NONPROLIFERATION TREATY -- A NUCLEAR YALTA?

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP70B00338R000300090053-8
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 20
• Document Creation Date: December 19, 2016
• Document Release Date: January 9, 2006
• Sequence Number: 53
• Publication Date: February 27, 1967
• Content Type: OPEN

February 27, i3Oproved F4pORRywispi6Vp0/4hcfAtFDPFABOOR38R000300090053-8 H775
broad outlines and many of its specific
provisions, this year's administration bill
is very similar to that which was de-
bated, modified, and ultimately passed by
the House last year.
There is, however, one significant ex-
ception. The administration, unfortu-
nately, did not see fit to include in this
year's draft legislation any form of pre-
ventive relief to preclude interference
with freedom of speech, assembly, or
petition in relation to civil rights. I am
today introducing a bill fill this gap.
The bill which I am offering today is
identical to title III of H.R. 14765, the
civil rights bill of 1966, as reported on
June 30, 1966, by the House Judiciary
Committee. This title would provide an
avenue of injunctive relief, through civil
action, in two types of instances:
First. Where there are reasonable
grounds to believe that any person is
about to engage or continue to engage in
any act or practice which would deprive
another of any right, privilege, or im-
munity granted, secured, or protected by
the Constitution or laws on account of
such person's race, color, religion, or
national origin; and
Second. Where there are reasonable
grounds to believe that any person is
about to engage or continue to engage
in any act or practice which would deny
or hinder another in the exercise of his
lawful right to speak, assemble, petition,
or otherwise express himself for the pur-
pose of securing recognition of or protec-
tion for equal enjoyment of guaranteed
and protected rights free from dis-
crimination.
In such instances, the bill would au-
thorize a person, or the Attorney General
for or in the name of the United States,
to institute a civil action or other pro-
ceeding in the U.S. district courts for
temporary or permanent preventive re-
lief', including rostra ining orders or in-
junctions.
Mr. Speaker, this measure is in accord
with a line of legislative proposals which
have been discussed on both sides of the
Capitol for a full decade. As part III,
this approach was offered during the
Eisenhower administration and was
passed by the House in 1957. As title III,
it was debated during our consideration
of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. As the
Lindsay amendment, it was offered dur-
ing floor debate on the Voting Rights Act
of 1965. Again as title III, this proposal
was introduced early last year by ap-
proximately 20 Members of the House,
accepted by Judiciary Committee as an
addition to H.R. 14765, and passed by
the House as an important part of that
omnibus bill.
In advancing this proposal, the com-
mittee and the House have recognized its
importance as a complement to the Fed-
eral criminal laws which punish viola-
tions of civil rights. Title III would give
every American the assurance that he
has a course of action to prevent such
violations, and to guarantee that he may
exercise his first amendment rights in
advocating equal rights free from vio-
lence, intimidation, interference or the
threat of interference. This bill would
also give our law enforcement officers a
new tool with which to prevent violence.
protect American citizens, and maintain
civil order.
I trust that the House Judiciary Com-
mittee, in considering the administra-
tion's civil rights package of 1967, will.
continue the precedent set in 1966 and
will again seek to improve our legislative
guarantees of equal rights by reporting
title III.
FATE OF POWELL, TO BE DECIDED
BY HOUSE ON WEDNESDAY
(Mr. ,RUPPE at the request of Mr.
GUDE) was granted permission to extend
his remarks at this point in the RECORD
and to include extraneous matter.)
Mr. RUPPE. Mr. Speaker, Wednes-
day we will be called upon to decide the
fate of AnAm CLAYT:N Powimr. There is
no question but what PC/WELL misused
public funds and has acted in a grossly
irresponsible manner. The facts of the
Powell case have been carefully devel-
oped by a special House committee, and
that committee has recommended severe
punishment.
The American press has thrust the
Powell ease into the forefront of Ameri-
ca's attention. Before POWELL came the
strange case of Bobby Baker, and the
allegations and investigation of U.S.
Senator THOMAS DODD. All of this has
culminated in a deep suspicion by the
American people of their elected repre-
sentatives,
I firmly believe that the great ma-
jority of Congressmen and Senators are
honest and of the highest integrity. But
the fact remains that the actions of a
few have cast doubt on the entire legis-
lative branch of our Government. If we
punish ADAM CLAYTON POWELL?and go
no further?we have done little to repair
the sagging reputation of Congress. It
is my sincere hope that the Powell in-
vestigation will culminate in the estab-
lishment of a Standing Committee on
Standards and Conduct. This commit-
tee must have the power to investigate
charges of official misconduct against
any Member of the House of Representa-
tives, and must have the authority to
recommend corrective measures to the
House concerning that Member. Only
through such a committee can we begin
to repair the reputation of the House of
Representatives.
SELECT COMMITTEE ON STAND-
ARDS AND CONDUCT
(Mr. LUKENS ( at the request of Mr.
GUDE) was granted permission to extend
his remarks at this point in the RECORD
and to include extraneous matter.)
Mr. LUKENS. Mr. Speaker, the new
Members who are proposing that a select
committee be established on standards
and conduct in the House of Representa-
tives are not attempting to be presump-
tuous, nor are they suggesting that the
Members who came here before them
have been guilty of low standards and
bad conduct. We know that, with a few
possible exceptions, the integrity and
honor of the Members of this body are
beyond question.
But we are concerned with the public
attitude toward the Congress generally.
Because of a few highly publicized de-
partures from a standard the American
people feel is required of their Represent-
atives in Congress, a belief seems to have
grown up that most Members of this
honorable body indulge in practices of
misconduct of one sort or another. It is
at this belief that our resolution is aimed.
Our resolution is not complicated. It
would ask for the establishment of a
select committee of 12 members?six
from each political party?to be named
by the Speaker and empowered to in-
vestigate any violation of the law by
any Member of this body. It would call
upon Members to, first, make a full dis-
closure of the assets, liabilities, honor-
ariams, and so forth held by them, their
spouses or any staff members making
more than S15,000 annually; second,
make a full disclosure of any interest,
either financially or through kinship,
with any firm practicing before any Fed-
eral agency; third, make a full disclosure
of any interest, regardless of amount, in
any business whose right to operate is
regulated by the Federal Government;
and fourth make a full disclosure of any
relatives?immediate family?carried on
their congressional payrolls.
Mr. Speaker, I am convinced that this
kind of "gesture of honorability" is des-
perately required at this time in our his-
tory.
The "credibility gap??with regard to
the conduct of Congressmen, has not
grown to such incredible size that it is
more than a political issue?it is a men-
ace to this Nation. Our people are con-
fused, utterly, by conflicting statements
from Government officials about the war
in Vietnam, the need for a missile de-
fense, the subsidizing of leftwing orga-
nizations by the CIA, the doubts cast on
the Warren Commission's findings, the
direction of the economy, the cause of in-
flation, the increase in crime in tll.e
streets?to name just a few examples.
I am convinced that this Congress has
a great responsibility to resolve many of
these doubts and I am confident that it
will. But on the oaestion of its men
honor and integrity, we cannot wait. We
must show the American people as quick-
ly as possible that, in this time of wide-
spread disregard for law and order, we
intend to keep the U.S. House as far
above suspicion as possible. In effect,
our own right to act for the American
people is at stake in this question of
ethics. We must establish it beyond all
question and quickly.
Thank you, Mr. Speaker.
(Mr. HAMMERSCHMIDT at the re-
quest of Mr. Guan) was granted permis-
sion to extend his remarks at this point,
in the RECORD.)
[Mr. HA MMERSCHMIDT'S
will appear hereafter in the Appeneflx. !
REVISION OF THE ADMINISTRATIVE
PROCEDURE ACT
The SPEAKER. Under previous order
of the House, the gentleman from Vir-
ginia I Mr. POUF I is recognized for 20
minutes.
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, 196,`
V e. POPE. Mr. Speaker, as Govern-
ment e rows, the identity and majesty of
individual citizen shrinkie.
l'ens terrible truth, and the urge to
temper it. was at the root of the Admin-
earatiye Procedure Act adopted by the
ress in 1946.
in the two decades which have elapsed
then. Government has grown in
eize and power more than ever before
in a similar period. The time has come
to make adjustments, take up the slack
and elevate the citizen's posture to de-
tei id his rni.hts in conflicts with Govern-
ment. It is time to modernize the Ad-
ministrative Procedure Act. This is the
purpose ot the bill I have introduced
o eta V.
aee many reasons for the dra-
matic mceease in citizen-Government
conflicts. Growth in the private sector
ha,; complicated life and compounded
friationia rl the last 20 years the gross
tat iional product has tripled. Scientific
and technological changes have brought
a taw sophistication to old disputes. In
1946, atomic energy, television and elec-
Lemnos were in their infancy. The com-
munications and transportation indus-
tries were on a threshold no one fully
appreciated. Space exploration was
lady dreamed of.
Those who wrote the original law in
1946 haedly anticipated demographic de-
,ielopments this generation of Ameri-
cans has witnessed. Better fuel, food,
aloithin, shelter, and medicine have pro-
longed the life-expectancy, and with the
heti) of greater immigration, America's
copulation has increased by 45 million.
Population is not only greater but it has
ia'come increasingly concentrated in ur-
bar_ pockets. These developments have
created new problems, new needs, new
iittitudes which in turn have created new
programs, laws, licenses, regulations, and
csantrols.
As a consequence of these changes and
developrner is, the likelihood of a citi-
y,im confrontation with some arm of the
many aims of Government is infinitely
-crater today than it, was 20 years ago.
Moreover, the substance of the conflict
is more complicated and, in terms of
both propeity and personal liberty, the
eeselts of the conflict are more conse-
quential. in such circumstances, the
catizen's only protection is in stronger
peocedural safeguards. To quote Mr.
? Ti rat ice Erankfureer:
'Elie history of liberty has largely been
bisto-fy of procedural safeguards.
Under our Constitution, the people of
tisie United States are regarded as citi-
sens rather than subjects. As such, they
entitled to deal with the agencies of
(.:overnmem. on a parity. The purpose
or my bill is to restore a proper citizen-
( tavern/nem balance by insuring that
procedures governing the settle-
ment Ot Pisputes are not weighted
eeisitist I he citizen.
in pursuance of that purpose, my bill
will guaeantee that interested citizens
may be affected by agency rules and
a-a nations will have an effective voice
I, le torn: illation of those rules and
? ,laiaio as.
aliese rules, including those which
'cern practice before the agency, and
subsequent modifications or snteroreta-
tions of these rules should be fully titib-
licized.
For Use sake of the citizen, rules eon-
ceming investigations, hearings, evi-
dence, and decisions should be clear and
coastant and should guarantee e' Pry
element of due process_
'The practice of deposition; and dis-
covery and the prehearing eonference
procedure which have been used so c-
cessfully in the Federal district courts to
narrow the issues and expedite the trial,
must be adapted to adversary proceed-
nips before administrative and regula-
tory agencies so far as practicable.
The citizen should have the unre-
stricted right to use subpena.s and to de-
mand declaratory orders.
In the field of administrative appeals,
the citizen's- rights should be broadened
and a new system of interlocutory ap-
peals should be inaugurated to reduce the
number of final appeals that otherwise
would have to be made to the agency
level.
In the field of court appeals, the citi-
zen should he guaranteed recourse to the
Federal district courts except where
there is specific statutory provision for
appeal to another Federal court. Venue
in such appeals should be patterned after
that fixed in title 28 United States Code
13,c1 enacted in 1962 so that the citizen
will not be required to come to Washing-
ton but rather will be allowed to file his
coraplaint in the Federal district court
where he resides or has his principal
place of business, or where the agency
preceeding took place, or where any real
preperty involved in the proceeding is
situated.
Mr. HUTCHINSON. Mr. Spea.ker. a :11
the gentleman yield?
Mr. POFIlo. I air happy to yield to
the distinguished gentleman from Mieli-
ean.'
Mr. HUTCHINSON. I thank the ge -
?ileraan for yielding.
1 wish to commend the gent email far
his introduction of legislation to upct ite
the Administrative Procedure Act. I
know of the gentleman's interest in ti is
field_ it is an interest of many yea 'a'
duration. In 1.962, the gentleman was
the author of the venue statute to which
he has just referred. He fought hard
and successfully to allow citizens having
causes of actions against Governmect
age.acies to sue she Government at home:
in their own districts. He proposes new
to cxtend ti (at principle to administra-
tive appeals.
The gentleman's observation about tl
increasing complexity of the Govern-
ment and the decreasing status of the
individual citizen in it certain: y is well
put and well taken.
The gentleman from Virgin:A is otie
of those individuals who does not merely
decry the increasing complexity aed
Power of povernment: he is a Member 1
Congress who proposes to do somethieg
about it.
The bill the gentleman is introducing
tad.ay is i vidence of the fact that tae
gentleman front Virginia is a "doer"
rather than a Lalker. I commend the
gentleman.
Mr. POPE. T most sincerely appreci-
ate the generosity of the gentleman's
remarks. So lens: as he continues in the
same vein I shall be glad to yield to him
the remainder Cf the time which has
been made avaiiahle to me.
Mr. Spanker, this is only a broad-brush
piciene of the provisions and purposes
of the leeislatioa I introduced today.
Similar le:lislat.on passed the other body
in the last Congress. It is my hope that
the House will take the lead this year and
register its urgent concern for citizen
protectioi in this vital area.
COMMIT'il'EE ON WAYS AND MEANS--
PERMISSION TO FILE REPORT
AND SUPPLEMENTAL VIEWS TO
ACCOMPANY H.R. 6098
Mr. MILLS. Mr, Speaker, I ask
unanimous consent that the Committee
on Ways and Means may have until
midnight on Monday next to file a re-
pore and supplemental views to accom-
pany H.R. 60911, the interest equaliza-
tior tax bill.
The SPEAKER pro tea-more (Mr.
BENNETT) . Without objection, it is so
ordered.
There was no objection.
CHANGE OF SPECIAL ORDER
M.!. BUSH. Mr. Speaker, I ask unani-
mous cons,?nt that the special order of
the gentleman from California [Mr.
HOSMER I, sahich I believe is for 10 min-
utes and which was to follow mine, pre-
cede my special order of today.
Tee SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there
objection TA the request of the gentle-
mar from ?I'exas;?
Ti :ere was no ab jection.
NOiROLIFEItATION TREATY?A
1;.-UCLEAR YALTA?
:ytie SPE AKER pro tempore. Under
4drevidus or.ier of the House, the gentle-
man from. California, iMr. HOSMER I, is
recognized. for 10 minutes.
Mn HOSMER Mr. Speaker, in in go-
tiating the non,aroliferation treaty the
Johnson achniniAration trustfully looks
ahead to a rosy e-sa in which promises
are kept, rinclear spread is stopped, -U.S.
security is enhanced and so on ad in-
finitum or iiausern, as the case ma,y be.
Humbug. Why the apparent Soviet
shift from negative to positive on. this
treaty? I i.ay "apparent" because they
have wanted it all along, craftily figured
the way td get it was seemingly to be
forced, and are now laughing up their
sleeves. Ti long negotiations gave them
a foram td spew out venomous propa-
gandi against the United States, West
Germany, ancl others. It gave their
atomic scieatists several years to turn
into lethal hard ware knowledge gained
befolie the test ban, in 1962, for 40 tests
in a:T.E1 above the atmosphere. 'They
multiplied taeir ,M1BM's and deployed a
nuclear-tipped ABM system. The same
years were those of ever intensifying
U.S. involsement in Vietnam. As
the iislministratime's peace :image tar-
nished, with wily contumacy the Soviets
fanned in an almost hysterical yen to
consummaat tarnish-removing treaties.
The Soviets watched as they might
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Fehruard 27,
watch a dog drool for a bone. By a
negotiating striptease?peeling off small
concessions and hints?they sharpened
the Johnson administration's treaty de-
sires while they themselves moved closer
to the bone. Why? What, in addition
to that already related, does the view of
this treaty from the Kremlin offer them
that we do not see? The answer is
several sided.
A prime Soviet objective since NATO
was formed in the late 1940's has been
to weaken it and then dispose of it and
all other free world alliances. Unques-
tionably the course of negotiations has
reinforced European misgivings over
whether, when the chips are down, the
United States itself will come to NATO's
nuclear defense. At the same time it sees
the United States gasping for a treaty
which simultaneously will ban Europe
from developing atomic defenses on its
own and bar the United States from sell-
ing nuclear weapons to it for Europe's
independent self-defense against Soviet
aggression. Is this a nuclear Yalta?
Actions speak louder than words and
despite Johnson-Rush-McNamara reas-
surances Europeans increasingly weigh
the advantages of turning from Wash-
ington and making their own accom-
modation with Moscow's desire for world
dominance. The seeming "togetherness"
of the United States with the U.S.S.R.
on this treaty can almost, by them, be
taken as precedent. Recently in London
Premier Kosygin told newsmen that
"whether the Federal Republic of Ger-
many likes it or not, the document must
be signed." Almost contemporaneously?
to gain West German adherence?head
shrinking treatments were given to For-
eign Minister Willy Brandt by President
Johnson in Washington and to Chan-
cellor Kurt Kiesinger by Soviet Ambas-
sador Semyon Tsarapkin in Bonn.
Another prime Soviet objective is to
get rid of the U.S. strategic deterrent.
The Soviets deployed a damage-limiting
AI3M system while we negotiated. This
affects the credibility of our deterrent
when considered in parallel with McNa-
mara's unwillingness to go for a U.S.
ABM system and his refusal to replace
the aging SAC bomber fleet. Of greater
significance from the Soviet viewpoint,
however, is what they may consider a
"technology and treaty" approach to
ending the deterrent. They may be-
lieve, and induce others to believe, that
the delays and limitations of under-
ground testing, together with their ex-
tensive 1962 test effort, compared with
our modest effort, have given them a
substantial lead in nuclear technology.
Their ABM deployment and the absence
of ours could be an argument to this
point. They also see, perhaps have par-
ticipated in, the buildup of pressures for
a treaty banning even underground tests
which could allow the United States to
catch up. The Johnson administration
shows every willingness to negotiate it
either as a condition of the nonprolifer-
ation treaty or a quick follow-on to it.
If, indeed, the Soviets have gained nu-
clear superiority, and before admitting it
can maneuver an underground ban to
freeze their superiority into permanent
being, the U.S. deterrent will vanish.
The ball game will be over.
SPECIAL ETHICS COMMITTEE
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under
previous order of the House, the gentle-
man from Texas [Mr. BUSH] is recog-
nized for 60 minutes.
Mr. BUSH. Mr. Speaker, at the begin-
ning of this special order, I would like
to ask unanimous consent for all Mem-
bers to revise and extend their remarks
and include extraneous matter on this
subject for a period of 5 legislative
days.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there
objection to the request of the gentle-
man from Texas?
There was no objection.
Mr. BUSH. Mr. Speaker, I have taken
this time today so that a number of our
new Republican Members of the 90th
Congress can address ourselves to the
tremendously important subject of ethi-
cal behavior in the House of Representa-
tives.
First, I want to make very clear that
all of us support the active leadership
role taken in this important area by our
distinguished minority leader and by the
Policy Committee. Both have made
forceful appeals for a special ethics com-
mittee. I hope what we do here will
enforce and back up the forthright po-
sition that they have taken on this im-
portant subject.
