S. 3127 INTRODUCTION OF A BILL TO PROVIDE FOR THE EXCHANGE OF GOVERNMENTAL OFFICIALS BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES AND THE UNION OF SOVIET SOCIALIST REPUBLICS

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• Publication Date: November 7, 1969
• Content Type: OPEN

tE~~R7~ 71 NATi000500020002-9 S 13943
November 7, Ay69 Dyed ForP8"A ORAL6. SE
our best to blame it on you and get as many
people as possible against you for it."
`One of the marks of operative political
freedom Is the liberty to louse up your own
cause y poor judgment and bad tactics.
We've i?een over this again and again with
the blacks, wlio'veinsisted that a white man
can't ' general a black man's cause. If the
cause is Iost the black man must pay; the
same holds true for the peace movement,
Which essentially is a young people's move-
ment because the burden of the war falls
heaviest on them.
Another category of remarks and admoni-
tions centers around "sincerity." There are a
number of variants 'but the gist is, "If you
want to prove your sincerity, you won't
march on the grass without a permit, you
will submit to arrest and go to jail, or you
will act responsibly, i.e., you will do what we
want 'yryou to do."
If sincerity were a test in politics, nine out
of ten public officeholders would be turned
out tomorrow morning. Sincerity is a private
virtue, and people who demand it only de-
mand it of their enemies. If you disagree
with me, the only way I'll believe you're sin
cere is if you change your mind and join m
Next we have the double-mouthed cr'$ic
who wants to get a leg up on both sides He
likes to say,-Your cause is 'tine, noble, en-
erous and public spirited, but your lea ers
radicals, activists, and lunatics on your steer-
ing commit ee, and pick some good, moder-
ate, middle-of-the-road, responsible people?"
Politics is tough enough without each side
letting the other pick its leaders. The blacks
have had to suffer tihrough this again and
again-"We're for equality, but we won't
negotiate with militants." Often what this
translates into is, "We don't mind you mess-
Ing around as long as the people leading
you are compliant and ineffective, but we
don't want you being influenced by some
bunch that knows what it's doing."
There is a degree of seeming plausibility
to, this criticism. Some of us are jarred and
disconcerted when we learn there are two
Communist Party members on the board of a
local peace committee. For people who fear
violence, the presence of CP members should
be reassuring. Old line Reds tend to be lawn-
order types who're as suspicious of unsuper-
vised, popular demonstrations as any White
House aide. But the point is that there is
no way to bar the door to Communists or
SDS members or Trotskyltes because the
peace movement is a movement not a po-
litical party.
In American politics the parties are run
by one half of one per cent of the rnember-
ship-the silent minority, you might call it-
so they_ can control what kind of person is
allowed into influential positions. A social
movement, by definition, is a different species
of animal. It has no stability, it shrinks and
swells,yit takes cues from people in leadership
positions, but its awesome strength derives
from the millions of individuals making up
their own minds to join in. This is why the
government can continue to indict leaders
without any visible effect on the movement's
strength. It is not controlled by tiny numbers
of people who have power to keep out Com-
munists but admit moderates.
Most of the people who will be coming to
Washington next week won't know the names
or politics of the people who thought up
the idea of the moratorium or the march.
The marchers are led not by leaders but by
an idea. Leaderlessness isn't a characteristic
pf,all mass movements, but it's an important
elemettin this one because it heightens the
feeling of uncertainty surrounding what may
happen. Under other circumstances, there
would be political figures in Washington to
act as leaders, but most of 'the logical can-
didiates for leadership roles either have dis-
credited themselves or will be too chicken to
stand on the speaker's platform.
Another argument you frequently hear is,
"If you do this there may be violence and
the blood will be on your hands." Sometimes
that's true, but if we look at the history of
civil conflict In the United States it's clear
that often the responsibility for blood being
shed has to be assumed by the authorities.
Flirtatious delays in issuing parade permits,
the use of agents provocateurs are instances
of officials inciting to riot. In the last few
days it hasn't been the antiwar leaders who
have crossed state lines to give kid-baiting,
incendiary talks and you know these speakers
aren't going to be indicted under the Rap
Brown Act.
For a demonstration to remain peaceful,
there must be lawful conduct both from the
marchers and the authorities. If it's true that
violence will hurt the eace'ffiov" a t,,-then
there are others besides a few demented kids
from SDS wl}o stand to gain by fulminating
it,
Next we get to the unity-divisiveness
theme` Somebody gave a classic expression
of it' on the tube the other night: "Let us
be united for peace. Let us also be united
-against defeat. Because let us understand:
North Vietnam cannot defeat the United
States. Only Americans can do that."
It is by uttering such words, especially
behind the presidential shield, that a "silent
majority" is created. A silent majority is a
large, flaccid glop of people who thought-
lessly give assent because the question
doesn't matter enough to them to think it
Taken on r face, these calls for unity
make no sense, they're comprehensible
if you understand un to mean obedience-
"Be obedient for peace. a obedient against
defeat." Except in rare oments of self-
evident, not government- oclaimed, na-
tional crisis, unity is antit tical to the
democratic process. Our whole t eory of rul-
ing ourselves is based on the assn tion that
rival ideas and policies must be a couraged
to have it out so that we may ick the
We've had 30 years of unity, of bip rtisan
foreign policies, of obediently cheering while
our presidents roam infinitely abou the
planet, lamp in hand, like Diogenes, t ing
to find a peaceful nation. An end to ity.
Bring on division and debate. It's ter able
on the ears and the nerves, but it's ver
been claimed that democracy is the a lest
form of government, only the best.
PREPARATIONS FOR THE MORATORIU
Citizens may disagree with official policy,
even in time of war, and still be triots.
