and that, because it is true, it is time for us to make every effort to really put those minds to work by giving them the compre- hensive knowledge of Communist-style warfare which they must have to function at full ca acity. The same quotation also stresses another major point involved in these hearings when it says that the cold war is a very real war being waged in ways and on fronts "that strike more directly at the foun- dations of American freedoms than all of the bombs and bullets that have echoed through the Nation's history." Here again they go right to the point of the Freedom Academy- the devising of means to defeat the Communists on these unconven- tional fronts which can be more dangerous to our Nation and the cause of freedom everywhere than the traditional military fronts. The Governors' Conference committee notes our major cold war weakness-and the one the Freedom Academy is primarily designed to correct-when it states : Despite more than a decade of discussion and the use of real and imagined threats of Communist influence or involvement in nearly every major national and International Issue discussed by the American people, there exists today very little real grassroots understanding of the nature of Communism or the application of its theory by the totalitarian dictators based in Moscow and Peking. This lack of understanding has been recognized by academicians and edu- cational administrators throughout the Nation. * * * Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Release IQO N7/A 3,~2 D &WR0006002i39001-8 PROVID The Governors are realistic in their report. They feel confident that the work their Committee on Cold War Education has done to overcome this weakness by sponsoring national strategy seminars, conferences on cold war education, and other activities has helped, but they realize the battle is not yet won and that more work has to be done. Their work, they say- . is not likely to change the course of history, or win peace for the world tomor- row, but we are firmly convinced that it can lead to the sort of bold new pro- grams and the enlightened citizen support that can change the course of history and strike vital blows for peace. It can assure that the great body of public opinion on pressing issues will not be shaped by either extremists or oppor- tunists, and it carries the promise that no ideological battles will be defaulted to the Communists by ignorance or naivete in America. More than any other instrument, the Freedom Academy should be able to complete and bring to fruition the vital work begun by the National Governors' Conference through its Committee on Cold War Education. It should be abler--in time-to drastically change the course of history, strengthening freedom in all parts of the world, just as the Communist schools of political warfare have played a major role in making history during the past 40-or-so years. The difference will be that, while the Communist political warfare schools have been designed to teach men how to destroy and subvert in the interest of an ideology which constitutes the blackest form of reaction, the Freedom Academy will have the positive purpose of strengthening freedom and spreading it to all parts of the globe, including, ultimately, those nations today enslaved by Commun - st totalitarianism. If the Freedom Academy is established-as I hope it will be-it will not end the need for continued effort on the part of the National Gov- ernors' Conference. Rather, the two will be able to supplement and aid one another, and this I hope they will do. And the same applies, of course, to all groups, organizations, and institutions which are con- tributing in anyway-large or small, at home or abroad-to the fight for freedom, which is also the fight for peace. We are all in this to- gether, and all should unite and cooperate in finding the best way to spread thorough knowledge and understanding of our enemy and his stratagems and also the best methods of defeating them in order that freedom may be preserved. Communism is tyranny, and tyranny promotes war. Communism is, therefore, the enemy of peace, and there can be no real peace until it is destroyed. The authors of the concept embodied in the bills the committee has been studying have decided to call the institution these bills would create the Freedom Academy. It would be trul that, because it is designed to assist in the defeat of totalitarian and tyrannical commu- nism-the major enemy of freedom in today's world. But this Acad- emy could also be called the Peace Academy, because freedom is the friend and promoter of peace, just as tyranny and communism are its enemies. The motto of the Academy could well be "To Peace Through Freedom." Mr. CLAWSON. Mr. Chairman, would the chairman yield? Did they make any recommendations on the bills? The CHAIRMAN. Oh, yes. That is in the statements. This concludes our hearings on these bills. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Ap oved For ftse 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 INTO FOR A FREEDOM 00 ION If I recall, a while ago I indicated that an organization was send- ing down a formal resolution of endorsement, the Order of Lafayette I think. So for that and other purposes, let it be understood that the record will remain open for filing of statements for a period of 10 days and that statements if and as received, will of course be screened by our staff for inclusion in the record.' Do you have anything to add g Mr. Icuosu. Mr. Chairman, I would like to ask a question, but it can be off the record when we complete the hearing. The CHAIRMAN. All right. That is all. (Whereupon, at 12:35 p.m., Friday, May 14, 1965, the committee adjourned sine die.) Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Release 2005/ORJ+E96IDP67B00446R000600070001-8 PROPOSED BILLS FOR CREATION OF A FREEDOM COMMISSION AND FREEDOM ACADEMY 89TH CONGRESS 1ST SESSION . R. 2379 JANUARY 12,1965 Mr. BOGGS introduced the following bill; which was referred to the Com- mittee on Un-American Activities [H.R. 1889, Introduced by Mr. Gurney February 4 ,1965, is Identical to H.R. 2379. [H.R. 2276, Introduced by Mr. Ichord January if 1965, Is identical to H.R. 2379, with the following exceptional (1) See. 5 of H.R. 2215 Axes salary of Chairman of Freedom Commission at $28,600, and that of each member at $20,000, per annum; (2) sec. 8 of H.R. 2216, which makes provision for an information center, deletes to "publish textbooks" and In place thereof substitutes the words "publish educational materials"; (3) sec. 11(a) of H.R. 2216, which deals with the general authority of the Commission, omits paragraph (1) of H.R. 2879; (4) H.R. 2215 deletes from sec. 11(b). relating to pay of personnel, the words "(except such per- sonnet whose compensation is fixed by law, and specielly qualified professional personnel up to a limit of $19,000)"; and (5) H.R. 2215 in sec. 12 fixes salary of General Manager at a sum not to exceed $26,000 per annum. [H.R. 6870, introduced by Mr. Clausen February 24, 1965, Is identical to H.R. 2379, with the following exceptional (1) Sec. 11(a) of H.R. 5370, which deals with the general authority of Commission omits para. graph (1) of H.R. 2379; and (2) adds the word "procedural," in sec. 18(e), to precede the worse "raise and regulations." etc. [H.R. 6700, introduced by Mr. Buchanan March 24, 1905, is Identical to H.R. 2379, with the following -.options: (1) Sec. 5 of H.R. 6700 fixes no limitation upon the salaries to be paid to the Chairman and mem- bere of the Freedom Commission; (2) sec. 11(a) (11) of H.R. 0700 fixes no limitation as to the amount of per diem pay for temporary employees; (9) see. 11(b) of N.R. 6700 fixes no upper limit for compensation to per- sonnel, and entirely excepts the employment and pay of personnel from the operation of the civil service laws and Classification Act of 1949; and (4) sec. 12 of H.R. 6700 employs the term "Administrator" for "general manager," and fixes no limitation on compensation. (The bill, H.R. 6700, as to pay of employees and officers, provides simply that they shall be paid at rates "fixed by the Congress.") [H.R. 470, Introduced by Mr. Herlonq January 4, 1965, is similar but not identical to H.R. 2379. It Is to be noted that see. 7 of H.R. 470, unlike sea 7 of H.R. 2379, limits financial assistance to dependents of students "who are nationals of the United States."] I A BILL To create the Freedom Commission and the Freedom Academy,- to conduct research to develop an integrated body of opera- tional knowledgeO in the political, psychological, economic, technological, and organizational areas to increase the non- military capabilities of the United States in the global struggle between freedom and communism, to educate and train Government personnel and private citizens to under- stand and implement this body of knowledge, and also to provide education and training for foreign students in these areas of knowledge under appropriate conditions. 1 Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representa- 2 tines of the United States of America in Congress assembled, 'H.R. 9209, introduced by Mr. Feighan June 17, 1965, after completion of the .committee hearings is substantially the same as H.R. 2379. (259) Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Apjoved For c2W, /07/4~F -F g 468000600070001-8 SHORT TITLE SECTION 1. This Act may be cited as the "Freedom Commission Act". CONGRESSIONAL FINDINGS AND STATEMENT OF POILCY SEC. 2. (a) The Congress of the United States makes the following findings and statement of policy: (I) The United States in preparing to defend its national interests in coming years faces grave and complex problems in the nonmilitary as well as military areas. (2) First and foremost are the problems raised by the unremitting drives by the Soviet Union and Communist China seeking world domination and the destruction of all non-Communist societies. The Communist bloc and the various Communist parties have systematically prepared themselves to wage a thousand-pronged aggression in the nonmilitary area. Drawing on their elaborate studies and extensive pragmatic tests, Communist leaders have developed their conspiratorial version of nonmilitary conflict into an advanced, operational art in which they employ and orches- trate an extraordinary variety of conflict instruments in the political, psychological, ideological, economic, technological, organizational and paramilitary areas enabling them to ap- proach their immediate and long-range objectives along many paths. This creates unique and unprecedented prob- lems for the United States in a conflict that is being waged Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For R$ gI 0 7/13 RgArBpI4 44erR000600tE'15(1.001-8 3 1 in student organizations, peasant villages, labor unions, mass 2 communication systems, in city and jungle, and institutions 3 and organizations of every description, as well as in the 4 world's chancelleries. Recognizing that nonmilitary conflict 5 makes extraordinary demands upon its practitioners, the 6 Communists, for several decades, have intensively trained 7 their leadership groups and cadres in an extensive network of 8 basic, intermediate, and advanced schools. The Sino-Soviet conflict capacity has been immeasurably increased by the 10 mobilization of research, science, industry, technology, and 11 education to serve the power-seeking ambitions of Com- 12 munist leaders rather than the needs of their people. 13 (3) Second, the problems of the United States are 14 complicated by the emergence of many new nations, the 15 unstable or deteriorating political, social and economic con- 16 ditions in many parts of the world, the revolutionary forces 17 released by the 'rising expectations of the world's people, 18 and other factors, all of which increase the difficulties of 19 achieving our national objectives of preventing Communist 20 penetration while seeking to build viable, free, and inde- 21 pendent nations. 