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September 4, 1968
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Approved For Release 2005/08/03 : CIA-RDP70600338R000300190059-1 September 4, 1968 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ?SENATE YARBOROUGH, CARLSON, MURPHY, and Byrn) of Virginia. I feel that it is most important that these ifungs, be provided at this time, and I urge the .Senate to move to make them Mr, .,p0sident, today, in accordance . JOT, eilate procedures, both Senators itre fa-okF and MUNDT filed notice of in- - tee,t to Offer amendments dealing with kpacted area funds, including the sup- . plrOmental appropriation for fiscal year 'Thar amendments relate directly to iftie appropriation Contained in amend- Tikuit No, 928. Senator RISICOEE'S amend- Olit deals specifically with the Revenue Ara Expenditure Control Act of 1968. In addition to the 1968 act, Senator MuNrer's amendment also deals with the anti- deficiency statutes. In view of the notices filed today, and because I believe the Senate should have the full benefit of a thorough discussion on all approaches to this very important matter, it is not my intention to ask for action on amendment No. 928 today. I shall withhold the amendment from fur- ther action until such time 9.s the other two amendments have been presented to the Senate and the Senate has had the benefit of hearing all these approaches to the problem. Mr. RIBICOFF. Mr. President, I fully support the effort to make available to- our federally impacted school districts the money that was withheld from them. Furthermore, in accordance with rule XL of the Standing rules of the Senate, I hereby give notice in writing that it is my intention to move to suspend para- graph 4 of rule XVI for the purpose of proposing to the bill (HR. 18037), making appropriations for the Depart- ments of Labor, Health, Education, and Welfare, and related agencies, for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1969, and for other purposes, the following amend- ment: On page 16, line 5, before the period insert a colon and the following: "And provided further, That (1) the additional amount of 890,965.000 appropriated, under the heading 'School Assistance in Federally Affected Areas' in the Second Supplemental Appro- priation Act, 1968, for payments to local educational agencies for the maintenance and operation of schools as authorized by title I of the Act of September 30, 1050 (Public Law 874, Eighty-First Congress), as amended, 20 U.S.C. ch. 13, shall remain avail- able for obligation until October 31, 1988; and (2) the limitations, and requirements for effectuating such limitations, contained In sections 202 and 203 of the Revenue szei Expenditure Control Act of 1988 with respect to total expenditures and lending authority and total new obligational and loan authority shall be inapplicable to obligational author- ity herein, heretofore, or hereafter enacted for the fiscal year 1969, or by the Second Supplemental Appropriation Act, 1968, and to expenditures pursuant to any such obli- gational authority, for payments to local educational agencies for the maintenance and operation of SC110018 as authorized by title / of the Act of September 30, 1950 (Pub- lic Law 874, Eighty-First Congress), as amended. 20 U.S.C., ch. 13." This amendment will extend to Oc- tober 31, 1968, the availability of the appropriation of $91 million made by the Second Supplemental Appropriation Act for payments to federally impacted school districts. It will also exempt from the expendi- ture and obligational authority limita- tions or the Revenue and Expenditure Control Act of 1968 the $91 million pro- vided by the second supplemental of 1968 and for any funds provided for im- pacted areas for fiscal year 1969. This will prevent any reductions made by the Revenue and Expenditure Control Act of 1968 from being applied to expenditures and obligational authority for carrying out title I of Public Law 874. It will, moreover, exclude the Public Law 874 amounts from the aggregate expenditure and the appropriation ?ceilings so that the preservation of Public Law 874 funds are not at the expense of .other programs. Congress voted this money once be- cause- we felt an obligation to fully fund those schools which had a high concen- :Craton of Federal dependents including i the children of military personnel. The schools counted on this money to -nay teachers, to buy textbooks, and to Orshuse other materials. But now it an- pears the,Wacted schools program has become part if -.this $6 billion budget cut. We can not letthi happen. Educa- tion of our young is nvestment for the future. Education is on f our great priorities. Saving money her s a false economy. In the long run it w be the most expensive kind of economy. Connecticut's share of the $90. mil- lion supplemental appropriation at was withheld from the federally s - pacted school districts across the tion is $646,000. Thirty-nine Conneetic communities are affected. All have a hig concentration of federally employed par- ents. This is not only a question of budgeting and financing it is a question of children and their education. The Public Law 874 program is a most important source of Federal aid to pub- lic education. It Is not hard to appreci-k ate the difficulties faced by school disl tricts which drew up their budgets 1" the spring of the year for the comi school year expecting to receive the entitlements provided them by the on- gress and then learn well into thy' new school year that they would recei e only 80 percent of what they had an cipated. kg Efficient school programs sim can not be run that way. Educationa programs can not be dropped nor 6achers. let go In midyear without at- cost of tax- payers' dollars, ell as the cost of educationaTin5Portun1ties of our children. Education is an investment in our fu- ture. It is one of our great priorities. Budget cuts in this area make no sense at all. But we must do more than make avail- able to these school districts the money that Congress already has voted. We must also make sure this situation does not occur next year. That is why my amendment exempts the federally impacted school program from future budget cuts required by the 1968 tax bill, in addition to extending the deadline for allocating current funds to the school districts. The PRESIDING OFFICER. What is the pleasure of the Senate? Mr. BYRD of West Virginia. Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum. The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll. The assistant legislative clerk pro- ceeded to call the roll. Mr. BYRD of West Virginia. Mr. Presi- dent, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded. The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered. RADIATION HAZARDS Mr. BYRD of West Virginia. Mr. Presi- dent, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the RECORD a statement pre- pared by the Senator from Alaska IMr. BARTLETT] entitled, "Experience Abroad In Regulating Medical and Dental Use of Ionizing Radiations." There being no objection, the state- ment was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: EXPERIENCE ABROAD IN REGULATING MEDICAL AND DENTAL USE OF IONIZING RADIATIONS Mr. BARTLETT. Mr. President, H.R. 10790, the Radiation Control for Health and Safety Act of 1068, which has been reported by the Sen- ate Commerce Committee and is being con- sidered by the Labor and Public Welfare Com- mittee, will give to the Secretary of Health. Education, and Welfare sorely needed author- ity to set performance standards for elec- tronic products that emit X-rays and similar radiations. One fact that stands out in the record of hearings before the Senate Commerce Com- mittee in 1967 and again this year, and also In the hearings held in the other body, is that most of today's man-made exposure to X- radiation comes from medical and dental X-ray machines. Many competent witnesses testified that the means are now at hand to reduce this exposure while still providing the physicians and dentists with the diagnostic information that they need. Throughout the hearings this committee has recognized the great- value of medical diagnostic radiology. We recognize also that the needs of patients and advances in medical knowledge may well call for an increase in various forms of medi- cal radiology, and we realize that much indi- vidual suffering would follow any unneces- sary curtailment of these uses of X-rays. But because of the fact that medical uses of X- rays seem likely to further increase, it be- comes all the more necessary to assure that exposure of patients in each case is kept to a minimum. One vital means to that end is the setting of performance standards for the design and manufacture of medical and den- tal X-ray equipment. A logical question at this point is to ask what experience there may be with govern- ment regulation of exposure to X-rays in medicine and dentistry. There exists a body of relevant experience in the Ministry of Health in England. I would draw attention to this experience. In 1957, in keeping with the Radioactive Substances Act, a Standing Advisory Com- mittee prepared a code of practice for the protection of persons exposed to ionizing radiations. Part of this code dealt with use Of X-rays for diagnosis and therapy. While the code VTRS intended primarily to protect machine operators, it did lay down rules of protection which included technical require- ments for the X-ray equipment and its in- stallation. The Ministry of Health updated this code iA 1964 to include consideration of patients, Approved For Release 2005/08/03 : CIA-RDP70600338R000300190059-1 S10246 ApprovedFcp6rIsTalfingMei9k rIA-RDP_7_0B011.138R000300190059- 1 nto ,epteer 4, 1968 aRD_sENA and to show this new emphasis, retitled it the Code of Practice for the Protection of Persona against Ionizing Radiations arising from Medical and Dental use. This revised code applies to the use of X-rays arising from all forms of medical and dental prac- tied. It is based upon recommendations of the Ministry's Medical Research Council and recommendations of the International Com- mission on Radiological Protection. Once again, this cede lays down technical standards for X-ray equipment used in diagnosis and therapy. For example, It touches upon the issue of fitting the size ot an X-ray beam to the size of the X-ray film being used. This question came up before the committee during our hearings when the National Center for Radiological Health testi- fied about its efforts to perfect an automatic collimator for this purpose. There is at present no government requirement that medical X-ray machines have such equip- ment. Four years ago the British code specified: "All X-ray apparatus must be equipped with adjustable beam-limiting devices or cones to keep the useful beam within the limits of the X-ray film selected for each examination.... The film selected should be as small as possible consistent with a good result." The committee heard much testimony about fitting dental X-ray machines with cones to limit exposure to patients. Pour years ago this British health code specified: "Localising cones must be employed with all dental equipment. Such cones must pro- vide the maximum practicable focus-skin distance and the minimum practical field size." Unlike the situation in the United States Where regulation of ionizing radiations is split up among different federal and state agencies, this British health code in one place deals with medical and dental expo- sure from all sources of radiation, whether X-ray machine, natural or artificial radio- active materials. Of special interest to the committee is the provisions of the Ministry's code of practice that sets out protection for the patient, which in this country Is left exclusively to the professional judgment of the radiologist and physician. The British code opens with the frank acknowledgement that there is reason to avoid unnecessary radiation: "Patients exposed to radiation for diagnos- tic or therapeutic purposes may be subject to some personal hazard, and the direct or indirect irradiation of their gonads (testes and ovaries) may constitute a hazard to future generations. Consequently it is im- portant to carry out only these radiological examinations and treatments that are strictly necessary and in doing so, to avoid all unnecessary irradiation." Concerning techniques of diagnostic radi- ography, the code specifies that in every case the dose given should be the minimum nec- essary for the purpose. Considerable reduc- tions can be achieved, it states, by strict limitation of field size and by adequate shielding of the gonads. The code calls for use of the fastest films and screens consist- ent with satisfactory diagnostic results and for use of automatic timers. Mr. President. my point in bringing this code of practice to the attention of the Sen- ate is to show that the Secretary of Health, Education, and Welfare will not venture into unknown territory as be uses the au- thority assigned to him in HR. 10790, the Radiation Control for Health and Safety Act of 1968. There is experience that can be looked at and analyzed. There is evidence that regulation of X-ray machines and other sourees of ionizing radiation for medical and dental use can be accomplished without freezing the technology of the industries that supply them. The company that de- signs and makes X-ray equipment with at- tention to safety will not be burdened, but rather will be relieved of possible unfair competition by thoee who are tempted to take short cuts in design or to skimp in manufacture. And the performance stand- ards; to be set by the Secretary of Health, Education, and Welfare will aware the public, who are In no position to know for themselves, that new X-ray equipment sold in Interstate commerce is designed and made to minimize possible radiation exposure to radiation workers, patients and the public alike. ORDER OF BUSINESS Mr. BYRD of West Virginia. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that, notwithstanding rule VIII. I may be per- mitted to proceed out of order. The PRESIDING OFFICE.ii. Is there objection to the request of the Senator from West Virginia? The Chair hears none, and it is so ordered. C,ULLO CLOSE 'UP ON THE CZECH CRISIS Mr. BYRD of West Virginia. Mn Pres- ident, the arrival of Russian tanks and men in Prague in late August thrust the United States into the center of an- other major international crisis, with effects not yet fully discernible. The po- litical and moral issues as related to our national aspirations and international commitments, are certain to be discussed here in Congress. I have collected a number of news- paper articles and editorials which ap- peared during the eventful last 2 weeks of August in leading newspapers In the British Isles, where I happened to be during the Invasion period. These provide close-up views of the Czech crisis. Of added value, I believe they offer an opportwrity to weigh the think- ing of our own Western allies on the Czechoslovakian crisis. It will be noted that the Irish Inde- pendent, Dublin, Ireland, In its August 22 editorial, "Jackboots From the East" graphically stated the issue: The world heard of Ruasia's invasion of Czechoslovakia with shudders of horror that have not lessened since the first Soviet para- trooper flew into a country not his own, in defence of a creed be barely believes In. The Sunday Times, London, England, took the long view of "The Problems That Tanks Can't Solve," in an August 24 full-page analysis of Czechoslovakia, Its Intellectual aspirations, economic re- form, and Slovak nationalism. Pointing out that the Russian military victory over the Czechs was easy, it opened its dissection of the situation by stating: The two peoples of this beleaguered coun- try, the Czechs and the Slovaks, are caught up with the Russians and the Germans in Fs contest of nationalities and economic forces that scarcely seems resolvable. At least, every time there Is an attempt at resolution, in 1938, 1948 or 1968, the product is blood- shed and violence. And Americans who have persistently advocated disarmament as the only sure road to world peace might wish to con- sider the words of the London, England, Da11!, Express, Opinion published on Saturday, August 24. Under the title, "The Best Answer to Bullies," It stated: The Czech leadei a journey to Moscow to plead their cause. As one humiliation after another is heaped on them, for the British people there is a grim object lesson. I. e that must not be ignored. Fo kind of treatment a nation it cannot defend itself. The Sunday Telegram, Lo land, on August 25, projected of British governmental help the face of the Czech crisis w well be E. description of the here in our own U.S. Congress. tonal, "This Picture and That as its premise: Parliament meets tomorrow to paget'li Britain's name, against an intelanna, crime it cculd not prevent and can ing to reverse. Particularly important, and cerWn to be a factor in future United States- West German relations. is the develop- ment of s, feeling that the U.S. Govern- ment, because of its own commitment in Vietnam, directed. that warnings of the Impending invasion of Czechoslovakia be "played down." In an article carried by The Sunday Times, London, England, on August 25, entitled "Early Warning on the Invasion Was Ignored." Antony Terry reported from Bonn, West Ger- many: Angry intelligence officials here allege that a general "play it down" order from the U.S. Government, because of Vietnam, re- sulted in vital early warnings of the im- pending Czech invasion being ignored by the West, and that an early leak of Soviet in- tentions on Czechoslovakia, they argue, might have mobilised world opinion and made the Russians draw back at the last moment. The reporter further stated: There are also increasing demands for an independent European nuclear force and for a strengthening of West Germany's ground defense ar d early warning system. I recommend these, and a selected group of related British newspaper arti- cles and editorials on the Czechoslovak- ian situation, to the Members of this body for consideration. I ask unanimous consent that these newspaper editorials and articles be printed in the RECORD. There being no objection, the material was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, ELS follows: IFrom the Irish Independent, Aug. 22, 19681 JACK/300TE Tawas THE EAST The world heart_ of Russia's invasion of Czechoslovakia with shudders of horror that have not lessened since the first Soviet para- trooper flew into a country not his own, in defense of a creed he barely believes in. From the biggest to the smallest free nr,tion in the woild comes news of protest and con- demnatior. couched in?quite often?angry words. The Soviet Union risked earning the hate of the world (and she knew this) by stamping on a small nation; the risk was fatal and she has added another reason to existing ones why we must regard her rilers with contempt and loathing. If these may seem futile words and of little help to the Czechcslovaks, let it be remem- bered that they are applied to a country which has claimed to have unlocked the secrets tbst will dissipate the threat of "im- perial aggression" and bring peace to the working people of the world. They are a re- minder that for the 50 years of its existence. Moscow hes preached drivel and forged new chains wherever she has gone. By now, even Approved For Release 2005/08/03 : CIA-RDP70600338R000300190059-1 Approved For Release 2005/08/03 : CIA-RDP70600338R000300190059-1 September 4, 1968 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE the Most dyed-in-the-wool admirer must recognise that the last imperial power on earth has acted like those Mongol hordes of old who raided Moscow when tribute was late or little. The Czechs have done their bit for truth and decency. The 10,000 people who, accord- ing to one report, massed yesterday between Russian tanks and the broadcasting station in Prague had their priorities right, and showed their understanding of the Commu- nist mind; they were defending, not an ad- ministrative building, but freedom of speech itself; they knew that their atation would no longer be trustworthy once it was lost to the Soviets?who cannot handle or cope with the truth. Soviet Communism and de- ceit, are partners to death. Of course the Czech leaders were right when they said, their armed forces had not - been told to resist. Heroics would say some- thing else, but the Czechs have weighed all in the balance and remembered, no doubt, a Hungary left to bleed. They must also be keeping in mind the effect on the world of the second invasion on Czechoslovakia in 50 years. It is here we can do something for the peaceless people of that country?something, ? Indeed, which has already been started by the Minister for External Affairs, Mr. Aiken, Every Irishman will agree wholeheartedly with him that the Security Council should call on the aggressors to withdraw at once from the territory they Beizeci in violation, as the Czechs put it in their last few state- ments, of the principles of international law. Ireland has made a name for itself at the United Nations and its efforts bore ? fruit when the agreement on the non-proliferation of nuclear arms was signed. That this initia- tive was noticed and admired in distant parts is clear from a recent report by our Political Correspondent who is with the Taoiseach in the Far East. If, then, we have accumulated any capital in International circles it should be spent now in aid of the Czechs; we have nothing else to give them but our sym- pathy, and that is not enough. At this stage it would be an exercise in frustration to probe the motives behind the Russian Invasion. The stated reasons are not good enough; the Czech National Assembly (the Dail, in a form) has repudiated the Russian announcement that aid was asked for. In the long run we are left with the certain fact that the Russians are afraid of liberalisation spreading throughout Eastern Europe and into their own territories. But In the past such reckless adventures have been the results of divided counsels, and therefore frightened ones, at the top. A simi- lar situation could be in the making in the Soviet Union now. At the moment there are reports coming in from Czechoslovakia of anti-Russian dem- onstrations, and of some shooting. The world will watch the Russians and their spineless allies (who would have thought that Hungary end Poland, both raped in the past by the Russians, would have found common ground?) to see that murders such as Nagy's and Pal 1VIalater's in Hungary will not be perpetrated on the Dubceks and Svobodas of Czechoslovakia. There are no limits to the senseless destruction of a bear on the rampage. 'Prom. the London Sunday Times, Aug. 25, 1966] CzEcilosLOVAICLA: INTELLECTUAL OPERATIONS, ECONOMIC REFoRM, AND SLovAK NATIoNAL- 18M--?TIIE Paonexaes TIMT TANKS CAN'T SoLVD (Military victory was easy. But for the Rus- sians, Or any new Government, complex eco- nomic, political and social issues remain. Dr, Z. A. B. Zeman, whose authoritative history of the crisis is to be published soon by Pen- guin, defines the problems.) The two peoples of this beleaguered coun- try, the Czechs and the Slovaks, are caught up with the Russians and the Germans in a content of nationalities and economic forces that scarcely seems resolvable. At least, every time there is an attempt at resolution, in 1938, 1948 or 1968, the product Ls blood- shed and violence. The Soviet tanks that ground into Prague (ono of the squares, incidentally, is called in commemoration of the second world war, the Square of the Soviet Tank Crews) solve nothing. The Russians can force the people to submit. Men can be found In Prague to whom the Moscow brand of "socialism" is ac- ceptable. But the growths and tensions which caused, the rise and fall of Alexander Dubeek will continue in some form. They spring, after all, from things as ineluctable as the European history since 1017-19, and as ir- resistible as the appetite of a modern econ- omy for computers and plastic mouldings; the Russian memories of twenty million war dead, and the demands of Czech Intellectuals to write the truth as they see it, from argu- ments about the accents of the politicians in Prague to arguments about the price of Russian oil on the world market. The way these tensions developed tells us much about the limited set of options that the Russians now face in dealing with them. The birth of Czechoslovakia occurred at a moment, when both Germany and Russia had simultaneously retreated into defeat and confusion, leaving a power-vacuum in Cen- tral Europe: that is to say, the birth oc- curred at the Versailles Peace Conference after the iirst world war. It might be argued that but for this vacuum the conference would not have been able to assemble a new country out of the Bohemian, Moravian and Slovak fragments of the Austro-Hungarian Empire which had been destroyed in the War. Certainly the resurgence of these great powers has been too much for the Czecho- slovak Republic in each case: first Germany In 1938, and now Russia in 1968. Awkwardly for great powers, however, this cobbled-up republic remains the home of two stubbornly durable nationalisms. The Czechs, the people of Bohemia and Moravia in the West, canna under the Austrian or German-speaking part of the Austro-Hun- garian Empire; and in the nineteenth cen- tury they Were supposed to forget their pe- culiar language and traditions, and turn into Germans, Par from doing so, they actually rebuilt their culture. INDEpENDENCE - Similarly the Slovaks in the east, who canoe under the Hungarian side of the empire, were expected to turn into Hungarians. Some did, but a fierce independence remained. It is of ten said that the tough, slightly primitive Slovak peasants have little in com- mon with the sophisticated townsfolk of in- dustrialised Bohemia and Moravia: Indeed, their languages differ, and the tough Slovaks feel a kind of magnified version of the Scots' distaste for the over-privileged English, The tension between them, after all, was one of the major reasons for the loosening - up of Party discipline in the last two years. But still, if the twentieth century has taught these two small peoples anything, it is that if they do not look after each other, no one else will. The trickiest problem the Russians now face is probably that of dealing with the CzeeheSloVak economy. Very largely, this is still the economy of the Czech part of the country: building on its pre-war develop- ment, this is easily the most advanced eco- nomy in the Communist bloc except for Must Germany. But a prime underlying cause of the Czechoslovak ferment of the past two years has been the realisation that under the regime of the old-style party this economy can develop no further. (The force of this realisation, together with the thrust of Slovak nationalism and the revolt of the Czech intellectuals made a combination which the old-guard Novotny regime could not hold off.) S 10247 Probably more important than any of the explosive political novels and essays which have appeared in the last two years has been a rather technical work called "Civilisation at the Crossroads." This is the work of Radoven. Richta, of the Philosophical Institute of the Academy of Sciences and a commission of economists, sociologists, physicists and other scholars set up to moo- amino the impact of the scientific and tech- nological revolutions on society. Its effect, among other things, was to demolish Khrush- cheves famous optimism about the ease with which the capitalist economics would be "over-taken," The argument of Civilisation at the Cross- roads was that Czechoslovakia was about to enter a scientific-technological industrial re- volution of the kind that is well under way in most developed Western countries?but that it could be impeded or altogether de- elected by low-quality industrial management in Czechoslovakia, It Is said that the "ad- ministrative-directive" system of manage- ment, with its bias in favour of old-fashioned heavy industries, could not cope with the new challenge. (In Czechoslovakia the quality of management has not been rained by the tradition that jobs in the administrations of nationalised industries have frequently been rewards for Party hacks.) Rialta and his colleagues Calculated that automation in machine industries in Czecho- slovakia was three to six times less developed than hi the IT S. The production of com- puter equipment?the highest form of auto- mation?Was where the worst discrepancies occurred. They calculated that production of "cybernetic systeme" was 50 times lower than the U S, and 10-15 times lower than England, Prance or Sweden. Czech industries produced ?three to four times less plastic materials than America or West Germany, and the textile industry was far behind in line of artificial fibres. The gap between the capitlist and socialist "systems" seemed to be lengthening: at this rate, overtaking the capitalist system-would take "about twenty or thirty years, or more." Claiming that the potentialities for ortho- dox heavy Industry had been exhausted in 1959 In Czechoslovakia, "Civilisation at the Crossroads" demanded rapid expansion into science-based industries, arguing that the Whole system of jerky economic advance- ment had been replaced by continuous and universal change?and that the permanent revolution would take place in science, not politics. PRICE or on. The infuriating thing for the Czechs was the knowledge that unlike Poland, Hungary, Bulgaria or the Soviet Union itself, they had the concentration of industrial capital and educational resources to break through into a new prosperity?but were not doing so. One economist calculated that the average indus- trial Wage in Czechoslovakia was 1,448 crowns, compared to 2,260 in Prance, 3,560 in West Germany, 4,170 in Britain and 10,400 in America. Also, the more the Czech economists looked at the details of their economic ar- rangements with the Soviet 'Union, the less they liked them. Pushed towards Eastern trade both by political direction and by the problems of competing in the West with an unreconstructed economy, they found them- selves being turned into a workshop for processing Russian raw materials at little benefit to themselves. To find, then, that the Russians preferred .to shop for advanced equipment, in the West?on grounds s of quality?Made it even worse. Pressed by the desires of their own peo- ple for some economic relief, Russian nego- tiators have driven tough bargains with their Communist partners. The Czechs resent, for instance, their oil agreement in Russia: un- der which, by their figures, they pay eighteen roubles a ton till 1974, which is exactly twice the highest amount the Russians charge the Italians and the Japanese. Approved For Release 2005/08/03 : CIA-RDP70600338R000300190059-1 S 10248 Approved FccgaggialeS8HaSitibR-P-PW9t38R0003Q94404661- 4, 1968 Antonin Novotny, the Stalinist functionary who clung to power until Dubcek removed him early his year, apparently believed that he could allow economic reform to begin without any risk that it would spread into the political sphere. Particularly for some- one accustomed to the compartmentalisation of a Stalinist State, it was an understandable mistake. But Novotny's mishandling of the Slovak nationality issue was altogether more inept. Ilia crucial blunder occurred at what was supposed to be a celebration just one year ago this month. The Slovaks were celebrating the fiftieth anniversary of their high school, and of the Matica, an organisation which looks after Slovaks abroad. The existence and energy of the Matica is a testimonial to the powerful national feelings of the Slovaks: as a people, they still feel that they are en- titled to a separate government within the Czechoslovak state, and that they will never get a fair deal from Bohemian Prague with- out it. Novotny's speech at Turcaresky Sr. Martin said flatly that the nationality problem had been solved, and that the Slovaks were best off inside the centralised national framework. The speech was totally unsuitable for a Slovak national celebration. There was worse to come. After his speech. Novotny talked to Vasil Blink, then one of the secretaries of the Slovakian Communist Party. Beak