Today I have introduced a House res-
olution (H. Res. 279) creating a select
ethics committee and establishing rigid
requirements for disclosure of assets and
liabilities; disclosure of relationships
with certain businesses, firms, and
lobbyists; and also establishing full dis-
closure of certain nepotic relationships.
Many of my colleagues are joining to-
day in introducing similar or identical
resolutions.
Mr. Speaker, the question we must ask
ourselves is really a very basic and sim-
ple one: Does a Congressman have the
right to behave as he pleases?or does
he have an obligation to the Congress
and to the country to observe certain
standards of conduct?
Well, the Republican answer to that is
very clear. We feel we most definitely
do have an obligation. Like Caesar's
wife, every Member of this House must
be above suspicion. And if that means
a self-imposed code of conduct, so be it.
A problem exists; we must face up to
it. We have a responsibility; we must
live up to it.
This is not a matter of exposing our
weaknesses; rather we should look on
this as an opportunity to demonstrate
our strengths.
James Reston wrote in the New York
Times yesterday, February 26, in a col-
umn devoted to corruption in America,
that?
The habit of honesty in the U.S.?in its
people and in its institutions--is still too
strong to be overwhelmed.
That is why it is so important that we
take the initiative. We must make the
moves that will lead to a practical code
of conduct, because if we do not, if we
keep putting it off, we shall be answer-
able for any misconduct to an aroused
and angry America with that "habit of
honesty that is too strong to be over-
whelmed."
It is important that we now use our
energies to find ways of preventing mis-
conduct, not waste our energies figuring
out ways to punish it. We are being
watched. And if anyone doubts it, he
will find out soon enough if the House
tries to pretend that the issue of congres-
sional ethics is not a matter of real con-
cern to every American. We cannot put
this matter aside again. This time we
must do something. It is too late to do
nothing.
My resolution calls for the creation of
a special Ethics Committee. It goes fur-
ther. It would make all Members dis-
close their principal assets and liabili-
ties, their sources of income, their rela-
tionships with businesses which are
beholden to the Federal Government for
their right to do business. In addition
it calls for a full disclosure of relatives on
the payroll, and it requires the spelling
out of any relationship financial or per-
sonal, with any lobbyist.
I know that some will feel this is an in-
vasion of privacy or that by inference it
suggests that many Members of the
-House have something to hide. This
criticism misses the point.
No one is anxious to lay out for public
scrutiny his personal financial affairs,
but regrettably it must be done. For
rightly or wrongly, until we act and act
with force, the country is going to hold
us in suspicion. I would add right here
that these disclosure provisions should
also apply to candidates for the Con-
gress as well as Members. This must be
covered by legislation which we should
promptly enact.
Some people say, "Oh, this disclosure
stuff is old hat." I say that it is not old?
it has never been tried.
I have been impressed by the serious-
ness of purpose of the Republican lead-
ership in this broad area. It is the pur-
pose today of the new Members to add
our voices to the battle. True, we lack
experience in the House, but we bring to
this problem a fresh look. We feel to-
tally uninhibited by tradition in this one
sensitive area, because we think we heard
the unmistakable clear voice of the peo-
ple saying on November 8, "Go there and
do something to restore respect for the
House."
We like the concept of a special Ethics
Committee and many of us like the idea
of doing more. We must demonstrate to
the American people that we have noth-
ing to hide. To so demonstrate we must
bend over backward as far as our own
personal disclosures go; but if these dis-
closures remove the doubt that is trou-
bling many Americans about their Con-
gress, then it will have been worthwhile.
Mr. Speaker, I urgently call on the
leadership of this House to give us some
action in this important area.
I know I speak for many of my col-
leagues when I say we do not come to
this floor today leveling any charges at
any Member or group. We come here
having taken a fresh look at the prob-
lem; we come here feeling we do know
the will of the people on this important
issue; we come here with a constructive
spirit and with open minds; we come
here restless with the status quo and
eager to try.
We come here determined to be a part
of the first Congress in history that has
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actually been willing to come to grips?
forcefully and specifically?with this
very touchy and difficult subject. This
time we must do something?it is too late
to do nothing.
Now, Mr. Speaker, I shall be glad to
yield to any of my colleagues who de-
sire to participate in this colloquy.
Mr. DELLENBACK. Mr. Speaker, will
the distinguished gentleman yield?
Mr. BUSH. I yield to the distinguished
gentleman from Oregon.
(Mr. DELLENBACK asked and was
granted permission to revise and extend
his remarks and to include extraneous
m atter. )
Mr. DELLENBACK. Mr. Speaker, I
thank th2 distinguished gentleman for
yielding to me at this point.
Mr. Speaker, I wish to commend the
gentleman from Texas for the stand
which he has taken today on the com-
mencement of this particular action.
However, I would like to add these few
words:
This is a statement which has been
signed so far by 43 Members of the
new freshman Republican group:
We newly elected Republican Congressmen
feel certain that the Congress of the United
States?possibly with a few rare exceptions?
is composed of men and women who are
honest, dedicated and preparted both to
preach and to practice adherence to a code
of high personal morality and conduct.
We feel strongly that no duly elected in-
dividual member of Congress should be
singled out, from our midst to be judged
against any special standard against which
we are not all ready and willing to be judged.
In an effort to cause these feelings to take
solid form, a number of us have earlier in
this session introduced, or are today intro-
ducing or supporting, bills and resolutions
looking to :hese goals.
In order to demonstrate to the people of
the United States in a clear and convincing
manner the fact that these feelings are not
ours alone but are also the feelings of the
entire Congress, we urge the entire Congress,
and particularly the Members thereof sitting
in positions of leadership in this Congress
,L3 Members of the majority Democratic
party, to insist upon immediate study of and
action upon proposed changes in House Rules
and in statutes that will incorporate these
feelings as part of such rules and statutes.
We intend to push as hard as we are able
toward the earliest possible attainment of
these goals
Done this 27th day of February. 1967 in
Washington. D.C. by:
SFIERM AN P. LLOYD, JOHN PAUL HAM MER-
SCHMIDT. GUY VANDER JAGT, CHARLES E.
WIGGINS, DANIEL E. BUTTON. WILLIAM
V. R..: TH, WILLIAM 0. COWGER, GEORGE
BUSH, THOMAS S. KLEPPE, DAN KUY-
K NIALL, JAMES C. GARDNER.
MARGAR ET M. HECKLER DONALD W. RIEGLE,
JR.. CLARENCE E. MILLER, HENRY C.
HADEBF.RG, JOHN M. ZWACH, Lours C.
Y :VIA rc, M. G. SNYDER, HOWARD W.
POLL.-,CK, SAM STEIGER, WILLIAM C.
WAMPLER, CHARLES W. SANDMAN.
Jon NT DELLENBACK, GASSY BROWN, J.
II ERB FRT BURKE, THOMAS J. MESKILL,
C HAL T.LERS P. W YLIE, WILEY MAYNE,
C [I ARLES W. WHALEN, JR., WILLIAM A.
STYLI:EP.. FLETCHER THOZVIPSON, JOHN E.
lir: Ni' GILBERT GUDE.
LARRY WINN, JR., ROGER H. ZION, EDWIN
D. Es FILEMAN, JAIVIES A. MCCLURE,
JAMES V. SMITH, EDWARD G. BIESTER,
DONALD E. LUKENS, ROBERT D. PR/CE.
WILLIAM L. SCOTT, ROBERT V. DENNEY,
PHILIP F. RTJPPE, TOM RAILSBACK.
Mr. BUSH. I thank the distinguished
gentleman from Oregon arid I commend
the gentleman for his forthright ap-
proach to this subject.
Mr. STEIGER of Arizona. Mr. Speak-
er, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. BUSH. Mr. Speaker, I am glad
to yield to the distinguished gentleman
from Arizona,.
Mr. STEIGER of Arizona. Mr. Speak-
er, as distasteful as it may be. it is an
irrefutable fact of life that the elected
official is regarded by those who elect
him as capable of the most. flagrant dis-
honor. Having most recently joined the
ranks of this distinguished body, we of
the freshman class are possibly even
more cognizant of this fact than our more
senior colleagues. It is my intention,
and I am certain the will of my fellow
freshmen, that the code of ethics herein
proposed makes it patently clear that
defections of honor are totally rejected
a:3 a way of congressional life. I urge
the adoption of this code, as well as an
Election Reform Act which I am today
introducing, not as an admission that
wholesale chicanery will run rampant
without it. but that our behavior will not
be modified by its implementation. That
the practices spelled out in the code are
in keeping with our present conduct.
There will always be those among us,
on both sides of the aisle, who will suc-
cumb to avarice; the code will not pre-
vent this. The code will make the ap-
prehension of the guilty more accessible;
it will, most important of all, make the
innocence of the vast majority of the
membership of this body abundantly dis-
cernible.
Mr. BUSH. I thank the distinguished
gentleman from Arizona.
Mr. KLEPPE. Mr. Speaker, will the
gentleman yield?
Mr. BUSH. I ani delighted to yield to
the distinguished gentleman from North
Dakota.
(Mr. KLEPPE asked and was given
permission to revise and extend his
remarks and to include extraneous
matter.
Mr. KLEPPE. Mr. Speaker. I also
rise to commend the gentleman from
Texas on his presentation of this much-
discussed subject. At this point in the
proceedings, I want to go on record as
being in favor of part I, which covers the
establishment of a Select Committee of
the House on Standards and Conduct.
This is in accordance with the Republi-
can policy committee recommendation.
and I agree with it. We presently have
a code of ethics in the House which was
passed on July 11, 1958, and which sets
forth 10 points to which any person in
Government service should adhere. I
would suggest to the select committee
so recommended by this resolution to
carefully review these 10 points and to
consider proper ways and means of en-
forcing them.
Mr. Speaker, I insert these 10 points
at this point in the RECORD. I thank the
gentleman from Texas for yielding.
The 10 points referred to are as fol-
lows:
L Put loyalty' to the highest moral princi-
ples and to country above loyalty to persons,
pa:tty, or Government department.
H. Uphold the Constitution, laws, and
legal regulation.; of the United States and of
all governtnents therein and never be a party
to their evasion.
LI Give a full day's labor for a full day's
pay; giving to the performance of his duties
his earnest effort and best thought.
IV. Seek to find and employ more efficient
and economical ways of getting tasks ac-
complished.
Y. Never disciiminate unfairly by the dis-
peusing of speciil favors or privileges to any-
whether fcr remuneration or not; and
never accept, for himself or his family, favors
or benefi:s order circumstances which might
be consttued bf reasonable persons as in-
fluencing the performance of his govern-
mental duties.
VI. Make no private promises of any kind
binding upon the duties of office, since a
Government employee has no private word
which can be binding on public duty.
1711. Engage in no business with the GOV-
ernment, either directly or indirectly, which
is inconsistent with the conscientious per-
formance of his governmental duties.
17111. Never use any information coming to
him confidentially in the performance of gov-
ernmental duties as a means for making pri-
vate prof.t.
IX. Es pose corruption wherever discov-
ered.
Uphold th.tse principles, ever conscious
that public office is a public trust.
: \Ir. BUSH. I yield now to the gentle-
man front Tennessee [Mr. KUYKENDALL1.
Mr. KUYKENDALL. Mr. Speaker, I
thank the gentleman for yielding.
Mr. Speaker, :[ would like to join the
gentleman from Texas in urging support
for the ethics and disclosure bill and to
reiterate its importance to the House and
to the Nation. We are all cognizant of
the fact that each and every Member of
Congress is presently governed by a writ-
ten: code of ethics which was adopted on
Ju:y 11, 1958. Although:I sincerely feel
that even this code is really unnecessary
to establish a standard of conduct for
the vast majority of our Members, I am
protid that we have one. At any rate,
under the existing code of conduct, the
Members of Congress are governed
mealy by their own conscience since
theee is no permanent organization or
structure to investigate complaints or
recommend di3ciplinary action by the
Co:egress.
Instances where it was necessary for
con t:ess:.onal action to discipline a Mem-
ben for unethical conduct have indeed
been rare. Yet vie know that these pos-
sib:Ries are real and I can think of no
better way to provide for these possi-
bilities than the ethics and disclosure bill
which establish es a Select Committee of
the House on Standards and Conduct.
The3 committee will operate strictly on
a nonpartisan basis and its work will
be geared to enhance and strengthen the
standards of conduct of the Members
of the Hc use.
We all know that the general public's
opinion of the ethics of Members of
Congress is not too high compared to the
other profession:, and their opinion is
particularly low tight now. This resolu-
tion is an excellent opportunity for us
to demons-trate and proclaim to the pub-
lic tnat we are opposed to unethical prac-
tices in any shape or form, and we are
prepared to do something to guard
against violations of otir standards of
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February- 27,
conduct by establishing a committee
for this purpose. We should be willing
to judge our own Members and ready
and able to deal with violations of our
code with measures as harsh as neces-
sary. The other provisions of the res-
olution providing for full disclosure
strengthen our position that we are op-
erating above board with nothing to hide
rnd this is the way it should be.
Mr. BUSH. Mr. Speaker, I thank the
distinguished gentleman from Tennessee
for those pertinent comments.
At this time, Mr. Speaker, I will yield
to the gentleman from Connecticut [Mr.
MESKILL1.
Mr. MESKILL. Mr. Speaker, I thank
the gentleman for yielding.
Mr. Speaker; as one who has been a
Member of this House for so short a time,
I would ordinarily be reticent about urg-
ing reforms in the procedures of the
House. The rules, traditions, and oper-
ations of the House have been evolved
over the years. Generations of able
minds have developed them in response
to particular situations and in the quest
for orderly, truly representative govern-
ment. One does not lightly propose
changes in a system which has brought
just government to more free citizens
than any other in history.
But what is proposed today by my col-
leagues and myself also follows years of
tradition?bad tradition. From the be-
ginning, scandals involving various
Members of Congress have marred the
public image of the legislative branch.
Their cumulative effect has been to un-
dermine public trust in our democratic
institutions. Recent allegations of mis-
deeds by Members and employees have
shocked the Nation. Three of the major
cases are very much with us today. One
of them, arising in this body, is moving to
a partial solution, at least, by the House
on Wednesday. Another, involving an
employee of the other body, has resulted
in court convictions which are now on
appeal. The third involves a Member of
the other body from my own State.
In addition, we can read almost daily
in the press vague references to other
misdeeds. The public demands and is
entitled to reform. My bill, House Reso-
lution 166, and the others of my col-
leagues, are designed to provide not only
a strict, fair code of ethics for the Con-
gress but also the machinery for enforc-
ing it. Until this is done, a cloud of
moral suspicion will continue to hang
corrosively over this Capitol. Let us act
now to drive it away.
Mr. BUSH. Mr. Speaker, I thank the
distinguished gentleman for his com-
ments.
I would like to add, though, that I am
sure all of us as new Members feel the
concern that the gentleman from Con-
necticut [Mr. MEsicfm.] expressed in his
opening comments, but I would also add
that perhaps we can take a new and
fresh look at this problem.
Mr. Speaker, I commend the gentleman
for his forthright statement.
At this time, Mr. Speaker, I yield to
the gentlewoman from Massachusetts
[Mrs. HECKLER].
Mrs. HECKLER of Massachusetts. Mr.
Speaker, I thank the gentleman for
yielding.
Mr. Speaker, on the day Congress con-
vened in January, my first day as a
Member of the National House, I favored
adoption of a code of ethics for Members
of Congress. I believed strongly then,
and believe strongly now, that such a
code should be adopted.
A law setting forth a code of ethics has
been enacted for members of the Mas-
sachusetts Legislature and are laws in
the books in other States. In my judg-
ment, there certainly should be an ef-
fective code of ethics for Members of
Congress, the highest lawmaking body in
the Nation. Congress not only should
do this but we have a duty and respon-
sibility to do it.
The fortune?or misfortune?of one
Member of Congress is but a shadow of
the problem. Its substance, and the
larger issue, is the conduct?or miscon-
duct?of Congress itself.
A resolution of the hard problem posed
by the gentleman from New York will be
worse than meaningless if it is not ac-
companied by reforms of wider applica-
tion.
To seat, to censure, and to fine a duly
elected Representative for abuse of his
public trust without imposing equal de-
mands and expectations on his col-
leagues, would lend credence to the
charge of hypocrisy which the censured
Member has already flung at these
Chambers.
How can the House content itself with
chastising one Member for violation of
an ethical code yet to be explicitly de-
fined for all Members?
How can the House, in conscience, set-
tle the accounts of one Member without
settling the accountability of all Mem-
bers?
How can the House slap one Member's
wrist without holding out all Members'
hands for inspection?
If the Congress does not ask itself these
questions, the people will ask them.
Only the rapid development of a con-
gressional code of ethics and its con-
tinuing enforcement by a standing com-
mittee from both Houses, will deny the
gentleman from New York the martyr's
robes. And, more importantly, only such
a code and such a committee will insure
the continued confidence in the Congress
of our citizenry.
The country waits for Congress. Let
us not keep them waiting,
For these reasons I maintain that the
Congress must enact a strict, effective,
and fair code of ethics now.
Mr. BUSH. I thank the distinguished
gentlewoman from Massachusetts.
Mr. STEIGER of Wisconsin. Mr.
Speaker, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. BUSH. I yield to my colleague.
(Mr. STEIGER of Wisconsin asked
and was given permission to revise and
extend his remarks and include ex-
traneous matter and certain material in
tabular form.)
Mr. STEIGER of Wisconsin. Mr.
Speaker, I am proud to join- my col-
leagues, particularly the distinguished
gentleman from Texas [Mr. Busx], in
introducing and discussing a subject
that deeply concerns the people of this
country and this Congress--ethics and
standards.
We discuss today the ethics in this
and the other Chamber and in our elec-
tion process. This is a subject that de-
serves more discussion and attention.
It is a subject that we must concern
ourselves with if we are to continue to
have a workable relationship as Mem-
bers of Congress with those who have
elected us.
The strength of our Government, of
our federal system as we know it today,
depends on the strength of our American
system of elections as well as the faith
the governed hold in those who govern.
Our activity, in the past, in the future
and now, will dictate our constituents'
faith in our ability to serve.
It is primarily, Mr. Speaker, through
the exercise of the franchise to vote that
American citizens participate in self -
government. It is, therefore, vitally im-
portant that we, as their duly elected
representatives in this Congress, keep
our constituents informed of our actions
and purposes and that we leave no doubt
in their minds as to the purpose of any
actions.
I have joined today with a number of
my colleagues in introducing legislation
designed to establish the procedure for
Members of Congress, their spouses, and
their assistants to disclose publicly their
income and financial assets and liabil-
ities. Both the resolution and the bill
I have introduced will accomplish this
important task. In keeping with the in-
tent of this legislation, I have today
placed on public file with the Clerk of
the House a statement of my financial
holdings.
The bill establishing the Election Re-
form Act of 1967 which I have intro-
duced today will also take an important
step toward filling another glaring
weakness in our present system. The
Election Reform Act of 1967 will close
the holes in our present law, the Corrupt
Practices Act of 1925. It will make
sweeping changes in the reporting by
candidates of expenditures for their
campaign and the contributions they
receive. In effect, it will create a re-
porting system where now we have none.
