IN THE MCNAMARA ERA, WHAT IS CONGRESS' ROLE IN NATIONAL DEFENSE?

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CIA-RDP70B00338R000300080042-1
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November 1, 1966
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Approved For Release 2006/01/30 : CIA-RDP70B00338R000300080042-1 ARMED FORCES MANAGEMENT. November 1966. In the McNamara Era, What Is Congress' Role in National Defense? CRAIG POWELL Associate Edi In both Houses of the United States Congress, several specific committees share a closely vested interest in the matter of national security. Probably as illustrative as any of the correlation between Congress and Defense is Rep. L. Mendel River's (D., S.C.) House Armed Services Committee. News media headlines invariably chronicle the De- partment of Defense and that committee as being constantly locked in combat. But headlines do not tell the full story. The facts are that in the vast majority of actions affecting the armed forces, Congress and the Department of De- fense are in accord. This is not to say that there are not disagreements. There are many; some on very major issues. This report concerns the River's Com- mittee as representative of the role of the Legislative Branch in the area of military affairs and national defense. " O RAISE AND SUPPORT ARMIES" is but one of the specific powers re- lating to national security which have been constitutionally mandated to the Congress of the United States. Those words, emblazoned in bronze in the House Armed Services Committee room are implicit of that committee's strong belief that the security of the nation is the first duty of government. On occa- sion, detractors have alleged that Con- gress is losing some of its initiative. Whatever the truths of that allegation, to apply such a charge to Armed Serv- ices Committee would be fatuous. Probably no other single Congressional group has been as tenaciously interested and aggressively active in its sphere of responsibility as has the Armed Services Committee of the House of Representa- tives under the Chairmanship of L. Mendel Rivers and his predecessor, earl Vinsob. Despite the myriad subtleties of the complex task, this committee has been prolific in its activities associated with the control and management of the national defense resources in this arena of changing military requirements. The lawmakers' in-depth hearings gether with Richard B. Russell's Senate into the areas of the proposed merger Armed Services committee) has been between the National Guard and the Reserves, airlift capabilities and tactical airpower will have a considerable affect on the future activities in the Pentagon management of the Defense Establish- ment. That all individual portions of the total affect will be palatable to the Department of Defense is highly proble- matical. But unquestionably, the actions taken by the committee and subse- quently by Congress as a whole, are conscientious actions and, as repre- sentatives of the people, Congress will continue to pursue the course of direc- tion that it feels to be in the best inter- ests of the nation. That there should be some disparity of opinion between- Congress" and Defeo is only natural. Whileoth share a. common objective of national defense, the individual philosophies of each, as to how best assure the security of the country,, are widely divergent. Congress Prefers a Margin The climate of today's Pentagon is one of cost reduction and cost effectiveness. The Secretary of Defense has made it abundantly clear that he will procure only the minimum essential goods and, services and that he desires to maintain only those forces he feels mandatory to meet Defense-anticipated contingen- cies. Congress, on the other hand, feels that there are flaws in this type of cost effectiveness studies and systems analy- ses and that'the stakes are far too ex- cessive to run the Military Establish- ment in the same manner as a major industrial complex. Or as Chairman Rivers has put it, "I think the American people will always be willing to pay the price for having too much defense, rather than risk the inestimable cost of having too little defense." But regardless of the issues and dif- fering points of view, one fact is ir- refutably clear; the constitution of the United States has invested in the Legisla- tive body of the government, the power to raise and support armies, provide and chartered with maintaining a vigilance ov `,`,common defense and the Depart- ment of Defense, in general, including the bepartments of Army, Navy Ind Air Force" and their associated en- deavors. Congress has the responsibility and obligation to the American people to maintain an intimate involvement with matters of national defense. Thus, L. Mendel Rivers and his committee in behalf of Congress and the people not only will, but rightly should, continue to probe and question the Military Establishment and influence defense legislation within the best dictates of their own conscience. Generally speaking, relationships be- tween the Armed Services Committee and the Department of Defense are ex- cellent. Rivers and some of the more senior members of the committee meet with Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara and his'. deputy, Cyrus Vance,at breakfast freuently to discuss subjects of mutual interest. As a rule, there is a concordance on the majority of issues and while barbs sometimes fly, they do not