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March 4, 1973
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Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 CONFIDENTIAL NEWS, VIEWS and ISSUES INTERNAL USE ONLY This publication contains clippings from the domestic and foreign press for YOUR BACKGROUND INFORMATION. Further use of selected items would rarely be advisable. No . 32 13 MARCH 1973 Government Affairs 0 . . . . . Page 1 General . . . . 0 0 0 . 0 0 o Page 33 Far East ? . 0 0 0 0 . . . . Page 47 Eastern Europe u . 0 .? 0 0 0 0 Page 71 Western Europe. 0 . 0 . . . 0 Page 73 Near East . .. . 0 0 0 0 0 0 Page 78 Africa . . . 0 0 . . 0 . . 0 Page 90 Western Hemisphere . 0 . 0 . . Page 92 CONFIDENTOAL Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 ;as Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 .v..-mmmomw Attairs WASHINGTON POST 4 March 1973 CIA's Schlesinger egins Streamlining' Operations By Thomas O'Toole Washington Post Staff Writer. key moves in his attempts to strengthen the CIA, whith one source said was suffer-, .ing from "aging and bureau-, cratization." Schlesinger , appointed William E. Colby as deputy director of plans, which is ?the CIA title for the man, who heads the agency's co- vert espionage operations or , "department of dirty tricks." Now 53 years old, Colby was, at One time head of the U.S. pacification program in, South Vietnam. Colby replaced Thomas Ka- ramessines, who had wanted to retire two years ago but :who stayed on at the in-- , The new director of the Central Intelligence Agency has begun the long-promised reorganization of the vast U.S. intelligence community with an eye toward stream- lining his own agency and bringing military intelli- gence under closer civilian control. At the peak of the Viet- nam war, the U.S. intelli- gence community employed 150,000 persons and spent $6 billion a year, a growth that ' led to duplication, inter- agency bickering and juris- dictional jealousies that hor- rified President Nixon. In his first month as di- rector, James R. Schlesinger has moved three choices of his own into top jobs at the CIA, forced out two mem- bers of the old guard and set about the task of bring- ing under CIA control the three other federal services- that with the CIA make up the hulk of the U.S. intelli- gence network. ; This description of Schle- singer's first month as CIA director came from an au- thoritative source, who said that Schlesinger is acting on the personal instructions of the President. It was Schle- singer who directed a mas- sive study of the intelli- gence community when he was a member of the Office of Management and Budget in 1971, just before he be- came chairman of the,! Atomic Energy Commission. Paring of the Defense De- partment's intelligence ac- tivities began even before Schlesinger moved into the' CIA. Manpower at the De- fense Intelligence Agency, the National ; Security' Agency and the intelligence branches of the four armed services had climbed above 100,000 persons at one point. In addition, 50,000 others were scattered through 10 other agencies. One source on Capitol- Hill said that $1 billion had been cut from the budget of the Defense Intelligence Agency alone, a figure that was disputed in size only by another source. "It wasn't that much of a' cut," the source said, "but it was a gm:I-sized bite," Since becoming director, Schlesinger has made five- . ' sistence of the White House. One published report said that Karamessines had been fired by Schlesinger, but sources close to the CIA in- 'sisted this was incorrect. The new CIA director also pulled a pair of generals out of the Pentagon to serve on the newly formed Intelli- gence Resource Advisory Committee. They are Army Maj. Gen. Daniel 0. Graham and lar Force Maj. Gen. ,Lew Allen, both of whom have served in military in- telligence and knew Schles- inger who had admired them since his own days with the Rand Corp. t "Jim [Schlesinger] is a tiakeover kind of guy," one source said, "and these ap- pointments bring in men he 'feels comfortable with, who 'will back him up when the going gets tough." The going is expected to get tough quite soon, since It is understood that Schle- singer plans a complete overhauling of the CIA. One. source described the CIA as an "old boy network" that had been allowed -to grow unchecked since it was cre- ated by President Truman In 1947. The CIA now em- ploys 15,000 persons and has a budget of $600 million a year. '--Schlesinger has already forced two old CIA hands into early retirement. One is Bronson Tweedy, former deputy to Schlesinger's predecessor, Richard ??.,,M. :Helms. The other is Thomas shift gears now that there is a cease-fire in Vietnam. He? is said to think that the Mid- dle, East should now be the focus of CIA attention, par- ticularly since ? the Soviet Union is understood to be moving some of its activities' out of the Mediterranean and into the Persian Gulf. The new CIA director is also said to believe that the CIA ought to change its role with the changing times. One source said that Schle- singer believes t h e CIA must begin to gather more intelligence about interna- tional crime, terrorism and narcotics traffic. "The' international terror- ist movement is something that Schlesinger feels should be watched far more closely," the same source said. "There are some peo- ple in intelligence who say it's going to take a major ef- fort to keep these terrorists out of the U.S., to ?? keep them from assassinating public figures right here on American soil." Schlesinger is also said to be concerned about public opinion of the CIA and the role of espionage in an In- creasingly critical world so- ciety. "I think Jim would like it if the American public had a greater understanding of the need for intelligence," one source said. "I don't think he believes he can get the job done right if there is hostility and opposition to the CIA because it's thought to be a nest of spies." - ? Richard Helms' departure from the CIA was said to be as much of a sign of change at the CIA as Schlesinger's arrival. Helms presided over' the CIA for the past seven years, during which time the United States was caught in a series of intelligence fail,-, ures. The loss of the Pueblo, the loss of a U.S. reconnais- sance plane in North Korea right after the Pueblo disas- ter, the abortive raid on the Sontay ? prisoners-of-war camp in North Vietnam are all cited as failures of U.S. intelligence. The lack of in, tclligence abont North Viet- nam's invasion of Cambodia in 1970 and of its offensive in South Vietnam a year ago are also cited as examples of an intelligence community grown too bureaucratic. While Helms was admired for his tough-mindedness, he was also viewed with suspi- cion by the Nixon White House for his independence and his alliances in Wash,- ,ington society. . His power base in Con- gress his friendship with .Parrott, a deputy to Tweedy Washington columnists and who had been 'at the CIA ' his socializing at George, since 1961. ; town cocktail parties were all frowned upon in the Schlesinger is said to be- White House, where ? a low lieve that the CIA must r file is admired more than Approved For Release 2001/08/11intigiAIRIDREV-00432R0q i,17.4ayrigiK1p7rs C.I.A. HEAD NANTES ESPIONAGE CHIEF Colby Becomes Director ,of Clandestine Operations By SEYMOUR M. HERSH Special to The New York Mile! WASHINGTON, Feb. 28? James R. Schlesinger, the new director of Central Intelligence, has named William E. Colby, former head of the American pacification program in South Vietnam and a long-time intel- ligence operative, as director of clandestine operations. Knowledgeable sources re- ported today that Mr. Colby, 53 years old, assumed his new top-level job this week. Formal- ly known inside the agency as the deputy director of plans, Mr. Colby will be in charge of all C.I.A. espionage activities and covert operations, widely known in Washington as the "department of dirty tricks." Mr. Colby's previous position, executive director of the agency, a post combining the functions of the inspector general and controller, has ben abolished by Mr. Schlesinger, the sources said, as part of his revamping of the agency, Two Generals Chosen It was also disclosed that Mr. Schlesinger has chosen two highly regarded major generals for his new Intelligence Re- source Advisory Committee. Through this committee Mr. Schlesinger is expected to seize over-all bureaucratic and finan- cial control of the United States intelliegnce community, which is estimate to spend $6-billion annually. Through this committee Mr. Schlesinger is expected to take over bureaucratic and financial control of the United States in- telligence community, which is estimated to spend $6-billion annually. The generals selected for the committee are Maj. Gen. Daniel 0. Graham of the Army,, who is director of estimates for the Defense Intelligence Agency, and Maj. Gen. Lew Allen of the Air Force, deputy commander for satellite programs. General_ Graham, whose pro- motion to major general be- comes official tomorrow, has been a sharp critic of the C.I.A.'s Office of National Esti- mates, one of the top intelli- gence review groups in the nation. Many Are Alarmed His appointment has alarmed many intelligence officials, who view it as the beginning of an attack on what some have celled a liberal bias in the agency's intelligence estimates. In a recent syndicated column, for example, Joseph Alsop criti- cized what he called the "spe- cial historical bias" of the analysts under the leadership of the former Director of Cen- tral Intelligence, Richard M. Helms, who was,- named Am- bassador to Iran last January. Mr. Alsop's column then went on to note that Mr. Schlesinger 0100110001-4 Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 WASHINGTON POST 23 February, 1973 Joseph Aliop "is even bringing in from the Defense Department the most pungent and persistent critic of the C.I.A.'s estimating-analyz- ing hierarchy." "This detested figure is, in fact, to be named the new head of the hierarchy, unless present plans are changed," the column said. ? Intelligence sources said that the unidentified critic of the agency mentioned in Mr. Al- sop's' column was General Gra- ham, who became well known to officials in the agency after serving a tour with it as a colonel. Another Appointment It could not be learned whether General Graham will be named head of Mt. Schles- inger's Intelligence , Resource Advisory Committee, although official sources inside the C.I.A. did confirm that he and General Allen would be joining the di- rector's staff. Agency assign- ments have never been publicly announced by the Government. Another member of ' that staff, it was disclosed, will be Dr. Jack Martin, who until early this year was serving with the White House's Office of Science and Technology. The sources said that the in- telligence committee had re- placed the C.I.A.'s National In- telligence Program Evaluation. staff, which was headed by Bronson Tweedy and Thomas Parrott, two key aides to Mr. Helms who, The New York Times reported last week, were ordered to retire by Mr. Schles- inger. ? The Times also reported that Thomas H. Karamessines, Mr. Colby's predecessor as director of the clandestine services, had been ordered to retire by Mr. Schlesinger. Agency officials' disputed that account today and said that Mr. Karamessines had in fact requested retirement last year but had been asked to stay on. Mr. Karamessines has been in ill health for some time. The appointment of Mr.i Colby, a Princeton graduate who began his intelligence ca- reer with the Office of Strategic Services' in World War II, was more favorably received by many senior intelligence offi- cials. "He's the classic old espion- age type," one intelligence analyst said of Mr. Colby. "The kind of guy who never attracts attention." Other sources questioned whether Mr. Schlesinger's ap- pointment of Mr. Colby would lead to a widely expected shake-up of the clandestine services, which attained notori- ety in 1967 with the disclosure that it was secretly subsidizing the National Student Assocta- tion. The CIA Analysts: Changes at the Top New brooms, as the say is, sweep clean. The new director Of the Central Intelligence Agency, James R. Schle:, singer Jr., is an obviously vigorous broom. Normally, therefore, the large number of impending changes in the CIA's top personnel would not be of much significance to anyone outside the CIA itself. This is emphatically not true, how- ever, of the change in leadership that can be expected in the agency's huge hierarchy of estimaters and analysts. These are the people charged with giv- ing meaning to the CIA's vast daily in- come of raw data. Theirs is a crucially Important job. For it is of no great use merely to know, for instance, that the Soviets have a huge missile called the SS-9. Defense policy-makers also need to know the missile's main characteris- tics, and therefore its probable pur- poses. The government, of course, contains other estimaters and analysts outside the CIA?in the Defense Department, for instance. But the CIA hierarchy is the largest and the most powerful of all. And it customarily provides the chairman of the Board of National Es- timates, at present CIA veteran John Huizenga. ? The point of this long explanation is, quite simply, that -the CIA's estima- ting-analyzing hierarchy has long had a "line" of its own, which might even be called a marked historical bias. An extreme case is one of the very, top men, reportedly soon to depart, who was aggressively and successively wrong about the Soviet re-invasion of Hungary; about the Soviet missiles in Cuba; and about the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia. Departing CIA Director Richard Helms is far too wise and tough- minded a man not to have observed this peculiar historical bias in so large a group of his former colleagues and subordinates. To give one example, he has always taken the Soviet military build-up on China's northern border, with the utmost seriousness. He' has al- ways regarded it, in fact, as the very opposite of a mere empty and expen- sive parade of Russian might. In con- trast, the CIA estimating-analyzing hi- ?ararchy long dismissed the Soviet /uni- tary build-up as "strictly defensive," and has only partly retreated from that view to this day. Thus in 1969, the official national estimates downgraded the Soviet build-up so completely that the facts had to be brought to the at- tention of Dr. Henry A. Kissinger by a' 2 dissident China-specialist, who was about to retire from the State Depart- ment. Whereupon the Soviet build-up, became the mainspring of President Nixon's intr' age balance-of-power di- plomacy. It may be asked, then, why Helms, as, CIA director, so long tolerated the bias of his analysts and estimaters. The an- swer appears to be that Helms, a great bureaucrat if ever there was one, had an institutional need of another kind. His estimating-analyzing hierarchy had always been broadly gloomy about the Vietnamese war, albeit grossly er- roneous in several key factual esti- mates about Vietnam. At the opening of President Nixon's first term, a vi- lent attack on the CIA was developing from the left, both in Congress and in the press. The attack from the left was parried, and then caused to cease, by letting it be known?quite truthfully? that the CIA's Vietnam projections had always been the most pessimistic that were made in the government. The factual errors were not men- tioned, of course. This role of the estimating-analyzing hierarchy as the CIA's shield on the. left is most unlikely to have escaped President Nixon's sharp eye. It is an Informed guess, in fact, that while the President always much admired and thoroughly trusted CIA Director Helms, he strongly objected to the spe-, cial historical bias of Helms' estima- ters and analysts. As a new broom, therefore, Helms' chosen successor had the President's backing and encouragement, Without explicit faith the sweeping clean could hardly be done so thoroughly by new broom Schlesinger. Reportedly, CIA Director Schlesinger is even bringing In from the Defense Department the most pungent and persistent single critic of the CIA's estimating-analyzing hierarchy. This detested figure is,. in in fact, to be named the new head of the hierarchy, unless present plans are changed. This bold stroke is even capable of producing a considerable political rum- pus. Among the leftwing Democrats in the Senate, in academic-intellectual cir- cles, and indeed' in the newspaper busi- ness,' there are a great many people with a longing for reassurance. They long to be told that the historical proc- ess, so harsh for so many millennia, has been miraculously defanged in the age of the H-bomb. ? Rightwing tampering with "impartial judgment" will no doubt be charged. But about those "important judg- meats," the Czechs and the Hun- garians know, better. 0 1973. Los A/1010411meg Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 WASHINGTON STAR 6 March 1973 Ex-CIA Aide Is Praised By President Thomas H. Karamessines has ? retired from a key post at the 'Central Intelligence Agen- cy :after getting high praise from President Nixon and presidential assistant Henry A. Kissinger. After more than 30 years of government service, Karames- sines retired at the end of last month. He was deputy director for plans. ? The agency provided letters showing the praise for Kara- me?isines shortly after The Star-News reported that he bad- been "fired" by the new CIA director, James R. Schles- inger. Schlesinger himself joined in the written remarks about Karamessines' service. The director spoke of "great devo- tion and professionalism." The President's letter, dated two days after the story was published, said that Karames- sines had handled "some of our government's most sensi- tiv.e. tasks . . . in a thorough- ly.professional manner." Kissinger, in a letter dated fotir days before the story had ? appeared, said Karamessines . had "handled the most deli- cate missions with the utmost diacretion," and declared that the retirement "is a hard blow." 'Ttt 5 fiii-sR 1973 Spy No. 'I Shortly after President Nixon named former CIA Director Richard Helms as Ambassador to Iran, his So- viet counterpart in Teheran, Vladimir Erofeyev, was at a formal dinner party with Iranian Prime Minister Amir Ab- bas Hovcida. "What do you think about the United States sending you a spy as ambassador?" Erofeyev asked Hovcida. "Well," replied the Prime Minister cool- ly. "they are at least sending us their No. I spy. You can't be more than spy No..10." ? Minutes later, the Russian ambas: sador discovered an excuse to leave the dinner party. GIRISTIAN SCIENCE IvDNITOR 27 February 1973 'Why Mr. Helms left CIA By Benjamin Welles The Central Intelligence Agency ? bell- wether of the six federal agencies comprising the intelligence "community" ? is changing the guard. Richard M. Helms, director for the past six years and the first career intelligence officer to reach the top, has been named United States Ambassador to Iran. James R. Schle- singer, a Nixon protege who has been head of the Atomic Energy Commission for the past 18 months, will soon replace Mr. Helms. The ouster of Helms reflects President , Nixon's determination to reorganize the vast, costly federal bureaucracy. No single fief- dom has been more elusive than the in- telligence community?not only because of the entrenched power of its barons but because of their skill in hiding their size, budgets, and activities from the public behind a veil of "national security." The ever-smiling Helms, for example, has long been viewed by veteran Washington bureaucrats as a peer. Named director of Central Intelligence in 1966 by Lyndon John- son, Helms quietly set to work consolidating his own power and repairing the damage done the CIA's image by the Bay of Pigs and other fiascos., He began trimming "fringe" activities, cultivating columnists and newsmen, and developing a power-base in Congress '? notably among the aging hawks in control of appropriations and armed services. He even won praise from a frequent critic of the CIA ? Chairman Fulbright of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. Such adroit maneuverings might, in the Kennedy-Johnson era, have won White House approval and, simultaneously, a measure of autonomy. In the hypersuspicious Nixon entourage, however, they merely aroused suspicion. A A A ? "In this administration," remarked a vet- eran intelligence expert, "the guy who works for Nixon and who gets on well with Fulbright is rare." There were other signs that Helms was not regarded, and possibly did not wish to be regarded, as a member of the Nixon "team." When he and his socially active wife began appearing frequently in the society columns there were grumbles that the President's chief intelligence adviser was hobnobbing with the "Georgetown cocktail set." In contrast to the Johnson days when Helms was virtually always invited to the policy-setting White House Tuesday lunches along with Rusk, McNamara, Rostow, and Gen. Earl "Buzz"Wheeler, chairman of the Joint Chiefs under Nixon, Helms has been reporting through Kissinger. Moreover, there has been criticism of Helms's "perfunctory" handling of major intelligence problems in White House meetings. All this has gradually confirmed President Nixon's suspicions that what was needed was a tough-minded "manager" to pull together the huge, sprawling intelligence community. Besides the CIA with its $600 million budget and its 15,000 employees the community includes the Defense Department's Defense Intelligence Agency; the code-cracking/Na- tional Security Agency; the State Depart- ment's Bureau of Intelligence and Research; the Atomic Energy Commission and the Federal Bureau of Investigation. Pentagon spending on intelligence ? which includes electronic intercepts and spy satel- lites ? approximates $3 billion yearly. Add to this $2 billion more spent every year by overseas commanders who insist on aerial reconnaissance, local code-cracking and even some spy running to ascertain what's "over the hill" in front of their forces. Meager intelligence before the 1970 irruption into Cambodia, before the abortive Sontay raid, and especially before Hanoi's offensive last March, has led the administration to charge that the intelligence mountain too often labors And brings forth a mouse. A A A Soon after taking office President Nixon had his OMB assign one of its key officials, James Schlesinger ? a former Rand systems analyst ? to survey the whole field of intelligence and propose reforms. His key recommendation was tb separate the director of central intelligence (DCI) from day-to-daji operations and move him into, or near, the White House as an intelligence "czar." However, Henry Kissinger saw this as a threat to his position; while Helms, a veteran of clandestine operations, saw it as a maneu- ver to cut him off from his "troops" and turn him into a senior paper shuffler. The upshot, announced by the White House Nov. 5, 1971, in a communique so opaque as to defy comprehension, was a characteristic bureaucratic compromise. Helms was given "enhanced" authority ? but no greater control over resources. "Presidential authority means nothing in government without control of resources," Helms once told an interviewer. "The CIA spends 10 percent out of every intelligence dollar and the Pentagon 80 cents. I can't order the rest of the intelligence agencies how to spend their funds. I can only lead by persuasion." . Evidently Mr. Nixon disagrees. He has already shown that he means business by naming "managers" to trouble spots: Elliot Richardson as Secretary of Defense; Ken- neth Rush as Deputy Secretary of State; Roy Ash as director of OMB; Caspar Weinberger Secretary of HEW. By naming Schlesinger, the man who drafted the reforms, as head of the CIA ? and by implication of the entire community ? Mr. Nixon appears to be implying that he wants action. The next article will discuss some of the major problems facing Mr. Schlesinger. Mr. Welles, for many years on the staff of the New York Times, is now an independent commentator on what goes on in Washington. 3 Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 NEW YORK DAILY NEWS 24 February 1973 r!"11 7G41 07,41ri L 1.2 vjg .cAid til,,) n ? : .t: ki By FRANK VAN RIPER vy.7,111 ?%..; . 4 ; ? Washington, Feb. 23 (NEwS Bureau) , Central Intelligence Director James R. Schlesinger, active with blank-check authority from President Nixon, is conducting a top-leVel shakeup of the CIA that has so far seen a number of the nation's top spymas- ters retired or forced out. ? i i ston?as well as several other top - shakeup as a strong indication level CIA officials?are nearing that Nixon put Schlesinger in the the agency's mandatory retire- job to prune the agency's multi- meat age of GO. layered hierarchy quickly. One White House sources would not former agent termed the action a ? comment on the shakeup beyond " ver' healthy sign." saying that "the president placed : :' "The first thing it does is to no restrictions on Schlesinger. He ? ,clean up the entire nest of Iiiy just told him to go in and run Leaguers who have been running the place. There have been a the place for years," he sairl. Knowledgeable 'sources t o 1 d HE ! T NEWS today that among those on their way out at the supersecret agency are Thomas Kdramessines, chief of all clandestine services, and Lau- Fence Houston, CIA general coun- sel. It could not be determined I whether either of these men actu-; whole handful of resignations. ally has been, or will be, fired by Following persistent reports Schlesinger. But sources pre- idicted that both men would soon of White House displeasure over submit their resiginations or ap- ? alleged unrestrained growth of ply for retirement. the CIA bureaucracy, Schlesing- Anxious to Retire As head of "clandestine serv- ices"?the euphemism for under- cover espionage and sabotage ? Karamessines was said to have been liked by his men. He is . re- ported to have been seriously ill recently and anxious to retire. ? Sources close to the intelli- trot intelligence noted that in Both Karamessines and Hou-recent days "there has been some gence community viewed the CIA ' inclination from the administra- er's . predecessor, Richard M. Helms, was eased out last year. He subsequently became ambas- sador of Iran. The President then named Schlesinger, chairman of Inferior Work Seen ? Critics of the agerie/, including former agents, have charged that the i ntelligence community has grown so unwieldy- inn the last 10 years that the U.S. is now getting an intelligence product that is inferior to MIA it got a decade ago with fewer agents and less sophisticated spying equipment. the Atomic Energy .Commission, ? Eources close to the Senate to replace him, armed services committee on cen- HERALD, Miami 6 Februari 1973 77T -77 , I J7/,-7,,,r) 6-a P By JAMES McCARTNEY w-r.1!:i Washington Duren WASHINGTON ? After 20 years with the CIA, Rich- ard Helms is the nation's preeminent, most experi- enced spy. And Monday he lived by the code of the spy to the bitter end. Eased out, without expla- nation, after 61/2 years as head of the CIA, Helms had the first opportunity of his career to tell all at a public hearing. But in the grand tra- dition of the CIA, he chose to keep his mouth shut. HELMS has been banished by the Nixon Administration to the U.S. ambassadorship in Iran ? apparently to give the job to a Nixon loyalist. He told Sen. J. William Fulbright. ().,Ark.), chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee, that he didn't in- tend to start talking now. "I think if I should talk it would be a had example for those still in the agency," he said. But he did go as far as to say that none of his boys had any part in the Watergate affair ? that. he said, in- volved sonic ex-CIA agents, with no remaining connec- tions. "I had no control over any- one who left." he said. ? Two former CIA agents participated in the celebrated NVatergate raid on Democrat- le National Committee head- quarters in Washington, E. Howard Hunt Jr. and James ;McCord Jr. Helms also said that the CIA had not cooperated with International Telephone and * Telearii ph Corp. (ITT) for "espionage purposes" in Chile a? as suggest ed last year bv. the so-called "Ander- son papers." IN FACT, he said the CIA, had tile same kinds of rela- tions with many corporations overseas as it had with ITT in Chile ? and he wouldn't describe those relations as "espionage." Ile called them relation- ships for "exchanging infor- mation." - The Anderson papers re- ported regular contacts be- tween ITT and a CIA official in Washington in an ap- parent attempt to prevent a communist gnvernment from taking over Chile. - But on the whole, Helms had little to say about his ac- tivities at the CIA-- and not:fling at all to say about he reasons for his departure. And the often-acerbic sen- ators of. the Foreign Rela- timis committee, who have often delighted in the past needling the Nixon Adminis- tration, treated Helms with kid gloves. IIIS APPOINTMENT to the Iranian ambassadorship, tc.4 Tr fh_ ,; ? ?T tion that there would he some clianes in the top CIA " The resignation of even a few .top-level agency figures is sig- nificant because of the reper- cussions each departure will have on scores of people in what one source termed "the unoffi- cial CIA pecking order." _ Feeling Shock Waves Already the shock waves are being felt in the agency, as at least two aides close to Helms who worked in his office are re- pot-ted to be leaving. .Administration sources, while confirming Schlesinger's blanket authority to run the spy shop as he wants, noted that Schlesinger has not sought to conduct a mass "purge". of the CIA but ratheri to east several high-level types out and let their subor 1. - -- follow them out the door vol- untarily. arlf 4 W kl.of ? 0 1,7'.7/T1 if-44 4./if far from the scats of power he has occupied for so long, was greeted, by and large, as though it were a promotion. The session was, in fact, the first time that I:tell-its has ever testified in public before a congressional committee. He has often briefed senators behind closed doors. Full right chided / felms bit ;theta the Iranian appoint- ment. "I have a feeling." he said, "you know more about the CIA than Iran is that a fair sta lenient?" Helms seemed . amused. "Mr. Chairman," he replied, ' "you know as much about Iran as 1(11)." Senators of both parties praised Helms for doing an "objective" job in preparing reports. The unanswered, and unasked, question at the hearing was why, if Helms had done so well, he had been demoted. Some ad- ministration officials, at least, believe that the White House has been unhappy with Helms' independence at the CIA. SOME BELIEVE that the 4 administration would like re- purl s more in keeping ? or supportive ? of its policies. No senator asked Pelnis about that, but reporters cornered him in a hallway after the hearing and popped the question. "That," he said, "is cocktail party chatter. ? "The CIA has established a. tradition of fair and honest; reporting. And presidents know that and all presidents appreciate the need for that." But is he concerned that the tradition might now be imperiled? "I don't know," he said. "We'll have to wait and sec." Helms' successor at the CIA, James Schlesinger, was a budget expert at the White house before he was appoint- ed head of. the Atomic Energy Commission last year. He was scheduled to testi- fy at an open hearing of the Senate Armed Services Com- mittee two weeks ago but at the last minute plans were changed. The open hearing WaS canceled. Schlesinger testified behind closed doo.V. Approved For Release 2001/08/07 CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 NEW YORK TIMES. FRIDAY, FEBRUARY IC MY Institutional Dirty Tricks By Jeremy J. Stone WASHINGTON ? Most people be- lieve that the function of the Central Intelligence Agency is to collect intel- ligence. In fact, however, as many as one-third of its 18,000 employes are occupied with political operations. The Bay of Pigs, the Iranian and Guate- malan coups, the effort to overthrow the Albanian Government in 1949, the secret war in Laos and other lesser known operations have been run by the C.I.A.'s Directorate of Plans. It is hard to argue that the over- throw of a foreign government is "re- lated to intelligence" or an? activity done for the "benefit of the existing intelligence agencies." The courts may, some day just throw out C.I.A.'s Di- rectorate of Plans. There are evidently a 'series of se- cret directives approved by the? Na- tional Security Council in 1948 and thereafter authorizing such special op- erations of all kinds provided they were secret and small enough to be plausibly deniable by the Government. But even this authority is periodically exceeded because many of the opera- tions are too big to hide, much less to deny when they fail. C.I.A.'s operations are certainly hav- ing an unfortunate effect on American political life. The Watergate trial is an example of the problems that result when C.I.A. graduates enter political life with skills and hardened attitudes to which American society is unex- pectedly vulnerable. But there are other examples. Not long ago, the C.I.A. brought suit against Victor Mar- chetti, a former employe, to prevent - him from disclosing?evidently in a work of fiction ? facts about C.I.A. clandestine operations. The court order demanded that he submit his work to C.I.A. for clearance. This is prior re- straint of publication, a most danger- ous precedent against freedom of the press. / Even as an instrument of national policy narrowly conceived, C.I.A.'s Di- rectorate of Plans may be a net lia- bility. C.I.A. advocates press upon Presidents plans which they feel obliged to approve: the Bay of Pigs was an example. Agents engaged in these operations in the field are no- toriously hard to control and, in- evitably, they give off political signals ? which may or may not be authorized ?one rarely knows. , One of the most famous of the C.I.A. political operations resulted in the infiltration of the National Student Association and about 250 other Amer- ican domestic groups. The C.I.A. offi- cial who sold the whole program to Allen Dulles, and set it in motion, was Thomas W. Braden. On Jan. 6, in a syndicated column he now writes, Mr. Braden called for a C.I.A. houseclean- ing and noted: "The times have changed and, in some Ways? they now more nearly approximate the time when the ? C.I.A. was born. The 'feed then was for intelligence only." He felt the purchas-' ing of loyalty had lasted longer than the necessity for it. This view, when expressed by Mr. Braden, makes one wonder if there continues to be a na- tional consensus in support of this on- going bureaucracy?the Directorate of Plans. Much about the C.I.A. has had a dis- torting effect upon American democ- racy. Congressional oversight has been close to nonexistent: even the member- ship is ' secret of one, such Congres- sional committee. The unprecedented, and quite unnecessary, secrecy, about the C.I.A.'s over-all budget has led to burying the agency's budget in the ac- counts of other budgets; this violates Article I, Section 9, Clause 7 of the Constitution, under which "a regular' 'statement and account" of Government expenditures is to be published from time to time. But most important, the C.I.A.'s Di- rectorate of Plans is designed to do things which the American democratic system might well not approve, things which it cannot discuss, things 'which the Government is afraid or ashamed to have known. Such things should only be done as a last resort, as an ; alternative to overt military action in a situation that presents a direct threat to U.S. security. We ought not insti- tutionalize "dirty tricks." The C.I.A. has a new director in; James Schlesinger, and the time to re, examine these issues is ? clearly upon us. Shall we have an agency designed ?to interfere in the internal affairs of other countries for another quarter- century? Or shall we return to a for- ? eign policy which the public and the, Congress can debate, monitor and control? Jeremy J. Stonie is director of the Federation of American Scientists. BALTIMORE SUN 18 FEBRUARY 1973 Team 'players strengthen. : ? .State Department's voice... By JAMES S. KEAT ' ' The ,policy disputes between Washington Bureau of The Sun them :were' . so Serious two', years 'ago .that John B. Con, Washington?Quiet diplomacy nally, then the Secretary of they has ended another cold war, Treasury,, - i moved'' in 'and' this one within the ILS. Govern- pushed ',the --.State' Department ment. .. ? ? . - out of the lield.for all practiCal . ,The 'State Department has purposes.' . ' ? broken its long silence on in- ternational economic' affairs. The diplornats' .Of, the ,State, What's more, it is speaking out Department', conscious of the' .in firm tones with some unac- political 'impact of U.S. pres- sure, on. 'economic issues,, often, cUstomed tough language. ' What the department' 'said wanted to go. slow. The Treas- ury, and more -often the Corn- last week was not so important as the fact it spoke :out at all. merce Department, advocated' Pray 3d, the a belligerent 'stance. In Wash..; ;When Charles W. ington pa department spokesman, point- rlanee, it 'was another clash between . the' "hawks'.' 'edly warned West, Europeans and the' "doves." And, as it about the coming trade and xisually goes . in Washington, monetary talks, he was echo- ing the words .of.Treasury offi- the "hawks".won out. Blit' as the 'second ',Nixon. cials. . . term begins, the lineup is dif-- : And that was just what was feria. George P. Shultz is. ? remarkable. At least through-. Secretary of Treasury and has I out the first term of the Nixon been designated -the Presi- ,administration, the' State. De-, dents' principal aide on all ,partment .has. been at odds. economic matters. William J. with other departments* con- Casey moved from ? chairman cerned .With international eco of the Securities and .,:,Exchange , . nomics,,, the Treasury and the; Commission to the newly up- Commerce.pepartment. : . .,,.graded post of under secretary' " of state for economic affairs. ? And William P. Rogers, Secre- tary of State, has survived .,both his old adversaries in this' field, Mr. Connally, and Mau- rice H. Stands, former Secre-' tary of Commerce. Observers of the' games bu- reaucrats play often place too much importance on personali- ties in' anylazing Owe 'rela- tionships, in the capital. In this ,-case," knowledgeable "officials Say the 'personalities explain w. , Some ascribe the new tone to `Mr. Casey's arrival. The for- mer New York corporation :lawyer was a forceful'chair- man of the SEC and accom- 'plished several important re- forms in a ,tenure of only 10 Months. His appointment to the State Department post was a signal it would play a. more :active role in international eco- nomic affairs: ' Other officials say the key is the relationship between Mr. iShultz and Mr. Rogers. .Um like Mr; Connally and Mr.., Stans, both are learn players. 5 The two men' are said to work I well together. Mr. Rogers, aides say, was inyolved in the secret planning of last week's devalua-tio-ri?Of the dollar. Officials at the State Department are, for the first time in years, consulting their opposite numbers in the Treas; ;ury 'before acting on topics of tommon interest. , . The result is that .the State Department not only has found its voice on economic matters again, but is realying the same message as the Treasury. It was no accident that diplo- matic correspondents reported a hint that Washington's atti- tude on keeping 300,000 U.S. troops in Europe had some relationship to the fate of the trade and monetary nego- tiations. . Two days later, Mr. Rogers denied there was any "lin- kage" between the issues, but he addd that the "health of ,our economy" has some influ- ence .on "congressional atti- tudes about continuing our pres- ence in Europe."' Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 Approved For Release 2001/08/07: CIA-RDP77-00432R0001001101j-VRK TIMES CHRISTIAN SCIENCE MONITOR 7 March 1973 5 March 1973 Schlesinger of CIA By Benjamin Welles qualified source. "But there's a danger. I can show you photographs of Washington down to the minutest details of the White House lawns ? but you still won't know what's going on Inside the heads of the policymakers." A A A James R. Schlesinger, newly named head of the Central Intelligence Agency, comes to the job unhampered by previousintelligence experience ? unlike his predecessor, Rich- ard M. Helms, a life long veteran of clandes- tine operations. Mr. Schlesinger is a tall, craggy, systems analyst with a habit of working in his shirt- sleeves. If, while conferring with his col- leagues his shirttail hangs out ? as it often does ? it bothers him not. Calm, relaxed: analytical, he can lose himself in a problem while the hours slip by. A ' Those who knew Schlesinger in his OMB (Office of Management and Budget) days? where he drafted for President Nixon a plan to reorganize the national intelligence com- munity ? praise his ability to spot the weakness in an argument or structure ? and quickly find ways to strengthen it. He has already begun to humanize the secrecy- shrouded Atomic Energy Commission, and in his next post he is expected to rid the CIA and its sister intelligence agencies of their ac- cumulated fat and improve their product. "I predict he's going to drop some of the veteran cold wari:iors from World War II or the Korean days and promote younger men," said one of his closest associates. "He'll leave ? day-to-day operation in their hands and concentrate on matters of Cabinet-level im- portance. Each time he goes to the White House you- can bet he'll know his subject from A to Z." The three areas that Mr. Schlesinger is ,expected to focus on include first the CIA's clandestine operations ? still reportedly absorbing about $400 million of its $600 million budget and more than half of its 15,000 employees. Others are scientific research and the voluminous, often controversial, ? national intelligence estimates. The latter, insofar as they forecast Soviet and Chinese capabilities and intentions, have an immense impact on presidential budgetary and de- fense policies. In recent years the CIA, which alone is authorized to conduct espionage abroad and, occasionally, to topple unfriendly govern- ments, has had its funds for "CS" (clandes- tine services) appreciably slashed. Such paramilitary CIA operations as the "secret" war in Laos, begun on President Kennedy's instructions in 1962, now are drawing to a close; and the weekly meetings of the Forty Committee, the supersecret White House panel headed by Kissinger that passes on all covert operations sufficiently important to embarrass the United States Government if disclosed, are said to be desultory, indeed. "Intelligence gathering has shifted from the spy in a foreign cabinet to the orbiting satellites that collect hundreds of photo- graphs plus telemetric inteicepts," said a 'The brilliant high-resolution photographs of Russian and Chinese missile silos, nu- clear plants, airfields, and submarine pens that are collected day after day (when the weather permits) by $20 million satellites orbiting around the earth every 90 minutes 100 to 130 miles up make possible the SALT agreements. The U.S. and the Russians, who too have their satellites, each know what the other has; now and a-building. But whereas capabilities can often be ascertained through satellites ? intentions require spies. In CIA jargon this is called "hum-int" ? human intelligence. Some experts even question whether the U.S. intelligence community has anything "downstream" ? in development ? to replace the spy satellites should the Russians or Chinese one day shoot them down or otherwise eliminate this vital security safeguard. Apparently the community is fearful of seeking fresh funds lest Congress or the OMB cut back the funds already allo- cated: $1 billion yearly for spy satellites and as much for global code-breaking. Mr. Schlesinger is expected, finally, to take a hard look at the overt ? or evaluation ? side of his CIA. Part of it, the Office of National Estimates, produces yearly for' the President studies ranging from a quick analysis of the latest Central American' flare- up to the massive survey, completed every September, of Soviet strength and likely actions. Periodically domestic politics impinge on intelligence evaluations. Secretary Laird told Congress flatly in 1969, for instance, the U.S.S.R. was going for a "first strike capabil- ity"; i.e., had succeeded in MIRVing its giant SS-9 missiles ? giving each component warhead the same independently targetable capability as have the U.S. Polaris 'and Poseidon missiles. CIA disputed this at the time ? and still. does ? but none the less Kissinger sided with Laird's effort to pry more defense funds from Congress. Whether Mr. Schlesinger can now insulate the. CIA from administration pressure and keep its reporting honest remains to be seen. He comes to his task, however, with full Nixon backing; with no ties to the cold war; with few contacts in the press and with little interest in the social blandishments of the "Georgetown cocktail set." Mr. WelleS, for many years on the staff of the New York Times, is now an independent commentator on what goes on in Washington. Kissin er's New Assignment By James Reston WASHINGTON, March --Henry Kis- singer is now quietly reorganizing his White House staff and, on instructions from the President, is preparing for an intensive period of negotiations on U.S. relations with Western Europe, Japan and the Middle East. His assignments from the President in the last couple of years have carried him into spectacular journeys to Pe- king, Moscow, Paris, Saigon and Hanoi, and transformed him from a Harvard professor into a world figure, but the days of spectaculars are over for the time being, and the days of careful and patient thought about the mone- tary crisis, the energy crisis and the Mideast crisis are now at the top of Washington's foreign affairs agenda. Kissinger is now preparing for these European and Middle Eastern talks? which are connected, because the Arab-Israeli conflict and the energy WASHINGTON crisis affect Europe as well as the United States?as carefully as he pre- pared his assignments to Peking and Moscow. He has more things to deal with now, so he has to delegate more au- thority. He will have a new assistant on international economic affairs, who Will be appointed in the next few weeks. Helmut Sonnenfeldt will be his principal deputy for European and So- 'viet affairs, unless he is transferred to Treasury. Richard T. Kennedy, a ,retired Army colonel, will be his assist- ant on all National Security Council affairs, and his deputy on all ques- !tons will be Brig. Gen. Brent Scow- croft, who has replaced Maj. Gen. Alexander M. Haig, now Vice Chief of Staff of the Army. Kissinger, of course, is -merely a servant of the President, and has never pretended that he was anything else, but his job is now changing. He ,has established a close personal rela- tionship with Chou En-lai in Peking and Le Duc Tho in Hanoi, and will probably have to keep in touch with both of them. For example, the North Vietnamese have been putting arms into South Vietnam in violation of agreements Kissinger made with Le Duc Tho, and 'Kissinger will probably have to deal personally with this violation. Also, somebody in the Nixon Admin- istration has to supervise the agree- ments to exchange diplomatic missions between Peking and Washington, and nobody knows more about this than Kissinger. The Chinese left it to Kissinger to draft the, communique 'about their last meeting in Peking and changed only three words. It was not Kissinger, but the Chinese, who suggested that China have an offi- Approved For Release 2001/08/07: CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 cial mission in Washington, much to Kissinger's surprise. Meanwhile, Kissinger .has been ac- cepted in Hanoi as the first high official from the West to visit the North Vietnamese capital, so he will have to maintain these contacts with Asia, while turning his mind to the President's new concerns in Europe,', Japan and the Middle East. All Kissinger needs in this situation Is for somebody to invent the_48-hour ? day. He is being told by his friends that he should quit while he is ahead, that he has nowhere to go now except down. He is being hounded by the newspapers, the magazines and the book publishers to write books for millions, but he is staying on and reorganizing his staff and turning to the problems of the future. Meanwhile, he is going off for a 'couple of weeks to rest, and put his , mind to the new tasks the President , has given him. ? It will be interesting to see what he does with this new assignment. In Asia, he argued for compromise, for an end to ideology, for withdrawal from Vietnam, for accommodation with China, the Soviet Union and Japan, and for a new order and bal- ance of power in the world. In Europe, there are new problems of money, trade, technology and mili- tary security. In the Middle East, there is a fun- damental question: Should the United States take the lead in pressing for a compromise between Israel and the Arab states, and if it does, should: , Washington guarantee the security of Israel and put American soldiers on Its borders? These are the coming questions in Washington: What is U.S. policy about the dollar, about our troops in Eu-' rope, about our support of Israel and our need for oil from the Arab states, about how long we will keep over a, quarter of a million men west of the Elbe, about American trade, balance of payments, deficits, unemployment, ? wages, prices, the balance of power ) abroad and the balance between the rich and the poor at home? For the last couple of years, Kis- singer has merely been asked to con- centrate on China and the Soviet Un-' ion, and he has done it very well; but , ? now he is being asked to deal with the more complicated problem of the ''United States, and he is withdrawing . to , think about it,. and reorganizing his staff to deal with it. His record with Chou En-lai in Pe- " king and Le Duc Tho in Paris and ? Hanoi is pretty good, but now he has. ' to think about Heath, Pompidou and Brandt in Europe, and Wilbur Mills and ,others in the Congress, and that may not be so easy, even for Kis- singer.' ar u WASHINGTON STAR 7 March 1973 CHARLES BARTLETT Reviving the St..4-te It may not work out, but the White House intends at least to try to give the State De- partment a larger, more visi- ble role in the policy-making of the second,term. Henry Kissinger, whose shadow has obscured the de- partment, is now looking for ways to increase its participa- tion and prominence. This is not an exercise in self-efface- ment but a pragmatic re.. sponse to a new phase of for eign relations in which the Nixon policies will mature and flourish more certainly if they take root in the career institution that will be around after the Nixon-Kissinger ,team has left town. One sure way to bring the State Department's bureauc- racy into closer rapport with the White House would have been the assignment of Nixon people to head the depart- ment's bureaus. This is such an obvious way of en- larging the President's faith in the department that it seems ironic that it isn't being done and that the assist- ant secretary roles are being filled once more from the ranks of the career service The reason is that the White House talent search did not turn up Nixon loyalists with qualifications for these jobs. The most obvious source of the missing talent was the Kissinger staff but Kissinger himself refused to have aides 'S like Helmut Sonnenfeldt lofted into these roles. He did not want to let it aPpear that he was reaching out with his people for a wider range of influence at a moment when he saw the wisdom of bringing the National Security Council and the State Department into a closer balance of power. But the new Nixon men, Kenneth Rush and William Casey, have been placed at the top of the State Depart ment. Rush's background of European experience and Casey's credentials in finance will enable them to expand the department's influence in these key areas. Meanwhile, Secretary Rogers will have the highly visible task of en- deavoring to sell the Indo- chinese assistance program. Kissinger is expected to keep unchanged the National Security machinery which he fabricated in response to the President's desires for a more formalized approach to deci- sion-making. His new network of interagency committees, from the Interdepartmental Group to the Special Action Group, appear to meet the need for cross-fertilization of the advice that goes to the President. They involve the bureaucracy in shaping policy while they leave its timing and execution to the White House. It may prove easier to ac- cord the career officials greater influence with the President than it will be to make the State Department look more influential. This is because Rogers appears so content with the role as he is playing it and so loath to U.S. NEWS & WORLD REPORT 3.2 March 1973 VII! is ? Cbt),Frn 10..0) ' ? ? ." ep rtment immerse himself in the sub- stance of developments. What 'changes occur may be barely visible until Rogers steps down, presumably, to be suc- ceeded by Rush in early Sep- tember. Rogers will also deter the .process because he discour- ages close dealings between the Kissinger staff and the " country desk level of the bu- reaucracy. Reportedly fearful of being undercut, he at- tempts to restrain the inter course to exchanges of memo- randa at the top levels so his bureaucracy is denied its opportunity to secure a closer understanding of the Presi- dent's needs. Moreover, the career offi- cials will not acquire influ- ence easily, even under the new ground rules, because they have not yet learned to give the President the kind of papers and recommendations that he wants. In fact it is reli- ably said that Nixon's mis- trust of the bureaucracy has been more intensified than mollified by his experiences to date. He still finds it hard to learn from the profession.. als where he should be headed in a given situation. But the department has been struggling hard to make itself more relevant, and im- portant reforms have been accomplished under Rogers. The lid of secret dealings is off, the election is over and the moment is ripe for a new test of the department's po- tential. , 7474,)10, .e.=rSIO . la 11 Li 14 te..),Zik49.1 t4ar * * * Friction between the Central Intelli- gence Agency and military intern- ?gence officers has not been" eased the change in command at the CIA. A Defense Department source com- mented: "We thovglit _the variance estimates would would narrow with the ap- pointment of James R. Schlesinger as the new Director at CIA. But the gap has actually widened and the trend is disturbing." 7 Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 WASHINGTON POST 5 March 1973 e(trt Urges USIA t By Dusko Doder washisgton Post Staff Writer Major changes in the policies of the United States 'Information Agency de- signed "to reflect and encourage" East-West detente have been proposed in a report submitted to Congress to- day. Despite President Nixon's rap- proachment with China and the Soviet Union, the report in effect acknowl- edges that the USIA continued Cold ? War propaganda under Frank Shake- speare, a political conservative who was replaced as USIA director in Jan- uary. The report was prepared by the U.S. Advisory Commission on Information .led by Frank Stanton, vice chairman of the Columbia Broadcasting System. The five-man presidentially appointed commission is charged with overseeing USIA operations. With some 10,000 employees in more than 100 countries and fueled by a $200 million annual budget (which is now being cut back) USIA promotes the U.S. image and viewpoint abroad through a variety of means, including Voice of America radio. The basic thrust of these proposals is that the USIA, which as the report put it, has been "sliding downhill" for several years, should overhaul its poli- cies, methods, approaches 'as well as the contents of its messages to suc- cessfully "convey this new atmosphere of improved relations between the U.S. and two historically hostile powers to the rest of the world." The report attacking Shakespeare's .tenure at USIA. may turn out to be Stanton's swan song. He has been head of the advisory board for nine years and his third term has just expired but there is some question whether Mr. Nixon will appoint him to a fourth' term. In a look at other U.S. propaganda outlets, a special presidential commis- cion chaired by Milton Eisenhower has submitted to the White House a report on Radio Free Europe and Radio Lib- erty, two U.S.-financed radios based, in Munich. They broadcast to Eastern Europe and Soviet Union respectively. The Soviet bloc has long regarded them as principal sources of Cold War tension. The Eisenhower report is reliably reported to favor a continued role for he two stations, but under reater supervision, to include Inual reviews of the compati- lay of ,their performance with ;.S. national interests. Both reports indicate that effort is under way to re- ructure U.S. propaganda ac- vides overseas and bring ,he battle for men's minds" .1 line with Mr. Nixon's poli- es. The Stanton report, made 7allable here by congression- ' sources, said, "Just as cri.. s tends to feed on crisis, so ?tente can generate detente qhout creating an exagger- %'ed euphoria built upon un- .alistic expectations that ig- ?lre the indispensible neces- tY of a solid security sys- ,m.IP A shift away from Cold War ? the report said, would '1p perpetuate' detente by -eiterating and emphasizing ? le more pacific means of re- 'lying international political id economic- disputes and inflicts by overcoming and ? idermining psychological ob- acles and barriers, and by re- doing the animosities and istilities that have accumu- ? ted over the/years." It urged that "more sensi- ye` and substantively knowl- igeable information ;pro- rams" be devised, partleu- S elieril I eetie rly for the Soviet ? Union, 'hina and other Communist ations. The White House had or- bred some changes in VOA ?oadcasts to the Soviet Union ad China before Mr. Nixon's 'sits there last year. One subsequent White rouse instruction contained in June 29 memorandum, by faj. Gen Alexander Haig, hen the President's deputy ational security adviser, in- t..ructed USIA to conti.tue Ischewing?polemics, ne,t. seek- ig quarrels and not attempt- ag to magnify small incidents your broadcasts to the- So- 'tet Union." These instructions, however, ?-eated considerable confu- 'on in the agency whose tone as set by Shakespeare, a for- ier CBS executive and long 'me supporter of Mr. Nixon. hakespeare, a hard-line anti- 'ommunist, became USIA di- actor after he successfully nit the Nixon image on televi- .on during the 1968 campaign. Shakespeare is reported to "lave repeatedly taken actions hat ran counter to White -louse strategies. His replace- nent, James Keogh, Mr. Nix- M's special adviser and, speech= ?writer, is fully clued in to he the President's thinking. The report urges the Presi- dent "to define tightly, and precisely" what is expected of WADE ? FEBRUARY 18, 1973 tnjElsirrn c@pril7V.0 LILL] 6,151.111 U rOrl he USIA. It blames the ad- ministration for the agenOy's decline, which it said Was, caused by executive budget cuts as well as its exclusion from the top decision-making machinery. ? The reduced funding, it con- tinued, "has slowly impaired and eroded the agency's capa- bilities" and "raised serious questions abou the efficacy and further need" of the USIA. As the report was being printed list week, the new di- rector ordered new cuts on Feb. 27 in USIA personnel by eliminating 288 positions al- ready scheduled and budgeted for the fiscal year 1974, which will start July 1. The agency has been hit by rising costs and a steady drop in the size .of its staff. More than 2,000 U.S. and foreign employees have been dismissed or retired over the past five years. The report said that the VOA "is falling seriously be- hind the rest of the world" in its ability' to reach foreign au- diences. The Stanton made a series of proposals for policy and organizational changes, stressing the need for incorporating the agency director into the top decision? making establishment. commission Q. If Richard McGarrah Helms is going to be 60 sib*, 4 on March 30, 1973, and the Central Intelligence Agency of which he was director makes retirement mandatory at 60, why didn't-Nixon let Helms re- main as head of the CIA until the/ end of March? Why did he have to step him down to such a job as Ambassador to Iran? Surely that is no way to treat d man who has given the gov- ernment 30 years of service. Or is it??L.O., McLean, Va. A. Here again is a case of a man who has not been too popular with the current White House palace guard. Helms was a Lyndon Johnson appointee, an intelligent, moderate, well-bred gentleman, well- liked by the press to which occupation as a young man he once belonged. Undoubtedly, President Nixon feels better having as head of the CIA a con- servative of his own selection, James Schlesinger. Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 pprove WASHINGTON STAR 25 February 1973 or Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R00010911coq1-4 rrns By OSWALD JOHNSTON Star-News Staff Writer At least three front-line offi- cials in the Arms Control and Disarmament Agency are re- signing in what some observ- ers describe as a deliberate administration purge of the agency most closely associat- ed with last year's strategic arms limitation treaty with the Soviet Union. According to informed sources close to the agency, the three officials ? all Demo- . ? crats and all associated with disarmament policies since the early 1960s ? were recent- ly informed that their resigna- ? tions, routinely submitted to ? President 'Nixon after his re-; ' election, had been accepted. The three officials, accord- ? mg to these reports, are: e Lawrence D. Weiler, coun- selor to the ACDA director and associated with the agency since its beginning. ? James F. Leonard, assist- ' ant director and chief af the agency's international rela- tions bureau. ? Spurgeon M. Keeny Jr., as- sistant director and chief of : ACDA's science and technolo- ? ,gy bureau. Leonard, a foreign service officer, will presumably be reassigned within the State Department, with which ACDA is affiliated. The other two men are supergrade Civil ? Service employes. The White House has not commented on the ACDA shakeup, and disarmament of- ficials yesterday were tight- lipped. There would be no comment, one official re- marked, "until the dust set- tles." Just how much dust is being kicked up is still not clear. WASHINGTON POST. According to one account, the White House intends to make sure every top grade slot in the arms control agency is filled by a "loyal" supporter of administration policies in the strategie disarmament field. Proponents of this view not- ed that the agency is having Its $10 million budget slashed by a third, and is losing 12 employes and most of its re- search funds in the coming fis- cal year. ? President Nixon has already ? made it plain that the chief negotiator in the next phase of the GALT negotiations with the Russians will not be associat-. ed with the arms control agen- cy, ? The SALT negotiator, Ger- ard Smith, setpped down as ACDA director when he re- signed from government serv- ice early this year. His desig- nated successor on the negoti- ? ating team is career diplomat U. Alexis Johnson, who has ? long experience haggling 'with the Soviets but little expertise in the disarmament field. Taken together, mese moves indicate a clear intention by the administration to gather all the authority for future dis- armament negotiations into its own hands and remove the dis- armament agency from a first-line role. The arms control agency was created early in the Ken- nedy administration, and for that reason alone is thought to be held suspect by White House loyalists. Smith, howev- er, was a Nixon appointee and his position as both chief SALT negotiator and ACDA director, in Nixon's first term is be- lieved to have shielded some BOOK WORLD 18 FEB 1973 CIA "GARBAGE?" ? latrines of government spewing forth?" Such imagery! And, from a retired bu- reaucrat yet. John Bross's fetching attack (Book World, Jan. 28) on my book CIA: The and the Mad- ness sweetened my Sunday. Judging from the tmar of Bro5s's letter and Tom Ross's review (Book World, December 31) methinks....nr1 scribblings about the CIA pricked a balloon or two. I mean, whjr would a fellow obvi- ously living in genteel retirement sputter so vigorously if the old order of things from which he no doubt derives meaning for iis life's en- deavors were not challenged? And, In Ross's case, could it be that he is piqued because his pet signin of the men whose resignations are now being accepted. No successor to Smith has been named, and it is under- stood that his deputy director, Philip J. Farley, has been asked to stay on as acting director at least until a succes- sor is confirmed in the office. Whether Farley would then join the others in resigning is unclear. But ? most of the offi- cials bearing the title assistant director or its equivalent are thought to be on the White ? House list for replacement. One other probable target of' ? the shakeup is William W. Hancock, general counsel of the agency and another Demo- crat. Assistant director Robert H. B. Wade of the economic affairs bureau is a Republican and is believed likely to sur- vive. Neither of these men has been mentioned specifically in the official reports of the ACDA purge at present circu- lating in Washington. ? Ever since its creation In 1961, ACDA has been identified with the orthodox nuclear dis- armament theorists who hold that nuclear stability is best achieved by limiting the na- tion's strategic strength to the minimum number of warheads and missiles that will assure destruction of the enemy's cit- ies in a retaliatory- second strike. ? This doctrine, known as "as- sured destruction," has been thesis that CIA is a monstrous invis- ible government was debunked? But let's cut out the cute talk. Both Bross and Ross in all their ad- jectival splendor failed to address the gut issue plaguing intelligence today?gross inefficiency. They both tiptoed around the-issue?Ross, hoping that March6tti will affirm his soggy thesis of conspiracy, and Bross, defending from the pasture his former leader, Mr. Helms?who, we might remind Bross, was fired recently by the President (in that patrician "old school way" of letting Dick "slip out gracefully," of course). So it seems that someone agreed with my characterization of 9 in large part abandoned by:, Nixon himself and by his top adviser, Henry A. Kissinger.; ? Both claim they favor a stra-4. ? tegic capability more flexible than would be possible under the strict doctrine of a mas4 sive second strike attack on 'population centers. ? The assured destruction docj trine is anathema to Pentagon theorists. Critics of SALT I'S allegedly excessive conces- sions to the Soviets such as Sen. Henry M. Jackson, 1)-Wash., blame most of RA ? weaknesses on the heavy ACDA participation in the ne-: go tiations It is unclear how much of this ideological dispute lies be- hind the administration's re- ? cent moves against ACDA. By reducing the agency's budget and influence and by purging disarmament-oriented Demo- cratic holdovers, the White House seems to be acting out the misgivings of Jackson mid the Pentagon. At the same time, sources close to the SALT I negotia- tions stress that every sub- stantial decision in the talks was taken directly by Nixon and Kissinger, and that Smith's delegation, which in- cluded representatives of the Joint Chiefs of Staff as well as ACDA reported daily by cable and special telephone lines. when the negotiating sessions were in progress, Helms. C.111,-n take off those rose- CIA lies molding, with ie v,'L gronns with inutia and writhes like an overdue addict for a jolt of change. And you know It. Don't strain your lungs coughing about unsung successes or praising the gentlemanly _cool of unchal- lenged allegations. Ross, ole buddy, give up the war - cry of conspiracy. CIA ain't what it used to be, and you know it as well as I do. ? . :t'AIRICK J. McGARVEY 'Upper Mari;.)oro, Maryland. Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 NEW YORK POST 2 February 1973 Max Lerner As my readers know, I waste my time shamelessly and incorrigibly on political suspense novels. A year or two ago I read one that seemed a bit amateurish and clumsy but held me all the way through. It was "The Rope Dancer," by Victor Marchetti, and it was a hair-raising ac- count of double-spy shenanigans inside the CIA. What made it the more hair- raising was that Marchetti had been a middle level employe of that mystery agency, and the publishers more than Implied that he knew what he was talk- ing- about. Since the charactei' who served as the main foil to the hero was the Director of the CIA, and since he turned out to be a Soviet spy, you rubbed your eyes when you 'got through, and asked, "What goes on here?" There were few wickednesses in the calendar of political sins that the CIA In the story didn't practice. The Director-Spy, a slippery bureau- cratic smoothy, could have been meant as a portrait of the actual Director. I knew Richard Helms very slightly, al- though I might have known him better if he had not barely escaped being my student at Williams College. It was impossible for me to picture him in the role Marchetti had assigned to his Director. But so much else in the novel seemed authentic that the wild possibility might never quite get out of the addled and credulous noodle of the suspense reader. WHAT INTELLIGENCE? Now Helms is out, having been re- routed as Ambassador to Iran, and the new Director?James Schlesinger?is an alumnus not of Williams but of the hard college that Richard Nixon runs for his White House assistants. And Marchetti? Poor Marchetti is all strapped up like a mummy in a legal strait jacket, and can't get out to write another suspense novel without submit- ting it to his former employers for clearance. Ken McCormick, editor at Doubleday, has written feelingly about his plight. It seems that when Marchetti got into the CIA labyrinth he took monastic vows, if .not for poverty then at least for literary chastity and obedience. Now the federal courts won't let him out of the agreement he signed so unwarily 13 years ago, and the Supreme Court has refused to review their decision. So there he is, unable to mine his past, because the federal courts see no crucial First Amendment freedoms involved in the case of secret intelligence. Evidently once you have signed away your literary freedom as a spy, it stays signed away. An ex-novelist will have no trouble be- coming a spy, and may even find it a familiar metier; but an ex-spy can't be- come a novelist without keeping the Agency as editor and censor. Maybe Marchetti is lucky at that. In every political suspense story I have read a really high class spy can't resign from his profession: he knows too much that isn't healthy to know. ? The British writers have two ways of .Tuesday, Feb. 27, D73 THE WASHINGTON POST .1 r CI tl cases, including a coal compa- By Jolla P. MacKenzie ny's argument that the United . Washington Post Staff Writer . Mine Workers must submit to ?be.' The Supreme Court agreed arbitration rather than strike esterday to decide whether a over, a mine safety issue. taxpayer has the right to chal. ? ? lenge in court the secrecy of ? Agreed to decide whether the Central Intelligence federal courts have the power Agency budget. to intervene in matters coy- Government lawyers, insist- ered by state criminal trespass :? i. ng that the courts should not laws when no state prosecu /even consider lawsuits de- tion is pending. manding CIA budget 'disclo- ? Agreed to decide whether sure, persuaded the high court the 1968 federal narcotic law 'to review a decision that a giving treatment to some of- l'ennsylvania taxpayer was en- fenders is unconstitutional be- 'titled at least to a day in veirt cause it denies treatment to ?? 4in the question, persons convicted of two prior The high court also: felonies. 1- ? Rejected without comment The CIA case _involves a Ithe petitions of Texas and complaint often made by citi- 'Georgia to reconsider the Jan. zens and some members of ?-.22 ruling striking down anti- Congress?that the public has ?tibortion laws and dismissed no way to control the agency's ?en appeal which contended receipt or use of public ;that the Constitution guaran- money. ltees the "right to life" of the William B. Richardson, a 'Imborn.? resident of Greensburg, Pa., decided to do something about E/ Agreed to hear three labor' lit. He sued in federal court to I disposing of their ex-spies. Either they betray and kill them when they come in out of the cold, o, else they send thern off into the embraces of a mistress. As for myself I recognize that an im- perial republic must have a spy set-up. I don't know how good the American set-up is: probably not as good, man for man, dollar for dollar, as the Israeli or the Chinese. But there are three things that dis- may me about it. One is its cost, which is staggering, although just how stag- gering it is only a few people know, because to reveal it would reveal too' much. A second is the taboos we throw around it, on secrecy and controls. Even the col..ets, as the Marchetti case shows, give it a wide berth. Only the President doesn't, as witness Mr. Nixon's changing of the guard at the CIA because?so the Washington scuttlebut goes?Richard Helms showed more independence than the President thought appropriate. The third is semantic. It is a curious fact that the word "Intelligence," in American governmental agencies, ap- plies only to secret intelligence about foreign countries, to help us in the strategies we apply to them in war and peace. And all the time what we need badly is a different kind of intelligence ?the knowledge of what strategies to use in approaching our own knottiest problems?group tensions,..-.addiction, crime, prison management, mental dis- eases, alienation. I can't pretend to prescribe for our espionage establishment.. But I have some notions?which I.shall set down In nty.. next piece? of what we garner the best intelligence we can fer- ret out on our domestic ills and strategies. enforce Article 1, Section 9 of the Constitution, . which provides: "No money shall be drawn from the treasury but in con- sequence of appropriations made by law; and a regular statement and account of the receipts and expenditures of all public money shall be pub- lished from time to time." I The CIA Act of 1949 ex- empted the agency from ordi- nary budget requirements and has been the authority for con- cealing CIA funds in the ap- propriations for other depart- men,ts. Richardson said the CIA law. clashed with the Con- stitution. Richardson, 53, a law school graduate, is employed as an investigator for the Westmore- land County (Pa.) 'public de- fender's office. ' A district court judge agreed with the government that Richardson lacked legal standing to bring the suit be- cause his grievance was not unique to him but was shared generally with other citizens. The Third U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals reversed this ruling. Without reaching the basic question of disclosure, the court of appeals said Rich- ardson had a right to take the government to court over it. Petitioning the high court, Solicitor General Erwin N. Griswold called the ruling "a serious departure" from deci- sions designed to keep tax- payer litigation under control. Griswold said the constitu- tional provision had always been eonsidered a restriction against the Executive Branch, not Congress. He cited World War II expenditures for at- omic bomb development and other congressional acts as ex- amples of necessary secret statutes. Lawyers for the American Civil Liberties Union replied that the meeting of the consti- tutional provision can never be settled in court if the govern- ment's theory of legal stand- ing is correct. Approved For Release 2001/08/07-:-CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 10 Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 POST, We Palm Beach 17 January 1973 11 CI-. ?11 r. .1? ' By SUSAN IIIX.ON Post Slefl Writer Ever feel like you're being watched? You are, according to Lyman B. Kirk- patrick, former executive director of the Central Intelligence Agency. !t?VV,1,111", At least once every two weeks, he told the Society of Four Arts yesterday, a Russian spy satellite flies over the United States and photographs every inch of the country. "The film is probably more than 25 miles long," he said. "If there were a Russian version of Eastman Kodak, I'd sure like to own stock in it." Kirkpatrick, now a professor of politi- cal science at Brown University, was exec- utive director of the CIA from 1962 to 1965. "No cne thinks about Russian espio- nage anymore," he said. "The press calls this a period of 'detente' ? agreement. And there are recent trade agreements between the two countries. "But it's quite consistent with Russian policy for them to sign an agreement with us. However, they'll continue to employ their intelligence network in this country." Kirkpatrick's words were quiet, but "You'll never hear about Russian spy networks in this country, until one of them ? Is destroyed. You'll never hear at all about the ones that are successful," he said. ? The Russians, according to Kirkpa- trick, have the largest intelligence net- work in the world ? a "vacuum organiza- tion." There are two types of Russian spies in this country; he told the audience, those who are here legally, and those who are operating illegally. "You may wonder why we let people in this country If we know they are part of the intelligence operation," he said. 11. Approved For Release 2001/08/07.: CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 D'og,e04 JL "Well, it's easier to-follow those people you already know are agents," Kirkpatrick ex- plained, "rather than have them hire someone you don't know." Many members of the Russian intelligence are just sent to watch the other mem- bers, he added. "You'll find that in Russian intelligence, the job of one-third of the em- ployes is to watch the other two-thirds." He told of a Soviet agent who was arrested fOr trying to buy the plans for a Navy FI4 aircraft from a Grumman Corp. employe. "The agent could have saved his money," Kirkpatrick said. "The plane had been thoroughly written up in all the technical journals.' American newspapers and magazines are a great source of information for Soviet spies, he commented. . "Or an agent could back a truck ?up to the government printing offices awl have all the pamphlets and booklets he wants. "In a way, there's no rea- son for the Soviets to have agents here. The United States is the most open country in the ,world." NEW YORK TIMES 6 March 1973 If this all sounds distinctly un-James Bondish, Kirkpa- trick said that's because "es- pionage is distorted by fiction and mythotogy." "Very few people get ex- citing jobs with the CIA," ho? said. "Most of the work is really routine. The danger in- volved isn't nearly as great as. the novels portray." In fact, he added, the CIA probably wouldn't hire some- one who was looking for dan- ger and excitement. There's really no place for a James Bond in the CIA; Kirkpatrick said. C.I.A. Will Curb Training It Provides Police Forces By DAVID BURNHAM The new director of Central these activities violated the Instelligence has informed Con- gress that the agency has de- cided to curb the 'training it has been providing local police departments in the United States. ' The director, James R. Schle- singer, announced the new poi- icy in a letter to Representative Chet Holifield, Democrat of California, who is chairman of , the House Government Oper- ations Committee. , ,"In keeping with the sensi- tivity of this matter I have directed that such (training] activities be undertaken in the future only in the most com- pelling circumstances and with my personal approval," Mr. Schlesinger wrote. The Central Intelligence Agency acknowledged last month that it had provided training to policemen from about a dozen city and county police forces about techniques to detect explosives and wire- taps, conduct surveillance of individuals and maintain intel- ligence files. ' The acknowledgment of the domestic police training activ- ities came after Representative Edward Koch, Democrat of New York, wrote the C.I.A. last Dec.2$ questioning whether suc ? training did not vklate the 1947, legislation creating the intelligence group. This law states, "The agency shall have ? no police, subpoena, law en- forcement powers or internal- security functions." In disclosing the C.I.A.'s state merit tht it had trained domes- tic police departments, Mr. Koc ? called upon Mr. Holifield's com- mittee and the Senate Judiciary Stibcomiittee on Constitutional Rights to investigate Whether law. ? Mr. Schlesinger's brief leiter did not attempt to define "the most compelling circumstances" that would lead 'him to autho- rize the agency to provide a local police agency with special training, But Mr. Holifield, in a state- ment in yesterday's Congres- sional Record,' said that they might involve "foreign crimi- nals or International drug traf- fickers." Mr. Holifield, though arguing that the C.I.A. should not be absolutely barred from con- ducting such training, said he did not agree with the C.I.A.'s contention that the training was authorized under the Omnibus Crime Control Act of 1968. "The sensitive nature of the agency's work, and the man- date of its enabling legislation to refrain from engaging in domestic law enforcement acti- vities, would seem to compel a reconsideration of the recently publicized activities in ques- tion," the California Democrat wrote Mr. Schlesinger. Mr. Holifield also questioned the C.I.A.'s statement to Mr. Koch that the training was always given at the request of the local agencies. "There may be some arguments as to whether the initiative in every single case was local, since the agency may have offered some suggestions of its own or may, have had some requests routed through the Law Enforcement Assistance Administration," he said. Mr. Koch's initial request to the CIA, was prompted by an account in The New York Times about 14 New. York policemen who had been given training in the handling and processing of intelligence information. Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 NEW YORK TIMES 8 March 1973 LAWYER FOR NIXON TOLD F.Big HE GAVE FUNDS TO SEEM Gray Tells Panel ,Kalmbach Said He Paid :$30,000 .. at Request of .Chapin DATA GIVEN SENATORS Recipient Reportedly Ran Covert Sabotage Drive Against Democrats ? By JOHN M. CREWDSON Special to The NM York Times WASHINGTON, March 7 ? Herbert W. Kalmbach, Pres-. ident Nixon's personal lawyer, told agents of the .Federal Bureau Of Investigation' last , year that he had Paid between .$30,000 and $40,000 in Repu- blican party funds to Donald H. Segretti, a 31-year-old lawyer who reportedly ran a covert political sabotage operation for the Republican party during. last year's Pres- idential election campaign. According to information supplied today by the acting F.B.I. director, L. Patrick Gray 3d, to the Senate Judiciary Committee, Mr. Kalmbach, who. has a large private law prac- tice in the Les Angeles area, ,told Federal agents that Dwight L. Chapin, who was then Mr. Nixon's appoint- ments secretary at ?the White House, had gotten in touch with him in August or Septem- ber, 1971. The disclosure was the first official confirmation of reports that Mr. Segretti had been given Republican campaign money and by whom, and .that he had been recruited by an Admin- istration official. Segretti Was Named In Mr. Gray's words, Mr. Kalmbach told investigators that he had been "informed" by Mr. Chapin that Mr. Segretti was about to be released from -the Army and that "he may be of service to the Repub- lican party." Mr. Gray continued: "Mr. Chapin asked Mr. Kalm- bach to contact Segretti in this regard, bin Mr. Kalmbach said he was not exactly sure what service Chapin had in mind. He said he did not press Chapin in this regard. "He did contact Segretti and agreed that Segretti would be paid $16,000 per year plus ex- penses, and he paid Segretti somewhere between $30,000 and $40,000 between Sept. I, 1971, and March 15, 1972." Mr. Gray's disclosure was made in an extension of his testimony last week before the. committee, which is holding hearings on his nomination to be director of the F.B.I. In the document presented to the committee for the record, Mr. Gray quoted Mr. Kalmbach as saying that he [Kalmbach] maintained no record of his disbursements to Mr. Segretti, received no reports as to what the money was being usedgor, and had no idea how he re- ceived his instructions. The nature of the operation reportedly conducted by Mr. Segretti during last year's pri- mary campaign has never been entirely clear, althou'gh a num- ber of his friends and acquaint- ances have said that he offered them jobs "spying" on Demo- cratic candidates on behalf of the Republicans. A few have acknowledged receiving money from him in return for infor- mation on the movements and public speeches of various Democratic candidates. Chapin Termed? 'Contact' Mr. Chapin and Mr. Segretti were undergraduates together at the University of Southern California in the early nine- teen-sixties. Mr. Chapin has been identified in news reports as Mr. Segretti's "contact" at the White House. Mr. Segretti's telephone records showed at least one telephone call last year to Mr. Chapin's unlisted home telephone in suburban Bethesda, Md. Mr. Chapin has since re- signed from the White Housel staff amid reports that he was being forced out because of his alleged connection with the op- eration that Mr. Segretti was reported to have headed. White House spokesmen have denied that version of his resignation, and have characterized news reports to that effect as "hear- say, character assassination, innuendo and guilt by associa- tion." .Mr. Chapin' could not be reached for comment on Mr. Gray's disclosures. He is now an executive for United Air Lines in Chicago at a reported $70,000-a-year salary. Mr. Se- gretti has refused to speak with newsmen since his reappearance following the November elec- tion after he had disappeared from public view for a ?month. Mr. Kalmbach also could not be reached for comment. Mr. Gray's testimony also disclosed that Mr. Kalmpach had told agents that the money he used to pay Mr. Segretti had come out of Republican party canmaign funds that. were ob- Iiiint?t1 from contributors before April 7, 1972. The payments were usually in cash, but might have included "an occasional check," he said. April 7 was the effective date of the Federal Election Cam- paign Act. Thereafter political organizations were required to file periodic reports with the General Accounting Office de- scribing all receipts and ex- penditures. Payments Recalled Mr. Kalmbach told the F.B.I. that he specifically recalled one payment of $5,000 and another of $20,000 "to cover Segretti's expenses," Mr. Gray said, add- ing that Mr. Kalmbach denied any knowledge of "what Se- gretti was doing to justify these expenses or to earn his salary." Until February, Mr. Kalmbach acted as an unofficial Republi- can fund-raiser. He was re- placed at that time by Maurice H. Stans, who resigned as Sec- retary of Commerce to beccine the official finance chairman. Mr. Segretti was interviewed by the F.B.I. three times last June, following the arrest of five men with electronic bug- ging equipment inside the Dem- ocratic national headquarters at the Watergate office build- ing here. Mr. Gray has said that the F.B.I. was? initially led to Mr. Segretti through the telephone records of E. Howard Hunt Jr., who pleaded guilty to charges of conspiring to tap telephones at the Watergate in the recent criminal trial. Four other men pleaded guilty to the same charges and two others, both employes of the Committee for the Re-election of the President at the time of the break-in, were found guilty. On Aug. 18, 1972, Mr. Se- gretti appeared before a Federal grand Jury investigating the Watergate case, but he was not among those indicated. The F.B.I. dropped its investigation of his activities at that point be- cause, according to Justice De- partment sources, it was be- lieved that he had violated no Federal laws. However; the Justice Depart- ment's Fraud Division has re- cently begun looking into the possibility that Mr. Segretti may have violated a Federal statute that prohibits the dis- tribution of unsigned or falsely attributed campaign literature. Reports Sent Nixon Aide Mr. Gray told the committee today that he had included the F.B.I. account of Mr. Segretti's interview in a batch of 82 re- ports he sent to the White House counsel, John W. Dean 3d, the man appointed by Pres- ident Nixon to determine through a separate investiga- tion whether any Administra- tion employes were involved in the Watergate episode. Mr. Nixon told a news con- ference after the Dean investi- gation was complete that he was satisfied that no one "presently employed" in the White House was involved in the bugging. Senator Sam J. Ervin Jr., Democrat of North Carolina, asked Mr. Gray today about news reports that White House staff members had shown Mr. Segretti a copy of the F.B.I. report a few days before his grand jury appearance and "coached" him on his testi- mony. Mr. Gray said that, upon reading the reports, he had called Mr. Dean and was "satis- fied with his answer when he said that he did not do this, that he did not even have "the F.B.I. reports with him in Mi- ami." Mr. Dean was in Florida for the Republican National Convention at the time. Ronald L. Ziegler, the Presi- dent's press secretary, said to- 'day that no White House off i- Icial had used confidential F.B.I. files to help prepare any wit- nesses for 'questioning by the grand jury. Mr. Gray also disclosed that among the reports of F.B.I. in- terviews sent to 'Mr. Dean were three relating to members of the Nixon campaign organiza- tion who had specifically asked to talk to F.B.I. agents out of ,the presence of re-election corn- Imittee lawyers. 1 In a memorandum written by Mr. Gray to Mr. Dean last July, it was stated that an un- specified number of Nixon cam- paign workers had gotten in touch with the F.B.I. for addi- tional interviews, presumably because they felt inhibited by the lawyers. ? Senator John V. Tunney, Democrat of California, asked Mr. Gray whether "any at- tempts were made to retaliate against" the three individuals. "I don't think John Dean would do that," Mr. Gray re- plied. "He's the counsel to the President." , Report on Tapped Phones Mr. Gray also said that one of the reports sent to Mr. Dean was an account of an F.B.I. in- terview with Alfred C. Baldwin 3d, a former F.B.I. agent who monitored the tapped tele- phones from a motel room across the street from the Democratic national headquar- ters. Mr. Gray said that the Bald- win report contained informa- tion on the nature of the con- versations overheard, "not who did what to whom, but I be- lieve that there were some names in there." The contents of the conver- sations were barred from being introduced into evidence at the criminal trial by a Federal appeals court decision. Senator Tunney criticized Mr. Gray for his willingness to turn over such information to Mr. Dean, but Mr. Gray replied that the documents had been passed along "within the offi- cial chain of command of the United States Government?it's not turning them over to third parties." "I think we need to get John Dean down here," said Senator Tunney, who plans to introduce a motion to call Mr. Dean as a witness. Mr. Ervin said today that he also would vote to call Mr. Dean. Other Democratic Senators, including Edward M. Kennedy of Massachusetts, Birch Bayh of Indiana and Philip A. Hart of Michian, are expeet- ed to support it. "As I understand it. Mr. Dean was omnipresent in this case," Mr. Tunney said, noting that Mr. Dean had also sat in on 14 F.B.I. interviews with White, House personnel and had di- rected the opening of a safe in the White House office of Hunt, a former part-time consultant there. 12 Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R0001001100014 Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 WASHINGTON POST 8 March 1973 By Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein Washington Post Staff Writers President Nixon's personal attorney and his White House appointments secre- tary arranged for the payment of more than $30,000 in campaign funds to Don- ald H. Segretti, an alleged political sa- boteur, according to FBI records. This FBI information about Herbert W. Kalmbach, the President's personal attor- ney, and former presidential appoint- ments secretary Dwight L Chapin was supplied yesterday to the Senate Judiciary Committee by acting FBI director L. Patrick Gray HI during his confirmation hearings. In a written statement supplied to the Senate committee, Gray said: "Mr. Kalm- bach said that in either August or Sep- tember, 1971, he was contacted by Mr. Dwight Chapin and was informed that (Army) Capt. Donald ' H. iSegretti was about to get out of the military service and that he may be of service to the Re- publican Party." ? Gray's statement provides the first of- ficial confirmation that Kalmbach and Chapin?two persons close to President Nixon?were involved in a well-financed political operation with Segretti, now an attorney in California. The Washington Post last Oct. 10 quot- ed Federal law enforcement sources as saying that Segretti was one of more than 50 undercover agents who conducted a campaign of political spying and sabotage =against Democratic presidential candi- dates. Five days later, The Post identi- fied Chapin as a Washington contact for Segretti's clandestine activities. A day after that the newspaper quoted investi- gators as saying that the FBI had "deter- mined that Kalmbach himself either auth- orized or actually made payments" to Segretti. Following publication of that informa- tion, The Post was criticized on Oct. 16 by spokesmen for the White House, the Pres- ident's re-election committee and the Re- publican National Committee ? all of whom accused the newspaper of reporting "Innuendo," "hearsay" and "third-hand in- ? formation." According to the written material sup- plied yesterday to the Senate by Gray, Kalmbach "said he merely acted as a disbursing agent for Segretti's ? salary and expenses and he has no.idea how Segretti 'received his instructions or whom he re- ported to. . . . He said he had no knowl- edge of what Segretti was doing to justify these expenses or to earn his salary." ' Gray's written statements came as an- swers to questions asked earlier in the confirmation, hearings. In another written answer supplied yes- terday, Gray said that an FBI check of telephone records showed that Segretti was in touch with the published telephone number of the White House, Chapin's res- idence and the home and office of Water- gate bugging conspirator E. Howard Hunt Jr., who was at the time a White House' consultant. In response to Chapin's request, Kalm- bach, an attorney with offices in Newport Beach, Calif., "did contact Segretti and agreed that Segretti would be p9id $16,000 per year plus ex- penses and he paid Segretti somewhere between $30,000 and $40,000 between Sept. 1, 1971, and March 15, 1972," Gray said. Kalmbach "was asked how much was in the fund he used to pay Segretti and he did not answer this question," Gray said. Kalmbach was a deputy man- ager of the President's re-elec- tion finance committee at the time he made the disburse- ments to Segretti. ? 'Kalmbach has been one of the Presi- dent's chief fund-raisers for years, second only to former. Commerce Secretary Maurice H. Stans, according to Repub- lican sources. Federal sources told The Post last fall that Kalmbach was one of five persons who controlled disbursements from a cash fund kept in Stans' safe at' re-election headquarters here. At least $235,000 of this cash was Paid to Watergate bugging conspirator G. Gordon 'Liddy while he was finance counsel to the Nixon re-elec- tion committee. Liddy, Hunt and five other men were either convicted or pleaded guilty at the Water- gate bugging trial in January. The seven are awaiting sen- tencing, which is expected to be imposed this month. Gray's statements on Kalm- bach, Ohapin and Segretti were on two typewritten pages, along with a page dealing with telephone records. In the statement, Gray said that Kalmbach "stated he was ac- quainted with Liddy but had contact with Lid- dy. Such contacts took place In' connection with Liddy's work as legal counsel to the Finance Committee to Re- elect the Presidia" Kalm- back also said that he had no knowledge of the Watergate 13 bugging. Kalmbach was questioned by the FBI on Sept. 4, 1972, during the period when White House counsel John W. Dean III was receiving regular re- ports on all major interviews conducted in the Watergate Investigation. During his press conference last week, President Nixon said that "the investigation conducted by Mr. Dean . . . Indicates that no one on the White House staff, at the time he conducted the investigation ---rthat was last July and Au- gust?was involved or had knowledge of the Watergate matter." The President's remarks apparently referred solely to the bugging of Democratic headquarters and not to a broader campaign of political espionage and sabotage from which the Watergate bugging stemmed, according to federal investigators. When Chapin's involvement in Segretti's activities became known last October, White House sources said it was in- conceivable that Chapin could have acted without the ap, proval of the White House chief of staff, H. R. Haldeman. Both Chapin and Kalmbach 'are extremely close to Halde- man. As President Nixon's ap- pointments secretary, Chapin reports directly to the Presi- dent and Haldeman. Chapin's resignation from the White House staff, effective last month, was announced by the White House several weeks ago. White House spokesmen have denied published reports that Chapin's departure is re- lated to his involvement with Segretti. During his initial testimony before the Senate' Judiciary Committee considering his nomination to be FBI director, Gray said the FBI had net in- vestigated Segretti's political activities once It,. was deter:. mined he had no role in the bugging of Democratic head- quarters. Gray said that Justice De= I par tment and FBI attorneys determined that Segretti's clandestine political activities did not appear illegal and that the FBI pursued only those leads related to the immediate conspiracy to bug and bur- glarize the Democratic head- quarters. In a written answer on Seg- retti's telephone calls, Gray said records show that during the 10-month period from Au- gust, 1971, to June, 1972, about 700 long distance calls were changed to Segretti. Gray said earlier in the hearings that not all these calls were checked by the FBI. At least 12 persons have told various newspapers that they were either approached by Segretti to do political spy- ing or were actually hired and paid small amounts of money by Segretti to spy or conduct disruptive' activities against, Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : ClAdIEEd:1914881i0100110001-4 8 March 1973 HtmtSo'ught the Democrats. In its first story mentioning Chepin, Oct. 15, The Post quoted at length from several interviews with Lawrence Young, a friend of Segretti and fellow California Attorney. Young said Segretti had told him that White House appoint- ments secretary Chapin and Watergate bugging conspira- tor Hunt were his two Wash- ington contacts for his spying and sabotage activities. Young also reported that Segretti told him that: o On Aug. 19, two days be. fore the Republican National Convention, Segretti went to Miami Beach, where presiden- tial aides showed him copies of two interviews he had with the FBI, including one that was not yet 24 hours old. 0 The aides briefed him on what to say when testifying the following Tuesday before the federal grand jury investi- gating the Watergate bugging in Washington. Democratic senators on the Judiciary Committee have tried during Gray's confirma- tion hearings to determine if these allegations are correct. Gray said that he gave FBI re- ports of Segretti's interviews to John W. Dean III, the Presi- dent's counsel, who conducted an internal White House in- vestigation of the Watergate. Gray said that after he read the story about Segretti alleg- edly seeing his FBI reports, he called Dean and, using "obscenities," asked if Dean had given the reports to Seg- retti. Dean denied that he had given the reports to Segretti, Gray said, so he dropped the subject and did not ask Dean if he knew how the reports might have gone to Miami Beach, if, in fact, they did. - Democratic senators have criticized Gray for not pur- suing the subject. Gray said that he knew one part in the allegation was untrue, namely, that Segretti had been inter- viewed in August. Gray said that Segretti was only inter- !viewed by the FBI in June and that a grand jury subpoena was served on him in August. At the White House yester- day, press secretary Ronald L. Ziegler 'said that since Dean would be the only person in a position to supply the FBI reports to Segretti, that he would deny that any other White House aide furnished any FBI material to Se- gretti. Ziegler also said yesterday' that Dean sat in on interviews only after individual , White House staff members re- quested his presence. Among the interviews Dean attended was one with Kathleen Chenow, an ex-secretary in the White House who was inter- viewed at the White House months after she had resigned from her job there. Miss Chenow told The Post last year that a member of Dean's staff, Fred Fielding, flew to Europe and brought her back to the White House for her interview with the FBI. Miss Chenow, who told the FBI of a unique White House telephone used by Hunt and billed to her home, told a re- porter last year that she did not know why Dean attended her FBI interview and that she made no request that he be present. Nor did she under. stand why she was contacted in Europe by Dean's staff, instead of by the FBI, she said. On Oct. 17, The Washington Post was the subject ok sepa- rate attacks by White House press secretary Ziegler, pres- idential camnaign manager Clark MacGregor and GOP na- tional ? chairman Robert J. Dole. The three variously ac- cused The Post of printing "political garbage," "unsub- stantiated charges" and "hear- say information" in its report- ing on Segretti, Kalmbach and Chapin. Neither Ziegler, Mac- Gregor no Dole would sub- stantively ihscuss the contents Of The Post's accdunts, cr re- lated reports by The York Times and Tithe Maga- .zine. i Ziegler told a White House briefing on Oct. 17 that "I .will not dignify with comment stories based on hearsay, char- acter assassination, innuendo or guilt by association," add- ing: "That is the White House position; that is my position." GOP national chairman Dole accused The Washington Post :of "conducting itself by jour- nalistic standards that would, cause mass resignations on principle from the Quicksilver Tirnes"?a local underground newspaper. "Thus far there have been enormous head- lines about political disruption and very little proof," he said. MacGregor, the President's campaign manager at the time, sai:i the accounts of involve- ment in undercover, campaign activities by Presidential aides were inspired by "George Mc- Govern and his partner in mud-slinging, The Washington Post." ?After a preliminary investi- gation by the Senate Subcom- mittee on Administrative Practice and Procedure, Sen. Edward M. Kennedy (D-Mass.), the subcommittee chairman reported earlier this year that his staff had determined that a widespread political spying and sabotage campaign was conducted during the 1972 Presidential election and it involved White House aides and associates of the President. Last month, the full Senate authorized a Sweeping investi- gation into the gonduet of the 1972 presidential election by a seven-member select commit- tee headed by Sen. Sam J. Ervin (D-N.C.). The probe expected to focus on the Water- gate bugging conspiracy and related acts of political spying: Legal Aid Nixon Staff ' By Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein Washington Post Staff Writer Watergate bugging conspir- ator E. Howard Hunt Jr. esked an intermediary to contact John W. 'Dean III, President Nikon's White House counsel, in the days following the June 17 Watergate break-in to as- sist Hunt in obtaining legal advice, according to reliable federal investigative sources. Hunt made the request of Robert F. Bennett, president of a Washington public rela- tions firm that employed Hunt in late June when he was in Calilornia and being sought by as many as 150 FBI agents, the .tourcee said. He did not prece the call himself because he did not ware to be traced to California, the sources said. 'Bennett, a Republican who helped in the President's fund-raising effort and heads Robert R. Mullen & Co., never called Dean, the sources said. The reason he did not make th:e call could not be learned yesterday. :in, the course of the. Water- gate investigation, the sources said, Bennett told Assistant U:S.' Attorney Earl J. Silbert, the Chief prosecutor in the case, about Hunt's request. 'frliese sources variously described Silbert's reaction as ode of ."astonishment" and "deep concern" upon learning titat Hunt would presume that he . could get legal assistance in the Watergate case from the White House. lAccording to the sources, Sabert was particularly con- cerned about the, report be- cause Dean was conducting an investigation of the Watergate incident for the White House at the direction of the Presi- dent. In addition, Dean was 14 tlie official who coorcUnated all requests by the prosecu- tors and the FBI to interview peesidential aides and provide information relating to the pe.obe. Jitint served as a White Heuse consultant at least until March, 1972, and had an of- 10 in the 041 Executive Of- fice Building (the White House o7ice complex) at the time of the! June 17 Watergate break- inilly, federal investigation srinrces said that' Silbert checked into the matter and fo).tnd no other connection be- tween Dean and Hunt. It is not kikwn how far the matter was pqrsued by Silbert. :Reached last night, Silbert said that.he would neither con- firm nor deny reports on the mptter.. Bennett also declined comment. In a related matter, Thomas Lumbard, a former Treasury and Justice Department at- torney; ..who did volunteer wbrk for the Nixon re-election committee last year, has told The Washington Post that Dean worked closely with G. Gtprdon Liddy, who also was convicted in the Watergate ,b4gging conspiracy. ILumbard said in several in- te:rvievvs last year that prior to, the . Watergate break-in, "tiddy and Dean would talk about coordinating the action bY Nixon and the Commitee fOr the Re-election of the President. Their job was to se,e that everyone kept their noses clean on finances." :According to Lumbard, "Dean was the lawyer for the President in campaign finance work at the White House and Liddy was his counterpart in the Committee for the Re-elec- tion of the President." 'Lumbard said that Liddy re- ciented him in March, 1972, to provide volunteer legal coun- sel on finance matters. He said that he worked about one day a week in the White .House office building for about eight weeks last spring. !"So Dean was investigating a friend and coworker," Lum- bard said. "It's like a criminal lawyer saying, 'I've investigat- ed this* matter and my client IS not guilty.' ". Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 5 Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 WASHINGTON POST 21 February, 1973 unit Linke to itittt By Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein Washington Post Staff Writers Charles W. Colson, special counsel to President Nixon, sent Watergate bugging figure E. Howard Hunt Jr. to Denver last March to (interview inter- national Telephone and Tele- graph Corp. lobbyist Dita Beard, according to Colson's own sworn testimony. Sources close to the Water- gate investigation said that Colson's testimony was given In a secret deposition to fed- eral investigators during the Watergate probe last year. At the time of the Denver trip, Hunt was working as a White House consultant, a po- sition for which he had been hired on Colson's recommenda- tion. Colson, in other sworn, public testimony relating to. the Watergate incident, has said that Hunt was not work- ing for him as late as ?March, ' 1972, when the visit to , Mrs. Beard occurred. The federal investigators did not ask Colson the pur- pose of the interview. Other, Republican sources said that it was to obtain information to challenge or discredit a con- troversial memo attributed to Mrs. Beard that alleged that there was a direct connection between the settlement of an- titrust cases by the Justice Department and ITT's offer to help bring the 1972. GOP con- vention to San Diego. Colson, who is out of the coo it try on WW1 .f! II 011tie busi- ness, could not be reached for comment yesterday, and the White House had no immedi- ate response. Hunt traveled to Denver un- der the assumed name of Ed- ward Hamilton, an alias he used during the Watergate conspiracy, the federal sources said. Republican sources said that Hunt wore an inexpensive wig during the interview with Mrs. Beard early in the week of March 19. A similar wig Of dark brown or reddish color was found in one of the two rooms rented by the Water- gate conspirators at the Watergate Hotel before the June 17 break-in. In a telephone interview yes- terday, Robert D. Beard, 24, the son of Mrs. Beard, said that a "mysterious" ma n wearing a cheap wig and make-up visited his mother last March to dis- cuss the ITT controversy. At the time Mrs. Beard was at the Rocky Mountain Osteopathic Hospital in Denver being treat- ed for a heart ailment. ? "From pictures I've seen, the visitor could have been Howard Hunt," Beard said. "But I couldn't tell. The man refused to identify himself. He seemed to have inside information about what would happen next . . . but it was of relatively little value to us." Beard described the visitor as "very eerie, he did have a red wig on cockeyed like he put it on in a dark car. I couldn't have identified my brother if he was dressed like that." A two-week investigation by The Washington Post shows that Hunt's trip was part of an effort by Colson to discredit the Dita Beard memo. The work by Hunt and Colson led at least in part to Mrs. Beard's statement issued March 17, charging that the memo was a "forgery" and "a hoax." That statement, issued si- multaneously , by David W. Fleming, Mrs. Beard's lawyer, and Senate Republican Leader Hugh Scott of Pennsylvania, came as a total surprise since It was the first time in a three- week-old controversy that Mrs. Beard's authorship of the memo had been directly de. nied. The alleged memo was re- ported by syndicated colun. nist Jack Anderson more than two weeks before the denial.' It linked the antitrust settle- ment to ITT's offer of a $400,- 000 "guarantee" to help sup-; port last year's Republican Na- tional Convention. . From federal and Republi- can sourees, the following se- quence of events ? has been pieced together: As the ITT controversy bloal somed in March, 1972, the,: eard Ch ? Washington office of ITT hired Intertel, a private inves- tigations firm; to check Into Mrs. Beard's. background and. the authenticity of the contro- versial memo. Intertel, working with only a copy of the memo, was able to establish that it was proba- bly prepared on a typewriter in Mrs. Beard's office, but that it would be difficult, if not im- , possible,to conclusively estab- lish whether It was genuine or a forgery. Bernard Goodrich, a spokes- man for the ITT office, ac- knowledged last week that the Intertel investigation was in- conclusive. "At no time did they give us, a report to show it was forgery," Goodrich said.4 Intertel, regarded one of the best private investigative firms, also does work for bil-, Bonaire Howard Hughes and corporations in his financial empire. ? . ? The Hughes interests are represented in Washington by Robert R. Mullen 8.: ,Co., a public relations firm where Hunt was employed as a writer. Robert P. Bennett, president of the Mullen firm, learned from his contacts in the Hughes empire that Inter- tel was probing the Dita Beard memo. According to one account, Bennett was told that Intertel had determined the memo was a forgery and that somehow word should be passed to the White House. , By another account, Bennett was told that Intertel's find- ings were inconclusive, mean. log that the way was clear for someone to come forward and label the memo a forgery. In any case, Bennett then told Hunt that the nature of the Intertel findings, whatever they were, should be passed to Colson. During i this period, the White House was growing in- creasingly concerned about the impact of the ITT allega- tions, and had launched a ma- jor effort to discredit colum- nist Jack Anderson and the memo. : At this point, Colson or- dered Hunt to Denver to inter- view Mrs. Beard. ? "poison didn't want anything to back- fire, one Republican source said. Meanwhile, Bennett was act- ing as a go-between between Colson and Fleming, Dita Beard's attorney, to arrange for the release of Mrs. Beard's March 17 statement calling the memo a "forgery." ? Colson wanted to avoid any direct contact between the White House and Mrs. Beard or her representative as the controversy became more po- litically sensitive. One Repub- lican source said that it was Colson who got Sen. Scott to read Mrs. Beard's statement on the Senate fl000r. Fleming said in several re- cent telephone interviews that Colson and Hunt were not in- volved in is-suing the state- ment. He did, however, ac- knowledge that be talked with Bennett about the matte' Bennett said last week that he would have : no commen on the subject. Mrs. lieard's March 17 state- ment said: "I did not prepare it. (the memo) and could not have." Without giving a rea- son for her ? assertion, Mrs. Beard continued: "I have done inothing to be 'ashamed of az.d 'my family and I-- and in a greater sense the whole Amer lean government?are the vie- tims of a cruel fraud." Columnist Anderson testified before the Senate Judiciary. Committee that Mrs. Beard confirmed the authenticity of the memo line-by-lino with, his associate, Britt Hume, dur- ing a Feb. 24 interview at her home. In another sworn deposition taken in a civil . suit filed by the Democratic Party in con- nection with the ? Watergate case, Colson said' under oath .that Hunt worked for him only for a few weeks in the summer of 1971. "Well, initially when he came to the White House staff he was reporting to me. That lasted only for a few, weeks," Colson said. Following , those few weeks, Colson said in that deposition, Hunt was "at that point, not under 'my supervi- sion" and worked elsewhere in the White House. 25 Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 'The Wash HAI giton Merry.Go-Illoganad Chile 41 fl By Jack Anderson Senate investigators suspect that the same Mission Impos- sible team arrested at the Watergate may also have bro- ken into the Chilean Embassy several weeks earlier. And three Chilean diplomats in New York City, the investiga- tors discovered, have been vic- tims a similar, mysterious break-ins. In a memo intended for the eyes only of senators investi- gating ITT's operations in Chile, staff director Jerry Lev- inson reported: "A source with excellent contacts in the Cuban community told the subcommittee staff that Frank Sturgis had told other people that he 'and Martinez and Gon- zalez, two other Watergate de- fendants, had broken into the embassy to photograph docu- ments." Levinson was cautious, how- ever, about implicating ITT in the alleged Chilean caper. "The staff of the subcommit- tee," he reported, "has devel- oped a number of leads sug- gesting a relationship between ITT and the team which was arrested at the Watergate." But he stressed "that the case outlined in this memorandum is circumstantial and that there is no hard evidence of ITT involvement." re ki THE WASHINGTON POST Thursday, March 8,1973 together from jigsaw pieces of intelligence: "Government and non-government sources alike have told us that the Cuban exile community has a pool of talent which was trained by the CIA and is available for 'dirty tricks! This talent has been used at one time or an- other by a number of federal agencies for missions of ques- tionable legality inside and outside of the United States. "Federal sources report the Cubans to be absolutely loyal, fanatically anti-Communist and willing to take any risk. It is also likely that when 'teams' were assembled for opera- tions, only one or perhaps two members knew who had re- quested and was financing the operation. "Washington business and political sources report that about eight months before the Watergate arrest, E. Howard Hunt let it be known around the city that he had a 'team' available for 'Mission Impossi- ble' assignments and that, the team would be willing to work for private clients. "It is possible that E. How- ard Hunt, acting as the con- tractor for the 'team,' had more than one client and that a second client was ITT, which was interested in obtaining in- formation about its negotia- tions over the fate of its in- vestment in the Chilean Tele. Suspicious Case phone Company. The mem- Here, however, is the eir- bers of the team may have cumstantial case which the been recruited, thinking they subcommittee staff has pieced were doing a patriotic thing to block a 'Communist' govern- other words, that not only dis- ment. "ITT is the only likely con- tractor for operations against the Chileans. It claims to have an investment worth $153 mil? lion in the Chilean Telephone Company; it knew that docu- ments were leaking from its files; it asked the Chilean gov- ernment to move negotiations from Santiago to Washing- ton." ITT and Watergate We reported last we on other strange links between the ITT and Watergate scan- dals. We noted, for example, that acting FBI chief L. Pat- rick Gray and convicted Watergate felon E. Howard Hunt had been involved in an abortive effort to discredit the famous Dita Beard memo, which tied a $400,000 political pledge from ITT with a settle- ment of its antitrust troubles The Washington Post re- ported that Hunt, apparently disguised in an askew red wig, went to Denver to talk to Mrs. Beard about renouncing the memo. We reported that Gray, meanwhile, turned the origi- nal memo over to ITT for its experts to try to discredit. Gray refused to comment when we called the FBI for his response. Questioned by sena- tors under oath, however, he testified that he had not turned the memo over to ITT directly but had delivered it to White House aide John Dean. It was the White House, in patched the bewigged Hunt *to Denver but also passed the document to ITT. This makes the story. even more sordid. It shows that the White House, while denying any involvement with .ITT, was working closely with the giant conglomerate , to dis- credit the Dita Beard memo. The Chilean Embassy bur- glary was investigated by the FBI, which dismissed it as rou- tine. But Senate investigators disagree. "Careful investiga- tion of the circumstances leads us to the conclusion," Levinson wrote, "that it ? was not routine. ? "Valuable office equipment and cash were left untouched. The Ambassador's office and the ;office of the First Secre- tary were both searched and files were inspected. The thieves walked past several more attractive offices to get to the First Secretary's office, suggesting they knew where they were going." The burglar- izing of the New York apart- ments of Chilean diplomats were described in the memo as "similar clean break-ins." , Footnote: Jerry Levinson refused to comment on his memo, which he said wasn't intended for publication. An ITT spokesman called the allegations about Hunt ,"ab- solutely and totally untrue." He said ITT had never hire Hunt for any purpose. 