THE SOVIET UNION AND CZECHOSLOVAKIA

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP70B00338R000300190072-6
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 10
• Document Creation Date: December 16, 2016
• Document Release Date: July 25, 2005
• Sequence Number: 72
• Publication Date: July 25, 1968
• Content Type: OPEN

July 25, 1968
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - Extensions of Remarks
EXTENSIONS OF REMARKS
PUERTO RICAN CONSTITUTION DAY,
1968
HON. JAMES J. HOWARD.
OF NEW JERSEY
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, July 25, 1968
Mr. HOWARD. Mr. Speaker, 16 years
ago today-July 25-Luis Mufioz Marin,
one of. the greatest statesmen ever de-
veloped under the American flag, pro-
claimed the coming of age of a people
who had pulled themselves up to a dig-
nity hitherto unattained anywhere in the
Caribbean. They already had taken giant
strides in transforming their island from
"a stricken land" into a showcase for un-
derdeveloped nations. Now, with Munoz'
proclamation- of the birth of the Com-
monwealth of Puerto Rico, or, as our
Latin cousins proudly call it, the "Asso-
ciated Free State," Puerto Rico assumed
a status unique in the history of Ameri-
can territorial government.
Under the new constitution, which
went into effect on July 25, 1952, Puerto
Rico became as autonomous in local
affairs as any State on the mainland.
And although the island still was not in-
corporated into the Union, its people en-
joyed privileges never accorded the in-
corporated Territories of Alaska and
Hawaii: they continued to have the right,
first granted them by the Congress of
the United States in 1947, to elect their
own Governor; and they were still ex-
empt from paying Federal income taxes.
At the same time, they continued, cheer-
fully, to bear the responsibilities of their
U.S. citizenship, first acquired in 1917.
Sixty thousand Puerto Ricans, of whom
54,000 were volunteers, served in the
American Armed Forces during tl;xe
Korean conflict.
Patriotism, of course, has not been
exclusive with the island's soldier sons,
the Puerto Ricans as a people consist-
ently have demonstrated a deep and
abiding pride in their Americanism. I
have been impressed by reports of
visitors to the island that Puerto
Rican - taxi . drivers-who, like their
counterparts in the States, are omni-
scient-would be willing, almost to a
man, to sacrifice the economic advan-
tages that accrue from Commonwealth
status if only they could be accorded the
simple, and final, glory that statehood
would endow.
Most qualified observers, however,
hesistate to advocate any immediate
change in the present system of govern-
ment. Puerto Rico enjoys a prosperity, in
terms of per capita income, that is un-
precedented in Latin America, and boasts
a gross "national" product that is
matched in annual growth by only half
a dozen other areas in the entire world.
In 1967 the gross product increased by
11.2 percent over the figure for the pre-
ceding year. The rising purchasing power
of the Puerto Rican people is reflected
in the fact that the island constitutes the
fifth largest market of the United States.
The continuing economic boom, how-
ever, is.based in no small measure upon
tax exemptions granted by the Common-
wealth to mainland industrial firms
establishing plants in Puerto Rico, and
upon the absence of all Federal income
taxes upon both individuals and cor-
porations. Statehood, of course, would
eliminate such aids- and incentives; and
whether the island's economy could sus-
tain such a loss, either now or in the near
future, is highly questionable.
But whatever ?the future holds for
Puerto Rico, its people have evinced,
continually, an enviable reverence for the
flag of the United States, regardless of
the number of stars carried in its blue
of Puerto Rico a special salute a>-1ve
join in the celebration of an even pique
OF IL INOIS
IN THE SENATE O THE UNITED STATES
Thursday July 25, 1968
Mr. DIRKSE . Mr. President, Dr. M.
S. Harvey, form rly of Bloomington, Ill.,
and now pasto of the First Methodist
Church of Akr Ohio, wrote an inter-
esting and tho htful message for his
Parish Visitor o June 27 of this year.
I ask unanimous sent that it be
printed in the RECORD.
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
THE PARSON'S PEN
There's something that needs to be said
about this country. I have had it up to here
with persons who are trying deliberately to
tear my country apart and it is way past
time to throw at me that tired old wheeze
about being a flag waver. You are right, I'm
a flag waver, and I have the right to be one
the hard way, I have had it with a group of
punks wallowing in self pity, who make a
display of deploring their birth into a world
which they say they didn't make, I didn't
make the world I was 'born in either. And
neither did the men I1lcnow who are worthy
of great respect. They just went about and
tertainers who fancy themselves sociologists.
I've had it with those cerebral giants who
think it is smart to invite drug advocates
to lecture in their classrooms. I've had it with
people who are setting about in my America
deliberately to rip up mankind's experiment
in decency.
What I would like to say to all of these is
"if you think you are going to tear down
my country's flag and destroy the institution
my friends and members of my family have
fought and died for, you are going to have to
climb over me first." It's about time we went
E 6923
back and knelt In the snows of Valley Forge -
with George Washington, our founding
father, and recapture the vision, the dream,
the faith that has made America great.
Faithfully yours,
M. S. HARVEY.
AMERICAN COMMITTEE ON
ITALIAN MIGRATION
HON. FRANK J. BRASCO
OF NEW YORK
IN THE HOUSE OF. REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, July 25, 1968
Mr. BRASCO. Mr. Speaker, President
Lyndon B. Johnson was presented with
three reproductions of 15th century
sailing vessels by the American Commit-
appreciation of his seeking passage and
signing the Immigration Reform Law
which has abolished the national origins
quota system." The law became fully
effective on Monday, July 1.
The presentation ceremonies took place
in the White House. Twenty prominent
Americans of Italian extraction, repre-
senting more than 6,600,000 Italo-Ameri-
cans, participated in the ceremonies.
President Johnson in accepting the
three 15th century caravels, hailed the
American Committee on Italian Migra-
tion for working hard to bring about
this landmark act which will work
to enrich the heart of America. In
recognizing the ACIM as a dedicated
group, and in accepting the 15th century
sailing vessels, the President added:
It will remind me always that together
we have helped to preserve the American
dream-and more than that we have
everywh
Island, was the host.
is given to the Presi-
ons of the most com-
man ships used
by the great expl
than in all
mankind.
All thre
rers of the Christopher
is said that man came
were made, piece by piece,
York, and national chairman of ACIM,
stated:
This new law abolishes a long-time stigma
of prejudice and discrimination and crowns
with success an educational campaign for
immigration reform that has been conducted
by the American Committee on Italian
Migration since 1952.
The Most Reverend Edward E. Swan-
strom, executive director of the Catholic
Relief Services and a member of the
board of directors of ACIM, cited the
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 E 6924
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - Extensions of Remarks July 25, 1968
"great humanitarian achievements" of
the new law, which alleviates painful
situations of divided families, especially
for countries such as Italy, Greece, and
Portugal that had previously oversub-
scribed quotas.
The Reverend Joseph A. Cogo, C.S.,
national executive secretary of ACIM,
pointed out that notwithstanding the
generous granting of visas In the last 2!!a
years, there still remains for Italy a back-
log of about 100,000 brothers and sis-
ters of American citizens, some of whom
have been waiting to migrate since as
far back as 1955. He said:
Only emergency legislation of some type
will effectively wipe out such a backlog and
thus place Italy on a truly equal level with
all other countries after July 1st.
In looking back at the results of this Act
after two and one-half years of operation,
our first reaction is one of optimism and
satisfaction. About 75,000 Italians have al-
ready gained entrance Into the United States.
They have been reunited with members of
their families and now can enjoy a better
opportunity in life, often through their
special skills.
While we take pleasure in acknowledging
these positive results, we must express our
disappointment at the problems still to be
resolved.
These problems are:
First. A backlog of about 100,000
brothers and sisters of U.S. citizens who
are still waiting to obtain visas, some
for as long as 12 years.
Second. As a consequence of this heavy
backlog, there will be no visas available
beginning today, July 1, 1968, for sixth
preference applicants-skilled work-
ers-from Italy because all of the visas
allotted will be preempted by the ap-
plicants in the higher categories.
The Reverend Cogo emphasized that
ACIM will seek emergency relief for the
"brothers and sisters" backlog, which
would open again the possibility of mi-
gration of skilled Italian workers. He
said :
We intend to be vigilant to protect our
just gains and to solve the problems that
remaln.
E. Howard Molisani, first vice presi-
dent of the International Ladies Gar-
ment Workers Union, also expressed his
concern over the fact that after today,
no skilled Italian workers will be able
to obtain a visa. He said:
All visas In the Italian quota, In fact, will
be pre-empted by relatives, and especially
by brothers and sisters.
Many in our industries have always relied
on immigrants from Italy who are well known
for their varied skills. The clearance of
brothers' and sisters' lists would auto-
matically Insure a continuing flow of skilled
men and women into this country.
ACIM, which is represented nationally
by 102 chapters located in key areas
throughout the country, carries out a
function of "watchdog and spokesman"
on immigration matters, particularly as
it affects Italian migration, in order to
safeguard the gains of the new reform
immigration law and to correct remain-
ing difficulties.
Judge Marchisio announced also the
opening of an ACIM branch office in
Naples, which is Italy's major port of
embarkation, to give assistance to pro-
spective immigrants prior to their ar-
rival here. The organization is also en-
gaged in a program of guidance and as- land in recent years was presented on
sistance to Immigrants after their ar- July 20, 1969, in Memphis, Tenn., to the
rival here. In order to effect a prompt Tennessee American Legion Convention
anti smooth assimilation into the life- on the occasion of their 50th anniversary.
stream of America. This address was delivered by the Hon-
The smallest one of the caravels pre- orable James G. Stahlman, president and
sented to the President was made by an publisher of the Nashville Banner; Nash-
artisan from the Genoa region. It Is a ville, Tenn? and called upon the Legion-
replica of a fast, easy-to-maneuver ship nacres to become active in restoring law
of the type used by Columbus. The boat and order in America.
has broad bows, narrow high poop, four Mr. Stahlman also hailed the Ameri-
masts, and lateen sails. It is 30 inches can Legion as an everlasting bulwark
high, 30 inches long, 14 inches wide, and against all enemies of this great country,
It weights 8 pounds, 11 ounces. foreign and domestic. He wisely called
The medium-sized vessel is a "caracca" upon the Legion to help provide the lead-
made by a Neapolitan artisan. It shows ership and guidance necessary to reverse
Neapolitan craftsmanship and Spanish trenis in the country toward what he de-
naval tradition. This ship stands 28 in- scribed as "permissive anarchy."
ches In height, 32 inches in length, and This publisher of one of America's
14 Inches wide. It weighs 6 pounds, 11 greatest newspapers stressed ire his ad-
ounces. dres:l the need for leadership i:nd cited
The largest one is a Venetian "cocca" great leaders of the past to dr'.ve home
and the artisan Is believed to be from his point. He urged the veterans to "use
that region. Its height Is 34 Inches, their ballot with intelligence and sound
length 46 inches, width 16 Inches, and judgment."