said that the Matica building was too small; Novotny suggested that Its papers should be trans- ferred to Prague, and that anyway the For- eign Institute should look after both Czechs and Slovaks living abroad. It wits a bureaucrat's answer, devoid of political sensitivity, and it infuriated /Mak (no wild man, as his willingness, last week, to co-operate with Moscow shows). He asked Novotny, rather loudly, how dare he make such an offensive suggestion. The President and his wife called up their car, and left the celebration early. The set-up of Communism in Czechoslo- vakia gives an indication of the lop-sidedness of the nationality arrangements. There is a national (Czechoslovak) Communist Party, and there is a specialised Slovak Communist Party. But there is no specialised Communist Party for Bohemia and Moravia: presumably because dominant Czechs like Novotny' saw themselves as Incarnating the national spirit of the two peoples simultaneously. But, of course,' the Slovaks did not agree: possibly the ineptitude with which Novotny handled them was exacerbated by his economic and cultural troubles in Bohemia; anyway, in the latter half of 1968 organised demands began to come from the Slovak party branches for the removal of Novotny. Novotny, last autumn, trundled out the standard counter to Slovakian contrariness: the charge of -bourgeois nationalism," which had been used. in show trials in the 19505. It did not work, any more than the cumbersome device of trying to shroud the nationality of leading Party figures, and the attempt to de- velop in official mouths a kind a "mid-Mo- ravian" accent which would approximate to both languages at once. It was a question of time before an op- ponent to Novotny arose in the Central Committee of the Caechoslovak party. The right man was sure of support by the Slovaks as well as the discontented economic re- formers. THE SICK WORDS Economics and nationalism are mighty social forces, but the role of cultural develop- ment cannot be ignored: especially among the Czechs, the revival of whose nationalism in the nineteenth century was very much an intellectual revival, centered around creative writers and historians. Two novels which ap- peared last year, suddenly smashing the tra- dition of safe, mechanical politically inert literature, indicate what is happening. The authors are Milan Kundera, who wrote The Joke, and Ludvik Vaculik, who wrote The Axe. Both are Moravians in their forties. former working journalists and mem- bers of the Communist Party. In The Joke, a young student is ruthlessly persecuted in early Stalinist Czechoslovakia for making a political joke ("Optimism is the opium of the people. Long live Trotsky I"). The in- jured man sets out, many years later, to revenge himself by humiliating the wife of the man he held responsible for his persecu- tion. He finds revenge useless: the woman. who married as part of "party discipline," has separated from her husband, and even beat- ing her is pointless, because she is a mas- ochist. The Aire is narrated by a successful Prague journalist who knows "the hard work of writing something that will be published and yet leave part of my honour untouched." The story is stocked with characters who have rejected Czech society, like the coun- tryman who says "this era favours the stupider half of man. Let it do so, but with- out me," The journalist writes an article about a young girra suicide of uncertain morals: a doctor giving evidence to an investigating committee perjures himself when describing the condition of the body because "she was much more a virgin than those bastards were the elected representatives of the people." When Vaculik's journalist gets into trouble for writing about the case, he declines to be defended on the grounds of his impeccable working-class origins, saying he will have no more of the act of "self-terrorisation" that the party expects of its members "That's all the Czech invention is: we terrorise our- selves so democratically that there's no one left to assassinate." DRAB openeasia The effect of this sardonic realism among the drab optimism of most Prague publish- ing was staggering. This kind of writing has appeared more and more frequently in the past two years: fully politically committed, and healing the relationship between word and object. ("Killing of words," wrote Miroslay Holub in May, 1908, "precedes the killing of people." Democracy, Holub thought, was "a very sick word in Czechoslovakia.") The Fourth Writers' Congress was the arena the Novotny regime chose for its ideological counterblast. Jiri Hendrich, one of Novotny's most loyal henchmen, made opening and closing speeches declaring the need for hewing to the party line?but they were ignored because of the stream of liber- tarian speeches in between. (Not that they were specifically pro-Western in the main. A. J. Liehm, while criticising the political pressures on writers in Czechoslovakia, pointed out that writers in the West were subject to commercial pressures which could also be crippling.) "Assuming," said Ludvik Vaculik, "that none of us was born for the sake of being governed easily, I suggest the Union of Writers takes the initiative, possibly together with the Union of Journalists and ask the Cesechoelovak Academy of Sciences for an expert revision of the constitution, and de- mand If necessary its revision." He said: "We have accomplished social revolution?and the problem of power continues. Though we have taken the bull by the horns, and we are holding him, somebody goes on kicking our backsides all the time." The impact of these writings, and these words, on the Czech consciousness was hardly something from which there could be a going beck--either for the readers or the writers. For Ludvik Vaculik, it developed to author- ship of the Two Thousand Words manifesto, published and 'signed by a large group of intellectuals just before the talks with the Russians; and last week to election to the clandestine Central Committee of the Czechoslovak Connnunist Party to replace men seized by the Russians. The three forces that anted against No- votny, and for the break-up of the old bu- reaucracy, could coalesce behind Dulecea: a Slovak, with a flexible attitude to economic reform, art unimpeachable record of resist- ance to Germany?he was wounded, and his brother !Oiled, in the Slovak resistance--and "clean hands"?he had the reputation of having stood aside from the persecution of writers under Novany. Although their degree of overtness will depend on the degree of Soviet control in the future, these interlinked forces will con- tinue to exist: particularly the question of the economy. The Russians may feel that they can tolerate a run-down Czech economy, but It may well be that if someone in the Communist bloc does not solve the prcblem of moderaisation, their own economic goals will become harder to attain. So far, the Russians have made no visible attempt to understand the situation in Czechoslovakia. The situation there over the past year was complex and needed careful reporting and interpret ition. It has been withheld from the Russian people, and possibly from their gov- ernment as well. Why did the Russians invade, seventeen days after the Bratislava meetings? may be pointless to speculate on whose voice was decisive in the Rremlin, but there can be little doubt of -the immediate reascn for the timing. The Slovak party congress was to open tomorrow, and the Czechoslovak congress on September 9. Jueging by the way votes had gone in the regions, the "conservatives" re- maining in the :antral committee and the other tcp party posts had little chance of survival. Last week was the last chance of intervention. The optimism of the Dubcek faction in Czechosentakla about Russian intentions springs n good part from the way they inter- preted Brezhneve attitude when he visited Prague at December, 1967. He seemed under- standing, and gave little sign of willingness to exert himself on Novotny's behalf. But at the grass-roots level the Czecho- slovak and Russian Communists have two different kinds of political and national ex- perience. More often than not the Russian party faced conditons of exile, underground woe- and persecution. When it came to power in 1917 it had vast, almost unthinkable prob- lems to solve. It always placed discipline above all other virtues. The Czechoslovak Party operated from 1922 until 1938 as a legal, parliamentary party, and during the war years it faced problems also faced by other anti-Nazi groups It might be said that the Czecho- slovak party, having tried the Russian model for 20 years and got itself into a difficult position largely of its own leaking, decided to try its older tradition. But the Russ anti are suspicious of Czecho- elovak.a's western traditione, and tend to overestemate their political significance. In May, one of their newspaper; called Thomas Masaryk, a sinister plotter involved in the attempt to assassinate Lenin. It infuriated the Czechs, uho had just "rediscovered" Maser es. The historical validity of the charge, pre- sumably based on the presence of a few of Masetryka Czech troops in ac tion against the Bolsheviks immediately after the Revolution, is not particularly relevant. The point is that the Russians see the great Czech hero as a man involved in one of the most troubled episodes of their troubled history. And from the Russian viewpoint, the prob- lem of whether they, or the Germans, domi- nate Central Europe has yet to be solved. Beinad their propaganda about "revanch- Ism" and "Imaerialism" lie; comprehensible foreign policy: twice in this century the Russians have had to face an onslaught Approved For Release 2005/08/03 : CIA-RDP70600338R000300190059-1 Septe:inber Apiggved For leiene 2005/08/03 : CIA-RDP70600338R000300190059-1 OiNURESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE S 10249 from the centre of Europe. Only they know how many people they lost in the last war? twenty million or more. SOV/ET DEFENSES Obviously, they are bitterly resentful of the idea of having to alter their arrange- ments in Eastern and Central Europe just because?as they see it?a few economists and politicians in Prague have caught sight of the bright lights of Western Europe. Apparently, they were somehow fooled into thinking that the arrival of Soviet tanks would bring the truly loyal population flock- ing to support the Russian cause. Even their somewhat inflexible political intelligence must by now be disabused of that idea. Czechoslovakia has often been called "a bridge between the East and the West." It was not a description which appealed to Jan Masaryk, the gay, tragic son of the founder of the Czechoslovak Republic?the man who was found lying dead under his bathroom window one month after the Communists seized total power in 1948. "I don't want Czechoslovakia to be a bridge for anything," he used to say. "What happens to a bridge. In wartime, the first thing that happens is you get blown up. In peacetime, the bullocks walk across and drop dung all over you." At the moment the Russians are finding the bridge difficult to "blow." But the danger will not go away 'while Europe remains divided. [From the London, England, Daily Express, Aug. 24, 1968] THE BEST ANSWER TO BULLIES The Czech leaders journey to Moscow to plead their cause. As one humiliation after another is heaped on them for the British people there is a grim object lesson. It is one that must not be ignored. For this is the kind of treatment a nation can expect if it cannot defend itself. Is Britain herself as strong as she can be in an age in which the certainty of retalia- tion is the only safeguard against aggres- sion? She has, it is true, nuclear forces under her control. Unhappily, Britain's nuclear force is not strong enough to be, beyond dispute, a cred- ible deterrent. When Parliament meets on Monday, then, the Government must announce that?as a beginning?another nuclear missile sub- marine will be built without delay. And that the existing four Polaris-type submarines will be converted to carry the vastly more advanced Poseidon missile battery. The four nuclear submarines we have at present do not provide a sufficient margin of safety because we can count on only one being on patrol at any one time. A fifth warship would effectively double the fleet at sea. And double the power of the deterrent. The original aim of five submarines should be reached with all speed. For then, at any moment, at least 60 targets would face im- mediate retribution. Arguments of economy are of secondary importance. In fact, Britain today is spend- ing a smaller proportion of her national in- come on defence than in the Edwardian era. A Polaris-type submarine costs some ?50 million. That is about one third of one per cent of what the Government spends an- nually. And look what it buys:? Security against aggression. Real in- dependence for our people. America has carried, virtually alone, the burden of defending the West. It is unacceptable that we should place on our friends the obligation of risking their own destruction to secure our safety. We must be ready to defend ourselves. As soon as practicable the nuclear fleet should be built up to eight Polaris sub- marines to provide us with the effective sinews of self-defence. This is the best answer we can give, with the dreadful image of Prague before us, to the bullies who are tempted by weakness. [From the London Sunday Telegraph, Aug. 25, 1968] THIS PICTURE AND THAT Parliament meets tomorrow to protest, in Britain's name, against an international crime it could not prevent and can do noth- ing to reverse. It is right, nevertheless, that the ideal of freedom and the principle of na- tional sovereignty should thus be solemnly upheld by all parties in the highest council of the nation. But there is another item on the order paper, the Nigerian civil war. Czechoslovakia may no longer be "a faraway country of which we know little," yet it is behind the Iron Curtain. Nigeria, on the contrary, is still open to Western influence. Moreover, it owes its frontiers, its federal structure and, in- deed, its very existence to the British Parlia- ment itself. Is it not the plain duty of our elected representatives to offset their un- avoidable impotence on one plane with a full acceptance of their responsibilities on an- other, where their deliberations can still have some effect? The final Federal assault on the Ibos trapped in the rump of Biafra may not yet have begun. Nevertheless, the advance from Port Harcourt can only be a prelude to it. In political terms, General Gowon has failed more miserably than the tyrants of the Kremlin. They have begun to recruit their political puppets after a two-day exercise, whereas he has found none after 13 months of bloody fighting. We may avert our eyes from the slaughter that will accompany the final stages of the Biafran tragedy. We shall not, however, be able -to ignore the aftermath. No experienced British administrator ever supposed that Ni- geria could exist against the will of its lead- ing tribe; and no serious student of Africa ever supposed that the West Coast could es- cape anarchy if Nigeria disintegrated. Yet these are the probable results of the war that has been sustained by a British decision to continue to supply arms to "a sister Govern- ment of the Commonwealth." The immediate challenge is still the saving of civilian lives, now threatened by renewed fighting as well as by starvation. By this time it must be clear to the most gullible that this objective never rated very high with the com- batants of either side, even if Colonel Ojukwu has at last agreed in principle to accept re- lief by surface routes. When fighting Biafra becomes occupied Biafra the essential horror will remain. Colonel Adekunle, leader of today's assault, declares he wants to see "no Red Cross, no World Council of Churches, no Pope, no mis- sionary and no U.N. delegation," adding for good measure: "We shall shoot at everything, even things that don't move." He can talk like that because the British Government has, in practice, washed its hands of the whole affair, in order, presum- ably, to preserve on paper the