1913. United Feature Syndicate WASHINGTON POST 22 February, 1973 Dash Named 'Water ?? By Carl Bernstein and Bob Woodward Washington Post Staff Writers Professor Samuel Dash of the Georgetown University ; Law Center, a former Phila- delphia district attorney and An expert on electronic eaves- dropping, yesterday was named counsel of the select Senate committee that will in- *vestigate the ;Watergate bug- ging and related allegations of political espionage and sabo- tage in the 1972 presidential Campaign. Dash, 47, was hand-picked for the job by Sen. Sam Ervin (D-N.C.), who will serve as chairman of the special seven- member Senate committee that will conduct. the investi- gation. Dash said last night that he views the Watergate investiga- tion as "the most important ever undertaken by the Senate because it goes to the heart of the democratic process." In an interview with Wash- ington Post staff writer John Hanrahan, Dash said he does not view the probe as a "witch- hunt, or an effort to get any- body." Rather, he said, he plans to be "objective and dis- passionate. We must see what! stones need to be overturned; and must not be afraid to go after whoever we find under them." News reports have linked the names of top Nixon admin- istration figures to allegations Of political espionage and sabo- tage conducted on behalf of the President's re-election. Because of the complexity of the Senate investigation, Dash expressed doubt that pub- lic hearings will be held until at least late April. He said he hopes that other investigative agencies will turn over information they have age Unft CounaaL gathered, but added: "I expect we'll have to do much of the investigating on our own be- cause our investigation goes far beyond" the scope of the recent Watergate bugging trial. The selection of Dash was' unanimously approved yester- day by the four Democrats; and three Republicans on the committee during a cloSed- door meeting. Capitol Hill sources de- scribed the session as harmon- ious and reported that Ervin was formally designated chair- man and Sen. Howard Baker Jr. (R-Tenn.) vice chairman of the committee by unanimous votes. As counsel of the select committee, 'Dash will coordi- nate a far-ranging $500,000 in- vestigation authorized by the full Senate last month. The Republican minority on the committee still has not settled on a choice of minority coun- sel for the probe, sources re- ported yesterday. After the three GOP com- mittee members have made their choice, probably after consultation with the Senate Republican leadership, that nomination, is expected to be approved by the full commit- tee with no Democratic oppo- sition. In turning to Dash to coordi- nate the Senate investigation, Ervin picked a former prose- cutor who is one of the na- tion's leading exponents of criminal justice reform and a recognized expert on political espionage. In 1957,. Dash conducted a 'nationwide study of electronic eavesdropping, which led to his authorship of a book called "T h e Eavesdroppers," pub- lished by Rutgers University Press in 1959. Dash, in testimony before a Senate subcommittee in 1959, said that he found illegal wire- tapping by law enforcement agencies in every major city he studied. As a former prose- 16 Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 clam', he had favored the use of wiretapping in sonic cases If strictly court controlled. In July, 1971, he sharply criticized then Attorney, Gen- eral John N. Mitchell for au- thorizing "a lawless system of law enforcement," according to a United Press Inter- national report at the time. ? Last night. Dash described those remarks about Mitchell as "a .lawyer's criticism," and said they were not political in ?nature. He said he forsees no conflict between the criticism and conducting impartially the WASHINGTON STAR 15 February 1973 in in which Mitchell is likely to figure. According to news reports, Mitchell and other presidential aides ap- proved the disbursement of funds that financed undercover activities against the Democrats .in the 1972 campaign. Dash, in his 1971 remarks, .had singled out for particular criticism Mitchell's contention ithat court authorization is un- necessary for wiretaps in na- /itional security cases. On June .19, 1972, the Supreme Court .ruled that Mitchell's contention as By BARRY KALE` Star?Newe Staff Writes The government says it would love to turn over certain documents from the Water- gate trial to a special Senate committee investigating the same thing, but doesn't think it can legally do so. Rather than flatly refuse a Senate request for the infor- mation, however, the govern- ment ? acutely aware of the publicity surrounding the case ? has thrown the matter into the lap of Chief Judge John J. Sirica of U.S. District Court, who presided over the recent trial. Asst. ,U.S. Atty. Earl J. Sil- bert, who headed the success- ful prosecution of the seven Watergate defendants, filed a "motion" yesterday noting that Sen. Sam J. Ervin. D-N.C., who will head the Sen- ate investigation, has request- ed certain documents. In a letter sent to Sirica on Monday, a copy of which is, attached to the government papers, Ervin asks for "copies of the minutes of the grand jury convened to consider matters relating to the break- in of the Watergate, as well as the sealed .portions of the trial transcript.' The government has "no objection" to the release of the grand jury minutes, Silbert says in the papers, and then goes on at length to say why: "Indeed, because there are those who have publicly ques- , waS unconslitut ion a I, and ' ordered an end to wiretaps not specifically authorized by the courts. Ironically, the court's deci- sion came two days after five men were arrested inside the Watergate headquarters of the Democratic Party during ,a mission to wiretap and bug the Democrats' offices. , Last month, seven men ? Including two former White .House aides and the former 'security coordinator. of Presi- dent Nixon's re-election com- mittee ? were convicted or tinned the integrity of the in- vestigation and prosecution of the Watergate case, and be- cause of the unique nature of this case, the United States favors their disclosure to the committee so that the nature of the investigation, previous- ly disclosed only through the necessarily limited forum of a jury trial, will be subject to scrutiny and thereby aid the ends of justice, and so that the facts uncovered by the investi- gation will be available to a committee of a publicly elect- ed body." "However," the papers con- tinue, " . . we feel obliged . . . to point out to the court for its guidance the limitations imposed by the law with re- spect to disclosure of grand jury minutes." There are, Silbert wrote, only three known circum- stances under which grand jury testimony can be dis- closed: To government attor- neys for use in performance of their duties; to the defense upon a showing that grounds for dismissal of the indictment may exist because of actions before the grand jury; or by order of the court "preliminar- ily to or in connection with a judicial proceeding." None of these situations seem to apply in the case of a congressional investigating committee, the papers say. "There is no precedent for/ such a release. In fact? our research has not uncovered ter te any case in which the issue has been raised or resolved." Therefore, although the pa- pers are labeled as a "mo- tion," no request is made as is usually the case in a motion. Rather, the matter is left up to Sirica to decide. Silbert also made no objec- tion to turning over portions of the sealed trial transcript, and apparently found no problem' in doing so. He suggested only that a list of names Sirica re? ferred to the prosecution dur- ing the trial for possible grand jury action be kept secret in order to protect the privacy of those on the list. It is a difficult situation, be- cause everybody, with the pos- sible exception of the defend- ants, seems sincerely interest- ed in cooperating with the Sen- ate investigation. Sirica made it clear several times during and after the trial that he was not satisfied with the government's presen- tation of the ease and stated flatly that he did not feel all the facts had been brought out. It was in this vein, he said, that he gave the prosecu- tion that secret list. If for no other reasons than those stated in the motion, the government is anxious to make it clear that it is cooper- ating fully. Silbert had been agonizing for days over the problem re- alizing that the government's refusal to turn over the re- quested document would probably result in further pleaded guilty to all charges stemming from the incident. According to federal investi- gators, the Watergate bugging stemmed from a widespread campaign of political espio- nage and sabotage that was conceived in the White House and directed by presidential aides at the Committee for the Re-election of the President. Both the White House and the President's re-election committee consistently have denied any official involve- ment 'in the' hugging of the ,.Democrats' headc,uarters: charges that the investigation had been a whitewash. The Senate is gearing up for a full-scale probe of the Water- gate affair ? the break-in and bugging of Democratic Nation- al Committee headquarters ? and allegations that the Nixon administration was waging a large-scale campaign of politi- cal sabotage and espionage against Democratic candi- dates. A select committee of four Democrats and three Republi- cans, headed by Ervin, was established Feb. 7 for just this purpose, with orders to report back to the Senate within one year. Illegal or unethical prac- tices by any political figure, including Democrats, will be a target for the committee's In- vestigation. Just when the committee will begin holding hearings has not yet been decided, but it is not expected to start be- fore the middle of next month. The White House yesterday denied a report that convicted Watergate defendants E. How- ard Hunt Jr. and G. Gordon Liddy received information from national security wire- taps from members of the White House staff while the two were working as White House consultants. The denial followed a story i n yesterday's Washington Post, quoting inf or med sources and saying that the two received such information during parts of 1971 and 1972. 17 Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 WASHINGTON POSiApproved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 27 February, 1973 Newsanen Subi3 atergate Republican attorneys in the civil Suits arising from the Watergate'. bugging yesterday Issued subpoenas seeking testi- mony and notes from 11 re- porters and officials of The Washington Post, The Wash- ington Star-News, the New York Times and Time maga- zine- Kenneth Wells Parkinson, attorney for the Committee for the Re-election of the Pres- ident, said subpoenas were also issued for Walter Sheri- dan, a former Justice Depart- ment aide who did investiga- tive Work for the Democrats; Paul W. Leper, a D.C. police- man, and Frank Wills, a build- ing guard at the Watergate. Three civil suits grew out of the arrest of five men who. along with two others, were subsequently convicted or pleaded !guilty to charges of conspiracy, burglary and ille- gal wiretapping and eaves- dropping at the Democratic National Headquarters, in the Watergate. In one suit, former Demo- cratic: Party Chairman Law- rence F. O'Brien is seeking $3.2 million in damages from two of the Watergate defend- ants and from Maurice Starts, the former Commerce secre- tary and finance chairman for the Committee for the Re-elec- aion of the President. enaed "?otes In the other two suits, Stans is suing O'Brien for $5 million for libel and $2.5 million for willful and malicious abuse of process. Subpoenas were issued yes- terday for Katharine Graham, publisher of The Washington. Post:. Howard Simons, The Posts managing editor, .and Post reporters Carl Bernstein and. Bob Woodward and for- mer reporter Jim Mann. Also subpoenaed were re-1 porters Jeremiah O'Leary,1 James Polk, Patrick Collins and Joseph Volz, all of the Star-News, John Crewdson, of The New York Times, and Dean Fischer, of Time. Benjamin C. Bradlee, exec-, utive editor of The Post, said it would be up to lawyers to determine what response The Post will make to the subpoe- nas. Charles B. Seib Jr., man-:. aging editor of the Star-News, said his newspaper expects to: consult with lawyers before deciding en a response. James C. Goodale, a senior' vice president of The New York Times, said, "we're obvi-, ously against tthe production, of notes" but that The Times' also had not determined what response to make. Henry Ana- tole Grunwald, managing ed-. itor of Time, could' not be reached last night. TUE WASHINGTON POST Monday, Feb. 19, 1973 77a,;11,eiriagtona NITernoyotrilc,D.Roma0 By Jack Anderson Thai Connection A report now in preparation 'will charge that the U.S. isn't really trying to cut off drug smuggling from Thailand, be- cause Thai leaders are too deeply implicated and might , retaliate by closing U.S. mili- tary bases. The report will be submit- ted to the House Foreign Af- fairs Committee by Rep. Les- ter Wolff, (D-N.Y.), who has ? been investigating the drug problem in Southeast Asia. He came back from an in- spection tour last year to re- port that some top Thai offi- cials were operating a fleet of trawlers, which was moving tons upon tons of opium to Hong Kong for. shipment to American addicts. He is now back from an- other tour of Southeast Asia, where he found the Thai smuggling operations rela- tively unchanged. The That opium, he will charge, is han- dled by dealers who are virtu- ally immunue from legal Oil.- ference. They include some. of the most powerful men in. the country, who the U.S. dopin't wish to offend. He also has 'Proof, lie will say, that illegal drug labs_Lare still operating in Thailandade- spite State Department 'dejii- als. His report will also be critical of the government's strategy of. buying up opium crops. The practice does little to stop drug smuggling and is excessivley expensive, he charge. The 'report will claim that most of the money allocated for the war on drugs has gc;rie into cutting off. the Turkish opium supply, with little left to fight smuggling in other areas. Meanwhile, the "Thai Connection" blossoms like' a poppy in the sun. Wolff will point out, for-in- stance, that the U.S. sends millions to keep 45,000 tar' men in Thailand but Can't scrape up enough money to keep more than. 35 narcotics .agents to protect the nation against Asian drug smugglers. Finally, the report will roe- annmend that ? American "aid to Thailand be shut off unless the country cooperates 'in smashing the drug smugglers'. (i) 1973, United Feature Syndicate Thursday., March 1, 1973 . . . THE WASHINGTON POST I 0 11 enge zta, laded, Asks: By Lawrence Meyer ? Washington Post Staff Writer ? Layers for the Democratic National Committee filed an amended version of their Wafergate bugging suit against officials of President Nixon's re-election committee and others, doubling the $3.2 Million sought last fall and adding two more defendahts in the action. 'In addition, a memorandum ? filed :with the suit yesterday asserted that the Democrats will: 'exPlore the possible in- volvement of several former and current top administra- tion 'officials, including John Mitchell, John Ehrlichman and-II: R. Haldeman. The Ilew version of the suit ---origanally filed in June ask- ing $1: million in damages, amended in September asking $3.2, Million and now asking $6.4: million?adds the names of Jeb .Stuart Magruder and nerbeit L. Porter, both for- mer officials of the Committee for the. Ile-election of the Pres- ident:: ? ? Maurice Stans, finance chairmen of the re-election coramtttee, again is named as a 'defendant, along with for- mer ? committee treasurer Hugli W. Sloane Jr. The seven men,-including former White House- aides E. Howard Hunt Jr. and :G. Gordon Liddy, who either" pleadedguilty or were convicted on charges of con- spiracy,, burglary and illegal wiretapping and eavesdrop- ping stemming from the June break-in at the Democrat's .Watergate headquarters also are :bathed in the amended :Robert S. Strauss, the new chairinan of the Democratic National Committee, was added is a party bringing the action in the amended version. The: new version charges that the defendants "em- ploYee: Liddy, Hunt and former committee security di- rector-James W. McCord Jr., who was one of the seven con- victed-on criminal charges, to carry our "information-gather- 16 ing Operations by any means available," including burglary _and, ilfegal wiretapping and eavesdropping. The :new amended version charges, that Magruder, por- ter, ?Seans and Sloan "are re- sponsible for the action of their employees and agents," Liddy,-Hunt, McCord and the four :men arrested with Mc- Cord inside the Democratic heaquarters. Porter and Magruder were quoted in a statement re- leased-by the re-election com- mittee; -yesterday as saying, "Our: addition as defendants In the: suit months after the incident is simply a smoke- screen: -Neither of us had ad- vance: knowledge of the Water- gate: incident . . . Each of us has -testified to that effect at least twice----before the fed- eral grand jury convened to investigge the case and be- fore: the trial of the seven defendants in the case. Those who filed this suit are simply trying to get sensational news from dilatory court actions." In addition to exploring the "p ossible involvement" of White House aides Haldeman and Ehrlichman and former Attorney General Mitchell, the memo filed with the suit lists these other officials whose "possible involvement" will be explored: Charles W. Col- son,- a White House aide; M. Douglas Caddy, a friend of Hunt; Dwight Chapin, Presi- dent Nixon's former appoint- ments secretary; Morton B. Jackson, a Los Angeles law- yer; Herbert Kalmbach, Pres- ident ; Nixon's personal law- yer; Frederick C. LaRue, Rob- ert Mardian, Robert C. Odle Jr., Glenn J. Sedam, all pres- ent or former committee of- ficials; William E. Timmons, 'White House congressional liaison; Kenneth Clawson, deputy director of communica- tion; and Donald Segretti, de- scribed by federal sources as a key figure in an alleged es- pionage campaign against the Democrats. Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 WASHINGTON POST 3 March 1973 Watergate C ? .1 By Carl Bernstein ? and Bob Woodward , Washington Post Staff Writers -?A notebook and an address liciok that Watergate bugging conspirator E. Howard Hunt Jr. said were left in his White House office have never been received by the FBI, according to federal investigators. Hunt's attorney, William 0. Bittman, said yesterday that ."the entire circumstances of theit disappearance are pecu- liar." Bittman said both items con- tained names and addresses, and that federal prosecutors had told hint they hoped the books might lead investigators to other persons involved in the Watergate conspiracy. According to testimony at the Watergate trial, items in Hunt's office were removed by White House aides two days after the June 17 break-in at OUSTON POST 1 9 FED 1973 'CBS ?ir Nise te 4froks Missing Democratic headquarters and given to President Nixon's counsel, Johri Wesley Dean More than . a week later, Dean turned over to the FBI all the material except unspec- ified items that he said were clsssified, according to federal investigators. The notebook and address book were not in- cluded in the material re- ceived by the FBI, the investi- gators said. The purported existence of the two items came to the at- tention of investigators on Oct. 11, when Hunt filed a motion in U.S. District Court contending that the search of his office by White 'House aides was illegal. In a sworn affadavit filed with the motion, Hunt de- manded the return of the con- tents of his office, including one "Hermes" notebook and one "Name-Finder" notebook containing "personal informa- tion ..." When investigators realized they had received no such no- tebooks in the material fur- nished by Dean, Assistant U. S. Attorney Earl J. Silbert re- portedly contacted officials at the White House. "The White House claimed they never saw the note- books," one federal investiga- tor familiar with the matter said. "W e didn't know what to think. We still don't." According to Bittman, he in- tended to call Dean and other members of the White House staff as witnesses in a pretrial hearing on Hunt's motion de manding' the return of the notebooks. "At that time we thought the FBI had them and had used them in their investiga- tion," Bittman said. "I was go- ing to argue that the govern- ment's whole case was tainted chdms ofTahhas naval inte.d.721.?E-ence -NEW YORK. el ?CBS said Sunday a Navy-trained dol- .phin has been used to place a detection device in a fore4,n harbor to find out what kind of atomic fuel the Russians are using in their nuclear sub in'a rines. Newsman Morley Safer said on the Columbia Broadcasting System's "60 Minutes" pro- gram that the planting and retrieving operation is one of a number of tasks being done by the Navy's "biological weapons systm" of trained dolphins, whales and sea lions. Safer said the dolphin that placed the detecting device went back weeks later and retrieved it "for American in- telligence analysis." He gave no further details. CBS said the Navy has classified ? almost all informa- tion on its S30-million sea mammal program "toi se- cret." The head of the program, Harris Stone, special assis- tant for intelligence for the Bureau of Naval Operations, said in an interview on the program that reports of a "kamikaze porpoise" trained to carry explosives and "go out and blow up Fumbarines" was nothing but "science fic- tion." CBS said, however, that it had learned that "the Navy's dolphins have been trained to attack enemy divers, to ward off sharks, to place explosives and monitoring devices on ships . . ." The Pentagon had tia com- ment qn the CBS report. However, .the Defense De- partment disclosed last Sept. 5 that the Navy had 'trained whales to recover such ob- jects as torpedoes from the ocean floor. A 1.200-pound whale and a 5,500-pound killer ? whale were used in that test off Hawaii, where they dived to a depth of 1,654 feet... The Navy previously had experimented with propoises and sea lions to detect enemy mines, and frogmen. James Fitzgerald, identified as a pioneer in dolphin re- search for the intelligence community and the Navy, told CBS that researchers have been able to program dolphins "and keep them un- der control for distances up to se.veral miles. "As an operating vehicle," Fitzgerald added, "you can carry a payload of the order of 100 pounds'. . . You can deliver and retrieve objects; place and position them. you can use acoustics homing, acoustics beam riding, you can use a radio-link or you can have an inertial device in the. gadget that they're towing which can tell, them to go right or left or they're on ? course." ? . Fitzgerald and 'diver Ray Harmon told Of dolphins pro- grammed to deploy them- selves around a ship for its protection ? against enemy di- -vers. ? ?. . . Fitzgerald said a dolphin can, after detecting a swim- mer near the ship, go to the ship and pull an alarm, then force the swimmer to surface and "capture him for inter- rogation." ? Harmon told of playing the role of enemy diver in one such operation. "I was a subject. for the mock invasions," Harmon because their information had come from material (the notebooks) obtained in an ille- gal search. I was going to call Dean and other people at the IA lite House to show that nt was still using his office. in `June and that he had not at ndoned his property in the WI e House." T ? L.' White House has re-, peat.2(11)'s,-iid that Hunt last worked th \.'s, on March 29 and ?based on contention? federal proset.>\-c argued that Hunt's repre- sented "abandoned , ,erty" that was legally confia.. on June 19. Bittman said the issue came moot, however, "whiCk, we found out the FBI never \ got the notebooks. When we asked to examine the contents of the search they weren't there, All, I can can say is . that the Whole thing was very strange. I don't know where they went." The role of White House. counsel Dean, who conducted; an investigation that Presi- dent Nixon said absolved all current administration, offi- cials from involvement in the Watergate bugging, has be- come an issue in the confirma- tion hearings of Acting FBI Director L. Patrick Gray. In its Feb. 12 issue, News- week magazine quoted "a source close to the Watergate defense" as saying that Dean "actually removed documents" from Hunt's office that "might have led the G-men to admin- istration topsiders." The same report said Dean received or- ders "to try, to prevent federal investigators from tarnishing any figures in the President's' inner circle." said. "We would try and pen- etrate the dolphin perimeter that they had set up. They would pick us up without fail, run us to the surface on their noses and corral us into an area ? without getting up a sweat." Harmon said the dolphins surfaced the divers by mak- ing the in "so uncomfor- table . . . to be where you are they will make you move in any direction they want you to." Their methods,- he added, I nclude pulling off face in tearing regulator hoses and pulling off swim- fins. Approved For Release 2001/08/0Z9CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 Approved For Release 2001/08/07: CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 WASHINGTON POST 6 March 1973 The Watergate Subpoenas Attorneys are going to court today in an effort to win a delay in the return dates of subpoenas which .would require reporters and executives of four publica- tions (including this one) to make available massive amounts of material and information?some of it highly confidential?in connection with their coverage of the ,a-called Watergate Case. The ultimate objective of the 'attorneys is to persuade a Federal District judge to quash the subpoenas altogether, on grounds that com- pliance with their incredibly sweeping demands is barred 'by the First Amendment. It will hardly surprise you to learn that this newspaper Is in agreement with the argu- ments its legal counsel will be making to the court, and it Is not our purpose here to pursue this argument or 'to plead with the judge as to how to rule. We would, however, like to set down what we believe to be the heart of this matter. ? ? By way of background, the subpoenas in question grow :out of a civil suit for damages filed by the Democratic Party against the Committee to Re-Elect President Nixon .and a countersuit for libel filed on behalf of Mr. Maurice Stens, former Secretary of Commerce in the Nixon 'Administration and financial chief of the Nixon cam- paign. The Democrats are claiming the damages as a .consequence of the break-in at Party headquarters at the Watergate, and Mr. Stens is arguing that the attempt to pin the blame on him for this is libelous; in other words, what we have in these civil suits is a partisan political shoving match. If the legal action is political in its origins, it is very nearly ludicrous with respect to the character and the targets of the subpoenas which have been served at the request of counsel for Mr. Stans. Why, for example, are -this newspaper's publisher and managing editor included 'among those ordered to give testimony in this matter and also to bring a mind-boggling collection of material _along with thern, while in the case of the three other :publications involved (Time Magazine, the New York Times, and the Washington Star-News) only the staff :members who reported and wrote the stories on he .Watergate affair have been called? One can only guess :at the answer, but our guess is that Mr. Joseph Alsop "had, it about right in a column on the opposite page ?yesterday. It was his supposition that these "dragnet" 'subpoena i could not have been issued by the Republicans without at least implicit White House sanction and that 'somewhere at the bottom of it all is a spirit of reprisal ron the part of the White House which, in turn, derives(' %from the attention given during the fall election cam- paign by the press in general, and this newspaper in particular, to the Watergate and related reports of po- litical espionage and sabotage. If that were all there were to it, of course, it would amount to nothing more than a petty act of revenge. But that is not all there is to it, as Mr. Alsop also pointed out: "The dragnet subpoenas amount to a demand for full disclosure of the inner workings of the news- paper business, including reporters' sources . . . the subpoenas will rightly be resisted up to the Supreme Court, if necessary, but at heavy expense for all the , incidental costs of resistance. For these reasons, the dragnet subpoenas constitute an unquestionable, gross and unjustifiable invasion of the freedom of the press." That is exactly our view of it; whatever the relative consequence of this partisan exchange of civil suits, the constitutional issue raised by these subpoenas is as clear and as _profound as any that has yet been forced by a court test, despite the great flood of subpoenas against ( newsmen in the last few years. In fact, nothing could better illustrate the crucial significance of confidential relationships between reporters and sources in investi- gative reporting than the Watergate stories first broke in this newspaper. For one thing, in almost every case there was necessarily heavy reliance on anonymous sources?on information that could not be attributed by name to the informants for all the obvious reasons which cause investigators, prosecutors or others in such sensi- tive situations to consider their careers and their wel- fare when revealing information which is certain to em- barrass if not incriminate people of power in high places. What is more, just about every allegation in these news stories that bore on the criminal case just tried was subsequently confirmed by court proceedings? so that there is no question here of irresponsible or reckless reporting, even if that had strict legal rele- vance. On the contrary, what the public got was an accurate account of the particular nature and workings of the campaign to re-elect the President. It got this account despite the best efforts or the White House and the President's campaign managers to delay investiga- tions and to suppress the facts. And it got this account ,only because sources were willing to talk in confidence to reporters, secure in their faith that these confidences would be respected. That is the nub of the threat posed by these subpoenas: if judges and prosecutors and de- fense lawyers can force reporters to reveal their confi- dential sources and make public information not pub- lished (because very often it was given on that condi- tion) then the flow of information from confidential sources will dry up and a vital source of news?which is to say, information?which the public is entitled to know about will disappear. It would be the height of irony if out of the reporting of the Watergate story--7-which was something of a clas- sic of its kind for the enterprise and energy that went into it, for its caution with fact and its care?should come a court ruling or an ultimate court oPinion which would make this sort of news reporting incredibly more difficult if not impossible. 20 Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 THE WASHINGTON POST Thursday, March 3,1973 W ter ate Cons ,0 By Lawrence Meyer Washington Post Staff Writer James W. McCord Jr., the former security director, for President Nixon's re-election committee who was convicted in the Watergate bugging trial in January, posted $100,000 bond yesterday and was re- leased from the D.C. jail. McCord, who has been inpri- soned since his conviction, left the U.S. District Courthouse yesterday without speaking to reporters. Bernard Shankman, one of McCord's lawyers, said the money for his bond was put up by "friends." ? As McCord was being re- leased pending his sentencing, his lawyers filed a motion ask- ing for a new trial ?on the grounds that Chief U.S. Dis- trict Judge John J. Sieica com- mitted nine errors in the course of the three-week trial. In a separate but related matter, attorneys for the Dem- ocratic National Committee in a civil suit stemming from the bugging and break-in of its Watergate headquarters, asked U.S. District Judge ,Charles R. Richey to order the white House, the Justice De- partment and other govern- ment agencies to turn over I documents relating to the inci- dent. According to informed sources, McCord posted $100, 000 with a surety company, which In turn gave him bond as Sb-lea required on Feb. 5. One other of the seven Watergate defendants, former White House aide E. Howard Hunt Jr., also posted $100,000 after pleading guilty, to charges of conspiracy, bur- glary, illegal wiretapping and eavesdropping. OR 411 with G. Gordon Liddy, also a former White House aide and finance counsel for the Com- mittee for the Re-election of the President. Liddy Is being held in the federal peniten- tiary at Danbury, Conn., pend- ing sentencing. The remaining four defend- ants, who are all from Miami, pleaded guilty during the trial. They are in D.C. jail also awaiting sentencing. Sirica is expected to sentence all seven men before the end of the month. McCord's motion for a new trial, filed by Shankman and Gerald Alch, charges that Siri- ca's conduct of the trial "reflected an extension of the judicial role of the Court in the area of prosecution and in- vestigation." Throughout the trial, Sirica expressed his intention "to get to the bottom" of the Water- gate case. He pursued this in- tention by questioning all five defendants who pleaded guilty as well as two key prosecution witnesses. McCord's motion alleges that Sirica also erred in read- ing to the jury a portion of his examination of ene witness af- ter the judge had questioned him out of the jury's presence. Other alleged errors cited in the brief included Sirica's fail- ure to question each prospec- tive juror Imilvhittally to see If their judgment had been prejudiced by pretrial public- ity and his refusal to grant a mistrial after five defendants had pleaded guilty. The other alleged errors concern Sirica's instructions to the jury, interruptions he made during opening and cls- 9 0 yers, and his refusal to allow Alch to argue that McCord had a legal right to bug the Democrats. 4In the civil suit, brought by the Democratic National Com- mittee and others against re- election committee finance chairman Maurice H. Stans, McCord, Hunt, Liddy and other committee officials, law- yers for the Democratic Party yesterday asked the Court to order the committee to open its financial records for in- spection as part of the suit. In addition, the Democratic Party lawyers are seeking doc- uments from the White House, the Justice Department and the United States attorney for the District of Columbia. From the White House, the Democrats are seeking "all re- pelts, memoranda and other documents prepared by John Dean III or by any other mem- ber or members of the White House staff. . In relation" to the Watergate break-in. Dean, counsel to President Nixon, conducted an investiga- tion after the incident that, the President said, concluded that no one then employed at the White House was involved in the Watergate incident. In addition, the Democrats asked the White House to turn over any other reports in their possesHion concerning 1 ite Watergate inci(Ient, any Inven- tory of objects left by Hunt In the Executive Office Building; any documents that contain in-, formation Hunt obtained con- cerning any elected Democ.:, tatie official or party officer, and any reports, memos or other documents prepared by any White House official con- similar activities" conducted by Hunt, Liddy or others. From the Justice Depart- ment, the Democrats are seek- ing the results of its investiga- tion, including anything de- scribing "the possible invo/ye- ment of past or present mem. bers of the White House stair in the Watergate incident or other political espionage dit.' rected against the Democrats. The U.S. attorney is asked to turn over minutes of a grand jury investigation that led to the indictment of the seven men. In additoon, tele. phone records, credit card re:. cords, financial and travel ;.re. ,cords for the defendants and committee officials are sought,: In addition to asking the Nixon re-election committee td disclose all contributions Of more than $100 made between. Dec. 31; 1971, and June 1972, and committee expetidi- tures, the Democrats are seek- ing records of transactions ,be: tween Robert L. Vesco and the re-election finance committee or anyone acting for either party. V'eSco; the-subject of a Seen- rites and Exchange Commis- sion investigation, gave a 'pei? ciet $200,000 contribution-0 the reelection c ommitte April 10. The, $200,000 contri- bution' ane another $56,000 that he gave was returned- to Vcsco last Jan. 31. WASHINGTON POST McCord was convicted along ing statements by defense law- cerning political espionage "or I 16 February, 1973 Rand Corp. Admits day in Putting "Pentagin apers in Control System By Sanford J. Ungar Washington Post Staff Writer LOS ANGELES, Feb. 15 ? The Pentagon Papers were at the Rand Corp. for over a year before they were entered into its "top secret control sys- tem in May,-1970, Rand offi- cials acknowledged in federal court here today. Testifying as a prosecution' witness in the trial of Daniel Ellsberg and Anthony J. Russo Jr., Richard Best, Rand's top security officer, conceded that this delay was in apparent disregard of De- fense Department and Rand Corp. regulations for the ha.ndling of _classifie.d ma- teeigtproved For Kelease Ellsberg, serving as an of- pens) in his hand and said, 'Would you like these?' " Within an hour, Moorsteen said, after he had called then Rand president Henry S. Rowell and security officers, Jan Butler, Rand's top secret control officer, "came by with a little cart and picked them up from me." ficial courier, had brought portions of the then-top se- cret Pentagon Papers . from Rand's Washington office to its headquarters* in Santa Monica, Calif., on March 3 and Aug. 28, 1969. But . another prosecution witness, Rand consultant Richard H. Moorsteen, testi- fied that it was he who en- tered them into the defense contractor's security system ? and oft on May. 20, 1970. Moorsteen said it was on that day that Ellsberg, still working at Rand, "came across the hall to my office iguntitiaindinar .of During the interval between the papers' 'arrival in Santa Monica and 'the day Moor- steen turned, them over to Miss Butler. the prosecution contends, Ellsberg removed them from Rand and, with the help of Russo and others, ph?, tocppied them at a Los An- ValitakiN1 ileaCtirr4 NEW YORK kii,paved For Release 200:11e/RifilA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 NEW YU 17 February 1973 19 February 1973 ACCESS TO PAPERS AT RAND OUTLINED By MARTIN ARNOLD Special 0 The New York Times LOS ANGELES, Feb. 16?A former friend and colleague of Daniel Ellsberg at the Rand Corporation testified today that he knew of no "special ar- rangement" at Rand regarding the Pentagon papers. The Government witness in the trial of Dr. Ellsberg and Anthony J. Ritsso Jr. was Rich- ard H. Moorsteen, now a Rand consultant and also a foam rub- ber manufacturer in San Diego. Mr. Moorsteen did say that only a "narrow" list of people had access to the papers at Rand?five persons in all?but that nonetheless as far as he was concerned the papers were always within the regular se- curity machinery. It is the contention of the defense that the copy of the Pentagon papers that Dr. Ells- berg in turn later copied and helped make public was in fact the private papers of three De- fense Department officials who had sent them to Rand for storage, but who gave Dr. Ells- berg and Mr. Moorsteen primary access to them. They were not in the regular Rand security system, the defense says. A Model Employe Mr. Moorsteen, however, tes- tified that this was not his understanding. He depicted himself as a rather model Rand employe, a bit roguish perhaps, who came to work late?"ten- ish," he said laughingly?and who broke a few minor security regulations, all abotit as serious as a schoolboy caught smoking. Otherwise, he was very "metic- ulous" in handling classified documents. He implied, without actually saying so, that his friend Dan Ellsberg was not quite such a good boy while at Rand. Mr. Moorsteen is a tall, thin man in his late 40's with' black hair. He has black-rimmed glasses, and he wore a tweed jacket, flannel slacks, a red tie and a red and white striped shirt. The three Defense Depart- ment officials who sent a copy of the papers to Rand for storage were Paul C. Warnke, then Assistant Secretary of De- fense for International Affairs, and two of his top assistants, Leslie Gelb and Morton H. Halperin, and it was they who gave Dr. Ellsberg special access to their copy. Access Given in Letter In a letter written on Oct. 6, 1969, to Henry S. Rowen, presi- dent of Rand, a letter now- in evidence, Mr. Halperin and Mr. Gelb also granted access to their copy of the papers to Mr. Moorsteen. But Mr. Moorsteen swore to- day that he never knew of the existence of that letter. He learned months later from Rand's top security control offi- cer, Jan Butler,. that he had access, he said, in a contradic- Official Secrets By Anthony Lewis LONDON, Feb. 18?Alan Grimwood, a pbstal clerk in Chingford, Essex, wrote to the local paper the other day to explain that slow service in the town post office was caused by a shortage of help. When his letter .was published, he was accused of violating the Official Secrets Act. The Sunday Times of London got 'hold of a report by consultants to the British Railways Board raising the idea of a drastic cut in rail services. When the paper ran a story, detectives from Scotland Yard visited the editor and said that he might have committed a crime. To Americans brought up in the tradition of free speech, those incidents must seem absurd?worthy of a banana republic, as a British legal journal said. Obviously, we would say, nothing like that could happen in the United States. But it could. At this very moment the United States Government is trying to create its own replica of Britain's much- hated Secrets Act, making it a crime to publish the most trivial fact of official life without permission. That -is the purpose, and would be the re- sult if it succeeds, of the prosecution of Daniel Ellsberg and Anthony Russo. The charges in the Ellsberg-Russo trial of-course relate not to something trivial, like a village post office, but lo the Pentagon papers. People may therefore assume that there must be a law directly covering the alleged conveying of that official history of the Vietnam war to the press. But there is no such law. Congress has never been willing to pass a statute plainly and squarely forbidding leaks to the press by Government officials. The Justice Department in- stead is trying to bring the facts of this case under three other statutes. . The first is the Espionage Act.