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June 20, 1967
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Approved For Release 2004/05/25 : CIA-RDP69B00369R000200300001-0 MISSING PAGE s THROUGHOUT FOLDER Approved For Release 2004/05/25 : CIA-RDP69B00369R000200300001-0 Approved For Release 2004/05/25 : CIA-RDP69B00369R000200300001-0 June 20, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE for Cuba Committee, exposed security mal- feasance in the case of defecting employes in the National Security Agency, spotlighted di- version of government funds to identified Communists, pinpointed the true nature of the W.E.B. DuBois Clubs, revealed Commu- nist manipulation behind last month's "Viet- nam Week" demonstrations. As to the charge that HUAC has "served no legislative purpose," the facts again are otherwise. It has made an estimated 160 leg- islative recommendations, some 45 of which have been enacted into law or adopted as administrative regulations. And it has dili- gently pursued its "legislative oversight" function by monitoring the way in which the security laws are enforced. Nevertheless, the opposition to the com- mittee goes on. A full-fledged campaign against it is being waged by an organization called the National Committee to Abolish the House Un-American Activities Committee. My opponent last night, Richard L. Criley, is the Midwestern director of this group. Ac- cording to material put into the Congres- sional Record by former Indianapolis Con- gressman Donald Bruce, May 3, 1961, seven of the 13 original leaders of this group have been identified as members of the Commu, nist Party. According to Bruce's statement and a re- lease this week by Rep. Richard L. Roude- bush, Midwestern director Criley has been identified by four different witnesses as a member of the party. Questioned about this identification, Criley took the Fifth Amend- ment-in effect pleading that a truthful answer would be incriminating. Noot all opposition to HUAC stems from such sources, of course, but the sustained agitation does. And that's one key reason that the committee is so "controversial." (Mr. BLACKBURN (at the request of Mr. ROTH) was granted permission to extend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and to Include. extraneous matter.) [Mr. BLACKBURN'S remarks will ap- pear hereafter in the Appendix.] (Mr. BROTZMAN (at the request of Mr. ROTH) was granted permission to extend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and to include extraneous matter.) [Mr. BROTZMAN'S remarks will.ap- pear hereafter in the Appendix.] (Mr. CURTIS (at the request of Mr. ROTH) was granted permission to ex- tend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and to include extraneous mat- ter.) [Mr. CURTIS' remarks will appear hereafter in the Appendix.] (Mr. GARDNER (at the request of Mr. ROTH) was granted permission to extend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and to include extraneous matter.) [Mr. GARDNER'S remarks will ap- pear hereafter in the Appendix.] SELECTIVE SERVICE BILL (Mr. GUDE (at the request of Mr. ROTH) was granted permission to extend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and to include extraneous matter.) Mr. GUDE. Mr. Speaker, the impor- tance of legislation that will affect the lives of all our young men cannot be minimized. The selective service bill that we are considering today will probably affect more young men in the next 4 years than any other piece of legislation in this 90th Congress. I shall vote for this bill reluctantly. I do so feeling that during this period of crisis and due to our military commit- ments around the world, we cannot af- ford an interruption in our Selective Service program. My reluctant support is based primari- ly on the fact that this fails to provide for uniform national standards, and al- lows for a haphazard. system in which each local draft board sets its own stand- ards which inevitably must result in un- justifiable inequities. I am very disap- pointed that the other body has watered down provisions that would have insured uniform national criteria for classifica- tion of men for the draft. This bill authorizes that the Federal Government recommend such stand- ards. I am hopeful that this will be a beginning in working toward uniform classification standards and that it will i ize the inequuitWs that exist. mi n m/ U C tESSING THE A 4 SENSE O CONGRESS WITH RE- SPECT TO THE ESTABLISHMENT OF PERMANENT PEACE IN THE MIDDLE EAST (Mr. WHALEN (at the request of Mr. ROTH) was granted permission to extend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and to include extraneous matter.) Mr. WHALEN. Mr. Speaker, armed conflict in the Middle East has ceased. The long debate dealing with the unre- solved problems in this area now has begun. Future world peace may well hinge upon the outcome of these discussions. Thus, the United States has an im- portant stake in current Middle East negotiations. While representatives of the executive branch serve as our country's spokesmen during the dialog on the Middle East, it is imperative that their views reflect na- tional attitudes. The most effective means of discerning and expressing national views is through congressional action. To this end, I am introducing today the following House resolution "expressing the sense of the House of Representatives with respect to the establishment of permanent peace in the Middle East." Some 54 of my colleagues, as of now, have agreed to support this resolution, and I am taking the liberty of listing their names below. I invite the other Members of the House of Representatives who have not done so already to join me in this expres- sion of national policy. The text of the resolution and the names of Members who have introduced identical or similar resolutions follows: H 7563 H. RES. 645 Resolution expressing the sense of the House of Representatives with respect to the es- tablishment of permanent peace in the Middle East Whereas, an internal Middle East conflict inherently endangers the peace and well- being of the world community of nations; and Whereas, an open door in the Middle East is vital to the flow of world commerce; and Whereas, by United Nations Declaration Israel legally deserves the status and rights of a sovereign nation and the territorial in- tegrity which such status entails; and Whereas, many thousands lost their lives in the recent Middle East conflict: Now, therefore, be it Resolved, That it is the sense of the House of Representatives that permanent peace in the Middle East can be achieved only if: 1. The existence and sovereignty of Israel is acknowledged by the Arab nations; 2. Freedom of passage in the Suez Canal and the Gulf of Aqaba is guaranteed not only to Israel but to all nations; 3. Final settlement of the boundaries of the State of Israel is made and such bound- aries are acknowledged by the Arab nations; 4. Effective restrictions are imposed upon the flow of arms into the Middle East from other members of the world community; 5. All nations address themselves to a final and equitable solution of the refugee prob- lem in the Middle East; and be it further Resolved, That the House of Representa- tives, in order that lasting peace may be established in the Middle East, urges the President of the United States: 1. To use all diplomatic resources at his command, including our membership in the United Nations, to work for the accomplish- ment of the five aforementioned objectives, and 2. To avoid repeating the mistake of 1956 which led to resumption of hostilities eleven years later, by opposing, as a precondition to the discussion and negotiation of the aforementioned five objectives, the relin- quishment by Israel of territories possessed at the time the cease fire was effectuated. CONGRESSMEN FILING THE MIDDLE EAST RESOLUTION Charles W. Whalen, Jr., Garner E. Shriver, Theodore R. Kupferman, Daniel E. Button, Fred Schwengel, John E. Hunt, Jerome R. Waldie, W. E. Brock, Seymour Halpern, Ed Reinecke, Lionel Van Deerlin, Lawrence G. Williams, E. S. Johnny Walker. Thomas G. Morris, Tom Railsback, Howard W. Robison, Richard L. Ottinger, James H. Scheuer, James A. Byrne, Barratt O'Hara, Robert L. F. Sikes, Louis C. Wyman, Cath- erine May, William L. Hungate, John Brade- mas, Bill Nichols, Margaret Heckler. Thomas M. Rees, Garry Brown, Joel T. Broyhill, William L. St. Onge, J. Herbert Burke, G. Elliott Hagan, William F. Ryan, Harold R. Collier, Richard S. Schweiker, Tor- bert H. Macdonald, Henry P. Smith III, Robert L. Leggett, Donald E. Lukens. Dan Kuykendall, Walter S. Baring, James C. Corman, J. Irving Whalley, James C. Gard- ner, Peter Kyros, John Slack, Morris Udall, Robert Denney, Guy Vander Jagt, Gilbert Gude, Florence Dwyer, Edward G. Biester, Jr., William V. Roth Jr., George Bush. QUESTIONNAIRES HELP OUR CONGRESSMEN (Mr. BURTON of Utah (at the request of Mr. ROTH) was granted permission to extend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and to include extraneous mat- ter.) Approved For Release 2004/05/25 : CIA-RDP69B00369R000200300001-0 H 7564 Approved For Release 2004/05/25 : CIA-RDP69B00369R000200300001-0 . CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE June 20, 1967 Mr. BURTON of Utah. Mr. Speaker, all of us in Congress hope we qualify as ex- perts on the needs and desires of our constituents. Nonetheless, it seems nec- essary to "touch base" with the people frequently in order to keep our feet on the ground, for the world changes and the moods of our constituents change- and not always in harmony. I am sure that most of us are aware of the great value of mailed question- naires, and I am sure that if the citizens of our districts could sit in our places they, too, would feel that the efforts expended in registering their opinions are unusually worthwhile. Our distinguished colleague from Colorado [Mr. BROTZMAN] recently con- ducted such an opinion poll-as did I. In the course of comparing notes, he showed me an editorial from a newspaper in his district, the Longmont Daily Times-Call, which seemed to present the rationale of the opinion poll unusually well. Mr. Speaker, I am inserting this edi- torial in the RECORD for the benefit of the Members: QUESTIONNAIRES HELP OUR CONGRESSMEN, We have always admired those people who are easy with a pen and can sit down and turn out a short, sensible letter to their Congressman. We have known a few people who not only can, but do send their views to Washington in this way. Unfortunately they are a rare type with the result that our representatives in Washington are often forced to grope for the opinions of most of their constituents. Finding the sense of their districts has become an increasingly difficult problem for our congressmen and senators. First they can spend very little time at home because Congress stays in session much longer than it used to. Being a Washington representa- tive is not the part-time job it once was. Secondly the number of people each Con- gressman and senator represents has in- creased many times making: it just about impossible to talk to a very large proportion of the people in a district or a state. In many ways we are inclined to deplore the use of questionnaires by Congressmen to find out what people are thinking, but for the moment, we cannot think of a better way for them to do the job. The recent questionnaire which Congress- man Don Bratzman sent out: did a fine job of presenting eight questions of major im- portance to the country. Of the 190,000 questionnaires sent out over 29,000 were returned which represented the opinions of 49,000 people (two votes being allowed per card). Answers to some of the questions seemed less than consistent. People want to raise the SocialSecurity benefits, but at the same time they oppose a tax increase. And without a tax increase they want to continue the war in Vietnam until North Vietnam gives in. They showed no desire for us to stop bombing the North without definite concessions. It is going to be hard to keep the war going at the present pace and Increase home spending without a tax increase. People seem reluctant to get China into the UN; although the margin against this is far smaller than it probably would have been a few years ago. Youth should be interested in the poll to the extent that most people thought the draft was fair and that 18-year-olds should not vote. It is interesting to note that Con- gress is working to change the draft law since the poll was taken, though not materially. People were not clear at all as to how they feel about the federal government becom?ng a giant tax collecting agency that would pull in the funds for the states and then parcel them back out on the basis of how much the states had paid in. The clearest point of all which we hope all congressmen, in Colorado and across the na- tion, take to heart is that 94.4 per cent of the poll answerers think Congress should have a code of ethics. (Mr. BERRY (at the request of Mr. ROTH) was granted permission to ex- tend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and to include extraneous matter.) [Mr. BERRY'S remarks will appear hereafter in the Appendix.] (Mrs. HECKLER of Massachusetts (at the request of Mr. ROTH) was granted permission to extend her remarks at this point in the RECORD and to include extraneous matter.) [Mrs. HECKLER of Massachusetts' remarks will appear hereafter in the Appendix.] - THE OIL IMPORT PROGRAM (Mr. SMITH of Oklahoma (at the re- quest of Mr. ROTH) was granted permis- sion to extend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and to include extraneous matter.) Mr. SMITH of Oklahoma. Mr. Speaker, it gives me a great deal of pleasure to sponsor this bill. The independent segment of the oil industry in the State of Oklahoma is struggling for its survival. Since the 8-year-old mandatory oil import pro- gram was undertaken in 1959 to protect the national security as relates to petro- leum fuels, there have been accumulated pressures on the oil import program which can be summarized as follows: Certain proposals by five different companies to construct new or ex- panded refinery-petrochemical facilities in Puerto Rico and the Virgin Islands, with authorization to move about 95,000 barrels daily of light products and an in- determinate volume of residual fuel to the U.S. mainland. Pending "trade zones" at Taft, La., and in Bay County, Mich., both approved by the Foreign Trade Zones Board, the Department now has the responsibility for acting on applications to permit 30,000 barrels daily of foreign petro- chemical feed stocks sought for proc- essing in these zones. The Canadian exports into U.S. mar- kets, which were estimated and then de- ducted from other-offshore-imports in each allocation period, exceed agreed- upon volumes in each period, and be- cause of new Canadian capacity are re- sulting in increasing pressures which many doubt can be contained under the informal arrangements that have ap- plied to Canadian imports in the past. For reasons that still are not clear, Interior proposed, and the President signed, an amendment to the oil import proclamation to give Secretary Udall "discretionary" authority to import asphalt outside the 12.2 import ratio. The proposal was said to be tied to develop- ing "asphalt shortages" and "higher prices" ; however, I must say I have been unable to find evidence of either "asphalt shortages" or "higher prices." In addition to thevery real potential of these threatening and widening "loop- holes," confidence in the import program is further undetermined by Government's declared- intent to manipulate the pro- gram as a coercive means of holding down oil prices. Secretary Udall has notably mentioned that keeping down prices is the basic reason for the proposal to per- mit greater asphalt imports. Not one of these propositions to hike imports has any relationship to security considerations. All are simply private measures to give specific companies spe- cial or preferred treatment in their access to foreign oil or its products. Each could have only one effect-to improve its spon- sor's economic position in relation to competitors. The five active applications which have been made to coastal projects in Puerto Rico and the Virgin Islands would create gaps in the import program; and as well, additional inflow of foreign pe- troleum products, assuming all the prod- ucts were approved, would aggravate the U.S. balance-of-payments deficit by an- other $100 million. Further, it would sim- ply destroy - the Department of Defense cuts in foreign product purchases and imports in order to ease the U.S. balance- of-payments deficit. In relation to the applications which were made to the Foreign Trade Zones Board some 2 years ago to establish trade zones in Taft, La., and Bay County, Mich., which were approved by the Sec- retary of Commerce, it should be noted that import allocations of 74,000 bar- rels daily to Puerto Rico firms already exceed the equivalent feed stocks of about 50,000 barrels a day which go into the export limit. Further, if petrochemi- cal processors are granted preferential access to foreign feedstocks, others for comparable reasons would be compelled to seek similar treatment. Indeed, can the Government, in fairness, dole out preferential treatment to just one or two without giving similar treatment to oth- ers? Such a "trade zone stampede," as Mr. Udall has stated, "could wreck the whole import program." In relation to the supposed shortage of asphalt and to rising prices of the prod- uct in the U.S. highway program, all evidence indicates that there is subse- quent excess of the current demand. A recent study pointed out that in 1958 the asphalt capability from our domestic crude was 700,000 barrels a day. Since 1958, production of crude has increased 24 percent. In 1966, asphalt demands were only 368,000 barrels daily. In actu- ality, the asphalt stock situation actually. improved in 1966, rising from 16.1 mil- lion barrels at the beginning of the year to 17.3 million barrels at the end of 1966. Therefore, it would seem evident that there is no available information which would justify granting importers of as- phalt or asphaltic oils preferential treat- ment under the import program. In addition to this accumulation of threats to the stabilization of the import program, the completely unauthorized Approved For Release 2004/05/25 : CIA-RDP69B00369R000200300001-0 - Approved For Release 2004/05/25 : CIA-RDP69B00369R000200300001-0 H 7565 . rnivrRF.SSTfNAL RECORD - HOUSE interference into oil pricing, first in the Oklahoma-Kansas crude oil prices last fall, then in gasoline pricing, now in asphalt prices, serve to shatter confidence in the entire program. These actions serve only to raise the question as to whether imports are to be firmly limited to serve oil security objectives or ma- neuvered to keep depressed oil prices further depressed. While the import ratio has held fairly stable, domestic production and explora- tion have continugd to decline along with operating rigs, drilling completions, footing drilled, and seismic crews have reached new lows in 1966. The additions to our reserve have been inadequate. In Oklahoma, 1959 and 1966 activity com- pares as follows : Total well completions fell from 6,230 to 4,069, a 35-percent decline. Footage drilled declined from 21,278,- 000 feet to 18,142,000 feet, a reduction of 15 percent. Operating rigs were reduced from 226 to 141. In 1967, rig activity has further declined. While drilling of exploratory wells in- creased in 1966, the 505 wildcat wells drilled were less than one-half the num- ber drilled in 1959. Crude oil.production increased 11 per- cent compared to an increase of 18 per- cent in crude oil imports into districts I through IV. The only basis for mandatory oil im- port program is national security, and that basis must be completely reaffirmed. With that overall objective in mind we should : Commit ourselves to the preservation which results from lack of repairs an h mes t t o for expenses incurred by the taxpayer on improvements and repairs to his res- idence. This is the heart of my program. It is a forceful incentive to home beau- tification and continuing upkeep. I am certain that many of us have observed increasing signs of general de- preciation in many communities. This is especially evident in lower income com- munities, and that is understandable in the light of the soaring costs of mate- rials and skilled labor. Home depreciation is a progressive blight. A repair that goes undone one year may cost twice as much to correct in the second year, and four times as much in the third year. Eventually, if the regular, periodic maintenance work has not been carried out, there comes a point where the cost of repairs becomes so prohibitive as to be impossible. From that point on, creeping blight becomes rampaging blight. The Bureau of the Census in 1960 re- ported that only 74 percent of all the housing in America could be deemed to be in sound condition. Since then, there has been a steady increase in the costs of home maintenance. We can hardly hope that the rate of deterioration had decreased. In fact, we can safely assume that delapitation has spread. We must do everything in our power to encourage the physical preservation of the American home, for it is the founda- tion of the American community. Enactment of the two laws I have in- troduced today will go a long way to- ward making that preservation more o of the general principles of the Curren improvements CE FORCE uota system with a reasonable reduction The first bill would provide deprecia- q in the overall level of imports. Lion allowances to make up for wear and The S FAKER. Under previous order Include all nonresidual imports into tear on a home. We have ample precedent of the House, the gentleman from Mas- districts I through IV_ within the pre- for this in the depreciation allowances sachusetts [Mr. CONTE] is recognized for scribed import ratio. enjoyed by the owners of business and 10 minutes. Subject all products moving from off- commercial property. Mr. CONTE. Mr. Speaker, I stood be- shore chemical plants to the same restric- Homes are the stock in trade of Amer- fore the Members of this House on June Lions that such produ would have if scan communities, providing the taxes 5, as the parties in the Middle East moving from foreign sotour rces. which form a major part of local tax plunged into their first day of open Allow feee imports into trade zones income. If they are kept in good repair, struggle, to express once again my grave and re tquire he extent products are t inopro- the locality's tax resources remain disappointment and concern for the ac- portion on to the raw U .S. .S. prodlduct quota impo onrts. pro- strong. tion of the U.N. Secretary General U port the The general economic health of cities, Thant in withdrawing the troops of the Delay me use ut of the on "discretionary" suntowns, and villages reflects the condi- United Nations Emergency Force from asphalt import authority Pt least uhas tion of their homes. The money spent Egypt on May 18. That action was taken t the Oeted its of study Emergency P nofiblanning has for upkeep and repairs goes into the tills directly upon the request of President aspects of it both finished of local businessmen. Furthermore, the Nasser, and without the consultation or aspects and the asphalt content crude. nt cr fifinished businessmen of a well-kept home area advice of any formal body within the asphalt a are always more prosperous-and let us United Nations. xem ng not forget that their incolne taxes swell It was the stated opinion of the See- and crude e the by defense tCution of overland recognize these imports o from controls tbut exempLting restrict the Federal Treasury. retary General at that time that Egypt, overland d import growth to the same rate Even more basic than that, we must in exercising her rights as a sovereign as the U.S. crude demand growth. never lose sight of the fact that the con- nation, had full right to demand and ex- Establish more specific guidelines for struction industry is the bellwether of the pect the immediate withdrawal of the the operation of the Oil Import Appeals overall economy in urban area. When the U.N. peat kewhile the epi force. General Mr. Thant ar- Board. construction industry thrives and its Because so many States, including mechanics are earning steady incomes, had created the emergency force in 1956, Oklahoma, are supported by the oil in- local industry and commerce also thrive. the actual admission of the troops to dustry, and because the whole stability My proposals can provide the incen- Egyptian soil had been the result of di- of our economy could be at stake, I would tive to homeowners to maintain the con- rect negotiations between the Secretary urge my colleagues to move as quickly as dition of their homes and to improve General and the Egyptian Government, possible on this measure. them, providing a tremendous shot-in- thus precluding the need for General As- This measure will provide long-range the-arm to the construction industry, sembly consent to a withdrawal. stability and insure an ample oil supply and helping it to help the economy. To many of us these legalisms seemed to this country in the interest of our na- The second bill I am introducing today hollow. We felt, as Israel's Foreign Min- tional security. The American oil indus- would provide for a deduction of up to ister Abba Eban noted before. the U.N. try has too long suffered from the fourth $750. in the owner's income tax return Security Council, that- agency of Government who rules by agency decree. It behooves us to protect our national economy and resources by supporting this measure. A BREAK FOR THE HOMEOWNER The SPEAKER. Under previous order of the House, the gentleman from New York, [Mr. HALPERN], is recognized for 15 minutes. Mr. HALPERN. Mr. Speaker, it is high time we gave a break to the homeowner- the backbone of our Nation. For far too long, the homeowner has been the for- gotten man on the American scene, and the one hardest hit by the tax collector. The American homeowner-the pillar of our communities-has no organized pressure group for massed demands upon the Congress. His basic rights and needs have a way of being lost in the turmoil of behests and pleas which always swirls about this Hill. I urge all of my colleagues in this House to remember that we are the spokesmen for the American homeowner, and he depends upon us to be aware of his burdens and needs, and to act for the fulfillment of those needs. One of these needs, and one of the most important, is a meaningful measure of tax relief. I have pressed for such relief in previous sessions of this House, and I shall strive for this goal again in this Congress. For that reason, I am introducing to- day two bills aimed at assisting home- owners, and heping to fortify American communities against the spreading blight Approved For Release 2004/05/25 : CIA-RDP69B00369R000200300001-0 Approved For Release 2004/05/25 : CIA-RDP69B00369R000200300001-0 H 7566 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE June 20, 1967 It is not a question of sovereignty that is Nations, who has agreed to its publication It being agreed that consent of Egypt is in- here involved. The United Nations has a this week by the American Society of Inter- dispensable for entry and presence of the right to ask that when it assumes a function, national Law. the termination of that function shall not AS the decision on the U.N.E.F. [United such cones in. any part of its tersefor is sent take place in conditions that would lead- to Nations Emergency Force] was taken under shall withdraw." longer persist, these forces anti-Charter situations. - Chapter VI [of the Charter] it was obvious I replied to this in a memo dated 12 No- We asked along with Mr. Eban, as we from the beginning that the resolution did vember in which I said: "I have received may well ask now : in state. This was clear both fm the rlu- g on of the no way limit the sovereignty of the host your aide-m?raoire setting out the under- What is the use of a United Nations pres- tion of the General Assembly and from the Government tacceptss mywhich announcing ytoday ence if it is, in effect, an umbrella which is second and final report on the emergency that agreement on the arrival in Egypt of taken,away as soon as it begins to rain? force. Thus, neither the General Assembly the United Nations force has been reached. Today we have evidence to support our nor the Secretary General, acting for the I wish to put an record my interpretation of doo y we have which bares the illogi- General Assembly, created any right for two of these points." Regarding the point cal framework of Mr. Thant's argument. ng consent vasaa conditi on fort he presence I then continued: IEwant to put onm6moire record I refer the attention of my colleagues to and functioning of the U.N.E.F. on Egyptian that the conditions which motivate the the aide-memoire of August 5, 1957, by territory. Egypt had the right, and the only consent to entry and presence, are the very the then Secretary General Dag Ham- problem was whether that right in this con- conditions to which the tasks established for marskjold, which was released in yester- text should and could in some way be limited, the force in the General Assembly resolution day's New York Times. Here we find the CABLE FROM BURNS [requesting preparations for establishment rvnnrA of ecn,-nt .,e _-cl iLu1VII OI Hammarskj old, who foresaw our current this last-mentioned problem-the limitation problems in the withdrawal of the U.N. of Egypt's sovereign right in the Interest of force, and the Egyptian Government. political balance and stability In the U.N.E.F. We learn that those ne OtiatloriS re- operation-was the fact that Egypt had spon- g taneously endorsed the General Assembly sulted in the tacit agreement that the resolution of 5 November [creating the force] UNEF would not be removed until the and by endorsing that resolution had con- General Assembly could meet to deter- sented to the presence of the U.N.E.F. for mine whether the mission of the troops certain tasks. They could thus not ask the had been completed. U.N.E.F. to withdraw before the completion I can only find it deplorable that our of the tasks without running up against their present Secretary General was unable own acceptance of the resolution on the to exercise the vigor and foresight of his force and its tasks. f The question arose in relation to Egypt predecessor in guarding the stabii[t o Y first in a cable received 9 November from This explanation of mine was sent to the the Middle East. Burns [E. L. M. Burns, Canadian lieutenant Egyptian Of still more shocking consequence general who was chief of staff of the United cation in the imorning of thee12th with Dr. however is the disclosurethat Mr. Thant Nations Truce Supervision Organization in Fawzi where we agreed on publication of acted not only in poor judgment but in Palestine and who became in November 1956, our agreement on the entry of the U.N.E.F. defiance and denial of a negotiaten commander of the United Nations Emer- Into Egypt. In view of the previous ex- gency Force and is now adviser on disarms- changes, I had no reason to believe that precedent. He contended that the deci- ment to the Canadian Government] covering my statement would introduce any new dif- sion to remove the UNEF was his alone, an interview the same day with Fawzi [Mah- ficulty. I also counted on the fact that Egypt and that- moud Fawzi, Egyptian Foreign Minister in probably by then was so committed as to be It is not for the General Assembly to act; 1956 and now Deputy Premier for Foreign rather anxious not to reopen the discussion. it is not within the competence of the Gen- Affairs of the United Arab Republic]. In that However, I recognized to myself that there eral Assembly to act. Interview Egypt had requested cl ifi t . In so doing Mr. Thant not only re- jected, but in effect denied the existence of the procedure established by his pred- ecessor to deal with just the kind of emergency situation which: arose in the Middle East. This procedure contrary to Mr. Thant's statement specifically pro- vided the General Assembly with com- petency to act on this very question which arose. At a time when the need for deliberation and contemplation re- garding the Middle East was of the high- est order, the Secretary General chose to ignore the means for accomplishing this, so wisely established by Mr. Hammar- skjold. Mr. Thant has stated that the memo- randum was known to him. It is truly un- fortunate that he did not see fit to follow or reveal the wisdom which it provided for him, for the United Nations and for the cause of peace. Mr. Speaker, I offer the full text of the Hammarskjold document as re- printed in yesterday's- New York Times, for inclusion in the body of the RECORD: TEXT OF HAMMARSKJOLD MEMORANDUM ON MIDEAST PEACE FORCE - on was an element Of of the question how long it was Contempla ted I felt I simply had to take ingvi w oh the dwhic nh that the force would stay in the demarcation ger that further delays might cause Egypt line area. To this I replied the same day: to change its mind, accept volunteers and "A definite reply is at present impossible, throw our approaches overboard. but the emergency character of the force However, the next morning, 13 November, links it to the immediate crisis envisaged in I received a message from Dr. Fawzi to the the resolution of 2 November [calling for effect that the Government of Egypt could truce] and its liquidation. In case of differ- not subscribe to my interpretation of the ent views as to when the crisis does not any question of consent and withdrawal, as set longer warrant the presence of the troops the out on 12 November, and therefore, in the matter will have to be negotiated with the light of my communication of that date, parties." In a further cable to Burns the "felt impelled to consider that the an- same day I said, however, also that "as the nounced agreements should remain inopera- United Nations force would come with tive until all misunderstandings were cleared Egypt's consent, they cannot stay nor up." The Government reiterated in this con- operate unless Egypt continues to consent." text its view that if its consent no longer On 10 November Ambassador Loutfl persisted, the U.N.E.F. should withdraw. [Omar Loutfi, chief Egyptian delegate at the I replied to this communication-which United Nations in 4956, later an Under Sec- cause a further delay of the transportation retary of the United Nations, who died in of troops to Egypt by at least 24 hours-in 19631, under instruction, asked me, "wheth- a cable sent immediately on receipt of the er it was recognized that an agreement is communication. In drafting my reply I had necessary for their (U.N.E.F.'s) remaining in a feeling that it now was a must to get the the canal area" once their task in the area troops in and that I would be in a position had been completed, I replied that it was to find a formula, saving the face of Egypt my view that such an agreeement would while protecting the U.N. stand, once I would then be necessary. discuss the matter personally with President On 11 November Ambassador Loutfl saw Nasser. me again. He then said that it must be In the official reply 13 November I said agreed that when the Egyptian consent is no that my previous statements had put forward more valid, the U.N. force should withdraw. my personal opinion that "the reasons" for To this I replied that I did ne,t. flnA -u- ...awn, ua consent Could be made before leading to the was not completed. I also said that for that WASHINGTON, June 18. Following is the the tasks which had justified the entry, had text pleted withdrawal of previously consent of an aide-memorie prepared Aug. 5, been completed; if, as might happen, differ- withdrawal of the :force before stated) in the my task view, 1957, by Dag Hammarskjold, then Secretary . ent views on the degree of completion of the comreason a was General, for his files on negotiations covering tasks prescribed proved to exist, the matter "although within the rights of the Egyptian the presence of United Nations troops in the should be negotiated. United Arab Republic. Before his death, Mr. The view expressed by Loutfl was later of the basic resolution ofnthetGeneralaAs- Hammarskjold gave a copy of the memoran- embodied in an aide-memoire, dated the sembly." I continued by saying that my ref- dum to a friend, Ernest A. Gross, former same day, where it was said: "The Egyptian erence to negotiation was intended to indi- United States representative at the United Government takes note of the following: A. cate only that the question of withdrawal of the force], 4 November, are - directed. Therefore, I assume it to be recognized that as long as the task, thus prescribed, is not completed, the :reasons for the consent of the government remain valid, and that a with- drawal of this consent before completion of the task would run counter to the accept- ance by Egypt of the decision of the Gen- eral Assembly. I read. the statement quoted in the light of these considerations. If a dif- ference should develop, whether or not the reasons for the arrangements are still valid, the matter should be brought up for nego- tiation with the United Nations." MESSAGE FROM FAWZI Approved For Release 2004/05/25 : CIA-RDP69B00369R000200300001-0 Approved For Release 2004/05/25 : CIA-RDP69B00369R000200300001-0 June 20, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -HOUSE should be a matter of discussion to the ex- tent that different views were held as to whether the task of the Generale Assembly was fulfilled or not. I referred In this respect to my stand as explained already in my mes- sage of 9 November, as quoted above. FREEDOM OF ACTION I commented upon