Commonwealth myth. It would be better to turn that myth into a reality by intervening to restore a minimum of order and humanity to a conti- nent relapsing into savagery. The Russians are using their strength to prevent a country in their sphere of influence from climbing upwards towards civilised free- dom. We deplore this in vain if we are not ready to save a country in our own sphere from plummeting downwards into barbarous repression. [From the London, England, Sunday Times, Aug. 25, 1968] CZECHOSLOVAKIA REPORTS PROIV/ BONN?EARLY WARNING ON THE INVASION WAS IGNORED (By Antony Terry) Angry intelligence officials here allege that a general "play it down" order from the 'U.S. Government, because of Vietnam, resulted in vital early warnings of the impending Czech invasion being ignored by the West. They are demanding from West Germany's Chancellor Kiesinger that in future their warnings and predictions of developments in Eastern Europe should not be deliberately put on ice because of global Washington pol- icy moves. An early "leak" of Soviet inten- tions on Czechoslovakia, they argue, might have mobilised world opinion and made the Russians draw back at the last moment. The West German intelligence Service, un- der its new dynamic young chief, General Gerhard Wessel, was among the first to pre- sent conerete evidence to the Bonn Govern- ment and NATO countries that the Warsaw Pact "manoeuvres" were an elaborate cover for the full-scale invasion plan. Their de- tailed advanced information, obtained partly through the German network of agents in Warsaw Pact countries, dovetailed with re- ports from U.S. Intelligence, obtained from "spy in the sky" satellites. FORCES EARMARKED General Wessel reported three months ago that non-Czech Warsaw Pact troops were being trained and earmarked for the inva- sion. The figure given at the time was 10,000 to 12,000 troops from various Soviet bloc countries, which were named as planning a first-stage crossing of the Czech border. By the end of May, most of the Bonn Gov- ernment leaders, including the heads of the Defence, Interior and Foreign Ministries, as Well as Chancellor Kissinger himself, had been warned of the plan. Only the Foreign Ministry, under Socialist chief Willy Brandt, expressed doubts that the Russians would "risk going that far." On May 24, the only attempt to "leak" the news was made by the West German Gov- ernment's official spokesman, Herr Diehl ap- parently without the knowledge of Chancel- lor Kiesinger, at a Press Conference in Bonn. This statement was later officially denied in Bonn and Herr Diehl was reprimanded. It is said here that this denial, which described his statement as "irresponsible and panic- creating talk, was made at U.S. request. So, although the news was out, it made no impact. However, information received by early August ended all doubts that the Russians would invade with massive forces?the only question was when. The information passed on to the U.S. and other NATO allies was that the Russians would delay moving in until immediately before the Czech Com- munist Party Assembly, scheduled for Sep- tember 9. The delay had been due to disa- greement between the "hawks" and the "doves" inside the Kremlin. But things began coming to a head on August 18, through the Czech ambassador in Moscow, Vladimir Koucky, an old-time "hard liner" of the anti-Dubcek minority inside the Czech Communist Party's Central Com- mittee. Koucky, who was to be recalled to Prague because of his views?and who was in touch with Oldrich Svetska, editor of the party newspaper Rude Pravo and since named as one of the alleged Prague "quislings"? warned General Yebichev, senior political commissar of the Red Army, that Mr. Dub- cek's move to summon an emergency meet- ing of the Central Committee on the follow- ing Tuesday was a final sign that the Czech Approved For Release 2005/08/03 : CIA-RDP70600338R000300190059-1 S 10250 Approved Feolitima51(98*ithiffiRJ2R3701(1-138R00o3osafargtOr 4., '1968 Communist Party leaders had "sold out to Right-wing elements" and were set on an anti-Soviet course. MILITARY MEET In fact, the Czech party meeting was de- signed to legalize the reforms introduced by the Dubcek Government and establish a new liberal charter for the Czech Communist leadership and its members. But the information garnered by West German Intelligence shows that Koucky's move in Moscow was followed at once by urgent consultations among Soviet Military leaders. Gen. Yebichev and the Soviet De- fence Minister, Marshall Ivan Grechko, met the supreme Commander-In-Chief of the Red Army, Gen. Yakubovsky, and all three went to see Mr. Brezhnev. The result was an order to speed up the "prophylactic" invasion. According to the Bonn Intelligence reports?which, again, were immediately forwarded to Nato?the arguments by Koucky which finally con- vinced the Kremlin leaders were that Mr. Dubcek secretly planned to sidetrack the undertakings he had given at the Cierna and Bratislava meetings, that the Czech Party leaders had made secret and dangerous con- tacts with the West through "Illegal and anti-Soviet channels," and that they were planning to accept economic aid from West- ern countries on a 'scale that would create problems for Comecon, the Soviet bloc equiv- alent to the Common Market. It was Noucky's role that gave the Rus- sians the tenuous btu valuable excuse to talk of "influential Czech Party circles," having asked them to intervene to save Czecho- slovakia. As for the current situation, the latest information from. the West German InteW- gence Service is that only about half the 23 Warsaw Past divisions assembled for the in- vasion have actually entered the country. The remainder are still bivouacked, in readi- ness, along the Czech borders. Most of these troops are Russians, but there are also two East German divisions, three Polish divisions and rather less than one division from Bulgaria, which was flown in as recently as last Saturday. Bonn Intelligence officials claim that their advance news of the Soviet build-up and probably invasion spearheads, was confirmed by sensitive electronic listening devices along the West German border with Czechoslo- vakiaJdevices with a range sufficient to scan the area up to the Soviet frontier and some way beyond. Yet the only time the Russians took action against this electronic probing was on the actual night of the invasion, when a massive jamming operation blacked out the devices. TELEPHONE THREAT Frustration at the invasion warnings going unheeded led General Wessel, at one stage, to threaten to telephone Chancellor Kies- Inger direct, to stress the seriousness of the reports. A further outcome now Is that West German military and political circles are to mount a campaign inside NATO for tighter control of military planning intelligence by the European countries and for better co- ordination to prevent their intelligence in- formation being blanketed by any similar American "hold down"o rder in the future. There are also increasing demands for an independent European nuclear force and for a strengthening of West Germany's ground defences and early warning system. [From the London Sunday Times, Aug. 25, 19881 CZECHOSLOVAICIA NICHOLAS TOMALTH REPORTS THE DEEP SCHISMS OPENING I'N WORLD COM- MUNISM?TIM COMMUNISTS' GREAT CRISIS o FarrH Pravda was aghast. As the discordant crit- icisms of hitherto obedient foreign comrades poured into Moscow the official voice of So- viet Communism plaintively declared: "It is difficult to understand the inco- herent position adopted by the leaders of some Communist Parties who are showing a lack of confidence in the actions of healthy forces in Czechoslovakia and sister countries. Perhaps they have been disorientated by Im- perialiat propaganda, and have not under- stood the nature of the situation." If Pravda found such "incoherence" diffi- cult to understand, its meaning was all too clear outside Russia. Perhaps, historically, the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia will be remembered even more for its effect on world Communism than on the country itself. The concept of Communism as a mammoth in- ternational ideology, overwhelming patriotic loyalties, may have been finally killed off. There was a second radical consequence. Since Wednesday morning a romantic ideal- let searching for a new belief might look to anarchy, to pure Marxist-Leninism, to Trot- sky, to Che Guevara or even to Pekin. He could no longer look to Moscow for a Com- munist Truth which, like Catholic Truth, has been so dramatically eroded by doubt. From now on, Marxists can only be prates- tants. "Yes, you can talk of a crisis of faith," one stalwart British Communist observed, "Our bloody Russian Vatican has done precisely the same as Rome. First they seemed to offer some kind of liberalisation. Then, as we be- gan to take them seriously, they kicked us in the 'teeth. "But there's one important difference be- tween the Communist Party and the Catho- lic Church, When the Pope condemned the Pill he knew that hie followers would bash away at sex regardless. In our crisis the fol- lowers will bash away at the party." INGENIOUS Those is endless variety in the way each in- dividual national party is striving to estab- lish independence without agnosticism. Analysis of their shifting positions is a de- manding exercise in Marxist theology. Perhaps the most ingenious formulation of all came from Stalinist Albania whose Parte, taking the Chinese line, was obliged to condemn both the Dubcek liberalisers and the Moscow revisionists. Before the Invasion, the Albanian official party paper Zen t Popullit managed a blanket condemnation of everyone involved: "The cliques that have come to power, or will came, are pawns in the hands of the Soviet revisionists and the CB. imperialists. An in- ternational Manta is acting with a free hapd in Czechoslovakia," (Such picturesque abtise was only rivalled in imagination by the Lebanese Communist Party, which blamed "an elite of Jewish intellectuals," and the Beirut newspaper which lyricised about Rus- sian "freedom tanks.") Since the Invasion, the Albanians have be- come the only Communist Party actually to urge the heroic citizens of Czechoslovakia to use armed resistance against the Red Army Mans. But they do not praise Dubeck. China, whose only previous comment on the situation had been the reprinting of Al- bania's strictures. on Friday issued a violent denunciation of Russian intervention as a Fascist move, reminiscent of Hitler. But again, of course, there was no support for Dubeck. North Vietnam did not follow this line. Military and economic support froM Russia and East Germany is so important to her that promptly on Thursday Radio Hanoi de- clared that it was with "the noble aim of re- sponding to an appeal from reliable elements in the Czechoslovak Party to defend the so- cialist regime" that the Warsaw Pact armies had marched in. Logic did not force Hanoi also to approve of the noble aim of the American forces to support reliable elements in Saigon. Cuba, unlike Hanoi, had the ideological so- phistication to remain officially silent for several days, while their leaders wrestled with the rival demands of their principles and Russian economic aid. By Friday Cuba had responded to the purse strings. It would be only natural for many ir the Cuban leadership secretly to gloat over the troubles. Czechs, and particulerly Slovaks have always resented the economic aid that Socialist solidarity abliged them to send their allies. Cubans have in their turn always re- sented what they saw as the selfishness of richer Eusopean Socialist States; Che Gue- vara opeiny attacked the Russians and other about this in 1965. In the Capitalist west, preciona few parties rallied to the Russians. Some Latin Ameri- can countales, such as Chile, fell into line. The tiny rump of the American Communist Party, presumably still living in Stalinist iso- lation, tanned a statement "regretting' the intervention but conceding It was "neces- sary." So, for no explicable reason, did brave little Luxembourg. Otherwise, the silly Westerners to succour Russia were the Illegal and exiled parties such as Spain, Greece and Wsst Germany. These, dependent on Soviet support, could hardly do othervese. DE,117NCIATION The two most important reactions were those of the Italian and French Communist Parties. Each, in their characteristic fashion, were against the Russians. But the real mes- sages were passed in the nuances of denun- ciation. Of them the most complex, and interesting to students of Communist dogma and theto- ric, was that of the Italians. As the largest, and most practised in Jesuitical logic of all European parties this was hardly surprising. But they only just outdid the French. In an intricate ideological gavotte the Italians started soft ane. moved hard, while the French started hard and moved soft. The Italians had two special circumstances to cope with. First, their Secretary-General Luigi Longo was away on "holiday" in Mos- cow. Second, sec:et news of the impending invasion reached several important party offi- cials in Italy by eight o'clock on Tuesday eve- ning, fully three hours before the actial at- tack was launched and six hours before So- viet ambassadors began to inform the rest of the world. Italian Communists firmly deny that Sig- nor Longo, conveniently near the source of information, passed any message. It therefore may be that experienced party men made in- spired eeductions from the Moscow meeting of the Central Committee. Another complicating factor was that the senior party man at the drafting of the Ital- ian statement was Pietro Ingrao, leader of the extreme Leftwing of the party. This, perhaps, is the reason why the key phrase in the Italian denunciation of the Russian invasion expressed mere "grave dis- agreement." which Communist theologians regard as significantly less tough than the "surprise and reprobation" of the French. On the way hcme Longo stopped off at Paris for talks with the French Comraunists. Everyone thong-at this must result either in Longo--hot wit'a Moscow explanatioas--ral- lying the French to Russia's side, of a con- certed hostile action by both parties. In fact his visit achieved neither. The French dis- covered him, to their surprise, to be more militantly anti-Russian than they. Be found them having second thoughts, Waldeck Rochet, leader of the French Corn- munisas, argued that an early meeting of all European Communist parties could only lead to a total break with the Russians. It would be far better to keep "lines of brotherly friendship" open in the hope of inf uencing Russian policy. Approved For Release 2005/08/03 : CIA-RDP70600338R000300190059-1 Approved For ReieanalrifiecatRIDURBAOR38R000300190059-1 Sefitembe,r 4, 1968 CONGRES Longo was disappointed, and did not try to hide it, He concluded a statement made after the meeting by saying: "For the mo- ment no common or collective initiative is planned." When he got to Rome, he endorsed his Italian colleagues' statement with such enthusiasm that textual theologians judge that he hardened the Italian attitude. Meanwhile, back in Paris, the French were moving faster in the opposite direction. After a four-hour meeting the Central Committee of the party issued its re-think on the matter. "Reprobation," of the Russian action moved down the scale to "disapproval." There was now a long preamble which accused "forces hostile to socialism" of being active against Czechoslovakia. The French slide was understandable. The whole business hit their party harder than any other in Europe. It could not have come at a worse time, just when?after their poor showing in the last French election?they were trying to sell a new image, that of a dynamic party of the left which had re- vitalised its policies in the light of the Revolution of the Imagination which the students forced upon it in May. Like the Italians, the French party had spoken well of the developments in Czecho- slovakia. More than that, they let it be known that M. Rochet, on a visit to Moscow, in July, had warned the Russians that any intervention would have grave dangers to international Communism. Such a flexible and