It weighs 7 pounds, 11 ounces. Mr. President, Mr. Stahlmtn went
President Johnson's full message fol- right, to the heart of some of the key
lows:
TEXT OF THE REMARKS OF THE PRESIDENT AT
THE AMERICAN COMMrFrEE ON ITALIAN MI-
GRATION
Nearly three years ago, on one of the
proudest days of my Presidency. I stood at
the foot of the Statue of Liberty and signed
Into law the Immigration Act of 1965.
Today that Act takes full force. The lamp
of liberty has never shown brighter. The
golden door to immigration has never stood
wider.
Every American can be proud today. Be-
cause we have finally eliminated the cruel
and unjust national origins system from the
immigration policy of the United States. We
have righted a long-standing wrong.
Today any man, anywhere In the world,
can hope to begin a new life of freedom and
greater opportunity In America. No longer
will his color, his religion. or his nationality
be a barrier. The only preferences will be
for those who already have relatives here,
those who have exceptional abilities in the
arts and sciences, or those who possess skills
America needs.
No longer will only three nations supply 70
percent of America's Immigrants. No longer
will an arbitrary quota system divide chil-
dren from their parents, separate brother
from brother. No longer will the people of
one nation be less welcome here than those
of another.
This landmark act will work to enrich the
heart of America-the people themselves.
All who, over the years, have dreamed and
labored for its achievement can take great
satiafaction this morning.
No group has worked harder or with more
dedication than the American Committee on
Italian Migration. I accept the recognition
you offer me. today, and will treasure It
forever.
It will remind me always that together
we have helped to preserve the American
dream-and more than that-we have
opened its promise equally to : f l_ men
5vervwhGra
HON. STROM THURMOND
issues of the day-law and order, politi-
cal panderers, campus hoodlulrts, racial
revolution, and gun-bin hysterif,. He has
spoken with courage, and his message
needs to be heard by every American.
It Is warnings such as this address
which cry to be heard in our land today.
It Is proposals and solutions such as of-
ferer, here which need to be acted upon.
It is a time or leadership, and here we
have an excellent example of he type
of icadership so desperately needed in
America today.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent that this newspaper report and a
copy of this address be printed in the
Extensions of Remarks.
There being no objection, the :ditorial
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
(From the Nashville (Tenn.) Banner,
July 20, 1968]
STAH1.MAN URoZS AMERICAN Lsciot< To Am
FIGHT AGAINST PERMISSIVE ANARCHY
MEreplils.-James G. Stalliman, 2resldent
and publisher of The Nashville Banner, hail-
ing the American Legion as "an everlasting
bulwark against all enemies, foreign and
domestic" today urged the 50th anniversary
convention of Tennessee Legionnaires here
to "keep up your vigilance" and to "support
every agency whose function It is to preserve
law and order.
Key:mting the three-day convention, Stahl-
man, a veteran of both World Wars, urged
the Llglon delegates to "use your ballot with
intelligence and sound judgment, in favor of
candidates best qualified for leadership at all
levels of government, for the greatest need
today is leadership."
Telling the Legionnaires cf Sir John Dill,
chief 3f the British Imperial General Staff,
and the day he watched is Sir Winston
Churchill penned his famous speech vowing
a British fight to the finish with Adolf Hitler,
Stahlroan said:
"T'his is the type of determined leI dershlp,
of supreme courage, of just one clear voice
to suninion the American people from their-
lethari;9 back to sanity and to unif.,', if this
nation of ours is to survive.
"Th'r
ualit
and
h
t
q
y
c
arac
er of tha leader-
OF SOUTH CAROLINA
ship may determine the future of America
IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES and the civilized world for a thousand years
Thursday, July 25, 1968 and beyond."
Warming of the dangers of permissive
Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, one anarchy, Stahirnan called on The American
of the soundest speeches heard In this Legion to aid in the light for more respect
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July 25, 1968 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -Extensions of Remarks E 6925
for authority in the home, in the schools, on
campuses and in the churches.
After the address, Stahlman was present-
ed the Legion's 50th Anniversary Award by
'Department Commander No W. Sanders,
Loudon attorney, and Joe F. Hudgens, 50th
Anniversary chairman for Tennessee.
The text- of Stahlman's address follows:
Mr. Commander, distinguished guests,
ladies of the American Legion Auxiliary and
fellow Legionnaires:
For the second time I have been honored
by the privilege which you have extended
me to talk to the annual convention of the
Department of Tennessee.
Nineteen-sixty-eight is the golden anni-
versary of the American Legion. I note with
pardonable pride that I am on the eve of
my fiftieth year of continuous membership
in this great organization. I am doubly grate-
ful to you and am extremely glad to be with
you. My time has been limited because
your time is not unlimited, so I'll step out
on the double, with the hope that I shall
transgress neither your graciousness nor your
patience.
While I speak to you as a fellow-Legion-
naire, I wear no medals for heroism under
fire, but I have one distinction which few, if
any, veterans possess. Because "The Book"
said I should weigh 127 pounds when I ac-
tually weighed 119, I was twice dismissed
from the Second Officers Training Camp at
Fort Oglethorpe and as a result I hold three
separate honorable discharges from the
United States Army in World War I. I am
probably the only self-admitted surviving
buck private of that conflict, late of the
383rd Infantry. Add to these my service
as an officer in the Tennessee National Guard
and for 20 years in the United States Naval
Reserve, with fouryears on active duty in
World War II, you have my feeble claim to
military fame. Like all of you, I have simply
tried to serve my country. -
HEIRS OF BRAVE MEN
You are the heirs of the men whose blood
stained the snows with Washington at Val-
ley Forge. You are the same breed of Ten-
nessee squirrel shooters who, at Andrew
Jackson's command, decimated Pakenham's
red-coats from behind the cotton bales at
Chalmette. You are the counterpart of those
who charged the heights at Chapultepec
and those who marched and fought under
Lee and Grant in that later tragic fratri-
cidal strife. You are the legatees of the First
Tennessee Infantry who stood with Colonel
W. C. Smith in the Philippines and of the
Fourth Tennessee with Cordell Hull in Cuba.
Many of you saw distinguished service in
the 30th Division or In other units of the
AEF and the United States Navy in World
War I. Many of you likewise served under
Eisenhower, Nimitz or MacArthur in World
War II. You younger men won battle stars
and scars at Inchon and Pusan, and still
some of an even younger breed may be here
who have returned from the war in South-
east Asia, still in progress.
As men and women who have demonstrated
their love of country and their willingness
to seerve it, I am certain that you are more
than ordinarily concerned for our country
and its future. It is well that we. should be
concerned, for it behooves all of us to use our
collective judgment and joint determination
to bring about the changes necessary in our
own affairs if we are to preserve our demo-
cratic processes, our governmental institu-
tions and the freedoms which we too often
take for granted, which can so readily pass
from us. -
Let's take a look at. some of the things
which have produced these forebodings.
"ACCENT ON YOUTH"
If I am qualified to judge one trend which
has been in vogue for quite some years, I
would assert my firm belief that there has
been entirely too much "accent on youth."
This is not to derogate the young, for I
recall only too well my own devilish mischief
when I was an adolescent.
All too infrequently, in my opinion, there
is too little accent on maturity.
There is likewise too little accent on re-
spect for authority-in the home, formerly
emphasized by the proper application of the
back side of a hair brush to our own back
sides, by parents who had not been brain-
washed by Dr. Spock or hornswoggled and
browbeaten by their own defiant, unruly
offspring.
In the school-where teachers were not
afraid of being fired from their tutorial
duties because they - were occasionally re-
quired to apply a ruler or a switch to some
recalcitrant student, for his own good, for
the preservation of decorum in the class-
room and in some more recent instances,
for the protection of their own lives from
youthful switchblade maniacs bent upon
mayhem and sometimes murder.
CAMPUS HOODLUMS
On college and university campuses-
where intellectual -slobs and hairy hoodlums
are undeterred by faculty leftist sympa-
thizers and administrators cowed by fear of
phony charges of violation of "academic
freedom" and the equally ridiculous assump-
tion of "student rights," to disrupt, dis-
grace and destroy hallowed and respected
institutions of higher learning,. simply for
the hell of it.
It' might be well to suggest a return to
those intellectual disciplines which for so
long were an established fundamental in our
higher educational processes, now discarded
in favor of the New Left's doctrines of un-
restrained activism and dissent. Dissent?
Yes? But never overdone to the detriment of
institutions, accepted democratic processes
and large, but less vocal segments of society.
At the collegiate level it might not be
amiss and could prove quite profitable, if not
convincing, for proper investigative authori-
ties to delve into and endeavor to ascertain
the source of direction and financial support
for such organizations as Students for a
Democratic Society, Southern Student Orga-
nizing Committee,- the Student Non-Violent
Coordinating Committee and the Southern
Conference Educational Fund, directed by
the - notorious subversives, Carl and Anne
Braden, and kindred groups dedicated to dis-
ruption and destruction of the fundamentals
in our political, educational, economic and
sociological apparatus.
In - the churches-where a super-liberal
clergy consider the teaching of the old-
time religion as modern heresy and the
preachment that- God is Dead as today's
Sermon on the Mount.
There has been far too little accent on
respect for civil authority and obedience to
the laws of God and man. Some Courts, from
the highest to the lowest, have helped down-
grade the law as the protector of person and
property, tot he point where police, grand
juries and attorneys general find themselves
bound in legal frustration which sometimes
produces a laxity in rigid application of the
statutes.
LAW AND ORDER BASIC
In my concept of law and order, there is
and can be no racism. Respect for and ob-
servance of the law applies to every man,
woman and child, regardless of color. And
the obligation to preserve order lies upon
the white man, as well as the black.
There is no room in our enforcement agen-
cies for timid souls as spineless as a wet
noodle or as gutless as a bull butterfly.
It is most heartening, however, to have two
outstanding Federal judges speak out, loud
and clear; through this gap. The first is .the
distinguished jurist occupying the U.S. Dis-
trict judgeship in Middle Tennessee, the
Honorable William E. Miller. The second is
Federal Judge Francis J. W. Ford of Boston.
In sentencing a convicted draft dodger, Judge
Miller sounded a strong note with his declara-
tion: "It is not given to individuals to decide
for themselves what laws they will and will
not obey."
At the conclusion of the trial of Dr.
Benjamin Spock, Yale Chaplain William
Sloane Coffin, Jr. and two others convicted
of conspiracy, in counseling young men to
violate the draft law, Judge Ford said:
"There is no freedom to conspire to violate
a law- of the- United States with impunity.
Persons cannot rightfully engage in conduct
in violation of the law either to state their
desire for peace or in attempts to change
national policy."