But they must be free to express air dis-
agreement. Dissent that is suppr red tends
inevitably to become rebellion just as any
force too narrowly confine nds to become
explosive. That is Why rotest against pre-
vailing policy-even when a President feels
that it may hamper the execution of that
policy-needs to be accorded the fullest free-
dom' consonant with public safety.
Nothing is clearer from the Constitution
and the traditions of the American people
than that citizens have a right to come to
the Capital of the United States and demon-
strate dramatically to their representatives
in Congress and to their President that they
oppose a national policy. It is true that such
a demonstration may cause a lot of incon-
venience; it may snarl traffic, interfere with
people engaged in their normal activities, put
the government to great expense in main-
taining order. But to forbid or frustrate such
a demonstration would be at once dangerous
and un-American in the truest sense of that
abused term.
We set forth these general observations
with the thought that they ought to guide
the government in dealing with the antiwar
demonstration planned here for Nov. 13, 14
and 15. It would be folly to ignore the po-
tential dangers involved in this demonstra-
tion. No one can say with any certainty how
many demonstrators will come here. No one
seems able to speak with authority for the
demonstration as a whole. While there is
no doubt that an overwhelming majority of
those who will assemble here mean to do so
peaceably, there is evidence that others mean
to take advantage of the occasion to foment
disorder and violence; and there is always
a risk that excitement can lead to upheaval
even among the well-meaning.
So there is every reason for the District
authorities and the Department of Justice
to take precautions and to be prepared to
deal with trouble. The sooner the rules gov-
erning the demonstration can be clearly fixed
and made widely known, the better the
chances for avoiding disaster. Those rules
ought to be generous and reasonable. In a
statement Tuesday night, Justice Depart-
ment officials indicated that they want to
scale the Nov. 15 march down to a "symbolic"
movement-of a few people. There is no war-
rant for such constraint. Pennsylvania Ave-
nue is a traditional place for parades; and
there is no good reason why the demonstra-
tors should not use it if they do so lawfully
and in good order.
The aim ought to maximize the opportu-
nities for orderly expression, while mini-
mizing the opportunities to foment violence.
If there are to be several hundred thousand
demonstrators here nxet week, there is good
reason for forbidding them to ring the
White House itself because of the dangers
that grow out of conflnhg so large a num-
ber in so small an area. But they could
safely, we should suppose, be allowed to
march around the complex comprising the
White House, the Treasury Department and
the old State, War and Navy building.
Latitude and hospitality in dealing with
demonstrators worked well for this city in
the great Civil Rights March of 1963, in the
creation of Resurrection City and in the
Moratorium Day of last month. They worked
a great deal better than the hostility and
repression with which the Chicago authori-
ties greeted the demonstrators at the Demo-
cratic National Convention of 1968. Local as
well as national authorities ought to partici-
pate In the planning for this event, for local
as well as national interests are involved,
and the people who live here need full rep-
resentation.
Specifically, both Mayor Washington and
the city council ought to be speaking out
and exerting their influence in every way
possible, publicly as well as privately, to
maintain the record that has been estab-
lished here of respect for liberty as well as
order.
Let the rules be respectful of freedom. Let
them be promulgated with as much clarity
as possible. And let the force be on hand
to see that they are resolutely maintained.
The Americans who live here need not then
be fearful of fellow-Americans who come to
the Capital to exercise their right as free
men.
ORDER FOR ADJOURNMENT
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I
ask unanimous consent that when the
Senate completes its business today, it
stand in adjournment until 12 o'clock
noon Monday next.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without
objection, it is so ordered.
INDEPENDENT OFFICES AND DE-
PARTMENT OF HOUSING AND
URBAN DEVELOPMENT APPROPRI-
ATIONS 1970
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent that the Senate turn
to the consideration of Calendar No. 514,
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513944 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD- SENATE Nom; .bel? i, 1969
H.R. 12307. I do this. so that the bill
willbecome the pending business.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The bill
will be stated by title.
The LEGISLATIVE CLERK. A bill (H.R.
12307) making , appropriations for
sundry independent executive bureaus,
boards, commissions, corporations, agen-
cies, offices, and the Department of Hous-
ing and Urban Development for the fiscal
year ending June 30, 1970, and for other
purposes
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there
objection to the present consideration of
the bill?
There being no objection, the Senate
proceeded to consider the bill, which had
been reported from the Committee on
Appropriations with amendments.
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, no
consideration will be given to the pend-
ing business this afternoon.
ORDER OF BUSINESS
It is my intention, when, the distin-
guished Senator from Alaska completes
his remarks, to explain to the Senate in
a somewhat brief manner, with addi-
tional brief information to be incorpo-
rated in the RECORD, the status of the
consular convention with Belgium and
the agreement with Canada on adjust-
ments in flood control payments.
It will be my intention to go through
the reading of these two treaties or
agreements and to request at that time
that the vote take place at 2 o'clock Mon-
day afternoon next.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Pursuant
to the order of yesterday, the Senator
from Alaska is recognized for 30 minutes.
S. ~.2 INTRODUCTION OF A BILL
TO PROVIDE FOR THE EXCHANGE
OF GOVERNMENTAL OFFICIALS
BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES
AND THE UNION OF SOVIET SO-
CIALIST REPUBLICS
Mr. GRAVEL. Mr. President, I intro-
duce a bill and ask that it be appro-
priately referred.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The bill
will be received and appropriately re-
ferred.
The bill (S. 3127) to provide for the
exchange of governmental officials be-
tween the United States and the Union
of Soviet Socialist Republics, introduced
by Mr. GRAVEL, was received, read twice
by its title, and referred to the Commit-
tee on Foreign Relations.
SAINTS AND DEVILS THRIVE ON DISTANCE
Mr. GRAVEL. Mr. President, the time
has come for the American political
leadership to visit the Soviet Union. And
the time has come for the Soviet politi-
cal leadership to see what the United
States is really like. The time has come
to do what perceptive political observers
have long proposed. We should expose
each country to the observation of the
political leadership of the other side.