Mr. Speaker, the American Legion
magazine, in August of 1966, did an ex-
cellent job of outlining some of the
problems now in existence with regard
to the Corrupt Practices Act. The
magazine said in part:
The costs of campaigning in the United
States have skyrocketed in recent years, and
no end is in sight. In 1912, the 'Democrats
reported spending $1,134,848 to elect Wood-
row Wilson President, but in 1964 it cost the
Republicans 17 times as much?$19,3l4,796---
to run Barry Goldwater's unsuccessful cam-
paign for the Presidency. In 1948, the total
reported national-level expenditures of the
political parties was $8,771,879. In 1964, the
total had soared to $47,762,890.
It's been estimated that the real, total na-
tional bill for political campaigns in 1964,
from the Presidency down to town govern-
ment, was in the neighborhood of $200 mil-
lion?up from $140 million in 1952. In 1962,
when the Presidency wasn't even at stake,
about $100 million?or about $2 for each of
the 53 million Americans -who went to the
polls?was spent on races for Congress, state
and local government.
Mr. Speaker, it has become the pro-
cedure, unhappily, for both political par-
ties to raise the substantial amounts
needed for political campaigns from
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large contributors. My bill is designed
to severely restrict this practice and en-
courage small contributions of up to
8100.
A Noveraber 18, 1966, editorial of the
Sheboygan Press in Sheboygan, Wis..
provides a good discussion of the diffi-
cult situation surrounding the soaring
cost of political activities. I include
that editorial at this paint as part of my
remarks:
POLITICAL EXPENSES
Three members of the Senate bowed out
when the 89th Congress adjourned. Sena-
tors Neuberger of Oregon. Saltonstall of
Massachusetts and Simpson of Wyoming
were not seeking re-election.
Saltonstati and Simpson may deliver
themselves of some reflections, in clue course.
on their experiences in Washington. Mrs.
Neuberger already has uttered some sharp
words that merits some attention. She
went out with a penetrating and disturbing
comments on her impressions of being a
senator, specifically on the expense of main-
taining membership in that august body.
"Everything comes back to money," she
said. "It's the one with the most money
who will win. It is a thwarting of what we
call the great democracy." It seems so. in-
deed, when measured against what is spent
on many a Senate election. She said her
1960 campaign cost $80,000 and termed it
'cheap" compared to the $2 million required
in an Illinois senatorial election. Expenses
in the larger states of New York and Cali-
lornia reportedly are even higher.
These observations by a retiring Senator
are rather thought provoking. Mrs. Neu-
berger stands little to gain by making them.
ncr perhaps could generate a touch of
enmity with her former colleagues. The
Congress in its recent session passed an im-
perfect bill granting the principal political
parties certain funds contributed by willing
taxpayers. The Neuberger remarks indicate
that once a workable formula is achieved for
presidential elections, as the new legislation
provides, efforts should be made to extend
the system to lesser offices.
In order to help overcome part of this
problem, Mr. Speaker, the last Congress
passed a $1-per-person tax checkoff
plan. I think the law is a poor one and
include as part of my remarks two excel-
lent editorials from newspapers in the
Sixth District of Wisconsin, regarding
this matter
From the Fond du Lac Commonwealth
Reporter I
Da ?SEERS. ARE APPARENT
Last year the Congress passed a $1-per-
person tax checkoff plan for presidential cam-
paign contributions. The foolish decision of
Congress represents an extremely dangerous
grant of power the heads of the national
political parties.
It is estimated that each party will receive
approximately $30 million.
Offhand?it is possible to ask why the In-
ternal Revenue Service should serve as a col-
lection agency for partisan politics.
President Johnson signed the "Christmas
Tree" bill with a statement saying "presi-
dential candidates will no longer have to rely
on special interest groups to meet the heavy
financial burden of a campaign." Most
everyone still has Bobby Baker in mind.
ft is difficult to understand why partisan
presidential campaigns should be sponsored
by the public. There is nothing wrong if an
individual wants to send a dollar to the
Democrats or the Republicans, but it cer-
tainly should not be deducted from his in-
come tax payments, and, the overburdened
Internal Revenue Service should not be sad-
dled with the task of making the deductions.
The trouble with the whole idea is that
it places too much money without any re-
straints in the hands of political organiza-
tions.
Robert F. Kennedy, New York Democratic
Senator, sort of hit the proverbial nail on
the head when he said:
"Say you were my friend here in the City
of New York and I was head of the Demo-
cratic Party_ I'd say to you, Here's $500,000,
I hope you can work for the cancridate in
1968. . . . And if you have a struggle for the
nomination you know that the money is go-
ing to go to the national committee. . .
He can easily indicate to various parts of
the country that they will receive large
amounts Of money if they vote ir a way that
meets his wishes."
There is extremely serious danger when
Congress attempts to intertwine ta collec-
tions and methods with partisan and some-
times corrupt politics.
sent
[From the Appleton Post-Cr escentj
HOW NOT To FINANCE CAM:'AIGN.3
There has been a growing concern among
many politicians and thoughtful voters that
the ever-rising costs of campaigning make
political office unattainable for some and un-
palatable for others. But one way not to
remedy the situation is the tax credit amend-
ment hurriedly tacked on to the tax bill
passed by the United States Senate in its
closing moments Saturday.
The provision, put into the bill by Sen-
ator Long, aims at helping to fir ance presi-
dential campaigns. A box on individual
income tax returns may be checked by tax-
payers beginning in 1968 if they wish to
contribute $1 to a presidential campaign
fund and have $1 deducted from their tax.
Couples filing joint returns may contribute
and deduct $2. The major pout cal parties,
every four years, would then split the money
subject to liraitations on the number of votes
cast in the preceding presidential election.
A minor party could get a share only by
polling five million votes in the peeced.ng
election. According to the .fosmula, the
Democratic and Republican parties would
each get $35 million for 1968.
The overwaelming victories of Dernocra tic
candidates have alarmed even some non-
Republicans that our two party system iteelf
is in peril. The tax credit would aim some-
what at reducing this danger. As far as a
valid deducible expense for every taxpayer
interested in maintaining the two 'party sys-
tem, the credit is probably sound.
But it overlooks every taxpayeets right to
support the party of his choice. In order to
get me tax credit?and a very minor one?see
must financially support both parties. And
somehow it does not seem likely that either
presidential candidate of the -iwo major
parties is in such dire need. The money is
needed far more down the line where
neither $1,000 President's Clubs r or-massive
union and 'at cat support generally lie.
And while there is always some danger of
GOO much power in elections be.ng in the
hands of minor parties such as may be once
more happening in the New York guberret-
eorial race this fall, a tax credit goiag only
T.0 the major parties in the form of a $15
million windfall puts an added handicap
upon the development of a third party when
it may some day be advantageous for our
political system, There is certainly the pos-
sibility, as Senator Gore insisted, that such
a provision is not giving equal protection of
the laws.
If there is merit in the idea that political
contributions should be tax deductible, a
much better way would be to permit each
taxpayer to teduct his contributions up to
a certain amount regardless of party or
candidate.
Mr. Speaker, in order for us to more
thoroughly understand the problem that
exists insofar a:; our present election
laws are concerned, I would like to in-
clude at this point the history of the
development of the Federal election laws
as outlined on pages 3, 4, and 5 of the
"Regulaten of Political Finance," pub-
lished in 1966 by the Institute of Gov-
ernmental Studies at the University of
California, Berkeley, and the Citizen's
Research Foundation at Princeton, N.J.:
HISTORvCC. L DEVELOPMENT
Federal legislation relating to money in
politics first tock the form of protection
against political assessment of federal em-
ploy ees in 1867. This provision was later
extended and broadened in the Civil Service
Reform Act of 1883 which forbade the solici-
tation of campaign funds from any federal
officer or employee by a fellow officer or em-
plotee, or 'ay ar other persons on federal
premises. A 19(17 law prohibited political
contributions by national banks and corpo-
rations in e_ectio:-i of federal officials. A 1910
Act of Congress, providing for publicity of
election campaign receipts and expenditures,
was amended in 1911 to require similar pre-
election staternerts and to limit the amounts
that could be spent by candidates for the
Home and Senate. These provisions ex-
tended to primary elections and conventions,
but provision for -this coverage was struck
down by the Sup Tine Court in the Newberry
decision in 1921 Subsequent court cases,
maisly U.S vs Classic, would permit such
coverage today, :ret Congress has not fully
reasserted ..ts power over the nominating
phase of ths electoeal process, and publicity
provisions still reflect the Newberry decision.
Relevant federal legislation was codified
and revised but not substantially changed,
in tie Federal Corr Apt Practices Act of 1925,
whieh stile remains the basic law although
amendments were raade to some of its provi-
sion in 1984, 194, and 1948. This act regu-
lates the reportir g of receipts and expendi-
tures of political ccmmittees that are active
in two or more states,
The Hatch Aet, enacted in 1939 and
amended in 1940, established a $5,000 limi-
taticsi, backed by ceiminal sanctions, on the
size of incl.vidual contributions made during
a calendar year in connection with a cam-
paigs for federal office; the act also put a
$3,000,000 limitation on the amount that
can be spent by an interstate political com-
mittee, to influence or attempt to influence
the ,election _of a candidate for federal office.
The prohibition against corporate contri-
butions has been complemented by similar
ones against contiibutions by labor unions in
both the Sniith-Cannally Act of 1944 and the
Taft-Hartley Act of 1947. Thus it is unlaw-
ful either for u:niens or corporations to make
direct contr.buticne or expenditures in any
federal election, primary election, political
convention, or car cus.
State legislation has followed much the
same pattern as ehe federal. The financial
actieities of candidates for the United States
Senate and House are regulated concurrently
by the federal and state governments, or by
the states alone: campaign finance for all
state and local candidates, parties, and com-
mittees is regulated by the states alone. Only
certain committees operating in two or more
state; or for the election of federal officers
are beyond tee control of the states.
With tlais background, we should re-
view the procedures of the State govern-
ments and compare that with present
procedures at ti:e Federal level.
Tables 1. 2, 3, and 4 found on pages 59
through 67 of the "Regulation of P0-
1itice,:1 Finance" provide this information
and I would like to include those tables
as part of my remarks at this point:
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Febvtary 27 , 1967 CON ti H 1781
TABLE 1.-Contribution and expenditure statements
[Fey: Cand.-Candidate(s);,Corn.-Committee(s); R--Receipts; D-Disbursements; P-Primary election; G-General election]
State
Statements required from
Stale-
melds
must
coin a in
FOrms
provided
by State
or pre-
scribed
by
statute
Cam-
paign
MT ected
Time of filing
Failure
to file
reported
to prose-
cutor
State-
ment
inspected
by
official
Excessive
or illegal
expendi-
tures
reported
to prose-
cutor
Alaska___
Com.1
& D.
Yes
1'. & O.
Ti days after P; 30 days after G
Alabarn
Arizon
Cand., room. & others
R. & D.
Yes
P. & O.
10 days after P; 30 days after 0
Arkansas
Cand
1'.
30 days after
(3alifornia
Cand. & corn
It D.
Yes
:P. & (3.
35 days after each
Colorado
Cando & coin
R. & ft1
Yes
P.& It.
(1)
Connecticut
Cand. & coal
R. & .)).3
Yes
P. &
30 days after each
Yes
Yes
Yes.
.1)elaware_
1,1orida_
(leorgia
lawaii
Cand. cool. It depositories I
Cand., agents & corn
& I).
D.
Yes
P. & (3.
& O.
20 days after each
Yes
Yes
Yes.
Idaho
Cand
&
P.
20 days after
Illinois_
_
Indiana__
Cand., agents & corn
& D.
Yes
P. & G.
(7)
Yes
Iowa
Cand. & corn __
& D.
Yes_
P. & (3.
30 days after each 8
K an sas
Cand. & eom
Jt.&
&
K entucky _ _
Cand. & corn _
It. & D.
Yes
P. & (3.
15 days before each; 30 days after each
Louisiana
Maine
Cand. & COM
It. & I).
l'es
It (1.
10 15 days before CI; 30 days after
Yes
Yes
Yes.
P.
Maryland
Cand. & com
11.1k D. Yes
It
20 data after each
Yes
Massachusetts .
()and., trea,s. of corn. It depositories
R.: A D. Yes
P. & (; .
14 days after P; between 3d It 2nd
Yes
Yes
Tues. before G; It 14 days after 0.
Michigan
Cand. & coin
& I). Yes
P. (i.
10 days after 1'; 20 days after G
Yes
Yes
Yes.
Minnesota
Cand. & coin
It. & 1) . Ycs
P. & (1.
8 days before each; 10 days after each
Yes_
Mississippi
C and
R. & 1). Yes
1'.
(mc)
Missouri _
Cand. & corn
It. & 1).2
P. 1k Ci.
30 days after each
Yes
Yes
Montana
Cand., corn. & others
R. It 1).3 Yrs_
P. & G.
Cand.: 15 days after each; coin. It
others-10 days after each.
Yes
Yes
Yes.
Nebraska
Cand. & corn
B. It I). Yes
P. & (3.
Before It after n
Nevada
New Ilampsliire
New Jersey
Cold., corn. & others 12
Cand., corn. & depositories
R. & 1).
R. & 1). Yes
P. & (3
P. It 0.
Before It after 1,
tleloure&allcr14
Yes
New M exico
New York
North Carolina
North Dakota
Cond., & coin
Cand., corn. & others
Cand. & coin
Cand
R. & D. Yes
R. & D. Yes
R. & I). Yes
R. & I).
P. & (1.
P. &
P. & (I.
P. &
liefore It after I,
In days before each; 20 days after each
to days before; 20 days after I,
1.5 days after each
'COS c,
Yes
Yes
Yrs.
obio
Cand., corn. & others
R. It IT. Yes
P. It G.
45 days after each
Yes
Yes.
Oklahoma_
Coml., corn. & others
R. &I). Yes
P. IT (I.
Cands. 10 days after P only; coins. 10
days after all elections.
Yes
Yes.
Oregon
Cand., coin. & others I,
It. It I). Y
P. kit.
15 clays after each
Yes
Yes
Yes.
Pennsylvania
Cand. & coin
I). Yes -----LI.
(3.
30 days after each
Yes 10
Yes.:11
Rhode island
South Carolina
Cand
1'. & G.
It Hon, and ilfter each
South Dakota
Cand., cons. & others 10
It & I)
& 0.
30 days aft er each
Yes__
Tennessee
Cond. & campaign mgr
D.
P. 4 (3.
5- 10 days before, rand.; 30 days after,
eallipaign mgr. (or rand. if no
mgr.) 2, .
rrOVAS
Cand. & other s 21
R. It I) Ye))
It (1.
7-10 days before eaeli ; It hi lays after
each.
Yes
lifills
('and. & corn
It. & I).1I'5.'
It (l.
hicifure It itt er
Yes
Yes_
Yes.
Vermont
Cand _
I).
Ii) data after
Virginia__
Cand _
I).
'. & CT
30 days after each..........
Washington.
Cand
I).
10 days after
West Virginia_
_
Cand. & corn
R. It I). Yes
' It G.
7-15 days before each; 30 days after
Yes_ .
Wisconsin
Cand., eon). & others 24
it It D. Yes
' It G.
Tuesday before & Tuesday after each _
IN.' yoming
Can (I., corn. It others
R. It D.,5
' It G.
20 days after each
Yes
united States
Cand., com. & others 'ti
R. It D.
3.
(2.0
Candidate inn st,file affidavl . supporting committee statement.
2 Statements required from each campaign committee which manages a candidate's
campaign before a primary election, or manages the campaign for a political party, and
every person who engages in political propaganda, and collects or expends any money
or valuable thing in connection therewith.
Committee statements include receipts and disbursements; candidate statements
include only disbursements.
Candidates must file statements within 10 days after primary and 30 days after
general election. Committees must tile within 30 days after general election only.
Candidate must designate campaign treasurer and bank depository. Statements
required from banks acting as campaign fund depositories, as well as from candidates
and committees.
I Candidates and committees submit statements as follows:
a. In the case of candidates for Governor and U.S. Senator: Before the election-
OP the Monday of each week during the campaign. After the election-15 days
after the election.
Ii. All other offices: Before the election-on the firstMonday of each month during
- the eani paign. After the election-15 days after the election.
e. Depositories to file statements within 15 days after the election.
Candidates must file report of receipts and expenditures within 30 days after pri-
mary or general election. The treasurer of a political committee oil political agent
must lite a report within 20 days.
( Candidates insist Me after both primary and general elections. Political party
central committees must file only after general elections.
9 Candidates must file statements within 30 days after both primary and general
elections. Annual statements to be filed on December 31 are required of all political
committees and other organizations engaged in promoting the 811CGCSS or defeat of can-
didates; parties, or constitutional amendments.
10 Contribution statements required lst and 15th day of each month of the primary
campaign and the last Saturday before the primary. Expenditures statements re-
(tuned 30 data after the primary.
11 Candidates to file only statements of disbursements within 10 days after each
election. Committees however, must file statements of contributions 15 days before
each election. listing tile names of persons contributing more than $25. In addition,
each day that an individual contribution exceeding $25 is made, the committee must
file a stater nent of it. Committee statements of contributions and disbursements must
lie made within 20 days after each election. A further requirement that individuals
contributing more than $250 to any campaign fund should themselves submit state-
ments was repealed in 1953.
Footnotes continued On following page.
1 Statements required from candidates, fiscal agents designated by the nominators
of candidates in presidential preference primary, and state and other political commit-
tees.
1 Statements to be filed as follows:
a. The state conunittee of every political party shall Ole, not later than the
Wednesday preceding the election, with the Secretary of State, an itemized state-
ment, sigimd and sworn to by its chairman and treasurer. A second statement
mast be similarly filed not later than the second Friday after the election. 'Enough
tulditional copies of the statement shall be filed to provide a copy for the state
committee of every party on the ballot; the Secretary of State furnishes these to
the committees upon request.
b. Major candidates and the fiscal agent designated by the nominators of any
candidate in the presidential preference primary shall similarly file sworn state-
ments. however, the candidate need not report expenditures by the political
committee of his party in elections other than primaries. Other candidates need
tile only by the second Friday after the election.
C. Other political committees shall similarly file sworn statements before and
after the election.
if Candidates and committees must report receipts and disbursements on the Friday
or Saturday before an election mad disbursements only within 20 days after an election.
Bank depositories of campaign funds most report receipts and disbursements 20 days
after an election.
1.2 Candidate Ioust file a statement of expenditures 10 days after the primary and
general elections. The committees must file stateinents of receipts and expenditures
within 30 days after each election.
ii Appropriate court may require filing upon complaint of any candidate or 5 quali-
fied voters.
In Candidates file statements before and after primaries only. Political committees
file statements before and after primaries and general elections.
lB Persons expending or contributing more than $50 must file statement within 10
days after election.
o Five voters may petition appropriate court for audit of expenditures.
20 Any person not a member of such committee who collects or disburses over $6
must Me a statement.
n Any person making one or more contributions or loans aggregating more than $100
to a candidate must report these contributions if the candidate does not report them.
22 Voters can institute quo warranto proceedings.
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H 1782 Approved For ReltmatWORAElft-ipappOOMM0030009005
h 'eTio i wary - 27, 1967
Can diniales personal committees and state committees trust file stittements on the
second Sabi alay after such candidate or committee has first made a disbursen writ or
incurred any obligation, and thereafter on the second Sai.urdry ?reach month until all
,lisbursements havc) been accounted for. They shall also file a final statement on the
Saturday preceding the election to contain all transactions ntot theretofore accounted
for. All other political committees must file statements 30 lays after any election.
