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March 13, 1967
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Approved For Release 2005/11/21 : CIA-RDP70B00338R000300050010-9 March 13, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -- SENATE S 3645 TABLE 14.-Farm food products: Farm-retail spread and farmer's share of the retail cost, October-December 1966, July-September 1966, October-December 1965, and 1957-59 average--Continued Farm-retail spread Farmer's share Percent change, Product 1 Retail unit October- July- October- October-December 1966 from- October- July- October- Decem- Septem- Decent- 1957-50 Decem- Septem- Decem 1957-59 ber 1906 ber 1900 2 her 1965 2 average 1066 her 1966 her 1965 average July- October- Septem- Decem- ber 1966 her 1965 Beef, Choice grade ......................... Pound..----...--.--.. Cents 36.7 Cents 35.3 Cents 36.0 Cents 29.8 4 2 56 58 57 62 Lamb, Choice grade ....................... ..... do---------------__ 40.7 - 41.8 34.7 20.8 -3 17 53 52 57 57 Pork-------------------------------------- Butter -----do----------------- d 34,8 30.6 27.0 29.5 14 29 50 58 62 51 ------------------------------------- Cheese, American process------------------ ----- o........... ------ 'A Pound ------ -------- 25.1 25.3 19.7 23.2 20.3 21.8 20.6 18 1 27 9 24 16 71 44 77 46 73 42 72 44 lee cream---------------------------------- Milk, evaporated ........................... % gallon .............. 14%-ounce can-------- 57.2 8.9 55.2 8 2 55.2 5 8 . 60.8 3 8 4 9 4 5 31 47 33 2 229 28 Milk, fresh: . . . 49 44 43 Home delivered----------------------- % gallon ........ 31.8 31.9 30.5 28.9 (4) 4 45 43 43 43 Sold in stores-------------------------- Chickens, frying ready-to-cook ............. ----- do................. Pound ............ ____ 26.2 20.9 26.2 20.9 25.0 18.7 24.7 19 1 0 0 5 12 50 46 48 50 47 251 47 56 Eggs, Grade A large----------------------- Dozen ......... ----__._ 21.0 20.1 20.6 . 20.1 4 2 67 66 66 64 Bread, white: All indredients.... -.................... Pound--_-------_--_-_ 10.2 18.5 17.5 15.5 4 10 16 18 16 16 Wheat---------- ---------------------- Bread, whole or cracked wheat------------- -----do----------------- ..... do-__-__---_--__--- --------- 20.2 --------- 25.5 ---------- 24.1. ---------- _ ---------- --.......- 9 13 12 14 13 13 11 13 Cookies,sandwich ------------------------- ----- do ----------------- 47.7 46.4 46.2 ----------- 3 3 9 10 8 Cornflakes-------------------------------- 12 ounces ------------- - 27.7 27.3 26.4 22.1 1 5 9 10 8 ___--_- 10 Flour,white ------------------------------- 5pounds -----------___ 38.2 34,3 36.4 34.5 11 5 38 42 37 35 A.pples------------------------------------- Pound ---------------- 11.5 17..1 9.7 11.4 -33 19 33 27 237 Ii) Grapefruit--------------------------------- Each ------------------ 12.8 12.3 10.9 8.0 4 17 15 30 19 25 Lemons------------------------------------ Pound ---------------- 18.2 17.0 17.0 14.2 7 7 27 29 26 23 Oranges------------------------------------ Dozen ----------------- 67.4 62.0 62.4 42.8 9 8 23 26 23 :35 Cabbage___________________________________ Carrots Pound ................ d 7.8 10 7.7 6.4 6.3 1 22 36 36 27 28 ------------------------------------ Celery------------------------------------- ----- o_-----__--....... ----- do----------------- .3 10.7 11.6 11.5 10.3 10.6 10.8 10.0 -11 -7 0 1 32 30 33 38 31 32 26 29 Cucumbers ----------- _--------------- _---- ----- do___-__--__--_____ 12.6 13.0 13.0 ---------- -3 -3 37 35 32 Lettuce---------------- -------------------- Head--__________-_---_ 18.5 17.8 17.9 16.6 4 3 31 237 33 27 Onions___________________________________ P Pound- --------------- 8.3 9.4 8.1 6.7 -12 2 37 37 22 34 eppers, green----------------------------- -----do_.----------- --__ 21.7 21.3 17.9 ________- 2 21 34 36 41 o a oes___________________________ 10 pounds -------- 51.9 55.7 47.2 40,5 -7 10 29 28 230 ii pinach____________________________________ 10 ounces. ------------- 23.1 22.2 23.1 __ ---- 4 0 21 27 21 tomatoes---------------------------------- Pound-__---__----__- 21.1 20.6 22.4 19.5 2 -0 38 36 237 -_.-_----- 35 Peaches, canned -------------------------- No. 2% can. ---------- 26.9 20.3 26.1 28.2 -8 3 17 216 17 18 ears, canned------------------------------ ----- do--------------- -.- 38.0 38.1 38.3 -- -1 16 20 24 eets, canned No, 303 can__-_------_ 10.2 10.3 15.6 1 4 7 7 7 Corn, canned do----------_-_---_ 19.8 19.7 17.6 154 1 12 12 12 13 13 eas, canned do___----_____---__ 21.0 20.5 20.6 17.9 2 2 15 215 14 15 Tomatoes, canned do_-__----------_-_ 14.9 14.5 13.1 13.3 3 14 18 219 21 15 Orange juice, concentrate, frozen--____--___ 6-ounce can-_----_---- 14.6 14.5 11.9 15.2 1 23 37 37 45 35 rench fried potatoes, frozen ............... 9 ounces--.-.-.-.--.-. 13.3 13.3 12.5 0 0 15 16 23 eas,frozen------------------------------- b ounces-...__------_ 17.0 16.5 16.4 16.7 3 4 17 18 18 16 eans, navy Pound-------_----_-__ 13.1 13.1 10.0 9.4 0 31 32 34 46 4+2 fargarine_______________________________ canutbutter do_---------------- 12-ounce jar----------_ 21.1 30.0 18.9 30.1 20.1 29 7 19.6 27 3 12 4) 5 1 28 33 34 33 28 4 28 alad and cooking oil ...................... Pint---- .__------__--_ 31.0 28.5 . 27.1 , _.-_-_--_- 9 14 23 27 3 24 34 egetab1eshortening ------- 3pounds ------------ ._ 62.6 65.0 59.8 62.2 14 5 32 39 231 ------_--- 31 ugar---------- -------------- 5pounds ----------- .._ 30.1 38.7 37.7 34.3 1 4 36 36 36 37 paghetti with sauce, caml.ed-------------- 15%-ounce can-------- 14.0 13.6 13.2 ........... 3 6 13 14 13 P P F P B P ------------ I Product groups include more items than those listed in this table. For example, in addition to the products listed--Choice beef, lamb, and pork (major products ex- cept lard)-the meat products group includes lower grades of beef, the minor edible pork products, and veal. 2 Most farm-retail spread figures for July-Septenl.ber 1060 and October-December 1965 have been revised; figures in other columns revised as indicated. INDIANA LAW STUDENTS AID CONSUMER LEGISLATION Mr. HARTKE. Mr. President, a won- derful experiment in education is taking place which is exciting, imaginative, and significant. The participants are the In- diana University Law School and the President's Committee on Consumer In- terests. The beneficiaries may well be all Americans. Prof. F. Reed Dickerson has arranged with the President's Committee on Con- sumer Interests to have his seminar in legislation at the law school develop a position paper for the President's Com- mittee on Consumer Interests to submit to any National Commission on Product Safety that may be established by the Congress. This project cannot help but be of benefit to all concerned. For the stu- dents, it will be an opportunity to do legal research on a live and current problem. For the Commission that may 3 For the bakery products group and the individualwheat products the farmers share is based on the market price of wheat received by farmers plus the cost of the. marketing certificate to processors, This cost equals the value of the domestic n1 arln l- ing certificate received by farmers complying fully with tho wheat program, 4 Less than 0.5 percent. be established, it will be a sorely needed piece of research in a field that has been relatively neglected. For the President's Committee on Consumer Interests, it will be at the very least a background paper for use in developing their own recom- mendations. The 15 students involved and Profes- sor Dickerson are to be congratulated for this public service they are rendering. If this project is successful, it will encour- age students and professors in a wide variety of professional schools to work with Government agencies on current problems. I ask unanimous consent that the names of the students, a letter from Mrs. Esther Peterson, the President's former Special Assistant for Consumer Affairs, and a statement of mission describing the project be printed in the RECORD. There being no objection, the items were ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows:' FEBRUARY 21, 1967, Prof. F. REED DICKERSON, School of Law, Indiana University, Bloom- ington,Ind. DEAR PROFESsoR DIcizER90N: I can't begin to tell you how pleased I am that you are willing to allow your seminar in legislation at the Indiana University Law School to as- sist the President's Committee on Consumer Interests in a very important and timely project. As you know, President Johnson has called on the Congress to enact legislation establisihng a National Commission on Prod- uct Safety. We have every expectation that such a Commission will be established, and that we will be called upon to make recom- mendations. The work of your seminar could be invaluable to us in preparing our recommendations. In any event, I would plan to turn over to the Safety Commission the document being prepared by your stu- dents. I am thoroughly convinced that the rela- tionship between our Committee and the Indiana School of Law cannot but be of mu- tual benefit, and I eagerly await your final Approved For Release 2005/11/21 : CIA-RDP70B00338R000300050010-9 S A S V S S Approved For Release 2005/11/21 : CIA-RDP70B00338R000300050010-9 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE March 13), 1967 S 3646 product. My thanks to you and your stu- dents for participating in this worthwhile innovation. Sincerely, apect to which the consumer is highly vul- ner,ible. Each study should cover the kinds of hazards Involved, their seriousness, and their incidence; application of the criteria for legislative Intervention; and application of the criteria for selecting the most appro- priate approaches and sanctions In prefer- ence to their reasonable alternatives. Where specific legislative action seems called for, the paper should Include drafts of recom- mended legislation. The position paper should Include a back- ground statement. Its conclusions and rec- ommendations should be supported by ade- quate facts and rational explanation. This will require Inventorying and evaluating ex- isting consumer protections. MAscs 1, 1967. ,,*peeial Assistant to the President for Consumer Aff airs. B777 SEMINAR in LEGISLATION Mr. Dickerson. Al, man, Jerry Dean, 809 E. Hunter Ave., Apt. 2, Bloomington, Indiana. Andrews, Kenneth Lee, 706 E. University Ave.. Bloomington, Indiana. Baken, Alan, 3315 Longview Ave., Apt. 35, Bloomington. Indiana. Bloom. Lewis Elliott, Campus View Hse., Apt. 828, Bloomington, Indiana. Bnsseli, Donald Dee, 423 E. 4th St., Bloom- ington, Indiana. Eskridge, James Hubbard, 323 S. Grant Bt., Apt. 1, Bloomington, Indiana. Fehr, Michael, Walnut Grove Trailer Ct., No. 150, Bloomington, Indiana. G wdy, Robert, Hepburn Apt., Rm. C-113, Bloomington, Indiana. Htwk, Robert, 2110 N. Walnut St., Bloom- ington, Indiana. Kixmiller. Robert, Hepburn Apt., Rm. C 111, Bloomington, Indiana. Lewis, Donald, 305 E. Vermilya, Tennells Trailer Ct., Lot 11, Bloomington, Indiana. Meredith. Roger Lynn, 11031,,2 S. Lincoln St., Bloomington, Indiana. Murphy, Edward, 414 S. Henderson St., Apt. 7, Bloomington, Indiana. S,anley, Kelly, 508 S. Fess Ave., Apt. 9, Bloomington. Indiana. Wilks, John, 510 E. Smith Ave., Apt. 1, Bloomington. Indiana. STATEMENT OF MISSION The mission of the Seminar in Legislation is to develop a position paper for the Pres- ident's Committee on Consumer Interests to submit to any National Commission on Prod- uct Safety, which may be established by Senate Joint Resolution 33. The focus of the paper will be "house- hold products" other than those excepted by section 6 of the Resolution. These are de- fined very broadly as "products customarily produced or distributed for sale through re- tail sales agencies or instrumentalities for use by a consumer or any member of his family." This Includes all consumer prod- ucts except those regulated under the Na- tional Traffic and Motor Vehicle Safety Act, the Federal Food Drug and Cosmetic Act, the Federal Hazardous Substances Act, or the Federal Cigarette Labeling and Adver- tising Act. However, products regulated tin- der the Flammable Fabrics Act are included, even though that Act is listed In the current text of section 6. The first objective Is to discover and de- fine the areas within which household prod- ucts carry unreasonable hazards of physical harm, and to develop criteria for determin- ing whether such a product or group of prod- uc:s Is sufficiently hazardous to warrant leg- islative intervention, '['his involves consid- ering not only the seriousness of the threat- ened injury and Its Incidence, but also the degree of consumer vulnerability. Hazards that affect only property or convenience need not be considered. The second objective is to develop criteria for selecting the most feasible approaches and sanctions In those instances in which legislative intervention appears to be called for. Feasibility Includes such factors as cost and Inconvenience to the industry con- cerned, the need to make the product avail- ,!ble, and the source of the hazard, that Is, whether it results from faulty design or faulty construction. i'he third objective Is to study in detail the more important household products or :;r)ups of household products, Presumably, these will be products involving serious phys- ical hazards of high Incidence and with re- CONCLUSION OF MORNING BUSINESS The PRESIDING OFFICER. further morning business? morning busines$ is concluded. we had had a convention of this sort, since article 19 states that- Consular officers shall not be subject to the jurisdiction of the receiving state in matters relating to their official activity. The same applies to employees of the consular establishment, if they are na- tionals of the sending state. When it comes to great numbers of traveling Americans, too, who want help and protection, we obviously should not fail them. There is the argument against rati- fication that this convention might in- crem..e espionage on the part of the Soviet Union In the United States. I do not believe this argument valid. In the first place, the United States is an open society and the Soviet Union is a closed one. Accordingly, a Soviet Union tourist in the United States can photo- If not, graph, see, and report on a great num- CONSULAR CONVENTION WITH THE SOVIET UNION The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Chair lays before the Senate the pend- ing business, which the clerk will state. The LEGISLATIVE CLERK. A consular convention between the United States of America and the Union of Soviet So- cialist Republics, together with a proto- col relating thereto, signed at Moscow on June 1, 1964 (Ex, D, 88th Cong., 2d sess.). The Senate proceeded to consider the convention. Mr. PELL. Mr. President, as a Mem- ber of this body and one who, as a vice consul for six years, has probably had the most personal experience as to why the Consular Convention should be rati- fled, I strongly urge that the Senate take favorable action. I can well remember being stationed behind the Iron Curtain in Bratislava and establishing the consulate general there, I recall the frustration I felt when an American citizen was arrested, held in jail, and brutally maltreated u bile I was denied admittance to see him. And here I must add the import- ance to a prisoner of some friendly out- side contact in order to provide at least s)me source of inner strength to a man who has been beaten and maltreated to make him implicate himself and others to the effect-In this case utterly false- that he was engaging in espionage for iris own Government. I also well remember, too, when we provided sanctuary for a Jewish em- ployee during a minor pogrom. Since a consulate does not enjoy any kind of immunity, we sought to secure this im- munity and give sanctuary by putting up the sign "Consular Archives" on our door. We adopted the same device another time when an employee of our consulate gen- eral, who had been cruelly beaten In an effort to implicate me and others, was released to us a sour, spiritless, listless physical wreck. When, after a few days, It looked as if he was going to be picked tip and abused again, we invited him to stay within our building. And. again we had to use the device of putting up the "Consular Archives" sign on our door. This would not have been necessary if ber of things; for similar activity in the Soviet Union an American citizen would be arrested. I have myself undergone this experience, having been arrested three times by Communist officials be- hind, the curtain for actions that would not have raised an eyebrow in our own country. Actually, what is sauce for the goose is sauce for the gander and the argument that this convention increases the opportunity for Soviet espionage in the United States can also be taken the other way in that it increases such op- portunities for the United States in the Soviet Union. And, as I have said, it is much harder to secure information in a closed society like the Soviet Union than it is in an open one like ours. I am sure we would all agree that our consulates provide information to our Government just as do those of the Soviet Union to their Government. In this regard I would imagine that the emotions of Gen. Vladimir Yefimo- vich Semichastny, Mr. J. Edgar Hoover's opposite number in the Soviet Union, must be similar to those of Mr. Hoover in connection with the ratification of this convention. From the viewpoint of espionage then it is a "wash" transaction, but with the edge to the United States, and from the general national interest viewpoint-the protection of our citizens, and from a viewpoint of eroding the Communist monolithic structure, the ratification of thi,i convention can serve our country very well. THE PRESIDENT'S STATEMENTS ON FOREIGN AND DOMESTIC AFFAIRS Mr. President, I ask unanimous con- sent to have printed in the RECORD at thi i point a transcript of President John- sor's news conference on foreign and domestic matters, excerpts from Presi- dent Johnson's state of the Union mes- sage relative to this matter, and a por- tion of his speech to editorial writers in New York City relevant to this matter. There being no objection, the material was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: [From the New York Times, Feb. 3, 19671 TR,INSCRIPT OF THE PRESIDENT'S NEWS CON- FF.IENCE ON FOREIGN AND DOMESTIC MATTERS OPENING STATEMENT Good afternoon ladies and gentlemen. I have been asked to give a statement about the consular convention that's pend- Approved For Release 2005/11/21 : CIA-RDP70B00338R000300050010-9 ,N