22 (4) The nature of the Sino-Soviet power drive, the 23 revolutionary and fluid world situation, the emergence of 24 the United States as the major leader of the free world and 25 the need to deal with the people of nations as well as govern- Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 A ved For fMgi",32qWOZ/la,,q6%-F~RP#119ag446 R000600070001-8 4 1 meats, has compelled the United States to employ many new 2 instruments under the headings of traditional diplomacy, 3 intelligence, technical assistance, aid programs, trade devel- opment, educational exchange, cultural exchange, and 5 counterinsurgency (as well as in the area of related military 6 programs). To interrelate and program these present in- 7 struments over long periods already requires a high degree 8 of professional competence in many specialties, as well as 9 great managerial skill. 10 (5) However, the United States has fallen short in 11 developing and utilizing its full capacity to achieve its objec- 12 tines in the world struggle. Not only do we need to improve 13 the existing instruments, but a wide range of additional 14 methods and means in both the Government and private 15 sectors must be worked out and integrated with the existing 16 instruments of our policy. Otherwise, the United States will 17 lack the means to defeat many forms of Communist aggres- 18 sion and to extend the area of freedom, national independ- 19 ence, and self-government, as well as to attain other national 20 objectives. However, this will require an intensive and 21 comprehensive research and training effort first to think 22 through these additional methods and means, and, second, to 23 educate and train not only specialists, but also leaders at 24 several levels who can visualize and organize these many 25 instruments in an integrated strategy, enabling the United Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Reft"fn 5BT.11A3 a&-WP&M4I 00060002'01-8 5 1 States to approach its national objectives along every path 2 in accord with our ethic. 3 (6) There has been a tendency to look upon strategy as 4 a series of discrete problems with planning often restricted 5 by jurisdictional walls and parochial attitudes and too much 6 piecemeal planning to handle emergencies at the expense 7 of systematic, long-range development and programing 8 of the many instruments potentially available to us. While 9 there has been marked improvement in such things as 10 language training at agency school's, and while university 11 centers have made significant progress in area studies, 12 nowhere has the United States established a training pro- 13 gran to develop rounded strategists in the nonmilitary area 14 or even certain vital categories of professional specialists, 15 particularly in the area of political, ideological, psycholog- 16 ical, and organizational operations and in certain areas of 17 development work. Nor has the United States organized 18 a research program which can be expected to think through 19 the important additional range of methods and means that 20 could be available to us in the Government and private 21 sectors. 22 (7) In implementing this legislation the following re- 23 quirements for developing our national capacity for global 24 operations in the nonmilitary area should receive special 25 attention : Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 P9 roved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 6 1 1. At the upper levels of Government, the United States 2 must have rounded strategists with intensive interdepart- 3 mental training and experience who understand the range of 4 instruments potentially available to us and who can or- 5 ganize and program these instruments over long periods in 6 an integrated, forward strategy that systematically develops 7 and utilizes our full national capacity for the global struggle. 8 If. Below them, Government personnel must be trained 9 to understand and implement this integrated strategy in all 10 of its dimensions. Through intensive training, as well as 11 experience, we must seek the highest professional compe- 12 tence in those areas of specialized knowledge required by 13 our global operations. Government personnel should have 14 an underlying level of understanding as to the nature of the 15 global conflict, the goals of the United States, and the vari- 16 ous possible instruments in achieving these goals to facilitate 17 team operations. We should seek to instill a high degree 18 of clan and dedication. 19 111. Foreign affairs personnel at all levels must under- 20 stand communism with special emphasis on Communist non- 21 military conflict technique. It is not enough to have experts 22 available for consultation. This is basic knowledge which 23 must be widely disseminated, if planning and implementa- Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Re"M3l951pd41R y - P~aPA9#8Jg~00060007 01-8 7 tion are to be geared to the conflict we are in. (The present ,two weeks seminar offered at the Foreign Service Institute is entirely too brief for even lower ranking personnel.) IV. The private sector must understand how it can par- ticipate in the global struggle in a sustained and systematic manner. There exists in the private sector a huge reservoir of talent, ingenuity, and strength which can be developed and brought to bear in helping to solve many of our global. problems. We have hardly begun to explore the range of possibilities. V. The public must have a deeper understanding of communism, especially Communist nonmilitary conflict tech- nique, and the nature of the global struggle, including the goals of the United States; (8) The hereinafter created Freedom Academy must be a prestige institution and every effort should be made to demonstrate this is a, major effort by the United States in a vital area. (b) It is the intent and purpose of the Congress that the authority and powers granted in this Act be fully utilized by the Commission established by section 4 of this Act to achieve the objectives set forth in subsection (a) (7) of this section. It is the further intent and purpose of the Congress Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 INR roved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 8 1 that the authority, powers, and functions of the Commission 2 and the Academy as set forth in this Act are to be broadly 3 construed. 4 DEFINITIONS 5 BI1c. 3. As used in this Act- 6 (1) The term "Commission" means the Freedom Com- 7 mission established by section 4 of this Act; and 8 (2) The term "Academy" menses the Freedom Acad- 9 emy established by section 6 of this Act. 10 ESTABLIBI3'AIENT OF THE FREEDOM COMMISSION 11 SEc. 4. There is established in the executive branch of 12 the Government an independent agency to be known as the 13 Freedom Commission which shall be composed of six mem- 14 bers and a chairman, each of whom shall be a citizen of the 15 United States. The Chairman may from time to time desig- 16 nate any other member of the Commission as Acting Chair- 17 man to act in the place and stead of the Chairman during 18 his absence. The Chairman (or the Acting Chairman in 19 the absence of the Chairman) shall preside at all meetings of 20 the Commission, and a quorum for the transaction of business 21 shall consist of at least four members present. Each member 22 of the Commission, including the Chairman, shall have equal 23 responsibility and authority in all decisions and actions of the 24 Commission, shall have full access to all information relating 25 to the performance of his duties or responsibilities, and shall Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R00060007QQ01-8 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION as 0 19 20 21 22 23 9 1 have one vote. Action of the Commission shall be deter- 2 mined by a majority vote of the members present. The 3 Chairman (or Acting Chairman in the absence of the Chair- 4 man) shall be the official spokesman of the Commission in 5 its relations with the Congress, Government agencies; per- 6 sons, or the public, and, on behalf of the Commission, shall 7 see to the faithful execution of the policies and decisions of 8 the Commission, and shall report thereon to the Commission 9 from time to time or as the Commission may direct. The 10 Commission shall have an official seal which shall be 11 judicially noticed. 12 MEMBERSHIP OF THE COMMISSION 13 SEC. 5. (a) Members of the Commission and the 14 Chairman shall be appointed by the President, by and with 15 the advice and consent of the Senate. Not more than four members, including the Chairman, may, be members of any one political party. In submitting any nomination to the Senate, the President shall set forth the experience and qualifications of the nominee. The term of each member of the Commission, other than the Chairman, shall be six years, except that (1) the terms of office of the members fist taking office shall expire as designated by the Presi- dent at the time of the appointment, two at the end of two years, two at the end of four years, and two at the end of Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 oved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 10 1 six years; and (2) any member appointed to fill a vacancy 2 occurring prior to the expiration of the term for which his 3 predecessor was appointed shall be appointed for the re- 4 mainder of such term. The Chairman shall serve as such 5 during the pleasure of the President, and shall receive com- 6 pensation at the rate of $20,500 per annum. Each other 7 member of the Commission shall receive compensation at the 8 rate of $20,000 per annum. Any member of the Commis- 9 aion may be removed by the President for inefficiency, 10 neglect of duty, or malfeasance in office. 11 (b) No member of the Commission shall engage in 12 any business, vocation, or employment other than that of 13 serving as a member of the Commission. 14 ESTABLISHMENT OF THE FREEDOM ACADEMY; PRINCIPAL 15 FUNCTIONS OF THE COMMISSION AND ACADEMY 16 SE?. 6. The Commission shall establish under its super- 17 vision and control an advanced research, development, and 18 training center to be known as the Freedom Academy. The 19 Academy shall be located at such place or places within the 20 United States as the Commission shall determine. The prin- 21 cipal functions of the Commission and Academy shall be: 22 (1) To conduct research designed to improve the 23 methods and means by which the United States seeks its 24 national objectives in the nonmilitary part of the global 25 struggle. This should include improvement of the present Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Release 2005/07/13: CIA-RDP67~Q$6R00060001-8 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMM I 11 1 methods and means and exploration of the full range of ad- 2 ditional methods and means that may be available to us in 3 both the Government and private sectors. Special attention shall be given to problems of an. interdepartmental nature and to problems involved in organizing and programing the full spectrum of methods and means potentially available in the Government and private sectors in an integrated, forward strategy that will systematically develop and utilize the full capacity of the United States to seek its national objec- tives in the global struggle, including the defeat of all forms of Communist aggression and the building of free, inde- pendent, and viable nations. (2) To educate and train Government personnel and 14 private citizens so as to meet the requirements set forth in section 2 (a) (7) of this Act. The Academy shall be the principal Government interdepartmental, educational, and training center in the nonmilitary area of the United States global operations. Authority is also granted to educate and train foreign students, when this is in the national interest and is approved by the Secretary of State. (3) To provide leadership in encouraging and assisting universities and other institutions to increase and improve research, educational, and training programs attuned to the global operational needs of the United States. (4) To provide leadership, guidance, and assistance to Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Apmved For Rlease 2005/07/13: CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 R A FREEDOM COMMISSION 12 1 the training staffs of Government agencies handling United 2 States global operations, including training programs con- 8 ducted at oversee posts. 4 (5) To provide a center where officers and employees 5 of Government agencies, as well as private citizens, can meet 6 to discuss and explore common and special elements of their 7 problems in improving United States capabilities in the global 8 struggle. 