progressive line was excellent propaganda. What no one knew, of course, was that M. Rochet had received definite assurances from Moscow that there would be no interference with Dubcek and therefore the party's stand was somewhat less spectacular than it seemed. AS the French Maoists, already in the streets of Paris, declared on their huge banners: "Revisionism, imperialism: same interests, same methods." MORAL PROBITY - The British Communists were at the same time formulating their home-bred denuncia- tion. Not for them Continental "reproba- tions" or "grave disagreements." King Street, with spendid British moral probity, "deplored" it all. British reaction could fairly be said to have begun at the moment Assistant Secre- tary Reuben Felber heard the news over his radio at breakfast. "We could have got a statement out be- fore lunch," says Felber. "Except that it was damn difficult to get it cleared by essential committee members. As it was the French and the Italians beat us to it, basically be- cause their leadership is more centrally or- ganised and more easily available." When the statement eventually appeared in the early evening it had still not been seen by John GoIlan, the Party Secretary, who was up a Scottish mountain, and Jack Wod- dis, head of the international section, who was holidaying abroad. Nevertheless, draft- ing was an almost routine matter for the eleven out of 14 committee members who were contacted: the British party already had a clear policy line on the Czech liberal- isation. Gollan arrived back from his mountain on Thursday, and that evening was on tele- vision emphasing the fragmentation more forcibly than a British Communist leader has ever done before. "There is no such thing as an organised international Communist movement," he told his interviewer Alistair Burnet. "Each party is independent and sovereign and the differences between them are natural." The party doesn't fear mass resignations, as in 1956 over Hungary. The "deploring" state- ment ensured that. And such is the rigor mortis of hard-line supporters that both they and the leadership will probably move slowly back to their tacit loyalty to Moscow. The serious political damage, party workers admit, will be from "seepage," a passive de- cline in the already dwindling support. More dramatic is the reaction of the official party's youth branch. The Young Communist League. Twelve of them were outside the Soviet Exhibition on Wednesday, belabouring every Hus,sian in sight. "I found myself shouting 'Nazi Swine' at every one I saw," said one. "I think all of us were sick to the very pit of our stomachs." To seek less official opinkon on the situa- tion from British CP members is more diffi- cult. Generally, middle rank members are pointedly avoiding comment. But the more militant of the younger members, both of the YCL and the party proper plan a call for an even larger meeting than the 42-member executive council which met yesterday. They want to summon an Emergency National Conference of the entire party to seek a really strong protest against the Russian action. A BETRAYAL One man, at least, was not afraid to speak out. Will Paynter, General Secretary of the National Union of Mineworkers, for in- stance. "The whole business," he said, "can only be seen as a disgusting betrayal of all the principles of the international Communist movement. Its result will be an enormous destruction of faith in an ideal." Paynter, and two other members of the Miners' executive committee had agreed to visit East German miners on September 16. Last Thursday he wrote to the East Ger- mans to say it was cancelled. But if any scholar wanted final evidence of the curiously British flavour of unofficial reactions, he need only turn to the Scottish Highlands, last bastion of progressive eccen- tricity, where Scots poet Hugh McDiarmid, the only Briton to join the Communist Party at the time of Hungary, declared his un- swerving support for the fraternal Russian tanks, "For weeks the British Press has tried to drive a wedge between the Czechs and the Warsaw Pact powers," he declares. "As a re- sult there was real danger of a cotinter- revoluntionary movement there. The Rus- sians have felt that, just as they realized firm action was needed to stop Fascist infiltration in Hungary. I'm for them whole-heartedly. "No, I'm not going to resign from our party because the leadership has taken a hostile line to the Russians. Such differences of opinion are always permissible amongst Communists. We are the most democratic of organizations." Mr. Dubeek and his countrymen would have been most reassured to hear it. HOW THE NATIONAL COMMUNIST PARTIES REACTED TO RUSSIA Hungary, Czecho- 1956 slovakia, 1968 Minority Communist Parties in capitalist countries: Britain Pro Anti. France Pro Do. Italy Pro Do. Austria Pro Do. Holland Pro Do. United States Pro Pro. Belgium Pro Anti, Luxembourg Pro Pro. Illegal Communist Parties in exile: Spain Pro (1) Greece Pro Pro. West Germany Pro Pro. Ruling Communist Parties: Rumania Pro Anti. Yugoslavia Pro Do. Albania Pro Do. Bulgaria Pro Pro. Hungary Pro Do. East Germany Pro Do. Poland Pro Do. China Pro Anti. Korea Pro Pro. North Vietnam Pro Do. ,Mongolia Pre Do, Cuba (2) Do. I Not available. Not in power. S 10251 [From the Cork (Ireland) Examiner, Aug. 22, 1968] Alsr ABOMINABLE INVASION The myth of co-existence, that facile dOctrine which saw nothing incompatible in a civilised accommodation between Com- munism and democracy, was finally exploded yesterday when Soviet Russia headed the power grab of Czechoslovakia. The midnight marauders who seized hold of an erstwhile ally because its people opted for a measure of democratic freedom have acted in the very best Stalinist tradition. In advance of action they lied, they dissembled, and they threat- ened and when these failed to achieve the desired end they cast aside evpry vestige of civilised behaviour and applied the weapon of brute force. This is the Communism of 1945, 1948, and 1956, and its re-emergence now is proof positive that the successors of Stalin and Khrushchev are of the same tyrannical mentality which counts freedom as a crime and sovereignty, as a bourgeois concept to be despised. Five countries took part in this abomin- able invasion? five countries which profess to be civilised and to have proper regard for all the accepted standards of international behaviour. Time and again they have sub- scribed to and offered testimony to the in- violable rights of independent states. They have been the first to profess righteous in- dignation at real or fancied infringements of these rights by other states. By skilful propaganda they persuaded the world that the darker side of Communism had dis- appeared for ever and that they were amongst the foremoSt of the peacemakers. There are five such countries but only one, Soviet Russia, that matters. This crime was con- ceived in and directed from Moscow with the automatic endorsement of the other Jackal states which make up the Warsaw alliance. Its commission exposes the chief instigator for what it really is, a wolf which has dis- carded its sheep's clothing to bring a new dark age to Europe. In the larger sense the fate of Czecho- slovakia has already been decided. The attempt to break free from bondage has been frustrated and it stands helpless before invaders who having taken the irrevocable step of flouting every canon of civilised be- haviour, will not hesitate to behave still more brutally in order to consolidate what they have gained. The Czechs did not resist and who is to say that in their isolated cir- cumstances they were unwise? But there is the aftermath which must be a period of terrible trial for a defenceless people. At the very least their constitutionally elected lead- ers will be overthrown, the new-found free- doms will disappear, and the country will be handed over to puppets who will do the will of Moscow. This is the least that will happen and it will be sufficient to throw Czecho- slovakia into the kind of prison it knew, first in 1939 at the hands of the Germans and again in 1948 at the hands of the Russians. But what if the people resist, what if the ? people decide to fight for their lives instead of submitting once again to that familiar captivity. This is the tragedy which the free world is now being forced to witness without be- ing able actively to intervene on behalf of a people threatened with political extermina- tion anfi the very worst evils of a police state. It will be said that Czechoslovakia is a Communist state and that this is a Com- munist quarrel in which outsiders cannot interfere. Up to a point this is true but it fails to take into account one great fact of life in that country. That fact is that out of a population of 16 millions only 1,4 million are members of the Communist Party. The peaceful revolution of the past seven months Was not made by the elite of party members, although some of these were in the fore- front of the new liberal thinking, but by the great mass of the people who gave un- mistakeably proof that their desire was for Approved For Release 2005/08/03 : CIA-RDP70600338R000300190059-1 S 10252 Approved For16*eftignyin :fiLemv_p_ERAy003 a0 001 t 959.-e1 ,Nepmber,14, 19'68 democratic freedom. And, as far as they are cancerned, this has not been a Communist euarrel but the struggle to break free from Communism. Now that they have entered their hour of greatest trial the world simply cannot stand Idly by while they are punished by their oppressors. Possibly not for the reasons given the na- tions of the West are now on the alert. As they see it the crisis has only begun and no one can foretell how it is likely to develop. They must, therefore, be ready to move and one eventuality which could compel active intervention would be a popular uprising in Czechoslovakia. Twelve years after the event the consciences of freedom loving na- tions are troubled by the failure to come to the rescue of the Hungarian people. A sec- ond such failure would constitute an in- dictment of such magnitude that Russia and her allies would acquire a concept of power which would point an arrow at the heart of world order. It may be that democ- racy will not be put to the test, that Czech freedom will be snuffed out without resist- ance, but should it be otherwise a gallant people must not be allowed to be crushed when timely aid would avert that tragedy. It is not enough that Russia and her con- federates in this crime should be condemned by world opinion; they must be made to see that crime of this order will not be tolerated. (From the London, England, Sunday Tele- graph, Aug. 25, 19681 SOVIET FEAR IN UKRAINE (By Gordon Brook-Shepherd) Fear of a spreading disaffection inside the Soviet Union itself?above all of separatist agitation in the Ukraine, which actually bor- ders on Czechoslovakia?is thought in the West to have been the final spur which pushed the Soviet leaders over the brink. Though contingency plans to invade Czechoslovakia were first made at least three months ago, the Kremlin's final decision to march seems to have been a hurried one, taken last Sunday or even last Monday, only 24 hours before the blow was struck. It is thought that warnings uttered by Mr. Petr Shelest, who is First Secretary of the Ukrainian Communist Party as well as a favourite member of the Soviet Communist Party's Central Presidium, led to the "doves" among his colleagues being finally silenced. Mr. Shelest is believed to have been echoing In Moscow the urgent pleas sent by Herr 'Ulbricht, the East German leader: "Stop Dubcek or I cannot guarantee the outcome at home." Trouble in East Germany would be bad enough for the Kremlin but trouble in the Ukraine could prove catastrophic. With its population of nearly 46 million, it is by far the largest of the 15 Soviet Republics. It is also the seat of one of the deepest- rooted nationalist movements inside the Soviet Union, with strong anti-Russian tradi- tions and a language and culture of its own. These separatist tendencies have been steadily increasing of late and Shelest him- self has been leading the battle to suppress them. Exactly as in Czechoslovakia, the agi- tation has been headed by writers and intel- lectuals. The most recent test case was the latest novel by Oles Honchar, head of the Ukrainian Writers Union, which was published earlier this year in the Ukrainian language. Called "Sobor", its hero is eventually killed in the struggle for a Ukrainian cathedral (the symbol of Ukrainian culture) which is being pulled down by the state. Its message?a protest drawn from the his- torical past against an inhuman present? was too dangerous to be Ignored. Shelest or- dered his Communist youth groups to burn copies of it in the streets of Kiev, and plans to get it translated into Russian were blocked. Finally, as recently as May 31, eight of the nine secretaries of the Ukrainian Writers' Union (including Honchar) were summoned to Shelest in Kiev and given a warning. He had already appointed one of his Committee Secretaries Fedor Ovcharenko, to carry out a "cultural purge" in the Ukraine. Thousands of Ukrainian emigrees live In the West, Including a large colony in England. They called on the British Government at a meeting in London yesterday to stand up against Communist tyranny. (From the Sunday Telegram, London, England, Aug. 25, 1968) WHAT DID You DO, Dimer? We are in no two minds about the Red Army shooting its way into Prague, but what must we think about the Red Army dancing and singing next month in the Albert Ilan? This is an important question for a genera- tion accustomed to regard post-Stalinist Russia and its "Communist camp" as an entity subject to outside influences and ca- pable of a gradual liberallaation. Cultural and personal contacts, we had come to think, could do no harm and might do good. The rape of Czechoslovakia, and even more the emergence of a groundswell of resistance against It, should cense us to think again. The Soviet empire is no longer a monolith to be reluctantly accepted; it has become a defensive tyranny, flagrantly holding down subject peoples?in no way less repulsive than that of Hitler's Third Reich?whose whole future is in doubt. In these new cir- cumstances civilised and non-political con- tacts can only confirm the tyranny; they cannot modify or undermine it. Let us not assume too easily that an evil equilibrium will eventually be restored behind the Iron Curtain. The Czechs may never abandon their passive resistance, nor may the rest of the subject nations maintain their passivity. This is a fundamentally different situation from what has been developing in recent years. The seeds of imperial disintegration are beginning to sprout. British businessmen seeking Russian trade, ballet or music lovers seeking Russian culture, or even simple tourists seeking Russian holidays, cannot carry on as if nothing is happenhig. For the time being, at any rate, Anglo-Soviet cultural exchanges are as out of place, as obscene, as they would have been between neutral States and Nazi Germany at the climax of the liberation of Europe in 1945. Admittedly, the members of the U.S.S.R. State Symphony Orchestra are not personally responsible for the fate of Mr. Dubcek. But it is the very normality of these contacts, against a background of revolutionary ab- normality, that now constitutes a scandalous offence. They give the impression to our Rus- sian guests that we are a friendly, decent people, which we are. But at this juncture we have the right and duty to be an angry people as well. "What did you do, Daddy, when the Red Army rolled into Prague?" At least let nest the answer be "I bought a ticket to watch the Red Army singers and dancers performing In the Albert Hall." PIERCING ROSSIA'S NAKED SKIN Why don't we care? was the title of an article I wrote on this page five weeks ago, when the big bear and the little Bohemian lion were having their first fraternal tussle. Though the issues at stake and the dangers ahead, both for Britain and the whole of the free world, seemed crystal clear even then, the protestors of Britain were not protesting, the open-air orators were not prating, and the Labour Government?as