arch 13, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE S 3647 ing before the United States Senate and r should like to say very briefly that I hope the Senate will give its advice and consent to the proposed convention with the U.S.S.R. I feel very strongly that the ratification of this treaty is very much in our national in- terest. I feel this way for two principle reasons: First we need this treaty to protect the 18,000 American citizens who each year travel from this country to the Soviet Union. The convention requires immediate notifi- cation to us whenever an American citizen is arrested in the Soviet Union and it insures our right to visit that citizen within four days and as soon thereafter as is desirable. We think that we need these rights to help protect American citizens. These are, rights which the Soviet citizens already have who', travel in this country because they are guar- anteed by our Constitution, Second, the convention does not require the opening of consulates in this country or in the Soviet Union, It does provide that should any such consulates be opened, the officials would have diplomatic immunity. The Secretary of State informs me that no negotiations for consulates are under way, and that the most that he can envision in the foreseeable future is the opening of one consulate in each country to be manned by from 10 to 15 people. . There are presently 452 Soviet officials in the United States that have diplomatic im- munity. So if an additional consulate were opened, and if another 10 were added to the 452, M. Hoover has assured me that this small increment would raise no problems which the F, B, I, cannot effectively and effi- ciently deal with. In short, I think we very much need this convention to protect American interests, to protect American citizens abroad. And in my judgment, it raises no problems with respect to our national security. Therefore, I hope very much that the Sen- ate in its wisdom, after full debate, will see fit to ratify it. [From the Washington Post, Jan, 11, 19671 STATE OF THE UNION MESSAGE EXCERPTS, JANUARY 10, 1967 Our relations with the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe are also in transition. We have avoided both the acts and the rhetoric of the cold war. When we have differed with the Soviet Union, we have tried to differ quietly and with courtesy. Our objective is not to continue the cold war, but to end it. We have: Signed an agreement at the United Nations on the peaceful uses of outer space; Agreed to open direct air flights with the Soviet Union; Removed more than four-hundred non- stragetic items from export control; Determined that the Export-Import Bank can allow commercial credits to Poland, Hun- gary, Bulgaria, and Czechoslovakia, as well as Rumania and Yugoslavia; Entered into a cultural agreement with the Soviet Union for another two years; Agreed with Bulgaria and Hungary to up- grade our legations to embassies; and Started'- discussions with international agencies on ways of increasing contacts with Eastern European countries. EXCERPT FROM SPEECH OF PRESIDENT JOHNSON TO THE NATIONAL CONFERENCE OF EDITORIAL WRITERS IN NEW YORK CITY ON FRIDAY, OCTOBER 7, 1966 HEALING THE WOUND IIII, One great goal of a united West is to heal the wound in Europe which now cuts East from West and brother from brother. That division must be healed peacefully. It must be healed with the consent of East- ern European countries and the Soviet Union. This will happen only as- East and West suc- ceed in building a surer foundation of mu- tual trust. Nothing is more important for peace. We must improve the East-West environment in order to achieve the unification of Germany in the context of a larger, peaceful and pros- perous Europe. Our task is to achieve a reconciliation with the East-a shift from the narrow concept of coexistence to the broader vision of peaceful engagement. Americans are prepared to- do their part. Under the last four Presidents our policy toward the Soviet Union has been the same. Where necessary, we shall defend freedom; where possible we shall work with the East to build a lasting peace. MUST INTENSIFY EFFORTS We do not intend to let our differences on Viet Nam or elsewhere prevent us from ex- ploring all opportunities. We want the So- viet Union and the nations of Eastern Eu- rope to know. that we had our allies shall go step by step with them as far as they are willing to advance. Let us-both Americans and Europeans- intensify our efforts. We seek healthy economic and cultural re- lations with the Communist states. I am asking for early congressional ac- tion on the U.S,-Soviet Union Consular Agreement. We intend to press for legislative authority to negotiate trade agreements which could extend most-favored-nation tariff treatment to European Communist states, NEW STEPS And I am today announcing these new steps: -We will reduce export controls on East- West trade with respect to hundreds of non- strategic items; -I have today signed a determination that will allow .the Export-Import Bank to guarantee commercial credits to four addi- tional Eastern European countries-Poland, Hungary, Bulgaria and Czechoslovakia, This is good business. And it will help us build bridges to Eastern Europe. -The secretary of state is reviewing the possibility of easing the burden of Polish debts to the United States through expendi- tures of our Polish currency holdings which would be mutually beneficial to both countries, -The Export-Import Bank is prepared to finance American exports for the Soviet. Italian Flat auto plant. -We are negotiating a civil air agreement with the Soviet Union. This will facilitate tourism in both directions, -This summer the American government took additional steps to liberalize travel to Communist countries in Europe and Asia, We intend to liberalize these rules still Agreement on a broad policy to this end should be sought in existing Atlantic, organs. The principles which should govern East- West relations are now being discussed in the North Atlantic Council. The OECD can also play an important part in trade and contacts with the East. The Western nations can there explore ways of inviting the Soviet Union and the Eastern European countries to cooperate in tasks of common interest and common benefit. Hand-in-hand with these steps to increase East-West ties must go measures to remove territorial and border disputes as a source of friction in Europe. The Atlantic nations oppose the use of force to change existing frontiers, The maintenance of old enmities is not in anyone's interest. Our aim is a true Euro- pean reconciliation, We must make this clear to the East. Further, it is our policy to avoid the spread of national nuclear programs-in Eu- rope and elsewhere. SOVIET TROOP CUTBACKS That is why we shall persevere in efforts to reach an agreement banning the prolifera- tion of nuclear weapons. We seek a stable military situation in Europe-one in which tensions can be low- ered. To this end, the United States will con- tinue to play its part in effective Western deterrence. To weaken that deterrence might create temptations and endanger peace. The Atlantic allies will continue together to study what strength NATO needs, in light of changing technology and the current threat. Reduction of Soviet forces in Central Europe would, of course, affect the extent of the threat. If changing circumstances should lead to a gradual and balanced revision in force levels on both sides, the revision could-together with the other steps that I have mentioned- help gradually to shape a new political en- vironment. A LONG PROCESS The building of true peace and reconcilia- tion in Europe will be a long process. ? The bonds between the United States and its Atlantic partners provide the strength on which the world's security depends. Our interdependence is complete. Our goal, in Europe and elsewhere, is a just and secure peace. It can most surely be achieved by common action. To this end, I pledge America's best efforts: -to achieve new thrust for the Alliance; -to support movement toward Western European unity; -and to bring about a far-reaching im- provement in relations between East and West. Our object is to end the bitter legacy of World War II, Success will bring the day closer when we have fully secured the peace in Europe, and in the world, This Administration has taken these steps J U1 4AG1. even as duty compelled us to fulfill and ex- -In these past weeks the Soviet Union ecute our treaty obligations throughout the and the United States have begun to ex. world. change cloud photographs taken from I ask and urge the Congress to help our weather satellites. foreign and commercial trade policies by REMOVING BORDER DISPUTES passing an East-West Trade Bill and ap- In these and many other ways, ties with proving our consular convention with the the East will be strengthened-by the United Soviet Union. States and by other Atlantic nations, RECESS UNTIL 2:30 O'CLOCK P.M. Mr. BYRD of West Virginia. Mr. President, I move that the Senate stand in recess until 2:30 o'clock p.m. today. The motion was agreed to; and (at 1 o'clock and 28 minutes p.m.) the Senate took a recess until 2:30 o'clock p.m., the same day. At 2 o'clock and 30 minutes p.m., the Senate -reassembled, and was called to order by the Presiding Officer (Mr. BAKER In the chair). Approved For Release 2005/11/21 : CIA-RDP70B00338R000300050010-9 Approved For Release 2005/11/21 : CIA-RDP70B00338R000300050010-9 53618 Mr. BYRD of West Virginia. Mr, President, I suggest the absence of a quorum. The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll, The legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll. Mr. HRUSKA. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded. The PRESIDING OFFICER. With- out objection, it is so ordered. CONSULAR CONVENTION WITH THE SOVIET UNION The Senate resumed the consideration of the Consular Convention between the United States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, together with a protocol relating thereto, signed at Moscow on June 1, 1964 (Ex. D, 88th Cong., 2d sess.). Mr. HRUSKA. Mr. President, the Senate is engaged in a discussion over whether to give Its "advice and consent" that the President enter into a consular convention or treaty with the Soviet Union, That is the technical subject before us. In reality, however, we are debating and considering a larger series of related proposals going far beyond a document which seeks to establish ground rules for such consulates as may be established in the respective countries by authority which resides in sources other than this treaty. This series of proposals includes many aspects of our foreign and commercial trade policies with the Soviet Union. Among them are an East-West trade bill: a civil air agreement for direct air flights between the Soviet Union and the United States; virtual abolition of export con- trols on East-West trade on several hun- dreds of so-called nonstrategic itemsf extending and guaranteeing credits to several East European Communist coun- tries; financing American exports for the Soviet-Italian Flat auto plant to be con- structed in Russia. Further treaties are also contemplated between the Soviet Union and the United States, such as peaceful uses of space activities and space mechanisms, the nonproliferation of nuclear weapons, and disarmament. This wider scope of major, radical changes in our foreign policy and Inter- national relations has been spelled out in detail by the President a number of times. First, perhaps, in this package form, where it received its widest publicity, was the New York meeting of the Inter- rational Conference of Editorial Writers in October 1966. Then there was reference to It in the state of the Union message of the Presi- dent. The third source was a number of oc- casions in news conferences in less formal ways when the President referred to the process of building bridges be- i ween the United States and the U.S.S.R. Another source for detailing and out- lining the package, as It is sometimes called, has been the hearings before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE March 13, 1967 No one has asserted to the contrary, on the floor of this Chamber or else- where, that we are engaged in a series of related subjects which deal with fundamental relations between the United States and the Soviet Union. It is the position of this Senator that the Congress, and especially the Senate, should not act on this program in a fragmentary way. A piecemeal treat- ment does not befit a subject of this importance. This debate, in its overall aspects, is nog between proponents and opponents of the consular treaty. It is, and should be. rather, a debate between those who favor building bridges between East and West and between the United States and the Soviet Union and those who oppose building bridges at this time. Advocates of the Consular Treaty are heard to say and to repeat frequently that the reason for their desire to ratify it is that they want to end the cold war, and no progress can be made toward this goal if we persist in a hostile, suspicious, adverse posture toward the Soviet Union. Hence, It is argued by the proponents that if this treaty will result In even a small gain in advancing the cause of peace, it should be ratified. Mr. President, there is no one who more fervently or more earnestly wishes an end of the cold war than this speaker. But to base action on hopes and prayers for peace or for termination of the cold war without further inquiry Is a case of hopeless and harmful wishful thinking, It takes action by two great nations to bring about an end to the cold war. No one knows this better than the President, because of his Inability to get the enemy in our Vietnam war even to agree to sit down and talk about peace, Good- ness knows he has tried for a long time, and persistently, to bring about that re- sult. Approval by the Senate of the Con- sular Treaty would endow the Soviet Union with a new prestige and added respectability In the eyes of the world. it would cause dismay In the hearts and minds of many nations and of many mil- lions of people, Including millions of Americans. Before taking this step, It would be most advisable to determine the likeli- hood of the Soviet Union's making some small effort which could be considered effective to bring the cold war to an end, or even slow It down a little, or ameli- orate it to some degree, The record, however, plainly shows that the Soviet Union has rejected any promise to seek such a goal. Mr. President, the President of the United States addressed the National Conference of Editorial Writers in New York City on October 7 of last year. There were three principal sections to his speech. The third part bore upon the subject of strengthening ties with the East, "to quicken progress in East-West relations." It was there that President Johnson first set out, in comprehensive fashion, his program of bridge-building from the United States to Eastern Europe. Mr. President, I ask unanimous con- sent that there be printed in the RecoRD at this point an excerpt from the Weekly Compilation of Presidential Documents for October 10, 1966, as found on page 1426 :hereof. There being no objection, the excerpt was crdered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: Let us-both Americans and Eurcpeans- intensity our efforts. We seek healthy economic and cultural relations with the Communist states. I ain asking for early Congressional action on the U.S.-Soviet consular agreement. We Intend to press for legislative authority to negotiate trade agreements which could extend most-favored-nation tariff treatment to European Communist states. And I am today announcing these new steps: We will reduce export controls on East- West trade with respect tb',iundreds of non- strategic items; I have today signed a determination that will allow the Export-Import Bank to guar- antc~: commercial credits to four additional Eastern European countries-Poland, Hun- gary Bulgaria, and Czechoslovakia. This is good business. And it help us build bridges to Eastern Europe. The Secretary of State is reviewing the possibility of easing the burden of Polish debts to the U.S. through expenditures of our Polish currency holdings which would be mutually beneficial to both countries. The Export-Import Bark is prepared to finaice American exports for the Soviet- Itaitan FIAT auto plant. We are negotiating a civil air agreement with the Soviet Union. This will facilitate tourism in both directions, This summer the American Government tool; additional steps to liberalize travel to Communist countries In Europe and Asia. We Intend to liberalize these rules still further, In these past weeks the Soviet Union and the United States have begun to exchange cloud photographs taken from weather sat- ellites. In these and many other ways, ties with the East will be strengthened-by the U.S. and by other Atlantic nations, Mr, HRUSKA. The passage referred to, Mr. President, includes those related subjects which I believe to be a part of the entire package of proposals which deal with a major and radical change in our foreign policy, particularly toward the Soviet Union. This speech was the President's bid to help end the cold war. The gesture is a good one. How was it received by the one other nation whose cooperation and acceptance of such a bid, or even consideration of such a bid, is necessary? There was quick response: not from the Soviet Union government channels, Mr. President, but from a higher author- ity, the Communist Party which is the real ruler of the Soviet Union. The formal government channels are only a part of the organization through which the party rules the nation. The New York Times of October 16, 1966, reported the remarks of Leonid I. Brezhnev, the Soviet Communist Party leader, as made in a Moscow speech at a Soviet-Polish friendship meeting. I shall quote pertinent parts of that news story. The article begins: Moscow, Oct. 15.