I propose that we make it possible for
1,000 leading American elected officials
in local, State, and National Government
to go to the Soviet Union with their wives
for up to 2 weeks at Government ex-
pense. And I propose that we facilitate
the travel here of 1,000 members of the
Soviet leadership with their wives,
should they choose to come. This pro-
posal. has potential for improving rela-
tions, and for providing a political cli-
mate in which the arms race can be
slowed. Certainly, relations between our
two countries will become more normal
when such visits become an accepted
state of affairs.
There are two aspects of my proposal
and both deserve support on their merits
alone.
First, there is the enormous desirability
of having our political leaders visit the
Soviet Union. Consider what a strange
state of affairs now exists. Since the
Second Woild War $1 trillion has been
appropriated principally for our defense
against the Soviet Union. Yet most Con-
gressmen and Senators who cast their
votes have never been there. Appropria-
tions continue at such a rate that in the
next 10 years, we will have spent an ad-
ditional trillion dollars. No Senator or
Congressman spends one-millionth of
that sum without going to see the site
of the dam or airport for which the
money is being spent.
Every Congressman bears direct re-
sponsibility for decisions affecting the
conduct of defense and foreign policy.
Each must consider his vote on defense
matters to be among the most important
votes he casts.
In our political process decisions are
not only made in Congress. Elected offi-
cials at the State and local level also
shape national policies through their in-
fluence on candidates and issues. How
many mayors, Governors, and leading
members of State legislatures have been
to the Soviet Union? And how many of
these officials will be tomorrow's national
leaders?
Everyone who has been to the Soviet
Union-everyone who has traveled any-
where-knows the importance of a visit
in understanding another culture. Soci-
ologists, specialists in cultural exchange,
political and social scientists will tell us
that there is no substitute for travel as
an educational and cultural addition to
the perspective of our "political leader-
ship. Some believe we are entering an
era of educational and cultural relations
which itself must be better understood
by our political leadership.
Every year since 1958, we have sent to
the Soviet Union between 500 and 3,000
scientists, sportsmen, doctors, educators,
and specialists of other kinds. Has not
the time come to send political leaders
who must, after all, make the decisions
upon which our future depends?
In recent years, between 10,000 and
20,000 American tourists have gone to
the Soviet Union annually. In time, an
informed portion of our American so-
ciety will have a clearer mental picture of
the Soviet Union than that held by most
American political leaders.
in the beginning of the cold war, travel
to the Soviet Union was difficult and
hedged with restrictions. But since the
middle fifties, and increasingly in the
sixties, many cities have been opened up
for even nonofficial travel.
Mr. President, I returned in August
from a short visit to Moscow. I can tell
you what many thousands of Americans
can now report first hand. It is possible
to walk the length and breadth of these
many cities. It is possible to see the way
people dress, the homes they live in, the
newspapers and posters they read, the
monuments they visit. One can see how
they treat one another, the courtesies
they show the visitors and the emerging
and disappearing styles of behavior.
We in the Congress are politicians. We
are good ones, or we would not be here.
We know the importance of seeing, feel-
ing, touching, smelling reality. We know
what reaching out to people is like. We
know how much can be learned and
gained from experience. And we know
how important it is to let others see us,
and hear from us, what we stand for.
Why, then, have we failed to apply this
rich instinct for human relations to
foreign affairs, our most important
problem?
There is no good reason. Some Con-
gressmen and Senators have already
traveled-some more than once-to the
Soviet Union. And they can testify, as
I testify, to the importance of such travel
in their thinking and perspective. But
many other Congressmen and Senators
have never found the occasion. Some are
inhibited by shortages of time. Some are
inhibited by fear of the charge of "jun-
keting." They do not wish to ask a com-
mittee for funds for travel when that
travel is not imperative to that particular
committee assignment.
Not only Congressmen should visit the
Soviet Union. It is abundantly clear to-
day that there must be continual exami-
nation and reexamination of our na-
tional priorities in our national expend-
itures. The needs of our States and our
cities must be balanced against the de-
mands of national security. Fully one-
half of our budget is being spent on de-
fense. In the attitudes and in the posi-
tions taken by State and local leaders
there are always echoes of opinions of the
cold war. Whether he wants roads,
schools, or health care, each State and
local leader should want to have an in-
formed appraisal of the kind of adver-
sary we face.
Therefore, our 50 Governors should be
given an opportunity to visit the Soviet
Union. They especially provide the citi-
zens of their States with a sense of the
relative urgency of domestic versus de-
fense expenditures.
Inside the State legislatures, where the
political process is shaping domestic pro-
grams, it is desirable that respected men
of long experience be available to con-
vey their sense of the state of Soviet
progress. In our Nation, there are 99
houses of the State legislature. Each
has a speaker or president and each has
a majority and minority leader. I pro-
pose that these three men in each of
these 99 parliaments be given the same
opportunity to travel.
Finally, I believe that we should ac-
cord the same privilege to the mayors of
our 100 largest cities, cities with well over
100,000 population and sometimes several
million. These mayors are also urgently
seeking some personal basis for shaping
the national priorities that are so criti-
cal to the demands of their cities.
In other words, this program would
insure that leading and representative
figures throughout our political process
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had some firsthand experience with the
most salient features of Soviet life.
Obviously, a proposal this far reach-
ing and novel will need continual over-
,eeing. Discussions with Soviet repre-
sentatives about the program will un-
doubtedly be necessary. And Congress
will want to be ready to hear U.S. and
Soviet comments on how the program
is going. Therefore, I am proposing that
a Joint Committee on U.S.-U.S.S.R. Po-
litical Exchanges be set up for the ex-
plicit purpose of overseeing this program.
It would have no other purpose.