inflict irrecoverable wounds, and the disagreements are not personal. However, there are some very real and honest differences in opinion as to sources of authority and in the manage- ment of the military forces. Most all-encompassing thorn pricking Congress appears to be what the com- mittee feelsi,the Defense attitude toward Congress and its constitutional authority, as well as the mutual coopera- tion that must exist between the two. To quote Chairman Rivers, "The Congress and the Department of Defense must act as partners in the matter of national security, but I think there are times when the Department of Defense for- gets that Congress exists for reasons other than to provide a blank check." A close examination of this situation indicates an annoyance on the part of Congress that they have, on occasions, gone through a futile exercise of enact- ing authorization bills after long and House Armed Services Committee Chairman maintain a navy, and make rules for the serious consideration, whether they be Rivers: "We Aptpft* dnFovaReiiea'!pe 2Q6iL it 11i@f: Rj4ffR Q $ O 9o 2-Hardware, military con- mightiest military strength possible. As executor of these responsibilities, the struction, or other matters, only to have House Armed Services Committee (to- the projects deleted or deferred by the Approved For Release 2006/01/30 : CIA-RDP70B00338R000300080042-1 Defense Department. Further, it should not be difficult to understand that the legislators would be "righteously in- dignant," if, while attempting to re- sponsibly meet their obligations, they be- lieve that the Defense Department cir- cumvents Congressional "intent" (see Special Report-September AFM). The true crux of the mdttcr seems to be that Defense officials feel that thgs is a better informed judgment. Thus, in matters of conflicting evaluations, par- ticularl in areas of policy and force structures, the Defense Department is inclined to delete or delay programs recommended or directed by Congress, or if implementing them, doing so in a manner not intended by the Legislative body. This obviously does not lend itself to an aura of mutual understanding. in such areas as pay and allowances, housing, retirement benefits and other personnel matters, Defense is apt to de- fer to Congressional edict even when there is not complete concurrence. But in areas concerning force structures, application of forces and the manage- ment of resources, the Department of Defense feels that the diversity and com- plexity of defense activities are such as to preclude the civilian committees hav- ing an in-depth understanding of the issues. It appears that the DOD position is that questions of proper mix of forces, systems to be developed for maximum cost effectiveness, and questions involv- ing the conduct of military engagements are so complicated that even the best intentioned legislator, with only limited knowledge and background, cannot have a properly informed judgment on which to base complex force level decisions. Staff is Experienced It is a fact, however, that neither the committee members nor the committee staff personnel are either naive or unin- telligent. The majority have long years of experience and association with both defense philosophies and military mat- ters. Many of the staff members have been in the business far longer than their Pentagon counterparts and are equally as dedicated to the primary ob- jective of national defense. This is not to say that Congress is not fully aware of the dangers inherent in making de- cisions without the full and total infor- mation available to military officials in the Pentagon. Tp the contrary, Rivers, himself, would be one of the first to acknowledge these pitfalls. And here lies a prime source of Congressional content' In past years, the Armed Services om pTQW4'4ffi@4f FRVd@ se on the nation's top military leadership for advice and counsel; These military Control of Purse Strings Can Strongly Influence Defense Programs ~N 1949, all Defense appropriations were consolidated into one Defense Appropriations Bill and concurrently Congressman George Herman Mahon (D., Tex.) was named Chairman of the House Subcommittee for Defense Appropriations. A champion of strong national defense programs for over a quarter of a century, Mahon not only still retains the Defense Subcommittee chair, but also has, since 1964, been chairman of Congress' largest commit- tee, the House of Representatives' 50. member Appropriations Committee. "It is not meddling," says Mahon, "When Congress seeto influence de- tense programs and defense policies. Rather it is performing its proper and mandatory function." And, from the position of his dual chairmanships, it is the Texas legislator's view that, over the years, Congress has exhibited strong leadership in pushing toward the attain- ment of an effective national defense. While Mahon recognizes the role of the Legislative Branch is not always startling when the Administration and the majority in Congress are of the same party, he nonetheless maintains a firm conviction that it is the duty of his com- mittee to serve as "watchdog of the treasury" and to intelligently attempt to ascertain that funds are applied to those programs clearly in the best interests of the nation rather than to projects of mar- Some critics readily want to throw the charge that in many instances Congress merely rubber stamps the budget re- quests from the Executive Branch. This is