the official reply in a special personal mesage to Fawzl, sent at the same time, where I said that we "both had to reserve our freedom of action, but that, all the same, we could go ahead, hoping that a controversial situation would not arise." "If arrangements would break down on this issue" (withdrawal only on completion of the tasks), "I could not avoid going to the General Assembly" (with the conflict which had developed between us on this question of principle) "putting it to their judgment to decide what could or could not be accepted as an understanding. This situation would be a most embarrassing one for all but I would fear the political repercussions, as ob- viously very few would find it reasonable that recognition of your freedom of action should mean that you, after having permitted the force to come, might ask it to withdraw at a time when the very reasons which had previously prompted you to accept were still obviously valid." I ended by saying that I trusted that Fawzi on the basis of this per- sonal message could help me by "putting the stand I had to take on my own rights, in the right perspective." The letter to Fawzi thus made it clear that if the Government did not accept my stand on withdrawal as a precondition for further steps, the matter would be raised in the Assembly. On the basis of these two final communi- cations from me, Egypt gave green lights for the arrival of the troops, thus, in fact, ac- cepting my stand and letting it supersede their own communication 13 November. In my effort to follow up the situation, which prevailed after the exchange in which different stands had been maintained by Egypt and by me, I was guided by the con- sideration that Egypt constitutionally had an undisputed right to request the with- drawal of the troops, even if initial consent had been given, but that, on the other hand, it should be possible on the basis of my own stand as finally tacitly accepted, to force them into an agreement in which they lim- ited their freedom of action as to with- drawal by making a request for withdrawal dependent upon the completion of the task- a . question which, in the U.N., obviously would have to be submitted to interpreta- tion by the General Assembly. OBSTACLES TO SOLUTION The most desirable thing, of course, would have been to tie Egypt by an agreement in which they declared, that withdrawal should take place only if so decided by the General Assembly. But in this naked form, however, the problem could never have been settled. I felt that the same was true of an agreement to the effect that withdrawal should take place upon "agreement on withdrawal" be- tween the U.N. and the Egyptian Govern- ment. However, I found it worthwhile to try a line, very close to the second one, accord- ing to which Egypt would declare to the United Nations that it would exert all its sovereign rights with regard to the troops on the basis of a good faith interpretation of the tasks of the force. The United Nations should make a reciprocal commitment to maintain the force as long as the task was not completed. If such a dual statement was introduced in an agreement between the parties, it would be obvious that the pro- cedure in case of a request from Egypt for the withdrawal of U.N.E.F. would be as fol- lows. The matter would at once be brought before the General Assembly. If the General Assembly found that the task was completed, everything would be all right. If they found that the task was not completed and Egypt, all the same, maintained Its stand and en- forced the withdrawal, Egypt would break the agreement with the United Nations. Of course Egypt's freedom of action could under no circumstances be limited but by some kind of agreement. The device I used meant only that instead of limiting their rights by a basic understanding requesting an agree- ment directly concerning withdrawal, we created an obligation to reach agreement on the fact that the tasks were completed, and, thus, the conditions for a withdrawal estab- lished. I elaborated a draft text for an agreement along the lines I had in mind during the night between 15 and 16 November in Ca- podichino [Italy] I showed the text to Fawzi at our first talk on 16 November and I dis- cussed practically only this issue with Nasser for seven hours in the evening and night of 17 November, Nasser, in this final discussion, where the text I had proposed was approved with some amendments, showed that he very fully understood that, by limiting their free- dom of action in the way I proposed, they would take a very serious step, as it would mean that the question of the extent of the task would become decisive for the relations between Egypt and the United Nations and would determine Egypt'- political freedom of action. He felt, not without justification, that the definition given of the task in the U.N. texts was very loose and that, tying the freedom of action of Egypt to the concept of the task-which had to be interpreted also by the General Assembly-and doing so in a written agreement, meant that he accepted a far-reaching and unpredictable restriction. To shoot the text through in spite of Nas- ser's strong wish to avoid this, and his strong suspicion of the leg-- construction-especial- ly of the possible consequences of differences of views regarding the task-I felt obliged, in the course of the discussion, to threaten three times, that unless an agreement of this type was made, I would have to propose the immediate withdrawal of the troops. If any proof would be necessary for how the text of the agreement was judged by President Nas- ser, this last mentioned fact tells the story. It is obvious that, with a text of the con- tent mentioned approved by Egypt, the whole previous exchange of views was superseded by a formal and explicit recognition by Egypt of the stand I had taken all through, in particular on 9 and 12 November. The pre- vious exchange of cables cannot any longer have any interpretative value as only the text of the agreement was put before the General Assembly and approved by it with the concurrence of Egypt and as its text was self-contained and conclusive. All further discussion, therefore, has to start from the text of the agreement, which is to be found in document A/3375. The interpretation of the text must be the one set out above. The SPEAKER. Under previous order of the House, the gentleman from Mas- sachusetts [Mr. CONTE] is recognized for 10 minutes. [Mr. CONTE addressed the House. His remarks will appear hereafter in the Appendix.] WHERE IS THE SOUTH VIETNAMESE ARMY? (Mr. KASTENMEIER (at the request of Mr. ECKHARDT) was granted permis- sion to extend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and to include extraneous matter.) Mr. KASTENMEIER. Mr. Speaker, re- cent news reports from South Vietnam have quoted Premier Nguyen Cao Ky as saying that 600,000 American troops H 7567 would now be required to win the war that is raging there. This would necessi- tate the sending of an additional 137,000 men to South Vietnam. Despite the 1964 campaign promise made by President Johnson that Ameri- can soldiers would not be sent 9,000 or 10,000 miles away to do what the Asians ought to be doing for themselves, we have sent aproximately 463,000 troops to Viet- nam and now, the United States finds it- self being told by this petty Vietnamese military dictator what our future mili- tary manpower commitments ought to be. Although one might ask the where- abouts of the South Vietnamese military forces these days, and question its overall lamentable performance, the sad and tragic fact is that the Rusk-McNamara team will acquiesce in Ky's demand for additional American troops "to do what Asian boys ought to be doing for them- selves." Mr. Speaker, I include an editorial which appeared in the June 16, 1967, New York Times that comments on the con- duct of the war: i PREMIER KY'S WAR? Premier Nguyen Cao Ky of South Vietnam has pronounced judgment: 600,000 American troops are needed to win the war in Vietnam. He calmly, and with apparent confidence, made his desires known a few hours after the Pentagon announced that Secretary of De- fense McNamara, Under Secretary of State Katzenbach and others are flying to Saigon Sunday. . The united states seems on the verge of one more major escalation of the Vietnamese conflict. General Westmoreland's recent trip to the United States, coupled with seemingly inspired reports from Washington and Sai- gon, reinforces the belief that an American force of 462,000 men plus other forces at sea and in Thailand is considered insufficient. All this even though President Johnson said again and again in his 1964 electoral campaign that he had no intention of send- ing "American boys 9,000 or 10,000 miles away from home to do what Asian boys ought to be doing for themselves." Unfortunately, Premier Ky's soldiers have not even shown the determination needed to defend their own people in the pacifica- tion program. As a result the defensive work as well as most of the offense has had to be taken over by American soldiers. This is aside from the fact that the pacification campaign has, to date, been a failure; its promised re- vitalization has not occurred. It would stretch Credibility to detach Pre- mier Ky's figure of 600,000 American soldiers from the fact that he Is a candidate for the Presidency of South Vietnam and has been conducting an open drive for the post even before the official opening of the campaign. He is apparently running on a program of outpromising any other candidate, with American troops and supplies as his promis- sory notes. Escalation on the ground and in the air has merely extended the scope of the war and the casualties without bringing any dis- cernible progress toward an end of hostilities. The sole effect of each increase in forces is to provide the impetus for yet another increase and multiply the risk of world holocaust. The quest for a military victory In Vietnam has perhaps been spurred by the speed of the Israeli victory in the Mideast. If so, it would be well to consider the enormous and baffling problems that now face Israel, the Arab states and the great powers as a result of a military success that the United States could not at this late stage duplicate in Vietnam. The longer the Vietnam war goes on and the greater the costs on both sides, the more Approved For Release 2004/05/25 : CIA-RDP69B00369R000200300001-0 H7588 Intractable the obstacles to a negotiated settlement will become. In any case Marshal Ky should be told that the war is not being fought to advance his political career, (Mr. KASTENMEIER , (at the request of Mr. EcIUMRDT) was granted permis- sion to extend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and to include extraneous matter.) [Mr. KASTENMEIER'S remarks will appear bereafter in the Appendix.] Approved For Release 2004/05/25 : CIA-RDP69B00369R000200300001-0 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE Ing so he distorts the Secretary-General's report. I understand his predicament, but I cannot admire his audacity. The unfounded charge of alleged Israel troop concentrations is the keynote of the Egyptian case for moving its forces against Israel. If it is pulled away, the whole flimsy edifice of Egyptian propaganda will collapse like a house of cards. By the alchemy of constant repetition, the Egyptian propagan- da machine tries to transmute the big lie into golden truth. This technique has been tried before, and not so long ago-with ini- tial success and final disaster for its prac- titioners. Mr. President, to return to the narration of the events. On 16 May, one day after my government had conveyed these assurances to the Secretary-General, President Nasser moved against UNEF, and deployed, heavy Egyptian forces right along the Israel border. In his report to the General Assembly the Secretary-General, with his accustomed re- straint and courtesy, has painted a vivid picture of the attitudes and actions of the Egyptian authorities. An ultimatum was is- sued, and while It was being delivered Egyp- tian military forces took over positions held by UNEF, and shells were even fired to speed up the evacuation. With UNEF safely out of the way, more Egyptian forces were poured into Sinai. At this point the situation be- came critical. Israel defense forces were still on their normal peace footing. But In the light of these sudden and threatening moves, my Government was compelled to take limited precautionary measures. On 22 May the Secretary-General, alarmed at the rapidity with which the situation was deteriorating, left on his journey to Cairo. While he was en route, President Nasser, in a fiery speech proclaimed the blockade of the international waterway of the Straits of Tiran and the Gulf of Aqaba. When the Secretary-General arrived in Cairo, not only did he find himself con- fronted with the fait accompli of the block- ade, but. also with the same whipped-up crowds greeting him with cries: "We want war with Israel." Next came announcements that operational blockade measures were be- ing put into effect, and that mines were be- ing laid in the international waterway. The Secretary-General returned to New York earlier than expected and his report is now before the Security Council. In para- graph 10 of that report (x/7906) he stated: "The decision of the Government of the United Arab Republic to restrict shipping in the strait of"Tiran of which I learned while en route to Cairo, has created a new situa- tion. Free passage through the Strait is one of the questions which the Government of Israel considers most vital to her interests ... While In Cairo, I called to the attention of the Government of the United Arab Re- public the dangerous consequences which could ensue from restricting innocent pas- sage of ships in the Strait of Tiran. I ex- pressed my deep concern in this regard and my hope that no precipitate action would be taken." Mr. President, this is President Nasser's reply to the representations made to him by the Secretary-General. On 26 May he said: "Sharm el Sheikh means real confronta- tion with Israel. Taking such a step means that we should be ready to enter full-scale war with Israel. It is not an isolated opera- tion." This speaks for itself. As the Secretary-General himself has stated, the important immediate fact is that the situation in the Straits of Tiran repre- sent a very serious potential threat to peace. The position of my Government was stated in unambiguous terms by the then Foreign Minister of Israel at the 666th Plenary meet- ing of the General Assembly on 1 March 1957, and I repeated that statement when I spoke June 20, 1967 at the meeting of the Security Council on 24 May last. I wish to confirm today again in the most solemn terms that this is the po- sition of the Government of Israel. Every interference with the freedom of navigation In these waters is offensive action and an act of aggression against Israel, the infringe- ment of the sovereign rights of all nations to the unimpeded use of this international waterway and a gross violation of interna- tional law. There is today no controversy whatsoever over the international character of the waterway in question. For ten years now it has been used uninterruptedly, hundreds of thousands of tons of shipping with all their different cargoes and under many different flags including Israel's have freely passed to and fro. I wish to recall, Mr. President that state- ments recognizing the international charac- ter of the Straits of Tiran and acknowledg- ing that freedom of navigation for all coun- tries is the rule there were made at the 666th, 867 and 668th Plenary meetings of the Gen- eral Assembly Irk March 1957 by many coun- tries, particularly those with important mari- time interests, notably the U.S.A., Argen- tina, France, United Kingdom, Italy, Nether- lands, New Zealand, Australia, Japan, Bel- gium, Canada, Norway, Sweden, Portugal, Iceland and Denmark, and others. In response to the recent unilateral and arbitrary action of the Egyptian Government many more unambiguous and emphatic statements by these and other Governments, have been issued, not only in support of Israel's vital rights and interests in the Straits of Tiran and the Gulf of Aqaba, but also to uphold their own rights and interests and to safeguard the integrity of the law of the sea. In face of the proclaimed lawlessness of the Egyptian Government, the assertion of these rights and the protection of the estab- lished law is a matter of supreme and urgent concern to each member of the international community. In the light of this situation, the eviction of UNEF from Its position at the entrance to the Straits, at Sharm el Sheikh, was not only an act of defiance of the will of the United Nations and a violation of Egypt's pledged word, but was the signal for the revival of belligerance after ten years of tran- quility In the Gulf of Aqaba. What, Mr. President, was the realrole of UNEF? Its main tasks were in Sharm el Sheikh and in Gaza-to see to it that Egypt did not interfere with freedom of naviga- tion, and to deter terrorists and marauders from crossing the borders of Israel. UNEF ac- quitted itself of these two tasks with dis- tinction. Israel, along with all peace-loving nations pays tribute to the officers and men of the Force who have so faithfully carried out their strenuous mission for peace. From what I have said it becomes obvious that a United Nations force has no tasks to fulfill in Israel. The entrance to the Gulf of Aqaba is not in Israel, and the marauders and infiltrators do not operate from Israel territory. Mr. President, the proclaimed and prac- ticed policy of belligerence so brazenly pur- sued by the Government of the United Arab Republic is the crux of the matter. This is the underlying cause for the present and other crisis situations in the Middle East. This belligerence made an empty shell of the Armistice Agreement. The two central violations of the Egyptian Israel Armistice Agreement are the denial of free passage in the Suez Canal and the denial of free passage in Aqaba. In September 1951, the Security Council ruled that such belligerent practices and blockades cannot co-exist with the armistice regime. While the United Nations ruled that bel- ligerence Is incompatible with the armistice RITY COUNCIL ON MAY 29, 1967 (Mr. MULTER (at the request of Mr. ECKHARDT) was granted permission to extend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and to include extraneous matter.) Mr.. MULTER. Mr. Speaker, on May 29, 1967, Israel Ambassador Gideon Ra- fael spoke before the Security Council of the United Nations. In his address, Mr. Rafael reviewed the repeated acts of aggression of the Arabs which led to the recent crisis in the Middle East. I commend to the attentionof our col- leagues Ambassador Rafael's address as follows: STATEMENT BY AMBASSADOR GIDEON RAFAEL, PERMANENT REPRESENTATIVE OF ISRAEL TO THE UNITED NATIONS BEFORE THE SECURITY COUNCIL ON MAY 29, 1967. Mr. President, on Saturday, May 13th- just two weeks ago--the streets of Cairo reverberated with the sound of tanks and the cries of agitated crowds whipped up by cheer leaders chanting: "We want war with Israel." We in Israel looked on this spectacle with detachment, thinking that this was just one more outburst of chauvinist frenzy which is such a common feature of the' Arab military dictatorship regimes. But the tanks and the marching columns did not return to their barracks. They moved forward into Sinai as the spearhead of a massive military concentration along the southern borders of Israel. While the military machine was moving. with ever increasing momentum, the Egyp- tian propaganda machine poured out a tor- rent of threats against Israel and charged that we had massed large forces on our northern border in preparation for an at- tack against Syria. Although the trumped-up nature of these propaganda allegations was obvious, my Gov- ernment nevertheless instructed me to in- form the Secretary-General of their com- plete unfoundedness. As the Secretary-Gen- eral confirms in his first report to the Secur- ity Council (S/7896), I conveyed to him on 15 May the assurances of my Government that Israel had not concentrated any troops anywhere, and harbored no aggressive inten- tions against any of her Arab neighbors. I requested the Secretary-General to convey these assurances to the Arab Governments concerned. He acted without delay on our request and added that the independent in- quiries which he had conducted through his own United Nations representatives in the area confirmed the facts conveyed to him by Israel. At the meeting of the Security Council on 24 May, I drew the Council's at- tention to the relevant paragraph of the Secretary-General's report. This notwith- standing, the Representative of the United Arab Republic in his letter of 27 May to the President of the Security Council not only brazenly repeats this fabrication, but In do- Approved For Release 2004/05/25 : CIA-RDP69B00369R000200300001-0 June 20, 1967 Approved For Release 2004/05/25 : CIA-RDP69B00369R000200300001-0 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE H 7569 regime, Egypt wants to use the armistice agreement and United Nations machinery as a cover for the continuation of that very belligerency which the Armistice Agreement was intended to end. This is the meaning of the innocent-looking sentence where the Secretary-General reports President Nasser's assurances that all that he wanted was "a return to the conditions prevailing prior to. 1968". What were these conditions, Mr, Presi- dent? Illegal blockade of the Suez Canal; armed incursions by organized gangs of Feda- yeen; and illicit interference with the free- dom of navigation through the Straits of Tiran. The Government of Israel will not permit a return to these conditions. This is the real issue, and not the mixture of stale allegations and fictitious charges put forward by the representatives of the United Arab Republic.... The Representative of the U.A.R. has presented to the Council at length and in detail his version of the historical developments of the last twenty years. It was a fascinating exercise in fiction and di- version. Unfortunately, he forgot to mention one basic fact which determined the course of events to follow: On May 15, 1948, the Egyptian Army and those of other Arab states invaded the State of Israel with the avowed aim communicated to the Secretary- General of. the United Nations to occupy the territory of Israel and to destroy its inde- pendence. This aggression, which was com- mitted in flagrant violation of the charter and of General Assembly and Security Coun- cil resolutions, was resisted and defeated by the people of Israel. It is this unsuccessful attempt to wipe out Israel which is the basic cause for the future developments. This Arab invasion of Israel was called at the time by the principal mem- bers of the Council by its true term: aggres- sion. And all that followed is directly traced back to that aggression-and to that alone. If there is still any doubt, Colonel Nasser himself has dissipated the last vestiges of it and thrown off all pretence. In his speech be- fore the Central Council of Arab Trade Un- ions on 26 May 1967 he revealed his true in- tentions-not new to Israel or to those who knew the realities of the Middle East, and shocking to those who believed that they were dealing with a responsible leader. This was his message: "The Arab people want to fight, We have been waiting for the suitable day when we shall be completely ready since if we enter a battle with Israel we should be confident of victory and should take strong measures, We do not speak idly. We have lately felt that our strength is sufficient and that if we enter the battle with Israel we shall with G-d's help, be vic- torious. Therefore, we have now decided that I take real steps. UNEF stays as long as we wish and un- til we are ready. I have said at one time that within half an hour we can say to the UNEF: go. And this is what has really happened. The battle will be a full-scale one and our basic aim will be to destroy Israel." Mr. Presidents, these threats do not need any Interpretation. This is not the first time in our generation that we have seen to what lengths of folly dictators can go unless checked in time, and what disasters they can inflict on mankind, including their own peo- ple. Is it too late to hope that this organiza- tion, born out of the shambles of a dic- tator's madness, will rally in defense of its own principles and restrain President Nas- ser from the course on which he is set? The people of Israel, steeled in hardship and op- pression, stand firm, resolute and united and will not shrink from defending their liberty and independence. It is not too late for reason to prevail. The Government of Israel believes that four immediate steps should be taken In the pres- ent crisis: (1) All inflammatory statements and threats against the territorial integrity and political independence of any state should cease, (2) The Charter obligation of non-belliger- ence must be strictly complied with. (3) The armed forces should be withdrawn to their positions as at the beginning of the month. (4) All forms of armed incursions, acts of sabotage and terrorism should cease, and the Government's concerned should take all steps to prevent their territory from being used for these hostile acts. (5) In the Straits of Tiran and the Gulf of Aqaba there should be no interference with any shipping. If these steps are taken promptly, the deep anxieties of the hour will be lifted and the present dangerous tensions will subside. STATEMENT OF HON. ABRAHAM J. MULTER IN FAVOR OF REORGA- NIZATION OF DISTRICT OF CO- LUMBIA GOVERNMENT (Mr. MULTER (at the request of Mr. ECKHARDT) was granted permission to extend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and to include extraneous mat- ter.) Mr. MULTER. Mr. Speaker, on June 14, it was my privilege to testify before the Subcommittee on Executive and Legislative Reorganization of the Com- mittee on Government Operations in favor of the President's Reorganization Plan No. 3 of 1967 for the District of Columbia. I know that all of our colleagues are in favor of making our Capital City a model for the country and the world. I therefore call their attention to my statement, which follows: A MORE RESPONSIVE AND EFFICIENT GOVERN- MENT FOR THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA (Statement of Hon. Abraham J. Multer, Democrat, of New York, before Subcom- mittee on Executive and Legislative Re- organization, House Committee on Gov- ernment Operations, June 14, 1967) Mr. Chairman: I very much appreciate the opportunity to appear before you this morning in support of Reorganization Plan No. 3 of 1967 submitted to us by the Presi- dent on June 1st. As you know, Reorganization Plan No. 3 is designed to provide the people of the Dis- trict of Columbia with, in the words of President Johnson 'in his February 27th message on the. Nation's Capital, "The' most responsive and efficient government we are capable of providing." In 1965 the House rejected-temporarily, I am sure-a bill to give true home rule to the District of Columbia. In its place it substituted a "Referendum" bill which never got to conference with the Senate. It was my privilege to be the sponsor of the Admin- istration's Home Rule bill and to play a role in the attempt to enact it into law. I have supported home rule legislation since I came to the House in 1947. We are not, however, here considering Home Rule, much as we may want it. That is within the jurisdiction of the District Com- mittee. This committee does have jurisdic- tion over this Reorganization Plan and I will address myself to that, The District of Columbia government needs an overhauling. It has needed it for too long. The commission form of government is out- moded and today's urban problems demand a more efficient form of government. Presi- dent Johnson is giving the people of Wash- ington that opportunity in Reorganization Plan No. 3. I have taken an active interest in city government all of my adult life, I have served as counsel to the Democratic Leader of the New York State Assembly devoting a large part of my service to New York City legisla- tive problems. Prior to my election to Con- gress in 1947 I served as special counsel to the Mayor of New York City handling City Home Rule legislation that was requested from the State Legislature. For about twelve years I have been a member of the House Committee on the District of Columbia. Dur- ing those years I have become acutely aware of the many deficiencies of the commission form of government we have here in Wash- ington. It is no reflection upon those who have taken upon themselves the task of serving as Commissioners that this is true, since the system itself is at fault and only rarely those who administer it. All of my experience leads me to the con- clusion that I express to you-the District government badly needs reorganization and the plan before this Committee offers the best answer to that need. This plan will put the responsibilities for executive leadership In the hands of one man who will be expected to exercise that leader- ship in the best interests of the people of Washington. He will be aided by a City Council made up of residents-those most familiar with the city's problems and most capable of dealing with those problems. The. plan in no way usurps the legislative responsibilities of either the House or Senate Committees on the District of Columbia. This is not a substitute for home rule and I hope that no Member of the Congress will consider it as such. The people of the Dis- trict of Columbia are still taxed without rep- resentation-a phrase which may have a familiar sound to the Members of the Com- mittee-and they still have no voice in any way in the House or in the other body. This plan does not give that to them and no re- organization plan can do so. That can be initiated and accomplished only by the full legislative process. The same is true as to any attempt to give the City of Washington an elected executive and/or an elected council or local legislature. However, we must not let the situation in the District continue as it has since the 1870's when representative government was abolished. The Congress must allow this plan to take effect if there is to be any improve- ment in the situation. There are those who suggest that the plan is in need of improvement or that it should be rejected in its entirety, This plan has been known to the Members of the Congress and the Members of the House District Commit- tee since the President carefully outlined it in his message of February 27, 1967. At no time since, have I heard any reason which would merit rejection of the plan. If the objective of some of my colleagues be to improve still further the government of the District of Columbia, that may be done by legislation which is and will remain the full province and opportunity of the Com- mittee on the District of Columbia. But the prospects for such legislative im- provements are not encouraging. All the time I have served on the District Committee I have urged the strengthening of the Dis- trict's government structure. The Committee has been many times to the well, but the District has never had a drink of water. The lesson of our legislative history is that the detailed job of government reorganiza- tion must be done by means of a reorganiza- tion plan. This is what the Hoover Commis- sion recommended and this is what the Con- gress directed in the Reorganization Act of 1949. I hope that Congress will allow this plan to go into effect. I need not, I am sure, describe the plan to the Members of the Subcommittee. You have heard able supporting testimony from Members of your own Committee as well as your colleagues on the District Committee on Approved For Release 2004/05/25 : CIA-RDP69B00369R000200300001-0 H 7570 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE both sides of the aisle. Better government is not, I am pleased to sag, a partisan issue. I do, however, wish to. state briefly what I see as the strength of the proposed new structure for the District government. It will- Bring strong executive leadership and new esprit to the District government; Replace the outmoded commission form of government with Its divided leadership and closed and clouded lines of authority and re- sponsibility; Establish through the Council, official rep- resentation for citizens of the District In the making of rules, regulations and budgets of their local governments; Increase the capacity of the District gov- ernment to draw top personnel; Give the District a strong representative for negotiations with other area governments and federal agencies; Allow the President to search nationwide to head up the District government; Give unified direction to government re- sponses to urban problems, reduce overlap- ping and improve coordination of programs. The plan is not a substitute for home rule. It will not bring elected government. This can only be done by legislation and I hope the District Committee will turn its height- ened attention to that longstanding need. In the interim, however, the District must have better government, better management and broader citizen participation. The plan provides all three. Let me turn now to the opposition to this plan as posed by some of our colleagues. Discussion of motives rarely accomplishes anything except to fray tempers. Nevertheless, I dare say only because I be- lieve it needs saying: The only reason for opposition to this plan is legislative pride of authorship and I deem it false pride. What else can account for the introduction of this plan as a bill which. has been referred to the House District Committee. Everyone, including all of the opponents who serve on that District Committee, agree that the District government needs reorga- nization. Why, therefore, has not one of them, ever before June 5, 1967, introduced a bill to ac- complish that? How many more years of service on that committee will they need to study the prob- lem? How many more years do they need to study this-plan? We have heard from the sponsor of the bill embracing this plan word for word, that the plan needs improvement. He says he cannot make any specific suggestion as to how or in what respects until he studies it some more. I would think that introduction of a bill in a Member's name is a certification by that Member that he knows its contents and that he sponsors its provisions. He says that if the plan becomes effective under its terms, turmoil will result. He gives us no intimation of how such turmoil can be avoided if his bill or any other reorganiza- tion plan becomes effective. He tells us that a recommendation has been made as to reorganization which can be accomplished by the District Commis- sioners, without Presidential or Congres- sional action. He overlooks the obvious. Good or bad, the District Commissioners have no inten- tion of following that route. They are sup- porting this plan. Furthermore, the three District Commissioners cannot replace them- selves with one Commissioner, nor can they provide for. a council as called for by this plan. Opponents of the plan say they do not like an appointed council and that an elected council is better. They refuse, however; to commit themselves to introduce or support a bill for an elected council. June 20, 1967 They quibble about the council being bi- RECORD and to include extraneous mat- partisan or non-partisan, but refuse to indi- ter.) cate how the matter should be handled. Mr. DENT. Mr. Speaker, while the de- They argue about residence requirements of the Commissioner, but will not say what tails of the Kennedy round results are they should be. not yet available, enough is known to No one says it, but I ask how many of the greet it as a time bomb loosed against opponents of this plan are concerned about the American economy. It is the product the racial complexion of the Commissioner of a doctrine that fits the modern com- and of the Members of the Council. petitive realities of American industry Are they afraid that the non-white rest- and agriculture in world markets about dents of this community will prove their as well as a tintype fits the modern loyalty, competence and integrity in govern- The argument that the law does not per- mit reorganization by this method falls of its own weight when we read the statute which specifically and in. so many words permits it. This plan scrupulously adheres to and stays within the four corners of the statute. It does not add to or take away any au- thority or power heretofore vested in the District government by legislative enactment. Moreover, there is no impairment nor im- pediment of the privilege, power and right of the Congress to change any thereof. Permit me to briefly outline the history of this plan so that the Congress may properly evaluate the opposition to this plan. On February 27, 1967, the President, in a message to Congress, outlined this plan. Almost Immediately thereafter the House District Committee was convened in execu- tive session with a view to adopting a resolu- tion opposing the plan on the ground that it would invade that Committee's jurisdic- tion. I urged that the Committee immediately proceed to acquire jurisdiction by introduc- ing legislation and conducting hearings to accomplish the reorganization. No such action was taken. The President did his utmost to get the best advice available on what should be in and what should be omitted from this plan. Every Member of the District Committees of both bodies of Congress was given every possible opportunity to make suggestions to improve this plan. There was full and frank- discussion of every facet and fair considera- tion given to all thereof. Every Member of the