Thank God for Federal judges like Miller
and Ford !
If recent decisions of the Supreme Court
upholding the constitutionality of the law
forbidding the burning of draft cards, and
another supporting the right of police to
search the person of reasonably-suspect
characters, it would appear that at last, Nine
Old Men have heard the voice of the people
and the will of the Congress. It's about time.
POLITICAL PANDERERS
Add to all these the sycophantic holders
of public office who pander to the whims and
quail before the threats of the bully-boy
leaders of ungrateful recipients of the
nation's largesse.
Now no honorable citizen, black or white,
would deny legitimate and proper relief to
the poor and needy, but even the Congress
recognizes that much of our welfare pro-
grams have failed, not because of the un-
willingness to provide or for insufficient
funds, but because of wholesale maladminis-
tration, proven corruption, the misuse of
funds, wasteful projects, ill-conceived, with
the resultant creation and maintenance of
an ever growing class of indolent deadbeats
who have came to believe that the world or
somebody owes them a handsome living, for
which, up to now, they have displayed no
willingness to work.
It's time to take the dolts off the dole.
It is at this point that we arrive at our own
present intolerable state of national peril,
produced by those political, professorial and
pulpit pied pipers of permissive anarchy,
with all its disastrous concomitants. -
We have seen our cities put to the torch,
looting run rampant and murder become a
way of life.
NO NATIONAL "SICKNESS"
Don't let me hear any of you complain of
suffering from a guilt complex. Hogwash!
And if you fall for the guff about our na-
tional "sickness," let me tell you that there
is no public sickness which can't be quickly
cured by hard work, patience, tolerance and
charity, coupled with an honest, earnest,
rigidenforcement of the laws already on the
books.
And you may add to that-a return to
personal and political morality, the tenets of
common decency, and full recognition of the
rights of the other fellow too frequently
trespassed by the howling mob.
These and other attributes might then
help restore that character without which
neither this nation nor any other can ulti-
mately survive.
Now don't let anybody tell you that the
three assassinations which have shocked peo-
ples everywhere were the isolated acts of de-
ranged individuals. Each of them fits into
an overall pattern which no commission,
however sacrosanct, can, with honesty, brush
over with a rationale of verbal shellac, too
thin and too transparent to hide the evidence
of alien direction and finance.
It has been, is now, and always will be
my firm conviction that Lee Harvey Oswald
was the Marxist agent of Fidel Castro. I am
equally convinced that, Sirhan Sirhan was
the Arab stooge of Communist design, and
it should take no crystal ball to categorize
the case of James Earl Ray.
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - Extensions of Remarks July 25, 1968
PATTERN OF REVOLUTION supported him in his efforts to bring the war
The result of these three slayings was the to an honorable conclusion and a lasting
production of national and international peace.
racial and political turmoil, fitting Into a If there Is one thing which this nation
program of global revolution which could
contribute to ultimate Communist world
domination.
If this be Red baiting, witch hunting, or
looking for pink spooks under the bed, make
the most of it. Call It what you will, It can-
not be disguised. To me it is as clear as God's
sunlight. It makes no difference from where
the signs emerge, if revolution should suc-
ceed it will little matter whether it were
Incubated in Cuba, Red China, North Viet-
nam or Soviet Russia. It will bear the single
label of the hammer and sickle and its
wreckage will be total and irreparable.
We are now engaged in another war, half
a world, almost five years, countless casual-
ties, and billions of dollars away. But before
I go any further I might tell you that-I have
two grandsons, theeldest just about ripe for
Sam to beckon with that long finger of his.
There are two things I can tell you with
certainty about both these boys-if either
one ever entered a plea of "conscience"
against service In the armed forces of this
country, I would forever disown him as my
own flesh and blood. And If he ever burned
a draft card, I would be the first to take him
by the scruff of his neck and haul him into
the Federal Court to receive his just desserts
and dishonor to his heritage.
To the "Hell, No, we won't goi" of anti-
war rebels, the Legion promptly and effec-
tively has countered with its ringing "Damn
right, we'll fight."
OBLIGATIONS OF YOUTH
This is the time of all times for the youth
of this nation to accent for themselves a
redemptive recognition of their individual
and collective responsibilities: to revere the
Lord, God almighty, love this nation, respect
its flag, obey its laws and serve it faithfully
and honorably wherever and whenever mili-
tary or civil duty may call.
May God give an overwhelming majority of
them the wisdom and the courage to take
this stand, they are not only the last best
hope of America, they are also the last best
hope of earth.
Neither I nor my newspaper favored mili-
tary entry into Vietnam. We vigorously op-
posed it from the outset, as "McNamara's
War." Remember him? He is the whiz kid
who produced the Edsel. He is the fellow
with the computerized brain. who fathered
the Ill-fated TFX. He is the great strategist
who ignored the Joint Chiefs of Staff and
hamstrung "Westy" Westmoreland and his
thousands upon thousands of American men
who have fought, bled and died in the rice
paddies, the mountain passes, the rubble of
Saigon and in the skies over Vietnam. He is
the man who tried to destroy the National
Guard and the. Ready Reserve. Remember
him? He is the fellow who was booted up-
stairs to the World Bank, after liquidating
Uncle Sam's military superiority in the air,
on the sea and in space. This country will
not soon recover from McNamara's bungling,
too long permitted and acquiesced In by the
President and his administration.
WAR NOT LYNDON'S BABY
But remember this! Vietnam was not Lyn-
don Johnson's baby. It was left on his door-
step. Now HE knows, and most of you who
know me and my newspaper know, that we
didn't support his candidacy In 1964 and
we haven't supported many of the Presi-
dent's domestic programs. We are still not
enamored of some of them and we are quite
fearful of the prospective results of some
others.
But there is one thing that Lyndon John-
son knows, and that Is that my newspaper
and I. unlike some members of the United
States Senate, once the war was joined, have
can't buy friendship and respect. We can't
put out every fire and we can't have every-
body's bacon. It's high time, however, that
we started saving our own-
- SOME THINGS TO STOP
It's time we stopped frittering away our
substance in hopeless global boon-doggling.
It's time we stopped trying to make over oth-
er nations in our own image. It's time we
started Improving the image of Uncle Sam,
both at home and abroad. And in my opin-
ton one of the first steps In that direction
would be to stop meddling with everybody
else's business.
As men and women who love this nation
as I do, men and women who have worn the
uniform, who revere the Flag and who are
not ashamed to sing "The Star Spangled Ban-
ner." you know the obligations which the
rights of citizenships impose upon us as in-
dividuals and as Legionnaires in the mass.
You were true to your oath to preserve and
protect this nation, taken when you were
sworn into the service, no matter which war.
That oath Is equally binding, upon you In
times of peace. And never within our life-
span has this nation so badly needed your
Keep up your vigilance. Support every
agency whose function it is to preserve law
and order. Tell your congressmen and your
senators that American citizens are entitled
to protect their persons and property with
their own fire arms if necessary and that
no gun law passed in a period of national
hysteria should remove that right. Especial-
ly In the face of threatened revolution. Ban
on mail order sale-positively! Registration-
doubtful, licensing-No! Confiscation-
never!!
At the same time let the Congress know
that It should pay no heed to the demands
from certain quarters for the abolition of
ROTC units in our colleges and universities.
These groups are the only source of trained
officer personnel needed by all branches of
our military, which the national academies
cannot possibly furnish.
Turn a deaf ear to demagogues and blather-
skites. Make certain you use your ballot with
Intelligence and Sound judgment, in favor
of eanadidates best qualified for leadership
at all levels of government, for the greatest
need today to leadership.
On that all-important subject I would like
to read you a short chapter from one of the
most thrilling books I have ever read, en-
titled "Of Spies & Stratagems." It was writ-
ten by Dr. Stanley P. Lowell, one of Bill
Donovan's most valuable officers in the OSS.
He wrote:
I will never forget March 18, 1943, when
General Donovan asked me to represent him
at an intimate birthday luncheon for Sir
John Dill, Chief of the British Imperial Gen-
eral Staff.
After liquors, someone said, "Sir John, I
think you owe us a story. What has been the
most unforgettable day of your distinguished
career?"
"That is easy to select." he said. "I'm an
Ulsterman and that means an army life for
its. The Boer War, Indian and African serv-
ice, but my career appeared ended when I
publicly opposed the remilitarization of the
Rhineland and Chamberlain's appeasement
at Munich. Then, in May 1940, Winston
Churchill came to power and picked me to
head up our armed forces.
"Barely three weeks later he phoned me
to By to France with him and General Ismay.
We knew things were in poor shape over
there. In Parts we met with Marshal Petain,
General Weygand and Premier Paul Reynaud.
They threw the bad news at us.
"Churchill asked, 'Aren't you going to
resist in the South of France?'
"'No. It's impossible.'
"'But you'll keep the African colonies and
fight from there, won't you?'
"'No. We surrender there.'
"'But the fleet. Darlan will put to sea and
deliver it to us-that will be saved?'
"'No. It's complete surrender to Hitler.
After the way you British abandcned us by
running home at Dunkirk, you left us no
other choice.'
SIR WINSTON SMOCKED
'So France is deserting us completely!'
Churchill exclaimed.
"'Just as you did to us,' answered Petain.
"The Prime Minister rose. We were driven
to our Flamingo and flown back to London.
Not a single word wasspoken on the return
flight, and I was too deeply upset to care
much if our escort of Hurricanes showed up
or not.
"'I'm all alone tonight, Sir John.' he said.
'Come keep me company at 10 Downing
Street.' It was late and we washed a sand-
wich down with some brandy and soda.
"'Sir John.' he said as he walked about
the room. 'I have no choice but to address
Parliament is the morning. I'll have to tell
them and the nation that, France has gone
over to Hitler lock, stock and barrel. You
and I know It's Impossible to defend this
island against the full force of that Aus-
trian bastard. It's Napoleon all over again,
but Napoleon never had the German air
force. and we have few guns and less am-
munition. This may be the last night of the
British Empire-it may be.'
"I could have wept for him and for
Britain. At last he said, 'There are two things
we ,an do, Sir John. Write the speech that
will actually ask Hitler for terms of sur-
render-or go to bed and sleep on it. I pro-
pose to sleep. Goodnight, Sir John. My man
will show you to your bedroom. See you at
breakfast'
LAST NIGHT OF EMPIRE
"He may have slept-he took a part bottle
of brandy with him-but I know I didn't.
The end of the British Empire was coming
tomorrow l
"At breakfast-perhaps our last as a free
people-I was sober and glum. Winston
Churchill a -.e everything set before him.
Fin illy, he pushed his chair away at anangle
and said, 'Sir John, I have to -:ell Parlia-
ment the bad news-I can't avoid that, but
I do not have to suggest negotiating with
those Nazi madmen.