This is a sensible proposal. And it is an
idea whose time has come. The proposal
can be justified in many different ways
and does not assume an improvement in
United. States-Soviet relations. Some
may wish to be certain that their per-
spective on Soviet development is ac-
curate and up to date. Some may believe
that one should "know one's adversary."
This is not a proposal to brainwash
the American political leadership. His-
torically, those most sympathetic to the
Soviet Union have been disillusioned by
their visits. In 1936, Andre Gide's report
on his trip "Return from the U.S.S.R."
created a sensation. Three years before,
Gide had declared his "admiration," his
"love" for the Soviet Union. He returned
deeply troubled and said:
Good and bad alike are to be found there;
the best and the worst.
He was not the first. In 1839, a con-
temporary of De Tocqueville, Nicholas
de Custine, produced an extraordinary
report on his visit to Russia. His insight
into Russian character is as valuable
as De Tocqueville's analysis of our own.
De -Custine reported that he went to
Russia "in search of arguments against
representative government" but returned
a "partisan of constitutions." These ob-
servers were-far more sympathetic to
what they set out to see than our politi-
cal leadership would be.
Our political leadership cannot be
fooled. It is true that the Soviet leader-
ship, and Soviet society both, will try
to show visitors only the best, much as
a housewife insists upon tidying up the
home before guests are received.
And of course, for traditional social
and political reasons, the Soviet Union
wants to make the best possible impres-
.sion onforeign visitors. But this makes
no important difference. Many differ-
encesbetween American and Soviet ways
of life are so visible that they cannot be
hidden from the traveler for even 30
minutes, much less 2 weeks,
It is not only the political left that is
traditionally disillusioned by contact
with ,the Soviet Union. The far right will
also be startled. The Soviet Union is far
behind us in living standards. They will
see that the Soviets are not 10 feet tali:
There is much evidence that the more
conservative the American politicians
are, in economic and political'philoso'phy,
the more favorably impressed they are
likely to be by the Soviet Union.
In other words, s6me?of our political
leaders with exaggerated stereotypes will
lose them. This is.not brainwashing. This
is broadening. This is education. People
often , fear and often they idolize what
they do not know. That is what Dr.
S 13945
Harold Lasswell meant when he said: wish to have so many of their colleagues
"Saints and devils thrive on distance." exposed to Western influences and West-
My proposal that we arm ourselves em standards of living.
with information, is something we ought For this reason, the United States
to do in our own interest. We should do should simply move ahead on that part of
it regardless of the Soviet response. But the program that it can control by it-
obviously, it is just as important for self the sending of our political leaders
Soviet officials to see our country as it is to the Soviet Union. The best way to
for us to see theirs. We should not forget insure Soviet participation is not to wait
that only one group in the world has the for their agreement.
power to destroy us and this is the ruling I propose that, in passing this bill, we
group in the U.S.S.R. Whether we com- announce our readiness to welcome 1,000
municate well with that group could, Soviet officials from the Communist
quite literally, determine whether we and Party Central Committee, the Supreme
i
f
The best way to improve such com-
munication is to remove Soviet stereo-
types about us and permit this group of
leaders to see-us as we are. An important
study, entitled "How the Soviet System
Works," lists typical Soviet opinions and
the effect of contact with the West on
those opinions. Soviet citizens thought
Americans were aggressive and bent on
world domination. But contact with the
West decreased the force of that belief.
Soviet citizens, respected America for its
technology and its material power; con-
tact with the West reinforced this view.
Soviet citizens thought capitalism was
decadent, surviving only by exploitation
of workers, and the artificial stimulation
of armament production. This notion
has been pretty well destroyed by con-
tact with the West. Finally, our, standard
of living was underestimated. 'he mag-
nitudes of difference that did exist sur-
prised Soviet citizens who came here.
But perhaps most important of the
impressions that visits to America will
leave in the minds of Soviet officials is
the impression that an arms race with a
country so rich is so futile. This alone is
reason enough for the passage of this
bill.
My proposal is not the first effort by
the United States to welcome foreign
leaders in our political interest. In 1948,
Congress passed the International Infor-
mation and Educational Exchange Act,
better known as the Smith-Mundt Act.
At first this was directed toward encour-
aging visits by intellectuals and scien-
tists. It then became, under the pressures
of the cold war, a program to convey a
more accurate picture of American de-
mocracy to foreign leaders in the massive
struggle for men's minds.
Thus, the foreign leader program of
1952 was designed for those who exer-
cised, or would probably soon exercise,
unquestionable influence over a substan-
tial segment of public opinion in their
own countries. They were to be provided
with a full and fair picture of American
life.
From 1949 to 1954, a great emphasis
was placed on exposing German leaders
to American democracy. Are we any ny less
interested in showing America to the
Soviet leadership with its power of war
or peace, than to the leadership of a
Unfortunately, negotiations on Soviet have an important perspective.
visits of this kind could bog down The wives will observe important as-
through Soviet reluctance to send their pects of life that would otherwise be
leadership in these numbers. This pro- missed. The' wife provides a useful,
?posal`may seem frightening to many So- trusted, and valued sounding board on
viet leaders- of conservative bent who which to test his conclusions. Our wives
fear ideological penetration and do not give balance to our views.
ms ers.
M
Soviet, and the Council o
The proposed Joint Committee on U.S.-
U.S.S.R. Political Exchanges, through the
U.S. State Department, can discuss with
the Soviet representatives any proposals
they may wish to make about financial
reciprocity. It is entirely possible that we
shall' wish to defray Soviet expenses in
this country, and in return have the
Soviet Union defray the expenses of our
visitors. This is a minor question, from
our point of view.
The exchanges between officials of the
two societies is not an exchange between
the Congress and the Supreme Soviet. It
is obviously much broader than that. The
fact that our political figures participate
in our social system in different ways
than the Soviet figures participate in
theirs does not constitute a valid basis for
rejecting this program.