- As its name indicates, this law is directed generally at espionage, not leaking. The particular section invoked against Dr. Ellsberg and Mr. Russo has been used in the past against persons al- - leged to have passed information to p. foreign agent. There is of course no 'such charge against these defendants; the Justice Department is 'trying to persuade the courts that mere dis- closure of defense information is enough to constitute a crime under the Espionage Act. Second, Dr. Ellsberg and Mr. Russo are charged with violating the general Federal statute against conspiracy. This section of the criminal code was recently described by the Chief Judge of the Federal District Court for North- ern Illinois, William J. Campbell, as the "darling of the lazy or publicity- tion to the defense's contention. He testified under cross- examination by Charles R. Nes- son and Leonard L Weinglass, defense attorneys, that on May 20, 1970, Dr. Ellsberg's last day at Rand, Dr. Ellsberg brought AT HOME ABROAD seeking prosecutor;" he urged its repeal. , Specifically, Dr. Ellsberg and Mr. Russo are accused of conspiring to "defraud the United States" by "im- pairing, obstructing and defeating its lawful governmental function of con- trolling" classified information. In other words, instead of a specific statute, we have a vague creature called a "lawful governmental fun- tion" r ?wihst which it is a crime?a bootstrap crime?to conspire. Third, the Pentagon papers defend- ants are charged under the general statute against stealing Federal prop- erty. The "property" supposedly in- volved is not the volumes of war history themselves but the information they include. If the courts accept this ingenious' legal theory, it will then potentially be a crime to acquire any information from the Government, however trivial, without the specific approval of some official. The United States will then indeed have an Official Secrets Act on exactly the model of the British law , regarded as so sweeping and silly that' an official committee has recom- mended its reform. ' It is no accident that the Federal statute books lack any clear, direct law against publishing official infor- mation. Congress has had ample op- portunity to pass such an act. It has not done so, and the reason is easy enough to understand. Leaking is a widespread phenomenon, deeply rooted in the American system of govern- ment, and using the criminal law' to' stop it would raise grave difficulties. The Justice Department's attempt to construct a. law against leaking from existing statutes, without fresh Congressional consideration', raises very great dangers of centralized in- formation -control. There Is one partic- -ular danger that ought to be under- stood by the press. If the Nixon Administration prevails with its theory that Government in- formation is "property," or otherwise gets and sustains a conviction against Dr. Ellsberg and Mr. Russo, then leak- ing will be a crime. Under the Supreme Court decision in the Caldwell case . last year, reporters may be forced to testify about alleged crimes. That means that any leak disliked by some future Administration could lead not only to investigations of the press but to forced testimony?or jail terms. The American press has been gen- erally complacent so far about the prosecution of Daniel Ellsberg and Anthony Russo. If it understood the implications, I do not think it could be. the papers into his office and asked him if he wanted them and that he had replied, "I said I'll check." and that he had im- mediately called Mr. Rowen. This call, he said, led to the papers' being injected into Rand's security system. 22 Approved For Release 2001/08/07: CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 NEW YORK TIMES 7 March 1973 Ellsberg Witness Asserts Military Falsified Reports, By MARTIN ARNOLD Special to The New Yolk Timeg LOS ANGELES, March 6?Al Navy officer for "three years, four months, eleven days" be- fore joining the C.I.A. in March, 1963. He is a tall, slightly pudgy man, and he was wearing a blue suit and a red tie when he testified. The ttails of his white shirt hung out as he told the jury, "I'm a researcher and Central Intelligence Agency an- 'alyst testified today at the Pentagon papers trial that he had attended conferences, in Saigon and Hawaii and at the agency, in which the military purposely diminished estimates of enemy strength in Vietnam. not a spy, which is why I can The witness, Samuel A. come up here and talk." Adams, said that there were He said that between October, "political pressures in the mili- 1965, and April, 1972, he worked almost exclusively in the agency doing research on the Vietcong, both at the agency offices in Langely, Va., and in Vietnam, "trying to dope out what made those guys tick, keep going in face of what we could throw at them." At one point, Mr. Adams used a green marking pen to show upon a large pad on an easel how the military subtracted various "components" of the enemy ? the guerrilla forces, for instance ? "purposely" to lower the order of ,battle esti- tary to display the enemy as weaker than he acttfally was." He did not say why, but the defense contends that this was , done to make it appear that the Army was winning the war. . Mr. Adams said that the monthly estimates of the . enemy's military strength, ? called the order of battle; were prepared for the press and for - the White House and that they were so inaccurate that after the enemy's Tet offensive in mates. 1968, two official sets of esti, He said that at the various mates had to be put together conferences held at the agency ; each month, one by the Army and in Hawaii and Saigon, ,, which he' called "the Pentagon the other by the agency. East," the "intelligence com- The Adams testimony per- munity" debated with the mili- tains to a 1968 Joint Chiefs of tary the accuracy of the order Staff memorandum, eight pages of battle estimates. of which are among the 20 At one such conference, he ,"top secret-sensitive" document in this case. A Government witness, Lieut. Gen. William G. Depuy, assist- ant to the vice chief of staff of the Army, has testified that disclosure of those eight pages damaged the national defense, was of advantage to a foreign nation and could have helped Hanoi during the Vietnam war. An example of the informa- tion that could have ' helped ?Hanoi, General Depuy said, was the American estimates of the enemy order of battle. Mr. Adams said that he be- lieved the memorandum, writ- ten after the early Tet offense in 1968, "would be virtually 'useless" to a foreign nation. The memorandum gave the enemy order of battle at 240,- 000 troops, which Mr. Adams said "was not the best estimate of how many foemen there were." He told the jury that an order of battle was "our esti- mate of how many baddies there are against us." Harvard Graduate Mr. Adams, 38 years old, is a direct descendant of his colonial namesake He is a Har- vard graduate who attended Harvard Law School for two years and who, served as a said, the Army's top public re- lations general was present, which "was unusual." Also at- ?tending, Mr. Adams said, were representatives of Gen. William C. Westmoreland, then com- manding officer of the Army in Vietnam, and of the National Security Agency, the Defense Intelligence Agency and the State Department. Mr. , Adams was questioned by Charles R. Nesson, a Har- vard law professor who is one of the defense attorneys. The analyst said that in view of the damage the enemy inflicted during the 1968 Tet offensive, the Army's official order of battle estimates were "inher- ently unbelievable? and that "it is my belief the 240,000 figure was purposely low." He said that he based that belief on his own studies, based on information from captured enemy documents, among other things, and "from statements by General Westmoreland, where he said at a news con- ference [in November, 1967] that the enemy is running out of men, more specifically out of guerrillas." The order of battle referred to in the 1968 joint Chiefs of one quoted by General Deputy said: "The enemy has been hurt badly in the populated low- lands, is practically intact else- where. He committed over 67,- 000 combat maneuver forces plus perhaps 25 per cent, or .17,000, more impressed men and boys, for a total of about 84,- 000. He. lost.. 40.000 killed. at Approved For Reiease 2001/0 NEW YORK TIMES 8 March 1973 ARMY IS DEFENDED efil ITS TROOP DATA By MARTIN ARNOLD Special to The New York Times LOS ANGELES, March 7? The Government attempted to- day at the Pentagon papers trial to shore up the accuracy of the Army's estimates of en- emy troop strength in Vietnam and at the same time to dis- credit a Central Intelligence Agency analyst who challenged those estimates. Thus the Government found itself fighting in court to give credence to statistics that the Government itself stopped using after the Tet offensive in 1968. The issue was ?the Order of Battle, the estimates that an army gives of the number of troops opposing it in combat. Yesterday, Samuel A. Adams, the analyst, who was the third defense witness, testified that there were "political pressures In the military to display the enemy as weaker than he actu- ally was." The ? defense con- tends that this was an effort to make it appear as if the Army was winning the war. Mr. Adams said that after the Tet offensive in 1968, two Orders of Battle were prepared each month, one by the Army and one by the Central Intelli- gence Agency. The latter was used by ? the Government be- cause it was more accurate, he said. ? Today, on cross-examination, David R. Nissen, the chief prosecutor, asked Mr. Adams whether it was not true that be objected to the Army's Or- least 3,000 captured, and per- haps 5,000 disabled or died of wounds. He had peaked his force total to about 240,000 just before Tet, by hard recruiting, infiltration, civilian impress- ment, and downwards on serv- ice and guerrilla personnel." . Mr Adams said that the cor- rect order of battle would have shown at least 400,000 enemy troops, not 240,000. The analyst said that he had read about General Depuy's testimony in The New York Times and that he had recalled writing reports showing that the general's figures were wrong. ' Earlier in the trial, after a battle between the defense and the Government, Federal Dis- trict Court Judge William Mat- thew Byrne .Jr. ruled that the Adams reports must be turned over to the defense because they were exculpatory material. That is, they were evidence in the possession of the prose- cutionthat would tend to prove the innocence of the defen- dants, Daniel Ellsberg and An- thony J. Russo Jr., who are accused of six counts of espion- age, six counts of theft and one count of conspiracy. The judge refused to allow Mr. Nesson to question Mr, Adams on what the defense contends were the Government's attempts to sup- press those reports. /at t.iA-KUl-' I (-004.321-(li der of Battle in 1967 and that the national intelligence esti- mates of that year still sup- ported the Army. Yes, the analyst agreed, that was true. Mr. Nissen asked if Mr. Adams's complaints about the Order of Battle had been in "your organization" heard by "very competent and senior people" who were .apparently willing to go along with the Army's figures. Again, Mr. Adams agreed that this was true, but he re- iterated that the national intel- ligence estimates changed "aft- er the Tet offensive" to use the C.I.A. figures, not the Army's. Mr. Adams was asked what he meant by "political pres- sure" and whether "the Presi- dent" or other high-ranking of- ficials were forcing the use of lower Order of Battle estimates, and he answered that he had "heard discussions of that." He said that on "two occa- sions I was told in private by [Military] officers that what I was espousing was true" but that in public the officers kept repeating the lower Order of Battle estimates. Mr. Adams said that he knew not only from his own C.I.A. studies, but also from the Army's use of figures that the Army was fabricating the Order of Battle figures. This was done, he said, by not putting into them all the components that the agency used. He gave this example. The Army's criteria for adding en- emy troops to the Order of Battle were information con- tained either in captured en- emy documents or in prisoner of war interviews. But, he said, "pilots flying over an area would report anti- aircraft flak, but the military wouldn't put it [the antiaircraft troops below] in -their Order of Battle because there was no captured document or prisoner of war report." "It was my feeling that if you see someone shooting at you, you put it in the Order of Bat- tle," he added. To show the various enemy forces that the agency consid- ered part of the proper Order of Rattle, Mr. Adams wrote them out yesterday on a large piece of paper on an easel, and this led to the judge's admon- ishing one of the defendants, Anthony J. Russo Jr. Mr. Adams had written on the paper, for the jury to see, the following components: main/local forces, combat sup- port, irregulars and political cadre. During a court recess, Mr. Russo added a fifth item, "the people." Mr. Nissen complained, and Federal District Court Judge William Matthew Byrne Jr. asked who had added an item. "I wanted to flesh it out," Mr. Russo said. "This case is not being tried in a humorous vain," Judge Byrne replied. "I apologize to the court," said Mr. Russo. The jupdge then told him that if he did such a thing again he would not get off with a sim- 01110001-4 Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 WASHINGTON POST 9 March 1973 Joseph Alsop nalyzing the CI Unwittingly, the country has just ,,? been given a prime sample of the gar- age that people like Daniel Ellsberg have been peddling as historical truth.. The 'garbage sample also shows why President Nixon has put in James Schlesinger Jr. as director of the Cert. trill: Intelligence Agency, to effect a forceful clean-out in some areas. ;The particular pail of garbage ierVed up at Ellsberg's trial was the testimony of Samuel Adams, an ex-CIA analyst and estimater. Adams darkly testified that in 1968, "there were polit- ieal pressures from the military to dls- pimi the enemy as weaker than he ac- tually was." Normally, one must add, , nothing could be more stale than an old 'row about just how many North Vi- ? etnamese and Vietcong troops were in the field in 1968. ...This particular old row is worth ex- amining, however, because it tells such a lot about ,what may be called the Ellsberg-type in 'government, and also about the operations of a crucial but obscure part of our government. The sfory begins, then, in late 1965 or early 1966, _when President Lyndon Johnson declared, in effect, "Now we're in a guerilla war, I want someone to tell inejust how many guerillas there are." No one in the U.S. government has ever thought of responding to this kind of .presidential command with bleak" honesty, by saying: "I'm sorry, Mr.President, we just don't know." At that time, of course, no one did know, for at that time in Vietnam, our forces pie "warning." Judge Byrne said that Mr. Russo was also being unfair to his co-defendant, Daniel Ellsberg, who was being "put in jeopardy." All this occurred bpefore the jury returned from the recess. The cross-examination of Mr. Adams will continue tomorrow morning. The next defense witness is scheduled to be McGeorge Bundy, special assistant to Presidents Kennedy and John- son for national security af- fairs, who is now president of the Ford Foundation. nalysts were not fighting guerillas?which is' how you find out how many there are. We were instead fighting the enemy's big units, a necessary first stage. - Nonetheless, an incomparably ridicu- lona estimating process at once began among the civilian analysts in the CIA, arid also among the military analysts iri. Saigon 'and the Pentagon. The sys- terrc in both cases, was to start with the Ideal "table of organization" fin- pesed bylIanoi in the Sohth. This indi- cated the numbers of guerillas Hanoi regarded as desirable at every level,. hathlet, village; district and finally prov- -With some difficulty, the numbers of hamlets, villages and districts in South Vietnam were ascertained. Multiplica- tions were then made, on the basis of the'' ideal table of organization. The' military analysts' result was 180,000, guerillas. The CIA result was 300,000; guerillas. This was because the CIA' analysts, anti-war, and anthmilitary;' toe, insisted upon including a huge number for the almost purely imagi- nary "secret self defense forces." The first sequel was one of the most ludicrous bureaucratic wars in the of- ten-ludicrous history, of the intelli- gence bureaucracy. Meetings were held on both sides of the Pacific, as Adams indicated at the Ellsberg trial. Charges were hurled at the military by the civilians, and vice versa. Appar:. ently, Adams participated. So did one of the men CIA director Schlesinger has now brought into the agency from outside, Maj. Gen. Daniel Graham? but,Graham was on the side of com- parative common sense. One has to use the word "comparative," because of the second sequel. After the Tet offensive in 1968, the task of fighting guerillas was belat- edly taken in hand in Vietnam. It soon became apparent that the number of guerillas had been enormously exag- gerated. This was shown in other ways, too, such as the heavy, steadily increas- ing use of North Vietnamese replace- ments at all levels in the Vietcong mil- itary apparatus. North Vietnamese would never have been used in this manner, if southerners had been 0)3- , tainahle. Dy agreement, therefore, the CIA and the army quietly reduced the guer- illa total on the official "order of bat- tle" to only 60,000 men. Thus the mili- tary analysts had been wrong by a fac- tor of three, and the CIA analysts had been wrong by a factor of five. It is at leak better to be wrong by three in- stead of five?which is why the Adams testimony is garbage. The foregoing, one must add, was only one of the passionate errors that the CIA analysts produced in the Viet- namese war. Another specimen was the famous estimate that Hanoi was putting only minimal supplies through the Cambodian port of Sihanoukville. This estimate was later shown to be wholly false by the CIA itself. These errors resulted, in tura, from a peculiar historical bias. Here con- sider the former colleagues of Samuel Adams, who were obstinately wrong about the Soviet re-invasion of Hun- gary, about the Soviet missiles in Cuba, and about the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia?all,, presumably, be- cause they did not wish to believe that such dreadful things could happen. It can be seen, then, why CIA Director Schlesinger has been given a job to do. ?el 1973, Los Angeles Times NEW YORK TIMES 23 February 1973 Fingerprints Found on Papers, Witness Tells Ellsberg Trial By MARTIN ARNOLD Soecttal to The New lot k 'flows LOS 'ANGELES, Feb. 22 ? the documents in Mrs. Res- Deemer E. Hippensteel, a re- nick's advertising office in Oc- tired F.B.I. agent, testified to- tober,, 1969, and she and Vu day that he had found the fin- Van That, former South Viet- nam Ambassador to the United States, have been named as co- conspirators in this case, but not co-defendants. , More Tegtimony Tuesday Mr. Hippensteel is scheduled to testify again on Tuesday about Mr. Thai's fingerprints' being on the documents, if by that time the Government can get past the legal technicalities that so far have kept Mr. Thai's name out of this trial. Tuesday's testimony will con- clude, for the time being, the Government's case against Di. gerprints of Daniel Ellsberg, Anthony J. Russo Jr., ?Lynda Sinay Resnick and Dr. Ells- berg's son, Robert, then 13 years old, on the Pentagon pa- pers that were removed from tit e Rand Corporation. ' The Government is contend- ing that Mr. Russo, Dr. Ells- berg's codefendant in the Pen- tagon papers trial, and Mrs. Aesiiick and Robert EtIsberg Ellsberg were "persons not en- titled to receive" the Pentagon ,papers and two other top-secret documents involved in this tri- al, but 'that they did receive them from Dr. Ellsberg. Dr. Ellsberg made copies of Ellsberg and Mr. Miss?, who are accused of eight counts of espionage, six counts' of theft and one count of conspiracy. The defense would like to keep Mr. Thai's name in partic- ular out of the case because it does not want the jury to be reminded that Dr. Ellsberg and Mr. Russo are accused of show- ing the papers to a foreign na- tional. The defense will start on Tuesday to present its case to the jury. This will start with an opening statement by Leo- nard I. Weinglass, an attorney for Mr. Russo, who reserved his right to open when the trial first started. 24 Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 4 Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 NEW YORK TIMES 27 February 1973 2 COUNTS DROPPED IN EBBEN CASE By United Press International LOS ANGELES, Feb. 26 ? Federal District Court Judge Matthew M. Byrne dropped one espionage charge each against 'Daniel Ellsberg and Anthony J. Russo today, but he declined to order a directed verdict of ac- quittal in the Pentagon papers trial. After brief testimony from a final prosecution witness to- morrow, the lawyers for Dr. Ellsberg and Mr. Russo are to start presentation of their case, with 35 witnesses to be called over a seven-week period. The two counts of the indict- ment that Judge Byrne ordered stricken dealt with disposition of the papers concerning the evolution of the Vietnam war: He ruled, in effect, that the prosecution had not proved its case in those counts so far as criminal intent was concerned. Judge , Byrne's ruling left. 13 counts remaining against the defendants, charging conspir- acy, theft of government docu- -meats and espionage. Judge Byrne rejected defense arguments that the testimony id 10 Government witnesses was not sufficient to prove itsj case. The defense had contended' that information in the Penta- gon papers was stale, that the Governmen had no right to con- trol dissemination of the docu- ments and that Dr. ,Ellsberg had personal, privileged access to the study. ? The defense case will begin with testimony from Rear Adm. Gene Larocque, retired, head of the Center for Defense Informa- tion, a private Washington group that studies' dissemina- tion of information on defense matters to the public. The second defense witness will be Samuel A. Adams of Leesburg, Va., an agent for the Central Intelligence Agency, who has submitted a memoran- dum declaring that testimony of. an Army general about the sen- sitivity of papers leaked by Dr. Ellsberg was inaccurate. THE WASHINGTON POST Wedneday, Feb. 28,1973 6 ee IIs .e By Sanford J. Ungar ? - WashIngton.Post Staff Writer. LOS ANGELES, Feb. 27? Daniel. Ellsberg and Anthony J. Russo Jr. disclosed the top- secret 'Pentagon Papers be- cause the documents were "needed by .the country" in evaluating the war in Viet- nam, one of their attorneys told a jury .in federal court here today. 'Launching the defense case in the Pentagon Papers trial, Leonard I. Weinglass insisted that Ellsberg and Russo had commited no crime at all by their acts. . .Indeed, Weinglass told the jury, "It is the government which bent the law" by charg- ing Ellsberg and Russo with conspiracy, espionage and. theft of government property. .He promised that the de- fense will present "a long list a knowledgeable -and expert people" as witnesses to ,sup- port that view and to explain the "relatively simple" issues in the controversial case. Most of those witnesses, he said, will be former officials of the Kennedy and Johnson ad- -ministrations and retired mili- tary men who will contend that the PentagOn Papers had absolutely no relationship tc the "national defense." . Sources close to the defense' said that among the prospec- tive witnesses are John Ken- neth Galbraith, former U.S. ambassador to" India; Theo- dore Sorenson; White House counsel to the late President'. John F. Kennedy; and Morton H. Halperin, who was deputy. assistant secretary of defense in the Johnson administration and worked on the National 9 ef ii. se Security Council staff early in the Nixon administration. But Weinglass told the ju- rors they would also hear from people currently in gov- ernment, including Ren. Paul N. (Pete) McCloskey. Jr. (R- Calif.) and Samuel A. Adams, analyst for the Central Intelli- gence Agency. The defense attorney began his opening to the jury only moments after the prosecution formally rested its case against Ellsberg and Russo this morning. The final prosecution evi- dence came from an FBI fin- gerprint expert, who testified that he had found on the Pen- tagon Papers the fingerprints of Vu Van Thai, a former South Vietnamese ambassador to the United States and a close friend of Ellsberg's while both were working at the Rand Corp. in Santa Mo- nica. U.S. District Court Judge W. Matt Byrne Jr. permitted the testimony about Thai?named as an unindicted co-conspira- tor in the case?only after 'chief prosecutor David R. Nis- sen produced a properly au- thenticated set of the former diplomat's fingerprints. An earlier set had been re- jected by the judge, and the new fingerprints were flown, here from Saigon over the weekend. Weinglass, his characteristi- cally shoulder-length hair cropped short for the occa- sion, spoke to the jury in slow,. unemotional tones from a lee- tern in the middle of the courtroom He made it clear from the outset that the defense would i t.not dispute the essential fact, ,tit?the heart of the prosecution' ers9 S4yS-. ease?that Ellsberg and Russo photocopied the Pentagon Pa- pers at the office of Lynda Si. nay, a Los Angeles advertising woman, in October, 1969. But Weinglass insisted that the papers and other top se- ere documents covered by the indictment do not fall into the "very limited and narrow" cat- egory of information whose disclosure is banned by the Federal Espionage Act, in- formation "relating to the na- tional defense." What military information is contained in the documents was either "stale" of already "in the public domain" in 1969, he contended. But the real importance of the Pentagon Papers, he told the jury, was found in the "insights" ? they contained 'about "how and why" the,,,I t United States became , in: .volved in Vietnam?what they, telt' about "the political and- social revolution" in Vietnam. and about the "troublesome... role" of the United States there. "All of this information wai necessary to the ongoing de- bate about Vietnam" in 1969;'? when Ellsberg and Russo plio?:: tocopied the papers, he said. .,. Sounding a common defense; theme in the case, the attor- ney also contended that the ? documents were "improperly classified top secret" even though they contained inform? ation that did not require clas- sification. As for the theft charges? Weinglass asserted that the.. defense could show that the. Pentagon Papers were not "government property" at ally,, but belonged to three retiring.. Defense Department officials. ? 2S Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 WASHINGTON Araroved For Release 2001/08/07: latoIZT 1 March 1973 Witness Saysa "ED By Sanford J. Ungar Washington Post Staff Writer Lgs ANGELES, ? Feb. 28? The first defense witness in the Pentagon Papers trial, a retired admiral, testified today that disclosure of the top-se- cret documents could not have caused "injury to the United States" or "advantage to a for- eign nation." Rear Adm. Gene LaRocque said that operational plans dis- cussed in the papers were 'hopelessly out-of-date and ut- terly useless" , by the time Daniel Ellsberg and Anthony J. Russo Jr. photocopied the documents in late 1969. But when he was asked to describe the subject of one of the operational plans, Admiral LaRocque invoked its security classification as a reason for not doing so. "No sir, I'm not at liberty to discuss that," the witness told Leonard I. Weinglass, Russo's attorney, who questioned hirn about "Operational Plan 32" of U.S. Pacific Forces. "That's a top secret document." (An essential part of Ells- berg's and AuSso's defense against charges of conspiracy,. espionage and theft of goy- kirnment property is their claim that the Pentagon Pa- pers were improperly classi- fied top secret.) LaRocque, who retired last April after 31 years in the Navy, is director of the Center for Defense Informa- ton in Washington, an inde- pendent research organization which studies military issues. The former commander of a destroyer , division an& a guided missile cruiser and once a lecturer on strategic planning at the Naval War College, he is Ellsberg's and Russo's answer to Lt. Gen. William G. dePuy, assistant to the Army vice chief of staff. DePuy, as a prosecution wit- ness, told the jury that the U.S. "national defense" could have been seriously affected by 'disclosure of one of the documents duplicated by Eils-? berg and Russo, a 1968 report by Gen. Earle C. Wheeler, then Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, assessing the results ? of the . Vietnamese Communists' Tet offensive. But LaRocque disagreed in every detail. ? He testified that the Wheeler report was probably. "of little use" to foreign intel- ligence analysts, and he char- acterized the document as a brief in support of a request for more ground troops by Gen. William C. Westmore- CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 ers - liteAy Useless9 land, then U.S. commander in Vietnam. The retired Navy officer ob- served that another report, written by 'Westmoreland and released publicly by the Gov- ernment Printing V Office in early 1969, Contained "more extensive" information on the military situation in Vietnam than the classified documents disclosed by Ellsberg and Russo. Like some of the other mili- tary officers who have ap- peared in the case, Lartocque kept his eyes almost con- stantly trained on the jury box and gesticulated. With his hands , as he tried to reduce complex technical concepts to everyday vocabulary. .As he testified, the jurors were permitted for the first time to read copies of one vol- ume of the Pentagon Papers. Some jurors seemed so- ab- sorbed in their reading that U.S. District Court Judge W. Matt Byrne Jr. had to inter- rupt them and remind them to listen to the testimony. The questioning' of LaRoc- que was suspended before chief prosecutor David R. Nis- sen began his cross-examina- tion because defense attorneys had not yet made. their com- plete exhibit list available the , proesecution. Byrne or- dered that they do so by Thurs- day morning. At a hearing later In the day, the judge again' refused NEW YORK TIMES 2 March 1973 Id Made i6 By MARTIN ARNOLD Special to The New 'York Times LOS ANGELES, March 1? The chief ' prosecutor in the Pentagon papers trial set out today to undercut the first de- fense witness, who had testi- fied against the prosecution argument that publication of the papers had damaged the national defense or proved helpful to the enemy. Developing a battle of words and wills, the prosecutor, Da- vid R. Nissen, cross-examined retired Rear Adm. Gene La- Rocque. Admiral LaRocque is now the director of the Center for De- fense Information, a private or- ganization that collects defense information and disseminates it to the public. He had formerly commanded ships and had been on the planning directorate ?of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. He was called as a defense witness to rebut the testimony of two generals. They had testified to the ef- fect that disclosure of the Pen- tagon papers And other docu- ments in this case had damaged the country's national defense and could have been helpful to Hanoi during the war in Viet- am. ? ? Purpose, of Center On Tuesday 'and yesterday he had testified on direct ex- amination that both those prop- ositions were wrong. A short man, wearing a pale blue suit, the admiral has a habit of tak- ing off his glasses, leaning for- ward in the witness chair and squinting at his questioners, as if to say that no normal man could doubt either his word or his judgment. . Mr. Nissen started off the ;cross-examination today by im- plying that the Center for De- to permit the prosecution' to use the military pay scale as its proof that the Pentagon Papers were government prop- erty. worth more than $100. Nissen claimed this was ap- propriate evidence because a number of military officers worked on the Defense De- partment tisk force that corn- piled the Pentagon Papers. The theft statute V under which the ? defendants are charged 'requires that the property allegedly stolen be worth at least $100. Byrne's ruling left the gov- ernment without any evidence on that point, but the judge nonetheless rejected a new de- fense motion to diSmiss the theft counts in the indictment. hint Ellsberg Witness fense Information was some- how unpatriotic. His first ques- tion, .for instance, asked the admiral if "the purpose of the center" was not "to challenge the national defense of the Government." It is "to explain the national defense," the admiral replied. Does not the center take po- sitions in opposition to the de- fense policies of the country? Mr. Nissen asked. ? The center makes "objective" studies of the country's de- fense policies and weapon sys- tems and 'makes both sides [of the questions] available to the public," Admiral LaRocque answered. The prosecutor than asked the admiral if it was not true that the center opposed nuclear aircraft carriers, the Navy ship- building program, foreign mili- tary assistance and foreign aid, and the admiral answered that the center "is not opposed to any of those programs." Preparation of Witness A witness is allowed to refer to notes when he is testifying, and seldom, if ever, does a wit- ness testify without first having been prepared by attorneys, often for hours on end. Admiral LaRocque had been prepared by the attorneys for Daniel Ellsberg and Anthony J. Russo Jr., who are accused of six counts of espionage, six counts of theft and one count of conspiracy. Mr. Nissen asked the admiral about every telephone conver- sation and meeting he had had with defense attorneys or con- sultants; he asked him about the notes he used 'during his testimony, and about a weighty notebook called "Trial V Note- book for Witness Preparation" that the defense has prepared for its witnesses to read. 26 "I see many pages with hand- writing on the back," Mr. Nis- sen said as-lie- arid the,admiral looked over the nqtebook to- gether before ,the ..jurY. "There's' two pages [of.ha,ndwriting]," the admiral Notes Destroyed The; implication of Mr., Nis- en's cross-examination was that the admiral and the de- fense had done many clandes- tine things together to prepare for this case. At one point Mr. Nissen asked the admiral what documents he had carried out here from Washington. . "I brought along a cop of the Constitution of the United States," the admiral replied. At another point, the admiral did' admit that he had flushed some of his notes on the case 'down a toilet bowl. Mr. Nissen pounced on this, and asked him if he always flushed his writings away. . . He answered: "Any notes I make, from my long experience in the Navy, you learn to tear them up in little 'pieces and flush them down the toilet." Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 NEW YORK TIMES 3 March 1973 ELLSBERG TRIAL HEARS 1\l'CLOSKEY By MARTIN ARNOLD Special to The New York Times LOS ANGELES, March 2? Representative Paul N. McClos- key testified today at the Pen- tagon papers trial that dis- closure of one of the volumes of the papers "could not have been used to the injury of the United States or to the advan- tage of a foreign nation." The ? California Republican was the second witness in be- half of Daniel Ellsberg and Anthony J. Russo Jr., and he was allowed to testify as a former Marine colonel and as a member of Congress on whether the national defense had been damaged. But United States District Court Judge William Matthew Byrne Jr. refused to let him testify at length on the Gov- ernment's system of classifying documents. Mr. McCloskey is a member of the House Committee on Government Operations and chairman of its Subcommittee on Government Information. As subcommittee chairman and as an outspoken critic of the war in Vietnam, he has, he testified, been studying the Government's policy on classi- fying information. He said that he believed the Freedom of Information Act should be overhauled. He said under direct exami- nation by Charles R. Nesson, a defense attorney, that the Pentagon papers volume about the first Marine landing in Vietnam came to his attention in the spring of 1971, and that he read it then. "There is nothing in this volume that could have been used to the injury of the United States and to the advantage of a foreign nation," he said. Mr. McCloskey, in a sense, is the first celebrity witness at this trial, and the 10 women on the jury beamed at him when he appeared in the court- room. View on National Defense Earlier, Rear Adm. Gene La- Rocque, retired, .the first de- fense witness, said under cross-examination that "noth- ing the United States did in Vietnam or happened to it in Vietnam in any way had any bearing on the United States' national defense." He re- iterated his view this way: "Nothing the United States did in Vietnam had any rela- tion to the national defense." Dr. Ellsberg and Mr. Russo are on trial on six counts of espionage, six of theft and one of conspiracy. To prove espionage, the Government must first prove that their ac- tions damaged the national de- fense. All of the documents in this case pertain to America's in- volvement in Vietnam, and two Army generals have tes- ,tifed for the Government that f disclosure of those documents did damage the national de- fense. , Admiral LaRocque, now di- rector of the Center for De- NEW YORK TIMES 21 February 1973 Secrets of Freedom By C. L. Sulzberger Democratic governments are puz zled by contradictions between the de- sire to inform their populations freely ,and completely while preserving from public disclosure legitimate secrets deemed essential to national security ml a nuclear-missile world. The inherent contradictions can never satisfactorily be resolved. France, for example, has kept on the books for more than a century and during three republics statutes, that would be considered repressive cen- sorship by many Americans. West Ger- many, with relativelY recent memories of dictatorship, tends to lean over backwards -in favor of freer news media. The British, most governable of democratic peoples because they are both pragmatic and patriotic by long tradition, have been trying to elabo- rate safeguard legislation for more than sixty years. The so-called Offi- cial Secrets Act actually comprises three separate laws of 1911, 1920 and 1939. It bans disclosure of information "prejudicial to the safety or interests of the state" or possession of any official document by anyone who "has no right to retain it." This strict interpretation has some- times produced such ridiculous exag- gerations as preventing press mention of King Edward VIII's romance when the whole world knew about it. The London Sunday Telegraph won an ac- tion brought against it by the Govern- ment for publishing a patently over- classified report. Now a quiet inquiry is under way on whether modifications of existing law are desirable. The U.S, Government has had little success in its own attempts to bridge ,the gap between public freedom and national security. Despite the First Amendment to the Constitution which prohibits any law abridging presS free- dom, two attempts were made (in 1798 and 1918) to legislate against reveal- ing what was officially deemed secret by banning violations as "sedition." Under existing statutes, as inter- preted by the courts, the Government has occasionally attempted to prose- cute disclosures of classified informa- tion as "espionage." This is manifestly absurd. Nevertheless, it is obvious cer- tain secrets such as names of under- cover agents abroad,' movements of atomic submarines, the exact design or specification of some weapons, or the targeting program of strategic arms should not be public property. A new effort to face this problem is now being prepared by the execu- tive branch, which has an interagency committee representing the Depart- fense Information in Washing- ton, was asked by Mr. Nissen to suppose that the United States troops had been de- feated in Vietnam. Would not that, he was asked, bear on the national defense? "I cannot speculate about that," he said, adding, "The troops of the United States were not defeated in Vietnam." FOREIGN AFFAIRS ' ments of Defense, State and Justice; 'the White House, the Atomic Energy Commission, the Central Intelligence and National Security Agencies, seek- ing to agree on revision of protective laws. Their ideas are to be included in a , complex legal reform bill which, if . drafted in time, is to be presented to Congress next month. The problems involved are so complex that few ob- servers expect legislative approval in much less than three years. The Justice Department wants to simplify 'existing procedures by: (I) having less official information clas- sified; (2) insisting on swifter declas- sification procedures; (3) creating an administrative set-up to deal with vio- lations of classification. The criminal laws are being re-examined with re- spect to security leakage. Point (3) of the program is being studied by the; interagency committee which is headed by John Eisenhower. The Administration is understand- ably touchy about relations with the news media, which it is often accused of curbing?and it is not the first Administration to suffer from such ? reproaches. It also acknowledges that the habit of classifying official docu- ments has been grossly exaggerated. Attorney General Richard G. Klein- dienst recently told me: "Our laws are often taken advantage of by bureau-. crats to conceal mistakes under wrongly used classification stamps. It is necessary to define more precisely the areas of real security and then to enact specific laws to protect these; but in accordance with First Amend- ment safeguards of a free press." Judgments involved concerning "real security" and total "freedom" enter a gray area of dispute in which even different executive departments dis- agree. The Pentagon has rigid ideas of defining matters to be considered of paramount national interest. Congress will have an excruciatingly difficult time in deciding what may ' properly be termed secret and how it should be kept. In an era of electronic bugging devices, copying machines and, tape recorders it is harder to insure against leakage and in an American society where all forms of censorship , are repugnant it is a delicate task to except certain types of information. All one can hope is that when the legislature has finally acted, the . United States will find it is leaning neither toward excessive restrictions . nor toward total license that could destroy freedom's capacity to defend itself. ,forces, one to defend the nothing that had happened in United Staesa dn its territories, Vietnam involved the national and one that is deployed by defense. He answered: the President around the world "On the bais of our state- for other purposes. By his defi- ment of purpose in Vietnam by nition, only the former force President Johnson, who' said is used for national defense, we were there to help South3 he said. . Vietnam. McNamara clearly Then Leonard I. Weinglass, indicated it was a Vietnamese a 'defense attorney, asked him war. General Wheeler said the : on redirect examination for the purpose of North Vietnam was He said that the United ; to take over South Vietnam." " basi doe his opinion that had asked the I Approved trelense' Aleirkld8/07 : CIA-RD1:7-00432ROpp ocii9 Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 NEW YORK TINES 5 March 1973 Ellsberg Trial: Now the' Focus Is on Seczecy By MARTIN ARNOLD ' Special to The New York Times ? LOS ANGELES, March 4? 'From the start, many constitu- tional authorities have seen the Pentagon papers trial as a major test of the Government's authority over information and the public's access to it. But un- til Friday, when defense testi- mony began on the Govern- ment's system of classifying se- crets, the crucial First Amendment News implications Of the Analysiscase had been somewhat ob- scured. They had been touched upon by lawyers for Daniel Ellsberg and An- thony J. Russo Jr. in their open- ing statements to the jury. Now, in the coming days, the defense will open as broad an attack against the classsifica- tion system as the trial judge will allow. The First Amendment arises in this case in the Govern- ment's melding of the classifi- cation system, as defined by an Executive order, with the Fed- eral espionage, theft and con- spiracy statutes. The Govern- ment has never attempted this marriage before, and many lawyers believe that if the de- fendants are convicted, and that conviction is upheld, it will set legal precedents that could give the Government a degree of control over information that it never had before. World War II and the cold war, the Korean war and the Vietnam war have so accus- tomed Americans to the concept of Government secrets and have so popularized the phrase "top secret," for instance, that many admiral whether, if the United States had used the weaponry in Vietnam that it would use to defend the United States, the admiral would then say that the national defense had been involved in that war. "No, because to defend the United States you have to have a creditable foe against the United States," he answered. "We were not threatened by North ? Vitnam. We went through a very tortuous period! resolving whether we should be involved in that adventure or not, and the national defense of the United States was not in- volved in Vietnam when we had that option." 28 Approved persons apparently believe there are laws governing what the Government labels top se- cret information. But there is no such law. Congress has never passed an official secrets act making it a crime to disclose or pub- lish any matter classified as top secret, largely because its validity under the First Amend- ment might be questionable, but also because of the pos- sibility that such a law would permit the Government to hide embarrassing information mere- ly by stamping it "top secret." The Atomic Energy Act, con- trols dissemination of what is called "restricted" information on nuclear matters and a Fed- eral statute controls the disclo- sure of communications intel- ligence, that is military codes, but Dr. Ellsberg and Mr. Russo are not accused of either, and the judge has ruled the com- munications code statute out of this case. The defendants are accused of six counts of espionage, six of theft and one of conspiracy. The Espionage Act, as its name implies, is directed at espion- age, not at leaking information, and the particular section in- voked against the defendants has been used in the past only against persons alleged to have to a foreign country informa- tion that would damage the na- tional defense. In this case, however the Government is in essence try- ing to convince the judge and the jury that the disclosure of documents marked "top secret" is damaging to the national de- fense and helpful to a foreign country merely because they are marked "top secret." ? NEW YORK TINES 6 March 1973 ELLSBERG 1:UDGE BARS A DEFENSE By MARTIN ARNOLD Special to The New York Times LOS ANGELES, March 5? The judge in the Pentagon pa- pers trial ruled out today the "justification defense," under which the defendants would have argued that the motiva- tion for disclosing the secret study of United States involve- ment in Vietnam was to get information to Congress. Howover, Federal District Judge William Matthew Byrne ?Jr. told Charles R. Nesson, a defense 'lawyer, to prepare a memorandum of law on the matter, indicating that he might allow the defense at a later time. The "justification defense," which is widely accepted in some cases but rare in this type of trial, holds that any evil committed by the defend- ants was not as great as the evil that was avoided because of their acts. This concept of top secret designations rests not on law, but on Executive Order 10501, which was issued by President Eisenhower on Nov. 5, 1953, and has since been superseded by an act issued by President Nixon, but was in effect at the time that Dr. Ellsberg and Mr. Russo allegedly committed the crimes. The qovernment goes even further \ in its theft charges.? It contends that because the in- formation contained in the Pentagon papers was classif....1 top secret under Executive Or- der 10501, it owns that infor- mation, and that the informa- tion itself, as distinct from the paper it was printed on, was therefore subject to theft. In the conspiracy count, the Government contends that the defendants conspired to "de- fraud the United States" by "impairing, obstructing, and defeating its lawful governmen- tal function of controling the dissemination of classified Gov- ernment studies, reports, mem- orandum and communications." Again, there is no statute that defines the classification of documents as a "lawful Govern- ment function" and again the Government has never made such a contention in any pre- vious case. If it is upheld in this case, the Justice Depart- ment could then invoke the general conspiracy laws against Government officials and news- men who act together to pub- licize classified matter. Since the trial judge has re- fused thus .far to allow the "right to know" issue to be raised before the jury, it must be done indirectly, and that will be through the defense at- tack on the classification sys- tem, which will take place this week if all goes as scheduled. Thus, the defense will try to present testimony to show that the classification system is overbroad, and that once a doc- ument is classified it is seldom declassified, despite the passage of time and events. The defense will also seek to introduce evidence to the effect that responsible Government officials, from the President down, regularly leak "top se- cret" information to the news media when it suits their pur- pose to do so, and they are not arrested when they do. Many of the documents in this case were classified under the doctrine of derivative clas- sification, and that is not even mentioned in Executive Order 10501, let alone in any statute, It is merely in the Defense De- partment regulations, and it works with a pyramid-like ef- fect. That is, derivative classifica- tion is a doctrine that provides that if you produce a study or a report that is based on just one sentence of research that has previously been classified, then that report must also eb classified. The defense will not contend that the executive branch does not have the right to classify documents; it will argue only that the documents in this case were not properly classified and that such classification has nothing to do with .the statutes under which Dr. Ellsberg and Mr. Russo were indicted. The Government has ac- knowledged that it is trying to skirt the First Amendment issues in this case and so far the trial judge has not allowed much testimony that touches on those issues. But he has said that he will allow testimony on whether the particular docu- ments in this case were, one, properly classified at the time that the offenses were allegedly committed and, two, whether they were indeed classifiable. That is only the beginning of this phase of the trial. Mr. Nesson gave two exam- ples. One was a case in which survivors in a lifeboat were acquitted of cannibalism after they ate their fellow passen- gers to avoid starvation. The other involved the hypo- thetical situation of a man who was walking down the street and saw a woman being raped. Nearby was a blind person with a cane. The man grabbed the cane from the blind per- son, thus committing a crime, and beat up the rapist. 'Would not the grabbing of the cane fall under the justifi- cation defense? Mr. Nesson asked the judge. In this case, Mr. Nesson wanted to introduce the justi- fication defense through the testimony of Representative Paul N. McCloskey Jr., Repub- lican of California. In a memorandum support- ing the use of that defense, Mr. Nesson said that "the war in Vietnam was unquestionably an evil of the greatest magni- tude" and that the 18 volumes of the Pentagon papers in- volved in this case "contained much information about the war of which Congress hadi been deprived and which Con- gress needed to properly per- form its constitutional func- tions." "The executive branch! wrongfully withheld the Viet- nam study from Congress," Mr. Nesson's memorandum went on and "the defendants undertook to deliver to Congress the in- formation contained in the Viet nam study" because they "be- lieved, rightly, that Congress could get the information in no other way." "The defendants acted with awareness of two great evils, the prosecution by the execu- tive branch of the war in Viet- nam and the executive branch's subversion, through informa- tion control, of the powers and responsibilities of Congress," Mr. Nesson wrote. Mr. McCloskey, in another memorandum to the judge, sup- ported the defense's position and gave details of how Con- gress had been deprived of the information. He was prepared to testify, Mr. Nesson said, that the acts of the defendants were For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 4 t Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 "precisely tailored to the evils they saw." The defendants, Daniel Ells- berg and Anthony J. Russo Jr., are accused, in part, of "con- spiring to defraus the United States" of the information con- tained in the Pentagon papers. Leonard Weinglass, another defense attorney, argued that there was no law, only an Ex- ecutive order, against leaking classified documents and that the "justification defense" was contemplated against the order. Mr. McCloskey did get to testify on his second day of direct examination that "mem- bers of Congress, committees of Congress, the Congress itself is entitled to receive top secret material, and we do almost on a daily basis when Congress is in session." Information Flow Mr. McCloskey, the second defense witness, had been called to testify as a Congressional ex- pert on the flow of Government information and, as a former marine colonel, as an expert on one volume of the papers. That volume tells about the marine landing in Vietnam in 1965. Mr, McCloskey testified on Friday that disclosure of that volume in 1969 could in no way have affected the national de- fense. and so today, on cross- examination, David R. Nissen, the chief prosecutor, started out to impeach him as a witness. Mr. Nissen asked him a series of questions about his military career and focused on maneu- vers Mr. McCloskey took part in in the summer of 1965 just south of here at Camp Pendle- ton. Mr. McCloskey was pressed 'into service during the opera- tion, Called Silverlance, more or les c as an actor. He played the part r,f an ambassador to a mythicvl country, Camelot, for the purpose of training marines on how to act in a friendly na- tion such as South Vietnam. Mr.' Nissen elicited this to present teh implication that with such military training, Mr. McClos- key could hardly be taken seri- ously when he testified about the national defense. WASHINGTON POST 16 February, 1973 evice at I fill e ring: u ' or News Tr nsmitter? By Mary Russell Washington Post Staff Writer A "sophisticated transmitter" has been found in the main hearing room of the House Forergn Affairs Committee. The device, not quite the size of a cigarette pack, may have been intended as a "bug." Or it may simply be a pocket transmitter that a broadcaster left behind. ? The device was discovered Monday' morning lying on a table used-. by the press when Covering committee hearings. It was first thought to be a "bellboy" paging device brought into the room by someone accompanying Secre- tary of State William P. Rog- ers ? who testified before the -committee on Thursday, Feb, .8. ? Later it was ? discovered to be a "sophisticated transmit- ;ter with self-contained micro- phones and batteries" and was 'turned over to the FBI Committee sources say? the device was attached to the un- derside of the table and was jostled loose by a member of the cleaning crew who then picked it up and placed it on top of the table where a staff member found it. ? Rep. H. R. Gross (R-Iowa), a member of the committee, ;said he had been informed the 'device was taped underneath the table. Other committee sources say it was strapped beneath the table. FBI sources WASHINGTON STAR 21 February 1973 would say only that no tape marks were found on the de- vice. An FBI spokesman refused to say whether the device was a bug, saying only that the bureau "had reached no final conclusion on that." The spokesman did acknowledge that the matter was under in- vestigation as a possible viola- tion of the Interception of Communications Act, the same law under which seven men were charged with planting bugging devices at the Demo- cratic National Committee's Watergate headquarters last June. Committee sources said that no closed hearings were scheduled in the next few weeks except for a Feb. 20 organizational meeting. The last closed hearing was on Oct. 12 when a Spokane, Wash., ex- position was discussed. Other than Secretary Rogers' testimony in open hearings last Thursday on the Vietnam peace agreement, the hearing room was used briefly last Wednesday night by some committee members and King Hussein of Jordan. King Hussein was attending a reception across the hall and then went into the room with his security men and some members of the committee. The members and the king sat around a table and chatted informally for a few minutes, a committee source said. He did not know whether the conversation was of a sen- sitive nature. An authority in the techni- cal aspects of broadcasting said yesterday the device, 'as described by chairman Mor- gan, sounds like one often used by television crews and re- porters. Committee Chairinin Thomas E. Morgan (D-Pa.) .de- scribed the device as a rec- tangular metal box about 4 by 1% by 3/4 inches. ? Because it was first thought to be a State Department pag- ing device, Morgan said,'its, discovery was called to the attention of the Congressional Relations Office" of the de- partment. Later in the ' day the security people who had accompanied Rogers to the hearing were also informed: State Department security people picked up the device Tuesday morning 'and returned it at 5 p.m. "with the informa- tion that it was not a bellboy but an electronic transmitter," Morgan sa,id. Morgan then asked 'that the FBI be called in and .re- quested the bureau to "sweep" all the other committee rooms for "the possible presence. of any other devices." None .was found. Morgan said he, has asked the FBI for a complete report upon completion of its investi- gation. The chairman of the House Foreign Affairs Committee says that the battery in a "so- phisticated transmitter" dis- covered in the Committee Hearing Room on Feb. 12 was dead. Rep. Thomas Morgan,/ D-Pa., made the disclosure after a closed meeting of the committee in which he briefed members about the investiga- tion into the discovery of the device. ? The FBI is investigating the discovery at Morgan's request and is reporting to him on its progress every two days, he said. . , Morgan and other commit- tee sources refused to specu- late on whether the dead bat- tery in the cigarette-pack-size device indicated that it had been in the committee hearing Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : room in operable condition for an extended period of time. Morgan said he did not think that the device was placed in relation to the visit of Jordan's King Hussein on Feb. 7. He said Hussein's informal con- ference with committee mem- bers in the hearing room was a spontaneous affair after a reception across a hall. The following day, Secretary of State William P. Rogers ap- peared in open session before the committee, and any bug- ging of that session would have been pointless. Committee sources con-, firmed that the device was found by a cleaning woman Feb. .12 on the hearing room floor beneath a press table. The device apparently was placed on top of the table by CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 ad the woman and later turned over to the FBI. If the FBI has given Morgan any clues as to the origin of the device, he apparently did not share them with commit- tee members day's briefing. during 29 yes ter- Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 U. S. NEWS & WORLD REPORT, Feb. 5, 1973 .,irmeterme., n lia ? G6 TH RN. F, ;Roy Gc)v CURTAN RUNT SE I.=31 iM21 is It's easier now to get a look into those official papers that bureaucrats try to hide under "Secret" stamps. A federal law and a Nixon order have expanded the public's "right to know." But problems remain. A VAST wealth of information?long kept bidden in files of the federal bureauc- racy?is finally being pried out for pub- lic scrutiny. Increasingly, despite often-vehement resistance from officials, records that once were secret are made available to Americans who ask for them. This is important to individuals and business firms in many ways. A taxpayer who is fighting an income- tax ruling, for instance, can now de- mand?and get?access to handbooks and other documents of the Internal Revenue Service that may help .his case. A businessman, appealing an unfavor- able decision by the Federal Trade Commission or any other regulatory agency, can examine internal memoranda and other papers used by the agency in reaching its decision. This could help him challenge the agency's ruling. A conservationist, opposing a construc- tion project, can get copies of the envi- ronmental-impact report that is required on federally funded projects. Informa- tion in that report could be important to the conservationist's charges that the project would harm the environment. A consumer, questioning the quality of a product sold to the public, can de- mand to see the results from Govern- ment tests of the product. A historian, seeking military or diplo- matic documents stamped "Secret," can force a review of their classification and perhaps obtain their release. The public's right. Mainly responsi- ble for this increased availability of Government information are two events. of recent years which greatly expanded the public's "right to know." First: Congress in 1966 passed a Freedom of Information Act. This law reversed a long-standing policy of re- leasing Government records only to those "properly and directly concerned." Fed- eral courts have interpreted the new law ? as severely restricting .the power of Gov- ernment officials to withhold information from the public. Second: President Nixon, in March of 1972, ordered the first overhaul in two decades of the U. S. system of protecting military and diplomatic secrets. The "right to know" that these actions assert is not spelled out in the U. S. ?Constitution. It is based on an idea that President Nixon put in these words: "Fundamental to our way of life is the belief that, when information which properly belongs to the public is sys- tematically withheld by those in power, WWI THE WIWI= SIT IINIFOZZNATTON TEAT 7FiCSIA11,0 CiLW WIIVIEE@ILD Under the 1966 Freedom of In- formation Act, federal officials may refuse to disclose nine types of records. Even these may be re- leased at the discretion of those in charge. Records that may be withheld include those concerning: 1. National security or foreign policy, specifically those that are required by executive order to be kept secret. 2. Internal personnel rules and practices of an agency, such as its reasons for hiring, firing and pro- moting employes. 3. Matters required by law to remain secret, such as an individ- ual's tax return. 4. Trade secrets and other con- fidential commercial information, such as formulas or sales data. 5. Internal memoranda and let- ters between consulting officials of one or more agencies. These are legally available only to some- one suing the agency. 6. Personnel, medical and oth- er files, the disclosure of which would constitute a clearly unwar- ranted invasion of privacy. 7. Investigations, which may contain unproven rumors and the names of informers. 8. Reports relating to regula- tion of financial institutions. 9. Geophysical information, in- cluding maps, concerning the lo- cation and description of oil, gas and water wells. the people become ignorant of their own affairs, distrustful of those who manage them, and?eventually?incapa- ble of determining their own destinies." It was to prevent the improper with- holding of information that Congress passed the Freedom of Information Act. It grants "any person" clear access to "identifiable" public documents. Under that law, a person need give no reason for wanting to see a docu- ment. And each federal agency is re- quired to adopt "clear and workable" regulations explaining how the public can get copies of the agency's records. Disclosure of information is to be the general rule?no longer the exception? according to guidelines laid down . by the justice Department's Of- fice of Legal Counsel. All in- dividuals are to have equal rights of access to the rec- ords, and the burden of proof is put on the Government to justify the withholding of a document, not on the person who wants it. The law allows the Gov- ernment to withhold only nine types of records?and even they may be released at the discretion of officials in charge. The records exempt from mandatory disclosure include mainly papers per- 30 taming to national security, law-enforcement investiga- tions and trade secrets, and internal memoranda. See the complete list below. Easing the burden. To help citizens obtain infor- mation to which they are entitled, the Government is taking a number of actions. Federal Information Cen- ters, where persons can get answers to questions concern- ing Government, now serve the nation's 73 most populous cities. The centers are located in 36 key cities, and 37 other cities are linked to them by toll-free telephone service. For a list of these cities, see page 50. The Government Printing Office pub- lishes and sells more than 24,000 books and pamphlets of virtually every size and description. These publications can be purchased either by mail or at any of the Printing Office's 20 bookstores around the country. Nearly every federal agency has set up reading rooms, where the public can inspect records. Large agencies, such as the Department of Health, Education and Welfare, have reading rooms in 10 regional headquarters. If a person seeking a federal docu- ment is turned down at first, he may ap- Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 Approved For Release 2001/08/07: CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 peal to the head of the agency. If the decision is again unfavorable, he may sue in court to demand the document. Under this law, thousands of docu- ments have been released voluntarily to interested parties. But many were re- leased only after court action. Victories in court. Since the law became effective in 1967, some 200 freedom-of-information suits have been filed. In roughly half these cases, the Government has been ordered to pro- duce the requested document. Examples: The Consumers Union, publisher of "Consumer Reports" magazine, won the right to see raw scores from hearing-aid tests conducted by the Veterans Ad- ministration. The union wanted the scores for a magazine article on hearing- aid quality. Ralph Nader's Center for the Study of Responsive Law?investigating the safety of handling pesticides?extracted reports on the subject from the Agricul- ture Department. American Mail Line, Ltd., a steamship firm, forced the Federal Maritime Sub- sidy Board to turn over a memorandum used by the Board in denying the com- pany a 3.3-million-dollar subsidy. In cases involving access to informa- tion, courts?with some major exceptions ?have tended to lean toward the pub- lic's right to know and have narrowly defined the Government's power to with- hold information. Courts have generally rejected broad interpretations of the exemptions for trade secrets and other commercial or ,financial information. Courts have also leaned toward the public in this controversy: Should an agency's internal memoranda be made public? The Government contends that such disclosure would inhibit "full and frank" advice from a Government technician to his boss. But courts have ruled that if a memorandum is the basis for the agen- cy's final action, it becomes a public record and should be revealed. On the other hand, courts have con- sistently refused to order the Govern- ment to produce information relating to defense and foreign policy. The Supreme Court, on January 22, upheld the President's power, under the Freedom of Information Act, to classify documents for security reasons without his classification's being subject to review by a court. That decision rejected attempts by 33 members of Congress to force the dis- closure of secret reports on an under- ground nuclear test in Alaska in 1971. Courts also have leaned heavily to- ward the Government's side in the pro- tection of investigatory files and most records concerning personal matters. No penalty. Critics have charged that enforcement of the Freedom of In- formation Act is weak. There is no sin- gle agency to administer it ,thrnughout the Government, and there is no penal- ty for officials who improperly withhold information. In addition, the appeal sys- tem is time-consuming and expensive. The House of Representatives' Gov- ernment Operations Committee, which held extensive, hearings on the subject early in 1972, concluded that the law is being impeded by widespread delay and evasion on the part of federal offi- cials. In a report published last Septem- ber, the Committee said: "The efficient operation of the Free- dom of Information Act has been hin- dered by five years of foot dragging by the federal bureaucracy." The Committee found that major fed- eral agencies took an average of 33 days to respond to an individual's first re- quest for information. If the request was denied and the person appealed the decision, the appeal process took an ad- ditional 50 days. Persons seeking records are often dis- couraged by the high fees many agen- cies charge for compiling and copying requested data. As an example, Harrison WeIlford, attorney for Ralph Nader's Center for the Study of Responsive Law, won a two-year court battle requiring the Ag- riculture Department to furnish research reports about the safety of handling pes- ticides. Then he was told that the re- ports were filed in folders containing confidential information about the manu- facturers, and that he would have to pay $91,840 to cover the cost of sepa- rating the releasable reports from the confidential information. "At that point," says Mr. WeIlford, "we decided to try to find other means to get the information." Best-kept secrets. Perhaps the most voluminous?and certainly the most pro- tected?files are those containing military and diplomatic secrets. To "lift the veil of secrecy" from these files, President Nixon last year issued Executive Order 11652, replacing President Eisenhower's 1953 order. Mr. Nixon's instruction has two objectives: First, to reduce the amount of mate- rial classified Top Secret, Secret or Confidential. These terms are defined elsewhere on this page. Second, to declassify the files earlier and more systematically than in the past. To make sure the new order is carried out, the President set up the Inter- agency Classification Review Commit- tee, headed by John Eisenhower, son of the late President. The task this committee faces is mon- umental in size. Officials at the National Archives say there are more than 760 million pages of classified documents dealing with the period 1942 through 1962 alone. David R. Young, executive secretary to the review committee, esti- mates that this mass is growing at the rate of nearly 200,000 pages a day. Behind these bulging files is a legion of secrecy-minded bureaucrats, who often classify information for reasons that are, at best, obscure. Instances are reported of officials' classifying newspaper clippings. A memorandum suggesting that use of the Top Secret classification be reduced was once circulated in the Pentagon?and "believe it or not, that memorandum it-. self was marked Top Secret," a security officer reported. This officer estimated that only one half of 1 per cent of all classified material in the Defense De- partment actually contains genuine mil, itary secrets. Why are Government officials so eager to classify their records? President Nixon recently suggested tone reason when he said: "Classification has frequently served to conceal bureaucratic ? mistakes or to prevent embarrassment to officials and Admin;strations." Fewer classifiers. To curb abuses; the number of federal officials author- ized to classify documents has been re- duced sharply?from 43,586 to 16,238. In the Central Intelligence Agency, the number authorized to stamp. Top Secret has been cut by 86 per cent. Now, for the first time, agencies are. required by the Nixon Administration to compile and maintain complete lists of. employes who are authorized? to wield classification stamps. The White House also has tightened. the. rules concerning the kinds of infor- ? rnation which can be classified. In the past, material could be classified if its originator had even the remote expecta-' tion that disclosure could cause damage to national security. Now, under Mr. Nixon's instruction, such informtion can be classified only if disclosure - "could reasonably be expected" to endange,r. na- tional security. Also, in the past, classified informa- tion remained classified for 30 years? often long after it ceased to be (..\Inger- ous to U. S. interests. Now, the new Nixon order requires automatic declavii- fication after 10 years unless reasons given in writing' for keeping the infor- mation on the hidden lists. Even then a person can challenge the ,classification and demand itsireview. Cosily task. Declassifying the ex- isting files will take decades?and be expensive. Just to complete the review of World War II records by 1975 will cost an estimated 4 million dollars?and ? Congress has appropriated only 1.2 mil- lion for that purpose. Still, officials believe the Nixon order. has improved access to classified docu- ments. David Young reports that; of 177 requests for declassification in the first three months of the new system, 83 re- quests were granted in full and 4 in part. Another 52 have been denied and 38 are still pending. Requests granted include those for release of papers relating to the ex- change of Soviet spy Rudolph Abel for the CIA pilot Gary Powcrs, and the 1957 visit to Moscow by the Tate German Chancellor Konrad Adenauer. Complaints continue, however. Lloyd C. Gardner, a Rutgers University_his- torian, has been trying in 'vain for 10 years to get State Department papers. on origins of the Korean War. He says: "For misdirection, subterfuge and cir- ? cumlocution; there has been,; nothing . like this bureaucratic performance since the old-fashioned 'shell game." "The New York Times," after being turned down on 28 out of 31 requests for foreign-policy information, charged that the, new 'system actually reduces access to classified documents because now an inquirer must specify the docu- ment he 'wants to see?and few outsiders can know .precisely which document contains the information they want. Despite all the recent changes, is general agreement that it is still a complex, expensive and time-consuming job? to get information from Government files?civil or military. ?. This has led to. growth Of an industry 'in Washington: ? ? More than 15,000 lawyers and ether representatives 0.1,600 bUsiness and pro- fessional associations are employed at Approved For Release 2001/08/07: CIA-RDP77-00ii2R000100110001-4 Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 digging but hard-to-get information sought by their employers. Nevertheless, the balance is clearly shifting?away from . the Government's desire to keep its files secret, and to- ward the public's right to knew. Under an executive order is- sued by President Dwight Eisen- hower on Nov. 5, 1953, informa- tion requiring protection in the interest of national security can be classified in three categories ?with access depending upon the security classification of a Government official or, in limit- ed cases, a private citizen in- volved in Government work. TOP SECRET: "Shall be ap- plied only to that information or material the defense aspect of which is paramount, and the un- authorized disclosure of which could result in exceptionally grave damage to the nation, such as leading to a definite break in diplomatic relations af- fecting the defense of the Unit- ed States, an armed attack . . . or the compromise of military or defense plans or intelligence operations, or scientific or tech- nological developments vital to the national defense." SECRET: "Shall be authorized . . . only for defense informa- tion or material the unauthor- ized disclosure of which could result in serious damage to the nation, such as by jeopardizing the international relations of the U. S., endangering the effective- ness of a program or policy of vital importance to the national defense, or compromising . . . defense plans, scientific or tech- nological developments impor- tant to national defense, or information revealing important intelligence operations." C NF1DENTIAL: "Shall be authorized . . . only for defense information or material the un- authorized disclosure of which could be prejudicial to the de- fense interests of the nation."