"Yes, France has fallen, the United States
is Faciflst and won't help us, but, all alone,
by God, we'll fight 'em on the beaches, we'll
figt t 'em at the hedge rows, we'll fight 'em
on our village greens!' He paused, -By heaven,
that's damned good, Sir John.'
"He pulled a pad of paper out of his
breakfast jacket pocket and started writing
down the greatest speech since your Gettys-
burg address. That, gentlemen, was my most
uni orgettabie day,
An unforgettable day for myself was this
sixty-second birthday for Sir John Dill. He
had told us of a day on which the freedom
of mankind had balanced on one man's
courage.
CLARION CALL TO DUTY
This is the type of determined leadership,
of supreme courage of just one clear voice
to summon the American people from their
lethargy, bi,ck to sanity and to unity, If
this nation of ours is to be preserved. The
quality and character of that leadership may
determine the future of America and the
civilized world for a thousand years and
beyond.
Decision day is here; Ste nd up 11
May the bugle call of honor drown out
the raucous bull-horn of sedition'
I am certain that their will be no "cons-
cientious objectors among the loyal, cour-
ageous and patriotic members of the Amer-
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scan Legion, for you continue to serve as an
everlasting bulwark against all enemies, for-
eign and domestic.
To you I raise my hand in respectful
salute.
TAX INCREASE IS NOT STOPPING
INFLATION
HON. THOMAS B. CURTIS
OF MISSOURI
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, July 25, 1968
Mr. CURTIS, Mr. Speaker, the John-
son administration now admits that the
tax increase it so ballyhooed will not
stop the current inflationary wage-price
spiral in this country. Prices are still
rising at a 4-percent annual rate and
wages are going up at a 6- to 7-percent
annual rate.
The President's Cabinet Committee on
Price Stability says more wage and price
restraint is needed soon. The committee
proclaims that the economy is still on
a "dangerous road."
The road will continue to be. dangerous
until such time as the administration can
exercise meaningful fiscal restraint by
restraining excessive governmental
spending. Unfortunately, this adminis-
tration seems unable and unwilling to
take such action.
Following is an article from the Wall
Street Journal of July 22, 1968, entitled -
"Price and Wage Discipline Urged by
White House-Stability Panel Sees Econ-
omy as Still Endangered; Fears Loss of
Tax Rise Benefits," which bears on these
points :
PRICE AND WAGE DISCIPLINE URGED BY WHITE
HOUSE: STABILITY PANEL SEES ECONOMY AS
STILL ENDANGERED-FEARS Loss OF TAX RISE
BENEFITS
WASHINGTON.-The deflationary benefits of
the tax increase will be largely lost unless
there's more price and wage restraint soon,
President Johnson's Cabinet Committee on
Price Stability warned.
Opening a campaign with a letter to sev-
eral hundred business and labor leaders, the
panel proclaimed that the economy is still on
"a dangerous road" and called for "the ut-
most restraint" in price and wage decisions
to give the tax boost a chance to work.
Officials made clear that they're especially
concerned that price rises will follow any
labor settlements for steel, aerospace, ports,
coal, airlines and railroad crafts, fields in
which contracts expire or reopen in coming
months. The pricing of new auto models, one
added, also will be of "critical importance."
The panel was created by Mr. Johnson
early this year and told to focus on long-
range impediments to price stability while
remaining aloof from intervention in imme-
diate wage and price developments in spe-
cific industries. Its members, all of whom
endorsed the letter, are Treasury Secretary
Fowler, Commerce Secretary Smith, Labor
Secretary Wirtz, Budget Director Charles
Zwick, and Chairman Arthur M. Okun of the
Council of Economic Advisers. Mr. Okun
serves as coordinator.
Because of the tax increase and related
Federal budget limitations, an official said
he is confident that in the months ahead the
upward pressure exerted on wages and prices
by the ` demand for goods and services will
ease. But, he said, there are "significant cost
increases which haven't yet been translated
into higher prices," as well as some con-
sumer price index rise which hasn't yet been
translated into wage boosts. Business leaders
and "selected' labor leaders," he said, sought
the fiscal restraint through fighting for the
tax bill. He was now, the official said, asking
them to show again such. "willingness to
sacrifice short-term gains" for long-run sta-
bility.
Now that the Government is no longer
adding broad inflationary pressures through
huge budget deficits, the official said, it's
both more feasible and more important for
business and labor to work against inflation.
The time isn't ripe yet, aides made clear, to
return to the old "guideposts." These called
for stable prices and wage boosts that didn't
exceed the annual average increase in pro-
ductivity (output per man-hour) of about
3%. "We know darn well that prices aren't
going to stop in their tracks," a high official
said, "so that the productivity guide on
wages is something we will have to go back
to gradually."
The key word now is simply "less," the
high official said, explaining that the most
important thing is to start having price and
wage increases that are smaller than those
in the June quarter. Prices were rising then
at a 4% annual rate, the letter noted, while
wages were advancing at a 6 % to 7 % annual
rate. "The public interest is clearly violated
by any price increases that widen profit
margins, and wage settlements that extend
the recent disturbing pattern," the letter
stressed.
The actual performance of prices and
wages will determine how long the "fiscal
and monetary brakes" will have to be kept
on, the official said, adding that the eco-
nomic slowdown the nation is undertaking
through the tax increase "in itself isn't a
desirable thing," and officials would like to
keep it "as short and mild as possible."
PAUL HARVEY COLUMN ON
ULAR INVOLVEMENT OF
CHURCH
HON. ROBERT C. BYRD
SEC-
THE
OF WEST VIRGINIA
IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES
Thursday, July 25, 1968
Mr. BYRD of West Virginia. Mr. Pres-
ident, in a recent edition of the William-
son, W. Va., Daily News there appeared
a, thought-provoking column by Paul
Harvey on the harm that some activist
clergymen are doing to the church
through their intervention in secular
affairs.
Mr. Harvey points out:
Historically the church injected itself only
where issues of morality were debated.
Today's activist churchmen presume to
prescribe law, diplomacy, welfare and civil
rights.
Mr. Harvey contends that such extra-
religious activity might be defensible if
it strengthened the church. On the con-
trary, he says, church membership which
soared in the 1950's is stagnating in the
1960's.
I ask unanimous consent that the col-
umn be printed in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the column
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
SECULAR INVOLVEMENT IS STAGNATING THE
CHURCH
(By Paul Harvey)
Every generation of students at some time
violated the rules; this generation is the
first to repudiate the rules.
Our -generation violated moral standards;
today's young reject the standards them-
selves.
A generation ago jobless men might have
demanded jobs, this generation many de-
mand to be paid-work or not.
Clergymen, long the accepted authority on
right and wrong, now preoccupy themselves
with right and left.
Some branches of Judaism have practiced
activism far longer than the Christian faiths
which have recently interested themselves in
extra-religious activities.
Rabbi Arthur Hertzberger is himself an
activist, advocating withdrawal from Viet-
nam and so on.
But he concedes it is not good for the
churches to get thus involved. in secular mat-
ters. "The very moment that clerics become
more worldly the world goes to hell all the
faster."
Paradoxically, much of the clergy is turn-
ing away from what we used to call "funda-
mental religion" at a time of increasing
hunger for it.
There is a human craving for something
transcendent. Religious tradition for thou-
sands of years knew the meaning of life and
the purpose of death and the individual's
proper place in the here and in, the hereafter.
Now a vacillating, contradicting, codeless
"modern church" has compounded our con-
fusion and left, in the place it once filled,
a vast, dark emptiness.
Church involvement in civil affairs is not
unprecedented. During the Buchanan Ad-
ministration the churches were divided over
the issue of slavery.
But historically the church injected itself
only where issues of morality were debated.
Today's activist churchmen presume to pre-
scribe law, diplomacy, welfare, civil rights.
The World Council of Churches in conven-
tion in Sweden this year overwhelmingly
supported young men who resist the draft
"for particular wars."
If churches were made stronger by this
extra-religious involvement, it might be de-
fensible. On the contrary, church member-
ship, which soared in the 1950s, is stagnating
in the 1960s.
Of America's adults 49 per cent regularly
attended church in 1955; today 44 per cent
do.
t A Gallup Poll shows 10 years ago 69 per
cent of Americans thought "religion is in-
creasing its influence." Today 57 per cent
say it is "losing its influence."
Prof. Will Herberg of Drew University be-
lieves that the explosion of new scientific
knowledge-the vetoing of old scientific
truths-has caused doubt about religious
and humanistic preconceptions. We've lost
our rudder.
So the hippie protests that each of us has
a right "to do his own thing."
That's what Hitler was doing.
HON. MARTHA W. GRIFFITHS
OF MICHIGAN
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, July 25, 1968
Mrs. GRIFFITHS. Mr. Speaker, at
this time, I would like to insert in the
RECORD two informative articles written
by F. O. Jacobs, which appeared in the
Wall Street Journal this week:
[From the Wall Street Journal, July 22, 19681
WELFARE CRISIS: SUBSIDY FOR SEPARATION
(By F. O. Jacobs)
Much has been heard in the past few
months about our rising welfare crisis. This
in itself is good because, as Daniel Moynihan
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has pointed out, the problem has been ma-
turing for years behind a shield of silence,
silence especially from the social workers
most familiar with the field. Unfortunately,
the public debate to date has only scratched
the surface of that shield. We shall certainly
not be able to sweep it away-altogether here-
the facts are too obscure, the basic research
shockingly sketchy. But we can ask some of
the hard questions and sort out the impli-
cations of what is known and of the major
reform proposals.
One of the first blasts to arouse public
attention to the crisis in "welfare" came last
year at a Congressional bearing in which
Mitchell Ginsberg, then commissioner of the
New York City Welfare Department, de-
nounced the present system as "bankrupt."
Since then statements, articles and reports
have rolled out, variously identifying the
main problem as the demeaning of clients,
the stinginess of the system, the vast growth
of the outlays and caseload, the elimination
of Incentive. We seem at this point to be
thoroughly confused as to whether our cru-
cial problem is a disastrous growth in the
proportion of our society "going on relief"
or precisely the contrary, that relief is too
stingy and goes to too few.
A CHANGING VIEWPOINT
The same ambiguity may be found in "The
Crisis in Welfare," a recent article by Mr"
Moynihan that appeared in "The Public In-
terest." He begins in the spirit of a standard
liberal tirade against the conservative Con-
gressional "enemies" of the welfare poor who
dared to attach various restrictions and re-
forms in the Aid to Families with Dependent
Children program to last year's Social Secu-
rity bill. In midfiight the point of view
switches to that of the earlier Moynihan, the--
disturbed observer of the breakdown in Ne-
gro family life, and the admission is made
that our overrictg problem is not rising eco-
nomic need, stingily met, but the rapidly
accelerating use of "welfare" as a substitute
for the fulfillment of parental support obli-
gations.