9 STUDENT sELIecrION; OI3ANTS; ADMISSION OF FOREIGN 10 STUDENTS 11 SEC. 7. (a) Academy students, other than Government 12 personnel, shall be selected, insofar as is practicable and in 13 the public interest, from those areas, organizations, and insti- 14 tutions where trained leadership and informed public opinion 15 are most needed to achieve the objectives set forth in section 16 2 (a) (7) IV and V. Persons in Government service com- 17 ing within the provisions of the Government Employees 18 Training Act may be trained at the Academy pursuant to 19 the provisions of said Act. All agencies and departments 20 of Government are authorized to assign officers and em- 21 ployees to the Academy for designated training. 22 (b) The Commission is authorized to make grants to 23 students and to pay expenses incident to training and study 24 under this Act. This authorization shall include authority 25 to pay actual and necessary travel expenses to and from the Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 271 18 Academy or other authorized place of training tinder this Act. The Commission is authorized to grant financial as- sistance to the dependents of students who hold no office or employment under the Federal Government during the time they are undergoing training authorized under this Act. Grants and other financial assistance under this Act shall be in such amounts and subject to such regulations as the Com- mission may deem appropriate to carry out the provisions of this Act. (c) Foreign students selected for training under. this Act shall be admitted as nonimmigrants under section 101 (a) (15) (F) of the Immigration and Nationality Act (8 U.S.C. 1101 (a) (15) (F)) for such time and under such conditions as may be prescribed by regulations promulgated by the Commission, the Secretary of State, and the Attorney General. A person admitted under this section who fails to maintain the status under which he was admitted, or who fails to depart from the United States at the expiration of the time for which he was admitted, or who engages in activities of a political nature detrimental to the interest of the United States, or in activities in conflict with the security of the United States, shall, upon the warrant of the Attorney General, be taken into custody and promptly deported pursuant to sections 241, 242, and 243 of the Immigration and Nationality Act (8 U.S.C. 1251, 1252, Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 272 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 14 1 and 1253). Deportation proceedings under this section 2 shall be sunnnary and findings of the Attorney General as to 3 matters of fact shall be conclusive. Such persons shall not 4 be eligible for suspension of deportation under section 244 5 of such Act (8 U.S.C. 1254). 6 INFORMATION CENTER 7 Sic. 8. The Commission is authorized to establish .an 8 information center at such place or places within the United 9 States as the Commission may determine. The principal 10 function of the information center shall be to disseminate, i with or without charge, information and materials which will 12 assist people and organizations to increase their understand- 13 ing of the true nature of the international Communist con- 14 spiracy and of the dimensions and nature of the global 15 struggle between freedom and communism, and of ways they 16 can participate effectively toward winning that struggle and 17 building free, independent, and viable nations. In carrying 18 out this function, the Commission is authorized to prepare, 19 make, and publish textbooks and other materials, including 20 training films, suitable for high school, college, and com- 21 munity level instruction, and also to publish such research 22 materials as may be in the public interest. The Commission 23 is authorized to disseminate such information and materials 24 to such persons and organizations as may be in the public Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 273 15 1 interest on such terms and conditions as the Commission 2 shall determine. 3 DISCLOSURE OF INFORMATION 4 SEC. 9. Nothing in this Act shall authorize the dis- 5 closure of any information or knowledge in any case in which 6 such disclosure (1) is prohibited by any other law of the 7 United States, or (2) is, inconsistent with the security of 8 the United States. 9 SECURITY CHECK OF PERSONNEL 10 SEC. 10. (a) Except as authorized by the Commission 11 upon a determination by the Commission that such action is 12 clearly consistent with the national interest, no individual 13 shall be employed by the Commission, nor shall the Com- 14 mission permit any individual to have access to information 15 which is, for reasons of national security, specifically desig- 16 nated by a United States Government agency for limited or 17 restricted dissemination or distribution until the Civil Serv- 18 ice Commission shall have made an investigation and report .19 to the Commission on the character, associations, and loyalty 20 of such individual, and the Commission shall have determined 21 that employing such individual or permitting him to have 22 access to such information will not endanger the common 23 defense and security. 24 (b) In the event an investigation made pursuant to Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 274 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 16 1 subsection (a) of this section develops any data reflecting 2 that the individual who is the subject of the investigation is 8 of questionable loyalty or is a questionable security risk, the 4 Civil Service Commission shall refer the matter to the Fed- 5 eral Bureau of Investigation for the conduct of a full field 6 investigation, the results of which shall be furnished to the 7 Civil Service Commission for its information and appropriate 8 action. 9 (c) If the Commission deems it to be in the national 10 interest, the Commission may request the Civil Service Com- 11 mission to make an investigation and report to the Commis- 12 sign on the character, associations, and loyalty of any indi- 13 vidual under consideration for training at the Academy, and 14 if the Commission shall then determine that the training of 15 such individual will not be in the best interest of the United 16 States, he shall receive no training under this Act. 17 (d) In the event an investigation made pursuant to 18 subsection (e) of this section develops any data reflecting 19 that the individual who is the subject of the investigation is 20 of questionable loyalty or is a questionable security risk, 21 the Civil Service Commission shall refer the matter to the 22 Federal Bureau of Investigation for the conduct of a full 23 field investigation, the results of which shall be furnished to 24 the Civil Service Commission for its information and appro- 25 priate action. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 275 17 (e) If the President or the Commission shall deem it to be in the national interest, he or the Commission may from time to time cause investigation of any individual which is required or authorized by subsections (a) and (c) of this section to be made by the Federal Bureau of Investigation instead of by the Civil Service Commission. GENERAL AUTHORITY OF THE COMMISSION SEC. 11. (a) In addition to the authority already granted, the Commission is authorized and empowered- (1) to establish such temporary or permanent boards and committees as the Commission may from time to time deem necessary for the purposes of this Act; (2) subject to the provisions of subsection (b) of this section, to appoint and fix the compensation of such personnel as may be necessary to carry out the functions of the Commission; (3) to conduct such research, studies, and surveys as the Commission may deem necessary to carry out the purposes of this Act; (4) to make, promulgate, issue, rescind, and amend such rules and regulations as may be necessary to carry out the purposes of this Act; (5) to make such expenditures as may be necessary Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 276 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 18 1 for administering and carrying out the provisions - of 2 this Act; 3 (6) to utilize, with the approval of the President, 4 the services, facilities, and personnel of other Govern- 5 ment agencies and pay for such services, facilities, and 6 personnel out of funds available to the Commission under 7 this Act, either in advance, by reimbursement, or by 8 direct transfer; 9 (7) to utilize or employ on a full-time or part-time 10 basis, with the consent of the organization or govern- 11 mental body concerned, the services of personnel of any 12 State or local government or private organization to 13 perform such functions on its behalf as may appear 14 desirable to carry out the purposes of this Act, without 15 requiring such personnel to sever their connection with 16 the furnishing organization or governmental body; and 17 to utilize personnel of a foreign government in the snare 18 manner and under the same circumstances with the 19 approval of the Secretary of State; 20 (8) to acquire by purchase, lease, loan, or gift, and 21 to hold and dispose of by sale, lease, or loan, real and 22 personal property of all kinds necessary for, or resulting 23 from, the exercise of authority granted by this Act; 24 (0) to receive and use funds donated by others, if 25 such funds are donated without restrictions other than Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R0006000ZQQ01-8 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 19 1 that they be used in furtherance of one or more of the 2 purposes of this Act; 3 (10) to accept and utilize the services of voluntary 4 and uncompensated personnel and to provide. transporta- 5 tion and subsistence as authorized by section 5 of tho 6 Administrative Expenses Act of 1946 (5 U.S.C. 73b- 7 2) for persons serving without compensation; 8 (11) to utilize the services of persons on a tem- 9 porary basis and to pay their actual and necessary 10 travel expenses and subsistence and, in addition, com- 11 pensation at a rate not to exceed $50 per day for each 12 day spent in the work of the Commission. 13 (b) The personnel referred to in subsection (a) (2) 14 of this section shall be appointed in accordance with the 15 civil service laws and their compensation fixed in accord- 16 ance with the Classification Act of 1949, as amended, ex- 17 cept that, to the extent the Commission deeuns such action 18 necessary to the discharge of its responsibilities, personnel 19 may be employed and their compensation fixed without re- 20 Bard to such laws. No such personnel (except such per- 21 sonnel whose compensation is fixed by law, and specially 22 qualified professional personnel up to a limit of $19,000) 23 whose position would be subject to the Classification Act 24 of 1949, as amended, if such Act were applicable to such 25 position, shall be paid a salary at a rate in excess of the rate Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 roved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 PROVIDING FOR A FREEDOM COMMISSION 20 payable under such Act for positions of equivalent difficulty or responsibility. The Commission shall make adequate provision for administrative review of any determination to dismiss any employee. GENERAL MANAGER OF TILE COMMISSION SEC. 12. The Commission is authorized to establish within the Commission a general manager, who shall dis- charge such of the administrative and executive functions of the Commission as the Commission may direct. The general manager shall be appointed by the Commission, shall serve at the pleasure of the Commission, shall be re- movable by the Commission, and shall receive compensation at a rate determined by the Commission, but not in excess of $18,000 per annum. ADVISORY COMMITTEE Sic. 13. (a) To assure effective cooperation between the Freedom Academy and various Government agencies concerned with its objectives, there is established an advisory 19 committee to the Freedom Academy (referred to hereinafter 20 as the "Committee"). The Committee shall be composed of 21 one representative of each of the following agencies desig- 22 nated by the head of each such agency from officers and em- 23 ployees thereof: The Department of State; the Department 24 of Defense; the