-Leonid I. Brezhnev, the Soviet Communist pa:?ty leader, rebuffed today as "a strange and persistent delusion" Vie hope expressed by President Johnson Approved For Release 2005/11/21 : CIA-RDP70B00338R000300050010-9 Approved For Release 2005/11/21 : CIA-RDP70B00338R000300050010-9 March 13, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE that closer Soviet-United States cooperation was possible despite tensions over the war in Vietnam. The United States must stop bombing North Vietnam and end its "aggression" be- fore relations can be improved, the Soviet leader declared. So, in response to President Johnson's list of proposals to improve relations with the Soviet Union in connection with the cold war, which has existed now for some 20 years, there was an outright rejection of any possibility of progress in that direction without accepting what the Soviet Union lays down as a prior necessity-the stopping of bombing of North Vietnam and the ending of aggression by the U.S. forces in that land. Another portion of the news story reads as follows: In his rejection of Mr. Johnson's appeal for steps to improve relations, Mr. Brezhnev said: "We have declared many times that if the United States wants to develop mutually beneficial relations with the Soviet Union- in principle, we also would like this-then it is necessary to clear major obstacles from the path. The piratical bombing attacks against a socialist country, the Democratic Republic of Vietnam, must be halted and the aggression against the Vietnamese people stopped." Mr. Brezhnev added as a further condi- tion: "The sovereignty and territorial inviolabil- ity of other countries must be respected, not just in words but in deeds." Mr. President, I ask unanimous con- sent to have printed at this point in the RECORD the text of the article to which I have referred, entitled "Soviet Calls United States `Deluded' in Hope for New Ties Now," written by Raymond H. An- derson and published in the New York Times of October 16, 1966. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: [From the New York Times, Oct. 16, 1966] SOVIET CALLS U.S. DELUDED IN HOPE FOR NEW TIES NOW-BREZHNEV REBUFFS JOHN- SON'S BID FOR COOPERATION WHILE VIETNAM WAR GOES ON-BLOC PARLEY EXPEcTED- EAST EUROPE'S LEADERS SAID To PLAN A CO- ORDINATION OF HARDER LINE ON CHINA (By Raymond H. Anderson) Moscow, Oct. 15.-Leonid 1. Brezhnev, the Soviet Communist party leader, rebuffed to- day as "a strange and persistent delusion" the hope expressed by President Johnson that closer Soviet-United States cooperation was possible despite tensions over the war in Vietnam. The United States must stop bombing North Vietnam and end its "aggression" be- fore relations can be improved, the Soviet leader declared. Mr. Brezhnev's rejection was the first pub- lic statement by the Kremlin leadership in response to Mr. Johnson's appeal, made in a speech in New York eight days ago. Pravda, the Communist party newspaper, indicated last Sunday that the ending of the bombing raids was Moscow's major preliminary condi- tion for any favorable responses to the Presi- dent's overture. The rebuff to President Johnson, made in a speech at a Soviet-Polish friendship meet- ing, came amid indication of an impending gathering of Soviet-bloc leaders here. Ac- cording to East European sources, the meet- ing would discuss steps to coordinate harder policy against China, which is being de- nounced for obstructing Soviet-bloc assist. OTHERS DUE IN FEW DAYS The two visiting Polish leaders, Vladyslaw Gomulka, the party chief, and Premier Josef Cyrankiewicz, are delaying their return to Warsaw. Tass, the Soviet press agency, re- ported that Janos Kadar, the Hungarian party chief, was enroute to Moscow with Premier Gyula Kal,lai and other Hungarian officials. The leaders of East Germany, Rumania, Czechoslovakia and Bulgaria are said to be planning to come to Moscow within a :Pew days. Besides discussing the problems confront- ing the Soviet bloc as a result of China's attitudes, the leaders are expected to deal with President Johnson's overtures for an East-West reconciliation. In his rejection of Mr. Johnson's appeal for steps to improve relations, Mr. Brezhnev said: "We have declared many times that if the United States wants to develop mutually beneficial relations with the Soviet Union- in principle, we also would like this-then it is necessary to clear major obstacles from the path. The piratical bombing attacks against a socialist country, the Democratic Republic of Vietnam, must be halted and the aggression against the Vietnamese people stopped." Mr. Brezhnev added as a further condition: "The sovereignty and territorial inviolabil- ity.of other countries must be respected, not just in words, but in deeds." Mr. Gomulka also spoke at. the meeting, which was held in the Kremlin's Palace of Congresses. He assailed the United States intervention in the Vietnamese war and echoed :Mr. Brezhnev's declaration that improved United States relations with Eastern Europe were impossible while the war continued. "An unconditional end of the bombing of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam by American aircraft must be the primary pre- liminary condition for embarking on the path of seeking a political solution of the Vietnam problem," the Polish leader con- tinued. Commenting Thursday on the demand for an end of the bombing raids, President John- son said: "If the aggressor will pause, we will pause." CHINESE POLICY ASSAILED S 3649 confuse them," Mr. Brezhnev said, "The pol- icies clearly are helpful to the imperialists. It is not without reason that their propa- ganda seizes upon the events taking place in China." Mr. HRUSKA. Mr. President, I sub- mit that in view of this emphatic and almost instantaneous response to the "building bridges" speech of the Presi- dent in October of 1966, the outlook is not very bright for the ratification of this treaty in any way to lessen tensions between these two nations. In fact, it is nonexistent. The idea is rejected. I wonder sometimes if those who say "We want to end the cold war, and there- fore we will do anything'the enemy asks, virtually, to gain that end," would in- clude the cessation of bombing in North Vietnam and the ending of aggression, as it is viewed by the Russians and by the Vietnamese forces in Vietnam. I wonder if there is a parallel there to the ideas and wishes of those who say, "We want to end the hostilities in Vietnam," and who would be willing to do so at the price of complying with and abiding by the conditions which either the Soviet Union or the North Vietnamese would dictate. More recent affirmations in this gen- eral area are to be found in declarations of the Soviet leaders in connection with celebrating the 50th anniversary of the great October Revolution of 1917. What I have said so far has to do with the groundwork for any lessening of ten- sions and the minimum chance-in fact, the nonexisting probability-of such les- sening of tensions on the basis of what the Soviet Union has declared and what it has said. However, there is another class of arguments and reasons and sources to which we can repair if we want to ex- amine the matter of deeds on their part. They have been mentioned here in the Senate Chamber during the course of the current debate. Among those is the fact that with in- Both Mr. Brezhnev and Mr. Gormulka creasing degree and quantity the Soviet criticized China's refusal to join in united Union has been furnishing war material Communist action to support North Viet- and supplies to the North Vietnamese nam. and the Vietcong. Peking's obstructionism on Vietnam, the The Senator from South Dakota, who Soviet leader declared, evokes "bitter regrets and stern condemnation" from Communist is present in the Chamber, made a splen- nations, especially because China, "is the only did statement and a detailed documen- socialist nation having a common border tation of that a few days ago. This with Vietnam." includes virtually all of the sophisti- China, competing with the Soviet Union cated weapons going there in more recent for leadership of the Communist movement, days, including the military helicopters, is said to hamper rail deliveries of Soviet- which are perhaps as good as our best bloc aid to North Vietnam, The Chinese helicopters. It includes the surface-to- have termed Moscow's assistance as insig- nificant and asserted that it was mainly in- air missiles and a lot of other material, tended to mask a Moscow-Washington "plot" armament as well as ammunition, petro- to settle the Vietnamese war through nego- leum, and a host of other things. tiations. Mr. President, recently this Senator The denunciation of Peking's policies to- urged the Senate to insist that consider- day followed a warning Thursday by Premier ation of the Consular Treaty with the Aleksei N. Kosygin that "a decisive rebuff" Soviet Union be deferred until all of must be given to the Chinese leadership by the world's Communists. measures affecting our relations . The coming meeting of Soviet-bloc leaders with the Communist bloc nations have is expected to discuss the form that such received careful consideration in an ap- a rebuff should take, propriate manner; that is, consideration In his attack on the Chinese leadership, of all of the parts of this major policy Mr. Brezhnev declared that Communists change as one complete package. This would be hypocrites if they failed to de- course is urged as a necessary alternative pounce Peking's "splitting" policies, its ob- to the administration's present piece- structive tactics on the Vietnamese war and meal, pig-in-a-poke approach. the so-called "cultural revolution," which is seeking to oust all foreign influence in China That the Consular Treaty is one of and glorify Mao Tse-tung, the party leader. the major bricks in the design of the "These policies, these actions can only dis- East-West bridge builders cannot be de- ante to North Vietnam, Approved For Reiea'?e 2D 0 *R 61 3i6ft%6 ' Yis body, then Approved For Release 2005/11/21 : CIA-RDP70B00338R000300050010-9 S 3650 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE we will be given another piece, the Open Space Treaty. If we approve this treaty, then in the administration's logic, we surely could not reject the East-West trade legislation. [i we accede to this course, we will have worked a major change in our for- eign policy posture without ever having the opportunity to assess the effects of the parts in relation to the whole. Com- monsense dictates that this is not a prudent course to follow in a matter of this importance. What I am urging is not blind obstruc- tionism. All that is asked is that if we are to consider a detente with the Com- munists. Let us carefully examine all facets of the question in a proper per- spective. The first premise in this dialog. and the one on which all others must stand or fall, is the belief in some quarters that we are dealing with a "new" Communist. The administration has asked us to con- cede this point as though it were a tru- ism. Mr. President, the facts argue that this point can be legitimately contested. [1 is a midwestern belief that if you are going to buy a horse, you must look at the animal. In seeking information re- garding the transaction you "get it from the horse's mouth." In dealing with the Communists, we might profitably look to both their internal writings and their actions based on these words. This consideration of the changing nature of communism Is crucial in deter- mining our relations with the whole Communist-controlled world. Is it cor- rect that we should, as one Kremlinolo- gist, former Ambassador George Ken- non, asserted recently : fiilnk about Russia as simply another great power, with its own Interests and con- cerns, often necessarily In conflict with our own, but not tragically so-a power different in many respects, but perhaps no longer In essential ones from what Russia would have been, had there been no Communist Revolu- tion in that country 50 years ago. Or is this opinion a product of wishful thinking, a widespread weakness of the free, open society, often adroitly ex- ploited by the Communists themselves? Is it. in other words, a false assumption, which, ultimately, will lead to a disas- trous failure of our foreign policy? A glance through the leading United States and foreign newspapers over the last. 50 years will establish first of all the fact that this "evolution of communism" theory is nothing new. Every important change within the Soviet ruling appara- tus was, curiously enough, always accom- partied by speculations In the West about significant changes in the Communist ideological outlook. After the disaster of the civil war and of the so-called War Communism in 1921, Lenin announced the new economic pol- icy-NEP-a temporary concession to private enterprise of small industry and farming, reported in the New York Times under a headline: "Lenin Has Thrown Communism Overboard." After Lenin's death the belief that communism had been abandoned had been further con- firmed by events resulting from the struggle for power between Lenin's suc- cessors, Stalin and Trotsky. The NEP was continued and even expanded, and Stalin called for moderation and collec- tive leadership. He even rejected pro- posals for Trotsky's expulsion from the Party. The free world reaction to these events was again mirrored in the press. The New York Times described the promised reforms as the "greatest step away from Marxism since the creation of the Bol- shevik regime." Great importance was at, 'ached to promises as coming from Stalin, who is the Communist Party chief and successor to the power formerly held by Lenin. The London Daily Express called these steps the greatest- On the road away from militant Commu- isni. By 1927 Stalin adopted Trotsky's agrar- ian policy of collectivization, which resulted in the loss of 10 million lives by murder and famine and "liquidation of well-to-do peas- ants (kulaksi as a class. After this irreversible trend toward liberalization was completed by forcing the peasant to accept the collective-farm system. new concessions were made in the field of civil rights. In 1936 a new Constitution was promulgated, described by Stalin as "the only thoroughly demo- cratic Constitution In the world," which guaranteed all immaginable rights of So- viet citizens. There was so much talk abroad about the new departure from Bolshevism that even Stalin complained: The fourth group of critics attacking the Draft of the new constitution describes It as a "swing to the right," as "renunciation of the dictatorship of the proletariat," as "liquidation of the Bolshevik regime." After scornfully mentioning some Pol- ish and American newspapers which dis- played a particular zeal in this respect, Stalin frankly stated: I must admit that the Constitutional Draft really does leave in force the regime of the dictatorship of the working class and also leaves unchanged the present position of the Communist Party. As for the international aspects of communism. Stalin, though himself an internationalist, has been credited with restoring national interest as a primary motivation of Soviet policy. The post- World War II spread of communism in Eastern Europe and Asia shows the doubtful value of this illusion of change. The greatest wave as yet of specula- tions about change, softening of the Communists hit the free world after Stal- in's death in 1953. A succession of Soviet leaders, Malenkov, Khrushchev, and now Brezhnev. representing the new collec- tive leadership, have been blaming Sta- lin's cult of personality for the brutal ex- cesses of that period and promising internal liberalization and peaceful co- existence with the outside world. This did not prevent Khrushchev from unconstitutionally violating the collective farm statute in order to consolidate the existing 252,000 collective farms into 97,000 giant ones, thus strengthening the Communist Party control over the peas- antry. This "liberal" reform affected millions of peasants by depriving them of or reducing their minute private plots, until that time their main source of sub- sistence. Neither did his incessant preaching of peaceful coexistence stop t1Iai 'h 1,J), 1967 him from crushing the Hungarian revolt, provoking the Cuban crisis, and openly supporting aggression-wars of national liberation-from Vietnam to Angola. The religious persecution during the collective leadership became even more oppressive, according to all available in- formation, than under Stalin, although it may now be carried out by administra- tive coercion and persuasion rather than by o;)en burning of churches and killing of priests. This sketchy survey of the changes and evolution of communism clearly demonstrates that during the 50 years of existence of the Communist system every period of tactical relaxation has been followed by a new period of repres- sion. If this were not sufficiently evident from the statements of the Communists themselves, it has been proven by ex- perience. Ever since their first seizure of power, the use of intermittent soft poli- cies and concessions has been as much a deliberate part of the Communists' in- ternal policy as the usc of terror and repression, and together with the inher- ent weakness of their system, has been evoking perennial prophesies of their gradual evolution or even early demise. Just as they have always been voicing their intention of abandoning their aims of world revolution and renouncing the use of violence against the free nations, so have they also allegedly been termi- nating every form of domestic oppres- sion, democratizing their dictatorial re- gim(? and even discarding the harsh and impractical economic tleories of strict Marxist communism. However, each Soviet retreat was only introduced to insure the ultimate victory of socialism. Let us go back to the Consular Treaty. Despite the official line of the admini- stracion that the main :reason for con- cluding the Convention is our concern for ;he safety of U.S. citizens travelling in the U.S.S.R., some columnists grasped better the motives behind the maneuvres to induce the Senate to ratify the Con- vention. R.chard Wilson of the Cowles Publica- tion., obviously impressed by certain wit- nesses before the Senate Foreign Rela- tions Committee, ardent advocates of the changed communism theory, grasped the real meaning of the convention in his column of February 1961, entitled "Con- sular Pact Contains Symbolic Import- ance." Its ratification by the U.S. Sen- ate will amount to sanctioning the ad- ministration's assumption of a, basic change in the Soviet world outlook, their presumed abandonment of world revolu- tionary aims and the possibility of West- ern accommodation with the Commu- nist-controlled States. In Mr. Wilson's words: The U.S. relationship 0 this change is what Is at issue in Senate -atiflcation of the Comular Treaty. The issue divides those who wish to build bridges to the Soviet