-- W:::12,17,1111 G7)?`22. L71 10D2 1111::12 Need information from or about a Government agency or depart- ment? If it is not convenient to get it directly from the agency's head- quarters in Washington? Federal Information Centers have been set, up in 36 major cities. In addition, residents of 37 others may dial these centers toll free. At the centers?listed in the tel- ephone directory?federal employ- es either provide the answers sought or refer the inquirer to an agency which can do so. Cities with such centers and those with toll-free connections to centers (in ,parentheses) are: NORTHEAST: Boston (Providence); Buffalo (Rochester, Syracuse); Newark (Trenton); New York City (Albany, Hartford, New Haven); Philadelphia (Scranton); Pitts- burgh. SOUTHEAST: Atlanta (Birmingham, V 4N Charlotte); Baltimore; St. Peters- burg (Jacksonville, Tampa); Miami (Ft. Lauderdale, West Palm Beach). NORTH CENTRAL: Chicago (Mil- waukee); Cincinnati (Columbus, Dayton); Cleveland (Akron, Toledo); Detroit; Indianapolis; Kansas City, Mo. (St. Joseph, Topeka, Wichita);* Minneapolis; Omaha (Des Moines); St. Louis. SOUTH CENTRAL: Ft. Worth (Dal- las); Houston (Austin, San An- tonio); Louville; Memphis (Chat- tanooga, Little Rock); New Orleans (Mobile); Oklahoma City (Tulsa). MOUNTAIN: Albuquerque (Santa Fe); Denver (Colorado Springs, Pueblo); Phoenix (Tucson); Salt Lake City (Ogden). PACIFIC: Honolulu; Ls Angeles; Portland; Sacramento; San Diego; San Francisco (San Jose), and Seattle (Tacoma). THE WASHINGTON POST Tuesday, March 6,1973 The Wathngt?n Dilenry.Go-llouraid CM on the Frail ab a Boo LOGla By Jack Anderson The cloak-and-dagger boys at the Central Intelligence Agency -are trying to get an advance copy of a book which is highly critical of the CIA's "dirty tricks department." The author, ex-Air Force Col. 'I,. Fletcher Prouty, was the Pentagon support officer for the CIA over a nine-year period. He did' everything from supplying them with James Bond weapons to ship- ping three dozen lobsters to a CIA bigwig. And he has Written a book about, it, "The Secret Te'am."- To get the unedited galleys, the' CIA library approached the , distinguished Sidney Kramer bookstore only a few blocks from the White House. A 'representative of the 'book- store immediately called ,Prouty and suggested he' could "help the sale" of the .book by providing a copy , of the galleys. BUt Prouty had her* -inin- telligence too long to be an easy touch. He agreed to meet with the Kramer ?represent- ative and then secretly re- corded their conversation. Here is a partial transcript: "Do- you represent others?" asked Prouty. "I can tell you who wants this," confided' the ermissary. "They're on our backs?the CIA." , "They are?'.! . "Evidently - someone. was going to present 'them with a copy the day before yester- day," said the representative, but the deal fell through. Prouty refused to turn over the galleys to the CIA, which had a messenger waiting for them at the bookstore. We can, provide the CIA, however, with some of the highlights: CIA Secrets 0 The CIA, Prouty charges, trained agents in the Maine woods because of the similar- ity to the Russian fir forests. Then it flew them to Norway where they were hopped into Russia on a light pontooned plane which landed on a hid- den lake. ? 0 The CIA skillfully' man- aged to keep out of the Pen- tagon Papers almost all men- tion of its. assassination and other :"dirty Cricks" oper- ations in .South -.Vietnarn, al- leges Prouty. Instead, the' CIA larded the Papers with. ex- amines, of how, good .its in- telligence proved to be. .0 In 1959, one of CIA .Chief Allen 'Dulles' spy planes al- legedly was shot down ? over Russia.- The crew Was cap- tured, questioned by Soviet intelligence and later ? quietly returned to the United States, (They were debriefed after their return, by, among others, James McCord, a former CIA mail convicted in , the Water- gate scandal.) ? 0Even though the late Presi- dent Kennedy ' "ordered the Joint Chiefs to keep a tight rein on covert CIA military operations after the Bay of Pigs debacle, -the: CIA circum- vented the order in Vietnam and the Pentagon supinely let them get away with it, says Prouty. Footnote: In an earlier in- cident, the CIA went to court to block a book by one of its former employees, Victor Mar- chetti. But Prouty was never on the CIA payroll. When we asked the CIA whether an at- tempt would be made to sup- press Prouty's book, a spokes- man said: "There are no plans whatsoever to do anything about the book." Approved For Release 2001/08/07': CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 32 Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 .GEN?ERAL FEBRUARY 3, 1973 THE NEW REPUBLIC Legal Drugs, Illegal Abuse Amphetamines and Barbiturates by Peter J. Ognibene A story in The New York Times several weeks ago caused quite a stir on the cocktail party circuit. It implied that a prominent New York City physician had administered amphetamines intravenously to President Kennedy in Vienna when he met Khrushchev there in 1961, and at other times. The physician al- legedly gave similar preparations to other patients, many of them prominent in politics and the arts. Amphetamines, or "speed," are a significant source of drug abuse among young persons, but they have also been misused by their elders. Until the recent clampdown led by the Bureau of NarcotiCs and Dan- gerous Drugs, American pharmaceutical manufactur- ers had been producing some eight billion doses of amphetamines each year. First marketed in the 1930s under the trade name Benzedrine, amphetamines have been used to treat narcolepsy, a rare disease whose victims fall asleep involuntarily and frequently. They have also been used to treat hyperkinetic children, another rare affliction. Treating these two disorders would justify the production of thousands of amphet- amine doses a year, not billions. Most legally prescribed amphetamines have gen- erally been used for a less serious medical problem. Because they are an appetite depressant, many physicians have prescribed them for obese patients. In most instances, they have had only modest results: the average weight loss has been on the order of a few pounds. A controlled diet and exercise are more effective ways to lose weight. "Diet pills" are central nervous system stimulants, and some people who had them prescribed for obesity have used them as pep pills. They were also used that way by the armed forces of the United States, Great Britain, Germany and japan during World War II to combat fatigue and extend alertness, and, the American military con- tinued their use after the war. In 1970 the House Select Committee on Crime reported "that one of the largest purchasers [of amphetamines] is still the US military establishment." Unlike heroin, which i.illicitly produced and thus never medically prescribed, amphetamines have been introduced to many people by doctors who regard them as wonder drugs of a sort. "lieroin," one govern- ment official who is responsible for controlling illicit drug traffic commented, "has the mystique as 'the killer drug,' but amphetamines and barbiturates are worse because they are available, medically respect- able and You don't know you're getting hooked." Estimates of the number of heroin addicts (500,000- 600,000) can be made on the basis of heroin-connected deaths, hepatitis cases and related phenomena, but amphetamine abuse is. harder to measure because; except for the declining number of "speed freaks" who inject the drug intravenously, most abusers are pill poppers. Some who become dependent on them while under a doctor's prescription may be maintained on the drug by further prescriptions by doctors who are unaware of the drug's danger. (Some doctors, for instance, still do not believe amphetamines are addictive.) ? Dr. Sidney Cohen, former director of the division of narcotic addiction and drug abuse at the National Institute, of Mental Health, has told Congress that "the use of hundreds of times the average dose of amphet- amines is physically addicting, meaning that tolerance builds up, and definite withdrawal symptoms occur when the drug is discontinued." Over extended periods of time, Cohen warned, "the use of very high doses of amphetamines . . . may lead to brain-cell changes." High doses may also lead to serious psychological problems and violence. Dr. Joel Fort, a professor at the School of Social Welfare at the Uni- versity of California at Berkeley, believes that "on a typical run [prolonged heavy use] of speed, there develops severe paranoia (paranoia characterized by delusions and hallucinations, violence, etc.), a marked tendency to violence sometimes tragically leading to murder, and serious physical deterioration." A com- mon hallucination is that "bugs" are crawling under the user's skin. After prolonged use of speed, users "crash" and can sleep for more than a day. To counteract the fatigue and depression which follow, many turn to "downers" such as barbiturates or heroin. The "needle culture" of the speed freak makes the transition to heroin an easy one,. and it was a step many of them took a few years ago when speed became less fashionable and heroin was relatively cheap and in large supply. The Bureau of Narcotics and Dangerous Drugs and, more recently, the Food and Drug Administration have tightened federal controls on amphetamines and amphetamine-like drugs. Production has been cut by 83 percent, and the drugs are now subject to the strict regulations regarding security and record-keep- ing under Schedule 11 of the Controlled Substances Approved For Release 2001/0 .851?i7 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 Approved For Release 2001/08/07 Act. One government official told me, with more than a little satisfaction, that the cut in manufacturing quotas for amphetamines has resulted in "a dying industry." He also noted that "doctors are not pre- scribing amphetamines as freely as they one did." The FDA is currently sending a "drug bulletin" to some 600,000 physicians and other medical profes- sionals to encourage limiting the use of these drugs. (We have still to follow the example of Canada which on January 1 prohibited physicians from prescribing amphetamines and pharmacists, from dispensing them except for narcolepsy and other rare diseases.) Three years ago, the House Select Committee on Crime found that Bates Laboratories of Chicago "had shipped 15 million amnhetamine tablets . . to a post office box for an alleged drug store in Tijuana, Mexico." If one had taken literally the street address for this nonexistent drug store, it would have been located at "the 11th hole of the Tijuana Country Club golf course." The committee estimated that "more than 50 percent of these drugs manufactured in this country find their way into the illicit traffic" and that "more than 60 percent of the amphetamines and, methamphetamines presumably exported to Mexico find their way back into the bootleg market in the United States." When one pharmaceutical firm, Strasenburgh Prescription Products of the Pennwalt Corporation, sought to renew its license to export amphetamines, BNDD ordered it to "show cause" why its application should not be denied. In this order BNDD alleged the company Was ineffective in con- trolling its Mexican subsidiary, citing, in this instance, that .1.2 million doses of amphetamines from this sub- sidiary had been seized from illicit traffickers over a nine-month period. Strasenburgh subsequently dropped its renewal application. Other companies have curtailed amphetamine exports: some because of government pressure, others because of a belated recognition that the drugs were being diverted into illicit channels. Amphetamine abuse seems to be on the decline. Some users have switched to another central nervous system stimulant, cocaine, which was popular in the 19th century and is now enjoying a comeback. Others have turned to heroin, but most have probably found barbiturates. Unlike amphetamines, whose legitimate medical uses are few, barbiturates have dozens of important uses. Although they are being abused on a larger scale than amphetamines ever were, the legitimate needs for barbiturates require billions of doses per year compared to the thousands of doses of amphetamines needed to treat two rare diseases. Hence, these drugs cannot be controlled by drastically cutting production quotas. The person who takes speed and then discontinues its use before the addiction-psychosis-brain damage cycle is run can generally make a complete recovery. Although young drug users passed the word that "speed kills," death from an overdose of amphetamines is rare. Death from an overdose of barbiturates is not. Since the turn of the century; scientists have found more than 2500 derivatives of barbituric acid, some 50 of which have been put to medical use as "sedative- hypnotics." All of them are central nervous system depressants, and some of the long-acting ones, such as phenobarbital, are important in treating epilepsy : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 and in controlling high blood pressure and peptic ulcers. The short-acting ones are commonly used as sleeping pills, and because their effects can be felt within minutes, they are the drugs of choice for abusers of barbiturates. This abuse potential led BNDD to recommend that nine of the short-acting barbiturates be put under Schedule II of the Controlled Substances Act to increase the security under which the drugs are manufactured and distributed. The recommendation, which was sent to the FDA last November 16, requires the concurrence of the secretary of Health, Education, and Welfare (and the director of BNDD) to put these drugs under Schedule II. One inevitable consequence of such action would be lower production of barbiturates: a move which could be opposed by some of the powerful pharmaceutical companies even thoi,n it is the laxity of their present controls that has permitted millions of doses of bar- biturates to be diverted from legitimate channels into the illicit market. Heroin and amphetamines have been characterized as "hard" drugs, whereas barbiturates have come to be called "soft" drugs. This erroneous distinction?no doubt .a part of the heroin mystique?is dangerously misleading: there is nothing "soft" about these drugs. Although their effects are similar to those of alcohol, barbiturates are potentially the most lethal of all abused drugs. A small dose reduces social inhibition and produces a mild "high." A somewhat larger dose intoxicates and results in a loss of judgment and physical coordination. The next stage is a loss of consciousness from which the individual can be aroused. A higher dose produces a coma, and a suffi- ciently high dose results in death. With alcohol, the user generally passes out before he can drink enough to go into a coma, but with barbiturates, a killing dose can be ingested before even the first effects are felt. Barbiturate overdose, not surprisingly, has long been a leading method of suicide, but accidental death from such is .also common. It will probably become even more prevalent if abuse of these drugs continues to rise. In December, Senator Birch Bayh (D, Ind.), chairman of the judiciary subcommittee to investigate juvenile delinquency, issued a report: "Barbiturate Abuse in the United States." The subcommittee found that an increasing form of drug abuse involves mixing alcohol and barbiturates. Because one potentiates, or inten- sifies, the other, a small dose of barbiturates can have a more serious effect when taken with alcohol than when taken alone. Dr. David Lewis of the Harvard Medical School told Bavh's subcommittee that "death has been reported with as little as 300 milligrams of the short-acting barbiturate plus a couple of ounces of hard liquor." (A typical pill might be 100 milligrams.) In other words, taking alcohol with barbiturates drastically compresses the boundaries between a dose that merely intoxicates and one that can kill. In spite of the well-publicized "horrors" of heroin withdrawal, it is rarely fatal. But going "cold turkey" from a high level of barbiturate addiction may lead to convulsions, psychosis or even death. ? Because heroin is expensive and lacks potency when taken orally, it is used intravenously. Short-acting barbiturates, by contrast, are effective within minutes after they have been swallowed. Some young drug ex- perimenters, apparently unaware of this potency,' have tried to inject barbiturates, often with horrible 34 Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 results. The danger of an overdose is, of course, increased, but mistakes. in making the injection ? a likely result when earlier doses have impaired the user's motor functions?can maim, if not kill. If the vein is missed and the drug is injected under the skin, a painful abscess will result. If an artery is accidentally hit instead of a vein, gangrene can result. Dr. Max Gaspar, clinical professor of surgery at the University of Southern California School of Medicine, told the Bayh subcommittee that "six of the patients, or 30 percent of the first 20 we saw [who .had injected bar- biturates into an artery] have had amputations of part. of the hand or foot." Barbiturate abuse is also associated with violence. One barbiturate user told Dr. Roger Smith, the director of the Marin Open House (a drug treatment center), about the effect of mixing "uppers" and "downers": "Once you've got enough goofers [barbi- turates] so you're ready to kill some cat, you have to shoot up the crank [amphetamine] so you get the energy. to do it." Those who saw a recent NBC docu- mentary, "Thou Shalt Not Kill," about two convicted murderers on death row in a Utah state prison, may remember that they described their murder spree with no signs of remorse. Those murders took place over several days in which they were drinking heavily and popping pills. The pills were pentobarbitals. Illicitly manufactured barbiturates are essentially nonexistent because these drugs are easy to obtain and inexpensive. Some children need only reach in- side the family medicine cabinet; others buy them on the street for a quarter apiece. The drug manufacturers are now making more than 10 billion doses a year, or 50 for every man, woman and child in the United States. Two years ago BNDD required that thefts of bar- biturates be reported, and in the first report (for the 12-month period ending April 1, 1972) more than seven million doses were reported stolen. BNDD audits for a two-year period (ending April 1972) showed an additional six million doses which could . not be accounted for. Indeed, the normal route of legitimate barbiturates (from manufacturer to whole- saler to pharmacy to doctor or patient) and the lax controls of Schedule III make diversion of these drugs a relatively simple matter for drug traffickers with plenty of bribe money. Like BNDD, the Bayh subcom- mittee would put the nine short-acting barbiturates under Schedule II of the Controlled Substances Act. The move, while, no panacea, would seem justified. /V.P.A. Ar uch has been written about treating addiction to heroin and other opiates, but less work has been done on the problems of amphetamine or barbiturate de- pendence. Although most government experts now concede that heroin addiction is past its peak and barbiturate abuse is on the rise, the federal drug treatment and prevention effort still seems to be directed exclusively to the heroin problem and the creation of more methadone maintenance treatment facilities. That heroin is still a serious problem and that more methadone facilities are needed are non- debatable, but there seems little justification for ignor- ing other forms of drug abuse which are every bit as lethal. An official at the Special Action Office for Drug Abuse Prevention conceded that his agency was doing little to help the barbiturate addict but said that something would be done within the next six months. Without questioning his agency's good intentions, one sees little preparation for a federal effort to curb amphetamine and barbiturate abuse. There seems to' be a dearth of ideas about how to do it and what facili- ties will be needed. One SAODAP cifficial suggested that existing hospitals were sufficient, but another official in the same agency who has directed narcotics treatment programs said it was "hard to get hospitals to take barbiturate addicts" because many doctors consider such addiction to be an "illegitimate medical problem." Burglary and theft by heroin addicts are serious problems in every metropolitan area, and so there is strong public pressure to get addicts off. the street. Methadone maintenance is one way, incarceration another. On the other hard, amphetamines and barbi- turates are inexpensive, and those addicted to them rarely have the criminal "talents" .of members of the heroin subculture; little property crime is associated with their abuse. The violence and property crimes these drugs do cause are usually contained within the users' subculture. Put another way, a speed freak is not likely to steal your color TV but a heroin. addict-is. Nonetheless, amphetamines and barbiturates have been taking a heavy toll in human misery, and a humane government should act to alleviate it. It re- mains to be seen whether this administration will commit itself to helping these addicts with the same zeal it has ? applied to getting heroin addicts into methadone maintenance where they are no threat to private property. 35 Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 The New York Times Book Review February 4.1973 icit and Illicit Drugs The Consumers Union Report on Narcotics, Stimulants, Depressants, Inhalants, Hallucinogens, and Marijuana?including Caffeine, Nicotine, and Alcohol. By Edward M. Brecher and the editors of Consumer Reports. 623 pp. Boston: Little, Brown & Co. $12.50. Drugs and the Public s By Norman E. Zinberg and John A. Robertson. 288 pp. New York: Simon & Schuster. Cloth, $8.95. Paper, $2.95.'' Heroin( By Richard Ashley. 268 pp. New York: St. Martin's Press. $6.95. e American Heroin Empire Power, Profits, and Politics. By Richard Kunnes, M.D. 250 pp. New York: Dodd, Mead & Co. $5.95. y PETER STEINFELS and ROBERT M. VEATCH America has not one but several drug problems. That should be the first lesson of a book like the Con- sumers Union Report, "Licit and Illicit Drugs." One can catalogue them, as it does, by drug: Five hundred and fifty billion "doses" of nicotine smoked yearly. One estimate has it that 250,000 to 300,000 smokers die prematurely every year. Five million alcohol addicts?a con- servative calculation ? and perhaps as many as 9 million drinking their way to irreversible brain and liver damage. No other drug is so commonly a factor in homicides and suicides. Over half the highway deaths and over half the arrests made generally in the United States are alcohol-related. And traditionalists may be reassured: among high school and college students, alcohol remains the "drug of choice," beating out marijuana by roughly the same over- whelming margin President Nixon gained over Senator McGovern. Marijuana, nonetheless, goes up in smoke at the rate of about 5 million cigarettes a day. In 1969, the director of the National Institute of Mental Health estimated there were 2 to 3 million "social users" of marijuana and 800,000 to 1,200,000 "chronic users." Figures on use of LSD, ampheta- mines, cocaine, and barbiturates fluctuate like the stock market; cur- rently, rumor has it that ampheta- mines are bearish, barbiturates bull- ish, and LSD a long-run steady gainer. Heroin addicts? Estimates have ranged from 70,000 to 700,000 \ to 3 million. Several respectable estimates are grouped around 250,000-315,000. Peter Stelnfels and Robert M. Veatch are, respectively, Associate for the Humanities and Associate for Medical Ethics at the Institute for Society, Ethics and the Life Sciences. If the higher estimates were accurate, most of New York would have to be stolen three times over to support those habits. But how many "users" are there who are not "addicts"? No one knows. One legacy of our nar- cotics policies is that we now have no idea of the dimensions of the problem. The common contention of these four books is that our drug problems, at least those involving illegal drugs, are as much the creation of the public policies meant to solve them as they are the result of the drugs them- selves. "Licit and Illicit Drugs," a Con- sumers Union Report, purports to deal with all nonmedical drug use; but it is not to detract from the considerable accomplishment of Edward M. Bre- cher and the Consumers Union edi- tors to suggest that their inclusion of drugs like alcohol, caffeine and nico- tine is less out of concern for these "licit" drugs in themselves, than for purposes of framing the question in a manner taking full advantage of their readers' favored vices. That sort of editorial value judgment may escape some readers who, under the spell of the Consumers Union name, naively believe that evaluating drugs and social policies can be as "objective" an enterprise as evaluating vacuum cleaners. But Mr. Brecher should not be blamed for such readers. Of the four books, his is much the best at de- fining terms (a lucid examination of the meaning of "success" in addict treatment programs, for example); at reviewing research and reporting it, even when inconclusive or contrary to his own views. His book is not without errors or questionable judg- ments. In a field so boobytrapped with mythology, controverted points and sheer unknowns, no book could be?unless it eschewed declarative sentences altogether. "Licit and Il- licit Drugs" remains a remarkably clear, comprehensive and common- sensical book in a very difficult area. Although "Drugs and the Public," 36 by Norman E. Zinberg and John A. Robertson, also purports to consider drug use generally, it is written large- ly in the context of the debate over legalization of marijuana, which the authors see as something of a test case for forming a new public con- sensus about drugs. The book may seem pale in the harsher light of today's concern with the heroin question; but it makes a number of special contributions: its emphasis on "set and setting"--expectation and surroundings?in determining the effect of a drug; its review of re- search problems; its discussion of the British hysteria over marijuana, an ' interes ig addition to the usual pre- sereaLion of the calmer British r& rponse to heroin. Richard Ashley's "Heroin" at- tempts a comprehensive statement of the heroin issue that parallels the Consumers Union Report in many ways and occasionally enlarges upon it. Ashley emphasizes the vast reaches of our ignorance about hero- in addiction, and yet his book is fired by an anger at the dogmatism, short- sightedness, and cruelty of our drug policies, an anger that sometimes colors his presentation with a dog- matism of its own. Richard Kunnes's book "The Amer- ican Heroin Empire" might well have been titled "A Radical Reader on Heroin"?were that not unfair to radicals. Large chunks of his book are simply page after page of ver- batim quotation from whatever news- paper and magazine articles the au- thor has encountered on the subject. Dr. Kunnes has apparently kept him- self blessedly free of any contact with the technical literature on her- oin. His idea of proof for an assertion is simply that it can be found some- where, anywhere, between quotation marks. The result is a book full of half-truths, untruths, innuendoes, anecdotal evidence and unverifiable statements?a disservice to the thesis it announces, that the heroin prob- lem cannot be analyzed apart from the political, social and economic con. text in which it has arisen. Of the many issues which these books treat in common, three deserve special comment: the question of morality and life styles, the question of addiction and the medical model, and the question of future heroin policy. In "Drugs and the Public," for in- stance, Zinberg and Robertson rec- ognize the concern with life style and symbolic meaning which is at the heart of much public feeling about drugs. They aim, in fact "to un- ravel the more emotional responses to .nonmedical drug use" and "see why they have heated up the drug issue"; they do not wish to wring legal change from an unresponsive majority, but to establish it on a new consensus. 'And yet one feels certain that so long as their own individualist and utilitarian predilections force them to treat moral factors as "emo- Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000160110061-4 tional" or "irrational," their goal will elude them. Whenever the word "moral" or "morality" appears in their text, it almost alway denotes a less than real reality, contrasted with "utility" and destined to give way before it, rather than giving "utility" some of its meaning. According to the authors, mari- juana use has become a critical sym- bol in the struggle between an emerg- ent youth, "vociferously sacrilegious in their critique of social institu- tions," and "older and more trad- tionally American social groups." This, the authors conclude, "explains the often irrational opposition to marijuana reform." Yet if this Kul- turkampf between generations is all that the authors' description makes it, why is the elders' opposition on a critical symbolic point "irrational"? It seems to make perfect sense. Un- less, of course, symbols are un- important. Zinberg and Robertson admit that legalizing marijuana would lead to its widespread use, "ultimately changing the drug habits of the coun- try." Yet they hold no brief for "permissiveness." In such a bind, can the good from using drugs or banning them be limited narrowly to medical and psychological benefits? Do not the more intangible benefits and damages represented by the styles of life have to be included? A participant at a recent conference on psychoactive drugs declared that what the group was really discussing was the future of the human char- acter. Much of the public vaguely seems to agree, and its uneasiness will not be allayed unless the issue is more candidly confronted. A second theme recurrent in the discussion of drugs is the substitu- tion of medicine for law enforcement. Frustrated with the obvious deficien- cies in treating addiction as a crime, authors grope for any feasible altern- ative. The "medical model" is ready at hand, and these books, like many before them, speak loosely, and in- consistently, of "the British medical model," treating addiction as an "ill- ness," replacing the policeman with the physician. Ashley, for example, approvingly describes the work of the Rolleston Committee, architects of the British heroin policy, as creat- ing a system in which "physicians, not policemen, were made the arbiters of drug addiction treatment." The Con- sumers Union Report, recoiling from the shadow of government control, insists that physicians should have ultimate authority over admissions to methadone maintenance programs. Traditionally, the full-scale "medi- cal model" suggests that the condi- tion being treated is organic or pos- sibly psychological; the person being treated is labeled "sick," which im- plies that he should be exempt from normal social responsibilities, that he is not responsible for his condition, and that he has a right to medical treatment. Obviously, there are ambiguities in the medical model, different elements which different authors would be more or less wilting to accept. (The Approved public health variant, moreover, sometimes invoked against an "epi- demic" of "contagious" drug abuse, introduces a specific element of coercion.) Certainly the medical model offers a long tradition of legal drug use in which to integrate the employment of narcotics. But the ef- fect, of course, is finally to place control of the addict in the hands of the physician, who legitimizes the sick role. It is not clear that physi- cians are qualified for this "gatekeep- er" task, nor that it should be theirs. The much-hailed British medical model was never qufte that: surely no other disease rated a card file on individual "patients" in the Home Office. The polarization of criminal and medical models begs for further refinement. As for the prospects for reform in the area of heroin laws, Zinberg and Robertson writing only a little earlier than the others, concluded that it is unlikely: "Heroin maintenance . . . is not being seriously considered by policymakers." On the other hand Brecher and Ashley (and Kunnes, to a limited extent) all recommend some form of heroin maintenance; it seems that the question has indeed been inscribed on the public agenda. The first reason why this has happened is that, as Brecher and Ashley document so thoroughly, all efforts to "cure" heroin addicts of ? their addiction have failed miser- ably. "The first and most important step in solving the heroin problem," declare the Consumers Union edi- tors, "is to recognize at long last what addiction to heroin means. Society must stop expecting that any significant proportion of addicts will become ex-addicts by an act of will, or by spending five years in prison, or a year or two in a prison-like . . . 'drug treatment cen- ter,' or even in a 'therapeutic com- munity' . . . . Almost all addicts, it is true, do stop taking heroin from time ?to time. But almost all subsequently relapse. Among those who do not relapse, roughly half' become skid-row alcoholics." No realistic program can be built on the few conspicuous exceptions. But the second reason why the heroin problem may now face a dif- ferent future is that it has acquired a past. "Sense can bp made of the drug scene only in a historical set- ting," writes Brecher in "Licit and Illicit Drugs." and he compares his eye-opening discovery of "The Opi- um Problem," a classic (1928) his- torical study by Terry and Pellens, to Keats's first encounter with Chapman's translation of Homer. There is a danger in viewing all our national issues in the light of the One Great Issue of recent years; but the history of America's efforts to suppress narcotics reads like some shadow Pentagon Papers. Ash- ley suggests the metaphor of the Gulf of Tonkin resolution for that ambiguous bill, the Harrison Nar- cotics Act of 1914, which the drug bureaucracy expanded into a plat- form for its all-out war against the devil drug. Every failure to gain victory by police action only called forth another escalation?new cru- sades, more arrests, longer sen- tences. Officials deluded the public with propaganda, and themselves with phony statistics. Politicians-and ex-addicts hawking new weapons or new strategies repeatedly hailed the light at the end of the tunnel. No one dared ask: Why are we fighting this war, and do we want to? Mean- while, we worsened the situation in order to save it. History's other lessen is the re- minder that in 1914 the United States probably had more narcotics addicts per capita than it does to- day?but without the accompanying vice, corruption, crime and violence. Addiction was considered no bless- ing, to be sure; but it was the kind of curse under which both eminent and humble citizens managed to live out their lives (the typical avlict was a white, affluent woman o'er 40); and not the catastrophe of toda:. The question that arises, then, is whether methadone maintenance is a temporary "Vietnamization" of ?a solution, or whether it is a solid negotiated settlement. Brecher and the Consumers Union editors en- dorse swift expansion of methadone programs together with experiment- al efforts at . heroin maintenance. Ashley rejects methadone and opts for having private physicians pre- scribe heroin. Kunnes still seems to hope in slow heroin or methadone withdrawal when combined with radical political education. The debate turns on both techni- cal and political issues, which could be more thoroughly aired than they are in these books. Does methadone maintenance threaten new forms of .government control? (The authors who say yes, like Ashley, often don't recognize that the same arguments apply to heroin maintenance.) Can addicts be stabilized on heroin? Is the long action of methadone so im- portant for avoiding the ups and downs of the heroin cycle? Is the real advantage of methadone simply the ethical and political acceptabili- ty of not supplying people with euphoria? But what if a sizable per- centage of addicts want their eu- phoria? What about diversion to the black market, and the problems of users who may or may not be ad- dicts? This is where the debate should be, not pursuing a will-octhe- wisp like life imprisonment ?for pushers. Neither the recommendations of "Licit and Illicit Drugs," nor those of the ether books, will solve the drug problem; they may solve what has been called "the drug problem problem." They will not?as some liberals hope?remove crime from our streets; poverty, injustice and corruption from our cities; foolish- ness from our children; and weak- ness from our fellows and our- selves. We will have simply ceased to exacerbate these conditions. His- tory may have taught us the bene- fits of modesty. Ll For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R00010014001-4 Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 THE GUARDIAN MANCHESTER 28 February 1973 r65-\ When the peasants of Ketama in Morocco started growing kif instead of crops 2 1",,cv-,3 2nele in Megal hashish became switched on. Butt while the smugglers stand to make a foctNne the boom, reports HENRY AUBIN, the Moroccans are losing out financially and ccAhavally, " LIFE IS better now," said the smil- ing, wizened Rifian tribesman, waving his arm toward the terraced hillside where his wife and daughters were harvesting the plots. "Now that we have changed our crops w,e are all oicher." The hillside was cultivated I with a head-high plant which, from a distance, looked like corn. But it was kif, the illegal, marijuana-like plant which yields hashish, several times more potent to smoke and more profit- able to smuggle than regular pot. From this peasant's fields, and from thousands like it in the rugged Rif mountains surrounding the town of Ketama, hashish flows .to North America and Euppe by the ton. Some, individual traffickers have purchased up to 11.0001b. of the drug for ship- ment to North America. The Moroccan Government, closest ally of the United States in North Africa, officially prohibits the cultiva- tion, use, sale or transport of kif and hashish. But, in fact, it makes no effort to enforce its drug laws within a sanctuary zone of at least 1,000. square miles around Ketama. The US. Embassy in Rabat is aware of this, yet expresses satisfaction with Moroc- can drug control efforts ; and the US _Bureau of Narcotics and Dangerous Drugs (BNDD), from its year-old, one- man outpost in Rabat which monitors .drug traffic to America from North Africa, asserts that no significant . amount of Ketama hashish reaches the United States: But the international traffickers who stream here from the West disagree. Some call Ketama the biggest source ,of hashish west of Lebanon. ? ? The hashish boom here is recent. In the niid-1960s several Algerians, accom- panied by Frenchmen, visited ,the Ketama area and saw it as a potential ;gold mine. They saw that kif already grew abundantly here, though on a much smaller scale than today, without interference from the authorities. The -Rifian peasants did not know how to ,,make hashish from kif, but the visitors? knew that once they began to make it, they would have little trouble getting -it to the West, where the demand for Intoxicants stronger than marijuana Thvas high. ; This was true because hashish is compact and easier to smuggle than 'regular pot. Hashish (or hash) comes. irr compressed bricks, whereas kif ..or marijuana is bulky, ? consisting : of crushed leaves and twigs. The Ketama a r e a, perched on :.the north-western shoulder. of Africa near the Straits of Gibraltar, is ideally accessible to its Western markets. 