always when anything happens to threaten its courtship of the Kremlin?studiously looked the other way. Now that the inevitable has happened in Prague (though admittedly in an incredible way) we have rediscovered our voices and our consciences. The professional protestors, ranging from Tariq Mi to Pat Arrowsmith, have hoisted the Czechoslovak pennant above their Vietnam banners. The Labour party has remembered the things it was suppesed to be fightng for 30 years ago, and at Hyde Park today the wheel turns full circle with Mr. Grossman?a :eader of the anti-Hitler agita- tion ha the Czech crisis of 1938?speaking up at last against Hitler's spiritual End func- tional successors in Eastern Europe. More important than all this, the ordinary people of Britain are themselves amused, and angry letters demanding protest action of some sort are pouring into newspaper offices. What failed to stir the nation as a dark pro- spect has profoundly an even darker real- ity. The question is no longer why we don't care eut what can be achieved now that we do? Hoe; can Britain and the West most suit- ably show their resentiment at Russia's ac- tion; and what good, apart from belatedly purging our political souls, would any retalia- tion do? Already one can detect the sounds of flan- nel beginning to flap again along Whitehall. The same advisers who told the Poi eign Sec- retary. Mr. Stewart, not to provoke the Rus- sians and all would be well are now presum- ably warning him about the cisngers of "empty gestures" and "counter-productive" measures. Action never was the business of bureau- crats. But it is, or used to be, the business of politieians. It is time the present Govern- ment took sufficient time off from its nervous absorption with the economic crisis to realise that, or it will betray what is left of its man- date from the electorate. The challenge of this latest crisis will be with us for long weeks and long months to come. But the very nature of that crisis means there is an opportunity--however slight?for Western pressure to influence the actual outcome. Prague 1968 is not Budapest 1956. There is no Czech Radar for the Krem- lin to install swiftly in power. The Russians, militarily supreme in Prague, are still politi- cally floundering. Moreover, there is no Suez tragedy that will enable them to gee away so lightly with another Budapest b:oodbath. (Vietnam, unlike Suez, Is an accepted part of the pelitical landscape, not a sudden erup- tion actually coinciding with an East Eu- ropean crisis.) The Russians themselves; are only too aware of these differences, and underneath all the 6 in. armour of their tanks it a naked skin which is acutely sensitive to world opinien. The truth is that like the Ameri- cans and quite unlike the Chinese, French or ottiseives) the Russians yearn to be liked and accepted. For 50 years we have lived under the back- lash of their monumental inferiority com- plex, and it is still operating today. They are not aristocratic imperialists nor prole- tarian imperialists but petty bourgeois ones. The trst concern of these frightened men (after that for their own jobs) is for respect- ability. It was this that prompted them to deliver polite and disarming notes Last week in all major Western capitals, giving advance warn- ing of their invasion of Czechoslovaeela?like a burglar handing in his visiting-card. It was this that caused them to undertake a advance lobbying operation last Tues- day among all the Afro-Asian delegations at the United Nations. (Indeed, according to one report, It was the Mauritian delegate there, after beeng approached by the Rus- sians, who first warned our own Lord Cara- don of the impending attack.) In their heart of hearts the Russian lead- ers (or at any rate some of them) know that their present action is .diareputable. What they want is the spoils without the odium. It is this result we must deny them. And, Approved For Release 2005/08/03 : CIA-RDP70600338R000300190059-1 septeihber 4, 19 in this particular situation, by pinning the odium more firmly on them, we could even weaken their hold on the spoils. One obvious step in this direction has al- ready been taken by Britain: a refusal, de- clared in advance, to recognise any collection of straw men the Russians may declare to be the "legal" Government of Czechoslovakia. There are other less obvious steps. The British Ambassador in Moscow, now back in London for "consultations," could be kept here for a while as a mark of displeasure, though it is pitching it too high at the mo- ment to talk of severing diplomatic relations altogether. Britain, in common with her Western partners, could also boycott for the time being any meetings involving the Rus- sian delegations at all international organi- sations such as the I.L.O. All semi-official contacts with Russia?the to-ings and fro- Ings of mayors, parliamentarians and the like?could also be suspended. Even if nor- mal commercial trade with Russia were con- tinued, an immediate review could be an- nounced of the Western strategic goods em- bargo policy, which has been getting steadily more liberal in interpretation during recent years. - Finally, if the West really wanted to try its own hand at moral blackmail for a change, it could threaten to review also its entire disarmament strategy at Geneva, thus facing the Kremlin with at least the possi- bility that it may have to resume the ruinous arms race if it cannot behave as the civilised power it purports to be. These are, all of them, governmental ac- tions which fall short of a total severance of either diplomatic or economic relations. (Cultural, professional and sports boycotts are more complicated matters which are per- haps best left to the individual and private bodies concerned to determine.) Such meas- ures could never, by themselves, shift the Russian troops out of Prague. But, by prick- ing a sensitive Russian skin, by encouraging such doves as exist in the Kremlin to go on cooing and by applauding the mass of the pro-Dubcek patriots in their firm stand, they could have some indirect effect on the polit- ical battle in Prague itself. The outcome of this battle, as President Svobodas enigmatic journey to Moscow shows, is still completely open, even in this initial stage. And whatever compromise is agreed or imposed to reconcile Czech defiance with Soviet embarrassment, the political struggle in Prague will then only enter an- other and equally indecisive stage, still so finely balanced that the slightest weight on the right side of the scales could be impor- tant. In a situation of this unprecedented fragility, gestures become deeds, and even hot air has substance. Above all, let us not be distracted from embarking on such a calculated tactical switch in policy by lamentations, either from bureaucrats or politicians, that it would "de- stroy the detente. That much-abused word is acquiring an altogether unwholesome and unnatural sanctity of its own. It is not a banner which, once laid aside, can never be picked up again. It is a diplomatic yo-yo. which the Russians have been pulling up and down entirely as it suits them for years. Let the West now yank it sharply up on a short string for a few months. We might help our- selves, as well as the Czechs, in the process. [From the London, England, Daily Telegraph, Aug. 23, 1968] TRAGEDY AND COMEDY Russia's hopes of a quick, clean and rela- tively "comradely" take-over in Czechoslo- vakia, so that the whole affair might goon be forgotten and relations with the outside world return to normal, have gone awry. Politically and administratively the operation was as bungled as militarily it was efficient? although with such superiority this hardly merits a campaign medal. Never, in the whole history of Russian coups, has it taken SO ? ? proved Fcpaalme20,05/08/,03 ? CIA-RDP701390338R000300190059-1 SION AL RECORD ? SENATE many troops so long to produce so few stooges of such low calibre. For many hours Czechoslovakia's real leaders were able to denounce the aggression, while the ingenious and courageous Czech radio and television men were able to get the full grim story out to the world. Even Czechoslovakia's man at the United Nations had not been suborned or de-credentialised in time to prevent him from appearing as a star witness for the prose- cution. One reason for most of this must have been the Kremlin's persistent and gross over- estimation of the strength of its supporters in Czechoslovakia, combined with a cynical view of satellite Communist politicians. They thought that, with such irresistible force at their command, and with such patronage within their gift, a presentable array of Stalinists and quislings could be mustered before you could say K.G.B. In addition, by giving the Czech Assembly and Praesidium some apparent freedom of action to appoint a new regime, the Russians would have gained at least some sort of case to present to outside Communist parties and world pub- lic opinion. Evidently there are doves in the Kremlin who are much more concerned about public relations than their predeces- sors were, or than the ascendant hawks are now. All in vain. The velvet gloves had to be replaced, if not yet by steel gauntlets, yet by serviceable leather mitts. Mr. Dubcek and his colleagues were bundled off to prison in more familiar style. The National Assembly delegation invited to the Russian Embassy duly disappeared from ken?like Hungarian, Polish and other political guests on previous occasions. The number of Czech civilians killed by Russian troops is growing. Some deaths were the result of desperate acts of heroism. Many were inflicted for mere pas- sive resistance or even demonstrations of the type without which no weekend in most Western capitals is complete, but which in this sterner context were acts of great cour- age. The future is obscure and dangerous. The restraint evidently enjoined upon Russian troops is wearing thin. Strikes are spread- ing?giving the lie to the Russians' claim that they came at the call of the workers. The Czech Army Command has put out a strict order not to co-operate with the Rus- sians. The pathetic team of Judases which the Russians, after 36 embarrassing hours, at last got together is hardly more than a laughing stock. In all these circumstances, it should not have been necessary for Mr. Stewart to say that Britain will not recog- nise a puppet regime. Yet with memories so short, and thinking so wishful, it is good that he said it so forthrightly. The British Ambassador should be withdrawn for a start. Another of Mr. Stewart's forceful plati- tudes should reverberate like a clarion. "No country within reach can feel entirely safe." The independent-minded Mr. Ceausescu had already got the message and has called out Rumania's Home Guard. If it indeed be true that NATO took no special precautions, then it took a chance in assuming that the War- saw Pact array had no relevance to a possible grab at Berlin. We have clear notice now that the Red Army and the "hawks" call the tune in Moscow now. Mr. Stewart, dangerously late in the day, recognises the need for mili- tary preparedness. In addition, the West must not, by glossing over this unpardon- able aggression, enable the Kremlin hard- liners to confound the moderates by saying? like Hitler before them: "You'll see: we al- ways got away with it in the past, and the democracies soon came round." [From the Edinburgh and Glasgow, Scot- land, Scottish Daily Mail, Aug. 23, 19681 WHO ARE THE PUPPETS? It is not only dirty work. It is botched work. The rape of Czechoslovakia bears all S 10253 the marks of panic and division in the Kremlin. Russia had not even strung together her puppets before invading. The quislings have had to be herded into the limelight in the wake of the Soviet tanks. At the UN Mr. George Ball, the U.S. Am- bassador, challenged the Russian envoy, Jacob Malik, to name 'the party and Gov- ernment leaders' who had asked the Rus- sians for help. Malik could not reply, be- cause Moscow had no answer. Who are these pitiful quislings?Kolder, Indra, Bilak? A handful of party hacks, left- overs from the Novotny era, uneducated re- placements who know little and care less. DEPOSED What do they count for against the entire Czech Government, the loyalty of the Czech Communist Party Congress yesterday, and the cheers for Dubcek in the streets? The desperate search for Czech puppets betrays deep panic. The Russians' real pup- pet was Novotny. And if force was to be used, they might have duped a few gullible oafs by coming to his aid before he was deposed. By allowing Dubcek six months to build support, the Russians have ensured a last- ing Czech resistance. By withdrawing the Red Army and then sending it in ,again, they have added the brutality of invasion to the misery of occupation. Why did they let the Russian Symphony Orchestra play music at the London Proms by the beloved Czech composer Dvorak? Why did they name their occupation Radio Vltava, after the river which runs through Prague and which provided the title for part of Smetana's famous hymn to Czech pa- triotism? DEFAMED It all shows a hamflsted insensivity which must signal a long and bitter tug-of-war be- tween the hawks and the doves in Moscow. The hawks have won for the moment. If they are not to have their way in the fu- ture, they must be taught a firm but careful lesson. That does not mean stepping up the arms race or shouting superfluous insults. But why should we go on trading with the Russians when we buy twice as much as we sell? Why shoulyi they be allowed to show their wares at trade fairs in Britain when elsewhere they are showing only their bru- tality? It seems there is sadly little hope of a lasting East-West detent under the present Russian leadership. Should we not use what leverage we have to influence a change in those leaders? [From the London, England, International Herald Tribune, Aug. 24-25, 1968] COMMUNISTS AND PRAGUE Grimness settled over Prague Thursday as the Soviet conquerors sought to consolidate their grip on Czechoslovakia and began fill- ing the prisons with patriotic intellectuals and other liberals opposed to Moscow's tyr- anny. The resistance of the great majority of Czechs and Slovaks continued unbroken, spiritually sustained both by the great wave of national indignation and by the leader- ship provided by the courageous operators of clandestine radio stations. It became clear, too, Thursday that the conservative figures in the Czechoslovak Communist party leadership had played the role of Quislings in welcoming the invaders, but the political weakness of these turncoats was attested by the inability of the Soviet occupiers to name a new Prague "govern- ment" that might command even reluctant popular assent. Ag fears grew for the safety of Alexander Dubcek and his imprisoned colleagues, the moral bankruptcy of Moscow's policy was re- flected in such acts as the Kremlin decision to resume jamming of Voice of America and other foreign broadcasts whose unhindered Approved For Release 2005/08/03 : CIA-RDP70600338R000300190059-1 Approved For Release 2005/08/03: CIA-RDP70B00338R000300190,059-1 S 10254 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE eptem14er .4; 1968 reception had been permitted since well be- fore Shruelichev's ouster, Until their tanks and troop carriers rumbled into Prague, the Soviet rulers felt their case to their own peo- ple was strong enough to meet the competi- tion provided by Western broadcasts; now they implicitly acknowledge it Is too weak to withstand contradiction over the air waves. Western criticism, of course, can always be dismissed as "Imperialist propaganda," as Ambassador Malik has been proving at tire- some length at the United Nations. But the Irrefutable judgment, even by Moscow's standards, is the denunciation of the Soviet assault by Communist states and Communist parties. The largest public demonstrations protesting against the seizure of Czechoslo- vakia, for example, have been the gatherings of tens of thousands of protesters in Bucha- rest and Belgrade and in Prague itself. Presi- dent Ceausescu of Romania has called the Soviet invasion "a grave danger to peace in Europe, to the fate of