24 All 3.. corporation, association, organization, committee, club or group which advo-
cates, endorses, or opposses any political party, faction or group or any candidate for
office, or any constitutional amendment or measures to be voted on by people must
file staternen Is.
Ii Candithiles must Me statements of expenditures; commi- -lees nin,:t: file ii) ii',
1,31)aninn
Alaska
A ri7,0IIIL
'alifornia
'olornirlo
"onnecticut
),laware
lorida
loorgia
Mwaii
daino
Ilirunis
Indiana
nwa
Kansas
"entlicky
Al .itoi'
Xl:Lryhind
5,1ItStia(11.1tS0.1,1, .
Xi
,k.1 41110801:1
Al 'isissippi
NI ,ssouri
Al 'iii arm
Nebraska
Nevada .
New liamps1,M
New Jersey .
New Mexico
N'ew York
Norl In Can nih na
North Dakota
()Ilia _
Oki ahoroa
(iregon
Pennsylvania
Ii hone island
South 'ar()liina
South Dakota
Ton intessee
'I iii
Veltman
Virginia
Washington
sAa'st Virgirrimi
Wiseoinsin
Wyoming
Hided Slates
_ $50,000
of both r(c!eipts ano expenditurs. An y Ol her per,on receiving or expending $50 on
behalf ofthe campaign must also file statement.
2, Statements required from ty.'lers Wit., spend more than $50 per annum for pur-
poses of influencing in 2 or more slates the Aectimi o7eandidates.
2, Candidates must file statements 10 tc. 15 do" es before and 30 days after a general
election'. Committn'es must file statements on Jr n. t, the 1st and 101 h of March, Jul le.
1-1W1 September; and between the 10-1,11 and 15th day and OIL the Stir day preceding time
date of the general election.
)0equtrements for candidates and managers apply to both prinutry and genend
elections. In the primary electi xis stat mients nue filed with the chairman of the ex-
ecutive committee of the party, rind in the general ..'leet ions staleinenls -n.re I iled wit In
On. See,'0,1-y of State.
TA WY. 2. --Campaign ca-mndilltre limitations Int! entimeration inmen
Key: AS-Annual salary; P.- Pr i wary election: I -General election: I )and. - Candidate "..;); (iii. - Cm n il s.
(lovers or
11,S. ;40ilai or
$10 , 000
$2,100
__ $5,000
$3,500
100 percent AS 2
$ Inpresent,it iV
$10,00(n
$2.5041
100 percent AS
(No limits it noosed by new (dect ion 1WF Of I
ti AS .:
(Most regulations repealed in 19)2.)
$2,000 $5,000 52,5011
525,000 $25,000 $1n,n00
50 percent AS 1 50 percent AS 50 rwreent AS I
III percent AS 10 pereen t AS 2 10 percent AS 2
$1.0,000
$ 10,000 . 1110,000 $10,000
(himits repealed by amendments in St. 1552, c. 1.44, sec. 2.,
0/ CO_ . 0)
0) :
$25,000525,000. 03,550
et), (11) (It,
P: 15 percent AS 2 P: 15 percent AS 2 P: 17 percent AS-2.
( ; : In percent As 2 G: 10 percent _AS 2 Ii: in percen 1 AS 5..
?
$25,000
$100,(100
P: $2,500
(1: perceat AS
$20,000
15 percent AS 2
55,000
$`60,000
P: 15 percent AS 2..
( : 10 percent AS ,
50 percent AS
! $25.000.
$2.5.11110 $12.500
$100,000 . 515.000
P: 53,500 I': $2..500
(1: 10 percent :AS , : (I: 10 percent AS )
$12,000 ' $0,000
15 percent 5,3-
$5,155)
560,000
P: 15 percent As I
II: 10 percent AS
5(1 percent. S
$25,110(1
(Limita) ions repealed by Laws 10(11. ch. 42
$7.500.
On). (I-1)
($75 for each county in State or district ).
$10,000 1 $1.0,000
, 50 pereen ii AS 2 55 percent AS 2
(i5)
see. 1.)
aJlties to ex-
(-atm ri affec)(a. pend [tures by--
and (1 combined
P and G separate 5
P and I. separate 5
15 percent Al'.
$5,1410 ,)
$25.000
P. 15 perecnt AS _
(1: In percent AS ,
.50 1,erconl,
$12,2)10
1 and 11 combined: I'oinhined aggregate total of expenditmes ill ho' In military
aud general election cannot exceed the limitation.
2 AS: iMnitation based on the annual salary oilhe office smight.
'1 '1) he $5,000 limitation on expenditures by gubernatorind 111.111Ii,111 WS applies Is
primary cam pa igns only. '1' he annual salary limitation on congression a: eat Midates in-
eludes the aggregate Mall expenses in both the primary and general election ',inn/aligns.
The 111.1101),I ..L may riot exceed in:
a. Primary campaigns --$10 for each 1,000 voters, or nnni).n- port ion thereof, who
voted at the last preceding election for the candidate offhe same political part y
arid Sallie (.41leo as the candidate who seeks nomination;
Ic General election cann1eaigns--$15 for each 1,000 elecors, or minor portion
I hereof, qualified to vote for office in question at last preceding election.
P and I: se ')orate: Expenditures up to the limit may henna le in hot ii One pi in ary
'Ind general election campaigns respectively.
" f Mnit applies to ext.cinlitures by and on behalf of the candid lie with his knowledge
all(i 14)11801i..
Imaitation .1.pplics to the total of all expendituresby the candidate and his agents.
'andinlates personally nnay expend additional amounts for leners, postage, printing,
advertising, etc.
1.innit is $40 for each 1,000 votes cast for Governor in last preceding presidential
.,:.ear in State or political subdivision in which candidate is running; but. no candidate
s'Ial I he restlieicli to less than 25 percent off year's compensation or $100,
P and (1 combined
P and G separate 5
P and (i separate 5
P and G separate
P and. I combined ,
P and (..1 separate 5
P and (1 combined I
and 2d P separate__
P and 1; separate 5
P and G separate,
P and G separate 5
P and I) separate
P and G separate
P and (1 eonthined 1 __
P and ii separate 5
P mimI II separate 5
F'
P nal G separate 5
Cand. only
' agcnt
(7 an id .ortl
Cand. ,
Cand. ?MT_
Rd Mins
('ertain
expendr- Legil
tures ex- mate
orrip),e(1 Xi/el-1,1'8
froal e/111-
limita- mended
I ions
Yes .
Yes .
Yes
Cand. :me agents 7
Gaud. out:
Cand
Gaud.,
Ye
Cand., agent, treasurer Yes
Cand.6
C'-and. and cmn Yes
Cmd. in Yes
Gaud, and cein Yes
(i1 1-1 .0 Yes
Yes
com., and othms Yes
Cand.12 Yes
Cal M., con ."..nd others
Carpi .5
Gond oinly
Clinch.'
Cand..6
I' :Ind (1 combined 1 CnJ-11.5
P mid (1 separate 1 C
P oil I. Card. a-nt .ann
Yes
A'es _ .
C011,1.1
( .
P nand (1 eonMined C'11101.1,
P i id 11 separate , C'aind.''
Carol. and amis.,"
Yet;
Yes.
_
Yes
Yes
Yes
-Yes.
-Yes.
Yes.
Yes.
Yes.
s
Yes.
YI,S
Yes
Yes.
A es.
eS,
Yes.
Yes.
Y1'8.
Yes.
Yes.
Yes.
Yes.
Yes.
I Ulna is 07,1150 plur- 5 cents for ? ugh of -he total number of persons votit g inn State
at last gencr nI elect ion.
ml Contlibutions lis emporations can(hlates fc r (ertain hig i judicial c flices pro-
hibited.
11 Limit is $8 for each 100 votes cast for II cam id Iles for president in the State,
county, district, or municipality, at the hr . t preceding presidential election.
in State law prohibit:: expendittucs of any nuone), by- a political naly on be" mall of
a to candidate.
r, A candidate for ollice of Repreimtative in Gonguss is limited to 3 cents for each
voter in Ids district voting for ml ck:.n.dinlate for prcsi(..mtial elector at the last ho ill
presidential election or $4,000, whicaever is greater.
11, Limit is 50 tents for every vot ; cast for the candidate of his party reueicillg,
largest vote id the last preceding gr ben-maul II elect iot
15 Unless the laws of thin State 1mrei2rille a lesser au on: nit, a candidate may expel id tin,
to:
a. $10.000 if a can dilate for Smator, or $2,.500 if a candidate fon- Ref ii mm)
I), An amount equal to the amount obt tined 1 y multiplying 3 cents by the tota'
number )1' v.Dtes east at the laal; general election for all candidates for the office
which thee candidate seeks, but in no event ex,"ec ding $25,1100 if a citmlidsle for
Senator or $5,000 if a candidate far Rep resentati ye.
l'olitical eoinmittees each limited to $3,-.100,500 pr Or
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February 27, 190proved FeawittysveimiwetkrpDPM9N38R000300090053-8 111783
TABLE 3.?Regulution of campaign contributions
Alabama
Alaska
Arizona.
Arkansas
California
Colorado
State
Corporate
contributions
prohibited
Labor union
contributions
prohibited
Yes
Yes
Connecticut __
Delaware
Florida
Georgia
I [await
Idaho
Yes
Yes 3
Yes
Yes
IlIinis_
Indiana.
Iowa
Kansas_
Kentuck y
T.ouisiana..
Maine .
Marylaial
M assachusetts
Michigan
innesota
Mississippi
Missouri
Montana
Nebraska
Nevada
New Jr arnpshire
New Jersey
New Mexico
New York
North Caroliim
North Dakota
Ohio
Oklahoma
Oregon
.Fennsylvania
Rhode island
South Carolina
South Dakota
Tennessee
Texas
Utah
Vermont_
Virginia
Washington
West Virginia
Wisconsin
Wyoming
United States
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yr
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes
Ye
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes.
Yes_
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes
I Generally refers to employees under a civil service or merit system.
it is unlawful for any person whomsoever to assess any State employee for any
political purpose whatever, or to coerce by threats or otherwise any such employee
into making a subscription or contribution for any such purpose.
Tile following persons also are prohibited front making campaign contributions
directly or indirectly! (a) II olders of horse or dog racing permits; (b) holders of licenses
for the sale of intoxicating beverages; and (c) operators of public utilities, except non-
profit cooperatives.
4 State employees whose tenure is subject to merit prinicples are forbidden to engage.
in certain specified prohibited political activities during working hours, alld the pro-
hibited activities include soliciting money for political purposes and making contri-
butions of money in behalf of candidates orbn support of public or political issues. 'Me
prohibition does not apply to soliciting and snaking contributions after working limn,.
5 Contributions by such corporations as banks, trusts, railroads, and utilities are
forbidden.
Individual contributions during year are limited to $3,000 to 1 candidate, $3,000
to 1 party, and $3,1100 to nonelected political committees not organized on beha f of
any candidate.
State
A labaina
Alaska
Arizona.
A rk sa.s
California
I'olorado
Connecieut
liclaware
TABLE 4.
Penalty for failure to file
_Misdemeanor; fine from $100 to $500
Individual
contributions
limited to?
Solicitation from
State employees
Prohibited 1
Solicitation from
candidates illegal
Contributions
under fictitious
names illegal
Yes
Yes
(2)
Yes
Yes
Yes.
$1,000 1
i t)
Yes
Yes
Yes
yes.
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes.
$2,500
Yes.
(r.,-
Yes
Yes
Yes.
Yes.
Yes
Yes,
Yes
Yes
Yes 7
Yes ,
Yes
Yes.
$1,000 4
$5,000
(9
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes.
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes.
Yes ic
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes.
(i2)
Yes.
Yes
Yes_
$5,000
Yes
Yes_
Yes
Yes
Yes
$5,000 ii
yea If
Any person expending more than $50 in a campaign must file an itemized stale-
mond and give a duplicate to the candidate or treasurer of the political organization
whose success or defeat he has sought to promote.
No treasurer of a political committee shall receive or accept more than $1,000 fr011t
any 1 person to be spent in any one campaign.
Employees under civil service are not allowed to contribute money for the promo-
l ion of cmididates or political issues.
II Solicitation from civil servants prohibited and receipt of contributions from mine
hispectors 'gold)) lied.
C7ontributions prohibited from banks, utility corporatioos, Or ii majorit y of their
stockholders.
12 contributions may not be solicited from civil service in and i hose em-
ployed by the commission and the board of parole.
rI $5,000 limitation_ applies only to contributions to a nationtl committee during ismy
cal ei Mar year, or iii C01111Ceti011 with any cal npaigi i for in i elective Federal office. Jim en
Ad specifically excludes contributions to State or local commil tees from tins linnta-
tioi I.
ii A.loplies to Federal employees or to persons receiving salary or compeosal ion for
services frost money derived from the U.S. Treasury.
Penalties and provisions for enforcement
After primary?no catilicate of nomination;
unsuccessful candidate or other persons
guilty of misdemeanor fined $25 to $500.
After general election?guilty of misde-
meanor.
For most candidates, fine up to $1,000 and/or
jail up to 1 year; ineligible to hold office.
II.S. Congressmen and U.S. Senators?fine
$50 to $1,000.
Misdemeanor; no certificate of nomination or
election to be issued.
Misdemeanor; line up to $1,000 and/or im-
prisonment up to 1 year.
Fine $25 per day while in default
Florida
I 'enal ty for excessive or illegal expenditures
Mhdemeanor; fused up to $500 and may be
,friled or sentenced to hard labor up to 6
months. Candidate disqualified from office.
Fiiw of $100 to $2,000 and jail 6 months to 2
years. Barred from holding office in the
State.
Fo?feit nomination for any office. Misde-
meanor; fine $500 to $1,000 and/or jail up to
1 year.
Misdemeanor; sonic as for failure to file
_Misdemeanor; same as for failute to file. (For
illegal expenditures such as bribery.)
Fined up to $1,000 illid/or imprisonment up to
2 years.
Misdemeanor; fine up to $1,000 or jail up to 0
months. Knowing violation voids nomina-
tion or election.
Same as for failure to file
En foRTment of penalties
Any person may file affidavit with diAriet
attorney or State attorney general staliim,
name of person who has violated any pr, .
visions of act and stating facts which mist
tute alleged WYelUie. District attorney or
State attorney general shall then pr -nest''.
Prosecuting ?Meer shall be notified and shall
proceed to prosecute.
Electors may file petition with circuit c?,1:11,
attorney general must act as counsel Mr
State,
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H 1784 Approved For RemiRRMAOA:LCIettt8K19q_090%0030009005358uar .27, 1967..
TABLE 4.--Penalties and prort.iions for enforcement ?COnlinited
State
it got .
llaiviii _.
111inoi,
Kele tick y
Louisiana
aities.
arylaf
tt sssachusetts..
Penalty for failure te file
Pena11 y for excessive or illegal expenditures:
Fine $100 to $. 0011 andler 2 years jail or Mid
labor. Must vacate office. Disqualif ed
from voting and from being elected to, hott-
ing or occupying any office, elective or lip-
pointive.
Disqualified from nomination or office; n is-
demeanor; jail up to 6 niont Its and/or Lite
300?
Ineligible for pablic office for 4 years. Misde-
meanor; same as for failure to file.
Nis& iiostnor: same .to air failure to lite._ ..
isffimeanor; fine up to Um.). Candidate
must vacate office; disqualified from holding
sibtie office for 2 years.
Fine $100 to $1,001. Nomination or electicn
voidsid.
Vine of $1,000 ancilor imprisonment for I year,
and for some illegal expenditures shall be
ineligible for any public office or for ary
public employment for period of 4 years
from and after time of commission of Kith
offense.
Efebrcement of penalties
Misdemeanor; fine up to $500 anti or jail 6
months.
Misdemeanor; fine $1.00 to $5011 and or 1 I o
months jail. Ineligible to run for olliee; no
name on ballot.
Can't get commission or certificate of election,
or take office unit il statement filed. Misde-
meanor; fine $1 to $560. Jail 30 days to I
year, or both, and disenfranchised up to ii
years.
Misdemeanor; jail up to 1 year andlor fine Up
to $500.
Misdemeanor; tine up to $1,000
No name on ballot; no certification of or
or election. Candidates fined not more
than $500. If committees or managairs fail
to lite, fine $100 to $5,000 and/or jail I month
to I year.
Daily assessment of fine. If assessment not
paid, person becomes disqualified iind his
name may not appear on official ballot med
for any election during same calendar year.
Can't be considered elected, asstune duties,
or receive salary until report is tiled; fine of
$1,600 and/or I year imprisoninent.
Imprisomnent for not more thin 6 motiths or
fine of not more than $500.
Pr a iieemor aosifital for appropriate action. I/v-
iral:0d ca td: or any to electors may pe-
t ition to arevent a candidate alleged to have
violated 2rorrupt Practices Act from taking
office.
Olio-ids in place where crime was committed
hall pro.icii to.
Candidate ieceiving certain percentage of vol es
may collies- election. Grand jury inay in-
veitt igate alleged violations,
Ce mpaign statements reviewed by campaign
reports cm mittee composed of 2 members
Irom the senate and 3 from the house of
represent Alves of State legislature. Attorney
f:e-ieral a )ts as committee counsel aid must
Prosecute offenders.
Witliin 30 days after election, citizens may
petition murt that successful candidate was
anilty of corrupt practices. Court will sub-
mit findiiigs (if high State office) to secretary
of stale 1711.) will then refer them to appro-
pr.ate person or legislative body or to Gover-
nor to declare election void. Duty of State's
attorneys to prosecute whenever they feel
Way hese good reason to believe corrupt
practices involved?
01 her M. charge of receiving statements notifies
attorney general who, if satisfied there is
(1111SO, sl all institute civil proceedings or
refer ease to) district attorney for action in
rriminal courts. Courts may compel filing
of stater tent on application of attorney
peoeral tr district attorney or petition of
any canCidate voted for, or any 5 persons
qualified to vote at election on account of
which expenditures were made.
Michigan
:Person can't take office, collect salaries, or re-
Fine of up to $1,000 and/or imprisonment ip
Alleged viclations reported to prosecuting at-
ceive certificate of nomination or election
until he has filed account. Fine up to $1,1)00
and/or imprisonment up to 2 years.
to 2 years.
torney or att orney general who sl tall institute
cis il or criminal proceedings.
Minnesota
No name on ballot. Candidare disqualified
from holding public office. Gross mis-
demeanor.
Sione as for failure to file
County aft troey shall inquiree into and prose-
cute cases which mine to his notice.
afississippl .
Willful and deliberate violations shall be rasn-
ishable by fine not more than $500 and/or
imprisonment for not more than I year.
do
PEY:li ion for judicial review of fitection limy be
is de.
Forfeit nomination or general elect ion.
Missouri
Fined not more than $1,0101. Curt take office
until statement is filed. I
Forfeit ore of eteel
Person reefs ving next highest vote may petition
attorney general for action against successful
candidate upon posting 51,000 bond. If
attorney gel Lelia' does not prosecute in 10
e :Lys, applicant may proseeute at his own ex-
L ense (for excessive or illegal expenditures).
nI an - - - - ? is- ----------
$25 per day while in default . Monte won't be
Deprivation of nomination or office. Fine up
Electors na Lys file petition contesting eleethin
printed on ballot and no cent Matte of elec-
tion.
to $5,1010 and/or up to 1 year in jail.
whit. cow t, must post bond up to $2,000, on
basis of illegal or excessive expenditures.