Let us begin with the most essential facts:
"Welfare" has finally Intruded Itself upon
public attention because, far from declining
with the trend toward full employment in
the 1960s. it has swung into an unprece-
dented accelerated growth. By far the largest
part of this growth has been in the AFDC
program. Although total national growth has
accelerated, the local distribution or this
growth has been anything but uniform. Cer-
tain cities and areas have experienced truly
explosive welfare growth (New York since
1963-64 is one) while in many others, such
as Chicago and Pittsburgh, for reasons that
are often far from clear, caseloads and out-
lays have been stable or have even been
slightly reduced.
What makes this development so alarming,
of course, is the fact that It has paralleled
a fairly steady trend toward declining rates
of unemployment among Negroes as well as
whites-and thus directly reverses the clear.
positive relationship between AFDC depend-
ency and the rate of unemployment that
persisted until the 1960s.
It follows that the bulk of the present
growth of welfare, that is the growth of
AFDC, is not a symptom of failing earning
power among the poor. At most. the rise of
"home relief" to unified families as a mar-
ginal supplement to earned Income might
be attributed to a lag in minimal earning
power relative to increasingly generous re-
lief standards.
The real social pathology in the welfare
crisis is found in the (much larger) AFDC
area.
There are only two major causes from
which such a result could follow: A radical
shift to the state of the support obligations
of employed or employable fathers (that is.
Increasing eligibility through Increasing
desertion and Illegitimacy) ; or a radical in-
crease in the average proportion of eligible
separated mothers and children who take
advantage of their AFDC eligibility. Quite
possibly both causes have been at work.
Certainly efforts have been made (by wel-
fare unions, antipoverty groups etc.) to pro-
mote greater exploitation of eligibility In the
past few years. Yet, In the absence of em-
pirical proof of the impact of this effort it is
difficult to believe that earlier inhibitions
against accepting AFDC were so pronounced
in the slums of our large cities as to prevent
a large proportion of those really eligible
from taking advantage of It. Throughout the
late '40x, '505 and early '60s the AFDC fam-
ily was a commonplace to the residents of
the low Income neighborhoods of cities like
Chicago and New York. Any inhibitions were
probably directed not so much against ac-
cepting AFDC once a separation had occurred
as against the act of separation or desertion
itself.
CRUMBLING FAMILY 6TsUCrURE
Furthermore, although It Is also difficult to
believe that a change as radical Be that under
way in New York could depend entirely upon
increasing breakdown of family structure. In-
dependent statistics on the proportion of ille-
gitimate births in New York show precisely
the sort of accelerating rise since about 1964
that would be consistent with an explanation
based on this factor. (It Is alarming that we
cannot be more definite about this vital ques-
tion. Yet the relevant statistics for a reason-
ably certain answer are simply not available.
The fact, Incidentally. that they have not
been collected even by the city governments
most vitally affected Is by no means the
Emailest defect In our administration of Wel-
fare.)
A third possible cause is the shift of popu-
lation from Southern farm and village to
Northern city, where welfare Is more easily
obtained as well as more generous. But al-
though this has contributed to a trend rise In
dependency since World War II that has
steadily exceeded the growth of population in
the country as a whole, it hardly accounts for
the phenomenon we are concerned with, the
sudden acceleration of the mid 1960s. In New
York City the available studies of recent pop-
ulation movement strongly suggest that mi-
gration from the South and from Puerto Rico
began to Blow sharply at just about the time
(1964) that New York's welfare budget en-
tered its exponential climb.
Considering these facts it is reasonably
certain, despite the lack of direct measure-
ment. that a large part of the explanation
must lie In the factor of increased eligibility.
This implies an increasing propensity to re-
gard "welfare" as a convenient or even a re-
spectable substitute for the fulfillment of pa-
ternal responsibility-and to this change our
existing welfare system has almost certainly
contributed.
It Is commonly thought that the existing
welfare system encourages the breakup of
families only because eligibility for AFDC re-
quires the absence of the husband. But while
this Is true of many states, mostly rur'i or
Southern, it Is not true of many others. In-
cluding the larger urbanized areas, that have
accepted the option of Federally supported
temporary AFDC for families with unem-
ployed breadwinners (22 states), or that offer
"general assistance" or "home relief" from
local funds at the same standards as AFDC.
In such areas a hard-pressed father can sup-
plement his earnings by an allowance that ex-
pands with the size of his family. Yet this
has not prevented the growing breakdown of
families evidenced by the massive growth of
AFDC.
The fact Is that the AFDC system (and, as
we shall see, any income support system
geared to the family or household unit) cre-
ates strong economic Incentives toward sepa-
ration, and against marriage or remarriage.
Whether these Incentives will be generally re-
sisted, or will lead to a sharp change in be-
havlor Is an empirical ques'.lon. But from an
economic standpoint AFDC--as currently ad-
miniatered-provides a subsidy for separa-
tion, or, what amounts to the same thing, a
tax on marriage.
It a man's earnings are near the margin of
welfare eligibility, say about $3,500 in New
York City, he and his family receive nothing
from the state. Their total income would be
the 13,500 earned. If he deserts his wife and
children-or successfully pretends to do so-
they are eligible to receive (in money and
various forms of "real" aid) about $2,500 or
more from AFDC. Assuming his earning
power remains the same, heir total Income
rises to $6,000. or more than 70%.
Alternatively, consider the effect on the
AFDC mother already separated o: divorced
from her husband or one who has never mar-
ried. Marriage or remarriage to another man
In the marginal earning bracket would result
in a well nigh crushing flnanciel penalty
through the withdrawal of AFDC. If she con-
fines herself to friendship, she and her com-
panion may have a joint income of about
$6.000. If they are so Imprudent as to marry it
will drop to his earnings alone, again, about
$3.504.
Thus a new social pattern begins to form
among the p(or: The more common it be-
comes, the more acceptable and normal. Ulti-
mately marriage and self-support begin to
look like luxuries or an expression of imprac-
tical Idealism to those whoc:e earnings power
Is near the welfare mari;in. The normal
course Inerea::ingly becomes to adapt one's
way of life so as to obtain AFDC pl-is a share
In the earned Income of ma_e friends.
s1RAIN ON MOR'LrrY
Moreover, to directly prevent this abuse of
welfare involves the messy and demeaning
business of spying for a "man Inthe house,"
which seems so despicable. Yet, to wait for a
formal marriage or even a clearly revealed
common law marriage before removing
AFDC; clients from the rolls is to put a strain
on traditional morality that Is quite evidently
cann-3t bear.
Of course a middle- or upper-income recip-
lent could also convert his -rife and children
into paupers by deserting them, but the
$2,501) or so they would receive from welfare
would represent a progressively smaller per-
centege gain in total fandly income. The
relative subsidy for separation is far greater
for the poor than for the rest of acciety.
This hard economic fact should be taken
into account before ascribing the difference in
family stability among the poor purely to
moral or cultural factors.
[From the Wall Street Journal, July 23,
19681
WELFARE CRISIS: Tow9RD REsORM
(By F. O. Jacobs)
It might well be argued that the avail-
ability of AFDC does not really offer a sub-
sidy for separation, because a man will be
compelled to support his family whether he
leave3 it or not. This is a vital point.
The answer is that enforcement in prac-
tlce Is sporadic and mild. Tnis is due in part
to the fact that the AFDC wife has nothing
like the economic incentives to find and
prosecute her deserting ma:e that a middle-
class woman would feel. It Is also clue to the
ease with which man can-repeatedly disap-
pear In a vast country that has no system of
address registration.
But an effort to delve Into the murky
situattofi in New York City suggests that en-
forcement of any kind is lag;ing progressively
further behind the exploding caseload in that
city. The yearly number of hearings in Family
Court regarding support orders (more than
one bearing may concern a given rase) has,
astonishingly, remained approximately con-
stant since 1158, despite the three and four
fold increase in AFDC families.
Probably even more important, however, is
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the fact that the support orders habitually
rendered by New York judges-and many
others-are mild in the extreme, The judges
follow the superficially "practical" precept
that it is better to set a low. figure, which will
be honored, than one reasonably related to
support requirements, which may inspire ef-
forts at evasion. The results are judgments
of $5, $10 or $15 a week.
The judges also tend to relate their support
orders to the apparent or actual low earn-
ings of the defendants and their relatively
high cost of maintaining separate households
for themselves. Yet a man who knows his
dependents are on AFDC is clearly less likely
to make the same efforts as one who feels
himself compelled to support them. He is
much freer to drift, to disdain so-called
"dead end" jobs, even, in many cases, to fall
into dependence on his wife's welfare check
or on the earnings of other women,
THE STATE AS FATTIER
It Is one of the ironies of our recent his-
tory that the modern urban AFDC system,
which would threaten to undermine the
family structure of any group in the low-
income class, found this class increasingly
occupied by Negro families. The attachment
of the father to such families has always
been relatively precarious, for reasons that
go back to the inhumanities of the slave
system. But even so, the present rampant
breakdown of this attachment required the
gradual disintegration of received values. It
is not surprising that at least a generation
should pass after the introduction of the
present system (in the 1930x), before the
idea that it is quite acceptable to substitute
the state for the father. as the mainstay of
family life could begin to be the new lower-
class norm.
As events would have it, other principal so-
cial changes under way operated only to rein-
force the value-decaying impact of the AFDC
system. Consider two factors: First, the tech-
nical changes in agriculture plus perverse
subsidization policies that jammed unskilled
rural Negroes into urban core areas from
which the industry that might have absorbed
many of them at reasonably high wages was
in the process of withdrawing in search of
less costly space. Second, the emotional
"backlash." of the new relatively liberated
generations of Northern Negroes arising from
past servility toward a prejudiced white ma-
jority. The related alienation from, and ten-
dency to make a scapegoat of "white society"
reinforced the temptation to transfer per-
sonal responsibilities to governments emo-
tionally identified with that society.
If we view the matter frankly then, it ap-
pears unlikely that Our current welfare explo-
sion is explicable without reference to a wide-
.spread collapse of elementary familial values
taken for granted by almost every society.
The humanitarian liberal faith of the past
generation that direct, reasonably generous
relief of the poor would not seriously weaken
their efforts at self support has been disap-
pointed, at least for this generation.
PRINCIPLES OF REFORM
But facing this bitter fact honestly, rather
than hiding it, is the beginning of any true
liberal reform. The lines along which a funda-
mental solution should be sought follow di-
rectly from our analysis. The opportunity to
abandon the support responsibility must be
drastically curtailed, and the size of the rela-
tive subsidy for separation must be reduced,
if possible in a way that will help diminish
the psychic alienation of Negro Americans.