particularly true when the Congress appropriates almost the identical amount of money as that requested by the De- partment of Defense and the Armed Services. "A brief examination," says the Appropriations chairman, "would completely refute such a conclusion." In explaining this contention, Mahon states that, "Congress often within the framework of defense funds -re- quested, has substantially and importantly changed the course of defense programs, giving them new direction and emphasis. In some cases the change may represent a reduction such as a cutback in funds for an outmoded system or other weapons considered by Congress to be of low priority value; a high priority weapon may be substituted for a low priority weapon; or a high priority pro- gram may be accelerated beyond the point recommended by the Executive Branch. A case in point would be the current year's appropriations relative to the proposed nuclear frigates." In the current budget requests, AFM was told, the Department of Defense had requested funding for two conven- tional destroyers. However, as Congress has always been particularly sensitive to the demand inherent in the current ~ 'a- that the U.S. be as .wLam-PA ue}~ 0 UZS etl~;'1COn~s ea r~ p`repared"las possible and desiring Approved For Release 2006/01/30 : CIA-RDP70B00338R000300080042-1 Mahon: "Congress, often has substantially and importantly changed the course of defense programs giving them new di- rection and emphasis." constantly improve its state of readiness, action along the lines recommended by President by making a supplemental the Committee took a long look at the Congress is usually taken sometime budget request in the usual manner. request. Ultimately, the Armed Serv- within the fiscal year for which the It is apparent, though, that the incli- ices Committee authorized not only the funds are appropriated." nation on the part of Defense to exten- destroyers but added funding for a sively apply the reprogramming princi- nuclear frigate and the long leadtime A Source of Irritation ple to carry out the DOD desires rather money for a second nuclear frigate. The Without question, one of the greatest than the utilization of the funds as Con- Appropriations Committee, on the other irritants to Congress is the current gress had intended, is leaving many hand, recommended and budgeted only trend taken by the Department of De- Capitol Hill legislators in a something the necessary funding for the frigates fense in the major reprogramming of less than happy frame of mind. and not that for the destroyers. In this fund The secretary of Defense is not In general, from the Appropriations manner Congress asserted its influence rdgpire to explain how monies were Committee view, Congress desires to on the future of the surface navy. s e-M- -once e appropriations were influence national defense through the Other examples, expllained the com- nab' It is within his prerogative to shift control of national purse strings. At the mittee were the authorization and funding within a lump sum allocation same time, it must attempt to do so appropriation of money to keep avail- (such as major aircraft systems procure- without becoming inextricably bound in able the production capability for the ment) without necessarily informing the the myriad details of the intermeshing F-12 Mach-interceptor not asked for Congress, butmerely submitting a semi- defense management. in the budget, and additional monies anrn al__undetailed -report showing how Chairman Mabon-feels that the U.S. for Research on the Navy's Deep Sub- mush money had been shifted. Over is measurably stronger today and more mergence Program. Also there was a recent years, however, a reprogramming adequately prepared to meet its responsi- modest sum allocated for the continu- system has evolved in which by "gen- bilities as a result of the aggressive ac- ance of three Air National Guard heavy tleman's agreement," the Department of tion of Congress, taken upon its own airlift units (the maintenance of which Defense-informs Congress of such shifts initiative, above and beyond the recom- the Secretary of Defense has agreed to) at the time and/or quests prior mendations of the Executive Branch. and for the maintenance of the B-52 approval of the commitees. Such was "My position," says the Congressman, bomber force at 600 aircraft, the case of the recent request of Con- "is -that if Congress is due any credit, "The Executive Branch , does not gross for authority to shift funds from and I think it is, the credit comes, prin- always move to accelerate programs in various other programs in order to make cipally, not from increasing or decreas- consonance with Congressional intent," additional buys of F-4 and A-4 aircraft. ing defense budgets but fromredirecting, said Mahon. "At times funds are im- Under the current agreements, had the re-emphasizing, and accelerating key pounded and not used for the year in committee said "no" to the request, the defense programs. The important role which appropriated, but this is an excep- Secretary would have been left with the of Congress has been in the downgrading tion to the rule. However," he con- alternatives of going ahead with the of marginal projects or low priority tinued, "while prompt action is not procurement (thereby risking the ire of projects and the acceleration of high always taken by the Executive Branch the committees), not making the pur- priority projects having a direct relation to carry out the Aopffoue4 rear iaBileaska2866iQTdiki actQ RlifMVDW8R60A$Q6DWG4 rve." 0 Approved For Release 2006/01/30 : CIA-RDP70800338R000300080042-1 experts have been traditionally brought before the committees and their frank appraisals and best judgments solicited. T has historically been a major c of Congressional defense exper- tise. Today, however, Rivers and the coniv'ittee feel.