Department of Health, Education, and Wel- Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For RelpRg 5/pa411:IqI- gggRI#A~0006000N01-8 10 11 12 13 21 fare; the Central Intelligence Agency; the Federal Bureau of Investigation; the Agency for International Development; end the United States Information Agency. (b) Members of the Committee shall elect a member to serve as Chairman of the Committee. The Chairman shall serve for such a term of one year. The chairmanship shall rotate among the representatives of the agencies who com- prise the membership of the Committee. (c) No member of the Committee shall receive compen- sation for his services as such other than that received by him as an officer or employee of the agency represented by him. Each member of the Committee shall be reimbursed for ex- penses actually and necessarily incurred by him in the per- formance of duties of the Committee. Such reimbursements shall be made from funds appropriated, to the Freedom Com- mission upon vouchers approved by the Chairman of the Comr_uittee. (d) The Committee shall- (1) serve as a medium for liaison between the Freedom Commission and the Government agencies represented in the Committee; (2) review from time to time the plans, programs, and activities of the Freedom Commission and the Free- dom Academy, and transmit to the Commission such Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 ~Reroved Fors W15/27 F 11? A-~Q~46R000600070001-8 22 1 recommendations as it may determine to be necessary or 2 desirable for the improvement of those plans, programs, 3 and activities; 4 (3) meet with the Freedom Commission periodi- 5 cally, but not less often than semiannually, to consult 6 with it with regard to the plans, programs, and activities 7 of the Freedom Commission and the Federal Academy; 8 and 9 (4) transmit to the President and to the Congress 10 in January of each year a report containing (A) a com- 11 prehensive description of the plans, programs, and activi- 12 ties of the Commission and the Academy during the 13 preceding calendar year, and (B) its recommendations 14 for the improvement of those plans, programs, and 15 activities. 16 (e) The Committee shall promulgate such rules and 17 regulations as it shall determine to be necessary for the 18 performance of its duties. 19 (f) The Commission shall furnish to the Committee 20 without reimbursement such office space, personal services, 21 supplies and equipment, information, and facilities as the 22 Committee may require for the performance of its functions. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Release 2000 / /13 - PCB &44?R0006000 001-8 PItOVIDI N 23 1 APPROPRIATIONS 2 SEC. 14. There is authorized to be appropriated, out of 3 any money in the Treasury not otherwise appropriated, such 4 sums as may be necessary to carry out the provisions of this 5 Act. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 @bved For s;2 VOA7/ ~ q-F ~NIMRJ46R000600070001-8 Whim COXGRERS I8T SESSION R. 1033 IN THE 'ROUSE OF REPRI SEN`rATIVES JANUARY 4,1965 Mr. GC'riER lotraiuced the following bill. which was referred to the Com- mittee on 1'11-American kclivities A BILL To create the Freedom Commission for the development of the science of counteraction to the world Communist conspiracy and for the training and development of leaders in a total political war. 1 Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representa- 2 tives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, 3 SHORT TITLE 4 SECTION 1. This Act may be cited as the "Freedom 5 Commission Act". 6 CONGRESSIONAL FINDINGS AND STATEMENT OF POLICY 7 Sec. 2. (a) The Congress of the United States makes S the following findings : 9 (1) The Soviet Union and Communist China are wag- Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Rele ,fig/g7d13A: APR67#NWM0060007 g1-8 2 1 ing a total political war against the United States and 2 against the peoples and governments of all other nations of 3 the free world. 4 (2) Unlike the free world, the Soviet Union has sys- 5 tematically prepared for this total political war over several 6 decades. Drawing on the experience of previous conquerors 7 and upon their own elaborate studies and extensive pragmatic 8 tests, the Soviet leaders have developed their conspiratorial 9 version of political warfare into a highly effective operational 10 science. Recognizing that political warfare is a difficult 11 science making unusual demands on its practitioners, the 12 Soviet Union and Communist China have established an 13 elaborate network of training schools, within and without the 14 free world, in which have been trained large numbers of 15 highly skilled activists. These activists continue to receive 16 intensive continuous training throughout their party careers. 17 (3) In this total political war the Soviets permit no 18 neutrals. Every- citizen, every economic, cultural, religious, 19 or ethnic group is a target and is under some form of direct 20 or indirect Communist attack. The battleground is every- 21 where, and every citizen, knowingly or unknowingly, 22 through action or inaction, is involved in this continuous 23 struggle. 24 (4) Since the end of World War IJ, the Soviets, tak- 25 ing full advantage of their better preparation and often supe- 47-093 0-65-19 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 proved F9 Jj e ~jq Aj~ ~c)q .)Ar-[ P (04468000600070001-8 3 1 rior organizational and operational know-how, have inflicted 2 a series of political warfare defeats on the free world. The 3 total sum of these defeats is nothing less than a disaster 4 for the United States and the free world and the continua- 5 tion of this political war by the Soviets confronts the United 6 States with a grave, present, and continuing danger to its 7 national survival. 8 (5) In order to defeat the Soviet political warfare 9 offensive and to preserve the integrity and independence of 10 the nations of the free world, it is imperative- 11 (A) that the knowledge and understanding of all 12 the peoples of the free world concerning the true nature 13 of the international Communist conspiracy he increased 14 as rapidly as is practicable; 15 (B) that private citizens not only understand the 16 true nature of the international Communist conspiracy, 17 but that they also know how they can participate, and 18 do participate, in this continuous struggle in an effective, 19 sustained, and systematic manner; 20 (C) that Government personnel engaged in the cold 21 war increase their knowledge of the international Com- 22 munist conspiracy, develop a high espirit de corps and 23 sense of mission and a high degree of operational know- 24 how in counteracting the international Communist 25 conspiracy. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Rel9#f5/pah1l :,qI-~bg9R400060007,W1-8 4 1 (b) It is the intent and purpose of the Congress that 2 the authority and powers granted in this Act be fully utilized 3 by the hereinafter created Commission to achieve the objec- 4 tives set forth in the preceding subsection (a) (5) of this 5 section. It is the further intent and purpose of the Congress 6 that the authority, powers, and functions of the Commission 7 and the Academy as hereinafter set forth are to be broadly 8 construed. 9 DEFINITIONS 10 SEC. 3. When used in this chapter- 11 (1) The term "Commission" means the Freedom Com- 12 mission. 13 (2) The term "Academy" means the Freedom Acad- 14 emy; and 15 (3) The term "joint committee" means the Joint Con- 16 gressional Freedom Committee. 17 ESTABLISHMENT OF THE FREEDOM COMMISSION; COMPOSI- 18 TION; CHAIRMAN AND ACTING CHAIRMAN';- QUORUM; 19 OFFICIAL SPOKESMAN; SEAL 20 SEC. 4. There is established in the executive branch 21 of the Government an independent agency to be known as 22 the Freedom Commission which shall be composed of six 23 members and a Chairman, each of whom shall be a citizen 24 of the United States. The Chairman may from time to 25 time designate any other member of the Commission as Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 , roved Fo 94g a ?9R5k0-NAbR ~%~ A7sq9 446R000600070001-8 5 1 Acting Chairman to act in the place and stead of the Chair- 2 man during his absence. The Chairman (or the Acting 3 Chairman in the absence of the Chairman) shall preside at 4 all meetings of the Commission and a quorum for the trans- 5 action of business shall consist of at least four members 6 present. Each member of the Commission, including the 7 Chairman, shall have equal responsibility and authority in 8 all decisions and actions of the Commission, shall have full 9 access to all information relating to the performance of his 10 duties or responsibilities, and shall have one vote. Action 11 of the Commission shall be determined by a majority vote 12 of the members present. The Chairman (or Acting Chair- 13 man in the absence of the Chairman) shall be the official 14 spokesman of the Commission in its relations with the Con- 15 gress, Government agencies, persons, or the public, and, 16 on behalf of the Commission, shall see to the faithful execu- 17 tion of the policies and decisions of the Commission, and 18 shall report thereon to the Commission from time to time 19 or as the Commission may direct. The Commission shall 20 have an official seal which shall be judicially noticed. 21 MEMBERS; APPOINTMENTS; TERMS; COMPENSATION; 22 EXTRANEOUS BUSINESS 23 SEC. 5. (a) Members of the Commission and the Chair- 24 man shall be appointed by the President, by and with the 25 advice and consent of the Senate. Not more than four Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Rele3W/9a1 I-~b?f 00060001-8 6 1 members, including the Chairman, may be members of any 2 one political party. In submitting any nomination to the 3- Senate, the President shall set forth the experience and quali- 4 fications of the nominee. The term of each member of the 5 Commission, other than the Chairman, shall be six years, 6 except that (1) the terms of office of the members first tak- 7 ing office shall expire as designated by the President at the 8 time of the appointment, two at the end of two years, two at 9 the end of four years, and two at the end of six years; and 10 (2) any member appointed to fill a vacancy occurring prior 11 to the expiration of the term for which his predecessor was 12 appointed shall be appointed for the remainder of such 13 term. The Chairman shall. serve during the pleasure of the 14 President.' Any member of the Commission may be removed 15 by the President for inefficiency, neglect of duty, or mal- 16 feasance in office. Each member, except the Chairman, 17 shall receive compensation at the rate of $20,000 per annum; 18 and the Chairman shall receive compensation at the rate of 19 $20,500 per annum. 20 (b) No member of the Commission shall engage in any 21 business, vocation, or employment other than that of serving 22 as a member of the Commission. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 81qproved FoFA~JSNsp ~ ,gp5/A07r/ b 1~4 4468000600070001-8 7 1 AUTHORIZATION TO ESTABLISH THE FREEDOM ACADEMY; 2 FUNCTIONS 3 SEC. 6. The Commission is authorized and empowered 4 to establish under its supervision and control an advanced 5 training and development center to he known as the Freedom 6 Academy. The Academy shall be located at such place or 7 places within the United States as the Commission shall 8 determine. The principal functions of the Academy shall 10 (1) the development of systematic knowledge 11 about the international Communist conspiracy; 12 (2) the development of counteraction to the inter- 13 national Communist conspiracy into an operational 14 science that befits and bespeaks the methods and values 15 of freemen, and to achieve this purpose the entire area 16 of counteraction is to be thoroughly explored and studied 17 with emphasis on the methods and means that may best 18 be employed by private citizens and nongovernmental 19 organizations and the methods and means available to 20 Government agencies other than the methods and means 21 already being used ; 22 (3) the education and training of private citizens Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For ReA~p~bQ95 K/'1A3 pQ&RQ 4&R0006000 X01-8 10 11 12 13 8 1 concerning all aspects of the international Communist 2 conspiracy and in the science of counteraction to that 3 conspiracy; 4 (4) the education and training of persons in Gov- 5 ernment service concerning all aspects of the interna- 6 tional Communist conspiracy and in the science of 7 counteraction to that conspiracy to the end that they can 8 be more useful to their Government in defeating the 9 international Communist conspiracy. 