We can reasonably assume that, for
the most part, the most influential Soviet
political figures will be sent. After all,
a trip to the West is interesting to Soviet
citizens just as a trip to the Soviet Union
is interesting to our citizens. There will
be some competition over who is permit-
ted to take advantage of this offer: pre-
sumably the most influential will win.
But it does not matter. All who are sent
will be important figures and opinion
leaders in the Soviet Union. All should
see us as we really are. We have nothing
to hide and much to be proud of.
Many Members of the Congress may
fear that such an exchange will require
enormous quantities of official hospitality
and time-resources of which parliamen-
tarians in our social system have very
little. But this need not be so. There are
private' institutions quite capable of ar-
ranging the appointments and visits of
the 1,000 Soviet visitors who may come.
Most of the visitors will be interested
in seeing the country rather than ex-
changing speeches. Anyone who has ac-
cepted official hospitality in trips to the
Soviet Union may wish to reciprocate.
But no individual will be under any obli-
gation. We do not want this program to
disintegrate into a series of ceremonial
events, this would be inconsistent with
the basic purpose of the program. Every
effort will be made to keep such events
at a minimum.
Finally, my. program includes the
spouses on both sides. The purpose of
this proposal is to observe the life of an-
other society. In this evaluation, women
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S 13946 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE Novet,tber 7 , 19t
Some will say that if we spend money Mr. MANSFIELD. Many people are not under the domination of Batista arid h'
for travel bo the Soviet Union, why not aware of the fact that we are a very close rather corrupt regime.
other countries? . neighbor of the Soviet Union, based on With that in mind, and because I dig
I see a special relevance in visits to the distance between these two islands. not approve of the corruptness of the
the Soviet Union. the only other really As the Senator indicated, 2 miles seo- Batista regime, I went to Cuba in the
major power, a nation that has 1,000 arate the United States from the Soviet early days of Castro's r oming to power.
missiles aimed at us. So I restrict my pro- Union. I bring out this point because it I wanted to see for myscif just what kind
posal to this country.. helps explain in part why the distin- of individual he was and the conditions
Not all of what travelers learn is good. guished Senator from Alaska, who, in ef- th.;it were developing in Cuba.
But all of it is real. A picture is worth a feet, is a next-door neighbor, would be I went to Cuba seve al time; during
thousand words. A visit is a million Pie- interested in a suggestion of this kind. 1939. It did not take rue long to learn
tures. No one can be sure, using words I want to assure the Senator, assum ii that what we had read :n the influential
alone, that his judgment on Soviet policy that this matter will go before the Corn- press in this country. particularly one
is sound, unless he has exposed himself rnittee on Foreign Relations, as I think it paper in the city of New York and
to at least one visit. This, in a nutshell, will, that what he has suggested will re- various news magazines was completely
is my argument. ceive every consideration and, hopefully, inaccurate.
The total cost of this program would in the not too distant future. It was in October of '959 that I stood
be $5 million. Let me recapitulate what I commend the Senator for a most in in the public square at the Presidential
we are getting for this sum. One thou- teresting speech. Paiace in Havana, with a crowd which
sand influential officials of our society, Mr. GRAVEL. I thank the Senator Cuban officials had estimated to be 1
with their spouses, will be exposed to the from Montana very much. million persons, they had converged on
Soviet Union as it is. Each will be in a Mr. BYRD of Virginia. Mr.'President, the Presidential Square. Fidel Castro
position to transmit, through his vote, will the Senator from Alaska yield? spoke for 3 hours and 12 minutes.
and to the groups he influences, exactly Mr. GRAVEL. I am happy to yield to I listened to his speech from the apart-
what he has learned. the Senator from Virginia. went of the editor of t+ e Times of Ha-
And, in addition, we will likely trigger Mr. BYRD of Virginia. Mr. President, vana, whose apartment overlooked the
from the Soviet Union visits of 1,000 in- I found the speech of the Senator from Presidential Square. With me was the
fluential persons and their wives from Alaska most interesting. I thought his late Jules DuBois-at that time Latin
their society. They would see us as we presentation was splendid. American correspondent for the Chicago
are. I am not prepared at this time to en- Tribune.
Defense expenditures over this period dorse the specifics of the legislation It was at that point that Fidel Castro
of 5 years are likely to be at least $350 which the Senator is introducing today began to denounce tiie United States.
billion or about $1,500 per person in the but I find his idea intriguing. Bear in mind that he had been in office
United States. My program will cost I endorse the central theme; namely, for only 10 months.
less than 2 cents per person over the the importance of individuals, par- I came away from those visits to Cuba
same 5-year period. If we and the Soviet ticularly the leaders of a country know- in 1959 believing that he was not only a
Union cut our defense costs sonic in- ing better the leaders and conditions in very dangerous man, but also one who
finitesimal amount as a result of this ex- other countries. I think that is extremely would not, bring freedom to the people of
change, the entire project will have been important. Cuba, and that he was not a man who
a success. Mr. President, in private life and be- would be helpful to democratic govern-
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, will fore coming to the Senate, I was a news- meats or friendly to the United States.
the Senator yield? Paper editor. I felt it an obligation to As the months and years went by. of
Mr. GRAVEL. I yield. know not just my circulation territory, course, it became obvious-and Castro
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, this but I also felt it an obligation on the finally admitted-that lie was, in fact,
is a most interesting speech. It raises part of those in the news gathering and a Communist and was throwing in his
a very intriguing question. news publication business to know the lot with the Soviet Union and was bring-
The question of exchanges between conditions existing throughout the rrig communism to Cuba_
parliamentarians has been brought up world. Therefore I made it a special By doing that, Castro has ruined a
from time to time, and I believe that point of frequently going to a particular wonderful little island, and the futures
the Soviet Union has indicated great in- country or countries. I found to be of of 6 million wonderful Cubans,
terest in bringing about an exchange be- tremendous benefit. To cite a converse example, I went to
tween parliamentarians from their coun- I think that Is what the distinguished Poland a few years ago expecting to find
try with Members of Congress in this Senator from Alaska has in mind when oppression-but found it was not so tight
country. So far this proposal has not he seeks to encourage an exchange of a dictatorship as I had believed.