Union and those who do n)t. If the Senate gets across this particular bridge, it will un- doubtedly build additional ones in the form of expansion of East-West trade relations, and ratification of the outer-space treaty. A great many Senators are bothered that these bridges should be built while in other matters we continue to collide head-on with Approved For Release 2005/11/21 : CIA-RDP70B00338R000300050010-9 Approved For Release 2005/11/21 : CIA-RDP70B00338R000300050010-9 March 13, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE S 3651 the Soviet Union, particularly over Vietnam. ple but the toilers everywhere will cele- arrest the mighty revolutionary movement This ail-or-nothing approach to our rela- brate this epoch-making event "the towards liberation. American imperialism, tions with the Soviet Union contains more triumph of Marxism-Leninism, the having assumed the function of world police- emotion than logic. If both nations are men, is intensifying provocation in various willing to place Vietnam in a separate cate- ideals of the working class movement, areas of the world. U.S. Imperialists have gory and proceed with a step-by-step build- the ideas of proletarian internationalism unleashed a gangster war against the Viet- ing of other relations in other respects, some- and friendship among nations." namese people and are trying to strangle thing is said about the confidence on both Further on In the text, we find an the freedom and independence of the peoples sides in an eventual settlement of their explicit reaffirmation of doctrinal Marx- and establish their domination. major differences. ism-Leninism as a world outlook: The forces of stem, the is, - I pointed out earlier that the Soviet The October Revolution showed a way of world socialist system, the Communist- Union not only has not agreed to place solving the vital problems brought to the controlled states, and the remaining Vietnam in a separate category and pro- fore by preceding world history: the future Communist Parties-are bound by the teed with the step-by-step building of of society, the nature of social progress, wwar and peace, the destinies of world civiliza- principle of socialist or proletarian inter- other relations in other respects; they tion. nationalism to mutual support. We can have rejected that proposition. The global validity of Marxism-Leninism easily agree with the Central Commit- They said with respect to the package has been vigorously reasserted: "The victory tee's key assertion that- of related subjects to which the President of the October Revolution confirmed the The Soviet Union is in the forefront of the referred at the Editorial Writers Confer- Leninist theory of socialist revolution. struggle against imperialism. Faithfully ence in October, and in his state of the Marxist-Leninist teaching had been proved fulfilling its internationalist duty, the CPSU Union message: correct on the inevitability of the collapse applies every effort to strengthen the co- We will have none of it until the United of capitalism and its replacement by so- hesion and might of the socialist system, to Noted cialism, on the vanguard role of the working rally closer the international. Communist StWes permanently stops bombing the class, led by the Communist Party, in the and working class movement on principles of Vietnam and until it ceases its acts of ag- Revolution and in building a new society; Marxism-Leninism and proletarian intern.a- gression in South Vietnam. on the dictatorship of the proletariat and iits role in the struggle for the triumph of so- struggle ug it supports the revolutionary Since the Consular Treaty with the cialism; on the Soviets as a form of the stle o of the proletariat against nst capitalist U.S.S.R. belongs to the realm of interna- iali rship of the Soviets as a and organs slavery; the struggle of peoples against co- proletariat -m; tional relations and foreign trade, let us of gentile popular rule in a socialist democ- consistently p rs ues and policy onstreng and io now now investigate the Communist policies racy; on the alliance of the working class ing the alliance with eicy s of national their motivations in that crucial field with the peasantry and other strata of the liance witthe forces of nanof our mutual contacts. libthe alberation. 'working people, under the leadership of the Have they, as it is being claimed by de- working class as the decisive force in the This certainly does not sound like a tente apologists, abandoned their world struggle for social liberation; on the in. statement by a conventional government revolutionary aims and are they ready to dustrialization of the country and the so- announcing a national anniversary cele- live in a pluralistic community of na- w ayays st of solving transformation of agr on the bration. It is also rather absurd to sug- tional states in peace as the free world wvng the nationil culture; a question; on raising the living standard of the working gest, as we so often hear, that the Com- understands it? Or are they still com- people and carrying out a cultural revolutiomunist leadership is paying lip service to mitted to the Marxist-Leninist doctrine, revolutionary terminology, which they with its totally different world outlook, While the following text contains pat- continue to use by inertia or as a face- based not on national but International ently exaggerated boasts concerning So- saving device, while they are irrevocably class interest? Are the Communist-con- viet achievements within the country turning into pragmatic politicians devoid trolled states and especially the Soviet during the last 50 years, the passages of revolutionary fervor, embourgeoise, Union institutions primarily serving the claiming that "the Great October So- and ready to strike all kinds of deals with limited, national interests of their In- cialist Revolution is of enormous inter- ,their Western counterparts. habitants or are they revolutionary in- national significance," merit a careful The passages quoted above will be re- struments, used by the respective Com- reading. peated throughout the anniversary year munist Parties in order to, in Lenin's Without accepting the Communist by every Important personality of the words, "stir up, promote and support" the claim of beneficial consequences, it Is Soviet Communist hierarchy, in one form Marxist-Leninist revolutionary program true that "the revolution hastened the or other, mostly quoting whole passages all over the world? march of historical events," that "the word for word, of the Central Commit- I find it difficult to understand where ideas of Marxism-Leninism, the ideas of tee statement. It is therefore superflu- the advocates of rapproachement find the the October Revolution have spread all ous further to buttress the argument that confirmation of their claim that the over the world" and that "its gains be- the directives quoted above represent the Communists have abandoned their world came a mighty base for revolutionary official party line in its strategic and tac- revolutionary aspirations. Even the transformation in all parts of the world." tical aspects. reading of the daily press, despite the The most important gains of the Oc- One familiar with Communist doc- often misleading interpretations of Com- tober Revolution was, of course, the con- trinal material will immediately realize munist operations, should convince us quest by the Communist Party of the old as he studies the central committee's about the present far-flung revolutionary Russian State and its replacement by a anniversary statement that he has before activities carried on by the U.S.S.R. and proletarian or socialist state, the Soviet him a rehash of several sections of a pro- other Communist-controlled countries Union. This new type of state became grammatic statement issued in Novem-. all over the globe. Moreover, we can find not only a world revolutionary base but ber 1960 by the 81-Party Conference held clear admissions of their commitment to also the cradle of the contemporary in Moscow. support and accelerate the world revolu- world Communist movement which has The United States was also singled out tionary process, in innumerable official now developed into a most influential in this statement as "chief imperialist Communist statements, which are usual- political force in the struggle for the country of today, chief bulwark of world ly available in most of the world's lan. revolutionary transformation of the reaction" and "its international gen- guages. world'along socialist principles. darme, an enemy of the people of the One of the most recent documents An individual Communist, looking whole world." worth reading is the Resolution of the through the Marxist-Leninist class Central Committee of the Communist prism, sees the world not as composed of There are still those unduly impressed Party of the Soviet Union of January 4, political formations, the states, but by the so-called Sint-Soviet rift, inter- 1967, printed in Pravda on January 8 rather as composed of classes, whose in.- preted in most quarters erroneously as under the title "On Preparations for the terest and loyalty transcend and ignore slash of national rivalries and not as an 50th Anniversary of the Great October national state boundaries. Again quot?. intramovement struggle for leadership Socialist Revolution," ing the January 4,1967 Communist Party aggravated by an apparent mental de- This very lengthy statement contains Central Committee Resolution: Tse-tung. in Stalin's case-of Mao 8,500 words and surveys the 50 years of Socialism and capitalism, i.e., the forces; se-Cong. They claim that at least the 8500ewo s of sion, are engaged in the first thei5st State f progress and those of imperialist aggres.. U.S.S.R, and the other Communist-con- which was born on November 7, 1917. It The imperialists will not stoplat anyrcrime thelnonviolentemetin now prefr h dsrto achieve their is claimed that not only the Soviet pee- in their attempt to hold back History and aims. The constant Soviet advocacy of Approved For Release 2005/11/21 : CIA-RDP70B00338R000300050010-9 Approved For Release 2005/11/21 : CIA-RDP70B00338R000300050010-9 5 3652 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE March 13, 1967 peace coexistence between states with different social systems, misunderstood as to its class struggle implications, also has helped In creating the general con- fusion. A reading of some of the documents mentioned, all available in English, will easily reveal that whether transition to socialism will be violent or nonviolent depends on the conditions in each coun- try. l>perience confirms that the ruling classes never relinquish power voluntarily. In tills case the degree of bitterness and the forms of class struggle will depend not so much on the proletariat as on the resistance put up by the reactionary circles to the will of the overwhelming majority of the people. Since in the eyes of the Communists the will of the people in every capitalist country is represented by its vanguard, the local Communist Party, every resist- ance of the ruling classes-the capitalist or reactionary circles-to the demands of Communists will lead inevitably to revolutionary violence and ultimately to the most acute form of class struggle, the civil war. It is also well to remember that the old local civil war is largely a thing of the past. In the future every civil war unleashed by Communists and their sympathizers will become inevi- tably an international civil war, in which the foreign Communists are bound by the principle of proletarian interna- tionalism to support the local ones. With regard to the split, it has not pre- vented both the Soviet and Chinese Communists from attending and par- ticipating actively in the so-called Tri- continental Conference in Havana in January 1966, despite clashes between the two delegations. More than 500 representatives of 79 Communist Parties and national libera- tion movements met to map out a coordinated strategy for the under- developed world. The meeting issued a series of declarations and resolutions pledging an intensification of revolu- tionary warfare, and established a mill- tary directorate to coordinate the various offensives. Mr. President, it is difficult to conceive uhy this very important and significant tricontinental conference in Havana has received so little attention in the free world. It certainly was a highly significant conference. It made con- crete recommendations. These recom- mendations are being carried out as rap- idly and as effectively as possible; yet, we must resort to an analysis of that conference such as that which was given to the subject by J. Edgar Hoover in testifying In the other body not too long ago, and also the work done by the In- ternal Security Subcommittee of the Judiciary Committee of the Senate, of which I am a member. and Cuba and their satellites to extend their power and Influence in the free world, to exploit legitimate needs, to create discord and sow discontent and strtfe-ln order to seek the violent overthrow of governments in this hemisphere and to supplant them with Com- munist dictatorial regimes, subservient to Soviet and Chinese Communist Imperialism. It was reported In the press-New York Times, February 17, 1965-that at least one South American Government launched a formal protest against the dual position of the Soviet Government: calling for armed revolution and yet seeking to gain influence with the gov- eriuments that are to be overthrown. The Uruguayan Government summoned the Soviet ambassador In Montevideo to the Foreign Ministry to explain the statement made by the Soviet delegate, Rashidov who said in his lengthy speech that,- Throughout the course of its history, the Soviet Union, following the behest of the great Lenin, has been sacredly fulfilling Its international duty. giving full-scale support to the peoples struggling against colonialism and Imperialism for their national and so- cial liberation. The peoples rising In the heroic struggle against imperialism, no mat- ter what corner of the earth this may take place, may be certain that the Soviet people will always be on their side. From our point of view it is Interest- ing to note that he also expressed soli- darity with the struggle of the people of Puerto Rico. The Soviet ambassador's answer is available in summary in the two-volume Report on the Trccontinental Confer- ence prepared by the OAS. The Soviet disclaimer, couched in very arrogant language, denied the Soviet Government's participation In the Con- ference and based its denial on the fact that the Soviet delegation was composed of representatives of Soviet "social-or better, public-organizations and not of the Soviet Government." This is an old game played by the Communists, which unfortunately has often not been prop- erly understood and countered by the non-Communists States. We often speak, as did Secretary Rusk Mien testifying about the Consular Con- vention with the U.S.S.R., about "differ- ent systems of law, even of dissimilar systems of government." However, it may well be that It is our lack of under- standing of the true nature of the Soviet state itself, or of any Communist-con- trolled state, for that matter, which makes it possible for the Soviet Govern- ment to use that kind of primitive, trans- parent disclaimer, as it did in the case of the Uruguayan protest, and many times before, as for instance, in counter- ing our protests against the Comintern activities in the 1930's. This lack of understanding of the na- ture of the Communist-controlled state is caused, first of all, by the fact that The Soviet delegate, Sharaf R. Rashi- most political scientists in studying it dov, fully supported the declaration of are using a purely formalistic, Positivis- the Conference, which constitute a vir- tic approach, one based on study of ex- tual declaration of war against non- ternal characteristics of that State, and Communist governments throughout the are Ignoring the philosophy which cre- developing areas of the world. ated it and Is motivating its operations As an official of the Organization of namely, Marxism-Leninism. American States put it: Even a superficial investigation of the 'rhis conference was a most blatant and Soviet Constitution of 1936 will discover open effort by the USSR, Communist China some formal resemblance between the Soviet state machinery and that of a Western-type democratic state. There is a bicameral parliament the Supreme Soviet, directly elected by the constitu- ency There is the Council of Ministers, the highest executive and administrative organ of the U.S.S.R. state power-ar- ticle 64. There is a separate Judiciary, with "independent judges, subject only to Law"-article 12. Chapter X contains what; could superficially be defined as a bill of rights: "Basic rights and duties of citizens." There, however, the formal resemblance ends. In order truly to grasp the nature of a Communist-controlled state, we must re- sort to its analysis from the point of view of a theory of staba and law, ours as well as the Marxist-Leninist. We be- lieve that, to use Burl':e's well-known definition: A state Is a necessary, natural Institu- tion, founded In the social nature of man. Marx, Engels, and e specially Lenin, proceeding from the class viewpoint, saw in every state an organization serving the ruling class. Logica;ly, then, the so- cialist proletarian state is "only a weap- on of the proletariat in the class strug- gle. A special cudgel, vier, de plus-" As the bourgeois state is believed by the Com- murdsts to be a dictatorship of the bour- geoi.vie, the proletarian--socialist-state must exercise the dictatorship of its rul- ing class, that is, the proletariat or work- ing class. Tne doctrine of the dictatorship of the worting class has since been the corner- store of Marxist-Leninist state theory and practice. Soviet university text- books on the theory of state and law, elaborating on this doctrine, explain tha';- The dictatorship of the proletariat con- sidered as mechanism appaars as a complex syste=m consisting of a sum total of "levers" and "transmission belts" tend "the directive fora:," which is the [Communist] Party. It, is further explained that- The Soviets with their executive machinery represent such levers and transmission belts; also, labor unions, cooperatives of all kinds, including collective farms, the Com- munist youth organization (Komsomol) numerous voluntary