-that this source of ex- pcf?ise has been shut off or at best setlot}sly tlllut' , Prank and open dis- cussion of the issues, they believe, is no longer possible. This belief stems from their conclusion that, in the cur- rent Defense Department climate, the ination made available to them is but a predetermined Defense Depart- ment position, and that the top military leaders can do little when appearing before the committee but parrot that defense position. The Armed Services Committee told AFM that it needs and desires guidance from the military as it has known it in the past and that with such advice they could carry out their own responsibili- ties to the nation more efficiently and to the greater benefit of the Defense De- partment. ILis n committee opinion that it would behoove DOD to take Congress into closer confidence and keep them better informed of its actions rather a.jean tending to disregard the Congres- sional role in defense when appropria- tions are not in total consonance with Defense judgments. However, for the moment at least, there is no such tendency. The Committee Setup It is in this environment, then, that the House Armed Services Committee feels it must carry out its obligations to the people. The committee is_ a highly competent gathering of 37 United States Congressional Representatives with a collective total of 199 years of experi- ence and close involvement in national security atla rs (a pertinent point, the committee feels, when related to the comparative tenure of many policy and decision-making officials at the Depart- ment of Defense level). Guiding activities of the committee is able L. Mendel Rivers, Congressman from South Carolina. Rivers has been in public service since 1933 and a mem- ber of the United States Congress for 26 years. He has been on the Armed Services Committee for most of those years and has chaired for the past two years. He has been accused of trying to consolidate his position as committee leader and of being a temperamental chairman, though those who work closely with him thoroughly discount the former. To the latter, they concede only that in hA12P8QV tFtgrl Ws liefs he is direct and inclined to caustic comment to emphasize his point. His COUNTERPART to the River's Commit- tee in the House of Representatives is the 17-member Senate Armed Services Committee chaired by Richard B. Rus- sell of Georgia. By some, Russell has been accused of being aloof and difficult to reach. In fact, however, the senator possesses a politic appreciation of the separate yet co-equal status of the Legis- lative and Executive Branches of Gov- ernment. Further, he believes strongly that in his critical role as Chairman of the Armed Services Committee, person- alities should not be allowed to blur objectivity nor independent judgment be influenced by personal friendships. As a result, Russell makes a conscious effort in his associations with the Executive Branch to be cordial but not intimate; an attitude which to a degree permeates his committee. "it is the moment of truth for those in the Executive Branch who formulate defense programs and those in the Legis- lative Branch who pass upon them," said Russell, prior to the start of a series of hearings on authorization and appro- priation of funds for the defense of the country. "For several weeks these (Congres- sional) committees will consider vol- umes of testimony and almost a moun- tain of supporting data to help them form a judgment on whether the opti- mum degree of emphasis is being placed h M11 United States." Russell continued, "The decisions that are weighed in this proc- ess are awesome in their complexity and consequences. In all sincerity, I state my awareness that those who participate need a profound understanding of the lessons of history, a discerning judg- ment of contemporary events, a pre- scient knowledge of the future to be con- fident their choices are wise ones." Chairman Russell is equally aware of the legislative power that is in the hands of Congress and its constitutional re- sponsibilities in the field of national defense. He also leaves no doubt of his conviction that Congress and in partic- ular his Committee are properly facing those responsibilities and taking the nec- essary legislative action to carry out its obligations. He believes, however, that it would be an oversimplification of the subject to consider these constituted authorities alone. They are not an ex- clusive grant to Congress and an exam- ination solely of these powers as stated in the original charter leaves many modern day questions unanswered. The Constitution has given Congress the power to enact laws. At the same time, it has invested in the Executive Branch strong unilateral power. "It-is a fact of life," says Russell, "that the division of powers between the Legsla- tive and Executive Branches is not a simple or a complete one." "OOhVRA i! , the veteran legislator 9 and with conviction Approved For Release 2006/01/30 : CIA-RDP70B00338R000300080042-1 Defining Limit of Congress' Powers Is a