14 as is practicable and in the public interest, from a cross 15 section of the diverse groups, within and without the United 16 States, in which the total political war is being fought. 17 Before accepting any student for training who is an officer 18 or employee of a Government agency, the Commission shall 19 first obtain the concurrence of that agency. Persons in 20 Government service coming within the provisions of the 21 Government Employees Training Act may be trained at the 22 Academy pursuant to the provisions of said Act. All other 23 agencies and departments of Government are authorized to 24 aid and assist the Commission in the selection of students. ACADEMY STUDENTS ; SELECTION ; GRANTS AND EXPENSES; ADMISSION AS NONIMMIGRANT VISITORS; DEPORTA- TLON Sm. 7. (a) Academy students shall be selected, insofar Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 A(doved For#e,2P5/q7/E -FRPR9~446R000600070001-8 14 15 16 17 9 (b) The Commission is authorized to make grants to students and to pay expenses incident to training and study under this chapter. This authorization shall include au- thority to pay travel expenses to and from the Academy or other authorized place of training under this chapter, and authority to give financial assistance to the dependents of students during the time they are undergoing training au- thorized under this Act. Foreign students selected for train- ing under this Act shall be admitted as nonimmigrants under section 1101 (a) (15) of title 8, United States Code, for such time and under such conditions as may be prescribed by regulations promulgated by the Commission, the Sec- retary of State, and the Attorney General. A person ad- mitted under this section who fails to maintain the status under which he was admitted, or who fails to depart from the United States at the expiration of the time for which he was admitted, or who engages in activities of a political 18 nature detrimeptal to the interest of the United States, or 19 in activities in conflict with the security of the United States, 20 shall, upon the warrant of the Attorney General, he taken 21 into custody and promptly deported pursuant to sections 22 1251-1253 of title 8, United States Code. Deportation 23 proceedings under this section shall be summary and findings Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Rp~SO R~90,Ng7/1 ,RQ,1 1J6446R0006000b001-8 10 1 of the Attorney General as to matters of fact shall be con- 2 elusive. Such persons shall not be eligible for suspension of 3 deportation under section 1254 of such title 8. 4 NON-ACADEMY TRAINING OF ACADEMY STUDENTS 5 SEC. 8. The Commission is authorized to provide stu- 6 dents selected for training at the Academy (either before, 7 after, or during Academy training) with such additional edu- 8 cation and training at colleges, universities, or - technical 9 schools other than the Academy, or with such on-the-job 10 training in industry and business as the Commission shall 11 determine to be in the public interest. 12 AUTHORIZATION TO ESTABLISH AN INFORMATION CENTER 13 SEC. 9. The Commission is authorized to ' establish an 14 information center at such place or places within the United 15 States as the Commission may determine. The principal 16 function of the information center shall be to disseminate 17 with or without charge information and materials which. will 18 assist persons and organizations to increase their under- 19 standing of the true nature of the international Communist 20 conspiracy and the ways and means. of defeating that con- 21 spiracy. In carrying out this function, the Commission 'is 22 authorized to prepare, make, and publish textbooks and other 23 materials, including training. films, suitable for high school, 24 college, and community level instruction. The Commission 25 is authorized to disseminate such information and materials Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Ap9`bved For F**ffj%4007/1FjijgiR76R000600070001-8 11 1 to such persons and organizations as may be in the public 2 interest on such terms and conditions as the Commission 3 shall determine. 4 HSSTRICTIONB ON DIBCLOSURE OF INFORMATION 5 8Fio. 10. Nothing in this chapter shall authorize the dis- 6 closure of any information or knowledge in any case in which 7 such disclosure (1) is prohibited by any other law of the 8 United States, or (2) is inconsistent with the security of the 9 United States. 10 SECURITY CHECK OF PERSONNEL 11 SEC. 11. (a) Except as authorized by the Commission 12 upon a determination by the Commission that such action is 13 clearly consistent with the national interest, no individual 14 shalt be employed by the Commission until such individual 15 has been investigated by the Civil Service Commission to 16 determine whether the said individual is a good security risk 17 and a report thereof has been made to the Freedom 18 Commission. 19 (b) In addition to the foregoing provisions, the Com- 2o mission may request that any individual employed by the 21 Commission, or under consideration for employment by the 22 Commission, be investigated by the Federal Bureau of In- 23 vestigation to determine whether the said individual is a good 24 security "risk. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For FAR"Wg0g? 7,41P g* 2@ 446R00060aO 0001-8 12 1 GENERAL AUTHORITY OF THE COMMISSION 2 SEC. 12. In addition to the authority already granted, 3 the Commission is authorized and empowered- 4 (1) to establish such temporary or permanent 5 boards and committees as the. Commission may from 6 time to time deem necessary for the purposes of this 7 Act; 8 (2) to appoint and fix the compensation of such 9 personnel as may be necessary to carry out the functions 10 of the Commission. Such personnel shall be appointed 11 in accordance with the civil service laws and their com- 12 pensation fixed in accordance with the Classification 13 Act of 1949, as amended, except that, to the extent the 14 Commission deems such action necessary to the dis- 15 charge of its responsibilities, personnel may be employed 16 and their compensation fixed without regard to such 17 laws : Provided, however. That no personnel (except 18 such personnel whose compensation is fixed by law, and 19 specially qualified professional personnel up.to a limit 20. of $19,000) whose position would be subject to the 21 Classification Act of 1949, as amended, if such Act were 22' applicable to such position, shall be paid a salary at a 23 rate in excess of the rate payable under such Act for 24 positions of equivalent difficulty or responsibility. The 25 Commission shall make adequate provision for admin- Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 App 4ved For F IBQW7A1 pt; Af f .6R000600070001-8 13 1 istrative review of any determination to dismiss any 2 employee; 3 (3) to conduct such research, studies and surveys as 4 necessary to carry out the purposes of this Act; 5 (4) to make, promulgate, issue, rescind, and amend 6 such rules and regulations as may be necessary to carry 7 out the purposes of this Act; 8 (5) to make such expenditures as may be necessary 9 for administering and carrying out the provisions of this 10 Act; 11 (6) to utilize, with the approval of the President, 12 the services, facilities, and personnel of other Govern- 13 ment agencies. Whenever the Commission shall use the 14 services, facilities, or personnel of any Government 15 agency for activities under the authority of this Act, the 16 Commission shall pay for such performance out of funds 17 available to the Commission under this Act, either in 18 advance, by reimbursement, or by direct transfer; 19 (7) to utilize or employ on a full- or part-time basis, 20 with the consent of the organization or governmental 21 body concerned, the services of personnel of any State 22 or local government or private organization to perform such functions on its behalf as may appear desirable to 24 carry out the purposes of this Act, without said person- 25 nel severing their connection with the furnishing organ- Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved. For R ~ 91R0?/I3Fgg*E&aJIfgR000600fat1A13001-8 14 1 ization or governmental body; and further to utilize per- 2 sonnel of a foreign government in the same manner and 3 under the same circumstances with the approval of the 4 Secretary of State; 5 (8) to acquire by purchase, lease, loan, or gift, and 6 to hold and dispose of by sale, lease, or loan, real and 7 personal property of all kinds necessary for, or resulting 8 from, the exercise of authority granted by this Act; 9 (9) to receive and use funds donated by others, if 10 such funds are donated without restrictions other than 11 that they be used in furtherance of one or more of the 12 purposes of this Act; 13 (10) to accept and utilize the services of vol- 14 untary and uncompensated personnel and to provide 15 transportation and subsistence as authorized by section 16 73b-2 of title 5, United States Code, for persons serving 17 without compensation ; 18 (11) to utilize the services of persons on a tempo- 19 rary basis and to pay their actual and necessary travel 20 expenses and subsistence and in addition compensation 21 at a rate not to exceed $50 per day for each day spent 22 in the work of the Commission. 23 GENERAL MANAGER; APPOINTMENT; COMPENSATION 24 SEc. 13. The Commission is authorized to establish 25 within the Commission a General Manager, who shall dis- Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 A*foved ForV(IO,?/FEqA3MV6R000600070001-8 15 1 charge such of the administrative and executive functions of 2 the Commission as the Commission may direct. The Gen- 3 eral Manager shall be appointed by the Commission, shall 4 serve at the pleasure of the Commission, shall be removable 5 by the Commission, and shall receive compensation at a rate 6 determined by the Commission, but not in excess of $18,000 7 per annum. 8 ESTABLISHMENT OF JOINT CONGRESSIONAL FREEDOM 9 COMMITTEE; MEMBERSHIP 10 SEC. 14. There is established the Joint Congressional 11 Freedom Committee hereinafter referred to as the "joint com- 12 mittee" to be composed of seven Members of the Senate to 13 he appointed by the President of the Senate, and seven Mem- 14 hers of the House of Representatives to be appointed by the 15 Speaker of the Rouse of Representatives. In each instance 16 not more than four Members shall be the members of the 17 same political party. 18 AUTHORITY AND DUTY OF JOINT COMMITTEE SEC. 15. The joint committee shall make continued 20 studies of the activities of the Commission and of problems 21 relating to the development of counteraction to the inter- 22 national Communist conspiracy. During the first sixty days 23 of each session of the Congress the joint committee shall 24 conduct hearings in either open or executive session for the ti 25 purposes of receiving information concerning the develop- Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For FRRW 0gp7(14jICQP6R00060Q1A001-8 16 1 ment and state of counteraction. The Commission shall keep 2 the joint committee fully and currently informed with re= 3 spect to all of the Commission's activities. All bills, reso- 4 lutions, and other matters in the Senate or House of 5 Representatives relating primarily to the Commission shall 6 be referred to the joint committee. The members of the 7 joint committee who are Members of the Senate shall from 8 time to time report to the Senate and the members of the 9 joint committee who are Members of the House of.'Repre- 10 sentativeg shall from time to time report to the House, by 11 bill or otherwise, their recommendations with respect to mat- 12 ters within the jurisdiction of their respective Houses which 13 are referred to the joint committee, or otherwise within the 14 jurisdiction of the joint committee. 