THE KEE REPORT: ANTIMISSILE DEFENSE
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CIA-RDP70B00338R000300110017-5
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RIFPUB
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K
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2
Document Creation Date:
December 19, 2016
Document Release Date:
January 9, 2006
Sequence Number:
17
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Publication Date:
November 1, 1967
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November 1, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD--APPENDIX
Because I had heard repeatedly that City
Councilmen supporting the measure (all
of them did) got nasty, threatening letters
from sportsmen and other opponents, I went
through correspondence files (by permis-
sion). There were some emotional, strongly-
worded letters, but the most menacing mere-
ly said they would never again vote for said
Councilmen if they supported the bill. The
truly significant thing, however, was the al-
most total absence of letters favoring the
measure.
The backers of Bill 560, as it was known
before enactment, claimed the support of
"hundreds of thousands" of women. At a
public hearing on wheher 560 should be-
come law, exactly 8 of these clubwomen ap-
peared. So I made the rounds of several
Councilmen's offices to see if the city's con-
scientious housewives and bustling business-
women had deluged City Hall with feminine
notes professing to want Bill 560.
In one Councilman's office, I was gracious-
ly permitted to go through the entire file
on the subject. I personally checked and
double-checked every letter received. There
were approximately 125. Without exception,
they opposed Bill 560. Not a solitary letter
favored it. I turned to the Councilman and
said, "I understand there was a lot of sup-
port for this bill. Is there another file?" The
Councilman assured me that was the "com-
plete" file. "What about letters from those
hundreds of thousands of women?" I asked.
The Councilman replied, "I guess we didn't
get many." "Any," I corrected.
At another Councilman's office down the
hall, the Councilman's assistant told me,
'We got about a hundred letters on it, I
guess." I asked, What was the ratio of those
for and against?" Oh, about 90 opposed it
and the rest thought it was all right."
From a third Councilman's office I got the
same story.
The "several hundred thousand women"
represented by club officers as being ardently
in favor of the law apparently failed to write
even a postcard in favor of it. As Councilman
Gaetano Giordano remarked to me, "There
was a lot of phony support."
I asked a woman community leader why%
she supported the bill.
"The opponents of the bill kept saying they
had to defend their homes," she said indig-
nantly. Now, I ask you, in this day and age?
This isn't the frontier any more." In. her
next breath, the lady said: "By the way, did
you know that during those riots we had
here a couple of years ago, that the rioters
stole 3,000 guns from pawn shops and sport-
ing goods stores?"
The Philadelphia City Council totals 17
members and it is virtually impossible, for
one reason or another, for an individual to
poll the entire membership. The Council-
men voted unanimously for the gun law.
If any of them have changed their minds,
the only one who said so to me was Council-
man Giordano, a delicatessen operator repre-
senting the city's 2nd District. He now thinks
the law is "a joke" and would vote "No" if he
has another chance.
Boys From Syracuse
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. JAMES M. HANLEY
OF NEW YORK.
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, November 1, 1967
Mr. HANLEY. Mr. Speaker, this past
weekend, the 174th Tactical Fighter
Group, the world famous "Boys from
Syracuse," celebrated its 20th anniver-
sary.
The group was founded on October 28,
1947, by Lt. Col. Michael C. Malone as a
component of the organized State militia.
The first meeting was attended by only a
handful of men, 16 officers and 35 airmen.
Out of that small number, however, the
group's present leader, Col. Curtis Irwin,
has molded one of the most capable
fighting units ever assembled.
Over the years, the "Boys from Syra-
cuse" have been the recipients of numer-
ous awards and citations. In 1963, they
were cited as the outstanding unit of the
New York Air National Guard and they
received the NYANG commander's
trophy. The following year, they received
the TAC Achievement Award for flying
safety, and in 1965, they were awarded
the Pentagon's On-the-Job Unit Achieve-
ment Award from the National Guard
Bureau for the most outstanding train-
ing program. That same year, they re-
ceived the Gen. Lewis Evans Boutwell
Award as the most combat-ready jet
fighter group in the entire 102d Tactical
Fighter Wing.