House District Com- mittee received a draft of the plan with sev- eral alternate provisions covering those mat- ters as to which a difference of opinion had been expressed. We were requested to indi- cate our preferences as to those items as well as any other ideas we wished to express, It was only after the expiration of a rea- sonable time thereafter that the President sent us this plan. We then spent two more days in informal executive session of the House District Com- mittee to review the plan in detail. It is my very considered opinion that not a single valid objection was developed to any part of this plan. It was made clear that the legislative jurisdiction of the District Committees and of the Congress were neither being trespassed upon, invaded, nor prejudiced in any manner whatsoever. The Committees were and are free to rec- ommend any bills they see fit to add to, take away from or change any part of this reorganization in advance of it becoming effective, simultaneously therewith or at any time thereafter. I urge that the plan be approved and that this Committee recommend against pass- age of any disapproving resolution. Again, I thank you for the opportunity to present my views to you. THE KENNEDY ROUND (Mr. DENT (at the request of Mr. ECKHARDT) was granted permission to extend his remarks at this point in the of the Kennedy round will fade away in years ahead as the disenchantment sets in. camera. After the shouting and the huzzahs die down these realities will rise from the fog and economic facts of a stubborn kind will stare us in the face. The need for protective devices will not be reduced but will grow. As the tariff disappears as a safeguard other devices will take its place. Non tariff trade barriers will assume greater importance. International negotiations as twisted and tortured as was the Ken- nedy round do not change the facts of economic relations. The United States is competitively weak even under the ex- isting tariff levels. It is weak in the face of imports. It is weak in foreign markets. Some other countries are also competi- tively weak v[s a vis yet other countries in varying degrees. They will not hesi- tate to do what they regard as necessary to safeguard their industries and agri- culture. It would be living in dreamland to believe the contrary. This country lost heavily in the Ken- nedy round. Its dependence for protec- tion aside from a few agricultural prod- ucts rested almost wholly on the tariff. This is not true of other countries. The tariff was the lesser of their protective devices. We are in the position of dis- arming ourselves of the predominant weapon in our arsenal. The other coun- tries merely give up one of many pieces in their arsenal'. The inevitable demand in this country in the future will be for the greater use of nontariff barriers. The overwhelming factor in our in- ternational trade resides in our high level of wages on which our economy depends for moving the vast volume of goods turned out by our industry and agriculture. The technological lead over other countries that in the past made it possible to maintain our insular eco- nomic position. in a world of much lower wages is disappearing, contrary to the complaint of other countries about the brain drain to the United States. Com- petitively these high wages are an export liability and a handicap in the face of imports, much as our economy at home depends on them. Scores of industries important to our economy already face a deteriorating competitive outlook in foreign trade. With present tariff levels coming down 10 percent each year for 5 years, the out- look will be bleaker yet. The flight of capital overseas will be accelerated. Imports of manufactured goods, al- ready a menace to many industries, will find our market an increasingly easy mark. Labor will feel the impact sharply. This is the situation. The early praises Approved For Release 2004/05/25 : CIA-RDP69B00369R000200300001-0 H 7552 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE June 20, 1967 SUPREME COURT DECISIONS Mrs. KELLY. Mr. Speaker, in an ad- they became independent more than a cen- tury and a half ago. (Mr. ERLENBORN asked and was giv- dress to the Nation and to the world, The men I met with know that the needs en permission to address the House for 1 President Johnson yesterday outlined a of their 220 million people require them minute and to revise and extend his re- series of basic principles which, if ac- to modernize their economies and expand cepted, could lead the way to lasting ac- their trade. I promised that I would ask our marks.) cords in the many areas of conflict in people to cooperate in those efforts, and in Mr. ERLENBORN. Mr. Speaker, it has the world. giving new force to our great common enter- been my privilege to introduce many bills in this address, delivered prior to the prise, which we take great pride in, the during my relatively short tenure in the opening of the United Nations special Alliance for Progress. House, of Representatives, but none General Assembly session, Mr. Johnson On meeting of chiefs of state, of course, which surpasses in satisfaction the bill cannot transform a continent. But where discussed the problems of Latin America, their problems which I propose today. of Europe, Of Southeast Asia and last, leaders candidly, are and willing where to they face are ready o join Its principal proposer is not me, but a but not least, of the Middle East. He of- in meeting them responsibly, there can be distinguished citizen the 14th Illinois fered a realistic approach for the only hope for the future. District, which I represent. I announced future. The nations of the developed world-and a contest in early spring. The title was In his speech President Johnson I am speaking now principally of the Atlan- "There Ought To Be a Law," I asked my placed particular emphasis on conditions tic Alliance and Japan-have in this past constituents to suggest ideas for laws which would establish the basis for last- year, I think, made good progress in meeting which they believed to be in the public frig peace in the Middle East. The points their common problems and their common interest. responsibilities. Inevitably, there were humorists. One he enumerated were primarily directed I have met with a number of statesmen- to the combatants in the Middle East, to Prime Minister Lester Pearson in Canada of them suggested: Israel and the Arabs. These suggestions just a few days ago, and the leaders of There ought to be a law against "There emphasized that which we, Members of Europe shortly before that. We discussed Ought to Be a Law" contests. Congress serving on the Foreign Affairs many of the issues that we face together. More than 2,500 of the entries, how- Committee, have been endeavoring to We are consulting to good effect on how ever, were serious and they expressed achieve for the State of Israel since its to limit the spread of nuclear weapons. We have completed the Kennedy Round of people's concern for good government. creation. taWe have pin a healthy noun of My staff culled out the best entries, re- I outline these conditions and em- partnership, and we are examining together doting the contenders to about 25. phasize the first: the condition that Is- the vital question of monetary reform. These were type onto a mimeograph rael has the right to live in peace, with We have reorganized the integrated NATO stencil and copies were made without proper respect for its rights as a soy- defense, with its new headquarters in Bel- Identifying the contestants. The copies ereign nation. Once this condition is gium. reached agreement on the crucial were distributed to the contest judges- established, the other problems, no less We ave of maintaining allied military all distinguished residents of the 14th important, can be adjusted. These are: question h strength in Germany. District. Among them were three State The refugee problem, the arms problem, Finally, we have worked together-al- Senators, two Federal judges, and nine the water problem; the boundary prob- though not yet with sufficient resources-to college presidents. They graded the en- lem; the free-passage-international wa- help the less developed countries deal vgth, tries, each privately; and it then was terway problem, and the troop-with- their problems of hunger and over popu a- only a- matter of scoring to find a win- drawal problem. tion. rice. Mr. Speaker, at this point I would like We have not, by any means, settled all.txe g ourselvelves with other that t f face us, nations. But either t amoonigloss es He is Carl Baldwin, an engineer who to insert the speech of President John- issues works for Electro-Motive Division of son in the RECORD. It is my hope that the to lament what has not been done, than to General Moors Corp. suggestions as outlined will be imple- take heart from what has been done. merited. You know of my personal interest in im- His proposal was not new; there being REMARKS OF THE PRESIDENT AT THE FOREIGN proving relations with the Western world and three other similar suggestions already POLICY CONFERENCE FOR EDUCATORS the nations of Eastern Europe. introduced in this Congress. I have Cho- Secretary Rusk, ladies and gentlemen, I I believe the patient course we ale pur- sen, however, to seek a different proce- welcome the chance to share with you this suing toward those nations is vital to the dure from the others. morning a few reflections of- American for- security of our nation. In essence, Mr. Baldwin proposed that, elan policy, as I have shared my thoughts Through cultural exchanges and civil, air agreements. in overturning an act of Congress or of in recent weeks with representatives of labor Through consular and outer space treaties. a State legislature, a two-thirds major- and business, and with other leaders of our Through onst ar hope o will soon become ity of the Supreme Court would be society. During the past weekend at Camp David- a treaty for the nonproliferation of nuclear needed-in other words, six Justices, where I met and talked with America's good weapons, and also, if they will join us, an rather than only five, would be required friend, Prime Minister Holt of Australia, agreement on anti-ballistic missiles. to declare a law unconstitutional. I thought of the General Assembly debate We have tried to enlarge, and have made Others have introduced constitutional on the Middle Esat that opens today in great progress in enlarging, the arena of New York. common action with the Soviet Union. amendments to ef this h After But I thought also of the events of the Our purpose is to narrow our differences consulting lting with emmi nent leegisslats lative past year in other continents in the world. where they can be narrowed, and thus to thority, however, I decided that the in in, I thought of the future-both in the Mid- help secure peace in the world for the future tention could be carried out by an act of dle East, and in other areas of American generations. It will be a long slow task, we Congress. The Constitution, as I am sure interest in the world and in places that realize. There will be setbacks and discour- you know, is silent as to the size of the concern all of us. agement. But it is, we think, the only rational for them and for us. Court and its procedures-indeed, is si- So this morning i want to give you my poliiterica, m in Asia, we have encouraged lent on its power to find a law uncon- estimate of the prospects for peace, and the the nations of the region in their efforts to stitutional. hopes for progress, in these various regions join in cooperative attacks on the problems of the world. Mr. Speaker, for being the winner of I shall speak first of our own hemisphere, that each of them faces: economic stagna- this contest, Mr. Baldwin was awarded then of Europe, the Soviet Union, Africa tion, poverty, hunger, disease, and ignorance. a prize. He and MTS. Baldwin have come and Asia, and lastly of the two areas that Under Secretary Nicholas Katzenbach just to me last week on his recent ex- in Washington as my guests. They are concern us most at this hour-Vietnam and reported the Middle East. tended trip throughout Africa. He described in the gallery at this moment to be ores- to me the many problems and the many op- ent for the introduction of his bill. Let me begin with the Americas. portunities that exist in that continent. l i l i a on can Africa is moving rapidly from the co Last April I met with my fellow Amer Presidents in Punta del Este. It was an en- past toward freedom and dignity. She is in EACE-THREATS TO .-raging experience for me, as I believe the long and difficult travail of building na- PEACE it was for the other leaders of Latin America. tions. Her proud people are determined to For they made, there at Punta del Este, the make a new Africa, according to their own (Mrs. KELLY asked and was given historic decision to move toward the eco- lights. - permission to extend her remarks at this nomic integration of Latin America. They are now creating institutions for point in the RECORD and to include ex- In my judgment, their decision is as im- political and economic cooperation. They traneous matter.) portant as any that they have taken since have set great tasks for themselves-whose Approved For Release 2004/05/25 : CIA-RDP69B00369R000200300001-0 Approved For Release 2004/05/25 : CIA-RDP69B00369R000200300001-0 June 20, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE attachment to the labor force is seasonal the labor market. Jobs in recreation, as in or supplemental to some other activity, most service establishments, are not covered often students, housewives, or farm women. by a "minimum wage," and generally labor is Thus a high proportion of such- workers are not unionized. These factors mainly account women. for regional variations-. Fo xample, in More conclusively, of the many millions GatIinburg and Cherol ourly wa ange of dollar visitors and tourists s end th p b b ? e re the - suiting incomes to the et where etween lab labor people serving is un nized, the range is be- visitors are on the average very low, usually tween $1.00 and $.40. In the other areas the inadequate as income for a family and often range is betwee 750 and $1.50. It should be even for a single person. noted that eve farm laborers could not be The analysis based provided by the recreation industry, even _ Aside from ~he predominantly low wage those that are year-round, exaggerates the level, employm nt is adversely affected by the economic impact because so few of th b , . e jo s uneven season l labor demand. There are two pay a living wage. There is a limited: demand employment spects to the seasonality of for Occupational Rkills which a a .... ~. .. p y are m i constrmus - and to the pe k activity within the season. went places and eifts,= in son ha become longer but the peaks workers, professionals in the theater, ubli m p c re a park employees, and a few at administrative A further employment effect of seasonality and managerial positions at larger recreation Is the scarcity workers to fill jobs demand- establishments. In the small and medium ing greater skil s. In all study areas it was sized enterprises the urn rietors will _ - .- o'm n ally the labor force in the study on the v==a' are peeso ea by the proprietors and y their families. hey have difficulties in basis of skills and wa es reve l th g , a s at. some recruiting or hol ng adequately skilled per- areas provide hardly any jobs that pay an sons largely beta a of the competition with adequate family income. permanent or oth rwise more advantageous In the final analysis, therefore, after hav- positions which re available in nearby ing sifted out the short-term and casual towns. There is a c nsistent pattern of daily employment, and, in turn having narrowed commuting of the skilled and semi-skilled the, year-round employment to that em- workers who live in or near recreation areas toolent which provides a primary family to the surrounding owns. find just a few area h s w ere per- _,, . .,;00 employees make a living out of I think Mr. N than points out the reties -aside, of course, from the pro- problems involved. s issueof the Red- to and managers. All the other hun- wood National Par comes while the peo- thousands of rna.n-years e 'esent p luumber of these jobs are filled by w men lives in the wake of nsecutive disasters. + .many in the peak periods by stn eats. First it was an cart wake, next a flood, the three major groups of nter- then tidal waves, fires and, seemingly, :, food, (2) lodgings,.nd (S) a use- every other destructive act of nature. recreation services, we fin that Even so, none of th a could do to the the tit labor-intensive establishme are will and spirit of the eople in the First ggt els, tourist courts m anil s W~ , p . District what the F eral Government ei t and employees per i 000 p s n s W retGlpts) and the lowest intenit is in now might possibly d -put them out of ti3}e. ment and recreation ervice work or demean t eir existence by Qt1,000 of receipts . Within tlje major A5 Members of Con ress we accept the groupings of businesses there are, of nurse, high calling of governing instead of be- variations in labor intensity. For pie, ing governed. We are charged with im- hotels, because of the extra service th allu issuer parks and recreation Camp show 01 America. If we fill ose it wisely they a lower intensity than motels. Ai1io g the will be the better for it. If not-by de- eating and drinking establishments eR+nriving ma? and wo of i_ =-L_ en the ore = s ,r- n ns~ve their chosen calling a out of proportion than refreshment places and bars. The idest to need-then we are of legislators but, range is found among the recreation or ervice instead, economic ha het men, unmind- establishments, but as a general rule urr an _ . intensive than outdoor recreation fa sties. build and prosper for himself, his family, The measurement of impact does' n t end his community and s God. with the number of jobs created. It s the Now, with one fell swoop, a multimil- wage level (as well as duration of e ploy- lion dollar industry, way of life, a com- ment which IS discussed under season lity) munity of people ht be plucked out of which determines total disposable. i ome their place in the sun, shorn of their for localspending by recreation em pi yees. birthright, their p operty and-their eco- Compared to manufacturine emnlnvmen +11. low, and the recreation sector includes me sun could ever replace the skill, produc- of the lowest wages. Most of the occupa ns tion and pride at now exists among requiresi l mp e skills and little training; c n- them as laborer i one of the most basic sequently the pay is poor. industries in.t la n nd. copter service for the Washington area, has been rekindled h the announce- ment of 11 airlines th they would seek Government approval to link Dulles, Friendship, and Natio al Airports with one another, and down wn Washington. An application to provide nonsub- sidized helicopter selvi a has been pend- ing before the Civil eronautics Board for several months. I t s not my purpose to endorse the pro sal of any com- pany who has had p evious experience in this field or that of he airlines. M It is my intent, ho ever, to urge the to certificate a carrii'r to operate in the Washington metro -5litan area. I also wish to commend t.e airlines for their Ground congests . to the three area airports is a hydr eaded monster that grows bigger and g;er. This inconven- ience to the tray ling public must be Many of you this Chamber were present last su er when members of the Commerce m m.ittee's Transporta- tion and Aer nautics Subcommittee staged a 1-day easibility demonstration to show how h licopters could effectively and speedily ransport travelers from Capitol Hill area airports. Helicopter rvice would sharply reduce in-transit t' a between the downtown and area rports. This is a fact that =,r Ouch auueu>.e. so Lual Mlle operation of regularly sched- type of recreation employment throughout Par cularly, when with judicious fore- uled helicopter service can commence as the country because of regional differences in sight they can have a better Redwood soon as possible. H 7551 National Park and Seashore and the people of northern California can keep the place of usefulness and dignity their labor has earned for them. I hope all of you will keep an open mind on this matter, it is readily recog- posal ever to be considered by the ne should make up their mind un- time as the House has com- the only w the facts. of conservation . conservation and redwood region on California. AREA HELICO and was given Mr. PICKLE. Mr. eaker, interest in Approved For Release 2004/05/25 : CIA-RDP69B00369R000200300001-0 Approved For Release 2004/05/25 : CIA-RDP69B00369R000200300001-0 -June 20, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE accomplishments will require years of strug- gle and sacrifice. We very much want that struggle to suc- ceed, and we want to be responsive to the efforts that they are making on their own behalf. I can give personal testimony to the new spirit that is abroad in Africa, from Under Secretary Katzenbach's report, and from Asia, from my own travels and experience there. In Asia my experience demonstrated to me a new spirit of confidence in that area of the world. Everywhere I traveled last autumn, from the conference in Manila to other countries of the region, I found the conviction that Asians can work with Asians to create better conditions of life in every country. Pear has now given way to hope in millions of hearts. Asia's immense human problems remain, of course. Not all countries have moved ahead as rapidly as Thailand, Korea, and the Re- public of China. But most of them are now on a promising track, and-Japan is taking a welcome role in helping her fellow Asians to- ward much more rapid development. A free Indonesia-the world's fifth largest nation, a land of more than 100 million peo- ple-is now struggling to rebuild, to recon- struct and reform its national life. This will require the understanding and the support of the entire International community. We maintain our dialogue with the au- thorities in Peking, in preparation for the day when they will be ready to live at peace with the rest of the world. I regret that this morning I cannot report any major progress toward peace in Viet- nam. I can -promise you that we have tried every possible way to bring about either discus- sions between the opposing sides, or a prac- tical de-escalation of the violence itself. Thus far there has been no serious re- sponse from the other side. We are ready-and we have long been ready-to engage in a mutual-de-escalation of the fighting. But we cannot stop only half the war, nor can we abandon our com- mitment to the people of South Vietnam as long as the enemy attacks and fights on. And so long as North Vietnam attempts to seize South Vietnam by force, we must, and we will, block its efforts-so that the people of South Vietnam can determine their own future in peace. We would very much like to see the day come-and come soon-when we can cooper- ate with all the nations of the region, in- cluding North Vietnam, in healing the wounds of a war that has continued, we think, for far too long. When the aggression ends, then that day will follow. Now, finally,, let me turn to the Middle East-and to the tumultuous events of the past months. Those events have proved the wisdom of five great principles of peace in the region. The first and greatest principle is that ev- ery nation in the area has a fundamental right to live, and to have this right respected by its neighbors.. For the people of the Middle East, the path to hope does not lie in threats to end the life of any nation. Such threats have become a burden to the peace, not only of that re- gion but a burden to the peace of the en- tire world. In the same way, no nation would be true to the United Nations Charter, or to its own true interests, if it should permit military success to blind it to the fact that its neigh- bors have rights and its neighbors have. in- terests of their own. Each nation, therefore, must accept the right of others to live. This last month, I think, shows us another basic requirement for settlement. It is a hu- man requirement: Justice for the refugees. A new conflict has brought new homeless- ness. The nations of the Middle East must at last address themselves to the plight of those who have been displaced by wars. In the past, both sides have resisted the best efforts of outside mediators to restore the victims of conflict to their homes, or to find them other proper places to live and work. There will be no peace for any party in the Middle East unless this problem is attacked with new energy by all, and, certainly, pri- marily by those who are immediately con- cerned. A third lesson from this last month is that maritime.rights must be respected. Our Na- tion has long been committed to free mari- time passage through international water- ways, and we, along with other nations, were taking the necessary steps to implement this principle when hostilities exploded. If a single act of folly was more responsibile for this explosion than any other, I think it was the arbitrary and dangerous announced de- cision that the Strait of Than would be closed. The right of innocent maritime pass- age must be preserved for all nations. Fourth, this last conflict has demonstrated the danger of the Middle Eastern arms race of the last 12 years. Here the responsibility must rest not only on those in the area-but upon the larger states outside the area. We believe that scarce resources could be used much better for technical and economic de- velopment. We have always opposed this arms race, and our own military shipments to the area have consequently been severely limited. Now the waste and futility of the arms race must be apparent to all the people of the world. And now there is another moment of choice. The United States of America, for its part, will use every resource of diplomacy, and every counsel of reason and, prudence, to try to find a better course. As a beginning, I should like to propose that the United Nations immediately call upon all of its members to report all ship- ments of all military arms into this area, and to keep those shipments on file for all the peoples of the world to observe. Fifth, the crisis underlines the Importance of respect for political independence and ter- ritorial integrity of all the states of the area. We reaffirmed that principle at the height of this crisis. We reaffirm it again today on be- half of all. This principle can be effective in the Middle East only on the basis of peace between the parties. The nations of the re- gion have had only fragile and violated truce lines for 20 years. What they now need are recognized boundaries and other arrange- ments that will give them security against terror, destruction and war. Further, there just must be adequate recognition of the special interest of three great religions In the holy places of Jerusalem. These five principles are not new, but we do think they are fundamental. Taken to- gether, they point the way from uncertain armistice to durable peace. We believe there must be progress toward all of them If there is to be progress toward any. There are some who have urged, as a single, simple solution, an immediate return to the situation as it was on June 4. As our distinguished and able Ambassador, Mr. Ar- thur Goldberg, has already said, this Is not a prescription for peace, but for renewed hostilities. Certainly troops must be withdrawn, but there must also be recognized rights of na- tional life-progress in solving the refugee problem-freedom of innocent maritime passage-(imitation of the arms race-and respect for political independence and ter- ritorial integrity. But who will make this peace where all others have failed for 20 years or more? Clearly the parties to the conflict must be the parties to the peace. Sooner or later it is they who must make a settlement in the area: It is hard to see how it is possible for nations to live together in peace if they can- not learn to reason together. But we must still ask, who can help them? Some say it should be the United Nations, some call for the use of other parties. We H 7553 have been first in our support of effective peace-keeping in the United Nations, and we also recognize the great values to come from mediation. We are ready this morning to see any method tried, and we believe that none should be excluded altogether. Perhaps all of them will be useful and all will be needed. I issue an appeal to all to adopt no rigid view on these matters. I offer assurance to all that this Government of ours, the Gov- ernment of the United States, will do its part for peace in every forum, at every level, at every hour. Yet there is no escape from this fact: the main responsibility for the peace of the re- gion depends upon its own peoples and its own leaders of that region. What will be truly decisive in the Middle East will be what is said and what is done by those who live in the Middle East. The can seek another arms race, If they have not profited from the experience of this one, if they want to. But they will seek it at a terrible cost to their own people-and to their very long-neglected human needs. They can live on a diet of hate-though only at the cost of hatred in return. Or they can move toward peace with one another. The world this morning is watching, watching for the peace of the world, because that is really what is at stake. It will look for patience and justice-it will look for hu- mility-and moral courage. It will look for signs of movement from prejudice and the emotional chaos of conflict-to the gradual, slow shaping steps that lead to learning to live together and learning to help mold and shape peace in the area and in the world. The Middle East is rich in history, rich in its people and in its resources. It has no need to live in permanent civil war. It has the power to build its own life, as one of the prosperous regions of the world In which we live. If the nations of the Middle East will turn toward the works of peace, they can count with confidence upon the friendship, and the help, of all the people of the United States of America. In a climate of peace, we here will do our full share to help with a solution for the refugees. We here will do our full share in support of regional cooperation. We here will do our share, and do more, to see that the peaceful promise of nuclear energy is applied to the critical problem of desalting water and helping to make the deserts bloom. Our country is committed-and we here reiterate that commitment today-to a peace that is based on five principles. - First, the recognized right of national life; Second, justice for the refugees; Third, innocent maritime passage; Fourth, limits on the wasteful and de- structive arms race; and Fifth, political independence and terri- torial integrity for all. This is not a time for malice, but for magnanimity: not for propaganda, but for patience: not for vituperation, but for vision. On the basis of peace, we offer our help to the people of the Middle East. That, land, known to everyone of us since childhood as the birthplace of great religions and learn- ing, can flourish once again in our time. We here in the United States shall do all in our power to help make it so. Thank you. Mr. Speaker, in contrast to President Johnson's temperate and reasoned argu- ments, the speech of Premier Kosygin, delivered 1 hour later, was deeply dis- appointing, but only to those who do not understand communism, its ways and objectives. His address should awaken all people to the distortion of truth by all Communist leaders. Mr. Speaker, I request that at the close of these re- Approved For Release 2004/05/25 : CIA-RDP69B00369R000200300001-0 H 7554 Approved For Release 2004/05/25 : CIA-RDP69B00369R000200300001-0 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD- HOUSE June 20,71'967 marks the address of Premier Kosygin before the General Assembly of the United Nations in New York be inserted in the RECORD. I will not analyze his re- marks. They are self-explanatory and cannot be misinterpreted. I believe he seeks a way out of the Soviet defeat in the Middle East. He wants, the Soviet Union to be viewed in the eyes of the peoples of the world as a peace-keeping and peace-achieving nation. [From the New York Times, June 20, 1967] TEXT OF ADDRESS TO GENERAL ASSEMBLY BY MR. KOSYGIN Mr. President, distinguished delegates, representatives from almost all states of the world have gathered for the emergency special session of the United Nations Gen- eral Assembly to consider the grave and dan- gerous situation which has developed in recent days in the Middle East and which arouses deep- concern everywhere. True enough, no hostilities are being waged here at this moment. The fact that there has been a cease-fire is a certain suc- cess of the peace-loving forces.' It also does considerable- credit to the Security Council, though it failed to discharge fully its obliga- tion under the United Nations Charter. The aggression is continuing. The armed forces of Israel occupy territories in the U.A.R., Syria and Jordan. As long as the Israeli troops continue to occupy the seized territories, and urgent measures are not taken, to eliminate the consequences of the aggression, a military conflict can flare up any minute with a new intensity. That is exactly why the Soviet Union took the initiative in convening an emergency session of the General Assembly. We are gratified to note that many states supported our proposal. Thus they displayed their awareness of the dangers with which the sit- uation is fraught and manifested their con- cern for the consolidation of peace. OBLIGATION IS SHARED The General Assembly is confronted with a responsible task of adopting decisions that would clear the way toward the restoration of peace in the Middle East. This task con- cerns all states irrespective of differences in social or political systems, philosophical con-, cepts, irrespective of geography and align- ment with this or that grouping. It can be solved only if the multiple and complex nature of today's world does not push into the background the common objectives that join states and peoples together, and above all, the need to prevent a military disaster. What question is now uppermost in the minds of all peoples? We believe that all the participants in the General Assembly will agree that all nations are concerned above all about the problem of how to avoid this disaster. No nation wants war. Nowadays nobody doubts that if a new world war starts it would inevitably be a nuclear one. Its consequences would be fatal for many countries and peo- ples of the world. The more far-sighted statesmen from various countries, outstand- ing thinkers and scientists warned of this from the first day nuclear weapons came into existence. The nuclear age has created a new reality in questions of war and peace. It has vested in the states a far greater responsibility in all that pertains to these problems. This cannot be called in question by any poli- tician, any military man, unless he has lost the capacity for sensible thinking-all the more so in that military men can imagine the aftermath of a nuclear war better than anyone else. "NO STONE UNTURNED" However, the practice of international re- lations abounds in facts which show that certain states take quite a different approach. Continuous attempts are undertaken to in- terfere in the internal affairs of independent countries and peoples, to impose on them from outside political concepts and alien views on social order. No stone is left unturned to breathe a new life into military blocs. The network of mili- tary bases, those strong-points of aggression flung far and wide all over the world, is being refurbished and perfected. Naval fleets are plying the sea thousands of miles from their own shores and threaten the security of states in entire areas. Even in those cases when the aggravation of tension or the emergence of hotbeds of war-danger is connected with conflicts in- volving relatively small states, not infre- quently it is the big powers that are behind them. This applies not only to the Middle East, where aggression has been committed by Israel backed by bigger imperialist powers but also to other areas of the world. For nearly three years now the United States, having cast aside all camouflage, has been carrying out direct aggression against the Vietnamese people. This war is waged so as to impose on the Vietnamese people an order to suit foreign imperialist circles. It will be no exaggeration to say that the world has branded with igno- miny the perpetrators of this aggression. There is a way to solve the Vietnamese problem, and it is a simple one: The United States must leave Vietnam, it must with- draw its forces. First and foremost it must immediately and unconditionally stop the bombing of the Democratic Republic of [North] Vietnam. No statements about readiness to find a peaceful solution of the Vietnamese question can sound convincing unless this is done. Such statements by United States states- men should not depart from what the United States actually does. It should be taken into account that the continuing war in Vietnam intensifies the risk of this mili- tary conflict overflowing the boundaries of this area, and is fraught with-a terrible dan- ger of escalating into a major military clash between the powers. This is precisely what the present course of the United States for- eign policy is fraught with. A hostile stance in regard to Socialist Cuba, the armed intervention in the Congo and the Dominican Republic, the attempts of armed suppression of peoples in the colo- nial territories striving for their