associations (for sport, defense, learning, etc.), which as a whole form the mechanism of tae dictatorship of the proletariat. Thus, the state organs, the govern- ment in the broad sense of the word, are only transmission belts, or levers, used by the Communist Party to exercise its guidance, to direct, rule the so-called Socialist state. This has been reaffirmed as a constitutional principle in article 126, which states: The most active and politically conscious in the ranks of the worki.ig class and other strata of toilers shall unite in the Com- munist Party, which Is the vanguard of the toilers In their struggle i.o strengthen and dev:lop the socialist system, and the direc- tire body of all organizations and societies of i:oilers, both public and governmental. This gives the Communist Party an indisputable monopoly of power and control in every Communist-controlled stave, together with the monopoly of nomination of candidates in an election. Approved For Release 2005/11/21 : CIA-RDP70B00338R000300050010-9 Approved For Release 2005/11/21 : CIA-RDP70B00338R000300050010-9 March 13, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE In the light of this analysis, one must reach the conclusion that the Soviet Communist leadership has a very low opinion of our intelligence and our un- derstanding of the workings of their so- called state, if they seriously disclaim any Soviet Government participation in the Tricontinental Conference in Ha- vana by asserting that the head of the Soviet delegation, Sharif R. Rashidov, candidate-member of the politburo of the central committee of the Commu- nist Party of the Soviet Union, which places him among the 19 most important apparatchiks in the U.S.S.R., repre- sented only public-social-organiza- tions and not the government. The Communist Party itself is not an ordinary political party. It is a party of a new type, as the Communists them- selves have correctly defined it. - Its novelty consists in the unique features of its historical mission as a substitute for the state and state apparatus and in the originality of its internal struc- ture. On one hand, it is a close hier- archial organization with a regular ap- paratus; on the other, it is an open mass party with a membership of many mil- lions. Therefore, the party elite, the apparatchiks, virtually represent a party within a party. The Communist Party is not simply the sole ruling state party; it is not even a state within a state. It. is the state, but a new type of state, according to the Communist doctrine. Its novelty lies in the fact that the hierarchy of official state legislative organs is. only the executive-administrative machinery for carrying out the decisions and instruc- tions of a parallel hierarchy of formal executive party organs. A modern Com- munist state can exist without its official state apparatus, but it cannot exist with- out its party apparatus. Relationships between the party apparatus and the state apparatus are riot those of coordi- nation but of subordination; this in itself eliminates dualism in rule. Lenin des- troyed Russia's old state organization in order to replace it with his new party machine. This machine was the system of partocracy, as it has been very aptly defined in a recent monograph, "The Communist Party Apparatus." A Communist Party is a party of a new type also because of its international class character. The new Program of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union of 1961 describes it as- An inseparable part of the International Communist and Working-Class Movement. The tried and tested Marxist-Leninist principles of the proletarian internationalism will continue to be inviolable principles that the Party will follow undeviatingly. The Communist Party of the Soviet Union will continue to strengthen the unity of the in- ternational Communist movement, to de- velop fraternal ties with all the Communist and Workers' Parties and to coordinate its actions with all the detachments of the World Communist Movement for the joint struggle against the danger of a new world war, for the interests of the working people for peace, democracy and socialism, There is a school of thought which denies, at present, any possibility of re- storing the former cohesion of the Inter- national Communist Movement. As evidence they list the Sino-Soviet rift, the rifts between the U.S.S.R. and the European Communist-controlled states, frictions due to supposedly increasing nationalism in those states, and so forth. I am afraid we may be ordering the funeral before the patient is dead. It is for this reason that this Senator again urges the Members of the Senate to insist that we be given the opportunity to con- sider the entire package, both treaties and trade legislation, intact rather than on a piecemeal basis. Mr. President, by way of summary, I should like to suggest again that as much as anyone would want to see the end of the cold war, as much as anyone would want to lessen the thrust and the brutality of the cold war, and the hot war in which we are engaged in Vietnam, ratification of this treay simply cannot be based upon the hypothesis or the proposition that there is a "new commu- nism," or that there is a new partner- ship in the process of formation between the United States of America and the U.S.S.R. There is simply nothing to indicate that the Iron Curtain is being formed into an open door. If anything, there is reason after reason to conclude, from overt acts as well as from well defined and definite statements, and declara- tions by Communist leaders, that they do not mean to let up for one moment in that position and posture which has made it necessary for this country to have entered into the cold war in the first place, and to have continued it since that time-about 20 years ago, Certainly, there is nothing to indicate that they are going to abate one iota in their participation in the hot war in Viet- nam. And, we are engaged in a hot war with the Soviet Union there because they are supplying the. armaments, the muni- tions, the supplies, and the war materiel without which the war would come to an early and definite end if delivery of those articles of war were suspended or ceased by the Soviet Union. Mr. President, it is for these reasons that I urge two things: One, that the Senate not, at this time, advise and con- sent to the Consular Treaty before it. Two, that the Senate should, as a matter of fact, insist upon a discussion of all the related subjects in this proposed major and radical change in our foreign policy before disposing of any of the component parts thereof. It is only from that overall perspective that we will be able to render a decision which will be wise, and judicious. It is my hope that we will be able to sustain the position of a complete, over- all discussion when the matter before us comes up for final disposition. Mr. President, I yield the floor. Mr. MUNDT. Mr. President, will the Senator yield? Mr. HRUSKA. I yield, Mr. MUNDT. Mr. President, what the Senator says is very significant in the whole discussion that we are having about the desirability and undesirability of ratifying the consular treaty with Russia at this time of war. Admittedly she has become the arsenal of Hanoi and the sole source of military weaponry of S 3653 modern. design which is being used to continue the war there and is making it more difficult to obtain peace. It cer- tainly is escalating our American casualties. It is certainly true also that deeds speak louder than words. The Senator alluded to the fact that in the RECORD of Friday, March 10, I placed in the RECORD for public scrutiny for the first time a list of the supplies now available for shipment to Russia in unlimited numbers and without license. I had this list printed in the RECORD because we have heard them described as nonstrategic and as peaceful goods. The facts are now before the public that the weapons are going from Russia to Hanoi. I thought it would be illuminating to note just what kind of American ship- ments have been made eligible to the Russians by President Johnson's ill- advised and unprecedented Executive order of October 12, 1966. That astonishing but revealing list will be found beginning on page S3543 of the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD for March 10, and extending to page 53547. I think it is illuminating reading for the country, and I think it should be must reading for every Senator before he votes on the treaty. The Senator is aware that it was on October 12, 1966, that by Executive order President Johnson opened up these ex- ports in trade to Russia and other Com- munist countries without license and without limitation. The Senator pointed out that this act of appeasement and conciliation apparent- ly did not serve very well the purposes of amity between the two countries, that this had no impact whatso- ever on lessening the amount of war weapons which are being shipped by Rus- sia to Hanoi, and that it has been only recently that these tremendously sig- nificant helicopters have been supplied by Russia to Hanoi. The Senator would agree, I am sure, with the Senator from South Dakota that the helicopter activities of our American forces and our South Vietnamese allies have been one of the bright spots and one of the productive operations of our war effort. Mr. HRUSKA, Those activities have been among the most efficient and effec- tive forces in the waging of that war. They put us far ahead of the enemy. Yet, that "advantage" is being rapidly dissipated by the appearance on the scene of the Russian-supplied helicop- ters. Mr. MUNDT. Precisely, and it was for that reason that the North Vietnam- ese Communists sent out that great Macedonian call to their comrades in Moscow, "We'must have helicopters." They got helicopters, and they got heli- copters of the best possible design. They got a substantial number of these heli- copters and, of course, they got them from Russia. Mr. HRUSKA. And, very likely, with training by Russian helicopter pilots. Mr. MUNDT. There is no question about that. That would follow the for- Approved For Release 2005/11/21 : CIA-RDP70B00338R000300050010-9 Approved For Release 2005/11/21 : CIA-RDP70B00338R000300050010-9 S :3654 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE March 13, 1967 mula pursuant to which some 200 Mlgs tional agencies on ways of increasing con- ten by every American citizen. We all have been supplied by the Russians to tarts with Eastern European countries. have the ugly expectancy of having to the Communists of North Vietnam in Then he continues: pay more taxes or, In lieu of that, to go order to attack and destroy our Amer- y ask and urge the Congress to help our deeper into a national debt which has ican Air Force. Those planes were also foreign and trade policies by passing an East- already lit the fires of inflation so that escorted and accompanied by well- West trade bill, the budget of every householder has suf- trained Russian Mig pilots who trained There are other items, also, frred. In any event, if the Communists the North Vietnamese on how to use he point I wish to make Is that con- do not repay the $50 million, the money them with the maximum of effective- cosign after concession and act of ap- will have to be paid by the taxpayers or ness by the credit of the United States. And Talking about deeds, I point out fur- peasement after act of appeasement have for what? To build an automobile fac- ther that by his Executive order on Oc- been extended In favor of the Soviet toy, And why do they want that? toter 12, 1966, openly and directly de- Ur1on and the other Communist coun- Every schoolchild knows that when this fled the expressed desire of Congress- tries of Eastern Europe, with never a re- country Is at war-and the wars get big incorporated in rollcall votes in both the turn Item, except to bite the hand of and tough and consume a great deal of Senate and the House over the past few those who seek to make a little progress our armaments and much of our time years-that these wartime exports to toward ameliorating or concluding the and labor-the industry we turn to first cold war. is the automotive industry of the United Russia he ended or curtailed, President Of course, the matter of 400 so-called , Johnson opened the Pandora's box for States, in order to shift from making war-profiteering Americans to send any- nonstrategic items Is a leader among automobiles to making tanks, to making thing listed on these pages of the REC- those lists, In time of a hot war, such as guns, to making planes. ORD of March 10, 1967, to which I have that In which we are engaged, I should In this regard, we are actually lending just referred and which I have identified like to know what item contained in that $50 million to the Russians to enable starting on page 53543, list of 400 is nonstrategic. them to manufacture, by 1969, when the After President Johnson had done Mr. MUNDT. Mr. President, will the plant is scheduled to be completed, addi- that, just exactly one fortnight later, on Senator yield further? tionill armaments to kill additional boys October 26, 1966, there was an Associ- Mr. HRUSKA. I yield, in a war which very likely will still be ated Press story out of Moscow, corrob- Mr. MUNDT. In this day of modern continuing in 1969, if we continue the in- orated by an Associated Press story out warfare, it is almost impossible, it seems sane policy of shipping to the fellow who of Warsaw, in which those countries an- to me, to single out any conceivable item is providing the weapons to continue the nor. nced that the Communists were send- we might export to Russia, In order to war the things he needs to keep his coun- ing an additional $1 billion worth of help her overcome a deficiency, which try viable enough so that he can con- military aid to Hanoi. Scarcely a device, could not be definitely and accurately tinu! the shipments. I might add for ushering In a detente be- termed a war item. Even if It were Mr. HRUSKA. I am grateful to the tween the United States and the U.S.S.R. something strictly for consumer utiliza- Senator from South Dakota for the con- It seemed to follow as the night fol- tion, when a country needs to Import an tribution he has made to this discussion. lows the day that, since the Russians had item of that kind, It does so because a In addition to furnishing warstuffs to an additional source of material coming desperate shortage of it exists at home. Vietnam, however, the Soviet Union has from the United States to shore up some Once Russia gets this consumer item beer, taking other actions which clearly of their consumer shortages and some from a country such as the United States, show that the ratification of this treaty of their consumer needs and some of you automatically relieve a certain num- will not have any effect at all on the their industrial deficiencies, they felt bfr of the labor force, you relieve the shortening of the cold war or even a free to make available an extra $f billion pressures on certain amounts of raw ma- terlal you relieve the utilization of cer- tain slight letup in the war. of aid to help defeat us in Vietnam and amounts of the mechanical and in- There is the matter of the Soviet Union to destroy or decimate our American dustrial complex of Russia. You free all continuing to subsidize in a substantial forces there. those elements to start producing addi- way the only Communist nation in the Certainly here is a deed not in the di- tional war supplies. And the Russians Western Hemisphere-Castro's Cuba. rection of amity, not in the direction of need the additional war supplies because The Soviet Union has been subsidizing a detente, and not in the direction of they are shipping so many of them, first, Cuba consistently for a number of years, trying to work out some conciliatory ar- not only to Hanoi, where we are at war without any signs of a letup. Perhaps it rangements with the United States. with their armaments and at war with is a fine, friendly action to a fellow Com- There instead is a deed designed for the their guns, but also to other trouble spots munist nation, but it does not indicate destruction of our war effort in Vietnam. of the world where they are tending to any desire on the part of the Soviet It seems to me that kind of a deed arm other nations and groups so as to Union to get to a point where it will speaks much more effectively than the make mischief for the United States. less?n the cold war it which we are words we hear on occasion emanating Mr. HRUSKA. Another item was the engaged. from Moscow. extending of credits for American ex- Another overt act on the part of the Mr. HRUSKA. Mr. President, when ports to help in the construction of the Soviet Union is Its recent enlargement of the Senator from South Dakota referred Soviet-Italian Flat automobile factory to the military budget for the coming year. to this list of more than 400 nonstrategic be constructed in Russia. The military budget of ,he Soviet Union items freed from export control between This is an extension of credits, Mr. has been constantly stepped up in the this country and the Soviet Union, I am President, at a time when the citizens last 2 or 3 years because of the drain on reminded of the list of other things of the great Midwest, engaged In farm- their war reserves to furnish munitions which have been done In the way of ben- ing and ranching, find It difficult to ob- and armament to the North Vietnamese etits and concessions and movements to taln credit: and when they do obtain it, ant. the Vietcong. Icy to mollify and appease the Soviet they pay a high price for it. In face of A further factor is the installation of Urdon with never a return or reciprocal our dwindling gold supply and in face the antiballistic missile system in various item advanced by the Soviet Union. of the indirect but very effective assist- parts of the Soviet Union, posing for our In addition to the 400 nonstrategic once to the North Vietnamese which re- country the necessity of meeting that items, for example, the President lists sults therefrom, the administration is go- situation by a comparable step If we do these other things in the state of the ing forward to help the economic and the not wish the Soviet Union to be in a mili.