Yesterday's article pointed out that
AFDC's family-dissolving tendency arises
from the fact that the household, rather than
the individual, is the unit of aid: By splitting,
the household the amount of aid can be
greatly increased. It follows from this that
the proposed "negative income tax," (in
which total household income, rather than
the specific earnings of wife and children,
would decide eligibility to receive a "nega-
tive tax") would do nothing to alter this
basic impact.
What the negative income tax would do is
little more than equalize the standards of
welfare nationally, presumably at or close to
the higher state levels, and, of course, elim-
inate the foolish separation requirement al-
ready absent in New York and most Northern
states. It would have one other significant
virtue. It would promptly create a sliding
scale of aid that would decline fractionally as
earned income expanded. A crude version of
this reform has recently been introduced in
New York, but most welfare at present de-
clines a dollar for every dollar earned and
thus creates a drastic disincentive to efforts
at self support.
The advantages of a negative tax are im-
portant, even if they do not get at our most
serious dilemma. It would benefit both the
nation as a whole and the hard-pressed
Northern cities to eliminate the perverse mi-
gration incentives created by sharply unequal
state welfare standards. The perversity is
ironically illustrated by the fact that, at pres-
ent welfare standards, New York City has no
"poverty" as Federally defined. If income
and housing subsidies at the New York level
were provided rationally in more spacious
areas, decent housing rather than congested
slums and better job opportunities would be-
come directly attainable rather than a distant
hope.
Nevertheless, the negative income tax
would not touch the basic problem of fam-
ily dissolution. Indeed, it would be likely to
make it worse insofar as the payments ex-
ceeded the average national AFDC standard.
Another proposal, advanced in part be-
cause it is strong where the negative income
tax is weak, is a system of allowances (such
as exists in Canada and most of Europe) for
all families proportioned to the number of
dependents or children.
The allowance would be based upon the
individual rather than the family unit. It
would simply be. added to earned income.
Hence, a family could not increase its total
income from earnings plus this allowance
by separating. Further, the receipt of such
allowances would raise marginal families
somewhat relative to the standard of AFDC
and thus reduce its attraction.
This proposal does then, in principle, at-
tack the essential problem. But to what
degree? To fully eliminate the incentive to
separation would require dependent allow-
ances equal to the present AFDC standards,
say $2,500 for a wife and two children, or
about $800 per person. But this would imply
the reshuffling of about a quarter of total
personal income in the, nation. Even if the
allowances were held to ne-fourth the pres-
ent New York welfare standard (say, $200
per year for each dependent in the popula-
tion, including wives) they would still
amount to about $28 billion per year and,
in this event, 'the relative AFDC,gain from
separation 'would 'remain three-fourths in-
tact. Actual allowances abroad and the fig-
ures actually proposed (e.g., by Moynihan.)
are much smaller still, and even less likely
to be significant.
EXTENDING HOME RELIEF
The deeper objection to family allowances,
however, is not based on their seemingly
fantastic cost. Most of the money contributed
by the middle class would, after all, return
to it in the allowances. But for the lower-
income groups, the allowances would consti-
tute, essentially, merely an extension of the
"home relief" already available to residents
of large cities if their earnings fail to expand
with the size of their families. The funda-
mental ' question is whether a larger and
more universal subsidy related to procrea-
tion is the best way in which to alter our
system of income supports, considering es-
pecially the probable scarcity of new funds,
_i 6929
Another approach would be to relate the
income subsidy not to number of children
but rather effort at self -support-that is, to
insure employment at better than current
minimum wages by means of a labor-cost
tax-credit for employers. In such a system
the maximum credit should be given for
wages paid at the minimum legal rate set,
with progressively smaller credits over a
limited range of higher wage rates.
This step would do far more than merely
raise minimal incomes relative to welfare
standards; it would finally eliminate the
persistent unemployment stemming from
our "traditional" thoughtless practice of im-
posing minimum wage rates without a com-
pensatory subsidy to re-equate labor demand
and supply. If it were desired, the subsidy
could be paid directly to low-wage employes.
But apart from being more cumbersome,
this would necessitate abolition of existing
legal wage minimums to produce the same
expansion of employment.
The current alienation and cynicism of
Negro youth, who are swelling the ranks of
half-employed, absent AFDC fathers, is vi-
tally related to the persistently disastrous
rates of unemployment among precisely this
group. It may well be that pride induces
many Negro young men to abandon their de-
pendents to AFDC in preference to applying
for "home relief" with them. This is, of
course, self deceiving, but the underlying im-
pulse toward self support can be understood
and harnessed.
Still, an employment subsidy, like any fea-
sible family allowance, could do no more than
marginally reduce the relative gain obtain-
able from splitting up the family unit. This
is unlikely to be sufficient: The hard fact is
that the necessity of a far more determined
and effective enforcement of support respon-
sibilities cannot be escaped by any practical
system of income support.
It is necessary to be quite unyielding about
this. Enforcement is the natural substitute
for the negative sanction of the disgrace and
guilt that inhibited desertion when desertion
meant leaving one's dependents to virtual
starvation. It must become common knowl-
edge that a deserting breadwinner will be
found. The cost of doing this must be bal-
anced against the preventive effect, 'not the
direct support recovered. Further, he must,
be required to pay, not according to what he
currently has left over after providing a
separate residence for himself, but essentially
according to the minimum need of his de-
pendents.
In many cases he will be able to
meet this challenge by increased employment
effort or by returning to a common house-
hold with these dependents. If, with the best
effort, he cannot, he has the opportunity to
receive supplemental relief. Practically
speaking, the support required must be sure
enough and heavy enough to make it clear
that separating is a way to lower-rather
than raise-the standard of living,
NOTHING TO LOSE
Finally, an important stimulant to our
AFDC boom is the simple fact that at pres-
ent, AFDC mothers have little or nothing to
lose. It is a peculiarly American illusion that
to make AFDC relief conditional upon ac-
ceptance of available employment would be a
terrible blow to the welfare of the children.
In fact it would improve the morale of the
entire family, encourage the mother to avoid
separation or to remarry and (not such a
contemptible aim) reduce the exploitation of
the working taxpayer. Our states have so far
foolishly reneged in providing the nurseries
and day care centers that would make a
practical reality of this requirement, which
often exists in theory. The 1967 Social Secu-
rity amendment pressing states to institute
this requirement and to undertake the re-
lated reforms is eminently sensible-one of
the few hopeful signs in the current welfare
tragedy.
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in sum, the most promising path for new
forms of income maintenance is in associa-
tion with employment. A nationally stand-
ardized system of support for those who can-
not work would solve the significant prob-
lem of perverse mobility incentives. These
reforms, combined with a far more deter-
mined enforcement of support responsibili-
ties and a policy of requiring and enabling
relief mothers to work, should give us a
fighting chance to reverse the social disgrace
typified by New York's gigantic new class of
public dependents.
THE ATTITUDE OF THE SOVIET
UNION TOWARD rCZECHOSLOVA-
Thursday, July 25, 1968
Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, the
July 18, 1968, edition of the State news-
paper, of Columbia, S.C., contains an
editorial entitled "Back in Orbit."
Editor Bill Workman devotes this edi-
torial to the Soviet Union's attitude re-
garding Czechoslovakia. He points out
that the message from Moscow to Prague
is very clear-the Soviet Union has no
intention of permitting one of its satel-
lites to escape from orbit.
Despite the obvious position of the
Soviet leaders, there are many in official
Washington who prefer to hope that the
satellites will eventually become free
agents that can be won over to our side.
Bill Workman does an excellent job of
refuting this belief, and reminds his
readers of the potential of the Russian
Army for keeping satellites on course.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent that the editorial be printed in the
Extensions of Remarks.
There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
BACK IN ORBIT
Though Soviet troops have done the hesita-
tion step in their-waltz out of Czechoslovakia,
the prospectof Russian intervention, a le the
Hungarian Revolt, seems slight. But, then,
the Czechs have not revolted as did the
Hungarians in 1958. Their protest has been
cautious and restrained-and equally Intoler-
able in Moscow's eyes.
It seems clear that Prague understands the
message. The Warsaw Pact maneuvers, which
served as cover for the temporary military
occupation of Czechoslovakia, have been ter-
minated, and the tanks and troops are going.
But Prague understands why Moscow chose
to march about 24,000 Soviet soldiers Into
Czechoslovakia at this precise moment and
why the troops stayed on for more than two
weeks after war games ended.
If only it were clear that the U.S. State De-
partment understands. For some time. Wash-
ington has clung tenaciously to the fiction
that the Soviet presence in Eastern Europe
has withered away. No longer do our be-
mused diplomats speak of Iron Curtain na-
tions and Soviet satellites. This is the rhet-
oric of the Cold War. Our State Department
personnel, assigned the task of building
bridges, speak now of "the nations of Eastern
Europe."
Yet the message from Moscow to Prague
should be equally clear in other capitals. The
Soviet Union has relinquished its hold on
none of the territory it seized in the after-
math of World War II, when Washington
entertained equally naive views on the nature
of Soviet ambitions. Though local customs
and circumstances may require some variety
among the satellites. Moscow requires un-
questioning allegiance on matters that affect
the destiny of the Communist alliance.
This appears to be where the Prague re-
gime went wrong. It made too many conces-
sions to the grumbling dissidents, who ob-
jected not only to the restraints imposed by
the pollee state but also held Moscow ac-
countable. Given the option, they would have
charted an independent course. For reasons
that are plain, Moscow felt that such re-
bellious stirrings had to be put down. Per-
haps It learned a lesson In Hungary, where
restlessness erupted Into revolt.
Czechoslovakia's experience is Instructive
with respect to other satellites as well-satel-
lites like Yugoslavia and Romania, which
Washington is pleased to regard as "inde-
pendent" socialist states, weaned from Mos-
cow's orbit by the skillful diplomacy of the
United States. If Moscow did not allow in-
dependence in Czechoslovakia, what reason Is
there to believe that it was more permissive
toward Its other puppets?
Reason is beside the point. Washington
prefers to hope, and it continues to believe,
because it wants to believe, that Moscow's
satellites are free agents capable of being won
over to our side. It fashions cultural ex-
changes on the basis of such hopes and en-
courages trade between East and West. And
when a satellite wobbles In its orbit and con-
fronts, as a result, the correcting power of
the Russian army. Washington appears not
to notice.
AN EDITORIAL COMMENT ON THE
SIXTH-TERM BID OF CONGRESS-
MAN AT LARGE WILLIAM HENRY
HARRISON
HON. BEN REtFEL
OF SOUTH DAKOTA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
. Thursday, July 25, 1968
Mr. REIFEL. Mr. Speaker, as is occa-
sionally the case, the race in Wyoming
for the House of Representatives is that
State's only national contest in the 1968
election year.
Her distinguished Governor, Stan
Hathaway, is at a mid-term position,
Senator CLIFF HANSEN, another Republi-
can, Is In the first third of his first term,
and the other State-elected officers run
concurrently with the Governor.