Official receiving statements shall. notify
pr osecuto
Nebraska
Candidate: Fine up to $1,000. No certifica-
tion of nomination or election; can't take
office. Treasurer: Fine $50 to $500; butler
failure after notice to comply?jail isa to 6
months.4
Fine up to $50 and/or jail 6 months
Vomrs may filo complaint with State attorney
general ti have Mtn prosecute. In cases in-
volving members of the State legislature, a
voter mas A) complaint with the legislature,
which shill near and determine cases of con-
t.:tied eke-Lion of its members and for till
officers 01 the executive department of tio:
State.
Ni vada
New I lampshire
Willful violations of rules relating to primary
Same as penally for failure to Mc except no tc-
Any persor voted for at. an election for any
may disqualify candidate from ensuing
election. Not entitled to nomination or
election until filing. Fine $100 to $1,000 ,
and/or 30 days to 6 months in jail.
fusal of certification.
osliee, or arty voter, may make a complaint in
writing to attorney general of any violation.
Any pers( T1 may bring proceeding in equity'
against primary candidate who violates law
to disqualify him from ensuing election.
.10 rse y
Office forfeited by nonfiling of statement or
Office forfeited. Sante as for failure to 01?.
Voters may contest election on ground of illegal
filing of false statement. Court may also
Persons making unauthorized expenditures
or excessii to expend limes. If cand ida) e his
disenfranchise voter anti disqualify him
from holding office in State for period_ of
time. Candidate at primary election with
next highest number of votes shall be put on
are guilty of a misdemeanor.
taken ?ill Ic, attorney general shall institute
a mropria o aroceedings for vacation of such
o Tice; or ffiall notify appropriate legislative
body to which candidate w as elected.
51mE0
Primary election; No certificate of nomina-
tion; no name on ballot; fine of $25 to $500.
General election: Can't take office; act
certificate of election; fine up to $500.5
Primary election: Fite cf $160 to $2,000 atel
imprisonment for 6 months to 2 years. 0eo-
eral election: Same as for failure to Me.
NOW York_
Guilty of misdemeanor; impr tsar:men( up to
1 year and/or fine of $10010 $500.
Same as for failure to file
Cowl, iii ii:roceeding instituted by ca f alidate
or 3 quell led voters, :may compel persons or
chi:mutt& is to file statement, to make state-
ment conform to law, or to comply with any
other provisions of section. Court may
require band and sureties from petitioner.
Footnotee at end of table.
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February- 27, 111785
TABLE 4.?Penalties and provisions for enforcement?Continued
State
Penalty for failure to file
Penalty for excessive or illegal expenditures
Enforcement of penalties
North Carolina
North Dakota
Ohio
Oklahoma
Oregon
Poinsylvania
Rhode Island
South Carolina
South Dakota
Tennessee
Texas
Utah
Vermont_
Virginia
Washington
West Virginia
'iVisconsiji_
Wy0Mill g
Misdemeanor; fine end/or imprisonment.
Court may remove from office and declare
Ineligible to hold office for 2 years.
Fine of $25 per day while in default; name
can't go on ballot until report is filed.
No certificate of nomination or election until
report is filed. Failure to file within time
limit shall disqualify said person from be-
coming candidate in any future election for
period of 5 years; candidates for an elected
office having a 6-year term shall be disquali-
fied from becoming a candidate In any future
election for a period of 7 years. Failure to
file at any time: Fine $25 to $500 and/or jail
10 days to 6 months.
Candidate: Misdemeanor; fine of $25 to $500
and imprisonment 5 to 30 days. No certifi-
cation of nomination.,
Candidate: Fine $25 per day while in default;
no name on ballot and no certification of
election.
Can't take oath of office, take office, or receive
salary until all statements filed. Misde-
meanor; fine up to $1,000 and/or 1 mouth to
2 years in jail.
Election null and void. Misdemeanor; line
$100 to $500 or imprisonment at hard labor
1 to 6 months, or both at the discretion of
the court.
Forfeiture of office; fine up to $1,000 and/or
jail up to 6 months.
No certificate of nomination or election. Fine
$100 to $5,000 and/or jail 30 days toll months.
Fine $100 to $5,000 and/or jail 1 to 5 years.
Forfeit right to place name on ballot at any
subsequent primary, special, or general elec-
tion. If ho fails to report any receipt or ex-
penditure, liable for double the amount or
value to each opposing candidate and also
for reasonable attorneys' fees.
Name won't he printed on ballot for en :Min g
election; disqualified from holding office
until statement is filed
Fine up to $500 and/or jail up to 6 months
No certification of election; can't take office;
misdemeanor; fine up to $1,000 and/or jail
up tel year
Misdemeanor; fine not less than $50, and/or
jail not more than 1 year. No name on
ballot; no certification of election.
No name on ballot; no certification. Failure
to file on part of treasurer or political com-
mittee is punishable by 2 to 6 months hi.
jail.
No name on ballot; no certification of election.
Misdemeanor; fine up to $1,000 and/or jail
up to 1 year.
Same as for failure to file__
1>eprivation of nomination for office
Forfeiture of nomination or election; same as
for failure to file. Fine $100 to $500 and/or
jail up to 6 months.
Guilty of misdemeanor; fined $100 to $2,000
(aid jail for 6 months to 2 years; candidate
to lie barred from holding office in State.
Deprivation of nominatiou or office. Can't
hold any office (luring term for which he was
nominated or elected. jail up to 1 year
and/or fine up to $5,000.
Ousted from office or from nomination. Mis-
demeanor; fine up to $1,000 and/or jail 1
month to 2 years. Willful violation by can-
didate disqualifies him forever from holding
public office in State; willful violation by
any person requires disenfranchisement for
4 years.
Misdemeanor; fine $100 to $500 or imprison-
ment at hard labor 1 to 6 months, or both at
the discretion of the court.
Same as for failure to file
Candidate and campaign managers civilly li-
able to each opposing candidate for double
the amount or value of such unlawful cam-
paign expenditures and reasonable attorney
fees for collecting the same. Also, fine of
$100 to $5,000 al td/or jail Ste 5 years.
Election voided; person ousted and excluded
from office; misdemeanor.'
Fine up to $500 or jail up to 90 days
Elecl ion declared null and void
Disqualified from holding any public office or
employment during period of 5 years-sub-
sequent to date of conviction. Vacate office.
Voiding of election and ousting and excluding
candidate from office.,
VI isdenwan or . Fhte up In $1,000 and/or jail
up to I year.
Duty of secretary of state and superior court
clerks to call for required statements and
report violations to attorney general, who
should initiate prosecution.
Offender deprived of office by contest proceed-
ings.
Secretary of state notifies attorney general of
violation and he must prosecute. Citizens
may present petition to court of common
pleas or any judge thereof, with security, but
election law does not specifically provide for
any special procedure for citizens' prosecu-
tions in this area.
Prosecution by county attorneys.
District attorney required to prosecute alleged
violations which conic to his attention from
election officials or from complaints and
notices by citizens under penalty of forfeiture
of office.
Any Selectors may petition court for an audit;
district attorney inust institute erhninal pro-
ceedings. If it appears that candidate has
violated these sections, attorney general shall
institute quo warrant? proceedings against
such candidate for ouster irons nomination
or from office.
Attorney general investigates and prosecutes.
Quo warrant? proceedings may be instituted in
in district courts.
Filing officer inspects statements arid reports
violations to county attorney who must
institute proceedings if evidence is sufficient;
candidates or voters may complain to filing
officer of violations or may petition district
judge, Attorney general, or Governor to
investigate alleged violation.
Prosecutor 0 oh i fled for appropriate action.
Any elector may petition for permission to
bring charges against candidate or committee
for alleged violation.
Upon notice by filing officer or petition by
voter, county or prosecuting attorney must
prosecute alleged violation.
1 Findings are certified to presiding officer of appropriate legislative body in case
of a violation by any of its members.
2 Filing officer must notify delinquent of his failure to file and, if the latter has not
expended more than allowed, and files within 10 days of receipt of this notice, he will
not be assessed the penalties provided.
3 Failure to file on part of treasurer of political committee subject to line of $50 to
5500; if treasurer receives notice from 5 resident freeholders and still fails to file, jail for
2 to 0 months.
Mr. Speaker, with this background, we
can compare the election laws of the
various States with the Corrupt Practices
Act of 1925 which governs the spending
of campaign funds by Federal candi-
dates. On June 10, 1966, Life magazine
discussed the act in an editorial. That
editorial said in part:
The Corrupt Practices Act of 1925?the law
that still regulates campaign spending?was
antly named. If ever a law was designed to
promote corrupt practices, this is it. For
in. Lance, it provides that a congressman can
=Tend only $5,000 in a bid for election and a
senator $25,000. But it sets no limit on the
number of outside committees that can help
by spending an equal amount. Thus, a
-..natorial candidate has to maintain the
fiction that the dozen or more committees
set up to accept donations for his cause do
so without his "knowledge or consent."
Failure to file on part of committee treasurer subject to fine of $50 to $000; failure to
tile after notice, jail for 2 to 6 months.
For treasurers of political committees, fine is $50 to $500 and/or 6 months in jail.
Penalty for violation by committee is a fine of $25 to $500 and imprisonment for 3
In 12 months.
Penalty for committee treasurers is 2 to 6 months in jail.
The extent of this and other shenanigans
can be gauged by the fact that all parties
reported total expenses across the country in
the '64 election as $4'7.8 million. A reliable
estimate of the amount actually spent, start-
ing with the primaries, puts it at $200 mil-
lion.
Much of the other $150 million did not
have to be reported to the Clerk of the House
of Representatives or the Secretary of the
Senate. And even the transactions that
should have been reported--but weren't.?
will never be investigated. Justice Depart-
ment policy is "not to institute investiga-
tions . . in the absence of a request from
the Clerk of the House of Representatives or
Secretary of the Senate." Since both of
those men are elected by the houses they
serve, it is not surprising that neither has
ever asked for an investigation of any mem-
ber's election.
The problem this Congress faces is
threefold. It is first of all important
that Members of Congress include as
part of the public record their assets, lia-
bilities, and sources of income. We must
also move to establish standards of con-
duct for Members of the House.
Secondly, we must insure in this coun-
try the highest possible degree of honesty
in elections by instituting full disclosure
of campaign funds. We must also make
available a means for many more peo-
ple to financially aid in the election of
his favorite candidate or party.
And finally, Mr. Speaker, we must es-
tablish a method of enforcing these pro-
cedures. We must take out of the hands
of the employees of the House and Sen-
ate and place in a National Commission
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and a Jo:int Ethics Committee the power
to punish violators of the election code
and judge the conduct of Members of
Congress.
Mr. Speaker, the bill of the resolution
I have introduced today would accom-
plish these important tasks. These are
important steps in the long road toward
strengthening the legislative branch of
Government and insuring the continued
viability of our republican form of gov-
ernment. As the Madison, Wis., Capital
Times said on Monday, February 20,
1967:
The issue of ethics in government con-
tinues to haunt politicians and public.
There is a disposition on the part of both to
ignore it. But it keeps popping up. The
politicians try to give the impression that
the issue doesn't exist but they also de-
voutly wish it would go away. The public
doesn't like to be reminded of unpleasant
things?such as the waywardness of the men
they elect to public office. But if these
things are not called to public attention and
discussed, it would be a question of time be-
fore free government would collapse from
the unbearable burden of corruption it would
have to support.
I trust the Congress will consider this
matter in the very near future and will
act favorable on these proposals.
Mr. BUSH. I thank the gentleman
from Wisconsin and I would like to em-
phasize the importance of his comments
on these provisions so far as the elec-
tion law goes. Certainly, it is only fair
that a candidate be required to report
and be subject to the same requirements
imposed upon him as any Member of
this body.
Mr. KUPFERMAN. Mr. Speaker, will
the gentleman yield?
Mr. BUSH. I yield to the gentleman.
Mr. KUPFERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I
want to commend the gentleman from
Texas and the entire freshman group of
Republican Members of the 90th Con-
gress for his and their leadership in sug-
gesting this code of ethics.
As one who entered the House during
the 89th Congress, but just now, with
you, approaches a first full term, I am
in full agreement that the ethical stand-
ards of the House and the Congress
.should be high and equally applicable to
all Members. Appropriate action must
and will be taken to assure this, and your
proposal is a very good first step.
I came here from the New York City
Council last year. We there had a very
stringent code of ethics for a legislative
body, and it was a salutary thing. The
Congress can well take heed in this area
of New York City's example.
I thank the gentleman for yielding.
Mr. BUSH. I thank the gentleman
from New York.
I yield to the gentleman from Penn-
sylvania [Mr. BIESTER].
Mr. BIESTER. Mr. Speaker. I am
proud to join a large number of fresh-
men Congressmen in offering resolutions
to establish an Ethics Committee for the
House and also to change the rules of
this House to provide for the disclosure
of assets and the disclosure of nepotism.
Last week, we received the report of
the President's Crime Commission. The
cost and extent of criminal behavior
prevalent in our country must be a mat-
ter of great concern to all of us. Not
many Americans escape the sweep of its
indictment, either as participants or in-
different bystanders.
This past weekend we learned of
cheating scandals in one of our service
academies.
On Wednesday of this week we will
consider a report concerning the conduct
of a Congressman-elect .
Mr. Speaker, I believe that most Amer-
icans are sick of feeling soiled by the
times in which they live. If this is in-
deed a sickness, the people expect the
Congress to be a physician, not one of
tne patients.
We have all heard the old bromide that
you cannot legislate morality. That does
not mean we many not exemplify moral-
ity. That does not mean that we cannot
make the practice of immcrality more
difficult.
If this House cannot bestir itself to
clean its own affairs, how, Mr. Speaker,
can we expect to clean our streams, clean
our air, and reduce crime on a national
scale? If we cannot take this small step
now, we jeopardize for a long time to
come our reputation and the confidence
Americans want so desperately to feel in
their Congress. This resolution cannot
be opposed on the basis of too great an
e:Kpense, nor should it be opposed on
grounds of partisanship. The Good Book
says there is a time and a season for the
events of life and history. This is the
season and now is the time to set our
house in order.
Thank you, Mr. Speaker.
I thank the gentleman for yielding.
Mr. BUSH. I thank the gentleman.
I now yield to the gentleman from
Utah [Mr. LLOYD].
Mr. LLOYD. Mr. Speaker, I thank
the gentleman and I am pleased to join
him in his essential objective.
Mr. Speaker, as a general rule for
better Government operation I prefer
better and more effective use of existing
committees rather than the addition of
new ones. Those who are critical of the
proliferation of committees perform an
important public service.
The Adam Clayton Powell case now
confronts us with the question of
whether existing facilities, specifically
the House Administration Committee, is
the appropriate vehicle to respond to the
present overriding demand of the Amer-
ican people. and our own deep desires,
that rules of standards and conduct of
Members of the U.S. House of Repre-
sentatives be more clearly defined, be
raised to a higher plateau, and be more
effectively enforced. I should like to
commend the members of the House Ad-
ministration Committee on their efficient
examination of facts in the Powell case
and for the high quality of their service.
It is now my belief that this House must
establish stronger and more tangible
rules than have been previously con-
sidered necessary, and stronger enforce-
ment and investigatory procedure than
has previously sufficed. The matter of
standards and conduct of Members has
become, in my opinion, a subject for an
exclusive responsibility of the select
committee which this resolution creates.
The creation of the select committee
is another acknowledgment that con-
duct arid standards of members of the
U.S. House of Representatives are ex-
pected to be far superior to those ex-
pected of others.
The addition of a rule requiring com-
prehensive disclosure of assets, liabili-
ties, special interests, substantial income,
gifts, a:nd reimbursements to Members
and those employees and officers of the
H.-;use who are compensated at a rate in
excess of $15,000 annually is likewise sub-
ject to the general suspicion that such
diclosure requirements may serve to
mislead, to hide and protect the cleverly
unethical, rather than to actually dis-
close the personal gains and benefits de-
rived from political influence. But here
again, it is my belief in view of the heavy
responalbilitie3 which we bear as Mem-
bers of this House, that we cannot sur-
render to a fatalistic attitude that no
improvement is possible, and that it is
now our opportunity and bounden re-
sponsibility to :forge a meaningful up-
grading in the rules which govern stand-
ards and cot duct of Members of the
House of Representatives.
join in the introduction of the reso-
lu
Mr. BUSH. I commend the gentleman
from Utah for that statement.
Before yielding further, I would like
to note for th. e RECORD our pleasure at
having the gentleman from Florida in
the Speaker's chair. He has, perhaps,
done more in this body than any other
Member to fi at for a strong code of
ethics. I believe it is altogether appro-
priate that we be speaking here while
he is presiding. I believe further it is
altogether appropriate that he is here
when we new Republican Members are
speaking out for many of the things for
which he has been fighting for many
yea rs.
At this point :I yield to the gentleman
from Idaho [Mr McCruan].
Mr. McCLU.REI. Mr. Speaker, I wish,
first, to congratulate the gentleman from
Texas for his Effort in bringing this mat-
ter to the_flooi and for the efforts he has
extended so far in coordinating the ef-
forts of those of us who are appearing
in support of 111.s legislation today.
Mr. Speaker, it is unfortunate that we
in the House or Representatives must put
aside conside:m Lion of such pressing
problems as tie Vietnamese conflict to
discuss the personal-conduct of Members
of Congress. :3ut the fact remains that
before we can expect the people to re-
spect the laws we make, there must be
respect for the lawmakers themselves.
There are those who will question the
propriety of frislanian Congressmen tak-
ing the floor -to propose ethical standards
for all Members, most of whom are many
years our seni3r. As for myself, I can
ony reply tha ; it was not necessary for
me to be elected to Congress to be en-
dowed with the capacity to tell right
from wrong.
Furthermore, I feel certain that the big
turnover in the congressional elections
last fall was in no small measure due to
a lack of pub lc confidence in govern-
mental officials on all levels. The rea-
sons were not hard to find: .a Senate
employee who had used his position for
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personal gain, talk of a credibility gap,
the personal conduct of certain Members
of Congress themselves. If those of us
who were suddenly thrust into positions
of leadership do not seek to restore con-
fidence in public officials, then the Amer-
ican people have merely traded tweedle-
dee for tweedledum. I, of course, do not
refer to those Members who have been
returned.
It is most gratifying to me to find so
many of the new Congressmen respond-
ing to this challenge with proposals for
putting our house in order. The diverse
approaches in our bills illustrate the
many paths available to us. None of
those participating in the discussion to-
day are being so presumptuous as to say
we have all the answers. On the con-
trary, each of us has been encouraged to
suggest varying methods for establishing
ethical standards in order that the Con-
gress may choose the best from each.
It is in this spirit that I have today
introduced a resolution on ethics and
disclosure. My bill differs from the basic
measure being offered by the gentlemen
from Texas and others in several sig-
nificant respects.
For one thing, I suggest a revolving
membership for the proposed Commit-
tee on Standards and Conduct. No
Member should be permitted to sit in
judgment of other Members for a pro-
longed period of time.
My resolution authorizes the proposed
committee to issue advisory opinions,
upon request, when a Member is un-
certain as to whether or not some course
of action open to him is ethical.