During the Berlin crisis of 1965, the
"Boys from Syracuse" were called up to
fly ground support missions for the U.S.
7th Army serving in France. Their serv-
ice was most commendable and won wide-
spread acclaim.
Mr. Speaker, I am proud to represent
the headquarters area for the 174th Tac-
tical Fighter Group, which- is located at
Hancock Field in Syracuse. I am prouder
still to represent these valiant airmen
who have dedicated themselves to the
freedom and security of America.
Needed: Interstate Attack Against Air
Pollution
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. JIM WRIGHT
OF TEXAS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, November 1, 1967
Mr. WRIGHT. Mr. Speaker, air pollu-
tion does not respect political boundaries.
As President Johnson, who has pro-
vided great leadership in this field, said
in January when he sent the adminis-
tration's suggested air pollution program
to the Congress:
Winds carrying waste gases have no respect
for manmade political boundaries. The ques-
tion we must answer is: Shall we, the victims
of pollution, hinder our fight against it by
concerning ourselves more with artificial
boundaries than with our people's health?
Today, although many of our severest pol-
lution problems involve more than one State
jurisdiction, there is not a single effective
interstate program in the Nation. Efforts to
achieve uniform control activities among
neighboring States and communities have
failed, despite added Federal financial in-
centives.
The Air Quality Act of 1967, which will
be coming to the floor shortly for debate
and vote, contains provisions to assure
that there will be an interstate attack on
air pollution: the Secretary of Health,
Education, and Welfare is required to in-
dicate those regions, interstate in nature,
which need to have air pollution treated
A 5359
as a regional problem and for which
planning commission funds will be pro-
vided by the Federal Government.
This provision is a vitally important
one, and it is one of the many new provi-
sions which cause me to say that I will
support the bill when it comes to the
floor.
'0
The Kee Report. Antimissile Defense
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. JAMES KEE
OF WEST VIRGINIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, November 1, 1967
Mr. KEE. Mr. Speaker, under leave to
extend my remarks in the RECORD, I in-
clude last week's public service television
and radio newscast, "The Kee Report."
The subject discussed is antimissile de-
fense. The report follows:
This is Jim Kee, bringing you the Kee
Report.
Our Government recently made one of the
most important policy decisions in the history
of the United States. It was also one of the
most reluctant.
Because of the growing menace of the nu-
clear stockpile now being built by Red China,
the Federal Government decided that a nu-
clear defense system is urgently needed to
protect our country against sneak attack.
This defense line will be designed to pro-
tec' against enemy missiles only, and not
against invading ships or airplanes. It will
cos' about five billions of dollars and it is
Intended to guard our country at least until
1980. Because, eventually, a far more expen-
sive defense system may be necessary, the
newspapers describe the one now proposed as
a thin defense.
Today's mass destruction weapons are
deadly in execution. They are also complex
enough in operation to baffle those of us who
are untrained in the specialized field of sci-
ence. Despite this fact, I shall now try to ex-
plain in non-technical terms how this defense
system proposes to operate.
The new system will be composed of fifteen
or twenty anti-missile batteries located at
outposts in Alaska and Hawaii and along our
extended coastlines. Please think of these
batteries as automatic sentinals able to detect
the approach of enemy missiles and geared to
send up our own missiles to search and de-
stroy. In other words, the job of the American
sentinal is to seek out and explode the enemy
missile before it lets loose its destruction upon
our towns and cities.
It may require two years or more before
this defense system is in operation. In addi-
tion to the construction cost of five billions
of dollars, it will take 500 millions annually
to keep it on operation.
The anual outlay for defense by the United
States now exceeds the costliest year of World
War U. The cost will climb each year. In
other words, we are now engaged in the most
terrifying arms race in human history, the
pace of which seems to increase as each year
goes by.
The American people are unanimous in
their desire for peace. The American people
are against war. The idea of conquering other
people or other territories is contrary to every
decent citizen. In the face of this, suppose
we examine the national conscience to see
if our Government is responsible in any de-
gree for the current nuclear arms race.
The United States and its allies first un-
locked the secret of the atom during World
War II. As a result, they had a monopoly on
the most destructive weapon ever invented.
