WE MUST NEGOTIATE PEACE IN VIETNAM

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP75-00149R000200910011-1
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 4
• Document Creation Date: November 11, 2016
• Document Release Date: February 18, 1999
• Sequence Number: 11
• Publication Date: April 9, 1966
• Content Type: NSPR

ostqzroy: milnqa POST
CPYRGHT
WE NI ST
NEOTI Fjspl
IN \MTN M
By Senator J. W. Fulbright
America is a Great Society and it
is becoming greater. Our peo-
ple enjoy greater material abun-
dance, with greater personal oppor-
tunity and human dignity, than
any people have ever known in the
history of the human race. There is,
to be sure, much unfinished busi-
ness in our society, but the fact re-
mains that we are a great and fun-
damentally decent nation; we know
it?or ought to?and the world
knows it.
At times, however, we act as
though we did not believe in our
own greatness, as though our pres-
tige were constantly in jeopardy,
requiring unending exertions to
prove to the world that we are in-
deed a great and powerful nation.
We are told, for example, that we
must beat the Russians to the moon,
that we must build the world's fast-
est airplane, that we must main-
tain our pressures against Castro,
that we must faithfully discharge
dubious Commitments, not pri-
marily because these actions are
considered essential in themselves
but more because it is believed that
if we did not do these things, our
? prestige, which is to say, our repu-
tation for greatness, would be hope-
lessly compromised.
In the case of Vietnam, our honor
and prestige are indeed involved,
but they are involved principally
because we laid them on the line
and did so in a legally uncertain
and politically casual way. Legally,
under a reasonable interpretation
of the SEATO treaty, we have
agreed to act against external
Communist attack in accordance
ii????
One measure-of a democracy's strength is the
freedom of its citizens to speak out?to dissent from
the popular view. Although the editors often disagree
with the opinions expressed in Speaking Out,
they dedicate the series to that freedom.'
with our constitutional processes
but are obligated only to consult '
with our allies in the event of sub-
version' from outside. We have
neither the obligation nor the right
to intervene in a civil war. If, prior
to American intervention, the warrn
in South Vietnam was essentially a
civil war, as I believe to be the case,
then the legal basis of American in-
volvement is dubious. Practically
and politically, whatever the legali-
ties, the all-out commitment to
South Vietnam was made almost
casually, by a series of minor es-
calations of the American involve-
ment, many of which were accom-
panied by statements that the war
was not our war and would have to
be won or lost by the South Viet-
namese themselves. Only when they
were about to lose the war did the
United States take it over.
The executive and the Congress
must share responsibility for the
casual way in which the United
States committed its honor and
prestige to an unstable and intransi-
gent regime which refuses to nego-
tiate with its enemies and may yet
drag the United States into an all-
out war with China. The executive
tended to explain each increase
in the American involvement
in Vietnam as a tactical
step rather than a change
of policy, while the Con-
gress failed to meet its
general responsibil-
ity of holding the
executive to ac-
count and the Sen-
ate failed to assert
its constitutional
FOIAb3b
powers of "advice and Wilbent" in
the field of foreign policy.
It is my hope that the hearings
on Vietnam recently held before the ?
Senate Foreign Relations Commit- ,
tee and future proceedings now un-
der consideration will help to cor-
rect past omissions on the part of
the Congress. There is some evi-
dence, for example, that we are now
expanding our commitment to Thai-
land in the same disorderly way
that we became so deeply involved '
in Vietnam. There is still time,
however, for the Senate to insist -
that any new commitment to Thai-
land be contracted in full accord ,
with our constitutional procedures,
including full and frank debate.
We have committed our prestige
to an unwise degree in Vietnam, ?
and we have suffered accordingly ?
some loss of prestige, but I do not
think that America's greatness is
questioned in the world, and I cer-
tainly do not think that strident be-
havior is the best way for a nation
to prove its greatness or salve its
damaged pride. Indeed, in nations
as in individuals, bellicosity is a
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CPYRGHT
Apit 9 1966
,
mark of weakness and self-doubt
? rather than strength and self-assur-
ance. There is something appropri-
. ate and admirable about a small
or weak country standing up defi-
antly to a big and powerful country;
such behavior confers upon the
small country an assurance which(
it needs to nourish its dignity and
, self-respect. The same behavior on
the part of a big nation is grotesque,
, marking it as a bully. The true
mark of greatness is not assertive-
ness but magnanimity. "Magna-
nimity n politics," said Edmund
Burke, "is not seldom the truest . 1 , ?
wisdom; and a great empire and ,
little minds go ill together."
It is precisely because of Amer-
ica's great strength and prestige
that we can afford to be?that in-
deed it is in our interest to be?
magnanimous in Vietnam. If the ,
Viet Cong or North Vietnam were
? to take the initiative in offering
substantive concessions, they could
plausibly be regarded as having
been intimidated by American
, power. If we were to take the lead
? ?
in suggesting peace terms involv-
I ing a compromise with the Viet
many people would sup-
,?;'? ?
,? , :!. 1, ; ;or
?T",- ?'
?I''' ? ? pose that the American peo-
Iple had gipwn doubtful about , ' '? , '` . , . ;
N / the war?which is prob-
ably
\ .,. . .
'' ? ably true?but no one
\ could seriously believe ' '. ??? .
? \
? .
that the United
States had been, , ?'? . .' - '
.,??
' ?
?frightened or in- '' . .'.. .,' ;?':". ? ,
. ? . ,. - , . ..? ?
\ ' timidated into sub- ,, ,', ` - s ,, ' '- ? '
mission by a small .
and poor country. 1 . ' , ?,, ' .; ', , -
in southeast Asia.
?
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