- Union message: industrial productivity and to strengthen tary posture superior to ours. We have agreed to open direct air flights the position of the Soviet Union and the Mr. President, this is not the time to wi,h the Soviet Union. other Communist countries. Such action enter into a consular treaty of this kind. We are determined that the Export-Im- simply does not make sense. The Soviet Union should do something po't Bank can allow commercial credits to Mr. MUNDT. The Senator Is correct. to indicate that such a step by the United Poland, Hungry, Bulgaria, and Czechslo- The $50 million credit which we are ex- States will be entertained as good faith va:tia, as well as to Rumania and Yugoslavia. We have entered into a cultural agreement tending to the Communists for the pur- for ending the cold war, or even a slight with the Soviet Union for another two years. 1.0se of helping them build that automo- letup In It. We should consider the en- We have started discussions with interne- tive plant Is a credit which Is underwrit- tirety of the package and not consider in Approved For Release 2005/11/21 : CIA-RDP70B00338R000300050010-9 Approved For Release 2005/11/21 : CIA-RDP70B00338R000300050010-9 March 13, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE attempted isolation, the ratification of the consular treaty. Instead of having some concrete, overt action by the Soviet Union along the lines I indicate, we have had an outright rejection of the treaty as a part of the big package, and, in fact, an apparent rejection of the entire package. We also have a stepping up of the hot war which Russia is waging against the United States in Vietnam. The argument in favor of ratifying the consular treaty is, "We want to end the cold war, and therefore we ought to ratify this treaty." This plea is not ap- plicable. There is no indication that a letup by the Soviets will take place in the cold war because of the ratification of the treaty, if the treaty should, unhappily, be ratified. The principal basis of the proponents' arguments-those who favor ratification of the treaty-seems to be along this line, and it is to this line that I should like to devote the greater part of my remarks: First, it is said that we are dealing with a new communism. Second, it is said, as appears in the state of the Union message by our Presi- dent: We are shaping a new future of enlarged partnership in nuclear affairs and in eco- nomic and technical cooperation in trade negotiations, in political consultation and in working together with the governments and the peoples of eastern Europe and the Soivet Union. There is a little intervening language and, then, continuing- Our relations with the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe are also in transition. We have language such as that re- ferred to and language such as that used a week ago today in the city of Fulton, Mo., at Westminster College by the Vice President, who said: It is my belief that we stand today upon the threshold of a new era in our relations with the peoples of Europe-a period of New Engagement. And I believe that this new period, if we do not lose our wits or our nerve, or our pa- tience, can see the replacement of the Iron Curtain by the Open. Door. Here we have these statements and a new commitment, a new further part- nership with the governments and peo- ples of Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union; and the statement "Replacement of the Iron Curtain by the open door." They are all statements to the effect that there has occurred a change in the attitude, activities, and relationships be- tween this country and the Soviet Union. Yet, nowhere have we had any assign- ment of reasons, any proof, nor any in- dication that any of these things have occurred. Hopefully they will occur. No one will engage in more earnest or fer- vent hope that they do occur in due time than I and I know that that hope is shared by everybody, but we have to be realists. There is not only a lack of proof, but also there is much evidence to the contrary. Whatever changes they might show, their adamant and vigorous attitude points toward increasing an escalation of the cold and hot wars in which the Soviet Union is engaged against us, rather than the reverse. Mr. COTTON. Mr. President, will the Senator yield? Mr. HRUSKA. I yield. Mr. COTTON. The Senator from New Hampshire is very deeply impressed with all that the distinguished Senator from Nebraska has been saying. I think it is a masterful, thorough, and analytical presentation of things the Senate should be thinking about before we vote on this momentous question. I wish to ask the Senator from Nebraska in regard to the statement just made, if he agrees, that so far as we have been able to discern, there has not been one single overture or any act of softening, indicating that there is a new attitude toward us on the part of the Soviets. Am I correct in that statement? Mr. HRUSKA. The Senator is cor- rect, as far as the study, the reading', and the observations of this Senator are con- cerned. I have searched in vain for some act that could be construed in the light in which the Senator referred, and I have been unable to find it. Mr. COTTON. Knowing the thor- oughness with which the Senator from Nebraska undertakes all of his research before engaging in as important an ut- terance on the floor of the Senate as he has made, I am satisfied, that there has not been any significant change. I wish to ask the following question: If there had been any change in the attitude of the Soviet Union, or if there had been made to our Government di- rectly or indirectly secretly or otherwise, any promise or offer, or any suggestion that there might be a change, and that that change of attitude might be effected if we ratified this treaty, does not the Senator from Nebraska think that every Senator, who has the solemn duty to vote on this ratification should be in- formed of that fact, and not have it merely hinted at? Mr. HRUSKA. I agree with the Sena- tor. If there are any secret communica- tions or unpublicized communications every member of the Senate should be informed of them. There have been rumors from time to time that they do exist but for high rea- sons of state they cannot be disclosed. I have never been able to track them down. I know that one of our colleagues-I shall not undertake to identify him; he can speak for himself if he wishes-came across rumors that two different kinds of some classified reason that has been advanced by those in the executive de- partment; each was different from the other and did not include reference to the other. If there are such things they should be disclosed, and they could be disclosed in a discreet manner. We could con- sider them as classified, and for reasons of national security not disclose them. That would be one thing, but to deny that information, if any does exist, I think we should assume that there are no such reasons, and vote accordingly. Mr. COTTON. Mr. President, will the Senator yield further? Mr. HRUSKA, I am happy to yield to the Senator from New Hampshire. S 3655 Mr. COTTON. I am sure the Senator from Nebraska is just as reluctant as the Senator from New Hampshire, and others in the Senate who have misgivings about this treaty, to stand in the way of any real step that might make our re- lations with the Communist world better in the future, and avert even in some small degree the possibility of nuclear war. I am sure he is just as reluctant as any of us are in that respect. Is that correct? . Mr. HRUSKA. Yes. I have declared that to be so in my statement and I re- peat it now. Mr. COTTON. If I interpret correct- ly what the Senator has just said, if he were informed in the strictest confidence by the responsible heads of the Govern- ment of the United States of any real facts that would indicate that ratifica- tion of this treaty would hasten peace in the future, I know that he, as is true of many of the rest of us, would take that fully into consideration without divulg- ing the facts, if they should not be divulged. Mr.HRUSKA. There is no question about that, as far as my thinking and belief are concerned. Mr. COTTON. It is my understand- ing, as far as the Senator from Nebraska is concerned, and as is the case with the Senator from New Hampshire, that at no time has any responsible person given us any information, any real evidence that this treaty that we are urging upon the Soviet Union, that we are in a sense supplicating them to accept, will have any more significance than our action in paying tribute to the pirates of Tripoli- before we rebelled and decided that we would not continue to pay tribute-while hoping that they would be kinder to us? Mr. HRUSKA, 'No such information has come to me from any source in the executive departments. Other Senators will have to make their own disclosures as to what may or may not have hap- pened to them in this regard. Getting back to the oft-repeated as- sertions that we are dealing with a new communism or are entering into a new partnership with the government and people of the Soviet Union, and the statement that the replacement of the Iron Curtain by the open door is immi- nent, and that all we have to have is patience and the other things that go with it, such as forbearance, I do not know how much more by way of appease- ment, perhaps, or modification we must display. On that subject, I wish to ad- dress myself to the proposition that there has been no change in the stance or in the program of the Communist Party. Mr. MURPHY. Mr. President, will the Senator from Nebraska yield for a ques- tion? Mr. HRUSKA. I am happy to yield. Mr. MURPHY. As the Senator said, there has been no change. Am I correct in believing that in spite of the fact that, from time to time, we read in some of the press that there has been a thawing of the cold war, the Senator means that actually, as to basic principles or a change of objectives, there has been no noticeable change in, let us say, the last 15 years? Approved For Release 2005/11/21 : CIA-RDP70B00338R000300050010-9 Approved For Release 2005/11/21 : CIA-RDP70B00338R000300050010-9 S 3656 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE March 111, 1967 Mr. HRUSKA. In that respect, I contribute to their -warmaking capabil- . country and those behind the Iron Cur- should like to expand my statement and ity, are precisely true. tain. correct any impression I may have cre- If we send food or anything else over But, this is not the time to take steps ated. There have been no changes for to Russia, it will make them better able to try to bring about a better detente with the better in the stance or in the pro- to help destroy this country, as they are the Soviet Union, to try to bring about a gram of the Soviet Union, so far as presently trying to do in Vietnam. better understanding with the other Iron America is concerned. There have been I wrote to the Secretary of State Curtain countries, or to introduce an some changes which have been to the a few days ago, expressing great mis- agreement which will weaken, not harm, the detriment, and the expense of giving because this country proposes to strengthen, America's position in south- the United States, both In the program authorize a $50-million loan to an Ital- east Asia. Because of that I hope the of the Soviet Union and in its activities. ian automobile manufacturer to set up Senate of the United States will consider Mr. MURPHY. Is It not true that be- shop in Soviet Russia. well the very important observations the cause of the so-called or alleged changes, As has been pointed out by the able Senator is making at this t::me. it now seems, or has seemed in the last Senator from New Hampshire [Mr. Mr. HRUSKA. The Senator is very year or so, that the activities of the So- COTTorr], it is true that it is one and the genercus in his comments, and I appre- viet Union and around the world have same thing, so far as war-making capa- citee -,hem very much. The contribu- been expanded? Is there not evidence bility is concerned, when we talk about tions he is making in regard to the sub- that the Soviets were concerned in the the manufacture of cars and the manu- ject at hand are very constructive. Congo, in Cuba, and in many other areas, facture of war armaments. How better Mr. MURPHY. Mr. President, will the whereas 5 years ago they were not spread could be assure the advancement of Senator yield? out in those areas? -Russian capability to make helicopters, Mr. HRUSKA. I yield to the Senator Mr. HRUSKA. There is no question airplanes, tanks, and missiles than to from California. about that. That subject was thoroughly contribute sophisticated machine tools Mr. MURPHY. I was called from the canvassed in the tri-continental confer- and related technology to their auto- Senate Chamber, and have had an op- ence of the Communist nations in Ha- making capabilities? porturiity to speak with a group of vana, Cuba, in January 1966. Thus, this subject concerned me and mayors of towns and cities in California. Mr. MURPHY. Is it not true, as I have was the basis on which I wrote to the They asked me what the current busi- put it in oversimplification, that for the Secretary of Defense, denouncing the ac- ness in the Senate was. I recommended past 30 years we have been the "main tion and expressing my great concern that they go to the galleries and hear the door" prize and still remain so, except over what it could do to our posture and discussion which the able Senator from that the conditions of our health are not our position In Vietnam. Nebraska is propounding. so good now as they were 5, 10, 15, or 25 I know that all of us share the com- I asked them what they thought would years ago? mon hope that we can soon resolve the be the wishes and reactions of the people Mr. HRUSKA. The Senator puts it conflict in Vietnam, I think the best in their cities. They unanimously said well, indeed. I certainly accept that way to resolve it is to achieve a position that there was no question that the characterization. of strength, to demonstrate our superior- people of their cities would be against Mr. HANSEN. Mr. President, will the ity on the battlefield, and to weaken the the ratification of this treaty. Senator from Nebraska yield? enemy. If he is weakened and sees that I have noticed something else on which Mr. HRUSKA. I am happy to yield to he cannot hope to prevail, then I sug- I should like the Senator to comment. the Senator from Wyoming, gest that he will be more inclined to sue Usual:y, as we get into discussions of Mr. HANSEN. The Senator from for peace and want to sit down at the this kind, we are overwhelmed with a Wyoming is most impressed with the able conference table and, resolve the conflict flood of polls in newspapers and periodi- and learned presentation being made by there. cals. I have seen no polls as to the the Senator from Nebraska. I repeat: the way to guarantee this wishes of the people with respect to the All the mail which has come to my result, in my mind, is to negotiate from subject before the Senate at this time. office since I became a Member of the a position of strength. It is in that con- I wonder if there is any particular sig- Senate, taken together, excluding the text. that we must review the consular nificaice to that fact. I wonder if the consular treaty, has not approximated treaty. Senator has noted the lacl: of such polls. the interest evoked by the debate on the It, seems to me that anything we do Mr. HRUSKA. We will continue to consular treaty. which enables the Soviets better to sup- look for polls, to see whit information As the Senator from Wyoming under- ply the forces of the Vietcong, better may result. stands it, the primary concern of the to assist the North Vietnamese people. Mr. MURPHY. Does the Senator from State Department in trying to secure the will make more difficult the early resolu- Nebraska agree with the Senator from ratification of the consular treaty seems tion of the conflict in southeast Asia. California that possibly the polls-and to be for the 18,000 Americans who visit Therefore, I am convinced that the I am just old fashioned enough to be- Soviet Russia annually-at least, that is ratification of the Consular Treaty now lieve this is a representative form of gov- the number who visited Russia it year will encourage more of our businessmen ernment and that I am here to repre- ago. to go to Soviet Russia. They will know sent the best wishes of the people of my By way of contrast, it might be ob- that they will have the protection of our State--might well show that a great pro- served that in 1966, 900 Russians visited consulates. They will know that if they portion of the people in the States would this country. The number of Russians do Happen to get into trouble, the strong be against this treaty, and that there- who come here seems not to fluctuate, hand of Uncle Sam will be near by to fore same of its proponent,, had decided it but the number of Americans going to held bail them out of that trouble. would be better not to publish those Russia has increased steadily. I think Mr. President, I appreciate, as we all polls' Does the Senator think that is that we would be naive, indeed. to as- do, the importance of better understand- a possibility? some that ratification of this treaty ing among the nations of the world. I Mr HRUSKA. There Tray be the pos- would do anything but encourage fur- think that were it not for the fact that sibility that that is the reason the polls Cher visitations to Soviet Russia, by we are today involved in this conflict, are not being published. American businessmen and tourists. there is every argument and every rea- Mr. COTTON. Mr. President, will the To say that we cannot draw the line son, and there should be every desire on Senator yield? of demarcation between what are non- our part, to enter into this sort of ar- Mr. HRUSKA. I yield to the Senator strategic materials and strategic mate- rangement; but this is not the time. The from New Hampshire. rials belies the fact. I do not know how priorities are set by the situation in Mr. COTTON. Has the Senator much of the Russian labor force last year southeast Asia. noticed, as this Senator has, sometimes was involved in the production of agri- Because of that, I compliment the Sen- with a little amusement, although we do cultural commodities, but I do know ator from Nebraska for calling to our not like to think lightly of such grave that not many years ago 47 percent of attention, as he has. the impact and the matters-I have noticed this for a num.