Sensitive Matter of Judgment Russell: The division of powers over military affairs between the Legislative and Executive Branches is not a simple or a complete one." Congress has remained resolute despite conflicting Defense desires.) The com- mittee recognizes that under Secretary of Defense McNamara "options" have been emphasized in an effort to do away with limited or static strategies. At the same time, the committee is cognizant that tyre-can always be a lapse into over-conservatism and failure to appre- ciate the value of advanced weaponry atdclianging strategies. For this rea- son, Congress will unquestionably con- tinue to carry out the functions of in- quiry and criticism of the Department of Defense and to legislate to the degree it feels necessary. Thus, in a dangerous age and in an arena of separate yet co-equal status with the Executive Branch, Congress must perform its role in national defense with wisdom and discretion. For, as Chairman Russell would say, "Under our Constitution the initiative in the conduct of international relations and the command of our armed forces is in , a date, e -, to implement any full scale development gress can force Defense to take a the hands of the President. But of the AMSA. At the same time, despite re-examination of its programs and re- the president can and will do- in any the obvious "in Ant" of C ress t re e those 3which it believes will be specific instance is conditioned by Con- ic really no e GR2li gg cases 'Lill on ~Q~~tQ>$A0~ 0 ~$i ~tf anrT reaction." tended to observe this thin line of de- marcation between the Legislative and Executive charters. While he strongly defends what he conceives to be the proper role of Congress in guiding the activities of his Armed Services Com- mittee, he is equally meticulous in mak- ing certain that there is no intrusion into the sphere of Executive responsibility. To do so, he feels, could have disastrous consequences. (The constitutional word- age delineating the powers and responsi- bilities of the Branches is sufficiently vague as to create a twilight zone be- tween the two; where blacks and whites must fade to varying shades of grey.) As a case in point, AFM was told, the committee for some time has had a lin- gering doubt and concern that perhaps there has been an overreliance on the Intercontinental Ballistic Missiles, and there is a stringent need for a follow-on manned bomber to replace an aging B-52 fleet in the mid-1970s. The elon- gated F-l I 1 (FB-111) they feel to be only an interim bomber at best and that there is a valid requirement for an Ad- vanced Manned Strategic Aircraft to be under full development at this time. As a result, Congress has provided the authorization and the appropriations to proceed with such development. To D f h s not seen fit Congress desires to effect to force the port within its already authorized budget. use of the provided authority or the This is not to say that Russell's Armed allocated funding. Services Committee is not and will not This does not mean that no provi- continue to be keenly interested in all sions are made within the Constitution facets of Defense activities, nor that it and the nation's laws for Congress to will not act whenever it feels it appro- take action to force its "intent" (though priate, (rn fact on many occasions, it has few weapons other than its almost ,such as last ear s military pay increases, unused powers of impeachment). 'Iv- made made more positive in one piece of legislation than in another, de- pending upon how implicitly the law is written. Laws can be passed in what- ever degree of specificity that Congress desires to legislate. Some Congressional critics of the Defense Department would like to dot every "i" and cross every "t." However, Russell feels the Executive Branch should always be tit a degree gLfiexi_bilit Can Wisdom Be Legislated? The Chairman looks upon . Congress and the Committee as highly potent weapons yet at the same time recognizes their limitations. While he feels that Congress has infinite power to grant or deny funds, he is generally skeptical of Congress' ability to legislate efficiency intoie management of the Department of Defense. - "It is difficult," he says, "to make wisdom a matter of law." by cutting back on funds, Con- Yet Approved For Release 2006/01/30 : CIA-RDP70B00338R000300080042-1 competency to direct activities of his committee has been attested to by high level Pentagon officials close to the com- mittee, who told AFM they find Rivers a "highly capable" chairman. Backing the Congressional contingent is a 20-year committee veteran, Chief Counsel John Blandfoid and a profes- sional staff, well versed in defense activities. To direct its attention to the myriad aspects of those activities, the commit- tee is currently composed of four perma- nent subcommittees and nine special subcommittees. These subcommittees are chaired by some of the most knowl- edgeable names in military affairs on Capitol Hill: Philbin (Mass.), Hebert (La.), Price (Ill.), Fisher (Tex.), Byrne (Pa.), Bennett (Fla.), Hardy (Va.), and Pike (N.Y.). The subcommittees carry out the re- sponsibilities of the committee charter that charges it with an obligation in the management of ammunition depots, forts, arsenals, as well as all Service reservations and establishments. They are concerned with the conservation, de- velopment and use of naval petroleum and oil shale reserves, as well as the scientific research