achieved importance in the way of suc- leaders of government between the two Mr. President, I cite these facts only
cess beeatwe, I think, of the inherent or greatest nations in the world, the United to say I feel that the Seuctor from Alaska
latent hostility which is still a factor be- States, and the Soviet Union. is rendering a fine service in pointing out
tween the two countries and which will I concur in his view that not all of the importance of the leaders of Gov-
not be relieved until better relations are what travelers experience is good. But I ernrnent seeing at first hand the condi-
achieved, like his words, But all of it is real." i tions as they exist in other countries
I wish to ask the Senator a few ques- like what he says, "A picture is worth throughout the world,
tions which may help to indicate his a thousand words." As a newspaper edi-- I should like to see more Members of
Particular interest in the intriguing pos- for, I certainly agree with that. Congress, more newspaper publishers,
sibility he has raised.. Then he says, "A visit is a million pic- more mayors and Governors, visit not
Aside from Canada and Mexico, what tures." I think that is a beautiful phrase only the Soviet Union but visit also East-
country is our closest neighbor? lie has used and one with which I fully ern Europe, the Middle East, and the
Mr. GRAVEL. Geographically, it is the concur. Far East. The world is getting smaller
Soviet Union. Mr. President, I do not think that we these days. In this age of jet travel we
Mr. MANSFIELD. What is the status can best grasp the problems on which can get from one place to another very
of the Diomede Islands; we have to legislate in Congress when quickly. With the world shrinking in
distance between the two and what s we have had first-hand experience. time, I believe it is important we know as
I remember vividly when Fidel Castro much as we can about conditions as they
Mr. GRAVEL. Between Little Diomede, came to power in Cuba-January i, exist in all areas of the world.
which is U,S. territory, and Big Diomede, 1959-just a little over 10 years ago. I am convinced, too, that the more the
which is Russian, the distance is about 2 I remember that many of the great citizens of other nations see of the United
miles. newspapers in this country told the States the more they will realize the
Mr. MANSFIELD, So the largest State American people what a great liberator advantages of democratic government
in the Union is the closet neighbor to the Fidel Castro was, that his coming to and of the free enterprise system.
largest nation in the world. power would give freedom to the Cuban So while I am not prepared to endorse
Mr. GRAVEL. The Senator is correct. people, who, prior to that time, had been the specifies of the legislation introduced
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November 7, 109 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
by the distinguished Senator from as I have written him, is that he is pro-
Alp" I think he has rendered a service viding for a separate congressional staff
n,ging out, on the floor of the Sen- to handle this matter.
ate, the importance of Members of Con-, As the Senator knows, I have been op-
gress and ether. public officials seeing posed to the creation of many subcom-
firsthand conditions existing elsewhere mittees and ad hoc groups. At the same
in the world. time it is easy to see that having Mem-
I notice that the distinguished senior bers of Congress serve on such a com-
Senator from Louisiana (Mr, ELLENDER) mission would help to create support for
has come into the Chamber. Of all the its work in the public's mind and in the
Members of the Senate, I doubt if any Congress itself. In any event, I hope that
oth
r
b
e
am
er has, traveled so widely when the bill comes before the Senate,
and has gathered first hand so much it is limited in its staff, because that can
information-611so many countries as has get into quite a bit of money and pro-
the distinguished senior senator from vide little accomplishment.
Louisiana. I feel that his many trips have But, going back to the subject of
been most helpful and the reports he has Russia, as I said on returning from my
made to the Senate have been most help- last trip there, I cannot foresee world
ful to the Senate and to the Congress as peace unless and until the suspicion that
a whole, now exists between us and Russia is
Again, I am pleased that the distin- somewhat dissipated. As long as that fear
guished Senator. from Alaska has and suspicion remain, I cannot see that
brought this proposal, before the Senate. world peace will prevail.
I hope the Foreign Relations Committee It is up to us to do what we can to
will give it careful study. work side by side with Russia, without in
Mr. GRAVEL, Mr. President I wish to any manner embracing its Communist
thank the distinguished Senator from government. I believe that can be done,
Virginia, a very close friend of mine. and I am not advocating communism,
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, will or unilateral disarmament, or anything
the Senator yield once more? of the sort.
Mr. GRAVEL. I yield. As I pointed out on many occasions to
Mr. MANSFIELD, Mr. President, I am the Senate, particularly in my reports of
delighted that the distinguished senior 1961 and in 1968, there is no doubt in
Senator from Virginia (Mr. BYRD) raised my own mind that the seeds of free
the question of the prestige and stand- enterprise are alive and growing in Bus-
ing of the distinguished senior Senator sia, and that the people there are making
from Louisiana (Mr. ELLENDER). No progress because of the incentives that
Member of this body or this Congress, have been made available to them. Eco-
and very few people in this country, if nomic incentives I consider to be the
any, are as aware of the situation as it cornerstone of our free enterprise sys-
exists now, and, has. for the past decade tem. Much more food is today produced
or more, in the Soviet Union, than is the there because the farmers are being
Senator f
rom Louisiana. Few have better paid.
traveled and observed more widely and Russia is now permitting, for instance,
thoroughly in the Soviet Union. Not only the ownership of homes. The government
has he traveled and written reports, but may now contribute at least 80 percent
he has also taken motion pictures of his of the cost of building a home. The Rus-
journeys, in the Soviet Union and in sian people have to pay only 1 percent
other parts of the world. interest on whatever they borrow from
The thing that disturbs me is that he the Government to construct their own
comes back with so much valuable in- homes. That is a step in the right di-
formation and receives so little publicity rection.