So it falls upon the shoulders of the
Congressman-Wu,LI.a HENRY HARRI-
SON, our colleague of five terms-to carry
the banner of Republicanism at the
State level this year as the party sets out
to give Republicans control of the House
in the 91st Congress,
This campaign, which finds the active
and vigorous 72 years of our friend and
colleague being exploited in a vicious pri-
mary campaign, has elicited a fair
amount of editorial comment in Wyo-
ming.
A recent editorial from the Wyoming
State Tribune, entitled, "Sewing Politi-
Cal Wild Oats," points out:
One of the minor phenomena in the year
of recurrent political surprises has been what
a prominent Democrat has privately de-
scribed as a "major blood-letting" within the
Wyoming Republican party, specifically In
the congressional contest.
The editorial continues:
This has largely featured a series of at-
tacks by John Wold, of Casper ... in at-
tempting to unseat veteran Wn,LIAtrr HENRY
HARarao,I, seeking his sixth term in the U.S.
House of Representatives.
The other editorials from the June 21
and 28 and .July 18 and 24 ed_tions of
the Sheridan. Wyo., Press:, deal With the
affirmative and commendable aspects of
the congressional record of BILL
HARRISON.
They speak for themselves, but in plac-
ing editorials in the RECORD, I would
quot( from the press editorial of June 28:
Laws that BELL HAsRrsoN has either origi-
nated, helped sponsor, or which he steered,
have Involved water, have aided Wyoming's
Indians. have dealt with Wyoming's lands,
have aided towns, have served irrigation dis-
tricts have benefited or helped solve prbb-
lems on Federal reclamation projects, have
heipei the veterans; have aided recreational
development, have helped education, and
have helped oil and gas development.
Congressman HARRISON'S record shows an
active concern for the needs of Wyoming's
people and an ability to achieve.
The record is fruitful ... fruitful for
Wyoming.
Mi. Speaker, the editorials to which I
have referred follow:
(From the Sheridan (Wyo.-, Press, June 21,
19681
THE WAR ON AGRICULTURE GOES ON
At the Wyoming stock growers convention,
William Henri; Harrison charged the Johnson
administration was undermining the agricul-
tural Industry. He pointed to policies which
are designed to provide American consumers
with low prices for food at the expense of
agric',,iture as a whole.
In Harrison's words, the Johnson admin-
istration is fighting an "unpublicized war on
agriculture." This is carried on to reduced
living costs by pushing farm prices down-
ward particularly by keeping meet prices
down at the expense of the s tockman.
In a broad sense, the Harrison comments
are Timed at a federal government policy
which obviously Is aimed at keeping the con-
sumer happy without any regard of what it
is doing to the stockman and farmer. Con-
sumers are numerous-and powerful as voters.
Agriculture is no longer a powerful political
factor as it was 40 years ago. This situation,
however, produces a critical problem which
eventually may become as acute as the racial
and taw enforcement problems are et present.
Los consumer prices are made possible by
the aroductic?n of an abundance of foods.
When the abundance which American agri-
cultitre has been able to provide runs down,
the problems will be more than one of price.
In a large measure, the various segments
of the American economy can at least partly
meet the problems of inflation and rising
prices. Workers are able to press for higher
wages, especially in a labor market where
there are more jobs than people to fill them.
Industry in most instances can raise prices,
unless compeaitlon prevents;. The farmer and
atoclonan are unable to do anything about
the market. He has to sell at what the market
has in offer. And in recent years, that is akin
to disaster.
Net farm income for 1367 wait actually
down from 1986 by nearly $2 billion. The
drop was from $16.4 billion in 1966 to $14.5 in
1967- That is a drop of 11.5 per cent In one
year.
Prabably no other industry could survive
a drop of 11.5 per cent in Income in one year,
especially in times of inflation end rising
costs. Farmers and ranchers are :;taying in
business generally by going deeper Into debt
in the hope .flat the situation will change.
Fortunately for the rest of Ameri,;a, capital
assets in agriculture have been adequate to
bear that additional debt burden. Farm debts
have increased by $20 billion in the last six
yearn,
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x ensions o emar s
tion's announced policy is that of "non-
involvement," of which more will be said
later. But does "noninvolvement" mean
we must keep totally silent? Can we-
and are we-using the Voice of America
to tell the world what is going on?
The Soviets are on the defensive and
by their pressure tactics and not-too-
subtle threats of armed intervention in
Czechoslovakia they are showing that all
? their hypocritical talk about "self-
determination" is an outright lie. The
Kremlin will go to extraordinary lengths
to keep the Communist bloc nations in
line. It cannot afford to take the risk of
doing nothing, lest the desire for more
freedom spread not only through the
satellite countries but right into the
streets of Moscow and to the walls of the
Kremlin itself.
Let us look at the situation: It is no
exaggeration to say that the matter as
far as the Soviet Union is concerned is
probably the most serious it has faced
since it was attacked by Nazi Germany
in 1941. For all of Eastern Europe, it is
the most critical since construction of
the Berlin Wall in 1961.
If the Czech Government is allowed
to go ahead with its proposed reforms
such as freedom of the press, allowing
opposition groups to form, permitting the
right of assembly, and open admission
of serious Government errors in the past,
it will mean a tacit challenge to Com-
munist doctrine as laid down by Moscow
that would have widespread repercus-
sions throughout the Communist world.
An indication of how serious it is to the
Kremlin is that the entire Soviet Polit-
buro has gone to Prague to discuss the
matter; this move came after the Czechs
refused to go to Moscow. This is the first
time in the history of the Soviet Union
that the entire Politburo has all left
Russia at the same time.
If, on the other hand, Moscow moves
too harshly against Prague-and mili-
tary force, like that used against Hun-
gary in 1956, has not been ruled out-
the dangers are just as great.
Moscow left no time trying to blame
it all on someone else. Two Tass broad-
casts from Moscow on July 19, 1968,
charged the United States with involve-
ment. One referred to "CIA-Pentagon
documents" and the other said secret
stores of U.S.-made weapons had been
found near the Czech-West German
border.
. The administration has announced a
policy of "noninvolvement" as far as the
United States is concerned. This' means
offering absolutely no encouragement
nor support of any kind to the Czechs. I
offer for comparison two official State
Department responses to questions about
the Czech situation. The first was made
on May 1, 1968; the second on July 19,
1968.
On May 1, 1968:
We are watching with interest and sym-
pathy-interest and sympathy-the develop-
ments in Czechoslovakia which seem to rep-
resent the wishes and needs of the Czech
people. We hope that they-the develop-
ments-will lead to an improvement in rela-
tions between Eastern and Western Europe
and between Czechoslovakia and the United
States.
But on July 19, 1968:
The United States has not involved itself
in any way in the Czech situation. The
United believes Czechoslovakia should be
free to develop its own internal arrange-
ments.
What happened to the "interest and
sympathy"? Why the sudden and obvious
change in tone and policy? The above
quotations appeared in an article in the
Washington, D.C., Post on July 21, 1968;
the author of the article, Warren Unna,
had these comments:
May 1 was before the Russians and their
hard-line Eastern European clients-East
Germany and Poland-lined up against the
Czechs.
May 1 also was before the recent spate. of
steps forward in US.-Soviet relations.
And May 1 also was further away from the
U.S. presidential election campaign in which
a Democratic Administration, in order to
continue in office, doesn't want to be cor-
nered with a Republican charge of "coward-
ice" should the Soviets decide to really move
in on the Czechs.
' The United States has been told to
keep its hands off. We did this once be-
fore. In 1962, at the United Nations, the
United States offered a resolution to dis-
solve the Commission headed by Sir Les-
lie Munro, the delegate from New Zea-
land, which for 6 years had been looking
into the Hungarian revolt 'of 1956.
Munro had filed four reports; the Soviet
Union had violently protested all of
them. On December 17, 1962, the United
States offered its resolution; on Decem-
ber 18, it issued a further statement say-
ing the matter should be approached
from a "new angle." On December 20,
1962, the Commission was dissolved.
Just how far the administration will
go this time is unknown. The Secretary
of State has protested directly to the
the Soviet Ambassador about the Mos-
cow radio broadcast inferring that we
are involved. But it would seem the very
least we can do-what we must do-is
give objective, full-scale up-to-the-min-
ute coverage of the situation, over the
Voice of America. The Soviet Union is on
trial and the whole world is watching. I
have sent the following letter to the Di-
rector of the U.S. Information Agency,
Leonard Marks; his reply will be made
public when it is received:
The announced, official policy of the
United States Government in the present So-
viet-Czech crisis is that of "non-involve-
ment," which means, in effect, that the Gov-
ernment will take no steps the Soviet Union
might consider "provocative" and give the
Soviet Union an excuse to move against the
Czechs on the grounds of "crushing imperi-
alist intervention."
I would like to know how this is being
treated by USIA and VOA. It would be greatly
appreciated if you would forward to me sam-
ples of commentary on the Soviet-Czech
matter as broadcast over VOA, with cita-
tions as to date and countries the broad-
casts were aimed at.
Thank you very much.
WILLIAM G. BRAY,
Member of Congress.
HON. WARREN G. MAGNUSON
OF WASHINGTON
IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES
Thursday, July 25, 1968 ..
Mr. MAGNUSON. Mr. President, on
July 19, 1968, at the call of the senior
Senator from Alaska [Mr. BARTLETT] an
informal meeting with Federal agencies
was held to discuss Alaska native hire
policies. Senator BARTLETT is necessarily
absent. In his behalf, I ask unanimous
consent that a letter from the Chairman
of the Civil Service Commission and the
replies that he received from the Cabinet
Secretaries concerning native hire be
printed in the Extensions of Remarks.
There being no objection, the letters
were ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
Hon. ORVILLE L. FREEMAN,'
Secretary of Agriculture,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR MR. SECRETARY: A plan has been de-
veloped to advance the employment of Alas-
kan natives within Federal agencies. As the
initial step in implementing the plan it is
necessary that reaction to it, as well as cer-
tain detailed information, be obtained from
each agency which has employing activities
in Alaska.
Under Executive Order 11386, Federal pro-
grams affecting Alaska's economic progress
are being coordinated by the Federal Advi-
sory Council on Regional Economic Develop-
ment. The economic plight of the Alaskan
native is a problem directly related to eco-
nomic development within the State. There-
fore, the Council has established a Commit-
tee on Alaskan Native Hire to address itself
to the specific problems of native employ-
ment. Although full consideration of the
employment problem must include the pri-
vate sector as well as State and local govern-
ments, the Committee has first studied the
question in terms of additional steps Federal
agencies can take as employers which would
contribute toward the solution of this prob-
lem, The Committee has advanced a plan
which takes into consideration the basic
problem, that of bringing the "man and the
job" together.