and development in support of the armed Services. The size and composition of the Services fall within their purview as do the pay, promotion, retirement and other bene- fits and privileges of the members of the Services. Major among its activities is the area of strategic and critical mate- rials necessary for common defense. These responsibilities are mandated and obligatory to the Armed Services Committee as action agent for the House Legislative branch. Mendel Rivers leaves no doubt that he and the committee fully understand both the dictate and the devoir, and that they are zealously devoted to meeting their charge. AFM talked with Chairman Rivers and members of the committee staff in regard to the present relationship with the Department of Defense and current areas of committee concern. It is obvious that relationship between the two is better than usually reported, but not so harmonious as it has been in the past. However, it is also obvious that both are working toward their com- mon objective of the best defensive forces possible for the security of the country. It is equally apparent that Con- gress is inclined to go to greater lengths, more expeditiously and at a commen- surately greater cost than the current defense regime where the philosophy of "cost effecti 4A veidtfiOr Release 2 decision process and a holding of de- fense resources (predicated upon systems Legislators' Power to Investigate Is a Potent Aid to Defense Efficiency Stennis: "It is imperative that Congress constantly measure our military preparedness against the possible demands we may face." )06/0I/3.0 : CIA-RDP70B00338R000300080042-1 Approved For Release 2006/01/30 : CIA-RDP70B00338R000300080042-1 T is HIGHLY questionable that any large bureaucratic organization such as the Department of Defense would op- erate at peak efficiency for any extended period of time without the motivating force of authoritative criticism from out- side sources While Defense and the military Services have tried to build their own investigative capability (e.g., the Inspector General system) the very na- ture of the hierarchy and its inherent "chain of obedience" either makes diffi- cult, or precludes, the application of informed criticism in important areas. In this view the investigative powers of Congress become a valuable and potent aid to the effective management of Defense resources and to proper legislative actions. By picking an area of Defense activity, narrowly and de- liberately circumscribed, Congress can focus its energies to a degree not other- wise possible and in this manner make a most telling contribution to national defense. The true value of the appli- cation of these powers is well illustrated by recent Congressional hearings into Military Airlift Resources and defense capabilities in the area of Tactical Air Power and Close Air/Ground Suport. On Capitol Hill, it is generally con- ceded that "Mr. Investigator" is Senator John Stennis (D., Miss), Chairman of the Subcommittee on Preparedness In- vestigations and ranking member of the Senate Armed Services Committee. "The responsibility of Congress is clear," Stennis told AFM. "It is imperative that it- (Congress) constantly measure our military strength and our military pre- paredness against the possible demands which we may face in view of our worldwide commitments and that we face up, realistically, to the problems which may confront us at hot spots and potential hot spots all around the world as a result of the aggressive and expan- sionistic designs of communism." To do this, Stennis pointed out, Cop- gress must collect its own facts and make its own evaluatiogsindepend6nt of the military. He feels strongly that Con- gress has the responsibility to take this independent action and examine and evaluate each area for itself rather than something less than a full partner in military and defense matters, I, for one, will never be content to abdicate my re- sponsibility in this field to any individual, department or agency; nor will I ever be content to sit idly by and see the re- sponsibility and obligation of the Con- gress in this area turned over to the Executive Department by default or eroded beyond repair or recall." Stennis is convinced that the major role that Congress should play in the defense field must be boldly asserted; that the Legislative Branch should play a greater, rather than a lesser, role in our government. There Can Be No Restraints In his zeal for Congressional inde- pendence in assessing any given situa- tion, Stennis does not mean to imply that Congress would exclude the judgments of the nation's skilled and professional military leaders. To the contrary, on natters that are essentially military in nature, Stennis feels that their advice and recommendations should be sought and seriously weighed and that freedom of expression and even dissent during this period should be both countenanced and encouraged. He feels equally, however, that such testimony, if it is to be beneficial to investigation, must be open and frank, and without restraint imposed by a previously determined Defense Department position. "Congress can discharge this major responsibility in the defense field," the veteran senator said, "intelligently and effectively only if it has access to all of the facts and to the professional opin- ions and view of skilled and high- ranking officers. There must be no arbitrary restrictions or institutional re- straints