- the Russian labor force was involved in importance of this treaty. ber cf years-that whenever there is a trying to produce enough food for the I believe that the President of the strong sentiment on the part of people Russian people. So the remarks of the 'United States has mentioned in his state for proposals and programs that are Senator from Nebraska. In saying that of the Union message the different espoused by those in power, the senti- whatever? we export to Russia helps to bridges we hope to build between our ments of the people as expressed in polls Approved For Release 2005/11/21 : CIA-RDP70B00338R000300050010-9 Approved For Release 2005/11/21 : CIA-RDP70B00338R000300050010-9 March 13, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE are thrown in our faces day after day as the spontaneous outbursts of the indi- vidual beliefs of the great American people; But now, when there is a flood- and if the Senator has had the same ex- perience this Senator has had, perfectly overwhelming flood-of personal letters from the folks back home, protesting the ratification of this treaty, and begging us to resist it, we are told that these let- ters were all inspired. Now we are told that these letters were all the result of propaganda by organizations; that they do not represent the individual thoughts and deep feelings of individuals; and that we should disregard them? Has the Senator noticed that strange contrast of opinion as between when the people's feelings are really their own feelings-as in this case-and when their feelings are not their own, but what someone else says they are. Mr. HRUSKA. The Senator puts the matter in good perspective. Mr. MUNDT. Mr. President, will the Senator yield? Mr. HRUSKA. I yield to the Senator from South Dakota. Mr. MUNDT. I think the comments on polls introduced by the Senator from California and commented upon by sev- eral of my colleagues are quite pertinent. I might raise the question, Where is George Gallup? Where is Louis Harris? This subject has been debated and dis- cussed for well over a month, perhaps 2 months. It is one of the most vital issues before the country. It is one of significant departure from all previous American history. The decision, one way or the other, will have an impact on the war in Vietnam. What more vital subject than this for the poll of the people's thinking, Dr. Gallup or Mr. Harris? Is this a time for silence? I wonder if it is not pertinent to the fact that over the weekend the Senator from South Dakota had conversations with at least two important editors. I think it may have been three, but I will be conservative and say it was two. They very vividly told me they had been im- portuned by the State Department to write strong editorials in support of the treaty, and the editorials were forth- coming. I wonder what kind of pressures and propaganda are behind the desire to downgrade and ignore the wishes of the people, and not even to reflect them in polls such as those operated by Dr. Gal- lup and Mr. Harris on a host of other issues and then to go further and decry those who have opposed the treaty as simple automations, being inspired by someone else. One of our colleagues has even called them crackpots or extrem- ists. I believe. this is still a representative government, with the concept that on matters such as this we must get infor- S 3657 I was interested in the very eloquent and persuasive remarks by the Senator from Wyoming [Mr. HANSEN], who has made some exellent his dis- course. The question that the Senator from Nebraska is presently discussing- about what element of change, if any, has crept into this whole matter called communism, and if there has been change, has it been change which we should welcome and embrace and en- courage, or is it a change which indi- cates a greater degree of belligerency and greater degree of antipathy by the Communists against the best interests of the United States-is most pertinent. In the matter of East-West wartime trade, I think we have a ease in point. I recall that Lenin said, back in 1921: All it is necessary to do is to bribe capi- talism with extra profit, so as to get the machines with which to defeat it economi- cally. That was Lenin's Communist doctrine then, and of course it was he who wrote the bible of communism. He was the master and the architect of the Com- munist creed, It seems to me the students of com- munism overseas have today become the masters. Now they have taken that Lenin recipe seriously. They have car- ried it to the logical degree that all it is necessary to do now in time of war is to bribe capitalism with extra profits to get it to supply the tools to kill its own sons fighting for freedom in Hanoi. That is a pretty serious extension of this Lenin doctrine but it fits it like the hand fits the glove. If it can be argued, as it probably will, that those who come from pastoral rural States do not have any great industrial machines, do not have any international banking houses, and thus perhaps are not qualified to talk about the intricies of international trade and the rich prof- its it is supposed to provide for certain people in this country, perhaps they will permit me to quote from a maga- zine which is seldom read out in the grassroots areas of our country, Let me present the testimony of a magazine published in one of the great financial centers of our land-Barron's Business and Financial Weekly. On January 16, 1967, its front-page story was headed, "Dangerous Bridges," with the subheading "Proposals for Expanded East-West Trade Rest on Shaky Ground." I recommend that article to the reading of all of my fellow Senators. It is true that we do not have much chance to read this magazine out in the country areas of South Dakota; but I am happy to note that here one of the great metropolitan financial journals of this country looks with a skeptical eye on this "national desire" to develop ex- panded trade, to increase profits for p . cation and views of the people, who can There is nothing complicated here; noth- some and to provide earlier death for expect some kind of response when the ing confusing; nothing technical. It is, others-all under the persuasive heading people make their wishes known by cor- merely a question of whether or not, of "Building Bridges. respondence, telephone calls, and tele- in this time of war, we wish to do some- After arguing eloquently, through grams. thing which inevitably must lead in the several pages, against the unwisdom of After all, who are the people writing direction of encouraging those gun- running the risk of prolonging a war us? How can a Senator assume the ar- makers in Moscow to ship more sup- which we in the Senate ought to be rogant position that the only time the plies to North Vietnam. On this issue, spending our time trying to shorten, in- people are right is once every 6 years we have no technical or secret informa- stead of expanding; In its concluding when they vote himp~pi?~xltSrtl~elge~vlY101D$fzt t~titfetdQ~033~Q1~Q~ys; rest of the time the people are wrong; that we should ignore their opinion,, ex- cept on that on precious day, election day, when we get elected? It is these same people who pay taxes. It is the people who elect the Repre- sentatives and Senators that they send to Congress. These same people are supplying over 500,000 boys in uniform today, and they may have to do double that composite figure if the war goes on too much longer. I do not think it is right to downgrade them. I invite any Senator who will sit clown and read his mail on this issue-not take the secondhand reports of his secretary or some staff member for it, but sit clown and read the letter himself-to then ex- press his conviction on the floor that these letters are from crackpots and extremists. One Senator expressed the opinion that such letters were from "nuts." Mr. President, these letters are not from "nuts." These are not in the main letters from inspired sources. It is easy to spot inspired letters. We can easily recognize the same monotonous phrases. The letters we are getting are written by individuals who express their individual, serious views, as can be noted by the handwriting and viewpoints ex- pressed. Many come from serious stu- dents of American history. I think the people have some right to have from Senators some expression as to 'their overwhelming judgment and desires, and that they are not to be kicked aside ar- rogantly by Members who say those let- ters are coming from crackpots and extremists and should be ignored. We should not hear, "Oh, I get letters 100 to 1 in favor of opposing the treaty, but I am going to vote for the viewpoint of that one because I know his sentiments are sincere and genuine, and the rest are opinions reflecting some inspired viewpoint of other sources or from some extremist group." I resent that view because to me it brushes aside the views of the people, which, in our representative form of gov- ernment, we should reflect and carefully consider. I resent the idea that we should swagger around and say that the people do not know what they are talk- ing about on the simple question of do we or do we not want to ratify a con- sular treaty with Russia in this time of bitter war? There are no top secrets involved. If the question involved were one about the wisdom of building or not building an antiballistic missile system, then we might be able to say that we must rely on the expert opinions of tech- nicians and scientists and specialists in nuclear warfare, and say that, wise or unwise, our decisions were going to have to be determined by the opinions of those experts. On this issue, however, Mr. President, the people are the experts, because they are the ones who will lose or rofit Approved For Release 2005/11/21 : CIA-RDP70B00338R000300050010-9 S 3658 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE T'.icre remains the final supreme con- sider,;tion for any American businessman who may still hanker after elusive profit from %e11ing, to the Communists: He must decide, in his own private conscience, whether the profit is worth the personal risk that some day. sooner or later, on some near or distant Uatth,fleld, his neighbor's son or his own may he struck down by a weapon which his zeal for trade put into the enemy's hands. Only those with very short memories can forget, Mr. President, that we learned this lesson-or should have learned it- back in 1940 and 1941, when proponents of the same line of thinking which urges us now to move in the direction of ex- panded trade with Russia were prac- ticing the fine art of selling scrap iron to the Japanese, to help them build their war machine, while some of us, the present speaker included, were moving around the country whenever oppor- tunity presented itself, and declaring our opposition in the Senate of the United States and the House of Representatives. I served in the House of Representatives at that time. What happened? On Pearl Harbor Day, we found that our Pacific Navy was virtually destroyed, and more than 3,000 American casualties had occurred, in an infamous surprise attack by the people to whom we were selling, for a profit, war supplies less significant by far than the war supplies we are selling to Russia to- day. At least it could be said by those ad- vocating such policy then, "We are not at war with Japan yet. They have not killed any American boys yet. You pessi- mists who believe there might be a war with Japan could be wrong. In the meantime, we are making extra plush, war-fed profits in America." This administration cannot even use that defense today, Mr. President, be- cause 3 years after the heavy casual- ties began coming in, 3 years after the big war had begun in Vietnam, the present Commander in Chief, Mr. John- son, by a scratch of his pen, on October 12, 1966, opened up the shipment of iron ore and scrap metal again, plus 399 other commodities. to the country then and now busy at the job of supplying the guns to kill American boys. It is no wonder, it seems to me, that Americans write in, in such vast num- bers-Americans who, we hope, will con- tinue to support this war effort until we are successfully out of it, but Americans who form part of the great body politic which is becoming growingly discon- tented with this whole curious war, which goes on and on, is now in Its fifth year, and now we hear the same people who say, "We would like to do something to shorten it," support this pagan formula to increase the traffic in blood, which is certain to prolong it. I thank the Senator for yielding. Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, will the Senator from Nebraska yield, so that I may ask the Senator from South Da- kota a question? Mfr. HRUSKA. I am happy to yield. Mr. THURMOND. I should like to as- sociate myself with a remark just made by the Senator from South Dakota on the point that the people who are writing In, opposed to this treaty, are not "extrem- fists" or "crackpots," or whatever term some of those who espouse this treaty so ardently would apply to them. I can say that my mall-and I know my people- reflects a sentiment very strongly against this treaty, and it is coming from some of the ablest, finest people in South Caro- lina. I believe that is typical of the kind of people who are writing about this treaty throughout the Nation. I believe it is typical of the members of the Re- publican Party. Last Saturday evening, I had the pleasure of speaking to the Young Repub- licans of four States-Virginia, West Virginia, Kentucky, and Maryland- and the District of Columbia. When I spoke to them for a few minutes on this consular treaty, together with other sub- jects upon which I spoke, I know that the terrific response I received shows that the Young Republicans represent- ing this area of our country are strongly opposed to ratifying this treaty. Air. MUNDT. And why not? They leave to go to war along with other young Americans, to be shot at by the products which we help to fabricate by sending additional industrial supplies to the ar- senal of Hanoi. Air. THURMOND. The Senator from South Dakota is exactly right. I believe that the more people study this treaty, the more they will become convinced that it is not in the best in- terests of this country. I have not heard one sound argument yet in favor of the treaty. I have given nine specific arguments against it. I have not heard one sound argument yet to cause me to support the treaty. Mr. MUNDT. Mr. President, one of the distressing developments to the Senator from South Dakota is that he does not believe in the growing centrall- zat.ion of power in the Nation's Capital. After it has been concentrated in the hands of a few dozen people, those peo- ple are presumed to personify the au- thority of the people, and they are em- powwered to exercise authority over all of us. One of my reasons for opposing this so-called new liberalism is because it moves in the direction of placing fewer and fewer and fewer top-level officials in control of the lives of the remainder of us in the country. My quarrel is with the new liberals who believe in this concentration of power. The traditional liberals abominated both economic monopoly and political monopoly in the same breath. How- ever, our new liberals embrace politi- cal monopoly. They abhor economic monopoly, as we all do, but they embrace political monopoly which is infinitely worse. The new liberal would tip the pyra- mid of American government upside down, with the people at the bottom and the power structure of government at the top. In this connection, some of the com- ments which I have recently heard made on the floor have disturbed me greatly. The comments have downgraded and at- tacked and ridiculed the statements contained In the mail received from con- Marc! 1.3, 1967 scientious people who write in opposi- tion to this treaty, This reflects the growing sentiment among some public official: in this coun- try. It frightens me more greatly al- most than the consequences of the rati- flcatic'n of this treaty. That involves the tendency for some people in high positions-some of them elected. but most of them appointed- to develop an arrogant contempt for tte people who base their whole philosophy for the solu- tion of an economic or social problem on the ecncept: "You can't trust the people. You can rely only upon the politicians. only upon the Government, only upon the bureaucrats, only upon the snoopers, only upon the administrators, and only upon the politicians." I deny that lib- eral concept emphatically. I think politicians are wonderful peo- ple. [ am proud to call myself a poli- tician, but we do not have halos around our leads. We do not know the an- swers to all of the problems. We come from among the people who write letters and who vcte to keep us here. However, when we develop the attitude, as an elected or appointed pub- lic offcial, that people cannot be trusted, that people are always wrong, that peo- ple hive not any ethics, good judgment or sound sense, and cannot run a good bus- iness or a good school, that kind of "liberalism," concentrate(( in the hands of a few people with the right to shove everyoody else around, is totally and demonstrably wrong. It is nevertheless contained in the an- swers some people get back home to the letters they are writing on the Consular Treaty. I know, because, for one reason or another, my name has been listed as one of those leading the opposition to the treaty. I get copies of a lot of let- ters received by my colleagues in the Senate; and also copies of the Senators' replies when they disappoint or provide disenchantment to the recipients. I know some of the things that have been written by Senators to their con- stitu(nts. The names of the Senators who wrote them could not be dragged out of my mouth with a 20-mule team. But, I can say this: If any Senator from South Dakota ever wrote his con- stituents in that manner and manifested his contempt for the judgment and knowledge of individual citizens, those citizens would find some way to get rid of him before he served out his term, and I think properly so. I read the letters and I know what is being written. I am a little ashamed of the whole ap- proach that would try to condemn as an ignoramus, a crackpot, or a nut the mother of a son in Viet lam who takes her pen in hand and says: "I don't think it is wise at this time of war to support and ratify this Consular Treaty.