The proposal involves the development of,
a host-enrollee program which would supple-
ment continuing agency Equal Employment
Opportunity Program efforts in direct em-
ployment. In the plan, each agency would
agree to provide facilities, instructors and
support for job training for a 'number of
Alaskan natives approximately equal to ten
per cent (10%) of the agency's permanent
workforce. The trainees would constitute a
manpower pool for that agency which would
be given priority consideration in filling
vacancies as they occurred within the per-
manent workforce. The Bureau of Indian Af-
fairs, Department of the Interior, would be
responsible for screening and selecting
trainees, providing for their transportation
to training sites, arranging for suitable hous-
ing and social services for them and their
families, and for providing necessary sub-
sistence payments and other support during
training. The host arrangement would be
open-ended, depending on individual de-
velopment as well as vacancy openings. A
detailed outline of the plan, which also pro-
vides background information, is enclosed.
The proposal appears sound from every
point of view. It is, of course, patterned in
general upon the successful plan established
by the Weather Bureau in Alaska for trainee
weather observers, with certain significant
variations. The investment involved would
be recouped through decreases in govern-
ment assistance to the unemployed as well as
in an ultimate reduction in turnover costs
to employing agencies. If pursued, the plan
should eventually result in a substantial re-
duotion in the need for bringing employees
from "the lower 48."
Certain problems must be solved by the
Bureau of Indian Affairs, including staffing
and funding as well as arranging for joint
supporting participation with other Federal
I A list of addresses of identical letters fol-
lows this letter.
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 July 25, 1968 Ap ' 4~ ~t~Sitx~a .e FCL 3 : A RDP70B Ke 8R 00300190072-6 E 6933
charming gowns of her own great-grand-
mother.
Frequently referred to as "the backbone
of the theater," Mrs. Bostick and her hus-
band, Hagood, have opened their hospitable
home, "Dogwood" on numerous occasions to
honor the theater's directors and casts of
plays. Mr. Bostick has lent his own talents
as an. actor to a number of Town Theater
productions.
Mrs. Bostick's Interests in the cultural life
of Columbia are by no means confined to
the theater. Somehow this remarkably lady
finds time and seemingly boundless energy
to serve as librarian for Richland County
Public Library. Under her guidance, that in-
stitution has grown from a less-than-modest
beginning into one of the finest public li-
braries In the Southeast.
Mrs. Bostick has brought additional lustre
to Columbia as a publisher of fine books in
cooperation with former Columbian Fant
Thornley.
Mr, and Mrs. Bostick are among the most
ardent supporters of the Columbia Kennel
Club and they have been instrumental in
making Columbia an Important center for
dog owners and trainers.
Mrs. Bostick, herself, Is Inclined to avoid
the spotlight, preferring to create the Im-
pression that whatever she has done has
been largely "fortuitous."
But fortuitous circumstances arise in the
lives of many of us-who fall to rise with
them. Mrs. Bostick is one of those rare ones
who. obviously recognize "that tide, which
taken at the flood" leads on to every in-
creasing accomplishment.
Even if her contribution to Town Theater
were, as she says, "largely a matter of
chance," it is still rare good luck indeed for
Town Theater which placed Lucy Hampton
Bostick in the right place at the right time.
[From the Columbia (S.C.) State.
July 19, 19681
MRs. HAeooo BOSTICK DIPS
Mrs. Hagood Bostick, for many years a
leader and patron in the cultural and educa-
tional life of Columbia and of the state,
died early Thursday. She had been critically
injured in an automobile accident on July 5.
The funeral will be held this afternoon
at 5 o'clock in Trinity Episcopal Church of
which she'was a member. Interment will be
in Trinity churchyard.
Mrs. Bostick had been Richland County
librarian since 1928. As an officer and a mem-
ber of the State Library Board, she was one
of the pioneers in the mission of extending
public free libraries and their educational
services throughout South Carolina. She had
a leadership role in encouraging legislation
which became the basis of the spread and
improvement of library functions over the
state.
In the community of Columbia, Mrs.
Bostick lent her leadership and support to
practically every major endeavor devoted to
the interests of the arts, including the Town
Theater, the Columbia Museum of Art and
the Historic Columbia Foundation.
Under her direction, the Richland County
Library was developed from an institution
having only 16,000 volumes to one which now
has 225,953 in Its main city library and its
four branches, Waverly, Cooper. St. Andrew's
and Eastover. At the time Mrs. Bostick be-
came librarian the library's annual circula-
tion was 80,000 volumes. Today that circula-
tion is more than a million volumes. One of
the modern services of the library is the
Bookmobile, which makes books available
In rural areas.
During her long administration, Mrs.
Bostick saw the library move successively
from modest quarters to the modern struc-
ture which houses it today at Sumter and
Washington Streets. She also played a lead-
ing part in the effort which led to the provi-
sion of a large new headquarters, now being
constructed at Senate and First Streets, for
the State Library Board.
The American Library Assn. appointed
Mrs. Bostick as special membership chair-
man for South Carolina.
For more than 30 years she served as secre-
tary of the Columbia Stage Society, the
parent body for the Town Theater. In the
same period she was a member of the board
of the theater. a post she still held at the
time of her death. In its early years, Mrs.
Bostick accepted roles in the theater's pro-
ductions and her interest In its ongoing con-
tinued through her lifetime.
She was a founding member and patron
of the Historic Columbia Foundation and its
restoration of the Ainsley Hail house, de-
signed by Robert Mills. She served in an
advisory capacity on various committees for
the restoration of the Bostick boxwood gar-
dens and the restoration of the Hampton-
Preston house.
From 1958 through 1980. Mrs. Bostick was
a member of the board of the Columbia
Museum of Art.
One of her engrossing interests was the
Columbia Kennel Club. She was its treasurer
at the time of her death, and formerly was
president. The club sponsors a large annual
dog show and in this Mrs. Bostick was always
a guiding figure.
She was recognized nationally as an au-
thority on dog breeding and dog judging
and often served as a judge at shows sanc-
tioned by the American Kennels Club. She
was an authority on cocker spaniels and
raised them at her home, "Dogwood," on the
Hampton proper on the outskirts of Colum-
bia.
When Columbia's new private school, Ham-
mond Academy. was organized, she was one
of its founders and benefactors and served
on its Board of Trustees.
Few major endeavors for the advancement
of Columbia and Richland County failed to
enlist the leadership talents and the material
support of Mrs. Bostick.
In recent years, she even found time to
conduct a discussion of books and library
services on WIS-radio.
Mrs. Bostick attended Converse College
and studied library science at Emory Univer-
sity, Atlanta, and the University of South
Carolina.
She was a former president of the Players
Club, a member of the Drama Club, the As-
sembly and a former president of the Junior
League.
The former Lucy Hampton, Mrs. Bostick
was the daughter of the late Frank Hampton
and Gertrude Gonzales Hampton. She was
a grandniece of Gen. Wade Hampton.
She descended, on her mother's side, from
the family out of which was founded The
State newspaper. Her mother was the sister
of the three Gonzales brothers who estab-
lished the newspaper February 18, 1891.
The brothers were the late N. G., Ambrose
and William Elliott Gonzales.
Mrs. Bostick was a member of the board of
directors of the State-Record Co., which pub-
lishes The State and The Columbia Record,
and entertained a deep Interest In the news-
papers and their institutional responsibility.
Surviving are her husband, Hagood Bos-
tick; a sister, Mrs. Victor B. Barringer of
Richmond, Va.; three brothers, Frank Hamp-
ton, Harry R. E. Hampton and Ambrose G.
Hampton, all of Columbia, and a number of
nieces and nephews.
Pallbearers will be McKeever Willcox of
Darlington, Paul B. Barringer II of Weldon,
N.C., Ben R. Morris of Atlanta, Dr. Ambrose
0. Hampton Jr., A. McConnell Paucette and
Kirkman Finley. Jr., of Columbia.
For those who desire, memorials can be
forwarded to the Carolina Children's Home.
[From the Columbia (S.C.) Record, July 18,
1068]
MRS. HAGOOD BOSTICK, CouNTY LIBRARIAN,
Dins
Mrs. Hagood Bostick. Richland County li-
brarian and long a leader in the advancement
of Columbia, died early today from injuries
received In an automobile accident seve-ul
days ago.
Funeral services will be held Friday at 5
p-m. in Trinity Episcopal Church. The Rev.
Charles Scott May will officiate. Burial will
be in Trinity Churchyard.
Surviving are her husband; three brothers,
Frank Hampton, Harry R. E. Hampton and
Ambrose G. Hampton, all of Columbia; a
sister, Mrs. Victor Barringer of Richmond,
Va.; and a number of nieces and nephews.
Mrs. Bostick, the former Lucy Hampton, tat-
tended Converse College and took courses in
library science at Emory University and the
University a' South Carolina.
The daughter of the late Frank Hampton
and Gertrude Gonzales Hampton, Mrs. Bos-
tick was the grandniece of Gen. Wade Hamp-
ton. Her un',les were the Gonzales brothers,
N. G., Ambrose and William E., who estab-
lished The State newspaper. Mrs. Bostick
was a member of the Board of Directors of
the State-R.-cord Co., which publishes The
State and The Columbia Record.
She was a member of Trinity Episcopal
Church and The Assembly.
Mrs. Bostick's name Is synonymous with
the Richland County Public Library. She
promoted free public libraries all over South
Carolina, contributing to movements in other
counties for the establishment of libraries.
She was the only librarian on the State
Library Board which was set up by the Gen-
eral Assembly to assist In the establishment
of free libraries. She served as secretary to
that body. She was chairman of the Citizens'
Library Committee which cooperates with
the library Board.
The American Library Association ap-
pointed Mrs. Bostick as special membership
chairman for South Carolina. She held of-
fices of president. secretary and also- served
on the executive board of the state Librr.ry
Association.
Mrs. Bostick was a bulwark of the Town
Theater and its artistic contributions to the
community- She once played a role In its pro-
ductions, was a former president of its af-
diiate, the Players Club and for years was
a member of its Bot.rd of Directors, a post
she still held at her death. Also, she was
active in the establishment and sustenance
of the Columbia Museum of Art. She was
also one of the founders of the Hammoad
Academy and a member of the Board of
Trustees.
The Bosti- k home. "Dogwood." is located
on the Hampton property near the veterans
hospital.
She was very Interested in dogs and cocker
spaniels were her favorite. She was a very
active member of the Columbia Kennel Club,
and the Drama Club. She was a former presi-
dent of the Junior League.
ORLD THE STORY OF SO-
OP INDIANA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVE:
Thursday, July 25, 1968
Mr. BRAY. Mr. Speaker, what, if any-
thing, is the United States doing in the
present crisis between the Soviet Union
and Czechoslovakia? The administra-
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