15 CHAIRMAN AND VICE CHAIRMAN OF JOINT COMMITTEE; 16 VACANCIES IN MEMBERSHIP 17 SEC. 16. Vacancies in the membership of the joint com- 18 mittee shall not affect the power of the remaining members 19 to execute the functions of the joint committee, and shall be 20 filled in the same manner as in the case of the original se- 21 lection. The joint committee shall select a chairman and a 22 vice chairman from among its members at the beginning of 23 each Congress. The vice chairman shall act in the place 24 and stead of the chairman in the absence of the chairman. 25 The chairmanship shall alternate between the Senate and the Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 ArJved For V#b@4vS00I/iigtT~g%46R000600070001-8 17 1 House of Representatives with each Congress, and the chair- 2 man shall be selected by the members from that House 3 entitled to the chairmanship. The vice chairman shall be 4 chosen from the House other than that of the chairman by 5 the members from that House. 6 POWERS OF JOINT COMMITTEE 7 SF.o. 17. In carrying out its duties tinder this chapter, 8 the joint committee, or any duly authorized subcommittee 9 thereof, is authorized to hold such hearings or investigations, 10 to sit and act at such places and times, to require by sub- 11 pena or otherwise, the attendance of such witnesses and the 12 production of such books, papers, and documents, to admin- 13 ister such oaths, to take such testimony, to procure such 14 printing and binding, and to make such expenditures as it 15 deems advisable. The joint committee may make such rules 16 respecting its organization and procedures as it deems neces- 17 sary: Provided, however, That no measure or recommenda- 18 tion shall be reported from the joint committee or by any 19 member designated by him or by the joint committee, and 20 may be served by such person or persons as may be desig- 21 nated by such chairman or member. The chairman of the 22 joint committee or any mejnber thereof may administer oaths 23 to witnesses. The joint committee may use a committee 24 seal. The provisions of sections 192-194 of title 2, United 25 States Code, shall apply in case of any failure of any wit- Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For A"BW298p/q 7/ E F E 7?gg446ROOO6M7OOO1-8 18 1 ness to comply with a subpena or to testify when summoned 2 under authority of this section. The expenses of the joint 3 committee shall be paid from the contingent fund of the 4 Senate from funds appropriated for the joint committee upon 5 vouchers approved by the chairman. The cost of steno- 6 graphic services to report public hearings shall not be in 7 excess of the amounts prescribed by law for reporting the 8 hearings of standing committees of the Senate. The cost of 9 stenographic services to report executive hearings shall be 10 fixed at an equitable rate by the joint committee.. Mem- 11 bers of the joint commitee, and its employees and consult- 12 ants, while traveling on official business for the joint com- 13 mittee, may receive either the per diem allowance authorized 14 to be paid to Members of Congress or its employees, or their 15 actual and necessary expenses provided an itemized state- 16 ment of such expenses is attached to the voucher. 17 STAFF AND ASSISTANCE; UTILIZATION OF FEDERAL 18 DEPARTMENTS AND AGENCIES; ARMED PROTECTION 19 SEC. 18. The joint committee is empowered to appoint 20 and fix the compensation of such experts, consultants, and 21 staff employees as it deems necessary and advisable. The 22 joint committee is authorized to utilize the services, informa- 23 tion, facilities, and personnel of the departments and 24 establishments of the Government. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67BOO446ROO0600070001-8 47-098 O-06-20 AppN@ed For Rgl OR0 /.13F ATRpe i M4?R000600070001-8 19 20 19 CLASSIFICATION OF INFORMATION BY JOINT COMMITTEE SEc. 19. The joint committee may classify information originating within the committee in accordance with stand- ards used generally by the executive branch for classifying restricted data or defense information. RECORDS OF JOINT COMMITTEE SEX. 20. The joint committee shall keep a. complete record of all committee actions, including a record of the votes on any question on which a record vote is demanded. All committee records, data, charts, and files shall be the property of the joint committee and shall be kept in the offices of the joint committee or other places as the joint eonr-]ittee way direct under such security safeguards as the joint committee shall deterwiiie in the interest of the com- mon defense and security. APPROPRIATIONS SEC. 21. There is authorized to be appropriated, out of any money in the Treasury not otherwise appropriated, so much as may he necessary to carry out the provisions of this Act. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 INDEX Page Alimin----------------------------------------?---------------------- 171 Allard, F. L., Jr---------------------------------------------------- 182 Anderson, Richard--------------------------------------------------- 182 Ashbrook, John M----------------------------------------- 1,3,12,14-19,282 Atkinson, James D--------------------------------------------------- 157 Avila, Victor--------------------------------------------------------- 163 Balaguer (Joaquin) -------------------------------------------------- 136 Baraduc, Pierre------------------------------------------------------ 156 Batista y Zaldivar (Fulgenclo)---------------------------- 131, 132, 189, 235 Bentley, Elizabeth Terrill--------------------------------------------- 51 Blake, Walter S., Jr-------------------------------------------------- 182 Boggs, Hale----------- 1,3,40,42,81,83,129,133,177-199 (statement), 238,259 Bosch,Juan ---------------------------------------------------------- 136 Braddock ------------------------------------------------------------- 63 Bringuier, Carlos--------------------------------------- 182,184,185,187-190 Brooks (Jack) ------------------------------------------------------- 129 Browder, Earl-------------------------------------------------------- 172 Buchanan, John Hall, Jr------------------- 1, 3, 122-128 (statement), 129, 259 Burke, Arleigh A----------------------------------------------------- 141 Butler, Edward S., III------------------------------------- 180,182-192,195 C Caamano Deno, Francisco-------------------------------------------- 209 Cachin (Marcel) ----------------------------------------------------- 21 Case (Clifford P.) ------------------------------------------ 42,64,65,69,196 Castro, Fidel--------------------------------------------------------- 130- 133,147,156,163,178-180,182,184,185,187-189,191,194,195 Castro, Juanita------------------------------------------------------ 180 Castro, Rual--------------------------------------------------------- 132 Chamberlain, John--------------------------------------------------- 249 Chamberlain, Neville------------------------------------------------ 23,178 Chambers, Whittaker------------------------------------------------ 51 Chaumon, Faure----------------------------------------------------- 180 Chiang Kai-shek----------------------------------------------------- 43 Chiari, Roberto (F.) ------------------------------------------------- 163 Chin Kim----------------------------------------------------------- 251 Chou Chiuyen------------------------------------------------------- 67 Chou En-lai--------------------------------------------------------- 172 Clausen, Don H--------------------------1,3,19-20 (statement), 129,146,259 Clay, Lucius (D.) -------------------------------------------------235 Coburn, Claude------------------------------------------------------ 21 Conley, Robert------------------------------------------------------- 154 D Daladler (Edouard) ------------------------------------------------- 23 Dale, Julia E-------------------------------------------------------- 181 Darsono-------------------------------------------------------------- 172 Davies, Joe---------------------------------------------------------- 22 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Release 2005/07/1 :CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 D4DEX Debat, Alphonse. (Sec Massamba-Debat, Alphonse.) rase de Gaulle (Charles A.) ---------------------------------------------- 67,156 Demos, Raphael------------------------------------------------------ 109 DeMott, John-------------------------------------------------------- 153 Derden, Elton W----------------------------------------------------- 181 Dietz, Linda--------------------------------------------------------- 181 Dobrlansky, Lev E------------??----------------------------------- 83 Dodd, Thomas J--------------------------- 42, 64, 65, 69. 146,156, 174, 196, 249 Doherty, William C -------------------------------- 233-242 (statement), 245 Douglas, Paul H------------------------------------- 42. 65, 69, 146,196 Dulles, Allen W------------------------------------------------ 25,156,158 Dyer, Murray-------------------------------------------------------- 69,71 E Eisenhower, Dwight D------------------------------- 19, 51, 130, 154, 165, 200 Engles, Friedrich (Frederick) ---------------------------------------- 123 Eptun, William------------------------------------------------------ 166 Evans, Rowland----------------------------------------------------- 172 Falk, Irving--------------------------------------------------------- 71 Ferdinand, Louis---------------------------------------------------- 21 Fischer, Ruth-------------------------------------------------------- 16 Fong, Hiram----------------------------------------------- 42,64,65, 69,196 Frank, Waldo-------------------------------------------------------- 186 Fulbright (J. W.) ---------------------------------------------------- 172 G Gallagher (Cornelius E.) --------------------------------------------- 53 Gallup, George---------------------------------------------------- 69,71,77 Garrison, Lloyd------------------------------------------------------ 66,67 Goebbels. Paul Joseph-------------------------------------------- 21,73,191 Goering (Hermann) ------------------------------------------------- 22 Goldwater (Barry) -------------------------------------------------- 42,146 Gordon, George H---------------------------------------------------- 71 Grace, Peter--------------------------------------------------------- 237 Grant, Alan G., Jr------------------------------------- 38,40-42,47,139,144 Gubser, Charles S------------------------ 1, 3, 4, 5-14 (statement), 42, 129, 282 Guevara, Ernesto "Che"---------------------------------------------- 132 Gurney, Edward John------------ 1, 3,38-43 (statement), 44, 45, 48,50,129,259 H Hall, Gus ------------------------------------------------------------ 172 Hallman, Dorothy---------------------------------------------------- 213 Hangs, Kassim------------------------------------------------------ 154 Harriman, W. Averell---------------------------- 10, 55, 109, 139, 141, 149, 240 Helms, Richard------------------------------------------------------ 156 Herlong, A. Sidney, Jr---------------------------- 1, 3, 42,44, 45, 129,133, 259 Hickenlooper (Bourke B.) ---------------------------------- 42,64.85,69.196 Hiss, Alger--------------------------------------------------------- 51,158 Hitler, Adolt---------------------- 20, 22,23, 20,28,34, 35, 116, 123,130, 173, 253 Hittle, James D---------------------------------------- 231-232 (statement) Hoare, Samuel------------------------------------------------------- 34 Ho Chi Minh--------------------------------------------------- 118,119,246 Hodapp, William----------------------------------------------------- 71 Holt, Robert T------------------------------------------------------- 74 Farland, Joseph S------------------------------------------------- 175,232 Faseeli, Dante B-------------------------------------------- 53,105,248-251 Feighan (Michael A.) --------??---------------------------------- 1,4,259 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R00060QQ70001-8 INDEX Page Jenkins, John A------------------------------------------------------ 231 Jimenez Ochoa, Julian------------------------------------------------ 68 Johnson (Lyndon B.) --------------- 31, 111, 131, 134,136, 139,150,167,179, 235 Johnston, Eric------------------------------------------------------- 237 Jordan, Alexander T------------------------------------------------- 69-71 Joyce, Walter-------------------------------------------------------- 71 Judd, Walter (H.) ------------------------------------------------ 42,44,45 K Kan Mai------------------------------------------------------------- 67 Kaya, Paul----------------------------------------------------------- 67 Keating (Kenneth B.)