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A 5360 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -APPENDIX November 1, 1967
They could have employed this monopoly for
selfish purposes. Instead, in the grandest ges-
ture in history, the United States and its
allies offered to surrender this monopoly to
international control in return for proper
safeguards.
This offer came before the United Nations
about 20 years ago. Every nation in the world
voted to outlaw these mass destructive
weapons except Soviet Russia and the satel-
lite nations under the domination of Mos-
cow. In other words, Stalin and Stalin alone
plunged the world into the nuclear arms
race. Since then, in defiance of world opin-
ion, Red China has stepped up the pace by
joining the nuclear club on a massive scale.
Since Stalin made his fateful decision,
both the free world and the Communist na-
tions have expended hundreds of billions on
costly armaments and the end is not in sight,
This is the dreadful burden which Commu-
nism has forced upon the whole human race.
Thank you for listening.
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. ROBERT H. MICHEL
OF ILLINOIS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, November 1, 1967
Mr. MICHEL. Mr. Speaker, one of the
finer weekly newspapers in the Midwest,
the Tazewell County Reporter in Wash-
ington, Ill., recently printed a prize-
winning essay submitted to the Freedom
Foundation by Cmdr: James C. Standish,
U.S. Navy. The essay is really a letter
or message if you prefer to the draft
card burners, the demonstrators, and all
the malcontents who have received so
much undeserved publicity in recent
weeks. I am under no illusion that this
shabby crew would be persuaded by the
commander's stirring comments but it
should provide some ammunition for the
great majority of young people on col-
lege campuses around the country who
are opposed to all that the dropouts from
reality have been espousing.
Under unanimous consent I include
the editorial from the Tazewell County
Reporter issue of October 26, 1967, in the
RECORD at this point:
I AM AN AMERICAN
(By Comdr. James C. Standish, U.S. Navy)
Burn your draft card, boy. Join the pro-
test marchers, the teach-ins and ban-the-
bomb demonstrators.
Because I am an American I'll protect your
right of free expression of your ideas. But
how about some help from you? Or am I
asking too much in expecting you to help
combat the communistic menace to your
rights of free assembly and peaceable pro-
test?
I understand your fears. I felt them in 1943
and again in 1952. I feel them again today.
I will be afraid if I'm assigned to duty in
Vietnam just as I was when assigned to the
Pacific in World War II and to Korea in the
Korean War. However, if so assigned I will go,
because, as' corny as it may sound, it is my
duty to my country. I will go in the belief
that it will help prevent my children from
fighting the communists on U.S. soil at some
later date; or preclude my opportunity for
the likes of you to advocate surrender to
communism at some later date.
I understand your ignorance of the real
goals of communism since you have been in-
fluenced by a few idealistic, highly educated
boobs who inhabit an unreal world of theory.
They chose to ignore the stated goals of
world communism and its oft demonstrated
means of obtaining these aims in the real
world that most of us inhabit. They, and
you, choose to ignore the lessons of history
no matter how recent they may be.
I also understand that you have been
reared in an era of parental permissiveness
that breeds scorn for discipline, law and
order. It appears to be an era that encourages
you to disobey any rule that you disagree
with or did not help make. I recognize this
environment as the spawning ground for
your shallow excuse of refusing to participate
in the Vietnamese War because you did not
participtae in the decision to fight. Did you
participate in drawnig up the Bill of Rights?
The Constitution? Did you participate in the
past wars this country fought against
tyranny and oppression? "Of course not.
How old do you think I am?" you ask. Do
you then reject your heritage as an Amer-
ican resulting from these actions because
you were not a participant? Do not the ma-
jority of the voters of the country select the
president and the other representatives to
make the decisions for the people? In a de-
mocracy do those who were ineligible to vote
or who voted for an unsuccessful candidate
forfeit any of their rights and privileges as
free citizens? Are they released from any of
their responsibilities as citizens?
Child that you are, you want all the priv-
ileges of a free man but not his responsibili-
ties. Knowing full well that in a free so-
ciety such as ours, there are, always were
and always will be parasites like you along
for the free ride, I will still defend our free-
dom as long as I shall live.