I have also proposed penalties, and I
suggest that where there is a finding of
willful violation of the House rules, the
recommendation must be expulsion. And
if the House agrees to the recommenda-
tion, the Member expelled may never
again serve in a Government position,
elective or otherwise, except for the mili-
tary.
I have not attempted to define a code
of ethics, but the committee is required
under my bill to issue its first recom-
mendations by August 31 of this year. I
would expect that report to contain a
code of ethics at that time.
The Select Committee on Standards
and Conduct is expected, of course, to
devise a code of ethics. In this connec-
tion, I would expect the committee to
consider such matters as disclosure of
confidential information acquired during
official duties for personal gain; the ac-
ceptance of gifts; pressuring employees
to make contributions to political and
charitable organizations; use of the
franking privilege and abuse of the ac-
counts available to us for running a con-
gressional office; or, for that matter,
slush funds and the use of campaign con-
tributions for personal purposes. Like-
wise, the committee should formulate
rules by which communications between
a Member and an agency with respect
to any adjudicatory matter or rulemak-
ing would be made a part of the public
record of that proceeding. I would sug-
gest to the committee that where it is
difficult to translate ethical standards
into legislative form, the oath be rewrit-
ten to include those provist..ns.
I hope it never becomes necessary for
the proposed committee to investigate a
Member. But if it does, there will be no
doubt that the House of Representatives
is prepared to discipline its own. Cre-
ating the committee will, at the very
least, remove from partisan politics such
unpleasant matters as the one we must
face on Wednesday.
Most of the bills being introduced to-
day require each Member to file annually
a public statement of his personal hold-
ings. My bill will extend most of these
requirements to candidates for the House
of Representatives. This requirement
should cause no embarrassment to any-
one who is truly above suspicion, for we
are indeed public servants.
If, when history judges the record of
the 90th Congress, it can be said that this
was the time when the faith in the Con-
gress was restored to the American peo-
ple, then it can also be written that this
was the time when the principle of rep-
resentative government was reaffirmed
and freedom did indeed flourish.
Mr. BUSH. I thank the gentleman
from Idaho.
Mr. RIEGLE. Mr. Speaker, will the
gentleman yield?
Mr. BUSH. I yield to the gentleman
from Michigan.
Mr. RIEGLE. I should like to take
this opportunity to applaud the fine
statement just made by the gentleman
from Idaho and to draw particular at-
tention to one point he made; that is,
our discussion today and the bills and
resolutions we offer are presented with
the complete and wholehearted support
of the party leaders. I believe it is im-
portant to point out for the country
that we discussed our intention with our
party leaders and received full encour-
agement from them to proceed in this
manner. This is important to recognize.
I would underscore that statement.
Mr. BUSH. I commend the gentle-
man from Michigan, and I agree totally.
I am glad the gentleman brought out
that additional information.
Mr. McCLURE. I thank the gentle-
man for his comment. This is one thing
I wish to underscore; the fact that we
are not talking behind the backs of our
elders. We have their support. This is
important.
I commend the gentleman for making
this addition to my comments.
Mr. WILLIAMS of Pennsylvania. Mr.
Speaker, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. BUSH. I yield to the gentleman
from Pennsylvania.
Mr. WILLIAMS of Pennsylvania. Mr.
Speaker, every body of men engaged in
a common task, seeking a common ob-
jective, and working together to achieve
a common end should, as a matter of
course, have the benefit of a common
set of rules to guide them in their per-
sonal conduct as a member of that body.
I speak of the advisability of having
a code of ethics governing the conduct
and standards of Members of Congress.
After all, we are here only for one pur-
pose, and that purpose is to serve our
constituency and our country in an able
and honorable way. But, considering
the relative values we all possess, it does
seem presumptuous to expect every
Member of this large body to hold identi-
cal sets of values where their conduct in
relation to this body is concerned.
It seems to me, therefore, that if we
had an established set of rules, which
were unquestionably enforced, they
would help each of us to serve our con-
stituency and country in the able and
honorable way expected of us. This
would materially benefit this Congress
by allowing it to proceed with its im-
portant work, secure in the knowledge
that each Member is aware of his obliga-
tions, and will abide by them once he is
so apprised.
For this reason, Mr. Speaker, I urge
the prompt consideration of this resolu-
tion creating a Select Committee on
Standards and Conduct and establishing
clear-cut requirements for Members of
this House of Representatives.
Mr. BUSH. I thank the gentleman
for his timely comments.
Mr. ROTH. Mr. Speaker, will the
gentlemen yield?
Mr. BUSH. I yield to the gentleman
from Delaware.
Mr. ROTH. Mr. Speaker, I share with
my colleagues a deep concern over re-
cent acts that have cast dark shadows of
doubt over the entire Congress in the
minds of the people of the United States.
Today, I have introduced a separate
resolution that, like others introduced
here today, would create a Select Com-
mittee on Standards and Conduct.
However, on the matter of disclosure
of financial interests, my resolution dif-
fers from others. The difference is in
the method of disclosure and in the teeth
put into the requirement for accurate
disclosure.
This resolution would require Mem-
bers and certain employees to file annu-
ally with the Comptroller General of the
United States a copy of their financial
statement and a copy of their income tax
return. The latter, of course, would re-
quire further implementing legislation.
Under my resolution, the Comptroller
General of the United States and the
select committee would be authorized to
examine these financial reports and,
should they find anything wrong, would
be empowered to conduct such investi-
gations as they deemed necessary. Re-
ports of wrongdoings would be filed by
the Comptroller General with the JItstice
Department and with the House for ap-
propriate action.
As a new Member of this body, and ? as
the single Representative from the State
of Delaware to this body, I urge the pas-
sage of this bill to establish in the House
an effective body to investigate and act
on allegations of misconduct of Members
and of staff members so that the Amer-
ican people will not continue to have res-
ervations regarding the integrity of this
body and reservations regarding its will-
ingness to condone the actions of Mem-
bers and staff members guilty of miscon-
duct.
Justice for Members and staff mem-
bers who might be accused, as well as,
public demand for the highest standards
of conduct by Members and their staffs,
makes imperative the immediate estab-
lishment of this Select Committee on
Standards and Conduct?and certain
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amendments to House rules that will pro-
vide the means to quickly ferret out any
who might be guilty of misconduct.
Under the resolution that I have intro-
duced, a Select Committee on Standards
and Conduct would be established, hav-
ing a membership composed of 12 mem-
bers divided evenly between the major-
' ity and minority parties. It would be
empowered to recommend rules and reg-
ulations it deems necessary to insure
proper standards of conduct by Mem-
bers and by staff members of the House.
It would have authority to investigate
alleged breaches of conduct, recommend
appropriate action and report violations
of law to the proper Federal and State
authorities.
Further, the resolution I offer would
amend the rules of the House to require
that Members and their employees who
are paid more than $10,000 annually file
with the Comptroller General of the
United States a financial statement and
a copy of their income tax return. This
closely parallels a proposal made in the
other body by the senior member of the
congressional delegation from Delaware.
This section of my resolution differs
from others in that the others require
only the tiling of a financial statement.
The difference is in the amount of
teeth we want to put in legislation re-
quiring disclosure of financial interests.
A financial statement can reflect as
much or as little as the preparer wishes
it to reflect. Most of us would report
assets and liabilities to the letter and
intent of the law. However, it is not the
actions of most of us that have caused
us concern, and that recently have
caused a decline in the respect of the
House by the American people.
On the other hand, an individual could,
if he so desired, simply file an incomplete
financial statement?there seems to be
no punishment for that?or could con-
ceal his assets in the names of other
parties.
By the requirement to have Members
and certain staff members file a copy of
their annual income tax return along
with their financial statement, we would
give teeth to the requirement for accu-
rate disclosure of financial interests.
While there may be no penalties for filing
an incomplete financial statement, there
are severe penalties for filing a false in-
come tax return. And the proper filing
of the latter with the Comptroller Gen-
eral of the United States would prompt
complete and accurate disclosure of the
former.
(Mr. ROTH asked and was given Per-
mission to revise and extend his re-
marks.)
Mr. BUSH. Mr. Speaker, I now yield
to the gentleman from Kentucky [Mr.
COWGER I.
Mr. COWGER. Mr. Speaker, I wish
to compliment the gentleman from
Texas, and the other new Members of
Congress for their sincere interest in es-
tablishing rules of conduct for the Con-
gress. It is quite obvious that public
opinion dictates a firm and clear state-
ment of principles from all of us?new
and old, important and the new and the
mighty, rich and poor, Republican and
Democrat.
I am in complete favor with this bill
and urge Its adoption. We must have a
strong measure?if not this one?then,
at least another that will be equally as
demanding. For my part, I intend to im-
mediately comply with the spirit of this
bill, by furnishing to the Clerk of the
Congress, a complete statement of my
assets, my interests, and my income. It is
hoped that all our other colleagues will
join us in this endeavor.
Thank you.
Mr. BUSH, Mr. Speaker, 1 commend
the gentleman from Kentucky, the dis-
tinguished president of the new Republi-
can Members of this Congress, and thank
him for those comments.
Now I yield to the gentleman from
Arkansas (Mr. HAMMERSCHMIDT1.
Mr. HAMMERSCHMIDT. Mr. Speak-
er, today, I join with many of my col-
leagues in calling for the establishment of
a Select Committee on Standards and
Conduct, and for the establishment of re-
quirements calling for disclosure of assets
and liabilities, and certain business,
lobby, and nepotic relationships
As we all know. Congress adopted a
"code of ethics" in July 1958, that was in-
tended to apply to all individuals in Gov-
ernment service. Regretfully, the word-
ing of the code is, of necessity, general,
and therefore lacking in strength. It has
no muscle.
Our effcrt today is an attempt to add
strength to the "code of ethics" that now
exists. In my mind, it is good that this
is being attempted in a positive light and
not in a negative?do not do?manner.
President Calvin Coolidge said:
Little orcgress can be made by merely at-
tempting to repress what Is evil; our hope
lies in developing what is good.
Today, the 90th Congress is being chal-
lenged to develop what is good.
The resolution that I introduce today
calls for the public recording of those re-
lationships and situations which, in some
cases, are considered questionable. The
resolution does not say that the hiring of
relatives is all bad. It does not say the
business connections are all bad. It does
not say that communications with lob-
byists are had. What it does say is that
these relationships should be recorded in
such a way that the public can observe
them and determine when "conflicts of
interest" exist.
John C. Calhoun observed that?
The very essence of a free government con-
SIE ts in considering offices a public trust.
Hopefully, the resolution here offered
will make it possible for the public to
evaluate the manner in which these
officerholders honor this trust.
I thank the gentleman from Texas for
this time.
Mr. BUSH. I thank the gentleman
from Arkansas for those comments.
I now yield to the gentleman from
Texas [Mr. Parcu].
Mr. PRICE of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I
am happy to join with the gentleman
from Texas [Mr. Busx1 and many of
niy other colleagues in introducing this
ethics and disclosure resolution. Since
my election last November, I have heard
from many of my constituents who seem
to be losing their confidence in rnany of
our public officials.
lE would like :o quote from one letter
vveich expresses a rather harsh and un-
justified opini of Congress:
I, like iniliiois of other Americans, have
come to realize that Congress has degen-
erated to a mere shadow of its once great
image. Ihe conduct of many represents-
es and sena:ors has been highly repre-
hensible. Now, one member is trying to
blackmail Congress because he knows that
a large number of members are guilty of
criminal misconduct and political immoral-
ity.
Although I have been in Congress only
a short time, Mr. Speaker, it appears
that the conduct of one or two Members
may have tarnished the good reputation
of this great body. There is no doubt
in my mind that the great majority of
the Members of Congress arenf the high-
est caliber an their integrity is above
reemoach. I believe this impression must
be corrected and that public confidence
in Congress must be restored.
.For this reason, Mr. Speaker, I ur-
gently hope this or similar legislation
will be adopted. It will go a long way
toward maintaining the faith of the
American ped ole in their Government.
Mr. BUSH. I thank the distinguished
gentleman Iron Texas [Mr. PRICE], my
fellow colleague, and I believe I speak for
all when I say that many Members of
this Congress nave received this type of
letter, and naany of us know that the peo-
ple are -waiting for -the Congress to act
in 1:his important field.
Mr. PETTIS. Mr. Speaker, will the
distinguished f;entleman yield?
Mr. BUSH. I am glad to yield to the
distinguished gentleman from California.
(Mr. PETTIS asked and was given per-
mission to devise and extend his
remarks )
Mr. PETTIS. Mr. Speaker, I wish to
commend the gentleman from Texas for
his remarks and the initiative he has
taken in bringing this issue before the
House.
As a newly e:ected Congressman, I feel
certain that there are very few Members
on either side of the aisle who do not
practice adherence to a high code of per-
sonal morality and conduct.
Because of this, there is an almost
unanimous concern for the good name of
this body on the part of the membership.
In an effort to give these feelings posi-
tive form, I have earlier in this session
introduced a bill which would bring
about changes in the House rules making
it impossible for any individual Member
of this great body, regardless of race or
political status, to corrupt his high office
or bring shame on the Congress of the
United States.
I feel strongly that no duly elected in-
dividual Memb3r of Congress should be
singled out froin our midst to be judged
against any special standard against
witch we are not all ready and willing to
be judged.
In order to demonstrate to the people
of the entire world in a clear and con-
vincing manner that we are men and
women who ar as true to duty as the
needle to the pole, who do not fear to call
sin by its true name, men, and women
who will stand for right though the
heavens fall, I urge the entire Congress,
and particularly 1;he Members who sit in
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F:eL,-ruary 27,
positions of leadership on both sides of
the aisle, to insist upon the immediate
study of, and action upon, proposed
changes in House rules that will renew
public confidence in the integrity and
honesty of this bastion of representative
government.
Mr. BUSH. I thank my distinguished
colleague from California.
Mr. POLLOCK. Mr. Speaker, will the
gentleman yield?
Mr. BUSH. I yield to the distin-
guished gentleman from Alaska.
(Mr. POLLOCK asked and was given
permission to revise and extend his re-
marks and to include extraneous
matter.)
Mr. POLLOCK. Mr. Speaker, I am
proud to join my colleague, the gentle-
man from Texas, and the other partici-
pating Members of the 90th Club. I am
most anxious that we take this decisive
step to put our house in order?by boldly
introducing legislation to formulate a
strong code of ethics.
The present conduct of Members of
Congress is of vital concern to every
American?it should be of utmost, of
paramount, concern to the Members of
Congress to meet this issue head on and
to do something constructive and mean-
ingful to resolve the problem which con-
fronts us. We are and must ever be
servants of the people who choose us to
represent them in the U.S. Congress?
and we not only must serve with dignity
and integrity, but there should be no
doubt or cloud in the understanding of
the American people. Confidence in all
Members of Congress in all their en-
deavors should never again be shaken.
It is surprising that such a Select Com-
mittee on Standards and Conduct has
not been established long before now.
Let us not let another session of Congress
become history without enactment of
appropriate legislation to establish
clearly recognized standards of conduct
and ethics.
Today I join in introduction and sup-
port of an appropriate resolution to
establish a Select Committee on Stand-
ards and Conduct. There are a number
of good approaches to the problem. Let
us put our heads together and come out
with a good workable solution we can all
live with?one that will remove the pub-
lic cynicism which unfortunately exists
today.
I fear no standards which can gauge
and measure my personal conduct as a
Member of the U.S. Congress. Let us
get on with the job which confronts us.
Mr. BUSH. I thank my distinguished
colleague from Alaska [Mr. Pou.ocx]
Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentleman
from Michigan [Mr. RIEGLE]
Mr. RIEGLE. Mr. Speaker, I take the
floor today as one of the cosponsors of
this resolution because I deeply believe
that it is essential for Congress to act
promptly and decisively to preserve what
is left of our integrity and respect in the
eyes of the American people. Today
there is doubt in too many minds across
the country about the personal conduct
of Members of this body.
In 2 days, we will act on the case of a
man who, as a Congressman, used his
position in Government for his own per-
sonal gain. The other body of Congress
is today conducting a similar investiga-
tion into the conduct of one of its Mem-
bers.
Unfortunately it takes only one corrupt
Congressman to seed the false idea that
all Members of Congress are guilty of
similar indiscretions. Today, much of
the growing public cynicism is due to our
own ponderous inability to come to grips
with the problem of implementing some
tough, but fair, standards of personal
conduct. It is not enough to just take
strong action against the occasional pub-
lically identified offender, but we?to a
man?must establish and live by the very
highest objective public standards of per-
sonal conduct. Let us get moving and
demonstrate to the American people be-
yond any doubt that we are deeply hon-
ored to serve in -our capacity of public
trust and wish to act, in every instance,
only in the public interest.
Let us establish an objective code of
conduct which will apply to all Members
of this body by which the activities of
each and every Member can be measured.
Only with such an overall objective
standard of conduct can we eliminate the
public doubt that arises when?in the
absence of an overall objective stand-
ard?one man is singled out and punished
for improper conduct.
This resolution is not offered as a cure-
all but rather as a long overdue begin-
ning. Certainly it will take good faith
and earnest concern of us all if we are to
develop and implement a meaningful
code of personal conduct. As a fresh-
man Member of this body, I look to my
senior colleagues for advice and counsel
in this matter, so that we who are new
to the House can make full use of the
knowledge and experience you represent.
But let us get moving--let us quit spin-
ning our wheels. Let us get something
done. Let us answer mounting public
concern about the integrity of Congress
with a hard-hitting, straightforward code
of conduct that does the job.
As one Member of this body, I stand
ready to work on this issue with any
interested Member, on either side of the
aisle, for as long as it takes to get this
job done. And I suspect it will take
determined and unrelenting effort of this
kind to finally overcome the inertia and
bring about this long overdue reform.
Until such time, however, as an objec-
tive code of conduct is operational, I will,
as a matter of personal conviction, vol-
untarily file with the Clerk four annual
statements for insertion into the public
record.
The first voluntary statement will be
full disclosure annually of my earnings
and assets and I will shortly supply this
statement. And I hasten to add that
this is not a new idea with me. During
my recent campaign for election, I vol-
untarily made such a complete public
disclosure.
The second annual statement will
certify that I have not had any relatives
on my congressional payroll or working
in any other capacity, with or for, any
governmental agency.
The third statement will certify that
I have held no interest, personally or
beneficially, in any firm that is a major
supplier to Government, or in any firm
that operates under direct Government
charter or supervision, such as TV sta-
tions, airlines, and so forth,
The fourth statement will list all con-
gressional travel expenses incurred by me
and reimbursed by the Government.
I will make these statements available
for public review because I wish to have
my personal conduct in these areas
above suspicion?above any lowest de-
nominator of conduct possibly occa-
sioned by some Member who may misuse
his position of trust for his own gain.
Mr. BUSH. I would like to commend
the forthright statement of the gentle-
man from Michigan. No Member of our
group has helped more and no one has
contributed more to this discussion and
to the background work that went into it.
Mr. MAYNE. Mr. Speaker, will the
gentleman yield?
Mr. BUSH. I yield to the gentleman.
Mr. MAYNE. Mr. Speaker, I am proud
to join my colleague, the gentleman from
Texas, and other newly elected Repub-
lican Members of the House in urging,
az strongly as we can, the appointment
of a Select Committee on Ethics and Con-
duct and proper standards to govern
this House.