socialism in the world." Yugoslavia's Communist leaders have labeled that same violation of International law "R. significant, historical point of rupture" among Socialist countries. Throughout Western Europe, Communist parties and leaders have condemned the Soviet action. The reality, in short, is that no act of the Soviet government?not even the subjuga- tion of Hungary?has ever been condemned with such near-unanimity on both irides of the Iron Curtain as this week's unprovoked, brutal violation of small, defenseless Czech- oslovakia. The Soviet leaders who made the 111-starred decision to take this move have only themselves to blame if much of the world today compares this week's crimes against Czechoslovakia with earlier misdeeds of Hitler and Stalin. Already the Soviet Union has paid a heavy price in prestige and world respect for this blunder. But there Is still time to cut those losses by evacuating Czechoslovakia promptly and permitting the people and the duly elected leaders of that country to decide their own fate.?The New York Times. [From the London, England, Sunday Times, Aug. 25, 19681 THE REALPOLITIR OP PRAGUE (By Frank Glles) Comparisons between what happened in Czechoslovakia last week and what happened In 1948 are only superficially valid. The Prague coup of twenty years ago, which set the alarm bells ringing all over the free world and led directly to the creation of NATO, was unquestionably a Communist. So- viet-backed conspiracy; but at least they were Czechoslovak Communists who carried it out. The true comparison this time is with March, 1939, when the hapless Prime Min- ister Bache was summoned to Berchtesgaden and told, In effect, that henceforth his coun- try was to be a German protectorate. That is what the Ruasians are trying to do to Czechoslovakia. They do not appear to be succeeding. The measure of their failure Is dramatically reflected in last night's reports of a new summit meeting in Moscow. But whatever happens, the events of last week present a tragic and disgusting spectacle, which has rightly drawn down upon them the opprobrium of much of the world, non- Communist and Communist alike. Obviously, the men in the Kremlin weighed up the ad- vantages and disadvantages of their decision. That they decided as they did, knowing that they would split the Communist world in half and dim all hopes for an East-West detente, anyway for a long time to come, is a highly significant comment upon conditions within the Soviet Union itself and in its rigidly faithful satellites. The almost over- whelming drawbacks to what has been done were evidently considered preferable to let- ting Czechoslovak "deviatlonism" take hold and spread to Ulbricht's Germany, Gomulka's Poland and, above all, to Brezhnev's Russia. Whole volumes of Kreminology and its allied sciences could not possibly convey a more telling message than this. What the effect of the rape of Czecho- slovakia will be upon international relations In general Is a good deal less clear. Indigna- tion and revulsion at what has happened lead naturally on to the thought that we are back once more in the worst days of the cold war, with the Soviet menace in Europe again at its height and comunicatIon be- tween East and West reduced to a frosty min- imum. But this is not In fact necessarily true. I am in no way seeking to justify or excuse Soviet conduct in Czechoslovakia when I say that despite Its enormity it has not moved the post-war balance of power by one centimetre. The Russians, In a crude and intolerable way, are trying to trample on men and Ideas and human rights. But they are trampling in their own backyard In a man- ner comparable In kind, though not of course in degree, with the American armed inter- vention in the Dominician Republic in 1965. The motive then was to forestall Commu- nism, just as It Is the Soviet motive in Czechoslovakia today to preserve it. In a perfect world, the protagonists of na- tional independence, whether they be Brit- lab or Jugoslav or American, would rush to the aid of the beleaguered Czechs in their hour of trial. Nothing in fact is less likely. It is not even sure whether the Czecho- slovaks would welcome such succour. They seem on present showing admirably able to stand up for themselves. Nor will the United Nations be able to do anything, except ex- press varying degrees of Indignation. This may be useful, but not nearly as effective, In the context, as the indignation within the Soviet backyard Itself. The plain facts, however disagreeable, are that the division of Europe and large parts of the world Into two blocs, a division that In essence dates back to Yalta, is still the ruling system, which the events of Czecho- slovakia, far from upsetting have tended to confirm. This, however, is the language of real- politik, which may influence statesmen but cannot control the movements of men's hearts and minds. Even 11 it could be shown that the Russians are content, as they have been in the past, to stay in their own back- yard, a huge wave of mistrust of their mo- tives and intentions is likely?and with reasons?to sweep the Western world. The victim, at least in the short term, will be the detente which successive Western lead- ers, from Winston Churchill to Lyndon Johnson, have sought as the highest prize for statesmanship. Who can now seriously contemplate that lofty vision of General de Gaulle's of a Eu- rope "from the Atlantic to the Urals"? What man will be listened to who argues that the Soviet threat In Europe is still minimal and that Western troop reductions can there- fore be safely envisaged? How can the en- couraging growth of cultural and scientific exchanges with the Soviet Union hope to be sustained? Some of these reactions will be exag- gerated but they will be nonetheless real. What the Russians have done is to make the life of a dove, whether in Washington, London. Paris or Bonn, increasingly diffIcut. Conversely, the hawks, secure in the thought that they have been proved right in their suspicion of every Russian move, will be on the wing. In the Middle East. Soviet support for the Arab cause and the Russian build-up In the Mediterranean will appear even more dis- turbing than previously; an Arab-Israeli set- tlement, never much more than a plow hope, becomes even more Illusory. In Asia, even if there is no obvious connection be- tween the events in Czechoslovakia and the quest for peace in Vietnam, that quest must become, where American public opinion is concerned, more difficult. In Europe, the rea- sonable expectation that the two Ger- manys might learn, if not to accept each other, at least to live and trade together, now needs the unthinking optimism of a Gout. If in the Western world the hawks have been given a golden opportunity to preen their feathers, the Soviet decision to inter- vene in Czechoslovakia must also have had the same effect in the Kremlin. Last week, the Soviet hawks carried the day. This week, depending upon what emerges from the Mos- cow Summit meeting, they might well be seer, in humiliating retreat, driven back by Czeehoslovak fortitude. This would scarcely sweeten the .r tempers. Whatever happens, the prospect; for expanding co-existence be- tween East and West will have been dark- ened. The gloom of this forecast may yet be belied by events. If it is not, than 'no war, no pears"?Trotsky's formula?seems to be about the maximum degree of consolation which can he got out of the present situa- tion. Yet the prevailing twilight, in which the heroic tragedy of the Czech people flick- ers bravely, must not be allowed to obscure totally the prospects for East-West d?nte. Two facts stand out: nothing that has hap- pened has upset the balance of power; sec- ondly, the spirit of independence and free- dom of which the Czechoslovak episode is an outstanding example can only flourish in the long run in an atmosphere of detente. At the peesent emotienal moment it is easy and natural?as no doubt tomorrow's debate in the House of Commons will show? to demand a breaking-off of trade and con- tacts with the Soviet Union and its slaves. But apart from affording a moral thrill, the practical effect of such a step would be mini- mal, where et is not actually negative. Sena- tor Eugene McCarthy's dismissal of the Czechoslovaa drama as not a "major world eriels"?"an invasion of France would be a serous matter"?may be a little too cool for the present state of feeling, although there is hard realesm in what he said. I prefer Mr. George Brown's thoughtful and constructive approach in a speech at the Socialist Inter- national last week, when he urged that, in spite of events, the search for d?nte must go on. Looking at the gruesome television pic- tures of what has been happening in Prague and Bratislava in the last few days, it is all toe easy to think that the ghost of Stalin walks again. In fact, this cannot be. The defection of Western Communist parties, the ris-ng tide of national independence in East- ern Europe, and the resistance of the Czecho- slovaks, are events which speak for them- selves and cannot be unsaid. Whether or not the Communist leaders gather in Moscow, the right course for the outside powers is to remain co& and patient, and mindful that the men in the Kremlin may last week have made a truly historic mistake. [From the London, England, Sunday Times, Aug. 25, 1e681 EPIC BLUNDER? Is Czechoslovakia the Russians' Bay of Pigs? If Mr. Dubcek does return, It will cer- tainly look like it. What we have seen this week is an epic miscalculation. The Krem- lir 's military plan went smoothly enough. But the political plan is in ruins. The Czechs have not submitted; puppets have net been ersily found; the party has not de- serted its Imprisoned leaders; the resistance has not been silenced. Not a sir gle voice, in fact, has been heard to support the invasion. Every one of the half-million troops now said to be in occupation would clearly be needed if the Russians were to achieve their original objective of extinguishing Dubcek- Approved For Release 2005/08/03 : CIA-RDP70B00338R000300190059-1 Approved For Release 2005/08/03 : CIA-RDP70600338R000300190059-1 Septeiabe, 1968 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE S 10255 ism. It is now fairly clear that that objective may have to be modified. This to a quite astonishing situation. Oisly six months ago Czeohaslovakia was an ap- parently fixed part of the Soviet empire. It has been under Moscow's heel for twenty years. Many of its people have had only the most fragmentary experience of freedom. The only habit they had the chance to acquire was that of bored obedience. Their lives were joyless and bound by very small hopes. Now, almost universally, they have shaken off the worst shackles of the past. For such people, at all their social and intellectual levels, to achieve this in so short a time is beyond the common range of Imagination. It is evidence enough that the existence of the Dui:leek regime, brief as it was, will prove to be a more durable political phenomenon with wider consequences, than the act of its attempted destruction. ? Whatever the outcome of President Svo- boda's teaks in Moscow, this needs to be as- serted. No language Is too rich to be applied to the barbarity which Soviet fear and So- viet trickery have now visited upon Europe. No one can contemplate the familiar ap- paratus of the Soviet secret police without anger and sympathy on the Czechs' behalf. But this should not go so far as to credit the Russians With a triumph. In the short term the job was bungled. At best it will be seen to have landed its perpetrators with an un- manageable problem. Just how unmanage- able was revealed by last night's reports of a Communist summit meeting in Moscow. The, Communist family's affairs are badly awry, and a family council has apparently become urgent. ? It follows from this that Western protest remains exceedingly relevant. People as well as Governments can give the Czechs priceless encouragement. They are still capable of re- ceiving it, and the Russians are still capable of being embarrassed by it. But it must, of course, be based on the right premise. To welcome Prague as a friend of the West is to play exactly the game of the Russians. If Mr. Dubeek's Czechoslovakia is to be la- mented, it must be as a steadfastly Commu- nist State. That is the whole point of his achievement. It is also the essence of the case against the Kremlin. The Czech experi- ment, with its relevance for Western as well as Eastern societies, Is a way of extending and modernizing the Communist system. Moreover it strengthened the possibility of :European co-existence. , But much more than protest has been recommended to Western Governments and their citizens. Various courses are being can- vassed. One Is an immediate increase in armies and armaments in Europe. Another is an expansion of the British nuclear arsenal. Yet another is an embargo on all economic and cultural contacts with Moscow. Another Is the election of. Mr. Richard Nixon as the next American President. . All these are based more or less on the essmuption that the Cold War has reopened will, all its rigour, and that confrontation has replaced co-existence. But those are as- sumptions which it is a little early to start acting cm. It is not the brutal outrage of this Soviet action which should he decisive in Western counsels so much as any evi- dence that the Kremlin intends to alter the strategic balance between East and West. This is discussed in an adjoining column. In that relationship all that has so far changed is the climate. Until more becomes clear, it would . be unnatural to receive even the ? matchless )3olshol ballet with the cuetomary feelings of friendship. But it would be un- reasonable to Instantly reverse policies which recognise that, in the nuclear age, there is no alternative to co-existence. For if the his- tory of the Dubeek regime suggests one truth above others, it is that the monolith of Eastern Europe Is more likely to be frage merited by inner breakdown than by a rever- sion to Implacable hostility in the West. (Front the London, England, Sunday Tele- gram, Aug. 25, 19081 AN EMPIRE BREAKING UR (By Tibor Szamuely) "Communism has now revealed Its true face." This phrase has often been repeated in the past few days, but it is very wide of the mark. - ? The Russian rape of Czechoslovakia has re- vealed nothing whatever about the nature or the methods of the Communist system? nothing that had not been, known for a great many years. Or, rather, that had not. been known to those who wished to be in- formed of the facts and to understand the nature of the Communist phenomenon. For the truth is that the Russian invasion of Czechoslovakia, with all its brutality, treachery, cynicism, and complete disregard for public opinion, fits perfectly Into the long line of acts of vicious imperialist ag- gression carried out by the Soviet Govern- ment over the past half-century: the inva- sion of Georgia in 1922, the partition of Poland and the attack upon Finland in 1939: the annexation of the Baltic States in 1940, the forcible Communisation of Eastern Europe in 1944-48, the intervention in Hun- gary in 1960. Nor is thin a tradition which began with the "Socialist" revolution of 1917: like Rus- sian imperialism itelf, it goes back much further in time; to the invasion of Hungary in 1849 and the bloody suppresion of the Polish revolutions of 1830 and 1863, and even further. In those days Russia was known as the "Gendarme of Europo"?an object of fear and abhorrence . for every progressive and democratic person in the world. Today her Government calls itself "Communist"; it has murdered millions, both within and with- out its borders?but solely because 50 years ago it nationalised the means of produetion, it has been regarded as a .beacon of en- lightenment by our present-day perverters of the progressive ideal. Yet the Gendarme of Europe is what Sov- iet Russia has remained throughout her history. Her oppression, her barbarism, her cruelty have never been modified or changed. Of late, however, a new factor has ap- peared, which is influencing Soviet policy to an ever tighter degree; not liberalisation or "bridgebuiding"?theso are strictly for gul- lible foreigners?but the obvious moral, poli- tical and economic bankruptcy of the Com- munist system. No more talk of competing with the West, of proving the superiority of Communism by peaceful means: brute force and suppression are the order of the day. Faced with disaffection, resistance and rebel- lion, the Soviet leaders have proved to be weak and frightened men. And weakness and fright make bad counsellors. Herein lies the explanation for the meet mishandled act of aggression in Soviet his- tory. Panic-stricken by the agonising choice between letting Czechoslovakia go democratic and crushing an "allied" Communist Gov- ernment by force, the men in the Kremlin did what came naturally: they sent the tanks in. It seems to be 1966 all over again. But is it? The parrallei with the Hungarian tragedy springs instantly to mind, Certainly the ruth- less and deceitful methods employed by the Russians are identical in both cases, down to the smallest detail. One often reads that every criminal band has its own particular methods, which rarely vary and thus help the police' to recognise them and track them down. The Kremlin gangsters, too, have their own hallmaak, and it is indelibly stamped upon the Czechoslovak operation. But apart from the self-same mark of the beast, the Soviets' 1968 crime is different from that of 1'76 in almost every aspect: in its preliminaries, Its circumstances, its ex- ecution, and, most probably, its outcome. These differences, which have already resulted in an unprecedented political fleet? for the U.S.S.R., give reason to believe that the effects of Prague will, be far more profound and lasting?very possibly even catastrophic in the long run for the Soviet empire and its rulers, To begin with, never before have the BUG-- Mans exhibited the present total inability to offer some coherent explanation of their ac- tion that might impress anyone above the mental level of an imbecile child. In Hun- gary's case?although, of course, there can be no question of patification for the Rus- sian action?the Soviets were able, by skit' fully blending selected facts, falsehoods and half-truths, to present a case that was at least acceptable to many of their subjects, to the international Communist movement, and even to certain sections of Western Left- ist opinion. In Hungary, on the face of it, there had been an armed uprising against the legal Government; tife rebels had overthrown Communist rule and installed a. multi-party coalition; some Communists (mainly secret policemen) had been lynched; the party, the Government and the armed forces had dis- integrated, and law and order could be pre- sented as having completely broken down. Other factors, too, were adroitly manipu- lated by Soviet propaganda: Hungary had had a Right-wing, "Facist" regime between the wars and had been an ally of Hitler's--this made the version of a "Fascist takeover" sound somewhat less implausible to Leftist ears; Hungary had been legally occupied by the Soviet forces for the preceding 12 years; the coincidence of Suez distracted much of world attention front Eastern Europe; in- judicious actions like the overheated tone of some Radio Free Europe broadcasts offered additional excuses to grateful Soviet propa- gandists. It is easy to scoff at such a tortuous apologia; to the ordinary normal Western mind an unprovoked attack by a Groat Power against a email nation Is an act of aggres- sion which nothing can explain away. But this is to discount the vital importance for a doctrinaire ideological movement of a sys- tematic, factual and theoretical explanation of its actions for the edification and spiritual uplift of its followers. This time the machine that had run so smoothly for 50 years has broken down, No Communist, whether Russian or Czech or any other, no fellow-traveller, however deeply brainwashed, Can accept the pathetic mouth- Inge of Agitprop about violations of "demo- cratic centralism" Or insults to good Czecho- slovak comrades as justification for invasion, rapine and murder. The Kremlin gangsters stand naked in their infamy before the con- temptuou.s and hate-filled gazes of their sub- jects and their hangers-on. The Russian oligarchs acted in blind panic?and landed themselves in disaster. From the beginning everything has gone wrong (the transportation of the troops and their Weapons overa few dozen miles without any resistance can hardly be chalked up as a success). The methods are those of 1956?the results are totally different. In 1950 the invasion began with the an- nouncement that Janoe Nader had formed a new GoVernroont which had called on the U.S.S.R. for help in the restoration of order. In 19438 the names of the mysterious "Czechoslovak leaders" who had invited the Russians have still not been unveiled, days after the invasion. Unlike Hungary, where the whole party apparatus, most of the Cen- tral Committee, the Government -and. the National Assembly welcomed the Russians as their saviours from the people's wrath, in Czechoslovakia ? no one supports the in- vaders?not oven the People's Militia, upon which the Russians had pinned so many hopes. Obviously, the Russians are looking for a Czechoslovak. Kadar: a loyal servant un- tainted by association With the Stalinist past. They will find' it hard to locate one--- Approved For Release 2005/08/03 : CIA-RDP70600338R000300190059-1 S 10256 Approved For %MAN& MpirgOBOR8RE03001900.59-1 ,September? 4, 1968 and, even if they do, their problems will hardly be solved. In Hungary at the time of the intervention no Communist party existed; it had been dissolved, and Kadar was able to create his own party from scratch, with no rival political organisation In the way. But in Czechoslovakia the party exists and functions. It possesses properly elected bodies, and has Just held a legally con- stituted congress. The party is loyal to Du- 'Jacek. Unlike Imre Nagy, who had no time to establish himself, Dubcek is the acknowl- edged and immensely popular leader of his nation?and Dubcek has been abducted by the professional Kremlin kidnappers. The local party bodies, the Government officers, the armed forces, the diplomatic service, the U.N. delegation: all remain stead- fast in their loyalty. How unlike Hungary? and what a shock to the Russians. Intervention has blown up in the Rus- sians' faces. Whereas in 1958 the interna- tional Communist movement faithfully closed ranks behind the Soviets, today every single Communist party?with the signifi- cant exception of North Vietnam?has bitterly condemned their action. And Rumania has split the Warsaw Pact itself wide open. What can the Russians hope for at this calamitous Juncture? Clearly their forces are sufficient to hold Czechoslovakia dowill in- definitely. Equally clearly, sooner or later some Quislings will emerge. But without the active collaboration of the Communist party and the central and local state administra- tion. those will be unable to function. At the moment the chances of such collaboration appear remote, to say the least. Nor will the Czechs?traditional, age-old friends of the Russian people?ever be able to forget August 21, 1966. So. barring a miracle?such as the Rus- aians' recognising their moral defeat and withdrawing, as the British and French did after Suez?Czechoslovakia seems destined to remain under direct, if slightly camou- flaged Russian military government. This would mean an unparalleled and probably irreparable disaster for the Communist sys- tem and the Soviet empire. The Communist regimes in Poland and Hungary?particularly the latter?are too fragile and unpopular to be able to with- stand for long the shock of the Czechoslovak imbroglio and the shame of participation in this vile and perfidious act. Colonial sub- jecte who hate their master are not good at policing other colonies on his behalf. The bankruptcy of Communism In Eastern Eu- rope is now Irredeemable. It is within Russia herself that the full weight of this week's catastrophe will be felt most acutely. I know from personal experi- ence how deep was the sense of outrage among progressive Russians in 1956. In re- cent months, as we have learned from docu- ments like the memoranda of the famous nuclear physicist. Academician Sakharov, democratisation in Czechoslovakia offered a flicker of hope to millions of thinking men and women in Russia. Today that flicker has been snuffed out by their own despised ruling clique in an act of cynical brutality unworthy even of Hitler, without a shred of justification. The outside world has no idea of the ex- tent and the depth of disillusionment among the citizens of Russia. For many of them Czechoslovakia will be the final straw. After 50 years of existence Communism has no argument left to uphold its legitimacy; only guns and tanks. Czechoslovakia has shown that this is not enough: 1958 undermined the Communist world system-1988 has dealt it a blow from which It can never recover. Communist colonial rule over half Europe is beginning to break up. Mr. BYRD of West Virginia. Mr. Pres- ident, I suggest the absence of a quorum. The PRESIDING 01, .1.CER. The clerk will call the roll. The assistant legislative clerk pro- ceeded to call the roll. Mr. BYRD of West Virginia. Mr. Pres- ident, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded. The PRESIDING Olor'ICER (Mr. Yon-No of Ohio in the chair) . Without ob- jection, it is so ordered. THE CASE OF MRS. SYLVESTER, SMITH Mr. BYRD of West Virginia. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the RECORD an article en- titled "The Case of Mrs. Sylvester Smith," written by Walter Goodman, and published in the New York Times maga- zine of .7.ugust 25, 1988. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: A VICTORY FOR 400,000 CHILDREN THE CASE OF MRS. SYLVESTER SMITH (By Walter Goodman) SELMA, ALA.?Iv October, 1966, Mrs. Syl- vester Smith, once-widowed, once-deserted, 34 years old and black, was notified by the Department of Pensions( and Security of Dal- las County, Ala., that It was cutting off pay- ments to her family under the Aid to De- pendent Children program. This meant a loss of about $29 a month, more than a quarter of the Smith household income. It also sig- naled the beginning of a momentous test, resolved by the United States Supreme Court several weeks ago, of a state's power to de- prive children of aid to which they are en- titled by a Federal welfare program. At a time when bureaucracy's entire ap- proach to the poor was coming under radical scrutiny, the Court delivered a blow to state authorities, Northern as well as Southern, who have been withholding Federal dollars from residents because of race, sexual activ- ity or other matters irrelevant to their need. The Smith decision, beneficently affecting more than 21,000 children in Alabama and perhaps as many as 400.000 throughout the country, was the first handed down by the high court in a dispute over public welfare; it will assuredly not be the last. Like Linda Brown, the schoolgirl from Topeka who won the 1954 school-integration decision, and Clarence Earl Gideon, the Florida convict Whose right to an attorney was upheld in 1963, Mrs. Sylvester Smith has set in motion a dramatic change in American society. In first giving aid to Mrs. Smith and then taking it away. Alabama was acting as an agent of the Federal Government, which set up the A.D.C. program under the Social Se- curity Act. Last year, Washington contrib- uted more than half of the $2.3-billion paid to same 4.2 million children around the country. In rich states such as New York the Federal share drops; In poor states such as Alabama it rises. Family payments vary ac- cording to need and number of children; in Alabama they average around $15 a child each month--about half the established level of "need." Designed to help children who have been deprived of a parent by death, incapacity or simply by "continued absence from the home," A.D.C. has for years been under at- tack from those who see it as an inducement to immoral behavior, especially among Ne grass. "By taxing the good people to pay for these programs." said the esteemed Governor Orval Faubus of Arkansas in 1959, "we are putting a premium on illegitimacy never be- fore known in the world." Mrs. Smith's chil- dren met all the original requirements for aid, but they did not qualify under one regu- lation that Alabama, along with most other eta-;es of the Old Confederacy and a number in the Norta,? had added. The 3mith chil- dren were ruled ineligible because their mother was thought to be maintaining a continuing sexual relationship with a "sub- stitute father"?who, presumably, was ex- pected to help support the chilcsen. Mrs. Smith first applied for A.D.C. In March, 1956, a few months after her husband was killed "In a fight over a woman." She was 23 years old and was left with three chil- dre 1?Ida Elizabeth, 3; Ernestine, 2, and Willie Lewis 8 months. Aid was granted. In January 1957, she had her fourth child, Wil- lie' James, the son of one Lois Pullen -Willie James was added to the A.D.C. laits in June, 1963, after Fuller left town, presumably for New York. The Smith family received about $87 a month until March, 1966 when Ida ElLzabeth, 13 years old ar d unmsrried, bore a daughter of her own and was scratched from the budget. That summer Mrs. Snarls moved with her daughters and baby granddaughter from the country town of Tyler up to Selma, where she had found a Job as a cook and waitress in a Negro cafe-9:30 A.M. to noon for $16 a week, later raised to $20. (The ADZ. payments droaped in recognition of this bounty, as the/ had when she did some picking and hoe- ing in the cotton fields near Tyler.) Her two sons stayed 'as the country with their grand- parents,- Joining the family in Selma on weekends. Today all six Smiths are together again in half of a weather-beaten cabin at the end of a dirt road in one 01 the Negro quarters of Selma. There is a neat sitting room in wirach three people can watch TV with only a little crowding; a bedroom al- most completely filled by two beds! a rudi- mentary kitchen, and a tiny space which Mrs. Smith hopes some day to turn Into a bathroom. For the present the family is served by a backyard privy. Rent is $20 a month. The monthly gas bill comes to around $15 in the winter. Among the other regular expenses are $5 a month for sickness and accident insurance, $2 for lire insurance and 60 cents for a burial so- cleta. Mrs. Smith has no savings, and after her court case began she found it hard to get credit. "It's that suit you brought against the welfare people." a salesman told her. Oae result of the move to Selma in 1966 was that the Smiths were assigned to a new caseworker, s. matronly young woman named Mrs. Jacquelyn Stencil a hose record bears Out the impression she gives of going about her duties in an orderly way. After reviewing the Smith dossier and noting mention there- in of one William E. Williams, Mrs. Stencil quentioned a third party and was told that Mrs Smith was receiving weekend visits from Williams, who still lived in Tyler, 45 miles south of Selma. "When I asked who told," recalls Mrs. Smith, "she said, 'It was a little bird.' I'd like to meet that little bird." Mrs. Smith's caseworker during her years In tae country had evidently been content to overlook the visits of Willie Williams; Mrs. Stencil was more fastidious. In September, 196e, Mrs. Sasuldl notified Mrs. Smith that her aid would be stopped if Williams kept coming around?that, after all, was the rule. Where Mrs. Stencil speaks with piacticed re- serve. Mrs. Smith tends to let herself go. Where Mrs. Stencil's professional manner ap- proaches stolidness, Mrs. Smith is restless; some plump part of her seems always to be on the move. She grins a lot, a biz grin that shows off her bad teeth. Mrs. Stand il keeps ? Some form of the subatitute-rather rule was instituted in Alabama. Arkansas, Arizona, Connecticut, the District of Columbia, Indi- ana, Louisiana, Maine. Michigan, Mississippi, Missouri, New Hampshire. New Mesico, North and South Carolina, Okh homa, Tennessee, Texas, Vermont and Virginia. Approved For Release 2005/08/03 : CIA-RDP70600338R000300190059-1