and so litle credit. Some of the rest of It is my considered judgment that we
us, who do not have a fraction of the should try to encourage what is going on
experience that the distinguished Sen- in Russia now. The only way to do that,
ator from Louisiana has, get more at- as I said, is to trade with them, deal with
tention for our reports. I only hope that them, and have visits by people in all
from now on the reports which the dis- walks of life.
tinguished senior Senator from Louisiana My good friend from Alaska has limit-
makes, which I believe are masterpieces, ed the visits to political officials, more or
will be given more attention and study. less. I would like to provide that people
They are worth every bit as much as or in all walks of life could come here and
more than the reports which are put see what we have. I am sure, if we are
out by some of us who travel abroad. able to do that, it would not take very
A,_ _.. ,..__
So I am glad the co,,.,+,...
-_ _ _ _
fro
for
813947
destroyed. Yet we have been trying for
20 years to fight Russia and destroy its
form of government. Instead of destroy-
ing it, today Russia is as strong as if not
stronger than, she has ever been.
. I am hopeful that the contemplated
visits will come to pass and that we can
add to the number of exchanges between
the two greatest powers in the world. I
have no doubt that better relationships
can be attained.
If we continue on the path we are
now pursuing for the next 5 years, I
believe we will destroy our own economy.
Mr. GRAVEL. Mr. President, I would
like to associate myself with the remarks
of the Senator from Montana. and the
Senator from Virginia concerning the
ability, the knowledge, and the valued
service of the Senator from Louisiana.
I yield the floor.
AUTHORIZATION FOR COMMITTEES
TO FILE REPORTS AND FOR THE
SECRETARY OF THE SENATE TO
RECEIVE MESSAGES DURING AD-
JOURNMENT
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent that, during the ad-
journment of the Senate, from the con-
clusion of business today until noon en
Monday next, all committees be author-
ized to file reports, including minority,
individual, or supplemental views; that
the Secretary of the Senate be author-
ized to receive messages from the Presi-
dent and the House of Representatives;
and that the Vice President, the Presi-
dent pro tempore, or the Acting Presi-
dent pro tempore, be authorized to sign
duly enrolled bills.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without
objection, it is so ordered.
EXECUTIVE SESSION
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I
ask unanimous consent that the Senate
go into executive session to consider two
treaties on the calendar.
There being no objection, the Senate
proceeded to consider executive business.
CONSULAR CONVENTION WITH
BELGIUM
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent that the Chair lay
before the Senate Executive F, 91st Con-
gress, first session.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there
objection?
i
ana uoc at
ce and free en- as in the committee of the Whole, pro-
the , who has done sterling work over terprise form of government. They might ceeded to consider Executive F, 91st Con-
years and decades, and has done so follow it more closely and come nearer gress, first session, the Consular Con-
unselfishly, at great personal expense, to our way of life than the life they are vention with Belgium, which was read
and under most difficult circumstances. Pursuing. Political change is dependent the second time, as follows:
Mr. ELi.,>TDER. Mr. President, I am upon economic and social change, par- CoNSVLAR CONVENTION BETWEEN THE
overwhe,Tmed by these words of praise. I titularly in such a vast and underdevel- UNITED STATES of AMERICA AND THE
greatly appreciate the very kind com- oped country such as Russia. We should KINGDOM OF BELGIUM
ments of the Senator from Virginia (Mr. do everything possible to encourage the The President of the United States of
BYRD) and of the distinguished majority process of change. America and His Majesty the King of the
leader. As I have said on many occasions, I Belgians,
Yesterday the senator from Alaska see no possibility of destroying commu- Being desirous of determining the condi-
sent to my office the measure that he nism by force. We can no more destroy respe for admitting consular officers to their
presents today. I am in thorough accord communism in Russia by vilifying it or their reciprocal rights, immunities, and of and priv-
with it. The only criticism I had of it, by force of arms than religion can be ileges. and defining their functions,
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S 13948 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE November
Desiring thus to facilitate the protection
of nationals of ee,ch High Contracting Party
in the territories of the other.
Have agreed to conclude for that purpose
a Consular Convention and have designated
as their Plenipotentiaries:
The President of the United States of
America:
William P. Rogers, Secretary of State of
the United States of America, and
His Majesty the King of the Belgians:
Baron Scheyven, Ambassador Extraordinary
and Plenipotentiary of Belgium.
Who have agreed as follows:
TITLE I-APPLICATION AND DEFINITIONS
Article 1
The territories of the High Contracting
Pal ties to which the provisions of this Con-
vention apply shall be understood to com-
prise all areas of land or water subject to the
sovereignty or authority of either High Con-
tracting -Party except the Panama Canal
Zone.
Article 2
As used in this Convention:
(a) the term "sending state" means the
High Contracting Party by whom the con-
sular officer is appointed;
(b) the term "receiving state" means the
High Contracting Party within whose ter-
ritory the consular officer performs the func-
tions of his office and includes the states,
provinces, municipalities, or other local sub-
divisions of which it is composed;
(c) the term "consular officer" means any
person duly appointed and authorized to
exercise consular functions in the receiving
state as consul general, consul, vice consul,
or consular agent;
(d) the term "consular employee" means
an individual who, after the notification
stipulated in Article 5, performs administra-
tive or technical tasks in a consulate of the
sending state;
(e) the term "consulate" means any consu-
lar establishment, whether a consulate gen-
eral, consulate, vice consulate, or a consular
agency;
(f) the term "consular archive:," means
the papers, documents, correspondence,
books, films, tapes and registers of the con-
sulate together with the ciphers and codes,
the card-indexes, and any article of furni-
ture intended for their protection or safe-
keeping;
(g) the term "consular district" means the
territory in the receiving state within whose
limits a consular officer exercises his func-
tions;
(h) the term "vessel", as used in Title VI
of the present Convention, means any ship
or craft registered under the laws of the
sending state, including those owned by the
sending state, with the exception of war-
ships.