This committee should recommend
rules and regulations necessary or desir-
able to insure such proper standards of
conduct?and not only by Members of
the House but also by officers or employ-
ees of the House. In my judgment, such
rules and regulations should include a
provision prohibiting any Member of this
House from employing any member of
his family on his staff.
I do not think that mere disclosure of
such employment is sufficient in view of
the mood of this House and the recogni-
tion by many Members of the pressing
need for meaningful action. I think it is
also imperative in view of the mood of
the country.
The committee should also be given
power to make investigations of the
conduct of Members, officers, and em-
ployees of the House and in my judg-
ment should be empowered to recommend
censure, suspension, or expulsion of any
such Member or officer or employee after
an investigation?and I wish to em-
phasize?after a fair and complete
hearing.
Mr. BUSH. I thank the gentleman
from Iowa.
Mr. RHODES of Arizona. Mr.
Speaker, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. BUSH. I yield to the gentleman.
Mr. RHODES of Arizona. Mr.
Speaker, on behalf of the House Re-
publican policy committee, I want to
thank the gentleman from Texas and the
other newly elected Members of the Con-
gress from the Republican Party for
doing what you have done here today. I
think you have done a magnificent job
of pointing out the existence of a very
important problem. The solution that
you offer appears to me to be reasonable,
honorable, and just. I think the services
that you have rendered will stand the
entire House of Representatives in good
stead when this very important matter
comes before it for deliberation and the
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formation or creation of a select com-
mittee.
Mr. BUSH. I appreciate the comments
of the gentleman from Arizona, who is
the leader of the Republican policy corn-
mistee which has already issued, as most
of us recognize here today, a forthright
statement calling for the selection and
establishment of a special Ethics Corn-
eittee.
It is a great honor to have the gentle-
man from Arizona commend the new
Members for the work they are doing.
In conclusion, Mr. Speaker, I would
once again urge with respect to this very
important matter that the House not say
it cannot be done, or this is old hat, or
that it has been tried.
I urge that we take a new and fresh
look at the problem, and I urge the
leadership on both sides of the aisle and
the Members of the House on both sides
of the aisle to work diligently and pro-
vide not only for the creation of an
Ethics Committee, but for the adoption
of a meaningful code of ethics which will
show the country that we are determined
to do something about this ethical cloud
that hangs over this illustrious body.
Mr. GUDE. Mr. Speaker, a basic
tenet of American democratic philosophy
is the proscription that our Nation is to
be a government of laws, not men. In
order that Congress achieve the ultimate
moral strength in its role as the crucible
of American laws it must indeed also
govern itself under a code of ethics which
measures every Member as an equal. No
American can feel secure in moral
righteousness and punishment vented
against any man, unless every man is
governed in all respects with the same
laws.
Mr. ZWACH. Mr. Speaker, I have said
repeatedly that there can be no com-
promise with integrity, and that includes
the integrity of every Member of Con-
gress as well as anyone else. We have
all been honored by our people at home
who have charged us with the awesome
responsibility of representing them in the
Congress of the United States. They
expect us to work diligently and honestly
in their behalf.
We must never reach a point where we
feel that Members of Congress need not
adhere to the same high standard of
conduct and integrity that is expected
of every man and woman in this Nation.
In contrast, we should try to be a model
for them.
Mr. Speaker, it is unfortunate that a
number of incidents in recent years have
made the people suspicious of govern-
ment. But a good share of the problem
does indeed lie with the leaders of gov-
ernment. It is their responsibility to
lead the crusade to prove to the people
that the Congress and the Government
of the United States will insist on ab-
solutely honest and upright conduct by
those in public service.
ft is necessary for the continuance of
representative government in any coun-
try, that the citizens who agree to
be governed by a system of manmade
laws, have continual evidence of the
practice of the highest degree of ethics.
Faith in our form of government must
never be taken for granted. There must
be assurances and protections for U.S.
citizens.
One way to help do this, Mr. Speaker,
is to establish a code of ethics in Con-
gress which will apply to every man and
woman who is commissioned by the
people to work here. It should be a
code that will make explicit the require-
ments and responsibilities of the Mem-
bers.
I. have been honored to serve in repre-
sentative government for 33 years. I
hope to continue working to restore the
confidence of our citizens in their Legis-
lature. To help achieve that goal, I am
proud to join with my colleagues, the
newly elected Members of Congress, in
this very worthy goal.
Mr. WINN. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased
to introduce a resolution here in the
House of Representatives, similar though
not identical to that of my colleagues,
to establish a House Committee on Ethics
and to provide for full disclosure of fi-
nancial holdings. The events of past
weeks have reflected poorly on all Mem-
bers of the House of Representatives,
and, in fact, all Members of Congress.
If the legislative branch is to maintain its
role as a vital part of our democracy,
then it must have the confidence of the
American people, and we can hardly ask
for or expect to receive that confidence
until we are prepared to operate in the
light of public disclosure.
My resolution, in addition to establish-
ing an Ethics Committee and requiring
full public disclosure of assets and in-
debtedness, prohibits Members of the
House of Representatives from appoint-
ing or recommending for appointment
any members of their family MI positions
on the House payroll. I feel that the re-
cent disclosures indicating that a number
of Members of Congress had relatives on
thei.r payrolls did grievous damage to the
image of Congress in the eyes of the
American public. Although in most in-
stances expenditures for family members
can be quite legitimate, the opportunity
for misuse of public funds remains.
In recent months the concept of
credibility has been challenged in the
executive branch of Government. Re-
spect for the Congress has reached new
lows with the disclosure of questionable
practices by some of its Members. It
falls, then, to the Members of this body
to demonstrate to the people of the Na-
tion that we will govern ourselves by rule
of law.
Mr. ESCH. Mr. Speaker, over the
years a great national concern has grown
about the conduct and practices of Mem-
bers of Congress. Events of recent
months have highlighted this concern,
and, if any good can ever come from such
circumstances, it will hopefully take the
form of greater and continuing efforts
at policing ourselves to the degree that
assuming the public trust will mean ex-
actly that. Por unless we begin to police
ourselves effectively, a credibility gap,
at least in terms of ethics and conduct,
will exist here hi the legislative branch,
as well as in the executive.
While I join in the introduction of a
resolution calling for the establishment
of a Select Committee on Standards and
Conduct, I am convinced that our efforts
in this area must attain a high degree of
permanency and stability. Perhaps the
establishment of a standing committee
woelld best; serre this end and develop
the type of continuity necessary to treat
all Members equally rather than dealing
with individual controversies once they
have reached the crisis stage.
Our prine gcal must be public confi-
dence. The people must not have doubts
as to whether 1V. embers of this House are
expected .to live up to high ethical stand-
ards. The people have every right to
expect their lawmakers not to be law-
breakers.
The acelon of a few can and will re-
flect on the reputation of the total. Our
task must be then, to set standards for all
Members so that this body, individually
and collectively, will be above suspect.
It is fitting that new Members of the
House are speaking out, for our mandate
elearly re:lects ?, public concern. May it
not fall on closed ears. The immediate
public interest and the long-range inter-
ests of Ccirigrest so demand.
Mr. DENNEY. Mr. Speaker, certainly
the public opinion of the U.S. House of
Repeesentatives is at a low ebb. In order
to counteract this fact, I believe it is
necessary for us to take measures to im-
prove the image of the House of Repre-
sentatives prior to the enactment of leg-
islation determining the future of our
fellow cit:.zens. People are entitled to
know the :Iolanda] interests and dealings
of their elected cfficials, and whether any
of their relatives are on the Government
payroll.
Today I am introducing a resolution
establishing a Select Committee on
Standards and Conduct. This commit-
tee, consisting of six Members from each
side of the aisle, would have the power
to investigate alleged misconduct of
Members, officers, and employees of the
House. The resolution would also re-
quire full disclosure of assets, liabilities,
gifts and so forth, by Members of Con-
gress, their spouses and members of their
staffs. It furthea provides for disclosure
of interests on ar y business dealings with
or regulated by the Government, and re-
quires a listing cf relatives on the Gov-
ernment payroll. To enforce these dis-
closures the commi ttee would design ap-
propriate forms to be filled out by the
Members, officers and employees of the
House.
Mr. Speaker, I urge that my colleagues
in ths 90th Congaess show to the Ameri-
can people that we are for integrity in
Government by early passage of this
resolution.
Mr. BURKE of Florida. Mr. Speaker,
I rise to support the resolutions which
have been introduced to establish a Se-
lect Committee en Standards and Con-
duct in the House.
As we are all aware, a short-lived ver-
sion ef an ethics committee was estab-
lished in the wailing hours of the 89th
Congress. Its powers, however, were
severely limited by amendment. In its
report to the, House, issued last Decem-
ber, it urged that a permanent Select
Committee on Seasadards and Conduct
be created by the House in the 90th Con-
gress. The final report of the Joint
Committee on the Organization of the
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Congress, issued last July, also recom-
mended the creation of such a select
committee in the House. In the other
Chamber a Select Committee on Stand-
ards and Conduct has been in existence
since 1964. The House has been derelict
in its failure to follow suit.
At the beginning of this Congress the
House refused to seat, pending investiga-
tion, a Member of long standing because
of apparent?one is compelled to say
transparent?abuse of his perquisites
and privileges as a Member of the House
of Representatives and chairman of an
important committee. Allegations of
misbehavior on the part of this Member
had long been blazoned in the press, yet
no investigation of his conduct was
forthcoming in the House until the courts
in his home State charged him with
criminal contempt. This is a sad com-
mentary on the moral conscience of one
of the four most powerful governmental
institutions in this country. If there had
been in existence an ethics committee,
empowered to investigate alleged misbe-
havior by Members of the House, it is
certain that this unfortunate oversight
would not have occurred.
Public confidence in the Congress has
slipped precipitously in the last few
years. To restore that confidence it is
imperative that we now create a Select
Committee on Standards and Conduct
and that we give it the power necessary
to insure prompt and effective action
when Members of the House abuse their
office. The integrity of this body and
its Members must not be permitted to
be compromised by the deeds of the few.
An independent ethics committee is the
best guarantor of this.
Mr. Speaker, opinions have been ex-
pressed that a Member once brought
before such a committee would stand
convicted in the public's eye even should
the committee exonerate him of all alle-
gation of misbehavior. This contention
will not survive scrutiny. This Nation
still believes in the innocence of the ac-
cused until guilt is groven beyond a rea-
sonable doubt. I see no reason why this
high principle of justice will be voided
because a Select Committee on Stand-
ards and Conduct might investigate a
Congressman's behavior. Indeed, a
"clean bill of health" from the commit-
tee should dispel the doubts and concern
which might obtain about a Member's
actions. To doubt this indicts the public's
sense of fair play, decency, and justice.
Let us remember, furthermore, that the
Purpose of the committee would be not
to act as an inquisitor but rather as an
investigator. Its purpose would be to
ascertain the facts in any case, report
these to the House, and recommend a
course of action. We are most emphat-
ically not creating a star chamber here.
Mr. Speaker, the entire question of
ethical conduct by a Congressman is a
thorny thicket. I cannot believe that
any significant number of Congressmen
deliberately engage in criminal, or even
questionable, conduct. Nevertheless, pre-
dicaments face us at every turn. One of
the most troublesome of these is the dif-
ficult and complex matter of conflict of
interest. If a Member is a lawyer, for
example, he may be uncertain as to which
clients he, or especially the law firm with
which he may be associated, may repre-
sent in suits involved with the Govern-
ment. He may own stock and find him-
self in a perplexing dilemma because a
bill on which he should vote for the in-
terest of his constituency also affects his
own vested interests.
Then there is the matter of ex parte
communications with agencies of the
Government on behalf of constituents.
What line may he not trespass in this
regard as he attempts to hasten action.
Then there is that biennial headache of
campaign funds.
These are only three problems en-
countered by virtually every Congress-
man for which no adequate guides exist.
The Code of Ethics passed in 1958, while
a step in the right direction, simply fails
to provide assistance to a Congressman
in these important areas--and others.
A real service would be performed by a
Select Committee on Standards and Con-
duct if it were authorized to recommend
a more explicit Code of Ethics for Mem-
bers of the House with regard to these
matters. I, for one, would welcome rec-
ommendations of this nature from the
committee.
Mr. Speaker, the force of circumstances
and logic clearly support the creation of
a Select Committee on Standards and
Conduct. Temerity and not timidity is
the order of the day.
Mr. MILLER of Ohio. Mr. Speaker,
I have today joined a number of my col-
leagues in the introduction of the ethics
and disclosure bill. Passage of this leg-
islation will provide a uniform standard
by which all Members of Congress can be
judged by the American people. It is
our position that no duly elected individ-
ual Member of Congress should be
judged against any special standard
against which all Members are not
ready and willing to be judged.
The bill is well conceived, Mr. Speaker,
and it stands as a genuine contribution
to the establishment of a uniform stand-
ard of conduct for the Members of this
House. I strongly urge immediate study
of and consideration on this important
legislation.
This bill is identical to Mr. Busn's. _
Mr. GARDNER. Mr. Speaker, I join
today with my colleagues in support of
a bill to create a Select Committee on
Standards and Conduct. The creation of
this committee is vital to restore the
confidence of the American people in-this
Congress and to insure that the present
and future Congresses will warrant such
confidence and respect.
The American public is entitled to ex-
pect from their elected Representatives
and the officers and employees of this
House, superior standards of conduct.
We, as public servants, are entrusted
with the responsibility of providing fair
and representative government for the
welfare of this great Nation. In order
to do this, our behavior and conduct
must be of the highest quality.
This select committee, which is simi-
lar to the one established in the 89th
Congress, is desirable for the guidance
and protection of Members and House
employees. It has become apparent that
in order for Members and employees of
this House to give proper and adequate
service to the public, standards and a
supervisory body must be established.
I believe that this committee, along
with the standards it will establish, will
provide a suitable deterrent to those who
might be tempted to put personal ambi-
tion ahead of service to their country.
This committee will serve as a guarantee
that the Members of the House of Rep-
resentatives and its employees will meet
their sworn obligation to serve God and
country.
Tomorrow I will introduce a resolution
creating a Select Committee on Stand-
ards and Conduct, similar to the resolu-
tions introduced by my colleagues. In
addition to creating a Select Committee,
this bill will amend the Rules of the
House of Representatives by adding rule
XLIII. The new rule requires that each
Member, officer and employee of the
House of Representatives will file the fol-
lowing information with the Clerk of the
House:
First, the name and address of any
business which is Government controlled
or licensed in which the individual has a
financial interest, second, the name and
address of any professional firm which
engages in practice before any depart-
ment, agency or instrumentality of the
United States in which the individual
has a financial interest, and third, the
name of each person employed by the
U.S. Government who is a member of the
family or other relative of a Member of
the House of Representatives.
The responsibility is upon each of us
as Members of the House of Representa-
tives to provide such measures which will
insure that all Members, officers and em-
ployees of this House will fulfill their
sworn duty.
Mr. LUKENS. Mr. Speaker, the new
Members who are proposing that a se-
lect committee be established on stand-
ards and conduct in the House of Rep-
resentatives are not attempting to be
presumptuous, nor are they suggesting
that the Members who came here before
them have been guilty of low standards
and bad conduct. We know that, with
a few possible exceptions, the integrity
and honor of the Members of this body
are beyond question.
But we are concerned with the public
attitude toward the Congress generally.
Because of a few highly publicized de-
partures from a standard the American
people feel is required of their Repre-
sentatives in Congress, a belief seems to
have grown up that most Members of
this honorable body indulge in practices
of misconduct of one sort or another.
It is at this belief that our resolution is
aimed.
Our resolution is not complicated. It
would ask for the establishment of a se-
lect committee of 12 members--six from
each political party--to be named by the
Speaker and empowered to investigate
any violation of the law by any Mem-
ber of this body. It would call upon
Members to: first, make a full disclo-
sure of the assets, liabilities, honorari-
ums, and so forth, held by them, their
spouses or any staff members making
more than $15,000 annually: second,
make a full disclosure of any interest,
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either financially or through kinship,
with any firm practicing before any
Federal agency; third, make a full dis-
closure of any interest, regardless of
amount, in any business whose right to
operate is regulated by the Federal Gov-
ernment, and fourth, make a full disclo-
sure of any relatives?immediate fam-
ily?carried on their congressional pay-
rolls.
Mr. President, I am convinced that
this kind of gesture of honorability is
desperately required at this time in our
history.
The credibility gap?not only with re-
gard to the conduct of Congressmen?
has now grown to such incredible size
that it is more than a political issue,
it is a menace to this Nation. Our peo-
ple are confused, utterly, by conflict-
ing statements from Government offi-
cials about the war in Vietnam, the need
for a missile defense, the subsidizing of
left-wing organizations by the CIA, the
doubts cast on the Warren Commission's
findings, the direction of the economy,
the cause of inflation, the increase in
crime on the streets, to name just a few
examples.
I am convinced that this Congress has
a great responsibility to resolve many of
these doubts and I am confident that it
will. But on the question of its own
honor and integrity, we cannot wait. We
must show the American people as quick-
ly as possible that, in this time of wide-
spread disregard for law and order, we
intend to keep the U.S. House as far
above suspicion as possible. In effect,
our own right to act for the American
people is at stake in this question of
ethics. We must establish it beyond all
question and quickly.
Thank you, Mr. Speaker.
Mr. ZION. Mr. Speaker, perhaps at
no time in this century has the Congress
been more sharply studied by the public
gaze than the present. Perhaps at no
time in recent memory has the reputa-
tion of Congress with its collective mem-
bership been subject to such popular
criticism and censure as today. The
tragic and thoughtless behavior of a tiny
element of this House has reaped pub-
licity of an adverse nature far in excess
of the quantity of the issue. Unfortu-
nately, all Congress is now suspect. Hon-
est, decent, and ethical men have been
forced to stand in the baleful light of
mistrust that has radiated from the
machinations of the few.
Our linen is now on the line. And,
as long as it is there, it would be timely
to apply some new detergents to the
wash and give the American people a
whiter and brighter deal. I am pleased
to join many of my colleagues today in
introducing my own package of soap in
the form of an ethics and disclosure
bill. Such legislation, like soap, must be
more than chosen or passed upon. Ethics
do not become a permanent state of af-
fairs from the adoption of such a bill
any more than ',.aundry becomes per-
petually radiant through one pass in the
washer. It takes constant dedication
and application to accomplish both jobs.
The bills introduced by myself and my
colleagues are only a beginning. The
real enforceability of congressional
ethics lies in the inner person of the in-
dividual Member. The workability of
any such system lies with each of us. As
with a religious creed, acceptance must
be essentially voluntary in nature.
But today we may choose to begin.
Today we must answer a trust, one aris-
ing from the biennial mandate of a
people that have the right to expect the
best from their elected representatives.
We can give them no less.
Mr. BROWN of Michigan. Mr. Speak-
er, along with many of my colleagues. I
am introducing legislation today de-
signed to strengthen public confidence in
congressional ethics.
The current public image of Congress
demands that we address ourselves to
the need for tighter standards of conduct
for the legislative branch of Government.
Some 60 percent of those answering a re-
cent Gallop poll said they believe the
misuse of Government funds by Con-
gressmen is fairly common. Of course,
we know that such abuses are, in fact,
not common, but there have been a num-
ber of such polls showing a distressing
lack of public faith in the integrity of
public officials. The number of identical
and similar measures being introduced
today demonstrates to the Nation a great
desire, particularly on the part of those
of us who are newly elected, for some
positive steps in this important area.