independ- ence-these are all links of the same chain, a manifestation of a far-from-peaceful pol- icy of those who by their actionscreate and fan international tensions and precipitate international crises. EUROPEAN ISSUES CITED Let us turn to Europe-the continent where the fires of both the First and Second World Wars started. There the principal con- cern of the Soviet Union and of our friends and allies and many other states has been, throughout the postwar period-and still is-to prevent a new world war, to curb the forces that would like to take revenge for the defeat in World War II. The forces that would like to follow in the footsteps of Hitlerites have long since clearly emerged in the process of the struggle for peace in Europe. These forces are rooted in West Germany. It is there that a refusal to put up with the results of the war is openly voiced throughout the postwar years a de- mand to revise the European borders estab- lished after the war is put forward, and ac- cess to weapons of' mass destruction is eagerly sought after. These forces have aligned themselves, to the danger of the peoples, with non-European aggressive forces. The militarists and revenge-seekers in the Federal Republic of Germany should know that any attempt to translate their hare- brained plans into reality would entail grave disasters for the peoples, and above- all it carries a deadly menace for West -Germany itself. - - The Soviet Union is firmly in favor of peace in Europe, and bases its European pol- icy upon respect for the boundaries estab- lished after the war, including those be- tween the two sovereign German states- the German Democratic Republic and the Federal Republic of Germany. This is a far-from-exhaustive list of events that enfever international life and sometimes lead to great tension and the appearance of hotbeds of war. PAST CLASHES RECALLED If the events in -the Middle East are ana- lyzed, the conclusion will unfailingly be made that the war between Israel and the Arab states, too, did not result from some kind of misunderstanding or inadequate understand- ing of one another by the sides. Nor is this just a local conflict. The events that took place recently in the Middle East in connection with the armed conflict between Israel and the Arab states should be con- sidered precisely in the context of the general international situation. I would not like to go into details, but basic facts have to be mentioned in order to give a correct asessment of what has happened. What were the main features in relations between Israel and the Arab countries dur- ing the past year? These were the continu- ously increasing tension and the mounting scale of attacks by Israeli troops against one or another of its neighbors, On Nov. 26, 1966, the Security Council censured the Government of Israel for a care- fully planned "large-scale military action" against Jordan in violation of the United Nations Charter, end warned that if such actions were repeated the Security Council would have to consider "further and more effective steps as envisaged in the Charter." Israel, however, did not wish to draw a lesson. Last April 7, Israeli troops staged an at- tack against the territory of the Syrian Arab Republic. This was a largescale military op- eration involving planes, tanks and artillery. Following this, Israel provoked new military incidents on its boarder with Jordan. TROOP BUILD-UP CHARGED Once again Israel was warned by a num- ber of states about responsibility for the con- sequences of the policy it pursued. But even after that the Israeli Government did not re- consider its course. Its political leaders openly threatened wider military actions against Arab countries. The Premier of Israel made it clear that the armed attack on Syria in April was not- the last step, and that Israel was itself going to choose the method and time for new actions of this kind. On May 9, 1967, the Israeli Parliament au- thorized the Government of Israel to carry out military operations against Syria. Israeli troops began concentrating at the Syrian borders, and mobilization was carried out in the country. - - In those days, the Soviet Government, and I believe others too, began receiving informa- tion to the effect that the Israeli Govern- ment had timed for the end of May a swift strike at Syria in order to crush it and then carry the fighting over into the territory of the United Arab Republic. When the preparations for war entered the final stage the Government of Israel sudden- ly began to spread both confidentially and publicly profuse assurances of its peaceful intentions. It declared that it was not going to start hostilities and was not seeking a conflict with its neighbors. UNPRECEDENTED PERFIDY Literally a few hours before the attack on the Arab states the Defense Minister of Israel swore his Government was seeking peaceful solutions. "Let diplomacy work," the Minister was saying at the very moment when the Approved For-Release 2004/05/25 : CIA-RDP69B00369R000200300001-0 Approved For Release 2004/05/25 : CIA-RDP69B00369R000200300001-0 Jane 20, 196' CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE Israeli pilots had already received orders to bomb the cities in the United Arab Republic, Syria and Jordan. An unprecedented perfidy, indeed) On June 5, Israel started war against the United Arab Republic, Syria and Jordan. The Government of Israel flouted the Charter of the United Nations, the standards of inter- national law, and thus showed that all its peaceful declarations were false through and through. What followed is well known. Here, within the United Nations, I will only recall the arrogance with which the un- bridled aggressor ignored the demands of the Security Council for an immediate cease- fire. COUNCIL EVENTS TRACED On June 6 the Security Council proposed an end to all hostilities as a first step to- ward the restoration of peace. Israel widened the operations on the fronts. On June 7 the Security Council fixed a time limit for the stopping of all hostilities. Israeli troops continued_ their offensive, and Israeli aircraft bombed peaceful Arab towns and villages. On June 9 the Security Council issued a new, categorical demand prescribing a cease- fire. It was also ignored by Israel. The Israeli Army mounted an attack against the defen- sive lines of Syria with the purpose of break- ing through to the capital of that state, Damascus. The Security Council had to adopt yet an- other, and its fourth, decision, a number of states had to sever diplomatic relations with Israel and to give a firm warning about the use of sanctions before Israeli troops stopped military actions. In fact, the greater part of the territory of Arab countries now actually occupied by Israel was seized after the Se- curity Council took a decision on an imme- diate cessation of hostilities. The facts irrefutably prove that - Israel bears responsibility for unleashing the war, and for its victims and for its consequences. But if anybody needs additional proof that it was Israel who unleashed the war in the Middle East, that it is actually an aggressor, that proof was furnished by Israel itself. It is impossible to interpret in any other way the refusal of the Israeli Government to support the proposal of the Soviet Union to convene an emergency special session of the United Nations General Assembly. If the Gov- ernment of Israel did not feel its guilt before the peoples of the world, it would not have been so afraid of our discussion and those decisions which this General Assembly must take. Israel has no arguments that would justify Its aggression. Its attempts to justify itself, just as the attempts of its advocates to white- wash the policy and actions of -Israel which are based on the assertions that the attack on the Arab states was a forced action on the part of Israel, that the other side left no alternative, are a deception. If Israel had any claims against its neigh- bors, it should have come here to the United Nations and here searched for a settlement, by peaceful means, as Is prescribed by the U.N. Charter. After all, Israel claims to be entitled to the rights and privileges offered by the membership in the United Nations. But rights, cannot exist in isolation from duties. More and more reports are coming of atrocities and violence committed by the Is- raeli invaders on the territories they have seized. What is going on In the Sinai Penin- sula and in the Gaza Strip, in the western part of Jordan and on the Syrian soil occu- pied by the Israeli troops, brings to the mind the heinous crimes perpetrated by the Fascists during World War II. The indigenous Arab population is being evicted from Gaza, Jerusalem and other areas. In the same way as Hitler's Germany used to appoint Gauleit- ers in the occupied regions, the Israeli Gov- ernment is establishing an occupation administration on the seized territories and appointing its military governors there. NO PLACE, FOR ZIGZAGS Israeli troops are burning villages and de- stroying hospitals and schools. The civilian population is deprived of food and water and of all means of subsistence. There have been facts of prisoners of war and even women and children being shot and of ambulances carrying the wounded being burned. The United Nations cannot overlook these crimes. The Security Council has already ad- dressed itself to the Government of Israel with a demand to insure the safety, well being and security of the population in the occupied regions. The resolution Is in itself an accusation of the aggressor. The United Nations must compel Israel to respect inter- national laws. Those who mastermind and commit crimes on the occupied territories of the Arab countries must be severely called to account. Faithful to the principle of rendering aid to the victim of aggression and supporting the peoples who fight for their independence and freedom, the Soviet Union has resolutely come out in defense of the Arab states. We warned the Government of Israel both be- fore the aggression and during the war that if it had decided to take upon itself the iiesponsibility for unleashing a military con- flict, that Government would have to pay in full measure for the consequences of this step. We still firmly adhere to this position. Where the question is one of war and peace, of protecting the rights of peoples, there must not be a place for political zig- zags. It does, of course, happen that to solve this or that problem the states chart several possible routes. But in such matters as the one considered now by the emergency session of the General Assembly, there is no alterna- tive to the resolute condemnation of the aggressor and those forces that stand behind him, no alternative to the elimination of the consequences of the aggression. There is no other way to bring about the cessation of the aggression and rein in those who might wish to embark on new adventurers in the future. On may ask, Why is the Soviet Union so resolutely opposing Israel? However, gentle- men, the Soviet Union is not against Israel-it is against the aggressive policy pursued by the ruling circles of that state. In the course of its 60-year history, the Soviet Union has regarded all peoples, large or small, with respect. Every people enjoys the right to establish an independent na- tional state of its own. This constitutes one of the fundamental principles of the policy of the Soviet Union. It is on this basis that we formulated our attitude to Israel as a state, when we voted in 1947 for the U.N. de- cision to create two independent states, a Jewish and an Arab one, in the territory of the former British colony of Palestine. Guided by this fundamental policy the So- viet Union was later to establish diplomatic relations with Israel. A POLICY OF SEIZURE While upholding the rights of peoples to self-determination, the Soviet Union just as resolutely condemns the attempts by any state to conduct an aggressive policy toward other countries, a policy of seizure of foreign lands and subjugation of the people living there. But what is, in fact, the policy of the State of Israel? Unfortunately, throughout most of Israel's H 7555 tory of the Arab state, whose creation the U.N. decision had envisaged. About a million people found themselves evicted from their homeland and doomed to hunger, suffering and poverty. During all these years, deprived of a country' and of means of subsistence, these people remained in the status of exiles. The acute problem of the Palestinian refu- gees, created by Israel's policy, remains un- solved to this day, constantly increasing ten- sion in the.region. This was also the case in 1956, when Israel became a party to aggression against Egypt. Its forces invaded Egyptian territory along the same routes as today. At that time Israel also tried to retain the seized lands, but it was obliged to go back, beyond the armistice lines, under the powerful pressure exercised by the United Nations and the majority of its members. The members of the United Nations are well aware that all through the years that followed, Israel committed aggressive acts either against the United Arab Republic or against Syria or Jordan. Never had the Se- curity Council been convened so often as it was in those years to consider questions re- lating to conflicts between Israel and the Arab states. As we have seen, the very recent aggressive war unleashed by Israel against the Arab countries is a direct continuation of the pol- icy which the ruling extremist groups in Israel kept imposing on their state through- out the lifetime of its existence. It is this aggressive policy that is resolutely and con- sistently opposed by the Soviet Union to- gether with other Socialist and all peace- loving states. The duty of the United Na- tions is to force Israel to obey the demands of the peoples. If the United Nations failed in this, it would not fulfill its lofty function, for the purpose for which it was created, and the peoples' faith in this organization would be shaken. SUPPORT FROM IMPERIALISM It is only on the path of peace, on the path of renunciation of the aggressive policy to- ward neighborhing states that Israel can as- sert itself among the countries of the world. We would not have been consistent and fair in estimating Israel's policy if we did not declare with all certainty that in its ac- tions Israel has enjoyed outside support from certain imperialist circles. Moreover, these powerful circles made statements and took practical actions which might have been in- terpreted by Israeli extremist solely as direct encouragement to commit acts of aggression. For example, how else could one qualify the fact that on the eve of the Israeli agres- sion a plan was urgently devised in the United States and United Kingdom (and this was widely reported in the press) of estab- lishing an international naval force to bring pressure to bear upon the Arab states? How else could one qualify the military demon- strations by the American Sixth Fleet off the coast of the Arab states, and the build-up of the British Navy and Air Force in the Med- iterranean and the Red Sea area, or the in- crease of modern arms and ammunition de- liveries for the Israeli Army? The incitement campaign against the Arab states and their leaders was promoted espe- cially in the United States and West Ger- many. In the Federal Republic of Germany, in particular, it was announced that discrim- inatory financial measures against--the Arab states had been introduced. Recruitment of, so-called volunteers for Israel started in sev- eral West German cities. history the ruling quarters in Israel con- DELAYING TACTIC SEEN ducted a policy of conquest and territorial Incidentally, after the start of hostilities, expansion that cut into the lands of neigh- when in the first hours of the armed clash boring Arab states, evicting or even extermi- the Soviet Union strongly condemned the nating in the process the indigenous popu- Israeli aggressors and demanded universal lation of these areas. condemnation of their perfidious acts, an im- This was the case in 1948-1949; when Israel mediate cease-fire and the withdrawal of forcibly seized a sizable portion of the terra- troops beyond the armistice lines, the very Approved For Release 2004/05/25 : CIA-RDP69B00369R000200300001-0 H 7556 Approved For Release 2004/05/25 : CIA-RDP69B00369R000200300001-0 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE June 20, 1,967` same forces which could not be termed other than accomplishes of aggression, did all they could to help Israel gain time and carry out new conquests and attain Its designs. As a result, the Security Council found itself un- able to take the decision which was prompted by the existing emergency. This is why the responsibility for the dangerous situation in the Middle East lies squarely not only with Israel, but also with those who backed it in these events. At the present time extremist belligerent circles in Tel Aviv claim that their seizure of Arab territories engineered by them pro- vides them (this they have the effrontery to assert) with grounds to present new de- mands to the Arab countries and peoples. An unbridled anti-Arab propaganda cam- paign, played up by the press of certain West- ern countries, is being conducted in Israel: the force of arms is extolled, new threats against the neighboring countries are voiced, and it is declared that Israel will heed no de- cision, including that of the current session of the U.N. General Assembly, unless it meets its claims. The aggressor is In a state of intoxication. The long-nurtured plans of recarving the map of the Middle East are now put forward. The Israeli leaders proclaim that Israel will not leave the Gaza Strip or the western banks of the River Jordan. They contend that Israel intends to maintain its control over the whole of Jerusalem, and assert that in case the Arab countries are reluctant in complying with Israeli demands the Israeli forces would simply remain in their present positions. ATTIITVDE OF THE WEST What is the attitude of the United States and British Governments to the Israeli claims? Actually, they are promoting the aggressor here as well. In what other way can the aggressor interpret their position in the Security Council, which blocked the adop- tion of the proposal on an immediate with- drawal of Israeli troops behind the armistice lines? The words in support of political inde- pendence , and territorial integrity of the Middle East countries coming lavishly from the U.S. representatives could make sense only if those who uttered them would in no uncertain way reject the territorial claims of the aggressor and favor an immediate withdrawal of troops. By putting forward a program of annexa- tion, Israel seems to have completely lost a sense of reality, and has embarked on a very dangerous path. Any attempt to consolidate the results of aggression is bound to fail. We are confident that the United Nations will reject attempts to impose on the Arab peoples a settlement that might jeopardize their legitimate inter- ests and hurt their feelings or self-respect. Territorial conquests, if they were recog- nized by various states, Would only lead to new and perhaps larger conflicts. Conse- quently, peace and security in the Middle East would remain illusory. Such a situation cannot be permitted to arise, and one may rest assured that this is not going to happen. Atempts to consolidate the fruits of aggres- sion will in the long run backfire against Israel and its people. CONTINUED CHALLENGE By occupying territories of the U.A.R., Jordan and Syria, Israel continues to chal- lenge the United Nations and all peace- loving states. This is why the main task of this Assembly is to condemn the aggressor and take steps for an immediate withdrawal of Israeli troops beyond the armistice lines. In other words the task Is to clear all terri- tories of Arab countries occupied by the Is- raeli forces from the invaders. The Israeli aggression has resulted in paralyzing the Suez Canal, an important waterway which has been transformed by the invaders into a battlefront line. The Soviet Union voices a categoric demand that the Israeli forces should be immediately re- moved from the shores of the Suez Canal and from all occupied Arab territories. Only the withdrawal of Israeli forces from the seized territories may change the situa- tion in favor of a detente and the creation of conditions for peace in the Middle East. Is it not clear that unless this is done and the forces of the Israeli invaders are evicted from the territory of the Arab states, there can be no hope of settling other un- solved problems in the Middle East? Those who unleashed war against the Arab states should not cherish hopes that they could derive some advantages from this. The United Nations, called upon to serve the cause of preserving peace and international security, must use all its influence and all its prestige in order to put an end to aggression. In its demand to condemn aggression and withdraw troops from the seized territories of the U.A.R., Syria and Jordan, the Soviet Gov- ernment proceeds from the need to maintain peace not only in the Middle East. It should not be forgotten that there are many regions in the world where there are bound to be those eager to seize foreign territories, where principles of territorial integrity and respect for the sovereignty of states are far from being honored. Unless Israel's claims receive' a rebuff today, tomorrow a now aggressor, big or small, may attempt to overrun the lands of other peaceful countries. . The peoples of the world are closely watch- ing to see whether the United Nations would be able to give a due rebuff to the aggressor and safeguard the interests of the peoples of one of the major world's regions, the Middle East. The present developments in this region give rise to anxiety on the part of many states from the point of view of their own security. And this is quite understandable. If we here, in the United Nations, fail to take the necessary measures, even those states which are not parties to the conflict may draw the conclusion that they cannot expect protection from the United Nations. THE COST OF ARMS In order to enhance their security they may embark an the path of an arms build-up and increase their military budgets. This will mean that funds earmarked for the develop- ment of the national economy and the im- provement of the living standard of the peo- ple would be channeled to an even greater extend to the arms race. Those who cherish peace cannot and must not allow events to take this course. There is another important aspect of the aggression perpetrated by Israel. The point is that this aggression was aimed at toppling the, existing regimes in the U.A.R., Syria and other Arab countries, which by their deter- mined struggle for the consolidation of na- tional independence and progress of the peo- ples evoke the hatred of the imperialists. On the other hand, this is countered by solidarity and support on the part of the peoples which have embarked on the path of independent development. Therefore, to per- mit the actions of Israel against the Arab states to go unpunished would mean oppos- ing the cause of national liberation of peoples and the interests of many states of Asia, Africa and Latin America. The Soviet Union does not recognize the territorial seizures of Israel. True to the ideals of peace, freedom and independence of the peoples, the Soviet Union will undertake all measures within its power both in the United Nations and outside this organization in or- der to achieve the elimination of the conse- quences of aggression and promote, the es- tablishment of a lasting peace in the region. This is our firm and principled course. This is our joint course together with other Social- ist countries. BLOC PARLEY RECALLED On June 9, the leaders of Communist and Workers parties and Governments of seven Socialist countries declared their full and complete solidarity with the just struggle of the states of the Arab East. Unless the Gov- ernment of Israel ceases its aggression and withdraws its troops beyond the armistice lines, the Socialist states "would do every- thing necessary in order to aid the people of the Arab countries to deal a firm rebuff to the aggressor, to safeguard their legitimate rights, to quench the hotbed of war in the Middle East and to restore peace in that region." No state, however far situated from the area of the aggression, can remain aloof from the problem which has been proposed for dis- cussion by the' present emergency session. The problem concerns war and peace. In the present tense international situation hours or minutes can settle the fate of the world. Unless the dangerous developments in the Middle East, Southeast Asia or any other place where peace is being violated, are curbed, if conflicts are permitted to spread, the only possible outcome today or tomor- row would be it big war. And no single state would be able to remain on the sidelines. No state or. government, if it genuinely displays concern for peace and the prevention of a new war, can reason that if some event takes place far from its borders it can regard it with equanimity. Indeed, it cannot. LOCAL WARS PERILOUS A seemingly small event, or so-called "lo- cal wars," may grow into big military con- flicts. This means that every state and gov- ernment should not only refrain from bring- ing about new complications by its actions- it must undertake every effort to prevent any aggravation of the situation and, more- over, the emergence of hotbeds of war, that should be quenched whenever they appear. This should be stressed especially in connec- tion with the recent events in the Middle East, which have greatly complicated the al- ready complex. and dangerous international situation. The Arab states, which fell victims to ag- gression, are entitled to expect that their sovereignty, territorial integrity, legitimate rights and interests that had been violated by an armed attack, will bereconstituted in full and without delay. We repeat that this means, first of all, the withdrawal of Israeli forces from the occupied territories. This is the crucial question today, without which there can be no detente in the Middle East. Elimination of the consequences of aggres- sion also means restituting the material dam- age Inflicted by the aggressor upon those whom it attacked and whose lands it occu- pied. The actions of the Israeli forces and the Israeli aircraft have resulted in the destruc- tion of homes, industrial projects, roads and transportation in the U.A.R., Syria and Jor- dan. Israel is in duty bound to reimburse the full costs of all it has destroyed and to return all captured property. It is in duty bound to do this within the shortest pos- sible time. Can this session measure up to this task and can it attain it? Yes, it can. The General Assembly should pronounce itself authori- tatively in favor of justice and peace. The Soviet Union and its delegation are ready to work together with other countries, whose representatives have assembled in this hall. They are ready to work together with all other states and delegations in order to at- tain this aim. Much depends on the effort of the big pow- ers. It would be good if their delegations as well found common language in order to reach decisions meeting the interests of peace in the Middle East and the interests of uni- versal peace. - Approved For Release 2004/05/25 : CIA-RDP69B00369R000200300001-0 Approved For Release 2004/05/25 : CIA-RDP69B00369R000200300001-0 Jane ,20, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE RESOLUTION IS OFFERED Guided by the lofty principles of the United Nations Charter and the desire to eliminate the consequences of aggression and restore justice as quickly as possible, the Soviet Government submits the following draft resolution to the General Assembly: "THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY, 'Stating that Israel, by grossly violating the United Nations Charter and the uni- versally accepted principles of international law, has committed a premeditated and pre- viously prepared aggression against the United Arab Republic, Syria and Jordan, and has occupied a part of their territory and inflicted great material damage upon them, "Noting that in contravention of the res- olutions of the Security Council on the immediate cessation of all hostilities and a cease-fire of June 6, June 7 and June 9, 1967, Israel continued to conduct offensive military operations against the aforesaid states and expanded its territorial seizures, "Noting further that although at the present time hostilities have ceased, Israel continues the occupation of the territory of the U.A.R., Syria and Jordan, thus failing to cease the aggression and challenging the United Nations and all peace-loving states, "Regarding as inadmissible and Illegitimate the presenting by'Israel of territorial claims to the Arab states, which prevents the res- toration of peace in the area. "1. Resolutely condemns the aggressive ac- tions of Israel and the continuing occupa- tion by Israel, of a part of the territory of the U.A.R., Syria and Jordan, which consti- tutes an act of aggression; "2. Demands that Israel immediately and without any condition withdraw all its forces from the territory of those states to posi- tions beyond the armistice demarcation lines, as stipulated in the general armistice agree- ments, and should respect the status of the demilitarized zones, as prescribed in those armistice agreements; "3. Also demands that Israel should resti- tute in fun and within the shortest possible period of time all the damage inflicted by it aggression upon the UA.R., Syria and Jordan, and their nationals, and should re- turn to them all seized property and other material assets; "4. Appeals to the Security Council to undertake on its part immediate effective measures in order to eliminate all con- sequences of the aggression committed by Israel." The Government of the Soviet Union ex- presses the hope that the General Assembly will take an effective decision which would insure the inviolability of the sovereignty and territoral integrity of the Arab states, the restoration and the consolidation of peace and security in the Middle East. The covening of the General Assembly emergency session is a fact of great interna- tional significance. If it were to happen that the General Assembly should find itself in- capable of reaching a decision in the in- terests of peace, it would deal a heavy blow to the expectations of mankind regarding the possibility of settling major interna- tional problems by peaceful means, by diplomatic contacts and negotiations. No state that genuinely cares for the future of its people can fail to take this into con- sideration. The peoples should rest assured that the United Nations is capable of achieving the aims proclaimed by its Charter, the aims of safeguarding peace on earth. JARMAN ANNOUNCES HEARINGS INTO TV-RADIATION PROBLEM (Mr. JARMAN asked and was given permission to address the House for 1 minute and to revise and extend his remarks.). Approved Mr. JARMAN. Mr. Speaker, during the past several months there have arisen questions concerning the matter of X- radiation in connection with color tele- vision. The answers that our Government ex- -parts in the field have given to these ques- tions leave a great deal to be desired and only point out the need for a thorough look into the problem. For that reason I joined with my col- leagues on the House Interstate and foreign Commerce Committee, Hon. PAUL ROGERS of Florida, in sponsoring H.R. 10790, the Radiation Control for Health and Safety Act of 1967. We have both discussed this matter with the chairman of the Interstate and Foreign Commerce Committee, Hon. HARLEY STAGGERS of West Virginia. As chairman of the Subcommittee on Public Health, I am now pleased to an- nounce that there will be hearings held to study the problem of X-radiation in connection with electronic devices that have the potential of emitting radiation. I feel that the viewing public has the .right to be guaranteed that there will be no danger involved in television. And I feel that through these hearings we can establish just what action is needed to give this guarantee. I anticipate that we should start the hearings in the last part of July or the early part of August. ROGERS COMMENDS HEARINGS ON TV-RADIATION PROBLEM (Mr. ROGERS of Florida asked and was given permission to address the House for 1 minute.) Mr. ROGERS of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I would like to commend the distin- guished gentleman from Oklahoma for his effective action in calling hearings into the problem of X-radiation in con- nection with electronic devices which have the potential to emit radiation. As a cosponsor of H.R. 10790, the Ra- diation Control for Health and Safety Act of 1967, I, too, feel that the American public should have every protection that can be provided. The public needs to be assured that all necessary action needed to establish the proper level of radiation will be taken. I feel that the Public Health Service has been in error in not establishing these standards earlier considering the millions of people who come in contact with po- tential sources of radiation every day. I also commend our distinguished Chairman of the House Interstate and Foreign Commerce Committee, the Hon- orable HARLEY O. STAGGERS, of West Vir- ginia, for assuring that these hearings will be held. CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE (Mr. BRINKLEY asked and was given permission to address the House for 1 minute and to revise and extend his re- marks and include extraneous matter.) Mr. BRINKLEY. Mr. Speaker, our Na- tion today walks the razor's edge of dan- ger. And the ominous specter which overshadows our land is an enemy with- in the house of our country. They ad- vocate revolution and they are effectuat- ing it by riot, the latest chapter of which H 7557 was written in Atlanta, Ga., last night. Teddy Roosevelt, in 1904, said: No man is above the law and no man is below it, nor do we ask any man's permission when we require him to obey it. America 1967 should reaffirm and brand these words into its soul. Mr. Speaker, Negro Americans cannot afford special treatment. Consider the 'Proudest and noblest Americans of them all, the American Indian; a living ex- ample of inequities followed by special treatment. This example illustrates what special treatment does to a man or to a people. Such treatment is an inequity to the people affected and rather than atoning for past inequities, amplifies them, My grandfather, Mr. M. H. Brinkley, of Faceville, Ga., taught his children that the answer to many problems could be found in the Book of Proverbs, and last night I looked there and found these words : As snow in summer, and as rain in harvest, so honor is not seemly for a fool. As the bird by wandering, as the swallow by flying, so the curse causeless shall not come. A whip for the horse, .a bridle for the ass, and a rod for the fool's back. Proverbs 25:1-3 Mr. Speaker, our Nation cannot toler- ate insurrection led by Stokely Car- michael, or anyone else, cannot afford to defer to him, cannot afford to honor him with preferential treatment. In behalf of the people of the Third District of Georgia, as Representative of the Third District of Georgia, I have communicated with the Attorney Gen- eral of the United States, as follows, be- lieving that the latest episode of civil dis- obedience leaves no doubt as to the evi- dence against Stokely Carmichael, and leaves no doubt as to the legal remedy: CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES, HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, Washington, D.C. June 20, 1967. Hon. RAMSEY CLARK, Attorney General of the United States, De- partment of Justice, Washington, D.C. DEAR MR. ATTORNEY GENERAL: The "long, hot summer" as an excuse for violence is once again upon us. My concern has inten- sified from that of urgency to downright alarm. Stokely Carmichael is touring the South preaching insurrection and rebellion as wit- ness the shocking incidents in Prattville, Alabama last week and in Atlanta, Georgia, yesterday. Carmichael has made it abundantly clear that he holds in complete contempt the laws of the United States and of the several states and believes that the Negroes must rebel and seize control of this country. Federal law prescribes: "Whoever incites, sets on foot, assists, ar engages in any rebellion or insurrection against the authority of the United States or the laws thereof, or gives aid or comfort thereto, shall be fined not more than $10,000 or imprisoned not more than ten years, or both; and shall be incapable of holding any office under the United States," (18 U.S.C. 2383) It appears to me that a strong case can be made against Carmichael under this Stat- ute. I call upon you in your capacity as Chief Legal Officer of the United States to investigate Carmichael's activities carefully and quickly and to initiate appropriate ac- tion under this or other Statutes. Assuring you of my cooperation, I am, Cordially yours, JACK BRINKLEY, Member of Congress. H7558 Approved For Release 2004/05/25 : CIA-RDP69B00369R000200300001-0 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE . June 20, T967 DESECRATION OF THE AMERICAN FLAG (Mr. REINECKE (at the request of Mr. ROTH) was granted permission to extend- his remarks at this point in the RECORD and to include extraneous mat- ter.) Mr. REINECKE. Mr. Speaker, today we have been considering a very impor- tant and- very necessary piece of legisla- tion, a bill to prohibit- the desecration of the American flag. I am pleased to have authored legislation similar to the considered by the House today. I would like to call to the attention Of the House a