----------------------------------------------- 42 Kennan, George--------------------------------------------------- -- 27 Kennedy, John F---------------------------------------------------- 25, 64,130,133,139,143,155,156,168,182,184,187-189,191,1929 204 Khrushchev, Nikita Sergeevich---------------- 42, 51,64, 132, 138, 155, 156, 254 Kintner, William R-------------------------------------------------- 42 Kirkpatrick, Evron M----------------------------------------------- 75,77 Knickerbocker. H. R-------------------------------------------------- 21 Krock, Arthur-------------------------------------------------------- 71 Kubitschek (Juscellno) ----------------------------------------------- 130 Kennedy, Robert F------------------------------------------------- 110,167 L Labin, Suzanne------------------------------------------------------- 27 Lansdale, Edward---------------------------------------------------- 25 Lausche (Frank J.) ---------------------------------------- 42, 64, 65, 69, 196 Lee, O. H. (See Oswald, Lee Harvey.) Lee, V. T------------------------------------------------------------ 186 Lenin, V. I------------------- 5, 70, 73, 113, 114, 123, 155, 164, 168, 171, 172, 254 Lissouba, Pascal------------------------------------------------------ 67 Lumumba, Patrice--------------------------------------------------- 165 M MacArthur, Douglas,II ----------------------------------------------- 9,116 Magsaysay (Ramon) ------------------------------------------------ 25, 244 Mao, Tze-tung------------------------------------ 25, 26, 34, 43 155, 166, 235 Martin, L. John------------------------------------------------------ 74 Martoyoso----------------------------------------------------------- 18 Marx, Karl--------------------------------------------------49,123,125,191 Massamba-Debat, Alphonse-------------------------------------------- 67 Massoueml, Anselme-------------------------------------------------- 67 Matsocota, Lazar----------------------------------------------------- 67 McCarran (Patrick A.) ----------------------------------------------- 45 McKinnon, Clinton D----------------------------------------------- 105.118 McNamara, Robert S-------------------------------------------------- 63, 64 Meany, George----------------------------------------------------- 237,238 Methvin, Eugene H---------------------------- 151, 153'-159,161-174,180,181 Meyerhoff, Arthur E----------------------- 105-122 (statement), 148, 208, 209 Miller (Jack)---------------------------------------------- 42,64,65,69,196 Morrison, deLesseps S. (Chep) ---------------------------------------- 192 Mowrer, Edgar Ansel------------------------------------- 20-35 (statement) Mundt, Karl E----------------- 42, 43, 44-78 (statement), 84, 146, 157, 195-197 Munzenberg, Willi---------------------------------------------------- 16 Murphy (George) ---------------------------------------------------- 65,69 Mussolini, Benito------------------------------------------------- 20,21,34 N Nasser (Gamal Abdel)----------------------------------------------- 30 Neumann (Heinz) --------------------------------------------------- 21 Newman, Guy D----------------------------------------------------- 213 Ngo Dinh Diem------------------------------------------------------ 245 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Release 2005/07/13. CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 IV EX Page Niederiehner, L. (Leonard)___________________________________________ 140 Nixon, Richard M------------------------------------------- 45,130,165,166 Novak, Robert------------------------------------------------------- 179 Nozaka, Sanzo------------------------------------------------------- 172 0 Ochoa, Julian Jimenez. (See Jimenez Ochoa, Julian.) Ochsner, Alton----------------------------------------- 183.184,187,192,195 O'Connor, Daniel J--------------------------------------- 81-84 (statement) Okotcha, Anthony 0-------------------------------------------------- 154 Oles, Floyd------------------------------------------- 79,84-85 (statement) O'Neill, Eugene------------------------------------------------------ 113 Oswald, Lee Harvey (alias O. H. Lee)----------------------- 155,168, 182-191 P Padover, Saul K----------------------------------------------------- 74 Palma, Soils--------------------------------------------------------- 163 Pavlov (Ivan) ------------------------------------------------------- 62 Pearce, Marshall-------------------------------------- 183, 184, 186, 187, 189 Phillips, Rufus C., III---------------------------------- 242-247 (statement) Pollitt (Harry) ------------------------------------------------------ 172 Possony, Stefan T--------------------------------------------------- 32,42 Pouabou, Joseph----------------------------------------------------- 86,67 Pouabou, Mrs. Joseph------------------------------------------------ 66 Prouty (Winston L.) ---------------------------------------- 64, 65, 69, 196 Proxmire (William)---------------------------------- 42, 64, 05, 69, 146, 196 It Repplier, Ted-------------------------------------------------------- 109 Riegel, O. W--------------------------------------------------------- 157 Roa, Raul, Jr------------------------------------------------------- 156 Roosevelt, Franklin Delano----,-------------------------------------- 22,130 Rosenberg, Ethel (Mrs. Julius Rosenberg; nec Greenglass) ------------ 155,191 Rosenberg, Julius-------------------------------------------------- 155,191 Rowan. Carl T------------------------------------------------------ 150 Rusk, Dean---------------------------------------------------------- 24,64 S Salinger, Pierre------------------------------------------------------ 156 Schadeberg (Henry C.) ---------------------------------------------- 1 Schnabel, Charles---------------------------------------------------- 213 Scbweiker (Richard S.)--------------------------------------------- 1,42 Scott (Hugh)---------------------------------------------- 42, 64,65,69,196 Semaun------------------------------------------------------------- 171 Sharkey (L. L.) ----------------------------------------------------- 172 Sheehan, Nell-------------------------------------------------------- 16,18 Scatter, Bill--------------------------------------------------- 182,184-189 Smathers (George A.) ------------------------------------- 42, 64, 65, 69,196 Smith, Earl E. T----------------------------------- 129,130-147 (statement) Smith, Preston------------------------- ---------------------------- 218 Soto, Lionel---------------------------------------------------------- 132 Stalin, Josef------------------------------------------------- 22,34,116,123 Stevenson, Adlal___________________________________________________ 154,170 Stuckey, Bill------------------------------------------ 182,184-187,189,190 Sukarno--------------------------------------------------------- 30,169,170 Sulzberger, C. L------------------------------------------------------ 63 Sumiharni------------------------------------------------------------ 18 Szunyogh, Bela------------------------------------------------------ 71 T Taft (Robert, Jr.) -------------------------------------------------- 1,42 Talcott (Burt L.)---------------------------------------------------- 1 Taylor, Maxwell D-------------------------------------------------- 57,64 Thorez (Maurice) ---------------------------------------------------- 172 Tito ----------------------------------------------------------------- 30 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67BOO446ROO0600070001-8 INDEX v Page Trohan, Walter------------------------------------------------------ 118 Trujillo (Rafael Leoldas) ------------------------------------------ 136,205 Truman (Harry S) --------------------------------------------------- 157 Tunnell, Byron------------------------------------------------------- 213 U (Ulyanov), Alexander (Ilyich)---------------------------------------- 155 V Van Sittart, Robert-------------------------------------------------- 34,35 Vaughn, Jack (Hood) ------------------------------------------------ 194 Von Preysing-------------------------------------------------------- 234 W Walsh, William B---------------------------- ----199-231 (statement), 240 Webb, Beatrice------------------------------------------------------ 21 Webb, Sidney --------------------------------------------------------- 21 White, Harry Dexter------------------------------------------------- 158 Whitton, John Boardman_____________________________________________ 71,74 Williams, Robert F--------------------------------------------------- 166 Willis, Edwin E--------------------------------- 247-258 (closing statement) Wyss, Wallace------------------------------------------------------- 153 X Xavier, Francis---------------------------------=--------------------- 82 Y Youlou, Fulbert------------------------------------------------------ 67 Z Zenger, John Peter_-----_----_ -------- ------------------------------- 158 A A. AFL-CIO. (See American Federation of Labor-Congress of Industrial Organizations.) Advertising Council-------------------------------------------------- 120 Afro-American Labor Center (New York) ----------------------------- 236 Alliance for Progress. (See entry under U.S. Government, State Depart- ment, Agency for International Development.) All-Union Central Council of Trade Unions (U.S.S.R.) ------------------- 95 All-Union Central Soviet of Professional Unions (Moscow) ------------ 195 American Bar Association------------------------- 15, 70, 71, 76, 158, 167,168 American Council on Education for Journalism------------------------- 157 American Federation of Labor-Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFL-CIO) ------------------------------------------- 70,145,236-239,241 American Institute for Free Labor Development, AFL-CIO -------- 65, 145,167-169, 233, 236-239, 241 American Institute for Free Labor Development. (See entry under Amer- ican Federation of Labor-Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFL- CIO).) American Legion, The------------------------------ 15, 76, 81-84 (statement) First Annual National Convention, Minneapolis, Minn., November 10-12,1919----------------------------------------------------- 82 Forty-Sixth Annual National Convention, Dallas, Tex., September 22-24, 1964---------------------------------------------------- 83 National Americanism Commission-------------------------------- 81, 83 American University (Washington, D.C.) ------------------------------ 50 Asian Peoples' Anti-Communist League (APACL) ------- 173, 247, 248, 250, 251 Freedom Center (Seoul, South Korea) ------------------ 173,248,250-252 Republic of China----------------------------------------------- 247 Second Extraordinary Conference, May 1962, Seoul, Korea-------- 250 Tenth Conference, November 1964, Taipei, Formosa-------------- 247,248 Automobile, Aerospace & Agricultural Implement Workers of America; International Union, United -------------------------- --------------- 237 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67BOO446ROO0600070001-8 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67BOO446ROO0600070001-8 vi INDEX B BBC. (Bee British Broadcasting Corp.) Page Black Muslims------------------------------------------------------- 166 Boston University (Boston, Mass.)