which prevent our high-ranking officers, when testifying in executive ses- sion upon matters affecting security and survival of this country, from present- ing both the facts and their views to the Congress openly, candidly and freely. Without such a free and full presenta- tion by the knowledgeable military peo- ple the Congress will be restricted to a one-sided presentation which merely par- rots a policy or position which has been gations into military affairs and manage- ment of the Military Establishment, Stennis is extremely pointed in stressing Fiis conviction that -the Legislative Branch is not and will not be bound by _ restrictions placed on Congressional stated that in a memorandum issued last January, witnesses were given instruc- tions as. "guidance" in testifying before Congress if pressed for their personal opinions. "Among other things," he said, "they were told to give 'the considera- tions or factors which support the deci- sion'-meaning the decision of higher authority. This attempts," he continued, "to compel the witness to argue for a viewpoint with which he may disagree." In such interrogation, the subcommit- tee chairman believes that CQpgress -must insist upon direct and responsive answers when requesting the personal -pro essiona opinions in executive hear- Jrgo Commented Stennis, "When they are in professional disagreement, they cannot and should not be expected to support the opposing view." His experience as head of the Pre- paredness Investigations Subcommittee has given the senator a strong convic- tion in the value of the Congressional role as both mentor and critic in matters of national defense. He is convinced at previous investigations have evi _-t. .n.ced a--stringent requirement toques- ion and Turther evaluate Defense assess- - ifent of reported defense needs aid pab lities. So strongly does Congress feel in this relation, says Stennis, that his subcom- mittee is currently involved in inquiries and an all encompassing survey of U.S. worldwide commitments. "We have determined," he said, "that it is necessary to make an overall study and assessment of our worldwide mili- tary commitments and an evaluation of what is required in military man- power, equipment, weapons and other resources to enable us to respond to these commitments." Whatever the pros and cons, there seems little question that Congress most properly has the responsibility to carry out an investigative role in national blindly accepting a Defense-assessed officially approved at the highest security and this is a view concurred in position. He said, "Despite the trend echelon." and desired by most knowledgeable in recent years, AlIPMO d400B lLwase 2alasK -/wto V949qVMl( O@"8RbiSAI @608(SO42L4ry? 0 Approved For Release 2006/01/30 : CIA-RDP70B00338R000300080042-1 analysis) to only those necessary to meet assessed contingencies. The committee feels that a surplus of military hardware even if it means waste, is far preferable to a shortage that may mean disaster. Rivers told AFM, that the primary differences between Congress and the Pentagon are philosophical. Both agree the country comes first. Those philo- sophical differences, however, make a common approach difficult. Rivers _fels further that the attitude of the Defense Department toward his committee is more one of toleration than of coop- eration. --'.,'They simply do not take us into their complete confidence," he said. He indicated that there were a num- ber of areas of disagreement in the man- ner in which the Pentagon is currently managing defense resources. "I am par- ticularly opposed," he said, "to this busi- ness of major reprogramming. It makes a mockery of the whole appropriations process.." He pointed out that funding author zations are made by budget line item only after extensive testimony justi- fying those items. "I was dismayed," said the Chairman earlier this year, "when the Secretary of Defense an- nounced that many highly important military projects would be deferred, even though the Congress had not only authorized their construction, but funds had been provided. These projects must first go through a long and laborious study and approval by the Bureau of the Budget and the Department of De- fense before they are even submitted to the Congress. I am completely dumb- founded," he continued, "by the fact that without any prior consultation with the representatives of the people the Secretary of Defense announced the de- ferment of many important items and all military family housing." Research and development projects, the development of advanced weapons systems and failure. on the part of De- fense to make decisions to proceed with Much developments were among the areas causing committee concern. ? The Hebert subcommittee is mak- ing a searching inquiry into the announced phaseout of the B-58 and B-52 strategic bombers and what Rivers terms the "lack of decision to develop a suitable replacement aircraft." He feels distraught that the Air Force is not flying a single aircraft specifically de- signed for close air support that it has been allowed tQ develop itself. Early this summer, the Chairman Advanced Manned Strategic Aircraft (AMSA) and an Improved Manned Interceptor, he stated, "There is little interest in the civilian sector of the De- partment of Defense in a true, follow-on bomber. Instead, the Department is content to gamble on an elongated F-111 to be called the FB-111. It is only an interim