resolution by the Los Ange- les County Council of the American Legion, supporting this legislation: RESOLUTION Subject: Desecration of the American Flag. Whereas: It has been called to our atten- tion that there have been various American Flag burning incidents; and Whereas: We- have learned that there is presently pending In Congress certain Bills for the purpose of meting out punishment to those who would desecrate our Flag; Now, therefore, be it resolved: That the Los Angeles County Council of The Ameri- can Legion, in regular meeting assembled, this 2nd day of June, 1967, goes on record as favoring the passage of such laws and favoring the imposition of appropriate penalties on all those guilty of desecrating or burning the American Flag; and Be it further resolved:: That this resolu- tion be amended to provide that copies of this Resolution be sent to both California Senators and to the Congressmen from the State of California. This is to certify that the foregoing resolu- tion was unanimously adopted by the Los Angeles County Council of The American Legion, in regular meeting assembled, the 2nd day of June, 1967. WILLIAM CouLsoN, Adjutant. TEACHERS CORPS PROGRAM DE- SERVES CONTINUATION AND EX- PANSION (Mr. FEIGHAN asked and was given permission to address the House for 1 minute and to revise and extend his re- marks and include extraneous matter.) Mr. FEIGHAN. Mr. Speaker, the High- er Education Act, which includes exten- sion of the National Teachers Corps for 3 years, may be scheduled for House action early next week. I urge passage by both the House and the other body. If this legislation is enacted before June 30, $3.8 million in frozen Federal funds will become available for summer college training of special teachers for schools in slum areas. Recently, Cleveland School Supt. Paul W. Briggs wrote me explaining the suc- cess of the Teachers Corps program in my home city. Also the Cleveland Plain Dealer newspaper has printed an excel- lent editorial in support of the Teachers Corps. Under leave granted I submit the letter and editorial for consideration by my colleagues : CLEVELAND PUBLIC SCHOOLS, Cleveland, Ohio, June 16,1967. Congressman MICHAEL A. FEIGHAN, Rayburn Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR CONGRESSMAN FEIGHAN: The Cleve- land Public Schools are engaged in a Na- tional Teacher Corps project in cooperation with the University of Akron. This relation- ship was initiated in March, 1966, when the proposal for a Teacher Corps project was drafted jointly by the University and the school system. Four Teacher Corps teams, in cluding fifteen interne and four master teachers, are assigned to junior high schools enrolling large percentages of disadvantaged youth. Their work has augmented in a very meaningful way the efforts of the regular faculties. The principal beneficiaries, of course, are the children for whom the work of the Corpsmen Is an extra dimension of support and motivation. The help which individual pupils have received has resulted in a notice- able academic improvement. Corps members have also assisted greatly In establishing wholesome relationships with parents and other residents of their school communities. The National Teacher Corps represents an outstanding effort to improve school oppor- tunity for disadvantaged children. It ap- proaches the problem In an area of crucial significance-the need for more and better prepared teachers. This program not only offers a special training opportunity to the corps members, but its involvement of other teachers pro- vides enriching professional experiences for the total school staff. As a new thrust in preparing teachers to serve disadvantaged children, the National Teacher Corps is one of the more promising developments in teacher education as well as in school-university collaboration. Our estimate of the Teacher Corps is indi- cated by our willingness to have several of our ablest teachers serve as team leaders and by our commitment to continue participa- tion in the project. We encourage your support of legislation to continue and expand the National Teacher Corps Program. Yours truly, - PAUL W. BRIGGS, Superintendent. [From the Cleveland Plain Dealer, June 1, 1967] EXPAND THE TEACHER CORPS Congressional failure to extend the Na- tional Teacher Corps would have as its prin- cipal victims the disadvantaged children of the country. Even many opponents of the Great Society agree that this program designed to improve the quality of instruction in poverty areas has been strikingly successful. Fate of the program whose authorization expires June 30 is now in the hands of a House subcommittee regarded as hostile to the corps idea. Prospects are that the program will sur- vive in curtailed form when, based on merit, it actually should be expanded. The corps has 1,213 members at work in 275 schools across the country. About a dozen are assigned In Cleveland. The program offers incentives and special training to teachers who have the talent and the compulsion to work with children in the poorer neighborhoods. Included are 945 teacher-interns in elemen- tary or secondary schools who are working for masters' degrees in nearby universities. The corps was devised as one way of off- setting the pattern in which schools In more affluent neighborhoods have been luring the better teachers with higher pay and less try- ing conditions. Delay on the legislation reportedly has al- ready damaged the corps' summer recruit- ment and training program. A major factor in unrest In impoverished areas has been a disparity in educational standards. In the one year of its existence, the teacher corps - has shown an exceptional capacity to improve standards In the poverty schools. Education is the answer to so many of the slum problems that Congress would be shortsighted indeed to curtail or scrap the teacher corps. It deserves to be expanded. (Mr. LANGEN (at the request of Mr. ROTH) was granted permission to extend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and to include extraneous matter.) [Mr. LANGEN'S remarks will appear hereafter in the Appendix.] MASS TRANSPORTATION ACT (Mr. WIDNALL (at the request of Mr. ROTH) was granted permission to ex- tend his remarks at this point in the REC- ORD and to 'include extraneous matter.) Mr. WIDNALL. Mr. Speaker, because of the inquiries I have had with regard to my bill, H.R. 10443, which I introduced to amend the Mass Transportation Act of 1964, I thought it would be appropri- ate at this time to insert some comments regarding this legislation into the REc- - ORD. The bill follows basically the sugges- tion offered in testimony by the League of Cities this spring before the House Special Subcommittee on Housing, of which I am the ranking minority Mem- ber. It provides that nonpublic sources may contribute up to 231/3 percent of the total cost of a project, the other 10 per- cent coming from some non-Federal but public source. The law, at present, provides for Fed- eral assistance for capital expenditures on a two-third-one-third matching basis with regional, State, county, or local public bodies involved in the pro- vision or improvement of mass transit facilities, including bus, rail, and rapid transit. Where no comprehensive trans- portation planning has been completed, a 50-50 - matching grant is utilized for emergency situations. Although private transportation companies can benefit from theresults of the grant, such as by leasing commuter cars bought by State and local transportation agencies or by utilizing newly created parking areas, the private company cannot contribute to the local share. This places the entire burden on the community, and it is this which my bill seeks to change. The result of the 1964 act is that many small communities and cities without public transportation systems, and with- out the funds to draw upon, cannot as- sist their local transit companies, usually bus companies, to benefit from the act. Theprivate companies are, however, un- able to provide all of the necessary money for new equipment, et cetera, themselves, but could contribute part of the money necessary to cover these costs. My bill would allow the private companies to contribute. I have included some local cash in- volvement in my amendment, to avoid any overt pressure on the private com- panies by communities, and to cut down on the possible flooding of HUD with applications on behalf of private com- panies by communities who would have nothing to lose by making such applica- tions. The specific percentage to be pro- vided is negotiable, 'and some exceptions may have to be devised for regional transportation authorities overseeing pri- vate systems. Approved For Release 2004/05/25 : CIA-RDP69B00369R000200300001-0 Approved For Release 2004/05/25 : CIA-RDP69B00369R000200300001-0 June 20, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE H 7547 promised to needy peasants oftentimes fails to reach them. Perhaps the main finding from my trip is the great number of disunited groups in South Vietnamese society. The Buddhists are divided into two groups. Both of them oppose Communism; but one wing believes that,the United States is fighting without the support of the Vietnamese people. In addition to the Buddhists there are two otller sects, the Hao Hoa and the Cao Dai, which add to the factions in South Vietnam. Another group is a million Chinese who are fearful of China, their mother country. The Catholics are still another group. Their laymen belong to a political group named, "Greater Solidarity Forces." The Catholics are hoping for peace and adhere closely to the counsel of Pope Paul. Besides these elements there is a labor union of nearly half a million. Further, there is a faction of intellectuals, educators, and col- lege professors which, while they do not want Communism, are very critical because the United States is not solving the problem of unity that is so greatly needed in South Vietnam. Besides these groups there is the jealousy that exists between the South Vietnamese public and the several Northerners who rule in South Vietnam. Still further, there are the groups of refugees, mountain tribes and peasants. The military forces also represent a group which is resented by many who would like more civil liberty. These many groups in South Vietnam do not conflict too openly. The said part is-and this is a great fact about South Vietnam-they do not co- operate with one another. There is no com- mon belief that binds them together, and no leader that they all look up to. In this state of disunity they are hard put to oppose the monolithic dogma of Communism which the Viet Cong teach to the peasants. The coming elections are regarded with some hope, but there is much fear that they will be manipulated by the security officer, General Nguyen Loan. The conduct of American troops is highly praised by observers in Vietnam. Our troops are doing their duty to the fullest. While there is much destruction by bombing in South Vietnam, most of the pockmarks from bombing that I saw from the air were out in the fields and not in the villages. I saw only four cases of persons in the hospitals who were burned by napalm. I tried to find out why the Viet Cong fight so hard. It was generally agreed that only 10 percent of them are Communists, and That part of the war which is the paci- fication and winning of the peasants is very difficult. For centuries the central govern- ment, and outsiders generally, have been taking from the peasants high taxes, high rents, and all the rest, while giving almost nothing in return. It is the near impossibil- ity of rooting out this distrust and resis- tance to outsiders and foreigners from among the peasants that makes the winning of the war such a long process. I asked nearly everyone how long it would require to "win" the war. About half of the people I interviewed spoke of "three or more years". The other half said it would take "a long time". Nobody, however, would say what the "win" would be like. Would a complete pacification of the distrustful peasants be regarded as a "win"? Or would we have to defeat the North Vietnamese army? At present that army faces our marines with three divisions at the Demilitarized Zone. I was told that North Vietnam has 14 divisions In reserve. I suspect that if we should succeed in pacification we would have to leave hundreds of thousands of our troops to maintain quiet after a so-called victory. My own recommendations, which are of- fered with full awareness of the very com- plicated situation, would be as follows: First, stop the bombing of North Vietnam unconditionally. If the bombing is weakening North Vietnam, I was told that this would make her more and more dependent on Red China. Second, our forces ought to be regrouped in the bases at Danang, Nha Trang, Saigon, and coastal fortifications. Fewer of our boys will be killed in these positions and it will be a sign to the South Vietnamese that they have to join in straightening out their own affairs. Third, the United States ought to call all factions In South Vietnam together. They should be urged to assume more of the bur- den of saving their country. Fourth, the United States should invite all nations with any stake in Vietnam to partici- pate in a solution. This should include the United Nations, the Viet Cong, and the Geneva Accord nations. A new awareness that I bring back from Vietnam relates to the responsibility we have to those brave village officials and religious leaders in the countryside who have sided with us in spite of the Viet Cong terror. I think we have to make sure that these people are guaranteed protection under any settle- ment that is negotiated. Finally, I'd like to pay tribute to the many dedicated Americans in the U.S. AID program and in private organizations who serve with we have been feeding while they received the armament they sought from the Soviet Union. Through our foreign aid program, as in the instance of India, we find truth remaining in the old adage about "biting the hand that feeds you." I commend Mr. Rynerson's editorial to the attention of my colleagues. I hope that we will begin to learn some lesson from these recent events: WE NEVER LEARN The United States has rescued the Egyp- tians not only with food, which ran into the millions of dollars, but in 1956 when we actually backed off the Israelites, Britain and France on the matter of the Suez canal. But despite this help which kept the Nasser government in power and his people from starving, we find these ungrateful people burning our libraries, endangering American lives, tearing up our embassies and consu- lates and costing us millions of dollars for no good reason at all. It's high time that we begin to re-evaluate our positions around the world. It is time we begin to think into the future. It's time that we let not only the people whom we help know that we are the ones keeping them alive, but it's time we let Russia and the communists around the entire world know that we are tired of their actions in stirring up trouble wherever they can to embarrass us. We imagine that their faces are even red- der than normally over this Mideast fiasco which can be laid right at their doorstep. But mark these words-someone in our gov- ernment will want to open trade with Rus- sia and her satellites-poo-pooing the idea that they'd cut our throats in a second if they could figure out how to do it without being openly involved. Will we never learn? LENOX BICENTENNIAL (Mr. CONTE asked and was given per- mission to extend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and to include ex- traneous matter.) Mr. CONTE. Mr. Speaker, Lenox, Mass., nestled in the heart of the Berk- shires, has experienced many fine mo- ments. This week Lenox, famed for its natural beauty all year round, celebrates its 200th anniversary. The official series of events opened June 18 with religious services in all churches and close with a gala parade on June 25, expected to be one of the largest gatherings in the his- tory of the county. I had hoped, Mr. Speaker, to march in the parade with my fellow citizens. My duties, however, will take me else- where for the day, and so I would like to take this opportunity to inform my col- leagues of some of the outstanding events in Lenox's history. Lenox's first citizen, Jonathan Hins- dale, came from Hartford, Conn., in 1750 to get away from the world and the ever- increasing population of Hartford. Hins- dale's cabin, located south of Courthouse Hill, still is intact and stands as a monu- ment to the town's first settler. The early history of Lenox was peace- ful, yet in 1755 all the inhabitants were forced to flee hastily to Stockbridge as a result of attacks by "marauding red- skins acting in unholy collusion with the French." The settlement of the conflict with France once again made Lenox safe, and the community began to thrive. In 1765 the present towns of Richmond and ists. For 25 years the Vietnamese peasants such devotion in Vietnam. I hope their work have been fighting intruders-first, the continues if ve ever reach a time of peace. French, then the Japanese, then the French again, and then oppressive governments of their own. All this has developed a dislike of outsiders that is sometimes transferred to United States soldiers. In many villages it takes a long time for the Vietnamese peasants to recognize that our soldiers are not trying to take from them. The Viet Cong fight because they have suffered from the French occupation. Nearly all of the generals, in the South Vietnamese army are men who fought on the side of the French. There is little opportunity for ad- vancement in the South Vietnam army for anybody who doesn't have some college training. Uneducated, but able, peasants find more opportunity with the Viet Cong than they do in the South Vietnamese forces. The pacification teams that the South Vietnamese government sends into the field- 59-man cadres--are criticized in some cases for corruption and lack of dedication. They are unable by and large to stay in the coun- try villages unless they are supported by platoons or companies of the South Viet- namese army. VER LEARN (Mr. hIALEY asked and was given permission to address the House for 1 minute and to revise and extend his re- marks and include extraneous matter.) Mr. HALEY. Mr. Speaker, I have asked permission at this time to place in the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD an editorial, "We Never Learn," which appeared in the Winter Haven Daily News-Chief of June 16, 1967. Publisher and Editor William E. Rynerson expresses concern over the fact that we never do learn from the events that occur in connection with our foreign policy. This Middle East crisis is a regrettable, unfortunate thing, It is another one of those situations where we have been arming other people of the world through our foreign aid program and the ones we have not been arming, Approved For Release 2004/05/25 : CIA-RDP69B00369R000200300001-0 Approved For Release 2004/05/25 : CIA-RDP69B00369R000200300001-0 H 7548 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -HOUSE June 20, 1967 Lenox were incorporated. The town was valley from Mount Greylock to the those who must make their way, who named Richmond after a liberal English dome, the Aspinwall stood, until its must endure all of the troubles each of noble, Charles Lenox, Duke of Richmond. catastrophic destruction by fire in 1931, us faces iin today's fast-moving world, On February 26, 1767, the eastern sec- as a reminder of an era of luxury; an with a major physical handicap. And tion, separated from the rest of the town era when Lenox took all the polish our difficulties pall even more than some- by the central mountain range, was in- wealth could put upon It. what in comparison to those whose corporated under the name of Lenox. The Lenox of the 19th century also handicap inhibits or completely destroys The list of Lenox's Revolutionary War stood high in the literary world. Cath- the function of one of our five major patriots is imposing. The most famous erine Sedgwick, sister-in-law of Mrs. senses. was Col. John Paterson. Under Pater- Charles Sedgwick, moved to Lenox in We can only guess, for example, at son's leadership the Lenox regiment 1821. There she wrote her first novel, "A the day-to-day agony and the dimen- built in 1775 the first fort for the siege of New England Tale," which made her one sions of courage needed to overcome it Boston. Paterson's men were later to of the pioneers of the new and inde- for one who has lost the power to hear. cross the Delaware with General Wash- pendent American literature. Her pres- In an age in which more and more de- ington and fight in the, battles of Trenton ence also attracted a group of gifted pends on oral communication, on the and Princeton. By 1777, Paterson's regi- English women to Lenox, among them distinguishing of sounds for virtually ment was cut almost. to 200 men,- one- Fanny Kemble, the noted actress who every kind of communication, from a third of its original strength. Judge said of Lenox, "I never looked abroad simple declaration of affection to an ur- Julius Rockwell commemorated these upon the woods and villages and lakes gent warning of imminent disaster; it valiant soldiers at Lenox's celebration of without thinking how great a privilege is difficult for those of us blessed with the America's centennial when he said: it would be to live in the midst of such power of hearing to imagine a world of And herein consists the great merit of beautiful things." utter silence. these officers and men. They suffered, sick- Nathaniel Hawthorne spent a year It is, therefore, with a great deal of ened, died, that we might live; that we might and a half in Lenox. Occupying a tiny pride, and of gratitude and apprecia- live in America under American government. house overlooking a hillside, Hawthorne tion, that Icall the attention of this body Rockwell also paid tribute to the moth- was so overwhelmed by the scenery that to an institution in the First Congres- ers, wives, and sisters of these soldiers he remarked, "I cannot write in the sional District of Massachusetts that is who were found everywhere encouraging presence of that view." Nevertheless, he dedicated to easing the burdens of the their men. Says Rockwell : completed "The House of the Seven deaf ; to bringing the miracle of com- They knew a free government would Gables" with herculean determination munication to those who have lost the elevate the character of their sons and bless in only 5 months. "Tanglewood Tales" natural sense which so many of us take the homes of their daughters. and many other stories also were written for granted. Lenox's achievements in religion and in this house on Stockbridge Bowl, I am happy to relate to my colleagues education were splendid r lig where Oliver Wendall Holmes was a fre- the story of the world-famed Clarke on the battlefield. The First her record quent visitor. Other notable visitors to School for the Deaf, in Northampton, tional Church was erected in 1768 at the Lenox were Ralph Waldo Emerson, Har- Mass., which is now celebrating 100 years town's expense. The town meeting the net Beecher Stowe, and Edith Wharton. of helping deaf children. ad- Lenox's interest in the arts has not In the 1860's the deaf child faced a journed explicitly on.August 3 of that only continued but expanded, now to in- dismal future. Such children usually lost year to witness the pounding of the first elude the world-famous music festival the ability to speak, if they ever had it, stake. Lenox then became the county seat which takes place every summer at and were placed in an asylum. Their for Berkshire County in 1787. Tanglewood, the estate donated to the deafness was a very real prison for them Lenox Academy, where to graduate Boston Symphony' Orchestra by Miss and for society. In 1861 Gardiner Green was a virtual passport to any college, Mary Tappan and her niece Mrs. Rosa- Hubbard sought help for his young often even Into the sophomore class, was munde Hepburn in 1937. Combining the daughter, made deaf by scarlet fever. founded in 1803. Mrs. Charles Sedgwick's magnificent simplicity of the huge con- The only alternative he- could accept School for Girls, later to become Lenox cert hall, called "The Shed" and the meant sending his daughter to a special Schoolfor Boys; was established in 1828. musical vision of Serge Koussevitzky, the school in G3rmany. Seeing an obvious These institutions, in addition to the rare orchestra's conductor at that time, the need, Hubbard started a personal cam- physical beauty of the town, made Lenox festival has become a unique musical paign to enlist State help- in properly a superior intellectual and cultural at- event in the whole country, nay, tile providing for the deaf in this country. traction. y' whole world. His efforts, unfruitful at first, became The peaceful solitude of the Housa- tonic Valley was invaded by the railroad Looking back, then, over 200 years of successful after he joined with Miss Har- for the first time in 1838. The new conhistory, Lenox has much for which to be net Rogers a tutor who had mastered nec rtih with Albany, Bnew New proud and thankful. She remains today a the technique of oral education for the fo York opened the way , for Boston, the and and bastion of intellectual and cultural op- deaf. In 1866, Miss Roger's brother-in- York n able e estae thAt soon surplanted vast portunity as a credit to the physical law, Mr. Thomas Talbot, saw fit, as a thefashio Yankee farmer. French bounty nature has bestowed upon her. I member of the State Legislature of palaces, sincerely hope my colleagues will join Massachusetts, to directly seek Governor Italian villas, and Elizabethan Halls me in expressing my deepest gratitude to Bullock's aid on behalf of his sister-in- quickly replaced the traditional symbols Lenox on this, her 200th anniversary. law and Mr. Hubbard. of New England. - The time was right. A "gentleman In 1868 the county, seat was trans- from Northampton," Mr. John Clarke, ferred from Lenox to Pittsfield. The CLARKE SCHOOL FOR THE DEAF- who suffered from deafness, wanted to. move was made primarily to accomodate 100 YEARS OF PROGRESS help deaf children. He offered the State the summer visitors who found the hub- (Mr. CONTE asked and was given $50,000 for the establishment of a school bub, jostling, and general confusion of permission to extend his remarks at this for the deaf in Northampton. With this the courthouse quite unpleasant. Thus point in the RECORD and to include ex- fortunate - financial support, Clarke the calm of the "gem of the Berkshires" traneous matter.) School and the Clarke Corp. became a -- was maintained. Mr. CONTE. Mr. Speaker, each of us reality in June and July of 1867. So it is The Gay Nineties marked the height in our daily lives faces innumerable that we now commemorate the 100th of this social splendor. Parades, hunts, problems and frustrations; some minor, anniversary of the Clarke School and horse shows, and gold tournaments all some major, and too many of critical its pioneering efforts in the field of oral added to the festive mood of the times. urgency. Our tensions and anxieties education of the deaf. From 1883 to 1900 the valuation of the seem to mount day by day and, in this The events leading to the founding town more than doubled. Its worth in hectic 20th century, we have made an in- of the Clarke School involved a number 1900 was $3,750,004 as compared to dispensable necessity of the aspirin tab- of people, reflect the power of an idea $1,599,411 in 1883. Symbolic of this era let and the stomach alkalizer. in -a determined group of people, and of the moguls was the completion of the But as burdensome and uncertain as demonstrate the role that an alert and huge Aspinwall Hotelin 1902. Crowning life has become for many of us, our responsive government can play. The the ridge and commanding a view of the troubles pall somewhat in comparison to Clarke School continues to function Approved For Release 2004/05/25 : CIA-RDP69B00369R000200300001-0 Approved For Release 2004/05/25 : CIA-RDP69B00369R000200300001-0 House of Representatives TUESDAY, JUNE 20, 1967 The House met at 12 o'clock noon. The Chaplain, Rev. Edward G. Latch, D.D., offered the following prayer: And they that know Thy name will put their trust in Thee: for Thou, Lord, hast not forsaken them that seek Thee.- Psalm 9: 10. 0 Thou in whose presence our spirits find strength, our minds are given fresh insights and our hearts feel the warmth of Thy love-at the gateway of another day we pause in silence before Thee. In- cline our souls to seek wisdom and truth and mercy at Thy hands. Reveal to us the way we should go, the decisions we should make, the plans we should fol- low and may all our work be based upon intelligent conviction and dynamic faith. Hear us as we pray for those who bear the burden of war and are ready to give their lives that we may continue to live as free men. May we not be heedless of their courage but be ready to bear with them and to support them that out of this turmoil there may come an endur- ing peace. Cleanse our national life from discord and violence and suspicion. Keep us from hating one another lest in our ill will we destroy ourselves. Lead us, 0 Lord, in the ways of unity and peace and good will for Thy name's sake. Amen. THE JOURNAL The Journal of the proceedings of yes- terday was read and approved. MESSAGE FROM THE SENATE A message from the Senate by Mr. Arrington, one of its clerks, announced that the Senate had passed without amendment a joint resolution of the House of the following title: H.J. Res. 601. Joint resolution extending for 4 months the emergency provisions of the urban mass transportation program. The message also announced that the Senate requests the House of Repre- sentatives to return to the Senate the bill (S. 1577) entitled "An act to com- plement the Vienna Convention on Dip- lomatic Relations," together with all ac- companying papers. The message also announced that the Presiding Officer of the Senate, pursuant to Public Law 115, 78th Congress, en- titled "An act to provide for the disposal of certain records of the U.S. Govern- ment," appointed Mr. MONRONEY and Mr. CARLSON members of the Joint Se- lect Committee on the part of the Sen- ate for the Disposition of Executive Pa- pers referred to in the report of the Ar- chivist of the United States numbered 67-11. PROVIDING FOR CONSIDERATION OF JOINT RESOLUTION MAKING CONTINUING APPROPRIATIONS Mr. MAHON. Mr. Speaker, I ask unan- imous consent that it may be in order on Monday, June 26, or any succeeding day in June, to consider a joint resolu- tion making continuing appropriations. The SPEAKER. ' Is there objection to the request of the gentleman from Texas? There was no objection. PR15TDENT JOHNSON'S FORMULA FOR RESTORATION AND MAIN- TENANCE OF PEACE IN THE MID- DLE EAST (Mr. ALBERT asked and was given permission to address the House for 1 minute.) Mr. ALBERT. Mr. Speaker, never have the American people had a better opportunity to compare and to contrast the sincerity of their own Government and that of the Soviet Union regarding international peace than by reading in adjoining colums of their newspapers the concise and conciliatory address of their great leader, President Johnson, and the address of Premier Kosygin before the United Nations. Premier Kosygin Once more betrayed the true motives of his Government to take advantage of the present crisis in the Middle East for the purpose of bringing more nations and more people under the sway of Russian power. Mr. Speaker, I am proud to record my approval of President Johnson's for- mula for restoration and maintenance of peace in the Middle East. Once more he has displayed great ability as a states- man, and his high qualities as the leader of the American people. Mr. BOGGS. Mr. Speaker, will the gentleman yield? Mr. ALBERT. I yield to the gentle- man from Louisiana. Mr. BOGGS. I would like to join in the remarks made by the gentleman from Oklahoma and commend him for making them. May I add that I would hope that while Mr. Kosygin Is in the United States he would use this oppor- tunity, the great opportunity that pre- sents itself, for the promotion of world Peace, which is desperately needed in the Middle East, Southeast Asia, and many other places on the earth, rather than using it as a crude propaganda effort for Russian power politics which we all understand so well. I commend the gen- tleman from Oklahoma for his- fine speech. Let me include an editorial from the New York Times for June 20. However, I believe that the President was eminently correct in delivering his address here in the Nation's Capital. The editorial follows: MR. KOSYGIN AND MR. JOHNSON Since the hope had been so slight that he would show some genuine statesmanship in his address to the General Assembly yester- day, it cannot be said that Premier Kosy- gin's sterile and pedestrian performance was much of a disappointment. It can only be said that Mr. Kosygin failed in his respon- sibility as leader of one of the most powerful states on earth by rejecting this opportunity to advance the peace of the world in gen- eral and of the Middle East in particular. This does not mean that the doors are automatically closed to an eventual peace- ful anti just settlement of the Arab-Israel question; but it does mean that Premier Ko- sygin did little yesterday-in striking con- trast to President Johnson-to keep them open. It also means that the Soviet Premier felt it necessary to stand before the world tribunal and engage, in his quiet way, in a transparent distortion of history, in crude vilification, in crass propaganda in order to prove to the Arab states that the Soviet Union, after all, really is their friend. With- out flamboyance, without emotion, the Pre- mier of the Soviet Union nevertheless harsh- ly reiterated the almost entirely negative position taken previously by his representa- tive in the Security Council, a demand for re- turn of the status quo ante, which could only insure an indefinite continuance of bloody turmoil throughout the Middle East. A slight ray of hope that Mr. Kosygin might be willing, despite his public posture, to undertake some realistic discussions lies in the few phrases of his speech suggesting readiness "to work together [for justice and peace] with other countries," with special reference to "the Big Powers." This is small evidence to go on; but the inclusion of such phrases could conceivably be significant. In contrast to the generally obdurate and accusatory line of the Soviet Premier, the President of the United States set forth a reasonable approach to the Middle East prob- lem. Employing dignified and measured lan- guage, Mr. Johnson addressed himself not to a false reconstruction of the past, as did Mr. Kosygin, but to a realistic program for the future. We only regret that he did not come to New York to make his speech before the General Assembly. The establishment of conditions for a last- ing peace between Israel and the Arab states is the basic American concern, premised of course on the recognition that Israel not only has the right to live, but is going to go on living.. Once that fact is accepted, the other pieces of the puzzle can be made to fit together-but only if the Arab states can be persuaded to accept it. The Soviet Union could do much, if it would, to persuade them. Then, and only then, the refugee problem, the arms problem, the water problem, the boundary problem, the free-passage prob- lem and the troop withdrawal problem would be capable of solution. The President stressed t4at the United States Is ready to see any method of peace- making tried, both in and outside the United Approved For Release 2004/05/25 : CIA-RDP69B00369R000200300001-0 H 7472 CONGRESSIONAL Nations, and among any or all parties. He gives the impression of "playing it cool," which is just about the best way for the United States to act in a situation that has been far too hot too long. What is called for at the moment is no precipitate action by the victorious Israelis in respect to Jerusalem or anywhere else, by the Arabs in the despera- tion of their defeat, or by the great powers in maneuvering for position. This is, as Mr. Johnson suggested, a time for magnamity by the victors, for patience by the van- quished, and for vision by the Parliament of Man. LEGISLATIVE PROGRAM FOR THE PERIOD JUNE 29 TO JULY 10 (Mr. GERALD R. FORD asked and was given permission to address the House for 1 minute.) Mr. GERALD R. FORD. Mr. Speaker, I take this time for the purpose of asking the gentleman from Oklahoma, the dis- tinguished majority leader, if he has any information for the membership as to plans for the House over the Fourth of July weekend, Mr. ALBERT. Mr. Speaker, will the gentleman yield? Mr. GERALD R. FORD. I yield to the gentleman from Oklahoma. Mr. ALBERT. I am very happy that the distinguished minority leader has made this inquiry, because I think the House is entitled to know what the plans are. After the close of business on Thurs- day, June 29, we plan to adjourn by reso- lution until Monday, July 10. We will have a total of some 10 days' vacation during the Fourth of July period. Mr. GERALD R. FORD. Will the gen- tleman from Oklahoma reaffirm what I understand is the intent, that we will have business on Thursday, June 29? Mr. ALBERT. The gentleman is cor- rect. Mr. GERALD R. FORD, And we will have business on Monday, July 10? Mr. ALBERT. The gentleman is cor- rect. Mr. GERALD R. FORD. I thank the gentleman from Oklahoma. SEMANTICS OF THE U.N. RECORD - HOUSE June 20, 1967 are being made in the United Nations. Everyone recognizes this as an attempt at facesaving by Russia and her Arab allies. Unfortunately, if these facesaving speeches are played over and over long enough, there may be some people who will be convinced. We may even find the U.S. Government allying itself with some of these demands upon Israel. We allow ourselves to be backed into strange corners at times to the mystification of even our best friends. Efforts have been made to arouse con- cern in the United States over the fact that oil from the Middle East is no longer available. I would remind those who ap- pear disturbed that producers in the United States would welcome an oppor- tunity to place more oil on the market; so would South American producers. I would also call attention to the fact that the Arabs have little else to sell but oil. They will be needing a market. The Com- munist world cannot absorb their out- put. They will be needing a market much sooner than we need their oil. And, be- fore we again accept their oil, it should be stipulated that there will be repara- tions for all the damage dnd destruction to American property, whether it be for the personal effects of U.S. refugees from Cairo or refineries owned by American oil interests. The question of access to water routes is even more academic. Israel controls the important water routes. This should be guarantee enough that there will be free access to the Suez and to the Gulf of Aqaba in the future. The President of the United States has said the issues affecting the Middle East must be resolved within the area by the affected powers, In other words, there is very little other than confusion that the U.N. can contribute to peace in the Middle East. In the meantime, we are paying nearly half of the cost of all the maneuvering and backing and filling which is taking place there. PERMISSION FOR SUBCOMMITTEE ON FEDERAL AID TO HIGHWAYS AND SUBCOMMITTEE ON ROADS OF THE COMMITTEE ON PUBLIC WORKS TO SIT DURING GENERAL DEBATE TODAY Mr. HOWARD. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that the Subcommit- tee on Federal Aid to Highways and the Subcommittee on Roads of the Commit- tee on Public Works be permitted to sit during general debate today. The SPEAKER. Is there objection to the request of the gentleman from New Jersey? Mr. GERALD R. FORD. Mr. Speaker, reserving the right to object, would the gentleman notify the House whether the request has been cleared with the mi- nority member of the committee. Mr. HOWARD. It has been cleared with the gentleman from Florida [Mr. CRAMER]. Mr. - GERALD R. FORD. Mr. Speaker, I withdraw my reservation of objection. The SPEAKER. Is there objection to the request of the gentleman from New (Mr. SIKES asked and was given per- mission to address the- House for 1 minute and to revise and extend his remarks.) Mr. SIKES. Mr. Speaker, undoubtedly the Nation is weary of the endless semantics of the U.N. Currently, it is en- gaged in a long and tedious series of charges and countercharges involving the Middle East. This is largely meaningless in that the U.N. has no jurisdiction, and further, it Is discussing a problem which already has been resolved. The Israel forces in less than a week settled all the problems for the foreseeable future which have so long plagued the Middle East. If there is any change from the present status, it must be with the recognition and consent of Israel. No amount of talk in the UniteeNations can modify this situation one whit. There is no reason to anticipate that Israel should or will bow to the far- fetched and even stupid demands that AGOGY (Mr. FARBSTEIN asked and was giv- en permission to address the House for 1 minute and to revise and extend his remarks.)- Mr. FARBSTEIN. - Mr. Speaker, it is tragic that Premier Kosygin came all the way to New York to deliver the divi- sive, destructive speech that the world heard yesterday. If his purpose was mere- ly to curry favor with his Arab clients- as it certainly seemed to be-then he should have gone directly to Cairo and Damascus and saved himself a lot of travel. Now is the time for constructive states- manship, not for demagogy. We are :faced with a situation in the Middle East that demands solution, not recrimination. As Israel's Foreign Minister, Abba Eban, so eloquently inferred, the chief villain in this crisis has been the Soviet Union and its irresponsible shipments of war materiel to the Arab nations. The Soviet Government started the trouble by pouring into the Arab world billions in instruments of slaughter, when these billions should have been spent for edu- cation, for food, for homes. His Govern- ment would be performing a real service to the Arab States If he reversed his grievous policies and began to spend Russian money to make a better life for the Arab refugees to which his Govern- ment have contributed not a cent and the other Arab people. It is a shame that he is wedded to practices which will only exacerbate relations between Arabs and Israelis and their conditions of life. In contrast, the early morning speech of President Johnson, offered a much more prudent and constructive policy for the disputing nations as he held out the hand of peace through his five great prin- ciples. Recognition of each nation's right to live, justice for the refugees, respect for maritime rights, opposition to the arms race, and respect for political in- dependence and territorial independence are principles which can and should be embraced by all the nations in the Mid- dle East. Premier Kosygin made a serious mis- take to come to New York to deliver words of hatred. Now it is time for a restoration of sanity. TO PROVIDE - ADDITIONAL READ- JUSTMENT ASSISTANCE TO VET- ERANS WHO SERVED IN THE ARMED FORCES DURING THE VIETNAM ERA Mr. TEAGUE of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to take from the Speaker's table the bill (S. 16) to provide additional readjustment assist- ance to veterans who served in the Armed Forces during the Vietnam era, and for other, :purposes, with a Senate amendment to the House amendment, disagree to the-Senate amendment, and agree to the, conference asked by the Senate. The SPEAKER. Is there objection to the request of the gentleman from Tex- as? The Chair hears none, and appoints Approved For Release 2004/05/25 : CIA-RDP69B00369R000200300001-0 Approved For Release 2004/05/25 : CIA-RDP69B00369R000200300001-0 June 20, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -HOUSE the following conferees: Messrs. TEAGUE of Texas, DORM, HALEY, BARING, ADAIR, and AYRES. PROTECTION FROM RIOTS AND MOB VIOLENCE (Mr. DORN asked and was given per- mission to address the House for 1 min- ute and to revise and extend his remarks and include extraneous matter.) Mr. DORN. Mr. Speaker, again this summer we are witnessing a wave of riots which are sweeping across the Nation and bringing destruction of private prop- erty, looting, burnings, injury, and even death to innocent citizens. Just this week rioters have killed, wounded, and de- stroyed persons and property in every section of our country. These rioters do not represent freedom of peaceful as- sembly, legitimate protests, or respon- sible picketing in pursuit of constitu- tional rights or economic justice. We have been given ample warning that no community will be safe from these well-organized and well-trained rioters that have been provided insidi- ous know-how, money, and equipment. They can cross State lines and descend upon peaceful communities jeopardizing the health, happiness, and general wel- fare of our people. Our local policemen, sheriffs, and State law enforcement agencies are doing a magnificent job in upholding law and order throughout our Nation. Our State and local law enforcements can deal with local crime and local mobs, but when mob leaders cross State lines bringing with them their trained "demonstrators" and rioters, then local law enforcement agen- cies and officers need help. Yes, we are faced with stark mob vio- lence which is often instigated by profes- sional agitators crossing State lines for the purpose of creating anarchy and a breakdown in law and order by force. When communities are invaded by mobs from other States it is a threat to the general welfare and warrants the urgent attention of Congress. When Molotov cocktails are hurled into pri- vate homes and places of business, and pitched battles instigated by mob leaders rage in the streets, the United States be- comes an object of ridicule all over the world. Our men in Vietnam and those stand- ing guard for freedom throughout the world are greatly embarrassed and their morale shaken by such mob violence. The international Communist conspiracy in its diabolical scheme to conquer the world is thus aided by violence and anarchy in the cities of our country. I supported the amendment last year which would have made it a Federal crime for any person to across State lines for the purpose of exciting riots and mob violence. Mr. Speaker, the same legisla- tion is now before the Rules Committee in the form of H.R. 421. I urge the com mittee to grant a rule permitting this legislation to come before the House for consideration. The situation is urgent. Law abiding citizens need the support and reasurrance of their Congress in the critical months ahead. CORRECTION OF VOTE Mr. MULTER. Mr. Speaker, on roll- call No. 139 I am recorded as not voting. I was present and voted "yea." I ask unanimous consent that the permanent RECORD and Journal be corrected accordingly. The SPEAKER. Is there objection to the request of the gentleman from New York? There was no objection. SVk' IP IN AND OUT OF THE UNITED NATIONS (Mr. MULTER asked and was given permission to address the House for 1 minute and to revise and extend his re- marks and include extraneous matter.) Mr. MULTER. Mr. Speaker, all those who had the opportunity to hear or to read President Johnson's remarks of yesterday morning must agree that he was fair, he was honest, he was the statesman par excellence. Once again, he proved that he and the United States want nothing anywhere more than we want peace everywhere- peace in the Middle East-peace in Southeast Asia-peace everywhere-but peace with justice. He ignored the epithets thrown at us. He disregarded the incitement to hate by those who would destroy us. He humbly held out in good faith the hand of friendship and showed the world the path to good neighborliness and to- getherness and helpfulness. Almost immediately thereafter the world that watched and listened to the proceedings at the United Nations saw and heard a vituperative exhibition by Communist Russia that was the com- plete antithesis of our President's pos- ture. Kosygin was unfair, dishonest, and most unstatesmanlike. He typified the worst of the big bullies. His threatening diatribe was intended to frighten and scare. His reference to Hitlerian tactics of murder, ravage, arson, and wanton de- struction reminded us of the days when the Russian Communists were cooperat- ing hand in glove with the Nazis until Stalin and Hitler fell out. The only thing that makes the Arabs and the Communists appear to be brothers is their identical capacity to spume hate and their vile and vicious incitement to destroy a world that God intended for brotherly love. They cannot succeed. They will not succeed. The world will yet attain peace with justice despite the intransigence and truculence of the aggressive Arabs and the covetous Communists. VOTE AGAINST PREVIOUS QUES- TION ON RULE TO OPEN WAY FOR AMENDMENTS ON DEBT CEILING BILL TO PREVENT SECRETARY OF TREASURY PAYING U.S. DEBTS TWICE (Mr. PATMAN asked and was given permission to address the House for 1 H 7473 minute and to revise and extend his re- marks.) Mr. PATMAN. Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to vote against the previous question when the closed rule on H.R. 10867, the debt ceiling bill, is offered to- morrow. A vote against the previous question on the rule is necessary so that we may open the way for amendments to the debt ceil- ing bill. Mr. Speaker, I plan to offer an amend- ment which will provide: First. That the Secretary of Treasury be prohibited from paying any obligation of the U.S. Government more than once; and - Second. That the Secretary of Treas- ury be prohibited from paying interest on any obligation of the U.S. Government that has already been paid in full. My proposed amendment, of course, would require that the U.S. Treasury cease to pay $1.9 billion annually in in- terest on $45 billion worth of bonds being held in the Federal Reserve Bank of New York. These bonds are part of the Fed- eral Open Market Committee's portfolio and they have been paid for in full once, Mr. Speaker, a vote against the previ- ous question will enable the House to ex- press its opposition to the paying of any Federal debt twice or the paying of in- terest on obligations that have been paid in full. PERSONAL ANNOUNCEMENT (Mr. DULSKI asked and was given per- mission to address the House for 1 min- ute.) Mr. DULSKI. Mr. Speaker, on June 19 I was in my district and am not recorded on rollcall votes Nos. 139, 140, 141, and 142. If I had been present, I would have voted as follows: On rollcall No. 139-"yea." On rollcall No. 140-"yea." On rollcall No. 141-"yea." On rollcall No. 142-"yea." THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA RE- ORGANIZATION ACT: BETTER AND MORE REPRESENTATIVE GOVERNMENT (Mr. ADAMS asked and was given permission to address the House for 1 minute and to revise and extend his remarks.) Mr. ADAMS. Mr. Speaker, the battle for more representational government for the District has been underway for years in the Capital City of the United States. Today the issue is whether of not the 90th Congress will support President Johnson's proposal to modernize and strengthen the government of the Dis- trict of Columbia. . While not a substitute for the long sought objective of home rule, the re- organization plan will give the District strong executive leadership and a "broadly representative" city council. The President has proposed a single Commissioner to replace the present three-man Board of Commissioners. This Commissioner-chosen from outstanding Approved For Release 2004/05/25 : CIA-RDP69B00369R000200300001-0 1117474 candidates from all over the country- will be similar to a mayor in his execu- tive responsibilities and actions. He will be joined by a nine-member Council- similar to city councils in most urban communities-which will make rules and regulations for the city-the local ordi- nances-as will as budgetrecommenda- tions. Appointments to the Council will be made with a view toward achieving a membership broadly representative of the District community. This proposal is essential if we are to have a local government capable of meeting the needs of District residents. The time is long overdue for such posi- tive action. And I think the 90th Con- gress must be responsive to a proposal that is so fair and just. This proposal will help restore some of the basic rights of 800;000 Americans who reside in Washington. It is a pro- posal that is warmly endorsed by the civic and religious and business leaders of this community. It is a proposal fa- vored by the overwhelming majority of District residents. Even the opponents concede that reor- ganization of the District government is necessary. Resolutions of disapproval should not rest on an alleged jurisdic- tional basis. The District of Columbia Committee remains free at any time to make improvements in the plan. 'Many of us on the committee will support these improvements but do not believe we should stop this plan or take a chance that nothing will be done. I hope we will pass this plan and then continue with the job in committee to correct those deficiencies which have not been or could not be reached through the reorganization plan. 4k= MIDDLE EAST permission to address the House for 1 minute and to revise and extend his remarks.) Mr. GILBERT. Mr. Speaker, the con- trast between the leader of the free world and the leader of the Communist world was never more clearly manifested than it- was yesterday, when both addressed themselves to the issue of peace in the Middle East. President Johnson's words were full of hope. They embodied an objective ap- proach to the grievous problems that have beset the Middle East, largely as a consequence of the mischief making of Moscow. President. Johnson faced the Middle East question realistically, with- out dogma, without any effort to acquire gross partisan gain. He showed wisdom and strength. Premier Kosygin, in contrast, pre- sented a grim message to the United Na- tions, grim because it was so devoid of the spirit of conciliation that must be forthcoming from the Soviet Union if there is to be peace and progress, where, in the past, there has been war and- pov- erty. Premier Kosygin gave us an exer- cise in absurdity, an experience in fanat- icism, a demonstration of demagoguery. He did nothing whatever to advance the cause of a Middle East settlement. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE June 20, 1967 We must face the fact, I feel; that there will be not stability in the Middle East until the Soviet Union decides that its people and its assets - are more than pawns in the cold war. As soon as Rus- sia recognizes that its own interest is served by stability, then we can all work toward that worthy end. In the meantime, Mr. Speaker, I am confident that the President will not abandon his support of the justified in- terests of Israel, a country which I believe will be magnanimous in victory just as it was self-reliant in crisis. Israel re- solved the military problem in the Mid- dle East. This Government must remain at Israel's side while the diplomatic bat- tles are waged to prevent still another re- currence of war in our day. CORRECTION - OF VOTE Mr. McMILLAN. Mr. Speaker, on roll- call No. 126 I am recorded as not voting. I was present and voted "yea." - I ask unanimous consent that the permanent RECORD and Journal be corrected accord- ingly. - The SPEAKER. Is there objection to- the request of the gentleman from South Carolina? There was no objection. PERMISSION FOR COMMITTEE ON RULES TO FILE CERTAIN REPORTS Mr. COLMER. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that the Committee on Rules may have until midnight to- night to file certain reports. The SPEAKER. Is there objection to the request of the gentleman from Mis- sissippi? There was no objection. THE LATE JAMES R. BEVERLEY, FORMER GOVERNOR OF PUERTO RICO (Mr. POLANCO-ABREU ask and was given permission to address the House for 1 minute - and - to revise and extend his remarks.) Mr. POLANCO-ABREU. Mr. Speaker, Puerto Rico was saddened this past week- end by the death of its former Governor, James R. Beverley, who for the better part of his life served public purposes in the island and contributed heavily in civic functions benefiting the Puerto Rican people, although he was a Texan by birth. James Beverley came to Puerto Rico in 1925 and took up posts as Deputy At- torney General, Special Adviser to the Public Service Commission, and Attorney General until 1931, when he was ap- pointed Governor by President Herbert Hoover. He left that office in 1933, but his public service was really just begin- ning. Governor Beverley had fallen in love with Puerto Rico, and he remained on the island where his children were born and raised and where he made his per- manent home and enjoyed the lasting affection of his fellow Puerto Rican citi- zens. Upon leaving the office of the chief executive, Governor Beverley established a law firm, today known as Beverley, Castro & Rodriguez Lebron. His son Wil- liam, joined this, firm years ago. Throughout his life as a leading attor- ney in Puerto Rico, Governor Beverley took an interest and an active part in Puerto Rican public affairs, and he was active also in politics according to the dictates of his persuasion. The efforts to which he devoted him- self included those of executive positions which he held in various corporations, those as a member of the Puerto Rico Bar Association and the Bankers Club, those as chairman of the board of trus- tees of Inter-American University and as a member of the board of-the Presbyter- ian Hospital in San Juan, and those which he enjoyed so much in working with the Boy Scouts organization. Governor Beverley in 1962 was awarded a certificate of merit by the Puerto Rico Chamber of Commerce in recognition of his many contributions in political, so- cial, and civic matters. Governor Beverley became one of Puerto Rico's leading private citizens through his honesty, energy, and dedica- tion to the principles in which he be- lieved. He will be sorely missed in our community, and I join with his many friends in extending deepest sympathy to his widow, Mary, and to James and William, his sons. CHRIS KRAFT CHOSEN VIRGINIAN OF THE YEAR (Mr. POFF asked and was given per- mission to address the House for 1 minute.) Mr. POFF. Mr. Speaker, it is my privilege to salute Christopher C. Kraft, Jr., Director of Flight Operations for the NASA space flight program, who has just been named Virginian of the Year by the Virginia Press Association. Virginia is proud of her native son. I am particularly pleased at this honor, because Chris Kraft is a graduate of Vir- ginia Tech at Blacksburg in the congres- sional district I am privileged to - repre- sent. Indeed, he is the recipient of the Distinguished Alumnus Citation from Virginia Tech., I was thrilled to attend the campus ceremonies which honored him. Among his other awards are NASA Distinguished Service Medal, the Arthur Fleming Award as one - of the 10 out- standing men in Government service, his selection by Life magazine as one of the 100 outstanding leaders of the Nation, and an honorary doctorate in engineer- ing from the Indiana Institute of Tech- nology. I am sure that all Americans will join in paying tribute to Chris Kraft when he receives the Parks-Mason Memorial Award in Richmond on Saturday, June 24. The award itself is a material mani- festation of the affection in which he is held. A silver printer's stick mounted on a piece of wood. from the historic Gunston Hall, home place of George Mason whose Virginia Declaration of Rights was theforerunner of the Bill of Rights, will bear the initials CCK in his honor. ' Approved For Release 2004/05/25 : CIA-RDP69B00369R000200300001-0 June 20, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE Cuba today is neither free nor inde- pendent. She is a real and present dan- ger to the security of the Western Hemi- sphere and to every country of Latin America. Despite the assertions of some, Cuba is neither an old myth nor a nuisance and that fact should have been made abun- dantly clear by the tricontinent confer- ence of African, Asian, and Latin Amer- ican Communists. This conference seems proof enough of the very imminent dan- ger which Cuba poses for the hemisphere. This conference, held in Havana on January 3, 1966, brought together the most pro-Communist, ant"-American forces ever assembled in th history of the Western Hemisphere. At t is meeting, the delegates, following Ma cow's lead, openly dedicated themselves to the vio- lent overthrow of those 4overnments which do not meet with th it approval. This conference was not c lied to begin subversive operations; its m was con- solidation and coordinatio of the sub- version and guerrilla acts ity that al- ready exists. As recently as May 18, 1 7, the Cuban Communist Party's 100- mber central committee stated: We are lending and will 4ntinue to lend aid to all those who fight ainst imperial- ism in whatever part of the world. Almost daily, the news apers bring to us more news of the subv rsive activities being carried on thr ugh out Latin America from commu ism's base in Havana. A letter recently publi hed in Havana allegedly written by M J. Ernesto Che Guevara, sets forth a st ategy of world- wide insurrection intend to "spread the forces of the United Sates" and thus relieve the pressure on orth Vietnam. It would seem that suci is indeed the policy of the Communis world and that they by no means have iven up. Thus, the battle agai st communism does not exist just in V tnam. It is, as they told us long ago, 4 never-ending, all-encompassing involve ent. The view of Cuba as a ere ideological pest is totally out of ke ping with the facts, Save for the Uni d States and Canada, Cuba possesses t e most power- ful military force In the Western Hemi- sphere. Aided technologic ly and finan- cially by the world Com unist move- ment, Cuba's army and ilitary hard- ware have dominance ov any Latin American nation. But it is subversion and terror that Cuba is the greatest threat. Castro, an intelligent, ded ated, and zealous revolutionist, is a powerful leader, well aware of the en that he seeks. And Cuba, to the rest of t a Com- munist world, represents a Vic -an outpost only 90 miles from her mo bit- ter enemy. Communism is a patient ideology. I is willing to wait the years that it will take to bring the rest of Latin America under the hammer and sickle. At this point, Mr. President, I would like to insert in the RECORD the timely articles of Mr. Rowan on the increasing threat of Cuba, and the press report of the recent OAS action to which I have alluded. The PRESIDING OFFICER. There be- ing no objection, the articles were ordered to be printed in the RECORD. (See exhibit 1.) Mr. HANSEN. Mr. President, certainly candor would a act an what is so clear isible to those has Mr. Rowan o have examined the sl ation. Cuba i a threat-a threat that r res a dras lc change from our current pol of av dance and blindness. Ce tainly it would seem that our cur- rent policy toward Communist Cuba nee s careful reexamination. For it is find ed a necessity that we not permit the pre ent war in Vietnam, nor the crisis in a Middle East, to blind us to the cle ly defined developing crisis in Latin Am rica. It is obvious that as the Corn- mu fists continue to spread violence and tyr ny throughout the Western Hemis- phe , a showdown seems inevitable. It will necessitate courageous diplomacy and isionary planning and possibly force to m tntain the freedom of our Western Worl . It would be well to begin now prepa ing for such action despite any other risis or other conditions anywhere in the orld. OAS V ES INQUIRY INTO CUBA "DANCER" Comm nist Cuba, already condemned, boycotted and excluded from the Western Hemisphe a family as a subversive force, was bassador, Pero Paris Montesin-os, called "a real, certain nd serious danger" menacing all Latin American nations. The memb rs of the 21-nation Council acted as rep esentatives of the Foreign Ministers of ta Americas in a special con- sultative conference to consider -a long list of Venezuelan lgrievances against the Fidel Castro regime. ~ Venezuela asked for appointment of a special OAS rail ion to seek "additional in- formation" abo t its charges through an on-the-spot inv stigation. Mexico voted or the proposal, although it is the only AS nation that maintains diplomatic and trade relations with Cuba. CUBA'S ACTIVE SUBVERSION OF LATIN AMERICA (By ~arl T. Rowan) Some weeks ato Mexican security police swooped down on Victor Hugo Martinez and arrested him for, arms smuggling. Martinez, a member of G ?Itemala's Communist Party, had been shipping arms from Mexico to rebels in Guatemala. Mexican pol ce staked out at Martinez's house and we soon rewarded with an inter- esting visitor Julian L ez Diaz, third secretary and cultural a ache of the Cuban Embassy in Mexico y, came to call on Martinez. Mex- ican ice grabbed him and found that he 6,000 in small bills in his pocket. Lopez, a former Cuban intelligence agent in Chile, had been directing the entire Cuban arms smuggling program from the embassy in Mexico. The Mexican government ousted him. But not before Mexican agents learned that Lopez's wife was Irma Trapote, the daughter of Victor Trapote, a Soviet under- cover agent. And Irma Is the ex-wife of Ramiro Valdez, Cuba's minister of the interior and the boss S 8501 of both the secret police apparatus inside Cuba and the agents and other machinery designed to "export revolution" to other countries. Three weeks ago, four Cubans were sur- prised delivering men and supplies to the shores of Venezuela. Two who were seized alive confessed to being military officers and members of a special commando unit in Cuba's General Directorate of Intelligence (DGI). The two commandoes were carrying $10,- 000 in United States bills. Castro confirmed thAt'17 Cubans are fighting with a guerrilla group that has killed 30 Bolivian soldiers in Peruvian that the their native co power. lomats say it wil a name to.remember is Manuel Piniero, k own as "Barba Roja," or "Red Beard." Pinie (educated at Columbia University and ma! td to a Connecticut girl, Lorna Birdsell) is dikector of the DGI and as such heads a Cuban espionage apparatus far more elaborate the either United States citizens or Latin Ame cans realize. A half-dozen Sovie advisers are attached to the DGI and the ussians clearly are fi- nancing Piniero's oper tion, directly and in- Castro has publicly listed Bolivia, Colom- bia, Guatemala and Ve ezuela as targets for revolution. t Bolivia appears to lie the area of prime concentration now, primarily because it is militarily weak and its, political structure is fragile and beset by rivalries. But the apple of C4stro's envious eye is Venezuela. He would lie her oil to give Cuba the strong economic bate with which to carry out what Castro think is his role as saviour of Latin America. But Venezuela is 4so the prime target because it is the best example of a democracy in the area and the C6mmunists feel it can- not be permitted to thfive. Orthodox Communist parties in Latin America used to co plain about the Fidel- istas coming into ther countries and stirring up trouble "premaF'turely." The orthodox Communists now are cooperating, in intelli- gence and other jirograms, with 'Castro's forces. This suggesys that the Russians may no longer be resttaining Castro, and may_ even have authored the party appartus to cooperate. Interestingly, Cuba recently made public (osedly written by the long- (Che) Guevara, to open up 'ver Africa. Some 700 uniformed now in Congo Brazzaville. An- other 700 Africans have been trained in Ha- vana and returned to their home countries. Significantly, all the Cubans sent to Africa by Castro are Negroes. Very clearly, the little Caribbean Island of Cuba looms large i4 Soviet plans for the ex- pansion of world communism. [From the Washington (D.C.) Evening Star, June 16, 1967.1 NEW CUBA CRISIS LOOMS AS SOVIET AID RISES (By Carl T. Rowan) More than any other man, Cuba's Fidel Castro must have watched with gnawing Approved For Release 2004/05/25 : CIA-RDP69B00369R000200300001-0 Approved For Release 2004/05/25 : CIA-RDP69B00369R000200300001-0 S 8502 uneasiness as the Soviet Union led Egypt's Carnal Abdel Nasser into catastrophe-and then abandoned him. For Castro is to Latin America what Nasser was to the Middle East-and then some. I have learned exclusively, from diplo- matic and other sources, that the Russions have increased sharply their military ship- ments to Cuba. In the last few months they have delivered more than 20,000 tons of arms to their bristling Caribbean satellite. At the same time, Castro has escalated to unprecedented levels Cuba's efforts to "ex- port revolution" not only to the other Latin countries but also the continent of Africa. Not only does the Soviet Union have 2,000 military advisers and 2,500 "economic tech- nicians" manipulating Cuba's armed forces and economy; the Russians have attached key men to Cuba's General Directorate of Intelligence, the unit charged with foisting communism on Venezuela, Bolivia, Colom- bia, and other countries. The critical question here, and in other free world capitals, Is: How much are the Russians encouraging Castro's Increasingly bold ventures into Latin America? On the surface, the Russians appear to be a restraint on Cuba's bearded ruler, but diplomatic and intelligence reports show that the Russians are deeply involved, financially. and other- wise, in most of Castro's efforts. There is a growing feeling in diplomatic circles that another great power clash over Cuba lies not too far down the road. With this thought In mind, I have ex= plored several diplomatic and other sources to try to ascertain just what is Cuba's in- ternal situation today; just what is Cuba's military posture; how influential a role are the Russians playing; what efforts are being made by the FideIistas to carry Cuban-style revolution to the rest of the hemisphere. A first clear point is that in the four years since the great Cuban missile crisis, the So- viet Union has turned this little Caribbean satellite into a bristling military fortress. American military analysts knew, even be- fore the recent stepup in arms deliveries, that Cuba has become the most potent mil- itary force in Latin America. With 175 jets, including 60 MIG21s, the Cuban air force Is clearly dominant In the entire continent. And Cuban superiority has grown because of regular Soviet additions while the United States holds to a policy of not selling jet fighters to Latin American countries. Cuba's army of 90,000 regulars and 85,000 "ready reserve" members is now the best equipped, most modern and second largest (after Brazil) in Latin America. In addition, Castro has assembled a na- tional guard of 100,000 and a 7,000-man navy that boasts modern Soviet subehasers and 18 of the potentKomar class patrol torpedo boats, which the Russians still have de- clined to give to North Vietnam. Castro's Communist redoubt is now pro- tected by 24 Soviet surface-to-air missile sites and an arsenal of 600 missiles. The Cubans recently changed from inslandwide deployment of these missiles to provide for concentrated protection of Havana, Santiago, Santa Clara and Holguin. Some analysts say the recent increase in Soviet arms deliveries is not especially omi- nous. They say the Russians are just re- placing or refitting, arms delivered earlier. But there is considerable uneasiness about where Castro's egomania and his need to maintain control of the military will carry him. The fear is that he must give his mili- tary men something to keep them busy- thus more and bolder incursions into Vene- zuela and other countries. And that could spell crisis-sooner rather than later. RECORD - SENATE June 20, 1967 PR JO SON SEEKS PEACE IN THE MIDDLE EAST-THE RUS- SIANS STIR UP TROUBLE Mr. PELL. Mr. President, the contrast between American policies aimed at peace in the Middle East and Russian efforts aimed at stirring up trouble and division, were nowhere more clearly il- lustrated than in President Johnson's statesmanlike speech this morning. President Johnson has clearly placed the United States on the side of peace and cooperation and a reasonable solu- tion to the many problems of the Middle East. His statement this morning was con- sistent with American foreign policy- before and during and after the recent Israeli-Arab ' war. President Johnson has concentrated from the first on a peaceful resolution of differences between the Arabs and Jews. The President asked for reasoned agreement at the United Nations. He repeated America's intention to support the territorial and political in- tegrity of all the states involved, the right to life of all states, the peaceful resolu- tion of refugee problems, the right of innocent maritime passage, and the lim- itation of the spiraling arms race. As President Johnson said, none of the five principles he proposed for peace is new. Indeed, the United States has been working toward a realization of those principles for decades-in Europe, in Asia, and in the Middle East. The United States must appear to the world as a peacemaker. I think the free peoples of the world will judge the President's speech in the tone it was presented-rational, bal- anced, fair, with liberty and justice for everyone involved. I commend the President for his con- trolled intelligent response to a threaten- ing world situation. I commend him for stressing the jus- tice of the right to national existence. I commend him for the humanity he has shown to those unfortunate victims and refugees who are always the losers no matter which side wins. We have a splendid opportunity to reassert the American presence in the Middle East in the interests of peace. I join the President in that noble effort. THURGOOD MARSHALL Mr. HARTKE. Mr. President, I would commend President Johnson for his nomination of a distinguished American to the Supreme Court. Mr. Thurgood Marshall's long legal career as private counsel, Federal judge, and Solicitor General of the United States, has amply prepared him for the task. He has dis- tinguished himself in each of these positions. it was Mr. Marshall who argued the landmark case of Brown against the Board of Education, which declared segregated education to be incompatible with constitutional demands that all citizens be provided equal protection of the law. it marked a greater legal and social awareness of the difficulties faced by an important segment of our popu- lation in a society which all too often judges a man by the color of his skin rather than by the caliber of his char- acter. Happily, that day is passing, as Mr. Marshall's nomination in itself con- firms. Mr. Marshall is of the highest caliber; his capabilities have been demonstrated, and he will be a worthy addition to the Supreme Court, providing this Nation with the same high degree of excellent service that we have. seen from him in MIER ON THE MIDDLE EAST CRISIS - Mr. HARRIS. Mr. President, the deeply contrasting speeches of Presi- dent Johnson and Russian Prime Min- ister Kosygin on the Middle East crisis demonstrated the basic differences be- tween American and Soviet Interna- tional goals. President Johnson calmly and effec- tively presented five essential points which could guarantee a lasting peace in the area. He based that settlement on territorial integrity, justice for refugees, respect for international maritime rights, the right to national existence and limitation of the arms race. The President asked the warring parties to reason together. He accused nobody. He addressed him- self not to a "false reconstruction of the past-but to a realistic program for the future." And he offered the resources of the United States to help in the recon- struction of relationships in the Middle East which must emerge if peace is to endure. In contrast to 'President Johnson's re- sponsible stand, the Prime Minister of the Soviet Union sought propaganda advantage, distorting facts, appealing to emotionalism, seeking no solutions, but trying to score points against the United States and the West. President Johnson's speech on the Middle East has demonstrated to the world that the United States is willing and ready to offer its good offices in securing peace--in the Middle East, in Vietnam, and in every area of the world where arms instead of reason have been used to attain goals. I ask unanimous consent to insert In the RECORD one of the finest editorials I have read on American efforts to secure justice in the Middle East-an editorial from the New York Times. I congratulate the Times for its sup- port of President Johnson in this trying situation. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: Mx. KOSYGIN AND MR. JOHNSON Since the hope! had been so slight that he 'Would show some genuine statesmanship in his address to the General Assembly yester- Approved For Release 2004/05/25 : CIA-RDP69B00369R00`0200300001-0 Approved For Release 2004/05/25 : CIA-RDP69B003 9R000200300001-0 S 8503 -'June 20, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE day, it cannot pedestrian rain that Premier si this year, has Fbruaryt issue of the excellent sterile broad, and d performance was much of a disappointment. It can only be said that Monthly about the state Department ernment and outside it whose own posi- Mr. Kosygin failed in his responsibility as and the Foreign Service. I ask unanimous Lions in life were independent and who leader of one of the most powerful states on earth rejecting this opportunity to ad- consent that the article, entitled "The were interested only in seeing that the vance the peace of the world in general and Labyrinth in Foggy Bottom," be printed United States has the best possible orga- of the Middle East in particular. in the RECORD at the conclusion of my nization to conduct its foreign relations. This does not mean that the doors are remarks. I also suggested that the Committee in- use automatically closed to an n eventual peaceful ut The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without and thefSenate to help ixisure'thatothe and just settlement of the Arab-Israel ques- objection, it is so ordered. Committee's recommendations would be tion; but it does mean that Premier Kosygin (See exhibit 1.) did little yesterday-in striking contrast to Mp FULBRIGHT. Mr. Attwood ob- adopted. President Johnson-to keep them open. It serves that- I would think that the Department also means that the o e th world tribunal l Some of State's shortcomings are its own would be glad to see such a committee necessar to and a ga e, stand before the world rnspar- fault, some could be corrected by Presiden- established and would feel a responsibil- t nag distortion of in ofs history, in crude way, cr aude ta vilifica- spar tial action, and others are the result of con- ity to its employees to see that the best tionant, in crass propaga nnda da in order to prove gressional suspicion and niggardliness. available minds in the United States all, really is their He goes on to list some of these short- were set to work on these organizational r to the Arab states that the Soviet Union, boya ce without the ithout Samcomings and then states: problems. It seems to me that these after Under the circumstances, I don't see how problems, including the problem of the Soviet et Union hout emotion, nevertheless thharshly Premier of the reiterated d S Uss the almost entirely negative position taken we can expect creative, enterprising, and relationship between the personnel sys- previously by his representative in the Secu- strong-willed people to continue to enter the tems of the Department of State, AID, rity Council, a demand for return of the Foreign Service at the bottom of a ladder and USIA, IA, are sip essing that t they will status quo ante, which could only insure an that is arduous to climb and not very continuance of bloody turmoil warding when and if you reach the. top. I would think that the Department throughout the Middle East. Mr. Attwood concludes by summariz- would prefer to participate in the proc- A slight ray of hope that Mr. Kosygin ing the recommendations in his article ess of reaching these solutions rather might be willing, despite his public posture, which include trimming overstaffed posts than to wait and find these solutions im- to undertake some realistic discussions lies the few phrases of his speech suggesting and bureaus; reducing the production posed on them. readiness "to work together [for [for justice and and distribution of paper; dismantling Mr. President, I also ask unanimous peacel with other countries," with special the "AID bureaucracy" and putting for- consent to have included in the RECORD reference to "the Big Powers." This is small eign economic assistance under the an article from the January 27 issue of evidence to go on; but the inclusion of such State Department; and coordinating the the New York Times entitled "State Re- phrases could conceivably be significant. activities of all Federal agencies con- partment Study Finds Diplomats Avoid In contrast to the generally obcTurate and cerned with foreign affairs. Policy Debates." accusatory line of the Soviet Premier, the These recommendations were not made The PRESIDING OFFICER, Without President of the United States set forth a by a budget or management specialist, objection, it is so ordered. reasonable approach to the Middle East plan- or by an outside observer who has had (See exhibit 2.) nto only slight contact with the Foreign ExHIBIT 1 Em dignified guage, , Mr.Joh Johnson addressed on andmeasured as did Mr. . Service, or by a representative of any THE LABYRINTH IN FOGGY BOTTOM-A a false reconstruction of the past, , as not Kosygin, but to a realistic program for the special interest group either in or out- CRITIQUE OF THE STATE DEPARTMENT future. We only regret that he did not come side the Government. They were made (By William Attwood) to New York to make his speech before the by a man who spent 5 years in the State (NOTE.-A widely traveled journalist and General Assembly. Department and who headed two onetime aide to Adlai Stevenson, Mr. Att- last- The establishment of conditions for a last- embassies. wood served the Kennedy Administration as ing peace between Israel and the Arab states I believe we can no longer ignore the Ambassador to Guinea (1961-1963), was is , of course on basic the American recognition n that Israel t dot l not oonly problems of administration in the field Special Adviser to the United States U.N. c the the right to live, but is going to go on of foreign affairs. From everything that delegation (1963-1964), and was President Kenya from the living. Once that fact is accepted, the other I hear, and that I read, morale is appar- Johnson's g Aofmbasbassador to independence until this pieces of the puzzle can be made to fit to- ently poor within the Foreign Service; year. inning is now editor in chief n Cowles He of gather-but only if the Arab states can be the Department of State has become Communications, Inc. This article is -drawn persuaded to accept it. The Soviet Union hamstrung by bureaucratic procedures from his book "The Reds and the Blacks," could do much, if it would, to persuade them. and USIA and AID employees are frus- to be published in March by Harper & Row.) Then, and only then, the. refugee problem, trated and dissatisfied with their status. I think it was Ernest Hemingway who said the arms problem, the weer pagelpm, the I think that the time has come to make that the only way you can really get to know and the troop-withdrawal the free-passage problem a foreign country is to earn your living and the tropndrawal problem would be a Comprehensive study this there. In my work and my travels up until capable of soluuttioon. requirements, , present nt resources, and fu- 1961 I had been in and out of the State De- The President stressed that the United ture needs not only in the Department of 1961 I a and a good many of our ate De- States is ready to see any method of peace- State and Foreign Service but also in missions. I had friends in the Foreign Service making tried, both in and outside the United USIA, AID, the Department of Defense, and knew of their frustrations. Abroad, I Nations, and among any or all parties. He and the other principal Government had sweated out the McCarthy period with gives the impression of "playing it cool," agencies involved in foreign affairs. them; in Washington, I shared their laments Unite iS jtatesust act about in a the best situation way for that the has With this aim in mind, I wrote the about the red tape and deadwood in high United S hot is places that impeded action and stifled ini- ate ear too hot too lo. What is for President last October suggesting that tiative. But it wasn't until I joined them on at the moment is no precipitate action by he consider appointing a high-level, the payroll-until I began earning my living the victorious Israelis in respect to Jerusalem blue-ribbon Presidential Committee to there-that I really began to understand or anywhere else, by the Arabs in the des- take a new, thorough and objective look what went on in the State Department. Not peration of their defeat, or by the great pow- at these organizational problems. I know many Americans do-which happens to be ers in maneuvering for position. This is, that a number of other high-level studies one of its problems. Mr. sugg, nanimity ohnson evictors, a time for by the have been made of the Department of Some of State's shortcomings are its vaqusd, the victors, for the Parliament by the own fault, some could be corrected by presi- anihe and for vision by the Parliament State and the Foreign I have dential action, and others are the result of of Man. the impression, that some congressional suspicion and niggardliness. these studies are however, out of date, others did d Unlike several other branches of the govern- not do a particularly thorough job and ment, State has no constituents-nobody ORTATIZATIPARL RENTRM AND THE still others made recommendations that who wants to increase its annual appropri- FRTE DEPARTMENT AND THE were either not accepted or were too gen- ation-no aircraft companies or farm lobbies FOOREIGN SERVICE eral in nature to provide effective solu- or veterans' organizations to fight its battle Mr. FULBRIGHT. Mr. President, tions. I suggested to the President that on Capitol Hill. And State never seems to William Attwood, who was Ambassador the needed reform could not be accom- put its own case across either to Congress to Guinea from 1961 to 1963, and Ambas- plished piecemeal by administrative spe- or to the public. Reasonable requests for sador to Kenya from 1964 until early cialists and proposed that there be a more funds somehow come out sounding like Approved For Release 2004/05/25 : CIA-RDP69B00369R000200300001-0 S 8504 Approved For Release 2004/05/25 : CIA-RDP69B00369R000200300001-0 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE June 20, 1967' a cookie pusher's plea for a bigger booze allowance. And so, while I may sound critical, my purpose is to shed some light on what goes on in the labyrinths of Foggy Bottom, and try to stimulate some concern about how to induce qualified and talented people to go to work for their government and help formu- late and carry out an intelligent foreign policy. The State Department is relatively small. Its 25,700 employees, of whom 3,520 are For- eign Service Officers, and its annual budget of $393 million make it the second smallest department of the government. (Labor has fewer people, and Justice a smaller budget.) It is also the most far-flung-with 117 em- bassies, 69 consulates general, and 79 con- sulates scattered around the world-and the most verbose-a large embassy on an aver- age day will receive more than 400,000 words, the equivalent of an 850-page book, and in Washington the Department's distribution section makes copies of 70,000 Incoming mes- sages a day. So perhaps the best way of ex- plaining what's wrong with the State Department is to start with the paper. Paper work is invented by bureaucratic- minded people who, like Frankenstein, later become its victims. These are people to whom an overflowing in-box is a daily challenge and an empty one a daily achievement; for whom a satisfying week's work consists in initialing as many reams of paper and de- ferring as many decisions as possible; with whom you can talk of "action" only in terms of setting up a committee, hopefully one that will spawn subcommittees. The chief considerations of a bureaucrat are to abide by the letter of the regulations, whatever the consequences, to keep a clean desk, and never to "make waves." There are fewer bureaucrats in the State Department than in other swollen govern- ment agencies-AID, for example-but enough to make you wonder at times how a new idea ever bubbles to the top. The reason, of course, is that there are generally a few activists at every echelon who enjoy results and do not regard moving paper as an end in itself. Keeping these activists in the bureaucracy and recruitingnew ones should be a priority objective of every incoming Ad- ministration. The production of paper is excessive at both ends and self-generating. Reporting re- quirements from the field keep embassy offi- cers desk-bound when they should be getting out and around. Most of these reports are copied, distributed, and filed away without anybody's reading them except, possibly, some specialist in the Bureau of Intelligence and Research. Telegrams get - more atten- tion because they are shorter, but only a few percolate up to the sixth and seventh floors or to the White House. (Former Ambassador J. K. Galbraith once told me the only way to get -a telegram read in the White House was to put a four-letter word in it.) Since so much of what is reported is of no practical or immediate use, I have often wondered why Washington does not deal with its overseas missions the way a news service editor deals with his overseas bureaus-which is to ask for special reports when the need arises rather than to expect correspondents in the field to keep filing everything they can find out about anything. Conversely, the men in the field should be spared the eyestrain of having to read or even glance at most of what comes from Washington by pouch. (Our weekly CIA summary-naturally, stamped "secret"-seldom contained anything we hadn't already readabout in the New York Times Sunday news digest.) - Perhaps the only way to stop the flow of paper is to penalize anybody who writes reports that could possibly be avoided. But it won't happen; there are too many people who need to produce paper in order to justify their presence on the payroll. - (A Foreign Service Officer named Holmes Welch recently defined the Welch corollary to Parkinson's Law as follows: Every producer of paper added to the government roster creates the need for an additional consumer of paper. But the latter, when hired, turns out to be a producer too.) What happens to all the paper? It piles up. Aside from reports, there are other kinds of paper that clog the machinery and waste time, money, and manpower. Travel and ex- pense vouchers are just two examples. When a Foreign Service Officer goes from point A to point B, he must make out a form ac- counting for every minute of his time in transit (0916-departed terminal, airport tax: 70 cents; 0955--arrived chancery, bus: $1.25). Per diem rates vary, depending on where he is and whether he happens to be stationary or in motion. The resulting voucher is both complicated and time-consuming for every- one involved in preparing and reviewing it. It has been estimated that the government spends about $10 to process an average voucher, which can easily double the cost of the reimbursement. It can even more than double it, as in the case of a junior officer I knew in Spain whose quarterly entertain- ment allowance, which had to be accounted for, was only $3. The obligation to justify every penny spent not only is wasteful but can be embarrassing. A senior officer who is trusted to handle top secret documents does not have his govern- ment's confidence where a dollar is con- cerned. I remember being invited to a meet- ing with the Guinean Foreign Minister while serving at the UN. The taxi fare to the Guinean mission and back came to $2.40. A few days after I submitted the required voucher, somebody from the administrative section called me about my taxi ride: "We have no record, Mr. Ambassador," said the voice archly, "of any reception being given at the Guinean Embassy on that,,day." My favorite story is about the Foreign Service Officer returning to Washington on orders. His mother, who was not on govern- ment orders, traveled with him. In making out his voucher, he carefully separated his own from his mother's expenses. But the last item was a taxi from Union Station to his hotel. In Washington, there is a different fare If two people occupy the cab. Back came a query: "Did your mother ride in the cab with you?" His reply made bureaucratic history: "No. I took the cab. My mother walked and carried the bags." The sensible and economical way to handle this kind of paper work would be for the government to calculate the cost of moving an employee from point A to point B. Anyone traveling that distance would then be given a flat sum to travel as he wished just so long as he got to his destination on time. Time and money would be saved. But it might be necessary to get rid of a lot of people whose jobs depend on processing the paper under the present system. The Deputy Under- secretary of State for Administration told me he was not even able to introduce air travel cards as an efficiency measure; the General Accounting Office has a vested interest in keeping the system cumbersome. Similarly, ambassadors should be given representational funds to use at their discre- tion without having to make out forms in quintuplicate listing and justifying every social function for which they and their staffs require reimbursement. No diplomatic missions have such big administrative staffs as ours; other countries generally treat their Ambassadors like men of integrity and judg- ment-as George Washington treated Ben- jamin Franklin when he sent him to Paris with 50,000 francs and no budget and fiscal officer to bird-dog him. But that was back when the U.S. government was too small to afford a bureaucracy. The average Foreign Service Officer is forty-one and makes $13,900 a year. When you take into account the education, the training, and the wide range of skills that the State Department requires of its officers, and when you consider what private indus- try offers talented executives in the way of salary and advancement, the wonder is that our government is still able to induce young people with drive and imagination to make diplomacy their career. Despite occasional directives commmending boldness and cour- age, most FSO's have become convinced from experience that the way to move up the ladder is to play it safe. As Averell Harri- man has said: "I have seen men's careers set back and, ;in fact, busted because they held the right views at the wrong time, or for accurately reporting facts that were not popular at the time." Caution, of course, becomes a habit as well as a necessity for a man in his forties who needs that next promotion to put his children through college, A good many of our senior FSO's are also suffering from the McCarthy syndrome; they have never quite recovered from the experi- ence of seeing some of their patriotic col- leagues hounded and persecuted by the late senator without either the President or the Secretary of State being willing to stick up for them. Moreover, a potential executive who because of the seniority system is not given the opportunity to exercise his execu- tive ability in his middle years becomes bleached out. If he does- get to be a chief of mission, he has often lost the capacity for controlled indignation-for sticking his neck out-that is vital to effective leadership. A system which rewards seniority rather than ability can produce absurd situations. I have a friend who was made an FSO-i at thirty-nine. The next rung on the ladder is Career Minister. According to existing regu- lations, he could not become a CM until he was fifty. Yet the regulations also stated that an officer who is not promoted for ten years is subject to "selection-out"-a euphe- mism for being fired. From what I have seen of the State De- partment, the greatest concentration of executive talent can be found in the thirty- five to forty-five age bracket. But most of these men and 'women are upper-middle- level FSO-3's and -4's. Above them in the hierarchy, as of December, 1966, were 7 Career Ambassadors, 52 Career Ministers, 313 FSO- l's, and 452 FSO-2's. With about 36 ambas- sadorships available each year-of which a quarter are filled by political appointees- the chances of a substantial number getting top jobs in their most productive and vigor- ous years are practically nonexistent. What is also discouraging to talented middle-grade officers is that the higher eche- lons are cluttered with deadwood-with peo- ple who drifted up the ladder because some- body on a promotion panel wanted to give good old Joe or Charlie a break. (I know of one of these good old Joes who was finally moved out of an African post-he had re- fused to entertain Africans in his house- and was transferred to a bigger post com- mensurate with his rank.) The deadwood are usually officers with bland records, with no black marks on their efficiency reports, with no history of ever having gotten out of line or rocked the boat or questioned their in- structions. A good energetic officer, on the other hand, can be passed over for promotion, if he lacks friends in the Establishment, on the basis of one negative efficiency report written by one superior who might not have liked the way he dressed. (I personally inter- ceded in one such case.) Some officers who manage to reach the top after long years of patient subordination tend to become martinets-like British pub- lic-school boys hazing their juniors because they were once hazed themselves. And their wives can be even more dictatorial: I have known Of some who ordered the wives of staff members around like servants; one who put Approved For Release 2004/05/25 : CIA-RDP69B00369R000200300001-0 ,A`, Approved For Release 2004/05/25 : CIA-RDP69B00369R000200300001-0 June 20, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE row houses, or detached units, equity must also be extended to an appreciable number of the poor who live in the great blighted areas of our cities. And finally, if cities are to live, privately-financed rental units must be made available at the very cores. There must be a blending of public and private housing for rent, along with private apartments and homes for sale. The resulting cultural ex- changes and visability of a better life with its implication of attainability will serve to renew hope within the poor and raise their levels of aspiration. However, private investors are reluctant to move boldly into this area of city develop- ment. Fears that families who can afford private housing will not move to the inner city, and that those who do will not keep up the property restrain the real entrepreneurs from serving the greatest of all social needs. The Board for Fundamental Education has pioneered in self-help housing in this coun- try and is certain this technique can be effec- tively applied to the relief of the housing problems of our nation, both in the urban and rural community. Under the BFE pro- gram aspiring homeowners are trained in home building skills and organized in super- vised construction teams to build a home for each member of the team. Land is purchased jointly to reduce the cost, and building ma- terials are secured in the same manner. At the time the new owners move in, they hold up to 39 percent equity in their homes by virtue of their labor. The program enables families to own homes who otherwise might never amass the resources to do so. And be- cause of the tremendous savings, the program makes it to meet their needs in terms of size and appointments. A builder-owner, without making a down payment, can move into a $15,000 home with a mortgage of only $10,000, or less. This means families with incomes of $4,000 can own adequate homes. The Board for Fundamental Education has been described in a Ford Foundation study of self-help housing in the United States as "the only organization in the country with a meaningful self-help housing program." . In a program in its urban demonstration center of Indianapolis, Indiana, BFE trans- formed two ugly slums into new communi- ties where more than 400 homes ranging in value from $12,000 to $15,000, were built under this program. In each instance as the area was developed toward its final form, private investors came into these slums areas and constructed apartments for rent, and de- tached homes for sale, along with shopping facilies. These neighborhoods today are among Indianapolis' proudest. The success of a self-help housing venture depends in large measure on the support the owner-builders receive from the financial and business interests of the community in which the effort is undertaken, together with the support services given by the sponsoring group. Ideally, a noa-profit corporation, capi- talized with a reasonable revolving fund, should be organized to guarantee sound fiscal and business management for the operation. Within the Board for Fundamental Educa- tion concept and practice, full support is given to families from the day they apply for the self-help program through their move in, with visitations, counseling, and BFE- sponsored community affairs long after the homes are completed. In-order to prepare the families for home ownership, a series of educational seminars are held. Subjects of the sessions include insurance, home deco- ration, community organization, city serv- ices, obligations as mortgages and citizens. Social workers are employed to help families in qualifying themselves to participate and to assist families who may encounter dif- ficulties during and after the building period. Another dimension, and perhaps equally important aspect of the self-help approach, lies in the rehabilitation of existing homes. Owners can be taught to replace roofs, re- S 8519 pair weatherboard, point up bricks, and gen- penetration of the Middle East. The third is erally renew their homes. Performed within the use of foreign aid as a tool for maintain- the team concept, the participants would ing equilibrium, reducing Soviet penetra- purchase materials jointly and experience tion, and promoting economic growth. The significant savings both in purchasing and fourth is the maintenance of open channels labor, tl)ro}rgh the non-profit corporation, of communication with Arab governments to TEIN ON MIDDLE EAST CRISIS Mr. CASE. Mr. President, on June 7 it was my honor, in company with the able Senator from Wyoming [Mr. Mc- GEE] to address the rally for Israel in Lafayette Park, under the auspices of the Conference of Presidents of Major American Jewish Organizations. It was a dramatic and inspiring demonstration of faith on the part of the thousands of Americans who had gathered there from all parts of the Nation, and I was deeply moved by the experience. In a more sober setting on the previ- ous day, Dr. Marver H. Bernstein ad- dressed the Conference of Presidents and other assembled leaders on the issues of the Middle East crisis. Dr. Bernstein is dean of the Woodrow Wilson School at Princeton University, and it was a great regret to me that I was unable to be present when this distinguished New Jersey scholar spoke. But I later read Dr. Bernstein's talk and found it to be an exceptionally candid and incisive analysis of recent history in the Middle East. So that others who did not hear him may have the benefit of his insights, I ask unanimous consent that the text of his address be printed in the RECORD. There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: PERSPECTIVE ON AMERICAN POLICY IN THE MIDDLE EAST (Address by Marver H. Bernstein) Contrary to the established conventions of political meetings, I suggest to you a brief experiment. I ask you to assume fora few moments that the time is June 1965, to put aside present concerns momentarily, and try to understand what American policy in the Middle East has been. I propose a brief exercise in developing perspective that may offer some guidance to us as American citi- zens as we undertake the mammoth task of achieving a basic shift in U.S. policy toward Israel that all of us seek. For without a major change, American policy will fail as it failed to prevent the Arab-Israeli war of 1967. The United States has been hesitant and inhibited in its response to Israel's view of its security needs. Why? The answers are to be found in an analysis of American policy in the Middle East. The overriding goal of American policy can be simply stated. It has been to maintain a prudent security equilibrium in the Middle East and to promote internal, stability in the region. These terms are very imprecise. They confer maximum discretion on the President and the State Department, not only because the Executive Branch must struggle to main- tain its initiative vis-a-vis Congress, but also because the fluidity of the Middle Eastern situation requires it. The American interest lies not in instability but in peace. The criti- cal issue, of course, is stability for what and on whose terms. How is the goal of a prudent security equilibrium to be reached or promoted? Es- sentially four approaches have been utilized. The first is guarantees of the independence and territorial integrity of Israel. The second includes a pattern-of actions and policies designed to minimize Soviet and Chinese enable the U.S. to exercise some influence over their behavior and beliefs. In this con- nection any overt alliance of the U.S. with Israel would appear to polarize the Middle East and would send the Arab states rushing off to Moscow. What have been the main characteristics of American policy in the Middle East? I would like to outline some nine features of American policy: 1. In the effort to maintain an equilibrium in the Middle East which is at least neutral with respect to the U.S.-Soviet conflict, the American position often seems very kind to the Arabs and very harsh toward Israel. Why is this the case? Part of the answer lies in recognizing that Israel is pro-US. and Nas- ser is usually anti-U.S. It seems striking and ironic, therefore, that the U.S. should reward its enemies more than its friends. In any case, as William S. White wrote in the Washington Post on January 29, 1965: "Any notion that our foreign policy in the Middle East is run with special tenderness for Jewish feelings is one of the special idio- cies of our time." Be that as it may, the main drift of our policy for three administrations has been one of exceptional kindness to Nasser's Egypt, not primarily because the U.S. strongly pre- fers Egypt to Israel, but because the U.S. conception of the problems of achieving a security balance in the Middle East required it. 2. The Under Secretary of State, George Ball, told the Senate Appropriations Com- mittee on February 1, 1965: "What happens in -the Near East is of critical importance to our strategic sea, air, and land routes, to our vast oil investment; to the security of Israel and other countries in the area.". The U.S. position reflects a tendency- which the U.S. shares with other Western countries-to overrate the political, military and economic importance of the Middle East. To be sure the Middle East is the link connecting three continents; it is the inter- secting point of land, water, and air routes; it does contain the major oil reserves of the world. But these have all become less rather than more strategic on the contemporary scene. The demand for oil has increased greatly in recent years, but so have resources outside of the Middle East increased great- ly-in North Africa, in Iran, in South Amer- ica, in Canada and elsewhere; and natural gas discoveries have also helped to supply the growing needs of European industry. While nuclear energy is some distance off, and the demand for oil will increase in the years ahead, we seem to give more attention to protecting American- oil investments in the Middle East than considerations of mili- tary strategy require. 3. A pedestrian and obvious fact of con- temporary Middle Eastern history is the persistent inability of Arabs to unite politi- cally despite the strong belief that unity is their natural condition. But, in addition, there is a conception that it is not so obvi- ous. It is the persistent notion that Arab unity would be in the interests of the U.S. and its allies and also in the interests of Israel as well as the Arab countries, despite the fact that a unified Arab world would seem more likely to be anti-U.S. than either neutral or pro-U.S. The dominant theme of Nasser, as the top leader of Arab nationalism, has been Arab unity. Unity has been held forth as the in- eluctable destiny of the Arab world, but clearly Arab unity has been the exception, not the rule, in Arab history. The factors that divide and distinguish the Arab coun- Approved For Release 2004/05/25 : CIA-RDP69B00369R000200300001-0 S 8520 Approved For Release 2004/05/25 : CIA-RDP69B00369R000200300001-0 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE June 20, 1 9..67 tries appear to be far more substantial than the one factor that unites them-hatred of Israel. As Abba Eban recently wrote, nothing has divided the Arab world more than the effort to unite it. The U.S. position has maintained that a prudent security equilibrium in the Middle East is more likely to be achieved under conditions of Arab unity than Arab diversity and political pluralism. The case usually rests on the view that economic growth would be fostered by unity and would itself create pride in economic achievement and thereby minimize or reduce anti-Israel slogans as the goal - of unity. However, a strong case can be'made that a pluralistic diverse Arab world of separate governments could more easily accommodate an Israel- Arab understanding. A Middle East con- vulsed by an Egyptian bid for centralized control scarcely seems a congenial setting for achieving such understanding. 4. The U.S. experience in the Middle East postdates the full blown emergence of the Palestine Issue. The U.S., compared with England and France, has had only minimal experience in dealing with Middle Eastern problems. Perhaps because of its lack of regional experience, the U.S. is tempted to be overly impressed with psychological and sociological factors in the Arab picture. I refer, for example, to the trauma and bitter frustration of - the Arabs resulting from the humiliating defeat by the Israelis; the dream-like quality of their hopes and fears; their enormous pride and sense of personal dignity; and the great gulf between their verbal ferocity and their timid deeds. Awareness of these factors' may help to account for the tendency of the experts to discount the militancy reflected by the vio- lent statements of Arab leaders. Among knowledgeable experts there is often a char- acteristic paradox in value judgment: an ad- miring attitude regarding Arab culture and historical development and sympathy for strivings for personal dignity; and at the same time terrible bitter disappointment with the lack of Arab achievement and ful- fillment. Caught in this value paradox, the experts in the State Department often seem to interpret Nasser's violent aims as merely hortatory; in other words, not really to be taken serious. We are often not quite sure what Nasser really means; hence, the words are rarely taken to -mean what they plainly say. Israel is scarcely to be criticized if it takes the view that it cannot discount the plain meaning of the words as completely as the diplomats appear to do. 5. Clearly the American experts in inter- national affairs tended to believe that Israel has exaggerated in assessing the immedi- acy of the threats to its existence. Why is this the case? Part of the answer lies in the respect for Israel's effectiveness as an inde- pendent nation coupled with the lack.of con- fidence in the capacity and human resources of Arab countries. Perhaps another part of the answer is that the U.S. is more acutely aware than many in Israel are of the unset- tling effects of Israel's policy regarding re- taliatory or preemptive raids and attacks. The U.S. believes that Israel exaggerates threats to its existence and is therefore too quick in embarking on retaliatory raids. The American view is that Israel is insufficiently aware of the consequences, adverse to the in- terests of Israel and the West, flowing from its militancy. World opinion often perceives the killings but not the provocation, and the U.N. machinery has not proved to be helpful to Israel in evaluating Arab complaints and charges. 