I am aware that Congress does now
have a code of ethics to which any per-
son in Government service should ad-
here. Unfortunately, the best of codes
will not provide a guarantee against oc-
casional misbehavior by Members.
Therefore, there is a need for a vehicle in
the House to achieve and maintain the
highest possible standards by statute
with provisions for enforcement thereof.
To All this need, I am introducing legis-
lation to amend the rules of the House in
such a manner as to encourage compli-
ance with regard to ethical conduct by
compelling public disclosure of financial
assets, potential conflicts of interests, and
other areas in which Members or their
stafs might And themselves?and, there-
by, the Congress as an institution--open
to public criticism.
I recognize that disclosure is a thorny
problem to many of my colleagues, be-
cause public officials are also citizens
with personal assets and aspira ;ions and
who quite naturally feel these matters
are.. private in nature. However, I be-
lieve disclosure can be one more effective
way to protect the integrity of elective
office. As a Michigan State senator, I
voted in favor of such a disclosure bill
last year. Since its passage, I have
four.d the statute not only helps insure
that the public interest will be safe-
guarded but it can Serve as a protective
device for legislators against unwar-
ranted charges leveled against them.
Personally, I do not believe it is possible
to legislate morality. But it has never
been more important than it is today?
when we are engaged in a life a:ad death
struggle with tyranny?to maintain con-
fidence in our governmental institutions
and to strengthen the moral fiber of our
Nation. Over the past few years, there
have been several highly publicized
stories of alleged misconduct by a few
Members of ,Cengress and a few em-
ployees. These escapades have hurt the
collective reputation of the Congress
and of its Members. Wrongdoing must
be punished and public faith in the
legislative branch must be restored. I
believe this legislation will go a long way
toward accomplishing these objectives.
We can do no less for our constituents
and our country.
When an organization finds its repu-
tation tarnished, action_ must be taken.
I sincerely believe, Mr. Speaker, that
corrective action in the form I have
suggested, while not a guarantee against
"bad apples in the barrel," will_ at least
give the public its rightful opportunity
to identify those apples which are less
than thoroughly wholesome.
Mr. THOMPSON of Georgia. Mr.
Speaker, I am proud to join with the
other Members of the 90th Congress in
suprort of a rose lation to establish a Se-
lect Committee an Standards and Con-
duct.
Events of the past few months have
made it crystal clear that such a com-
mittee is neede 1 and that the proce-
dures and committees as presently con-
stituted in the House are inadequate to
survey the standards and conduct of the
Mem tiers.
Mr. BROTZMAN. Mr. Speaker, I am
pleased to see she active interest and
genuine concern expressed here today by
the freshman Peemblican Members of
the Nth Congress, in this united effort to
demonstrate th st they are concerned
about the failing image of Congress, and
want to take positive, remedial action.
The Congress has demanded high
standards of conduct from other Govern-
ment officials, particularly members of
the Cabinet. It :.s time that those Mem-
bers who are concerned, those Members
who make up the vast majority of honest
and hard-working Congressmen, those
Members who are striving to serve their
constituents in an effective and mean-
ingfisi way?it is time that these Mem-
bers not o:nly ask but demand that this
House be put in order.
Mi. Speaker, that demand is being
made today. It is being made not only
on the floor of this House, but wherever
people gather to discuss the affairs of
their Nation. The concern expressed
here by the new Members of Congress
is res'lective of a greater public feeling
that the time has come to put this House
in order.
Mr. SMITH of Oklahoma. Mr. Speak-
er, everybody's talking about crime and
pointing a ffnge: at the youth of our
land as the guilty party. The phrase
"juvenile delinquency" has become a fre-
quent part of ou: conversation.
It is said that 20 percent of our popu-
lation is la or below, and that 50 per-
cent of the crime is committed by young
people in this category. However, less
than 5 percent of the teenagers commit
the caimes. But teenagers?all of them.
are labeled with this stigma.
We have SOME thing akin to this in
the Congress of the United States. One
Member has flaunted his disregard for
the honesty and dignity of Congress, and
so a cloud is cast over the whole. People
do net say, one man or a few men are
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Feliv4arg 27,
guilty. No, they say, "Congress?Con-
gress is like a barrel of rotten apples,
each contaminating the others."
I ask, What kind of an example is that
for the youth of our land? I say, let us
clean our own house before pointing to
youth and the misdemeanors and crimes
of youth. We, ourselves, are on. trial.
Let us purge ourselves.
For this reason, I have this day in-
troduced' a bill known as the ethics and
disclosure bill.
The general purpose of this bill in-
volves five items:
First. Establish a select committee of
the House called the Select Committee
on Standards and Conduct.
Second. Provide a full disclosure of as-
sets, liabilities, honorariums, and so
forth, by Members, their spouses, and
staff members, whose salaries exceed
$15,000 gross annually.
Third. Provide a full disclosure of in-
terest, either through financial connec-
tion or kinship, with any firm practicing
before any agency of the United States.
Fourth. Provide a full disclosure of in-
terest, regardless of amount, in television
and radio stations, banks, savings and
loan institutions, airlines, and any other
business whose right to conduct business
is regulated by the Federal Government.
Percentage of ownership and fair market
value of interest are required for dis-
closure?exemption here for listed se-
curities in this type of enterprise.
Fifth. Provide disclosure of relatives
on the Government payroll, including
wives, husbands, sons or daughters,
grandsons or granddaughters, mothers
and fathers of the Members or his
spouse.
Sixth. Require a complete disclosure
form to be designed to include the sec-
ond, third, fourth, and fifth items above.
Also require change in clerk-hire form to
require clerks to reveal relationship, if
any, to Member.
Mr. BENNETT. Mr. Speaker, one
thing that has been overlooked by the
public and by Members of the House
somewhat in this discussion on ethics in
Government, is that one of the needs for
such a committee is to improve the im-
age of Congress. Most of us know that
most Members of Congress are above re-
proach. As a part of discussing what
would be done to eliminate violations of
standards in the few instances when it
may arise, it would be worth while to dis-
cuss for a minute or two, the fact that
the bringing about of this committee
would really establish a bill of rights for
Members because the legislative history
of the bringing about of this committee
shows clearly the following rights would
be established:
First, that, as I said in the first hearing
of the Committee on Standards and
Conduct, October 20, 1966:
I do not think a man's private life is detri-
mental to the House. No one is perfect, and
if he privately has weaknesses, it should not
be something that should come before this
committee, as it would not reflect upon the
House.
Second, that a Member is entitled to
his own political views and such would
not be the subject of inquiry by this
committee, and no such power would be
given to the committee under the pro-
posed statute.
Third, that no trivial or frivolous mat-
ter would come before the committee,
and this would be protected by the re-
quirement that any complaint would
have to be under oath and in writing,
and backed up by competent evidence,
and be presented to the committee by a
Member of the House, and even then,
the committee would have discretion to
fail to investigate it if it so decided.
Fourth, that no ex post facto hear-
ings would be held, that is, a person
could not be charged for doing some-
thing that occurred before the Congress
had set up the standard by action of
the full House.
Fifth, that the committee could help
to make definite, realistic guides for con-
duct by not only helping to prohibit the
bad but also by making definite what is
proper, thus evading "throwing out the
baby with the bathwater."
Finally, I would like to say that in my
opinion, it is just as important to protect
Members of Congress from being hurt by
unfounded accusations as it is to root
out the few isolated cases of misbe-
havior.
ETHICS OF CONGRESS
(Mrs. DWYER (at the request of Mr.
GIME) was given permission to extend
her remarks at this point in the RECORD
and to include extraneous matter.)
Mrs. DWYER. Mr. Speaker, it is
deeply encouraging to me to see the de-
termination of our remarkable group of
first-term minority Members to make a
contribution toward the resolution of one
of the thorniest problems facing the
Congress, the question of the proper
means of insuring the ethical conduct
of the Members of this body. I congrat-
ulate them.
In deciding, as a group, to address
themselves to this issue, our colleagues
have displayed an alert sensitivity both
to the moral responsibility of the House
to take effective action in this field and
to the proper opinion of the people we
represent.
I suggest, Mr. Speaker, that more sen-
ior Members of this body should view
with more than ordinary significance this
action of our junior colleagues. Our
newer Members are in a position to see
this institution with somewhat greater
detachment and objectivity, perhaps,
than those who have served here much
longer. Having been constituents them-
selves only a few short weeks -ago, they
may speak with greater authority about
the attitudes of the people we represent
toward Congress' long-standing reluct-
ance to insist on the highest standards
of ethical conduct.
They know, Mr. Speaker, that the peo-
ple are troubled about their Congress.
They recognize that when doubt and sus-
picion beset this representative institu-
tion, we cannot do our jobs properly.
They understand that the responsibility
is upon all of us?junior and senior
alike?to remedy this unfortunate situa-
tion. I welcome, therefore, their sound
judgment and their mature determina-
tion to act.
To elaborate somewhat on my own
view of the need we face and of the
actions I believe we should take without
further delay, I include as part of my
remarks the text of the first of my bi-
weekly radio reports in the 90th Con-
gress, which I recorded on Wednesday,
February 8:
Since this is my first broadcast of the new
90th Congress, and since we are still in the
organizational stages of the new session, I
was inclined to devote these remarks to a
review of some of the major issues we will
be facing here. There are plenty?taxes,
government reorganization, air and water
pollution are obvious examples. And always
at issue will be the amount of money we
can afford to spend for the multitude of
objectives?some essential, some question-
able?which earlier Congresses have au-
thorized.
But on reflection, as a believer in priorities,
I've decided that first things really should
come first.
First among the first, in my ' judgment,
Is the matter of integrity, Congressional in-
tegrity. It is the foundation of representa-
tive government. It colors everything Con-
gress does. It determines the confidence
which people may have in their Government,
the respect they may hold for the laws, the
effectiveness with which the Government
can function.
No one can disagree with the principle
that all public officials must act with un-
wavering integrity, absolute impartiality, and
complete devotion to the public interest.
Moreover, this principle must be followed
not only in reality but also in appearance.
For Congress, this principle is especially im-
portant. Congressmen are the direct repre-
sentatives of the people. And Congress is
the source of the money and the authority
on which the National Government depends.
Yet, there is an uncomfortable gap be-
tween principle and practice. Congress does
not possess the unquestioned confidence or
the high reputation for integrity it needs
to have. People have doubts and suspicions.
And much of the fault lies with Congress
itself. For Congress has failed to police it-
self effectively. It has failed to establish
clear-cut standards of conduct and to en-
force these standards.
Two examples are very much in the news
and they illustrate very well the problem
we face. Congressman Adam Clayton Powell
was denied his seat in the House on the first
day of the new session, and the charges
against him are now being investigated. I
supported this move, but I must ask now,
In common with many people, whether Con-
gress will be content simply to dispose of
the Powell case or whether it will establish
the standards and machinery to assure that
all its members are above reproach.
The other example is the Bobby Baker
case. Mr. Baker has just been convicted on
charges amounting to a violation of his trust
as a former top employee of the Senate. The
very evidence, however, which convicted
Baker also implicated at least one former
Senator in a situation involving the payment
of nearly 100,000 dollars for the purpose of
influencing legislation. Nothing, apparently,
is being done about this.
People have a right to be bothered by
unanswered questions like these. It's their
government. And Congress has an obliga-
tion to the people, and to itself, to restore
the people's confidence in this the highest
institution of self government in our land.
Throughout my years in the House, I have
repeatedly urged Congress to take the neces-
sary action. Together with many of my col
leagues, I have voted, introduced legislation,
made speeches and testified before commit-
tees in efforts to bring about reform. The
results, to date, have been meager, indeed.
It's not because Congress doesn't know what
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it ought to do; rather. it has lacked the will
to do it. Now, however, in the face of re-
newed scandal, we have the best opportunity
so far to remedy the situation.
For the past several weeks, I have been
researching this matter carefully?reviewing
what has been proposed, studying the con-
ilict-of-interest regulations of the Executive
branch, and preparing legislation which will
meet the problem squarely.
I believe we need to do the following
things: require the disclosure of all assets
and liabilities, gifts, and business interests
of Members of Congress and their top staff
lasistants; place on the public record all
communications between Congressmen and
government agencies on behalf of private
interests; write a Code of Ethics which will
provide specific and meaningful standards of
conduct; and establish a permanent com-
mittee in the House with the power to in-
vestigate allegations of improper conduct
and the power to punish offenders.
This is what my legislation will provide.
If Congress enacts these laws, most of our
battle will be won. And for those who per-
sist in violating ethical standards, we will
have the means of dealing with him effec-
tively.
THE WAR ON POVERTY IN MY
HOMETOWN?A STUDY IN SCHIZ-
OPHRENIA
The SPEAKER pro tenipore (Mr. BEN-
NETT). Under previous order of the
House, the gentleman from California
Mr. GuEsE al is recognized for 30
minutes.
Mr. GUBSER. Mr. Speaker, the
schizoid activities of the Johnson ad-
ministration in approaching the prob-
lems of poverty make the story of Dr.
Jekyll and Mr. Hyde relatively unimagi-
native. The mimeograph mills of the
Great Society are constantly grinding
out big slogan words like "massive at-
tack," "bold and imaginative planning,"
which create the impression that poverty
and the other evils which confront man-
kind are being rolled back before the
forces of Federal law and Federal
money. But when the time comes for
some constructive action. I have learned
from bitter experience that the Great
Society frequently puts on a new face
and looks the other way.
In Mexico there is a saying, "Mucho
ruido, pocas nueces." Literally, it means
"Much noise and few nuts." Figura-
tively, it means "Much talk and little
accomplishment."
A rather exotic Yankee philosopher,
Yogi Berra, recently stated:
You can observe quite a lot just by
looking.
Well. I have been looking at all the
Federal Government has done about
poverty in my own hometown and I have
observed quite a lot and, in my opinion,
it can be best expressed with the Mexi-
can phrase, "Mucho ruido, pocas
nueces."
I take this time, Mr. Speaker, to give
you a concrete example, documented in
fact, of the schizoid actions of the John-
son administration in the last few days
in my congressional district.
To set the stage, let us first take a
look at my hometown of Gilroy, Calif.
We are primarily an agricultural com-
munity in an area which is almost in a
different economic world than the rest
of Santa Clara County. Because the
fast-growing electronic and industrial
complex of northern Santa Clara County
has not yet come to the Gilroy area, we
will probably be required to depend upon
agriculture and food process].ng as our
economic base for a few years to come.
This dependence creates serious unem-
ployment problems since agricultural
employment is highly seasonal. Fur-
thermore, because it is a pleasant place
to live, many migratory workers who
travel across the State during the sum-
mer spend their winters in Gilroy.
These people are underskilled and have
not been fortunate enough to have re-
ceived the training which would enable
them to break their migratory pattern.
Their lot admittedly is not the most
pleasant. There is need to help them de-
ve:.op skills which are in demand and at
the same time to develop jobs which they
ca:a fill.
The Office of Economic 0:oportunity
has designated Gilroy as a "pocket of
poverty." Two years ago a nationally
televised report by the Columbia Broad-
casting System held it up as an example
of poverty in the midst of affinence.
According to figures taken from the
Santa Clara County Special Census of
April 1966, 41.7 percent of Gilroy families
have an annual income of less than
$6,000, 23.5 percent get less than $4,000,
and 8.4 percent get less than $2,000.
'rhe Santa Clara County 'Welfare De-
partment estimated early in January
that more than 1,000 families are cur-
rently on the welfare rolls in the greater
Gilroy area.
The State department of enmloyment
estimates that the level of employment
fluctuates wildly throughout the year,
with a low employment of 1,721 to a high
of 7,926.
The Federal Government sends a pa-
rade of VISTA volunteers to Gilroy to
assist migratory workers. The Gilroy
Area Service Center of the Economic Op-
portunity Commission receives compara-
tively heavy financing in its efforts under
the poverty program.
Though I wish I could claim differ-
ently, these facts show that we do have
a problem in Gilroy. Constructive -Fed-
eral help would be useful and welcome
in meeting our peculiar economic prob-
lem.
As the remainder cf my story will show,
we took the constructive steps advocated
by the deluge of paper and press releases
which come from the mimeograph mills
of Washington. We found a means of
doing something constructive. We
courted one branch of Government, we
were encouraged, and then we were
jilted.
At the same time. another :aranch of
the Great Society continues to pipe its
tune which leads people down a road of
false hope, frustration, and z'ontinued
poverty.
Last fall, Swift & Co. expressed an in-
terest in establishing a meatpacking
plant near Gilroy. I talked personally
with Mr_ J. A. Copeland, vice president
of Swift & Co., who confirmed this in-
terest. ?
The meatpacking plant would immedi-
ately employ 350 unskilled laborers who
would be furnished year-round employ-
ment at good wages. Here was an oppor-
tunity in one fell swoop to break the
migratory and poverty pattern of 350 hu-
man beings for all time. And the antic-
ipated growth of Swift 83 Co. would un-
doubtedly more than double their initial
employee requir eraents.
But Swift & Co. had to be assured that
adequate utilities could be furnished, the
most; crucial being a sewage treatment
and disposal sy stem to handle the large
discharges that come from a meatpack-
ing plant.
This situation appeared made to order
for the grant and loan program author-
ized by Congress and administered by
the Economic Development Administra-
tor. Gilroy was encouraged to submit
its application and did so. I had numer--
ous contacts w.th the Seattle Regional
Offi:e of the Economic Development Ad-
ministration in an effort to expedite
processing of this application and re-
ceived courteous and efficient replies
from:. Mr. V. W. Cameron, the area di-
rector. At one time, Mr. Cameron wrote,
and I quote:
Since tae Swift and Company project
in-
volves aprroximately 900 new Jobs, its loca-
tion may have considerable impact in our
evaluation of this Gilroy application.
In the meant m.e, Swift & Co., anxious
to make its decision and proceed with the
construction of its new west coast fa-
cility, patiently marked time. The
Seantle office of the Economic Develop-
mere:, Administration acted expeditiously
and I was finally informed that the ap-
plication had been sent forward to Wash-
ington.
At this point, the old Washington run-
around started to operate and political
gobbledygook and doubleta1k began.
Twiee I was informed by Washington
Economic Development Administration
officials that the application was still in
Seattle. Upon checking there. I found
on both occasions that the information
from the Economic Development Admin-
istration M Washington was false. On
one occasicn, I was even told the name
of the lady in Washington who had the
application on her desk.
I ::eresseel further and submitted a let-
ter written to the city manager of Gilroy
by Mr. John W. Nordstrom of Swift &
Co., which said in part:
We cannot definitely state that if Gilroy
is given the money for this sewage disposal
plant that Swift Ind Company would build
there, but we can say that Gilroy would not
be considered for this plant if a sewage dis-
posal is not available.
On FebruarY l, I wrote a letter to Mr.
Rost D. :Davis, Assistant Secretary of
Commerce and Director of Economic De-
velopment, enclosing a copy of Mr. Nord-
strom's letter, in which I said:
Perhaps A, is too much to expect the Fed-
eral Government to make an advance com-
mitment conditioned upon Swift's action in
this ase. rots being true, we are then faced
with the situatior of which comes first, the
chicken or the egg?
It is my considered opinion that a condi-
tional commitmer t on the part of the Fed-
eral Government should be made and the
cond.,-;ion should be that the grant will be
approved if and when an industry is at-
tracted to Gilroy because of the grant which
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