bomber at best." He con- tinued, "Our interceptor aircraft will start a downward trend in the years ahead and the fate of a new Improved Interceptor has not been decided. Per- haps it will be the YF-12A or perhaps they will come up with an IMI-111." ? Of equal concern to the committee is its conviction that a block obso- lescence of the U.S. Naval Fleet requires immediate action to update deep pene- tration naval gunfire support ships, heavy gun-carrying units and action to give the Navy a nuclear power capability. "We have the know-how and the in- dustrial capacity to provide nuclear power for major surface segments of the fleet. But we can't even get a decision from DOD to build a new nuclear- powered frigate," Rivers said. He pointed _ out that facts supporting the construction of nuclear frigates in order to operate nuclear task forces are so overwhelming that "it is inconceivable to me that anyone can dispute them. But they are still being disputed." ? A caustic source of irritation to the Congressional defense experts is the current controversy over the Defense Department's proposal for the merger of the National Guard and the Re- serve Forces. There is a consensus among the committee members that despite an unequivocal and clear rejec- tion of the merger proposal by the Con- gressr the Pentagon, electing to follow its own judgments, continues to persist in predicating its future planning on the merger and reorganization proposal. This and actions already taken by the Defense Department (which, in effect, closely parallel ends outlined in the original proposal) the committee inter- prets as "thwarting the will of Congress." Despite the differences, however, the Pentagon and the Hill do work closely in most areas, particularly in support of the conflict in Southeast Asia. Both are primarily interested in the morale and well-being of the fighting man in Viet- nam. But it is the committee's reaction that decisions to properly supply and equip our fighting forces should have is the most worried of all men," he said. Rivers is blunt. He takes little stock in "cost effectiveness" if it results in de- fense without an adequate "safety mar- gin"; nor is he convinced of the validity of the theory of "escalation" and "re- straint." ... have " he says, "too many people who are. counting the costs of tlatlc_ recur y and not enough weigh- ing the cost of defeat." He firmly be- lieves the proper course of action is "to build and maintain the mightiest mili- tary strength possible and, if necessary, commit without restraint, the entire arsenal to preserve the nation." At the same time, there is no doubt that current philosophies within the Pentagon will continue to prevail. As of this writing there appears little hope, ,at least for the moment, that the climate can be other than one of friendly condescension. Vigilance is Needed Congress and Defense are close to an impasse on many major issues. The Armed Services Committees and Con- gress realize that they can effect legisla- tion and make appropriations. But they can not easily force the Department of Defense to spend the funds appropri- ated. They can give authority for action, but cannot without complications re- quire that authority to be used. Rivers recognizes full well these subtleties. He is cognizant that while Congress has powers that can be evoked to achieve certain ends, it is not in every case necessarily prudent nor in the nation's best interest to wield these powers. Thus, Defense will probably continue in its own way and as it sees fit. Yet one would be naive to the extreme, to assume that Congress is not dedicated to its cause. Or that it will not continue to apply power within the dictates of its own convictions. If the writers of the Constitution felt the new nation so complex as to neces- sitate a division of power (Executive- Legislative-Judicial) then perhaps, in the United States of today, it is well that there exists an authority vested with maintaining a vigilance over any bu- reaucracy the size of the Department of Defense. Congress must stand this vigil. To do otherwise would be failure to carry out its mandate. Or as Mendel Rivers would say, "The Congress has a consti- tutional responsibility in the area of national defense. It must either meet lauded the nation's tremendous defense says Rivers, "that more consideration is this responsibility, watch it erode, or capability and the advances that had given to the fighting man before he takes unconstitutionally delegate its responsi- been made. He stated, however that on the `30-yard look'." This he ex- bility to the Department of Defense." "there are dh Proye tfgQra a61e 2Q 1 41I Qe l iR1 e4~ ~~~E~~ Ql rte Armed Services Com- military departments, and our prepara- face when he is 30 yards from the mittee will meet its constitutional duty tions for the future." Referring to the enemy. "At that point, the Serviceman and responsibility. 0 been made sooner. "It is high time," Ap Ap ~F T UNCLASSIFIED CONFIDENTIAL SECRET CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE AGENCY OFFICIAL ROUTING SLIP TO NAME AND ADDRESS DATE 1 IA j5 w 2 L. C 3 4 V 1,'? fiAAl 5 " 1- M 6 ACTION DIRECT REPLY PREPARE REPLY APPROVAL DISPATCH RECOMMENDATION COMMENT FIE RETURN CONCURRENCE INFORMATION SIGNATURE Remarks: &U ..v At~aj I r`te' t4-,t 1-4 , a-J azkJ t4iA42/ QM ~ FOLD HERE TO RETURN TO SENDER FROM: NAME, ADDRESS AND PHONE NO. DATE LLAI e i FORM No. 237 Use previous editions