6. There has been a tendency to exag- gerate the consequences of - Nasser's strong and spirited drive for modernization and in- dustrialization. The fact is that time has been running out for Nasser. Miiltary ex- penditures have become almost insupport- able. The Yemeni campaign has been a dis- mal failure and extremely costly. The pop- ulation explosion runs ahead of the pace of economic growth. The level of economic ac- tivity has increased in absolute amounts but has declined on a per capita basis. In this context the inner logic of Nasser's position seems to move toward war or military expansion. 7. Nasser has proved to be a very formid- able opponent in dealing with the U.S. He has been a first-rate bargainer and bluffer. He has effectively manipulated the-U.S. and Soviet Union in order to obtain maximum financial and military aid for Egypt. He knows that he has advantages in bargaining only in the context of crises, which he is very adept at manufacturing. Nasser suc- ceeded in using the cold war to internation- alize Arab affairs. He has thereby gained a lever to exact better terms from both the West and the East. The American goal of Arab unity in turn plays into the hands of Nasser whose policy can succeed only by mak- ing Arab unity a leading international issue. Nasser has effectively demonstrated Egypt's nuisance value by showing- that he is dan- gerous and must be bought off at a high price. There are some elements of high tragedy here. Nasser is personally incorrupt, a highly effective ruler, who has led Egypt through a major social revolution. He has developed new industries, exterminated the great land- owners, bolstered the educational system, and nurtured a new middle class of military officers, young professionals and bureaucrats. On the other hand, labor productivity in Egypt is very low and consumption is piti- fully low. Poverty remains intense. Egypt is not slowly catching up with a Western standard, but rather is steadily falling be- hind. The country lives on borrowed money and neither capitalism nor Communism seems to work. It is critically important that Nasser keep up the morale and perquisites of the new middle class, but he cannot do so in the context of economic retrenchment. The economists advise Nasser that such re- trenchment is mandatory for economic sur- vival. But as a military leader of high am- bition with a mission to fulfill, his only way out may be through continued expansion in Israel or elsewhere. 8. -The case for financial aid to Egypt and other Arab countries has been justified by general humanitarian considerations, but is otherwise rather weak. The basic postulate of foreign aid is that Western security is promoted best by helping countries main- tain independence and becoming viable economically; and if the West does not help, the East will. The U.S. also appeared to be- lieve, with some justification, that however hostile Nasser may be to the West, anyone replacing him would probably be worse. Leaving aside the desire of the U.S. on hu- manitarian grounds forhelping adesperate- ly poor country, the case for foreign aid to Egypt seems weak. Had Nasser received no aid whatsoever from the West, it is difficult to imagine that he could have been more hostile. 9. In 1964 and 1965, in contrast to the French and West Germafi attitudes and poli- cies toward Israel there appeared a notice- able waveringand weakness as well as some clumsiness in London and Washington in dealing with the excesses of the Egyptians and the Syrians, Certainly American reaction has been very cautious when American li- braries have gone up in flames. U.S. diplo- mats appeared to have considered German recognition of Israel in 1964 as a matter of doubtful wisdom. U.S. diplomats urge Israel not to resort to arms in meeting the attacks of the National Liberation Army and not to resist Arab water diversion projects. The State Department seemed to take the view that it will be a long time before it can be determined whether the Arabs will really be violating the Johnston Water Plan. The Israelis have a valid claim in believing that the U.S. will prefer to avoid strong clear action strengthening Israel's security, and at the same time be willing, however reluctantly, to tolerate intolerable effrontery and vilification on the part of Arab leaders. We must, therefore, expect that Israel will often be disappointed with the attitude of American officials toward its security - needs. In the minds of American officials Israel's needs must always be measured against the probable reaction of Arab leaders' reactions which American officials regard as extremely important. It was a dominant consideration in the Eisenhower-Dulles policy that the Arabs are more fearful of Zionism than they are of Communism. Dulles believed that the U.S. must counter the Arab belief that the U.S. supports the aggressive expansion of Israel. Recognition of this belief and fear has mightily inhibited American action and policy in Israel. At the same time the U.S. has been ready to use economic aid to in- fluence the government of Israel. For ex- ample, it delayed for a long time the move of the Foreign Ministry to Jerusalem; it stopped hydro-electric development on the Jordan River; and its reactions to the Quibya Raid of October 1.953 did deter subsequent militancy on the part of Israel. Given the deep complexity of Middle East- ern issues, it has been difficult for American Jews to understand U.S. policy. I speak not of approval but understanding. The main difficulty has been the failure to understand that the American attempt to achieve a prudent security balance in the Middle East has prevented the U.S. from meeting Israel's security needs as Israel defines them. Is- raelis tend to understand better than Amer- ican Jews do why it is practically inevitable that the American response to Israel's stated security needs will fall short of Israel's de- mands. The problem is not that they fall short-this is probably inevitable-but rather how short the American response will be. I now turn very briefly to the present, June 7, 1967. How has the American policy of friendly detachment and concerned neu- trality expressed itself during the past three weeks? The record shows the following: 1. The U.S. will not permit the annihila- tion of Israel, but short of that decisive threat, it will undertake no initiative uni- laterally. - 2. For a long time, the United States did not expect war between the Arabs and Is- rael, and thought that the Israelis exag- gerated Nasser's threats of extermination. 3. The United States did not expect the United Nations to arrange an accommoda- tion, but it nevertheless turned to the U.N. to avoid diplomatic isolation. 4. It became uncertain in the final-week- end in early June before war broke out whether the United States could hold Israel in check without making some strategic com- mitment to Israel. 5. It actively explored various proposals to reopen the Gulf of Aquaba through some facesaving compromise that would recognize Egypt's sovereignty over the Strait of Tiran, yet asure Israel's access to the Sea. It also considered Thant"s proposal to place U.N. truce observors on both sides of the frontier, Arab and Israeli. 6. The U.S. became increasingly perturbed by the emergence of the Soviet Union as the champion of the Arabs, by its historic ex- pansionist drive toward the Mediterranean, and by its attempt to control half or more of Europe's oil imports. 7. Repeated guarantees of Israel's security failed to prevent the present hostilities, and Israel consequently saw a better chance to resolve the issue of national survival through war rather than diplomacy. To understate the point, events would seem to support Israel's strategic judgment. Approved For Release 2004/05/25 : CIA-RDP69B00369R000200300001-0 Approved For Release 2004/05/25 : CIA-RDP69B00369R000200300001-0 June 20, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE What lesson is to be learned from this review of the American posture of concerned neutrality and friendly detachment in the Middle East? It can be stated simply: The traditionally ambivalent U.S. policy has failed. Therefore, the President, the State Department, and the Congress must be ad- vised and persuaded to use the opportuni- ties provided by Israel's military victory to achieve a massive reduction of the tensions that underlie the war: 1. It means a recognition of the illusory character of Arab unity and the political unreliability of Arab leadership; 2. It means a lifting of both the blockade of the Gulf of Aqaba and the Suez Canal; 3. It means, above all, a peace treaty be- tween Israel and each of the Arab states that recognizes the legitimacy of Israeli state- hood; and 4. It means a readjustment of boundaries to meet Israel's urgent security needs, includ- ing the Gaza strip, the area around Latrun and the hills directly to the north and west, of Jerusalem, and the Old City of Jerusalem itself, with appropriate guarantees for the safety of Christian and Moslem holy places. These objectives will not be achieved if the United States conforms to its traditional policy of concerned neutrality. We need to be quite clear about these matters. Effective movement toward achieving Israel's legiti- mate goals calls for a substantial shift in American policy. The obstacles to such a marked change in policy are indeed great. They include American preoccupation with Viet Nam; the horrible complexities and confusions of for- eign policymaking in the U.S.; traditional Foreign, Service sympathy for Arab interests; the heightened enmity of the Arab countries for Israel; the considerable Afro-Asian sup- port of the U.A.R., the unfriendliness of the U.N. arena for the resolution of issues di- rectly involving Israel. But there are also some factors influenc- ing the kind of policy change that circum- stances now require. One Is the emergence of new leadership in Israel composed of men who have been taught to rely not on inter- national guarantees but rather upon their own courage, initiative, and resourcefulness. Another is the strong moral, political, and financial support of American citizens for the continued Independence and security of Israel free from the dangerous challenges that have persisted for nineteen years of statehood. These obstacles will be overcome only with skillful political action and the most gener- ous levels of financial support. And that is why all of us are here tonight. LAND MOBILE RADIOS AND CRIME PREVENTION Mr. SCOTT. Mr. President, the Se- lect Committee on Small Business, on which I serve, recently held hearings on the impact of crime on small business. I ask unanimous consent that a statement of the National Association of Business and Educational Radio, prepared for those hearings, be printed in the RECORD. There being no objection, the state- ment was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: THE USE OS LAND MOBILE RADIO BY BUSINESS- MEN TO ASSIST IN CRIME PREVENTION (Statement of the National Association of Business and Educational Radio Before the Selected Committee on Small Busi- ness, U.S. Senate) The importance of small business to this nation's economy has long been recognized by the leaders of this country. President Johnson cited the importance of small busi- ness to the nation's. economy and to the nation's continued prosperity and security, during the swearing in ceremonies of the present Administrator of the Small Business Administration on May 19, 1966. The Presi- dent stated: "Small business is part of the American way of life. A man's desire to become his own boss has always been part of our na- tional dream. If we lose that, we will lose something that is very precious to all of us . this administration and its leader- ship in the Congress, . . are interested in helping (the small businessman) . . . We are concerned with the man who operates the small business." Congress has also recognized the impor- tance of the small business community to this nation. Both the House and the Senate have established committees such as this committee to investigate the Congressional concern for the small businessman. Congress has also, of course, created the Small Busi- ness Administration and supplied that agen- cy with the funds needed to assist the small businessman. At the same time, the small businessman, who is well known for his industry and in- telligence, has not relied solely on others to seek solutions to his problems. Small busi- nesses actively participate in community, civic and trade associations, endeavoring to find their own solutions to specific problems and better ways to serve their customers and their communities. The National Association of Business and Educational Radio (NABER) is one such organization. NABER is an association of two-way radio users, most of whom are small businessmen. Our membership also includes educational institutions, doctors, police, fire departments, and the wide range of the pub- lic that use two-way radio to conduct their business, perform their services or carry out their duties. The one thing our members have in common is that they are all licensed by the Federal Communications Commission in the Business Radio Service. The purpose of NABER, in its broadest terms, is to assist its members to obtain the most productive use of their two-way radio systems. As I have pointed out, many of our members are small businessmen who use two-way radio in their work primarily to cut their costs, increase their efficiency, and pro- vide better service to their customers. But this is not its only use. It is being used today In cooperation with local government offi- cials in a direct attack upon crime which has become so costly to the small business- man. Increasingly over the past few years, crime has become a major obstacle to the successful establishment or continuance of a small business as a going concern. NABER heartily subscribes to the Chairman's state- ments that "small business victims of crime throughout the nation need help" and that "(t) hey have a right to be secure in their persons and their property, not only as small businessmen, but as citizens as well." This Committee is acutely aware of the problem. On April 24th, the Police Chief of the District of Columbia, John B. Layton, stated before this Committee that the situa- tion described in the testimony of the small businessmen appearing before this Commit- tee was a "deplorable condition." Chief Lay- ton stated that his force was "working to alleviate" the condition. Indeed, the police departments around the country are doing all they can to combat a rising crime rate. If someone devised a plan that would en- able law enforcement officials to predict where or when the next crime would be com- mitted, much of the crime in this country could be eliminated. This would be ideal. At the present, however, greater reliance must be placed on methods designed to re- port crimes or suspicious acts which may become crimes and to locate and apprehend those who may be guilty as soon as possible. Since the 1920's the police have used two- S 8521 way radio to help them in the war against crime. Now, as more and more businessmen are equipping their trucks and cars with two- way radios, there are hundreds of vehicles operated by private citizens on the streets of our cities everyday capable of supplementing the radio systems of the public authorities by being the eyes and ears of the community for purposes of public safety and crime con- trol. Since the police or other public author- ities cannot possibly be every place at once, the private businesses that do use two-way radio can tremendously increase the ability of the community to observe and quickly report crime to the local authorities. They can also report fires, accidents, trees block- ing roads and similar events which need rapid attention. As a representative example of the di- versity and many different types of users of two-way radio, I would like to have in- cluded as part of this statement a list of two-way radio users recently applying for licenses by the FCC in a one-week period. According to a recent public notice issued by the FCC, these applications are coming In at the rate of 20,000 per month. Just take some of the new two-way users in Florida, for example. The following are typical of the small businessmen who use two-way radio in their businesses: Biochemistry Associates International, 1150 N.W. 14th Street, Miami, Fla. Newell Construction Co., Inc., 7292 S.W. 42 Terrace, Miami, Fla. Panama Pools, Inc., 15625 W. Highway 98, Panama City, Fla. Flower Tree Nursery, Box 1469, Eustis, Fla. Warrington Plumbing Co., 910 W. Main Street, Pensacola, Fla. Earthmoving & Excavating Co., 9500 W. Sample Road, Coral Springs, Fla. State Fertilizer Co., Box 1514, Lakeland, Fla. Cypress Gardens Citrus Products, Inc., Box 1312, Winter Haven, Fla. Howard TV Rentals, 2815 Main street, Jacksonville, Fla. Colonial Concrete Co., Box 4556, Jackson- ville, Fla. Huntsville Building Materials Co., P.O. Box 567, Huntsville, Ala. Burford Equipment Co., P.O. Box 1591, Montgomery, Ala. Farmers Supply Co., 715 Noble Street, Anniston, Ala. Priest Company, 2207 Meridian Street, Huntsville, Ala. Anderson Tractor Co., 216 College Street, Troy Ala. Collier Wholesale Drug Co., No. 2 North 4th Place, Birmingham, Ala. Fred Brasher Plumbing, 726 Fulton Street, Alexandria, La. Stephenson Floor Covering Co., Inc., 3911 Southern Avenue, Shreveport, La. Builders Center, Inc., 12911 Florida Street, Baton Rouge, La. All-Vend, Inc., Box 8272, New Orleans, La. C. J. Hansen Co., 3552 Silverton Road, Sal- em, Oregon Conroy Packing Co., 960 Young Street, Woodburn, Oregon Klinge Shell Distributor, 1414 E. Salem, Al- bany, Oregon Irrigation Service, Route No. 1, Box 373, La Grande, Oregon. Southern Nevada Communications, 2142 S. Highland Avenue; Las Vegas, Nev. Wesley Mfg. Co., 2405 East Second Street, Reno, Nev. Roaden's Garage & Body Shop, 1765 Lewis Street, Reno, Nev. Sierra Nevada Communications, Inc., P.O. Box 7312, Reno, Nev. Rish Equipment Co., P.O. Box 353, Charles- ton, W. Va. C. W. Stickley Inc., P.O. Box 946, Fairmont, W. Va. Hibbs Radio Communications, 205 S. Main Street, Philippi, W. Va. Approved For Release 2004/05/25 : CIA-RDP69B00369R000200300001-0 S 8522 Approved For Release 2004/05/25 : CIA-RDP69B00369R000200300001-0 `k CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE June 20, 19671111 Kesterson Fabric Core Service, Inc., 1722 Latrobe Street, Parkersburg, W. Va. Boy Scouts of America, 1227 9th Avenue, Anchorage, Alaska. Wagley Construction Co., Star Route #1, Kenai, Alaska. Lindsey, Inc., Box 4081, Anchorage, Alaska. Pe,,te's Spenard Texaco Service, 3304 Spen- ard Road, Spenard, Alaska. Fingie's Fuel Service, Inc., 660 Rahway Avenue, Union, N.J. Walter J. Firrell Plumbing, 319 Landis Ave- nue, Vineland, N.J. Fri-Boro Corporation, P.O. Box 125, Bound Brook, N.J. Rutgers Electronics Inc., 2090 Woodbridge Avenue, Edison, N.J. Berman Electric & Elevator, Inc., 831 Wil- liamson Street, Madison, Wis. Hoida Lumber Co., 1545 Willon Street, Green Bay, Wis. Handicabs of Milwaukee, 5220 W. Center Street, Milwaukee, Wis. - Sheboygan McDonald's Inc., 2307 North Avenue, Sheboygan, Wis. Trucks Radio Engineers, Box 95, Clovis, N. Mex. A.L.S. Electronics, P.O. Box 11373, Al- buquerque, N. Mex. - Million Electric Co., Inc., P.O. Box 618, Fairview Station, Espanola, N. Mex. Caprock Communications, Inc., Box 1560, Hobbs, N. Mex. Lawton Coca Cola Bottling Co., 511 N. Second, Lawton, Okla. Brown Distributing Co., 429 Columbus, Muskogee, Okla. Miamia Implement Co., 504 First Street, N.E., Miami, Okla. - Swansons Fire Co., Inc., 1000 N. Hudson, Oklahoma City, Okla. Act Fuel Oil Co., Inc., One Coffey Street, Brooklyn, N.Y. Xaverian High School, 7100 Shore Road, Brooklyn, N.Y. - Master Fuel Co., 141 John Street, Babylon, N.Y. D &-S Pump & Supply Co., Inc. Brewster, N.Y. Valente Excavating, Inc., Box 66 R.D. #4, Troy, N.Y. Kellner Car & Limousine Service, Inc., 30 W. 60th Street, New York. - Dairy Industry Refirigeration Co., - 5224 Arch Street, Philadelphia, Pa. - American Pool Service Corp., 210 N. Aber- deen Avenue, Wayne, Pa. Russell Hopkins Glass Co., 1506 Callowhill Street, Philadelphia, Pa. Atwell Tractor Co., P.O. Box 114, Concord- ville, Pa. Gerard Gilbert Construction, Inc., 69 Highland Street, Laconia, N.H. White Top Taxi, Inc., 390 Central Avenue, Dover, N.H. - Kai Gas Go., Inc., Church Street, Opping, N.H. - Metropolitan Trash, Inc., 5790 W. 56th Avenue, Arvada, Colo. Trasier Farmers, Wodrow, Colo. Armored Motor Service, 970 Yuma Street, Denver, Colo. Building Materials Center, 2700 E. 4th, Pueblo, Colo. Chattanooga Goodwill Industries, 3500 Dodds Avenue, Chattanooga, Tenn, Ligon & Bobo Funeral Home, 241 W. Main, Lebanon, Tenn. Harris Realty Co., P.O. Box 2337, Clarks- ville, Tenn. George Peabody College For Teachers. 21st Avenue, South, Nashville, Tenn. I should like to submit for - the record three very interesting clippings from news- papers serving two of our large metropolitan areas. According to the Globe-Democrat of St. Louis, . Missouri, the Bi-State Transit Sys- tem of that city installed two-way radios in many of their buses in response to a re- quest for better safety measures by the Amalgamated Transit Union, Local 788 after one bus driver was slain by a robber while driving his bus. It proved to be one of the major safety measures to protect both driv- ers and passengers from holdup. me The newspaper reports that the new meres reduced the number of armed robberies on buses in the second half of 1966 by 58 per cent. In Detroit, Michigan, according to an ar- ticle in the Detroit News, the president of Division 26 of the Amalgamated Transit Union, is considering asking the transit au- thority of that city for permission for his members to carry guns if the city declines to install additional two-way radios for the driver's protection. The union was prompted to take such a position after one of the drivers was shot twice in a holdup. The Union president cited two-way radio as a major factor in apprehending the sus- pect and according to the account in the Detroit News, the president of the Union was quoted as saying: "After he (the ? driver) was shot he called on his two-way radio to report that he was wounded. It may have been a major factor in saving his life." Dallas, Texas is another city that has in- stalled two-way radio on its buses in hope that the radios will help reduce robberies. A report of the Dallas Texas News is sub- mitted for the record. Two-way radios have also been used in other ways to help combat crime. I submit a report in the New York Daily News on the use of walkie-talkies by the Housing Au- thority police of that city. This report shows how radio is able to aid in the quick appre- hension of suspects before the trail grows cold. Still another example of businessmen adopting self-help procedures through the use of two-way radio communications is the antitruek theft alert - system now in effect in Chicago and the New York-New Jersey metropolitan areas. I would like to submit for the record an article and an editorial from Transport Topics, the National News- paper of the Motor Freight Carriers, describ- ing this theft alert plan. As the plan is described in the article, a trucking company whose truck is stolen notifies other companies who, in turn, call still others, and so on. Drivers are given a description of the vehicle by their two-way radio dispatchers and then keep a look out. According to the newspaper, "In minutes, thousands of eyes are alert for a glimpse of the stolen truck." The results of this theft alert plan have been very encouraging, Transport Topics re- ports that in "... the New York-New Jersey area truck hijacking is said to have declined from about 3 a day to 3 a month since the system was introduced." The report further states that "(r)ings with valuable cargoes have been recovered within 45 minutes of a reported loss". These few examples show that two-way radio used by responsible citizens can be of substantial assistance to law enforcement and civic safety. Recognizing this fact, members of NABER as well as members of other organizations of two-way radio users such as the Special In- dustrial Radio Service Association (SIRSA), are doing their part to assist in the efforts of law enforcement by participating in a pro- gram called Community Radio Watch. I should like to describe this program to the Committee. Since the principal purpose of the "Com- munity Radio Watch Program" is to encour- age citizens-especially those who use two- way radio-to support the police in their ef- forts to maintain law and order, participants in the program are asked to report to their offices, via their two-way radio, any suspi- cious acts or unusual occurrances that they observe. Their offices will then relay the re- ports to the proper -authorities for further action. The program is usually instituted in a community by the Mayor or City Manager. He asks all the businesses in his city which use two-way radio to enlist in the program. The businessmen willing to participate in the program are given the necessary infor- mation to give to their drivers who are the key men in the operation of the program. In order to encourage, recognize, and pay tribute to the individuals who use their two- way radio to report a situation which results in the protecting of life or property, a recog- nition and distinguished service award, con- tributed by Motorola, a member of the land mobile communications industry, is an in- tegral part of the program and the awards have been established at the national, state and industry levels. An Award Committee made up of representatives of governmental law enforcement agencies or civic groups controls the selection of the participants de- serving of special recognition or an award. Thus, not only are the participants given well-deserved recognition for their efforts in behalf of their communities, but also, -the public is made more aware of what they as individual citizens can do to aid their law enforcement officials. Furthermore, the re- porting of particular cases in which the pro- gram has aided the enforcement of the law, provides a convenient check on the success of the program as well as making data available for future use to improve or re- vise the program as particular needs of in- dividual communities become known. Thus, the Community Radio Watch pro- gram is the implementation of the principal that law enforcement is the job of every citizen not only to the extent of helping to protect oneself as in the truck theft alert plan, but also in helping to protect the community as well. Indeed, as President Johnson has stated on December 31, 1966, on the issuance of the Report of the Presi- dent's Commission on Crime in the District of Columbia: "Crime cannot be conquered, in this or any other city unless citizens are willing to help. An understanding of the nature of the problems and the directions of effective citi- zen faction will permit a mobilization of action by citizens and the private groups and agencies which they direct, to work to- gether to meet the challenge, and the op- portunity, which the report presents." As of March 27, 1967, over 200 cities and towns around the country had implemented or made plans to implement the Community Radio Watch program. An estimated 12,000 business organizations with over one hun- dred thirty thousand (130,000) personnel driving vehicles equipped with two-way radios will soon be actively supporting their local police in their efforts to protect life and property. A list of cities and firms participating in Community Radio Watch is attached. To give further information on the opera- tion of the program, I should like to submit for the record the reports of various news- paper accounts on the inception of the Community Radio Watch program in var- ious communities. The clippings indicate the enthusiastic response of both the citi- zens and officials to the Community Radio Watch program. I also offer for the record, letters from public officials stating their enthusiasm for the program. As with the use of two-way radio on buses and in the anti-truck theft alert plan, the Community Radio Watch Program has quickly produced highly encouraging and beneficial results. A recent example of Com- munity Radio Watch in action may be of interest to the Committee. Most of the members of this Committee (as well as most of the residents of the Washing- ton, D.C. metropolitan area) remember the escape of three prisoners from Lorton Re- Approved For Release 2004/05/25 : CIA-RDP69B00369R000200300001-0 Approved For Release 2004/05/25 : CIA-RDP69B00369R000200300001-0 June 20, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE But If France is an ally at all, it a worse- In the maquis everybody lied happily to than-useless ally. Consider the recent record. everybody else all the time. One maquisard This country did everything possible, ehort would boast of how he had strangled 10 of going to war, to help France in its grubby Boches with his bare hands, and another " 1 th me to 20 Boches It was a a ld colonial war in Indochina. in return, in our great trouble in Vietnam, the French have happily sabotaged us at every opportunity. France was one of the two greatest benefi- ciaries of Marshall Plan aid. In return, the French are now doing everything they can to undermine the dollar. The U.S. has committed hundreds of thou- sands of men and tens bf billions of dollars to the defense of Western Europe. In return, the French have kicked NATO out of France, and made -no contribution worth mentioning to Europe's defense. Europe needs no de- fense, according to de Gaulle, because "there will be no war, I can assure you that." Why will there be no war? Because, as de Gaulle has also said, the American nuclear deterrent is the essential guarantee of world peace." Thus, If France is ever threatened, France's oldest ally will instantly come to the rescue, risking the lives of a hundred million or so Americans in the process. This Gaullist rea- soning is a fine example of the famous "logique Frangaise." French logic can be summed up in the phrase, "What's yours is mine and what's mine's my own." The French are totally blind to any national interest ex- cept their own. The British, to be sure, have never been blind to the British national interest, but they have always been aware that an alli- ance is a two-way street. In our trouble in Vietnam, the British have stood by us, how- ever reluctantly, even when the Labor majority in Parliament was virtually non- existent. In recent months especially, the pressure on Harold Wilson's government to break with the United States over Vietnam has risen steadily. Much of the pressure comes from the British intellectuals, who, like their American opposite numbers, have eagerly swallowed the myth that only Ameri- can intransigence stands in the way of a negotiated settlement in Vietnam. Recently, Foreign Secretary George Brown went out of his way to explode the myth. "The only barrier" to negotiation, he- said, ra se e wou game. But there was a point at which it ceased to be a game. When our area was liberated, de Gaulle himself appeared and made a speech to the assembled maquisards. "C'est vows, les Fran- cais, qui ont liberc la France," he said-"You, the French have liberated France." It was a bald-faced lie, of couse, but every French- man present believed it devoutly. All French- men are capable of devoutly believing any- thing good about France, and anything bad about any other nation, which is one reason why the French are useless as allies. The British are perfectly god-awful in all sorts of ways. But they respect the truth, and are capable of facing it, one reason why they won the last war and the French lost it. They really do care about political freedom, and not only their own. And they have an inner toughness which makes them useful people to have around in a tight spot. The spot we are in is getting tighter all the time. This is why it seems so odd that we should be actively encouraging the only really useful ally we have to cease to be an all, and to become instead part of a French-dominated, profoundly anti-Ameri- can "European" community' The truth is that, because we are obsessed with Vietnam, we have been following a knee-jerk policy in Europe. In the days of the "Grand Design" for a united Europe closely allied with the United States, the policy made sense. It has now been utterly outdated by events, but our knee goes on jerking-we go on urging the British to join the Common Market, no matter how out- rageous the terms laid down by do Gaulle. This country and Britain ought to be ex- amining with utmost seriousness some kind of "Atlantic arrangement" as an alternative to British submission to de Gaulle's de- mands-and without being put off by cliches about Britain becoming the "fifty-first state." Winston Churchill was fond of pointing out that the United States and Britain to- gether made an unchallengeable combina- tion. This is still true, empire or no empire, gold drain or no gold drain. And it is. of course why de Gaulle, with his bitter jealousy and paranoiac distrust of "les Anglo-Saxons," is so eager to break up the Anglo-American alliance for good, before he dies. There is no sane reason why we should help him do it. S 8527 negotiations between Israel and her Arab neighbors-demonstrate the Presi- dent's firm grasp of the most basic issues involved in creating a new era of peace and progress in the Holy Land. I commend the President for his ex- cellent policy statement. My hope.is that the members of the United Nations will take prompt action on the President's proposal that all arms shipments into the Middle East area be reported by U.N. forces on the scene. Ending the arms race is vital if peace is to be truly restored to the Middle East. And direct negotiations between Israel and the Arab nations are equally important if future hostilities are to be avoided. It is instructive, I think, to compare the President's speech with the one de- livered at the General Assembly yester- day by Premier- Kosygin: For while the President spoke the reasonable language that denotes hope for future peace, Mr. Kosygin chose to speak the language of the past-with all of the hatred and vio- lence of the sad history of the Middle East. President Johnson's statesmanlike ad- dress should be the real keynote address of the General Assembly meeting. My hope is that his reasoned, enlightened response to the crisis will be emulated by other world statesmen, who will show equal determination to find the way to avoid the kind of danger and tragedy that threaten the security of the entire world. RECESS UNTIL TOMORROW AT 10 O'CLOCK A.M. Mr. BYRD of West Virginia. Mr. Pres- ident, if there is no further business to come before the Senate, I move, pursu- ant to the order previously entered, that the Senate stand in recess until 10 o'clock tomorrow. The motion was agreed to; and (at 5 o'clock and 50 minutes p.m.) the Sen- ate took a recess until tomorrow, June 21, 1967, at 10 o'clock a.m. ,,is that at no stage have we had a response from Hanoi.... We have made all possible efforts [but] they have all come to nothing because at the end of the day North Vietnam would never come to the table." This is, of course,, the simple truth. But to tell the simple truth about Vietnam, in England even more than in this country, is to invite a relentless barrage of abuse from every intel- lectual organ. Brown is a brave man, and Britain is a useful ally. In the postwar years, the British and the Americans have had their differences, of course, notably during the Suez crisis in 1956. But by and large Great Britain and the United States have been allies in fact as well as name, while the French behaved like allies only so long as it suited their financial con- venience. All this is, of course, a matter of opinion- and no doubt of outrageously biased opinion. The bias derives at least in part from the plain facts as recited above. But it also derives in part from personal experience, notably the experience of spending two and a half years in the British Army, and several months in the French Resistance, in the last war. I enjoyed the maquis much more than the British Army, partly because the French are more fun to be with than the British. The French are wonderfully likable and enter- taining people, and they can also be amaz- ingly brave and altogether admirable in many ways. But the truth is not in them- not, at least, where la belle France is con- cerned. TH ESIDENT'S STATESMANSHIP S WS THE WAY TO REAL MIDDLE EAST PEACE Mr. BYRD of West Virginia. Mr. Presi- dent, yesterday, in a major speech on the Middle East, President Johnson pre- sented a realistic course for peace in that troubled area of the world. Clearly, the President was looking ahead to the possibilities of the future. Clearly, he was seeking to avoid the recriminations and hostilities of the past. At the heart of the President's re- marks was his determination to recog- nize the social, political and economic rights of all sides in the long-smoldering dispute. The five points he outlined as being indispensable to true peace in the Middle East-the right to political sov- ereignty; the rights of the refugees; the right of free maritime passage; the end to the arms race; and the need for direct NOMINATIONS Executive nominations received by the Senate June 20 (legislative day of June 12), 1967: INTERNATIONAL MONETARY FUND William D. Dale, of Maryland, to be U.S. Executive Director of the International Monetary Fund for a term of 2 years (reappointment). IN THE NAVY The following-named officers of the Navy for temporary promotion to the grade of rear admiral in the staff corps indicated subject to qualification therefor as provided by law: MEDICAL CORPS Felix P. Ballenger SUPPLY CORPS Paul F. Cosgrove, Jr. Roland Rieve Grover C. Heffner Stuart H. Smith Elliott Bloxom CIVIL ENGINEER CORPS Spencer R. Smith James V. Bartlett Approved For Release 2004/05/25 : CIA-RDP69B00369R000200300001-0