TITLE II-ESTABLISHMENT OF CONSULATES
Article 3
benefits and be subject to the obligations
of this Convention. Pending the issuance
of the exeguatur or other authorization, the
receiving state may agree to admit him
provisionally to the exercise of his functions.
(4) The exequatur or other authorization
may not be refused or withdrawn except for
good cause, the reasons for which need not
be communicated to the sending state.
Article 5
(1) The receiving state shall be notified
of the assignment of a
to a consulate and
his home addr i
(2) The r ivi
any time, e ase to re(
at I. f. ti.r
lar employe
as a c0
sends state shall, I
eith recall the Ind
ter
o the receiving state to perform consular
unctions in addition to diplomatic func-
tions. Such a designation must be matte
in conformity with the provisions of this
Convention. Individuals so designated shall
be entitled to the benefits and be subject to
bein embers of the diplomatic mission of
the sen g state.
TITLE III ERAL RIGHTS, IMMUNITIES ANY)
he comes in contact in the
his functions.
7, 1969
testimony. The administrative or jualciai au-
thorities requiring such testimony shall take
all reasonable steps to avoid interference with
the performance of his consular functions
and wherever possible arrange for the taking
of such testimony, orally or in writing, at the
consulate or residence of the consular officer
or consular employee.
(2) A consular officer or consular employee
shall have the right to refuse a request from
the administrative or judicial authorities of
the receiving state to produce any documents
or articles from the consular archives or to
give testimony relating to matters connected
with the exercise of consular functions. Such
a request, however, shall be complied within
the interests of justice if it is possible to do
so without prejudicing the interests of the
Sending state.
Article 10
The sending state may waive, with regard
to a consular officer or consular employee,
any of the privileges and immunities pro-
vided for in this Convention. The waiver
shall be express and shall be communicated
to the receiving state in writing.
Article 11
(1) Consular archives shall be inviolable,
and the authorities of the receiving state
shall not, on any pretext, examine or seize the
documents or articles of which they are
composed.
(2) The archives shall be kept completely
separate from the documents and objects
having nothing to do with the performance
of consular functions.
Article 12
The authorities of the receiving state shall
not enter that part of the consular premises
which is used exclusively for the work of the
consulate except with the consent of the
head of the consulate or of his designee or
of the head of the diplomat is mission of the
sending state. The consent of the head of
the consulate may, however, be assumed in
case of fire or other disaster requiring prompt
protective action.
consulates and residences of consular
Article 8
the judicial or administrative authoritie
except as provided in paragraph (4) of
title 32.
(2) A consular officer or consular emplo
arrest or prosecution except when he
been charged with the commission of
which, upon conviction, would subject
individual guilty thereof to a sentenc
imprisonment of at least one year.
(3) The provisions of paragraph (1)
action either:
(a) arising out of a contract co
(1) The sending state may establish and
maintain consulates at any locations agree-
able to the receiving state.
(2) The limits of the consular districts
shall be fixed by agreement between the
sending and receiving states.
Article 4
(1) The diplomatic mission of the sending
state shall notify the receiving state of the
appointment or assignment of an individ-
ual as a consular officer. The document of
appointment or assignment shall define the
consular district.
(2) The receiving state shall issue to the
head of the consulate and to other consular
officers assigned thereto, as soon as possible
and free of charge an exequatur br other au-
thorization. This document shall define the
consular district.
(3) As soon as the exequatur or other
authorization has been received, it consular
officer shall be admitted to the exercise of
his functions and shall be entitled to the
Article 13
(1) A consular officer or consular employee
and members of his family forming part of
his household shall be exempt in the receiv-
ing state from any requirements with regard
to the registration of aliens and the obtain-
ing of permission to reside, and shall not be
subject to deportation. Such members of the
family of a consular officer or consular em-
ployee shall not receive the benefits of this
paragraph if they carry on any private gain-
ful occupation in the receiving state.
(2) An appropriate identification docu-
ment may be issued by the competent au-
thorities of the receiving state to the per-
sons entitled to the benefits of this Article.
(3) The receiving state shall, if required
by its laws or regulations, be notified:
(a) of the arrival of consulate officers and
consular employees after they have been
assigned to a consulate, as well as of their
final departure from the receiving state or
of the termination of their functions in the
consulate;
(b) of the arrival in and final departure
from the receiving state of members of the
family forming part of the household of
consular officers and consular employees and,
if applicable, of the fact that such an indi-
vidual joins their household or leaves it;
(c) of the arrival in and final departure
from the receiving state of private staff mem-
bers who are not nationals of that state and
are in the sole employ of consular officers
and, if necessary, of the fact that they are
entering their service or leaving it;
(d) of the hiring and termination of func-
tions in a consulate of consular employees
engaged in the receiving state.
Article 14
A consular officer or consular employee
shall enjoy exemption from military, naval,
(b) by a thirdtty for damage arising
from an accident in the receiving state
caused by a vehicle, vessel or aircraft.
(4) The sending state and its consular offi-
cers and consular employees shall comply
with any requirement imposed by the laws
and regulations of the receiving state with
respect to insurance against third party risks
arising from the use of any vehicle, vessel or
aircraft.
(5) The authorities of the receiving state
shall notify without delay the diplomatic
mission of the sending state whenever a con-
sular officer or consular employee has been
arrested or detained.
Article 9
(1) A consular officer or consular employee
shall, upon the request of the administrative
or judicial authorities of the receiving state,
appear in court for the purpose of giving
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