- I think the Senator from South Caro- lina s treating with one of the problems of our times, the whole question of whether we the elite, we the officials, or we the officeholders have this right to assume such lack of good faith or good judgment on the part of the people who write- us in such great numbers in op- position to this treaty. Approved For Release 2005/11/21 : CIA-RDP70B00338R000300050010-9 Approved For Release 2005/11/21 : CIA-RDP70B00338R000300050010-9 ,. - - '4 March 13, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE I think the concept is wrong, and that the voice of the people in America still has a right to be heard, and should on occasion be reflected in our public policy. Mr. THURMOND. Is it not a fact that this war would not be going on now if it were not for Russia providing North Vietnam with weapons with which to fight the war? Mr. MUNDT. I think that can be factually demonstrated. I have heard many military people allude to the fact that the war in Vietnam would have been over at least 12 months ago if the Rus- sians had not supplied the sophisticated weapons with which to fight the war, and over 95 percent of the petroleum re- quired by the Vietnamese Communists to continue it. I have yet to find a military man who will tell me how a country can fight a modern war without gasoline, oil, and petroleum. Those products go to Hanoi almost exclusively from Russia. If we want to find out how to end the war, we must figure out a way to get the Russians to quit supplying the materials. We cannot do that by kissing them on the cheeks and saying: "Go out and kill more men." Mr. THURMOND. I visited Vietnam in December. I made a report after my visit in Vietnam where I spent a week, another week in that area of the world, Thailand, Burma, Japan, and other countries. I read one brief paragraph from my report: RUSSIA'S ROLE IN VIETNAM WAR The Soviet Union is furnishing North Viet- nam anti-aircraft weapons, surface to air missiles, jet fighter planes, heavy artillery, artillery rockets, machine, guns, rifles, am- munition, advanced radar system, ships, helicopters, trucks, heavy, construction equipment, bridge building materials, oil mines, and other supplies with which to fight the war. Without the aid the Soviets are providing, North Vietnam and the Viet Cong would be unable to wage the war very long. Soviet Russia has it within her power to stop the war and bring the combatants to the negotiating table without delay. Mr. MUNDT. We can also add to that list the MM ground-to-ground rock- et which has proven so effective in kill- ing not only our American troops, but also our allies there. That weapon is now being employed by our enemies in the South Vietnamese part of the conflict. Mr. THURMOND. I am convinced that if we ratify this treaty with Soviet Russia now, it will do at least two things, aside from other harmful effects. It will raise the prestige of the Soviet Union throughout the world by mislead- ing nations into believing that now the great United States, the most powerful nation in the world, has tremendous re- spect for the Soviet Union and is will- ing to enter into agreements with the Soviet Union signifying that the United States is willing and able to trust the Soviets. Mr. MUNDT. There is no question .bout that. Mr. THURMOND. I am convinced that if we ratify the treaty, the treaty will cause other nations to wonder where the United States stands. The countries tions, will give up hope. They will feel that the last solid country, a country which could help to save them some day, has gone over to the Soviet side. They will wonder whether we have gotten together with the Soviets and are just going to forget them and leave them where they are and do nothing to help them in any way, shape, form, or fash- ion, to emerge from behind the Iron Cur- tain. It seems to me that if we ratify the treaty, it will have a severe and serious psychological effect all across the free world. Mr. MUNDT. The Senator brings up an interesting point. Let us consider the case of an Ameri- can businessman who is traveling in Rus- sia in the Baltic area, visiting some of the cities of the Baltic States. Let us assume that he gets into trouble in Latvia. He decides to make use of this consular arrangement. It seems to me that by that very act we will be giving, ipso facto, recognition to the fact that Latvia and Estonia and Lithuania, those three great little brave Baltic Republics, have now ceased to exist. And they will officially be recognized by us as forever part of the Soviet Union, because we will have been forced into the position of working through our consular officers with the Russian Government in that connection. The contrary side of the coin could also be true. Let us say they set up this con- sular office in Chicago, and a Latvian in this country gets into trouble in the United States and we put him in jail. Under the Consular Treaty, the Russian consular officer would have a right to talk to this Latvian citizen in jail, because we would have the consular treaty with Russia, and Russia claims control over Latvia, Estonia, and Lithuania. By rec- ognition of that fact, also, it seems to me, ipso facto, we have recognized a status of affairs which officially and directly our Government has refused to recognize. Many of the evolvements in this mat- ter, when we think them through, as to what will happen at the end of the road, give this innocent-sounding treaty much more significance than the fact that per- haps it can be beneficial on the average to nine Americans per year traveling for pleasure or profit in Russia. Mr. THURMOND. Does it not amount to de facto recognition by forcible inclu- sion of these nations-Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania-into the Soviet empire? Mr. MUNDT. The State Department denies that automatically it is de facto recognition, and I acquiesce in and ac- cept their position. But the operation of the treaty will be such that, sooner or later, over there or in this country, we will have an American in trouble in Latvia or Lithuania, or a Lithuanian or an Estonian in trouble in this country, and the Russians, under the terms of the treaty-and they have a right to do so- will immediately insist upon being noti- fied and insist upon talking to him, as through consular officer. So, whether he wishes to see the Russian consular officer or not, the fact is that we must let the Russian representative talk to him. This is a de facto recognition at that point S 3659 just as well turn out the light of hope that they, will ever again attain that status, so far as the United States is concerned. The Senate, which piously expresses its sympathetic attitude toward the captive nations by agreeing to a Captive Nations Week resolution every year, sympathiz- ing with them, can, by this Consular Treaty action, condemn them to the sta- tus quo so far as we are concerned, be- cause it will provide that de facto recog- nition and it will destroy their rightful and proper and enduring hope that, come some happy day, their homelands can once again be independent. Once you put them under the domina- tion of the consular operations, as this treaty does-on both sides of the water- as set up in the mechanics of treaty, you have provided a beautiful device for the Russians to express themselves, through actions; that they are in charge of the Baltic and other captive countries, and if we wish to have communication be- tween the nationals of those countries and this country, Mother Russia and its consular officers are the ones to pro- vide it, If this is not de facto recognition, I should like someone from the State De- partment to say what it is. Mr. THURMOND. We may pass reso- lutions in the Senate each year extend- ing our sympathy, to the people of the captive nations behind the Iron Curtain, but are we not, in effect, nullifying and counteracting such action when we take real action, which counts, by ratifying the treaty? Mr. MUNDT. At least, the representa- tives and the spokesmen in this country of the captive nations are unanimously in that belief. It seems to me that all the rules of logic, all the rules of precedence, and all the rules of international proce- dure indicate that these representatives of the captive nations are demonstrably correct; that what we are doing is creat- ing a pathway, and when we walk down this Consular Treaty pathway and it be- gins to function, this is the end of their hope of this country doing anything but recognizing the status quo and the fact that they are, indeed, permanently the captives and the satellites of the Soviet Union. Mr. THURMOND. I ask the Senator from South Dakota this question: If the Soviet law is so capricious that the U.S. consular employees need special immu- nity while in the U.S.S.R., is the time yet ripe to normalize travel and trade rela- tions with the Soviets? Mr. MUNDT. This kind of treacher. ous line, of argument is encountered in connection with what is known as Execu- tive Reservation No. 2, on which the Sen- ate will vote on Thursday of this week, which is being opposed by some of the spokesmen for the treaty who say: No, this won't help cut down the ship- ments of arms to Hanoi, and this won't make it more likely that we can work out an agree- ment and negotiation by using this diplo- matic tool to induce them to stop. All you have to do is to simply go along with them and say nothing, just go ahead and acquiesce and all will be well, that those Baltic countries cease to have pointed out, and as the Senator from New behind the Iron Curt40i9*&1till PraRekis iW /BbatUClAUtkDP701903TSOi b'86iffD5 Ori' 9reaffirmed this Approved For Release 2005/11/21 : CIA-RDP70B00338R000300050010-9 S 3660 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE afternoon, In this instance they have us on our knees, crawling to Moscow as supplicants, if we ratify the treaty. The Russians have not ratified it. They have no, even presented it to their ratifying body. They want us to come crawling to them and say, "Please, would not you now ratify the treaty which we have rati- fied"" That is a miserable position In which to put Uncle Sam. if we are at- tempting to negotiate or to curtail the shipment of supplies from Moscow to Hanoi. It certainly follows that it is a capri- cious line of reasoning, which says, on the one hand, "you can depend upon the word of the Russians to move in the direction we want them to move": but, on the other hand, "they have so many curious laws that they maliciously are arresting our citizens and we have to have a special consular treaty with them to protect our American travelers in Russia." I believe that the welcome news from Moscow over the weekend that they have agreed to release an American citizen, proves the argument that has been made on the floor of the Senate and before the Committee on Foreign Relations for weeks; that if you have a little more rugged and determined exercise of diplo- macy with Russia on this side of the ocean, you can utilize without this treaty, through the diplomatic under- standings existing between all civilized nations, every kind of contact you need to induce them to release prisoners or to induce us to release prisoners. You do not need this unprecedented treaty, with all the problems attendant upon it, even in peacetime-but, in time of war, this treaty can become a signal to the world that others had not better tie too closely to Uncle Sam because we are also reach- ing out with a special arrangement of our own with their Communist enemy in Moscow. Mr. THURMOND. Some people will take the position that the Soviet Union is evolving into a peaceful country. Yet, the treaty that is before the Senate for ratification has been violated 20 or more times since it was signed. Does that sound like the Soviet Union Is evolving? If so, what does evolving mean? When are they going to live peacefully In the world and respect the dignity of a citi- zen and of all free people? Mr. MUNDT. When the Senator from South Carolina and I began dis- cussing this matter and utilizing the time generously granted us by the Senator from Nebraska, the Senator from Ne- braska was in the process of discussing whether there was an evolution in the Communist approach in Moscow. Per- haps I should bow out now and permit the Senator from Nebraska to answer that question and then to resume with the point he was developing when he was interrupted by the numerous collo- quies. 'Mr. THURMOND. I thank the distin- guished Senator from South Dakota, and I thank the able Senator from Nebraska for ais kindness in yielding. Mr. HRUSKA. I thank the Senator from South Dakota and the Senator from South Carolina. They have en- gaged in splendid colloquy. It has been constructive, enlightening, and very pertinent to the subject at hand, Mr. HANSEN. Mr. President, let me say once more how very appreciative I am to the Senator from Nebraska for the able presentation he has made this after- noon. The Senator from Nebraska has placed the consideration of the Consular Treaty in its proper context. Certainly, this Nation has demonstrated for all the world to see that America desires no ex- tension of its control, or authority, or jurisdiction over the people of any area anywhere in the world. The United States hopes, rather, for an extension of peace, and for an exten- sion of the right of peoples everywhere to self-?-determination through law and or- der. I share the hope of most Americans in anticipating the time when we can, one nation with another, achieve a better un- derstanding and a greater accord than now exists. We cannot overlook the fact that this country has made great efforts since the end of World War II to bring about the sort of condition which will, we hope, some day. characterize the world. We have contributed more than $125 billion toward foreign aid and rebuild- ing war-torn countries. We have done everything we possibly could do to lessen war tensions, to bring about better un- derstanding, to bring about a better detente with the nations of the world. and particularly with those behind the Iron Curtain. But it seems to me that there is an analogy which ought to be considered as we discuss the Consular Treaty. It is that the Congress of the United States we are discussing the wis- dom of providing in a bill the control of small arms. We recognize, or at least there are those who believe, that we want to bring about a diminution of lawless- ness, murder, and all acts attendant to crime in this country, and one of the ways to do that Is to limit the supply or transshipment of arms. Yet we turn right around in this Consular Treaty and seem to think that there is no relation- ship between the Consular Treaty and the encouragement of businessmen to move into Russia, to have new trade with Russia, to supply Russia with goods, and that Russia will not have greater oppor- tunity to devote more effort to the manu- facture of war-making materiel. We seem to find no relationship between that fact and our efforts to supply Rus- sia with 400-some-odd so-called non- strategic materials In the context of en- larging her general economic and hence, her warmaking capability. I suggest we ought to take into ac- count such consideration because, in my mind, there is a very real relevance be- tween our supplying Russia with any- thing today and Russia's being able to supply Vietnam with warmaking mate- riel. Once again I want to record my appre- ciation to the distinguished Senator from Nebraska for having called to the attention of the Senate some very im- portant considerations that we ought to mull over seriously before we give our advise and consent to the implementa- tion of this Consular Treaty. Mr. CLARK. Mr. President, I ask March 1.?, 1967 unanimous consent to have printed in the RECORD a letter dated February 28, 1967, from the Members of Congress for Peace Through Law, addressed to the chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations, the distinguished Senator from Arkansas [Mr. PULE RIGHT 1. There being no objection, the letter was ordered to be printed in the RECORD. as follows: MEMBERS OF CONGRESS FOR PEACE THROUGH LAw WASHIN(TON, D.C.. February 28. 1967. Senator J. WILLIAM FULBRIGUT, Chairman, Senate Foreign Relations Com- mittee, Senate Office 3uilding, Wash- ington. D.C. DEAR SENATOR FULBRICHT: As members of the S:cering Committee of Members of Con- gress For Peace Through Law, we declare our support for the propose) Consular Con- vention with the Soviet Union. Hai ing studied the terms of the treaty, it is our conviction that this convention pro- vides practical benefits and protection for the thousands of U. S. citizens who visit the Sovie:. Union annually, as well as those U. S. officials and employees who serve in that country. We recognize the Consular Treaty as a priority step toward the expressed purposes of th:s group: "To coordinate congressional concern into specific action for the develop- ment of international ccoperation." Ac- cordingly, we are urging our membership to join its in the effort to gain widespread sup- port or its ratification. tSitrnedl Joseph S. Clark, Chairman: Con- gressman Jonathan B. Brigham; Senator John Sherman Cooper; Congressman Donald M. Friser: Senator Jacob K..Javits; Congress- man Robert W. Kastenmeler; Senator Robert F. K(nnedy; Senator Eugene J. McCarthy; Congressman Patsy T. Mink; Congressman F. Bradford Morse; Congressman Benjamin S. Roser that; Congressman Ri.thard S. Schwei- ker. ADJOURNMENT UNTIL 11 A.M. TOMORROW Mr. BYRD of West Virginia. Mr. President, if there is no further business to come before the Sent(te, I move, in accordance with the previous order of March 9, 1967, that the Senate, in exec- utive session, stand in adjournment until I t o'clock tomorrow morning. The motion was agreed to; and rat 4 o'clock and 47 minutes p.m.) the Senate, in executive session, adjourned until Tuesday, March 14, 1967, at 11 o'clock a.m. NOMINATIONS Executive nominations received by the Senate March 13,1967: U.S. MARSHAL Walter N. Lawson. of South Carolina. to be US. marshal for the district of South Carolina for the term of 4 years to fill a new position created by Public Law 89-242, ap- proved October 7, 1965, IN THE ARMY Th+' following-named officer to be placed on tt.e retired list in grade indicated under the provisions of title 10, United States Code, section 3962: To be general Gen. Paul Lamar Freeman, Jr., 017704, Army of the United States (major general, U.S. Army). The following-named officer under the pro- visions of title 10, United States Code, see- Approved For Release 2005/11/21 : CIA-RDP70B00338R000300050010-9