I will protect our liberty despite your
shortcomings as long as I shall live. I further
hope to live long enough to see you learn
the true meanings of liberty, freedom and
communism, and then in spite of your fears,
volunteer to serve your country. Only then,
child, will you realize that freedom is not a
free ride but it is secured and held at great
cost.
Dr. King's Brand of "Nonviolence"
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. ABRAHAM J. MULTER
OF NEW YORK
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, November 1, 1967
Mr. MULTER. Mr. Speaker, the pro-
posal by Dr. Martin Luther King to close
down Washington with a massive "camp-
in" is deplorable. Nothing could damge
the cause of social l5rogress more than
intimidation and threats.
I trust he will think better of his sug-
gestion before the hotheads act on it.
The following editorial concerning
this matter was broadcast by station
WMAL here in Washington during the
week of October 22, 1967, and I com-
mend it to the attention of our col-
leagues:
DR. KING'S BRAND OF "NONVIOLENCE"
Dr. Martin Luther King must have suf-
fered a slip of the tongue when he advocated
camping thousands of, persons in Washing-
ton with the avowed purpose of disrupting
the city. Such a remark hardly upholds Dr.
King's image as a Nobel Peace Prize winner.
Yet Dr. King solemnly proclaimed that a
gigantic "camp-in" may be "necessary" to
"pressure" Congress into passage of a $20
billion a year anti-poverty bill. Dr. King
wants this bill to include guaranteed in-
come, guaranteed jobs and plenty of other
"guarantees."
We appreciate Dr. King's concern for social
problems, but we deplore his suggested meth-
od of achieving his goals. It takes a devious
twist of the imagination to picture the right
of peaceful assembly extending to a "camp-
in." There is no right to "make sure a city
will not function", as Dr. King put it.
Dr. King should think twice. To attempt
to dictate to Congress what laws it should
pass, by use of threats and intimidation, is
to damage the cause of social upgrading.
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. CHALMERS P. WYLIE
OF OHIO
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, November 1, 1967
Mr. WYLIE. Mr. Speaker, many con-
stituents have communicated with me
protesting the apparent lack of enforc-
ing Federal laws with reference to the
mailing of obscene materials.
Many letters concern the distribution
of the November 1967 issue of Playboy
magazine. The Columbus Dispatch on
October 30, 1967, ran a news story en-
titled "Obscene Material Available to
Children: Survey Shows Nudist Maga-
zines Near Schools." The Columbus Dis-
patch is to be commended for its dis-
closure of the freedom of display and
sale of obscene materials in the city of
Columbus.
There is little wonder that juvenile
delinquency mounts year after year when
publications of this kind are so readily
available to so many youngsters as soon
as they are able to read.
Steps should be taken to prohibit the
distribution of adult publications with
sex as their major appeal, such as Play-
boy magazine.
In Playboy we find pseudoserious ar-
ticles with displays of sex and nudity
on alternate pages. Fathers add' to the
problem .by bringing home for children
to see these flashy mixtures of philoso-
phy and philandering which make mil-
lions for their publishers.
The problem is, however, one for ac-
tion at every level of government. The
Federal Government should show the
way by enacting new legislation which
courts will accept and officers will
enforce.
I am pleased to submit the above-
mentioned article from the Columbus
Dispatch for inclusion in the RECORD, as
follows:
SURVEY SHOWS NUDIST MAGAZINES NEAR
SCHOOLS: OBSCENE MATERIAL AVAILABLE TO
CHILDREN
(By Graydon Hambrick)
Columbus citikens, including local school
children, can find ready access to obscene
reading material, depending an one's defirii-
tion of obscenity.
You can pay 25 cents for a magazine such
as Intimate, with its front cover headlines
which promise much but offer little, to sev-
eral dollars for nudist magazines showing
boys and girls at play without clothes.
About the only "pornographic" magazines
unavailable openly are extremely various sex-
ual activities.
Courts, including the V.S. Supreme Court,
are without oonsensus as to the definition of
salacious literature, but some local maga-
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