------------------------------------ 157 British Broadcasting Corp-------------------------------------------- 93 Bureau for Repression of Communist Activities (BRAC) (Cuba) -------- 132 C CORE. (Bee Congress of Racial Equality.) Carlos Rodriguez (national school of revolutionary instruction) (Cuba) 97 Catholic University of America (Washington, D.C.) -------------------- 157 Center for Strategic Studies (Georgetown University) ----------------- 158 Center of Christian Democratic Action (New York)`-------------------- 70,76 Central Komsomol School (Moscow, U.S.S.R.) -------------------------- 94 Central School of the Trade Union Federation (ROH) of Czechoslovakia (near Prague, Czechoslovakia) -------------------------------------- 98 Central University (Caracas, Venezuela) ------------------------------ 164 Comintern. (See International, III.) Committee on Cold War Education of thcc Governor's Conference, Florida---------------------------------------------------------- 252-257 Communist Institute (North Korea) ----------------------------------- 104 Communist International. (See International, III.) Communist Party, China--------------------------------------------- 90 Communist Party, Indonesia (P.K.I.) --------------------------------- 18,171 Communist Party, Soviet Union Central Committee----------------------------------------------- 75 Higher Party School---------------------------- 82,92,93,90-98,100 Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) --------------------------------- 167 Credit Union International------------------------------------------- 239 Czechoslovak Press Agency (CTK) ------------------------------------ 99 D Douglas MacArthur Academy of Freedom (Howard Payne College)-_--- 211, 213, 215-230 B Electrical Workers, International Brotherhood of______________________ 237 F Fair Play for Cuba Committee-------------------------- 156,168,182,184-191 New Orleans chapter------------------------------------184,185,187-189 Foreign Policy Research Institute (University of Pennsylvania)-----_-- 158 Four-H (clubs)------------------------------------------------------239 Freedoms Foundation at Valley Forge (Valley Forge, Pa.) ----------- 181, 212' Free German Federation of Trade Unions (East Germany) ------------- 101 Free German Youth-------------------------------------------------- 101 Fritz Heckert Academy of the Free German Federation of Trade Unions (Bernan, near East Berlin, Germany) ------------------------------- 101 General Council of Hungarian Trade Unions (Budapest, Hungary) ------ 103 George Washington University (Washington, D.C.) --------------------- 50 Georgetown University (Washington, D.C.) ---------------------- 50,157,158 Georgt Dlmitrov Trade Union School (Bulgaria)---------------------- 90 H Harlem Defense Council--------------------------------------- ------ 106 Harvard University (Cambridge, Mass.) ------------------------------ 50 Higher Party School (Cuba)------------------------------------------ 86 Higher Party School (East Germany) --------------------------------- 86 Higher Party School (Prague, Czechoslovakia) ----------------------- 80,98 ' Appears as Center for Christian Democratic Action. ' Appears as Freedoms Foundation of Valley Forge. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67BOO446ROO0600070001-8 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 INDEX vii Page Higher Party School (Sofia, Bulgaria)______________________ 86,96 Higher Party School of the CC/CPSU. (See entry under Communist Party, Soviet Union, Central Committee.) Hoover Institution on War, Revolution, and Peace (Stanford University) __ 158 HOPE (steamship)________________________________________ 199, 200, 203, 210 Howard Payne College (Brownwood, Tex.) ------------------ 211,213,215--230 Howard University (Washington, D.C.) ------------------------------- 33 I Indonesian Peasants Organization_____________________________________ 18 Industrial Workers of the World_____________________________________ 82 Information Council of the Americas (INCA), New Orleans, La-------- 168, 180-184, 187, 189-193, 195 Institute of International Studies (University of South Carolina) ---_ 158 Institute of National Minorities (Kunming, Red China) ---------------- 150 Institute of Pacific Relations_________________________________________ 158 International, III (Communist) (also known as Comintern and Interna- tional Workers' Association) -------------------------------------- 16,171 Sixth World Congress, July 17 to September 1, 1928, Moscow -------- 172 International Center for the Training of Journalists (Budapest, Hungary) --------------------------------------------------------- 87,103 International Organization of Journalists (Prague, Czechoslovakia) __ 87, 99, 103 Jeunesse (Congo-Brazzaville) (see also National Revolutionary Move- ment) -------------------------------------------------------------- 66 John Birch Society-------------------------------------------------- 156 Juan Ronda (national school of revolutionary instruction) (Cuba) ----- 97 Karl Marx School of the SED. (See entry under Socialist Unity Party, SED.) - Korean Workers (Communist) Party_________________________________ 104 Ku Klux Klan---------------------------------------------------- 156,193 L Lenin Institute of Political Warfare____________________________ 2, 16, 17,172 M Movimento Popular Dominican______________________________________ 136 National Cadre School, Cuba------------------------------------------ 132 National Directorate of Revolutionary Instruction (Cuba)______________ 97 National Education Association of the United States-------------------- 15 National Revolutionary Movement (Congo-Brazzaville) (see also Jeunesse, Congo-Brazzaville) ------------------------------------------------- 66 National Schools of Revolutionary Instruction (Cuba)__________________ 97 National Strategy Information Center, Inc. (New York City) ----------- 168 Nico Lopez (national school of revolutionary instruction) (Cuba) -------- - 97 N National Association of Manufacturers________________________________ 70,76 0 Order of Lafayette--------------------------------- 232-233 (statement), 258 Orlando Committee for a Freedom Academy------------------------ 40, 41, 47 People to People Health Foundation, Inc., The__________________________ 200 Perkins Panel (or Committee). (See U.S. Government, President's Ad- visory Panel on a National Academy of Foreign Affairs.) Princeton University (Princeton, N.J.) -------------------------------- 50 Project HOPE--------------------------------------------- 199, 200, 210, 233 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 viii INDEX Page Radio College of Marxism-Leninism (North Korea) -------------------- 104 Radio Czechoslovakia ------------------------------------------------- 27 Radio Free Europe--------------------------------------------- 69, 113,193 Radio Liberty-------------------------------------------------------- 113 Radio Moscow-------------------------------------------------------- 27 Radio Peiping-------------------------------------------------------- 27 Reserve Officers Association of the United States -------- 79,84--85 (statement) Revolutionary Student Directorate ---------------------------- ---------- 184 Ruben Bravo (national school of revolutionary instruction) (Cuba)____ 97 SED. (See Socialist Unity Party, East Germany.) SNCC. (Bee Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee.) School of Solidarity for the Training of African Journalists (Buckow, near East Berlin, Germany) --------------------------------------- 87,101 Sheet Metal Workers' International Association (AFL-CIO) ------------ 237 Socialist Unity Party, BED (Communist Party, East Germany)__________ 100 Karl Marx Rchool ------------------------------------------------ 100 Stanford University (Stanford, Calif.) --------------------------------- 158 Steelworkers of American, United, AFL-CIO -------------------------- 237 Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) ------------------ 206 Study Center of the Union of Czechoslovak Journalists (near Prague, Czechoslovakia)--------------------------------------------------- 87, 99 T Tass News Agency --------------------------------------------------- 156 Trade Union Federation of Czechoslovakia (ROII) --------------------- 98 Trade Union School of the All-Union Central Council of Trade Unions (Moscow, U.S.S.R.)------------------------------------------------ 95 Trade Union School of the General Council of Hungarian Trade Unions (Budapest, Hungary)---------------------------------------------- 103 Twenty-sixth of July Movement (Cuba)_______________________________ 132 U Union of Czechoslovak Journalists------------------------------------- 87,99 Union of German Journalists (East Germany)_________________________ 102 Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, Government of : Secret Police : KGB (Komitet Gosudarstvennot Bezopasnostl-Committee for State Security)-------------------------------------------- 156 United Harlem Organizations----------------------------------------- 168 U.S. Government : Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) ------------- 131, 155, 156, 192, 194, 197 Defense, Department of--------------------------------- 139, 140, 146,162 Health, Education, and Welfare, Department of--------------------- 33 Justice Department : Federal Bureau of Investigation------------------------------ 197 National Security Agency---------------------------------------- 194 President's Advisory Panel on a National Academy of Foreign Affairs, The (Perkins Panel or Committee) --------------------------- 45, 52, 61 President's Commission on the Assassination of President John F. Kennedy, The-------------------------------------------------- 183 Senate, U.S.: Internal Security Subcommittee of the Judiciary Committee----_ 42 State Department__ 6-11, 13, 23,29-32, 4.5-47, 50, 52, 54, 56, 57, 60, 61,106, 107, 109,115,116,118,120,131-135,137-140,149,150,192,194, 206, 246. Agency for International Development (AID) ------------ 150, 167,243 Alliance for Progress------------------------------- 194, 237, 238 Bureau of Intelligence and Research--------------------------- 132 Foreign Service Institute (FBI) ----------------------- 45,60,61.265 Peace Corps--------------------------------------- - 39,126,196,233 U.S. Information Agency (USIA)------------ 11, 61,106,109,111,113-115, 117-120,125,128,148-150.192,194,210 Voice of America----------------------------------- 27,48,51,61, 113 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Release 2005/077& CIA-RDP67B00446R00060OQ70001- : Page University of Oregon (Eugene, Oreg.) --------------------------------- 205 University of Pennsylvania (Philadelphia, Pa.) ----------------------- 69, 158 University of South Carolina (Columbia, S.C.) ------------------------- 158 University of the Workers of the East--------------------------------- 171 Valley Forge Freedom's Foundation. (See Freedoms Foundation at Valley Forge.) Veterans of Foreign Wars----------------------------- 231-232 (statement) Washington and Lee University (Lexington, Va.) ----------------------- 157 Wilhelm Neck Youth Academy (near East Berlin, Germany) ------------ 101. Y Young Pioneers------------------------------------------------------ 101 A America Illustrated ------------------------------------------------- 114,209 Ameryka. (See America Illustrated.) C Capital, Das (Kapital) (book) -------------------------------------- 191 Communist Propaganda on the Campus-------------------------------- 158 Cuba Socialista (Socialist Cuba) ------------------------------------- 132 D Daily Worker, London------------------------------------------------ 156 F Fourth Floor, The (Smith) ----------------------------------------- 130,133 Free China & Asia--------------------------------------------------- 247 I International Affairs -------------------------- ---------------------- 157 L L'Humanite----------------------------------------------------------- 156 Life (magazine) ----------------------------------------------------- 143 M Mission to Moscow (film) ------------------------------------------- 22 N New Times---------------------------------------------------------- 195 0 Orbis (University of Pennsylvania) ----------------------------------- 69,71 P Peaceful Coexistence-A Communist Blueprint for Victory-------------- 158 Problems of Peace and Socialism (PPS) ------------------------------- 98 Q Quill, The----------------------------------------------------------- 151 R Reader's Digest-------------------------------------------------- 42, Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Approved For Release 2005/07/1,i4-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8 Page Stalin and German Communism (Fischer)---------------------------- 16 Strategy of Persuasion, the Use of Advertising Skills In Fighting the Cold War, The (Meyerhoff) --------------------------------------- 105,110,122 T Trud (newspaper) --------------------------------------------------- 185 W Worker, The--------------------------------------------------------- 157 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000600070001-8