'Within a day's drive of Ketama, a :trafficker can reach three ports with ferries to Spain or France, two ports with freighters to North America and northern Europe, four international airports and?for particularly big hauls?several isolated fishing villages on the Mediterranean where boats are available .for smuggling operations. The Algerian-French entrepreneurs_ gathered large amounts of kif from the peasants and began transforming it into one of the world's strongest, smoothest varieties of hash. After that, said the old Rifian tribesman, "We saw how much money the Algerians were making. They had a little factory in which they made the hashish from the kif flowers. We all went, over to, watch. It was easy to learn.".J The process 'is simple : the kif flowers are sifted through a wire screen, producing a coarse brown powder. This powder is then rubbed through a cotton cloth. Some of this extract Us pressed into bricks 'to be sold to ? traffidkers; some is ribbed through the cloth a second time before pressing, and some is filtered a third time. Each of these siftings corresponds to one of the three main grades of Ketama hash. The top grade sells here for about $80 a kilo, second grade for $65, and third grade for $55. In the United States, the price for top grade is about $4,000 a kilo. " I used to grow maize," said the tribesman, speaking a mixture of Refian\ Berber dialect, Arab, Spanish, and French. "In 1969 I switched to kif. Some people in these mountains switched ?a year before some a year after. But now we've all switched. When I grew maize, I did not make much money. To make enough money I had to work on the roads for the Government. Or I had to work at the lumber mill. Sometimes I took kif with me and went to Casablanca and Essa- ouira (cities about 300 and 500 miles away), where I sold it." In those days, most of his customers were Moroccans. t In all, he calculated, he used to earn about $300 a year, typical for this area which is one of the poorest in Morocco. "But since) I've been grow- ing nothing but kif and making hashish, I've not had to get jobs." After expenses, he said, he's more than doubled his annual income, to about $700. From his point of view it's a lot. "We used to have nothing," he said. " Now we have something." His tea service was new. He and his family slept on new mattresses instead of on reed mats. He could afford- cigarettes. His adobe house has a new tin roof. And though he himself wore the djellaba, or hooded robe, of the traditional peasantry, his sons wore Western-style tee-shirts and bell-bottomed slacks. Hashish' . production is rapidly increasing ; peasants say last Septem- ber's harvest was a record. " Soon I will make , more money," the old man said, leading his visitor to two new garage-sized adobe buildings a 'few yards from his home. "These will be my factories," he said. As soon as the harvested kif had dried in 'the sun, he said, he would hire 10 to 15 persons, mostly old men and boys, at $2 a day to process the kif into hash. "There is so much kif this year," he said, ",that my family and need help in making it, into hash." Inside one of his garages were five Polyethylene sacks stuffed with khaki-coloured kif flowers. Four of the bags were three feet high and about .five feet around ; the fifth was five feet high and nine feet around. The peasant said the contents, 2,000 kilos of unrefined hash, were only 38 about half of this year's crop. It takes about 100 kilos of kif to make a single kilo of refined hash. "Hashish is very good," the old man said. But he could not afford to smoke it himseh. Moroccans generally prefer the traditional, less concentrated kif, which gives a gentle high?and even that is smoked sparingly, and by a distinct minority, in most areas. The peasants' profits from hashish are dwarfed by those of the European and American traffickers. Yet there seems to be little resentment or f eeling of exploitation here. One reason for the disparity in profits is that the hashish-producing peasants, fragmented into several tribes and hundreds of hamlets, have yet to organise an effective price system. The desperate competition among the suppliers is evident along the three twisting roads that lead into Ketarna. As far as 40 miles from the town, in- coming cars encounter knots of ragged boys who stand in the road to halt traffic and thrust samples of hash through car windows, shouting prices alternately in German, French, and English. Ketama itself consists of a filling station, a police station, enough ram- shackle buildings to accommodate ;about 20 persons, and one de luxe, Gov- ernment-affiliated hotel. Many of the town's residents are young middle- men?often the sons of the 'peasant producers?who accost traffickers and tourists in a variety of languages. "Hey, man," said one young Rifian berber who wore love beads and long hair, affecting ;hippie jargon, "can I lay some sweet hash on you? " The town's trading centre is the four-star, 67-room Hotel Tidighine, pri- vately operated by the alaroc Tourist chain but controlled by the Govern- ment through its investments. Middle- 'men cluster on its 'outside steps accosting guests, and have the run of the lobby. They also solicit customers at the bar, in the dining room and even in the " guests only" swimming pool, where they discreetly exhibit sample bricks of ha.shish. . Asked if anyone has ever been arrested at the hotel, an employee laughs. Enforcing the law is a police problem, he says, not a hotel problem, and the police here don't mind. At the police station, officers insist that the fields of kif seen from the highways do not exist. "Monsieur, you are mistaken," a sergeant said sternly. " It is strictly illegal to, grow, sell or transport kif in this country, and the law is strictly observed." Minutes later, the sergeant and other officers looked on within earshot as four dealers greeted the visitor with the day's prices. "Ketama's far out, man," says one Detroit hippie. "I never thought I'd see it, you know, marijuana blowing in the breeze like that, rows and rows of it. They got a really friendly place, you know, even the cops. It's like an industry." The sanctuary-like character of the region ends abruptly, however, some 20 to 50 miles outside Ketama, depend- ing on Which way the traveller is going. Police roadblocks and searches are among 'the problems a dealer may Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 encounter as he tries to leave the area. "The rule of thumb," said a dealer from New York, "doesn't make much sense but it goes like this : you can grow kif in Ketame, you can process it into hash, and you can buy it there without worrying about it. But if you try to take it out of there you can get caught?though it's not likely. It's sort of like being allowed to counter- feit money but not to spend it, and that's a pretty hard system to enforce. It's a 'weird arrangement, but I'm not complaining." He was working solo on a shipment to Los Angeles that he said would net him about $60,000. Experienced traffickers reportedly have little difficulty getting their ship4 ments past the police. Some use _ bribes, some take back roads and others hire Moroccans to take the hash, outside the Keta-ma ?area. According to one close observer, " Most of the -people who get arrested are casual, amateur types who haven't paid off- the right people.". Large shipments of a ton or more are sometimes organised by teams of European or American dealers, four or five men each driving his own car. Secret coinpartments?usually on the underside of the cars?are loaded with hashish in special garages provided by middlemen' in Ketama, (The cars are concealed there from informers who, under a widely rumoured arrangement, get a cut of the bribes and the hash seized at roadblocks when they tip off police to a big shipment.) The hash- laden cars are then driven over un- paved, unguarded roads to isolated fishing villages on the Mediterranean coast, 40 miles north, Where the bricks are transferred to yachts or fishing boats bound for Europe. Arrests of persons with drugs are frequent ? 72 Americans last year, according to US consular officials?but the big groups are rarely caught, and penalties are generally light. "When you get to Morocco," says one American hippie, " Forget every- thing you've ever heard about rotting for years and years in some Third World dungeon.' An American caught With only enough hashish for personal use can expect a few nights in gaol and a $75 fine at the most. A first offender arrested with a smuggler's portion can expect a maximum penalty of eight months inside and an $300 fine. Only one US professional has been caught in recent years, and he had only 33 kilos in his possession. The trafficker; Robert Ryon, a 32-year-old Californian, was betrayed' by a Moroc- can contact who had brought the hash to him from Ketama to Casablanca. Ryon is serving a two-year term, three times that given any other American, because of his alleged connections with a foreign heroin ring. The big-time buyers are greatly .out-, numbered in Ketama by amateurs. Scores of them, often backpackers or hitchhikers, pass through the area daily?especially during the summer tourist season?and make relatively small purchases. They are the ones who invariably get stopped. "To the hest of -my knowledge,", says an American diplomat, " every Ameri- can arrested so far this year has been a long-hair type between the ages of 18 and 25. Never fails." The lesson is obvious : smugglers who look straight do not generally get hassled. Most of the big-timers know this. One Ketama source notes that all .his major customers are clean-cut types, often over 30. They pass as middle class tourists. Those amateurs who try taking their Ketama hash out of the country are often more earnest than shrewd. Some examples : ?A. young New Yorker filled a used. car engine with 16 kilos of hash and tried shipping it ,via air freight to California from the Casablanca airport. The postal officials accepted the pack. Approved For Release 2001/08/07 age, then became suspicious and grabbed the bearded youth ?before he got out of the airport parking lot. ?A 23-year-old Brooklyn hippie tried mailing six kilos home in a camel saddle. He was caught, but he said it was his second effort : the first time it; had worked. ' ?A Georgetown university law student was arrested last summer with 10 kilos in his car as he left the sanc- tuary area round Ketama. His main error : he also had a pistol with him, a serious offence in Morocco Where civilians are -forbidden to card fire- arms. ? His- bribe offer was spurned, and was in fact added. to the list of charges against him. ?An American about to board a home-bound . freighter in Casablanca was caught with a 30-kilo burlap bag of hashish on his shoulder. He was unaware that Moroccan Customs officials sporadically search people departing the country as well as enter-, ing it, unlike Customs in Europe or the US. . ?A young man paid prison authori- ties in Casablanca $6,500, he said, to . lose his records and rdease him after serving eight months of a three-year ,smuggling sentence. Sure enough, he was freed at that time anyway, regard-. less of his bribe, since eight months is the maximum time served by ,a first offender. For many Moroccans the hashish boom is most important for its indirect cultural effect on their country. The. abundance and cheapness of drugs, as well as the lightness of the penalties, is helping to draw tens of thousands of young Westerners to Morocco every year. ? There are other factors, too, for Morocco's sudden popularity : the warm climate, the low-key lifestyle, the friendly people and Arab culture. But- at the camp sites springing up around the countryside and in the houses that- hippies are renting by the dozen in the cities, drugs are integral. The main cities for the consumption of hashish and kif,?almost all of which originate from the Ketama area, are Marrakesh, Tangier, and Essaouira. Here, stacks of hash pipes, chillums . and other smoking para-pheralia are as common as postcard racks. There are also "free smoke" cafes where foreigners can light up without risk. Because of the large numbers of drug-oriented young Westerners, and because of the 'fascination they exert on young Moroccans, their impact on this traditional Islamic culture is in- creasingly apparent. Many Moroccan teenagers ape the visitors, wearing long hair and !bellbottoms. They seek their friendship, looking up to them as a kind of cultural and social varsity. - Increasingly, traditionalists are com4 plaining that the young generation' is neglecting Islam, turning its back -on Morocco's true cultural identity and trying to turn into pseudo-Westerners. They corn-plain that smoking drugs and drinking alcohol which used to be exceptional, are now becoming general. The Government of King Hassan X, ,himself widely regarded as a mad, European-style swinger, has a mixed response to all this. At Ceuta, hip-pies are required to get haircuts before entering the country; but hair is ignored at other border crossings. Last summer -the Government sponsored an international jazz festival at Tangier, which only increased the influx of Westerners and their influence. The opposition newspaper, L'Opinion, recently called on the Government to step up its " quasi-campaign " against the drug culture. But it did not employ the anti-drug arguments of Western conservatives; hippies pose a quite dif- ferent kind of problem in the Third World. What validity the counterculture might have as" a recourse from the, values of industrialised society, the newspaper suggested, did not hold true in this underdeveloped kingdom. What Morocco needs of its young generation is dynamism and hard work to -bring the country up out of poverty. Drugs, it said, are only a way to escape reality. ? "Hippies . . . -are a dangerous pheno- menon which the authorities tolerate . . . in distracting our youth from its true problems," the pa-per said, adding: " In cafes one can find them engaged in destroying all which is good in our :youth. They are teaching them a language which has nothing in common with our reality. They are popularising destructive ideas (and are) propagat- ing drugs?kif and hashish?in the midst of our, youth which we are impatiently waiting to take in hand the destiny of this country." ? There is an apparent discrepancy between -the vigilance voiced by Presi- dent-Nixon against drugs of the mari- huana, or cannabis, family and the attitude encountered at the embassy: here in Morocco. There is also a dis-i crepancy between what the pro4-overn- ment newspapers here hail as King Hussan's struggle against kif and What goes on in the field. "-There's little sense of moral out- rage - by Morocco towards pot," one junior US diplomat Observes. 'In: Spain, where they imprison kids for five years for having -a few -grams -of drugs, and in a lot of countries, people see pot almost as a threat to their way of life, but- kif has been in Morocco a- long time and there's not muCh outrage.' There is a tone of ,a1ighteousness in the voices -of some foreign traffielkers as they discuss their dealings in Morocco. As one young, bearded New Yorker, a Solo operator, put it, "The question is, who's getting hurt by all this ? Nobody. My people in the States aren't getting hurt?they love the stuff, .and they aren't getting their health messed up like with alcohol or heroin. "And my iuppliers, the peas-ants, they aren't getting hurt. They're poor' and they're making more money this way' than they could any other. And me, I'm getting real rich. Morally this is a clean operation." One young engineering student from Southern Morocco, who says he got radicalised during his studies in. France, isn't so' sure. "Ketama," he says, "is the same old story. It's very much like a nietaphor for the indus- trialisation pattern you see everywhere in Morocco. The Western businessmen come in and build a tyre factory or a bank or a Holiday Inn, and they let Moroccans work there in the lower positions?and maybe in a few token executive positions. "But the bulk of the profits leave Morocco. They flow to -the West. Very little stays here, but our Government accepts the arrangement because it helps the unemployment problem and we make a little money off taxes. It's one way the gap between the rich countries and the poor countries gets bigger. " Ketama's a lot like that in an unstructured way. Westerners make millions. The peasants who make the hashish live in poverty. It's the same kind of exploitation.r?Washington Post. 39 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 Approved BALTIMORE SUN 4 March 1973 I Chinese gangs For Release 2001/08/07: CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 Hong Kiang (Reuter)?Chi- nese gangsters are smuggling heroin throughout Southeast Asia and into the United States and Europe. The so-called "Chinese connection" starts in the hills of southern Burma and stretches through Bangkok, Thailand, and Hong Kong to .the Chinatowns of New York , and London. It branches through Saigon and Manila and operates with all the secrecy and skill of the Mafia. Top Hong Kong government officials and veteran narcotics'. investigators see little prospect of any improvement in the situ- ation. In the rugged Shan states of southern Burma, opium poppy growing is controlled by a Chi:. ' nese-Burmese identified. by senior American diplomats as Lo Hsing-han. Reports of Burmese govern- ment operations against pop- py-growing Lahu tribesmen were *elcomed here but inves- tigators said that the Rangoon government had not made a concentrated attempt to ban opium cultivation. "The terrain is so difficult up there," says one anti-narcotics agent, "that you can hardly land a helicopter. You either walk or ride a donkey." From ?Burma, the opium is transported secretly through northern Thailand to Bangkok, despite Thai government cam- paigns to stem the flow and American technical and finan- cial assistance. Officials in Hong Kong say the supply of drugs from Thai- land has not been reduced in recent months. ? Chinese-Thai gangsters, mostly from the Chiu-Chow re- gion of the south China coast and linked by Mafia-style loy- alties, control the Bangkok op- eration, according to the inves- tigator. ? They convert the opium into "999" brand morphine and .send a trusted lieutenant by ters run heroin trade efficienlii ail- to Hong Kong to negotiate a sale. At the same time, the morphine (or in some cases, raw opium. or manufactured heroin) leaves Bangkok aboard , a Thai trawltr that chugs slowly up the, south ?China coast. After he makes a sale with . one of about 10 Chiu-Chow gang bosses in Hong Kong, the man from Bangkok sails out of Hong Kong harbor in a junk to a secret rendezvous with the Thai trawler, often in unpa- trolled Chinese territorial wa- ters near Hong Kong. ? He produces one half of a torn bank-note and matches it with the half held by the traw- ler captain, whom he has never seen before. The drugs are transferred to the junk, and later to smaller sampans. The trawler sails back to Bangkok and the Thai-Chinese flies home, his work completed. Within hours, the junk and ? sampans have slipped quietly into the harbors of Hong Kong s or Macao, Portugal's 6-square mile territory 40 miles across , the Pearl River estuary. Eventually, after a series of secret exchanges between con- tacts who do not know each other, the morphine A deliv- ered to a 'heroin factory in Hong Kong. These factories, which can operate .in one room of an apartment with little fear of detection, serve both the Brit- ish colony's addict population of about 80,000 And a growing export market. On the streets, the deadly white powder, often 90 per cent pure heroin, is retailed by ex- perienced peddlers and often by street gangs known as "triads," who also specialize in extortion and brothel-keep- ing. ' James .Chien of the Society for. the Aid and Rehabilitation of Drug Addicts says that most ? addicts he handles "are sold on the idea that the traffickers enioy 'a certain protection." Dr. L. K. Ding of the Dis- charged Prisoneis Aid Society, claims bluntly that "it is open knowledge that the police are protecting drug pushers." But the police anti-corruption branch says it has not found any evidence to back up this charge. ? Hong Kong addicts place . their heroin powder on tinfoil, burn a match beneath it and inhale the fumes in their mouth either 'through a paper tube called "chasing the dragon," or a matchbox cover known as "playing the film:al organ." ? Others put heroin grains on the end of a cigarette, point the cigarette skywards, light it and inhale. This method is described as "shooting the ack-ack gun." Addiction has taken such deep root in the colony that the prison commissioner, Tom 'Garner, says 76 per cent of all' admitted convicts- are found' to be addicts and 48 per cent ? are arrested on drug offenses. I About 10 per cent of Mr. Garner's convicts have spo-' radic access. to heroin even: when in prison. Hong Kong's energetic Nar- cotics Bureau and Preventive' Service have beep making large seizures of morphine, heroin and opium but report that the street price rarely increases. No one knows how much heroin leaves Hong Kong for . the United States and Britain. The colony is virtually a free port with little control over; goods, being exported, and it isi virtually impossible to identify the source of heroin captured in other cities. But, an experienced interna- tional investigator here says ? Hong Kong may be supplying up to 10 per cent of all America's heroin imports. . American agents have ar- rested a Hong Kong Chinese, allegedly carrying heroin away: 40 from a freighter docked in Miami and they have also de- tained a man identified as the "unofficial mayor" of New York's Chinatown. The United States-based Mafia has rarely, if ever, ven- tured as far as Hong Kong to buy heroin. "They don't have Ito," the international investiga- Ito/. said. "They can buy from I the Chinese in the United iStates." In Britain, authorities have' arrested several Chinese with links to Hong Kong, including one man found with what was said to be "enough heroin to supply the known 'British mar- ket for two years," and handedi down stiff jail terms. v One top Hong Kong narcotics expert says he believes sub- stantial quantities of heroin. are being smuggled regularly into Britain, possibly with .stop-overs in West Germany or ,Belgium. The "Chinese connectionl has been linked to the exten-, .sive heroin trade in Saigon. In Marinla a Chinese-Filipino was recently executed by a firing squad after being found guilty of operating a heroin factory. The investigators here be- lieve that one solution to the problem might be the estab- lishment of an opium-buying monopoly in Thailand. According to this theory, the monopoly would buy up all available opium at acceptable prices and help farmers to substitute other cash crops for v the deadly poppy. It would also pick up a great deal of Bur- mese?opium. But, no one here is optimis- tic. "It is fairly safe to assume that we are going to have this problem . for soine time to come," says a drug rehabilita- tion expert, Dr. J. B. Holin- rake. "If the present trends continue, the problem is going to get worse, especially for the younger segment of our popu- lation," he said. Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 THE WASHINGTON POST ' Sunday, Feb.18, 1973 Opit Is Ced Hopeless By Anne Head London Observer PARIS ? The American ? campaign to cure heroin ad-; . diction by stopping the growth of opium poppies Is ?like trying to cure alcohol.: ism in France by pulling up vineyards, says economist Michel Lambert!, coauthor. of a new book on the eon.. nomic and political struce tures of the major opium.: producing countries. The book, "Les Grandes Manoeuves de l'Opium," by . Lamberti and journalist Catherine Lamour, has been widely discussed in the French press. It says that ? the economic situation of all current opium-producing countries is such that they must take the ,position that - their own survival must come before the lives of ad- dicts in Europe or the United States. Iran, which stopped pro- duction in 1955 but started' again in 1969, is cited by? other states who are being - urged to stop production by the countries with drug problems. The Iranian rep?, resentative to the U.N. Nar- cotics Commission said: "Our economic situation has berome so alarming we have been forced io take a 11111-, lateral decision" to resume production. Lambert!, after two years of intensive study and visits to all the opium-producing countries, says: "Even if . production is stopped or ef- fectively controlled in one country, any underde- veloped country with a ' large unemployed labor force can start production. This could be the case, say, for various South? Ameri- can countries, or Mexico." American financial con- tributions to Turkey, as .part of the considerable political pressure to stop the cultivation of the opium poppy after 1972, offer no encouragement to other ? opium. producing countries. Turkish authorities had esti- ? mated that stopping produc- tion would cost the country. 32 million; U.S. assistance has amounted to $35 mil? lion. Drug Companies The authors say that ma- jor European pharmaceuti- cal firms are also beginning to be wary of the American campaign, fearing that re- duction in the sources of legal opium will do nothing to reduce illegal supplies, and that official prices will soar. They point out that , the patents for existing near-4ibMtutes to morphine.. and codeine are held by American firms, whose con.- tinued investment in re.- search is superior to that in Europe. The authors say that prep-' sure from pharmaceutical firma on various European' governments has been such that representatives of these governments have unoffi- cially informed the Turks that if they continue opium production next year their, production would be bought by the European market. As long as a country has not signed the United Ne- ? tions 1953 protocol for the control of opium production , there Is no real means of stopping production "aimed at a home market," although a considerable part of that production may find its way to the illegal export market. The book. describes the immense profits involved. The average price for 22 ? pounds of opium ? whether, paid to a Turkish, Afghani-. sten or Laotian farmer is, about $500. This produces! ?2.2 pounds of heroin. The 'average market price of five, , milligrams of heroin mixed with lactose is $5 In New York, so between producer ? and consumer the Initial , value has been multiplied 2,000 times. Financial back- ers for such eventful profits are not bard to find. Hugo rrorlta In the American market, the financiers have no ac- tual dealing with the drug., An American source cited, In the book says that "shares" of $100,000 are' normally advanced which within six months can pay back as much AS $2 million. It is estimated that between. 10 to 15 tons bf heroin,. originally costing around $5 million, makes a turn1 over for the American deal- ers Of $9.8 billion. The U.S.. government's budget for 1972 to combat narcotics amounted to $315 million. The bOok argues that the major opium producing, countries ? Laos, Thailand, Burma, ? A.fghani4an and Turkey ? have internal po- litical and economic' prob.. Jew, which in the long run, will. outweigh any pressure: exercised by the United States. , Tribal disputes and poll.: ? :tical tension between Af-'' ghanistan and Pakistan' make neither anxious to In- terfere with Pushtu prob- lems. The tribes are not intimidated by local pollee controls. NEW YORK TIMES 25 February 1973 0 ng y the entagon WASIINCTON?Ever since Senator Gerald Nye's investigating committee turned the spotlight in the 1930's on "the merchants of death" ? the world's munitions makers?the United States has vacillated on whether it should provide arms to foreign countries. Up to World War II, it was regarded as morally repugnant if not un- American to foist weapons on other nations. But the, Marshall Plan and the Cold War changed all that: Wasn't it in the national interest to supply arms against the Communist tide? Then, as the allies got on their feet economically, the United States in the 1960's launched an ag- gressive program to sell arms rather than give them away. Critics charged that this was making the United States, for no good reason, into "the world's, number one arms salesman," and the Senate Foreign Relations Committee succeeded in imposing Con- gressional restrictions on arms sold abroad on Government credit.' Now, under the Nixon Administra- tion, the pendulum is swinging back toward promotion of foreign military sales. And last week it was disclosed that the Shah of Iran had contracted to buy more than $2-billion worth of American arms?including helicopter gunships and supersonic jet fighters ?4n the biggest single arms deal ever concluded by the Pentagon. The Iranian deal illustrates the pros and cons of the arms-sales debate that resounded in Congress in past years and is beginning to be heard again. A basic argument against massive arms sales is that the United States is pushing arms in developing nations that might better channel what money they have into economic programs. The Iranian Government, for example, has vast oil revenues?yet the per- .. . 'tapita income of Iran's peasants is $350 a year. Maybe so, counter the arms-sale pro- ponents, but who is the United States ?to tell the Iranian or any other gov- ernment .not to buy arms? Besides, they 'argue, by selling arms the United :States' gains enough leverage to dis- suade the purchasing country from going overboard in its military spending. argument made against .promoting arms sales abroad is that it' tends to exacerbate regional ten- sions and set off arms races. There , may be some statistical support for this 'contention in a recent Congress by the United States Arms Control and Disarmament Agency. The report shows that world arms trade increased from $2.4-billion in 1961 to $6.2-billion in 1971, with most of the growth, going to regions of conflict or confrontation. American arms exports climbed from $1-billion in 1961 to $3.4-billion in 1971. (During this same 10-Year period,? Soviet arms exports grew from $833-million to $1.5- billion.) '? ? The State and Defense Departments reject this line of argument by saying that arms sales are controlled by the United States so as to prevent arms races and to meet only the valid security, requirements of the receiving countries. In selling to Iran, officials say, the United States is reinforcing a "point of stability" in the volatile and strategic Persian Gulf region. What will the Shah do with all the arms? The official explanation here is that he wants to build up a "credible deterrent" against Soviet adventurism on his northern flank and Soviet-sup- ported Iraq to the west. Seasoned observers, however, place more credence on less sophisticated reasoning. Ever since World War II, the underlying purpose of arms trans- fers has been to bolster, befriend and sometimes pay off an ally. The Iranian sale maintains a pro-Western ally in the oil-rich Middle East. The United States is. providing some $2- billion in arms to modernize the South Korean forces ? officially so South Korea can stand up to North Kore but also in direct repayment for South Korean contribution of two di visions during the Vietnam war. Then there's the business angle. When pressed on the justification fo the arms sales, policy-making official in the Pentagon and State Departmen come around to the argument that the United States does not sell th arms, some other coontry will. Thus they point out, Congress imposed re strictions on military sales to Lati America starting in 1966. In the pas five years, Western Europe and Cana da have sold more than $1-billion i arms to Latin-American countries the United States about one-thir that total. Before the Congressiona restrictions, the ratio was almost ex actly the reverse. L'enator Fulbright, chairma of the Foreign Relations Committee had a tart comment on that last wee The United States, he said, had be come an "arms salesman" in order t stop Communism, but is now con tinuing in that role in order to en hance its balance of payments. No so, retorted a top State Departmen official, Curtis W. Tarr, the purpos of arms sales is to "deal with th valid security requirements" of in vidual countries; the "business oppo tunities" are just a "byprcciuct." What was never clearly explaine in the former rounds of the arm sales debate and is yet to be e plained in the new round is ho "valid security requirements" a determined. ? ?JOHN W. FINNE la Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 WALL STRZET JOURNAL I MAR 1973 Liquid Assets Middle East Oil Funds Play an Increasing Role. In Monetary Turmoil WASHINGTON POST 7 March 1973 Joseph Alsop Global Wealth Shifting From West to East The mystery of crises on the world money-market is so deep, for most Americans, that the drama chiefly ex- cites the experts. But it is time to note that something akin to "The Decline of the West," that Oswald Spengler wrote about, lies behind the latest round of trouble for the U.S. dollar. To get the current facts out of the way first, the present money crisis looks like ending with the dollar losing a lot more of its value against the world's stronger currencies. Add the , probable new drop to the dollar-deval- uation that took place a bit earlier. You then get the following approxi- mate but quite likely total losses of value: About 40 per cent of the dollar's for- mer worth as against the Swiss franc. Nearly 40 per cent of the dollar's former worth as against the Japanese yen. And about 32 per cent of the dollar's former worth as against the West Ger- _ . . ?t; market, like an excesss of bilge in the hold of an unstable ship. By the same estimates, this figure will reach $36 billion in three more years! If you think about the matter histor- ically, you can see that this is an in- :tensely precarious, even untenable sit- uation for the long run. The oil-rich Arab states, please remember, are uni- formly weak militarily. With the possi- ble exceptions of Kuwait and Saudi Arabia, these slates are also unstable politically. Their accumulation of such enormous wealth is like the accumula- tion of neat packages of billions upon billions of dollars on the open streets of the toughest neighborhood in a crime-ridden city, with no policemen within miles. For the short run, meanwhile, these immense sums the oil-rich Arabs are accumulating must realistically be sub- tracted from the former wealth of the Western powers. Only 20 years ago, ' the U.S., Britain, France and other Western countries would have been raking in four fifths of the profits now going to the Arabs'who happen to sit on the world's main oil-sources. This drastic shift, of a vital locus of wealth is only one part of a much larger story, moreover. Another part of the same story is the immense suc- cess of the Japanese economy in the last two decades, and Japan's conse- quent absorption of huge markets for- merly Western-dominated. It should be noted, too, that Hong Kong and Singa- pore, Taiwan and South Korea, have all been following in Japan's footsteps. Nor is that the story's end, by any means. Like the famous cloud no big- ger than a man's hand_ whioh, Despite Earlier Assurances, Arabs Helped Sink Dollar; Iraqi Aide: 'We Profited' 'How Can You Blame Them?' By CHARLES N. STABLER and RAY VICKER Staff lecportcrs of THE WALL STREET JOURNAL The prospects for any lasting stability in the world's monetary system seem dubious indeed. And a major reason is the role played by Mid- dle Eastern nations in the turmoil in gold and foreign-exchange markets. ? . This is the gloomy conclusion of some inter- national economists and other analysts, who have watched with alarm as oil money flooded first . into Swiss francs, then into German marks and now into gold. How ? ' volatile money is involved in the current crisis can't be determined, but, whatever it is, the volume is bound to rise in future years. This means that a major and growing source of in- stability is being added to an international monetary system already tottering under mas- sive money flows from international corpora- tions and speculators. And, most analysts agree, there isn't much, if anything, that can be done about it. "The, problem poses nearly .impossible di- lemmas," says Walter J. Levy, a New York pa- trolcum-industry consultant. "Any way you try to sterilize the money (from oil sales) or put rules on (the oil nations') use of these funds will just mean that they won't increase produc- tion" to meet the world's growing energy needs. Oil on Troubled NVaters The Middle Eastern threat to the world's monetary system had been anticipated by many analysts. But prior to the recent flare-up of money troubles and the devaluation of the dollar Arab leaders had been making soothing statements. They would not, they said, use thoir ftmrlc . Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 ong, until the next money crisis." Like international money managers every- vhere, most Arab officials are closemouthed bout their operations. But some are willing to alk. "We profited from the devaluation of the ollar," an Iraqi government official says in aghdad. In Kuwait, which reportedly threw undreds of millions of dollars on the market n the days leading up to devaluation, a govern- cut agency now says: "Precautions had been aken in anticipation of possible devaluation." miler reports conic from Jedda in Saudi Ara: 'a. In Tripoli, a Libyan source says, "We have een protecting ourselves.". ie Art of Self-Protection In foreign-exchange trading, protection leans cutting the risk of loss caused by a re- uction in the ? Value of foreign funds held, mostly dollars. 'N'hen the dollar appears Weak, hese assets are exchanged for stronger cur- elides, such as the Swiss franc ? or mark, len, if devaluation occurs, the upward revel- ation of the strong currencies results in a rof it. This profit affects the loss on dollars till on hand or on those sold earlier at low rices. Kuwait, for example, has the equivalent of 2.5 billion in officially held foreign-exchange ssets. But, according to the finance ministry, nly about $300 million was "fully exposed" to devaluation of the dollar. Reserves of Middle East nations are held as eposits with commercial banks, in Eurodollar nvestments, in gold and in financial instru- cuts of various governments and agencies. ecause the U.S. has frowned upon central- ank investments in Eurodollars?that is, dol- ars on deposit abroad?big European central anks have all but withdrawn from this mar- -et. But, central banks of smaller nations have aken their places. One major American bank recently made a onfidential survey of the Eurodollar market. t concluded that as much as $15 billion of the $80 billion total outstanding had come from central banks. A little under half that total may be from Middle Eastern and North Afri- can countries, one official of this bank says. Money in the Eurodollar market may be ransferred fast into a strong currency in any oney crisis. Because any such money gocs. hrough commercial banks, it is almost impos- ible for any outsider to evaluate totals. A Mid- le Eastern nation, for instance, may have unds with a dozen Afferent banks from First 'ational City Bank to Union Bank of Switzer- and in Zurich . and from, Bank of America o Deutsche Dank in Frankfurt. If there is any dollar dumping, a foreign-ex- ha nge dealer may not know the source of it; e is usually dealing wilh commercial banks. ncoming ? dollars may be received by the eater as if they were holdings of the banks ether than of their clients. Moreover, banks,i Ondful of the huge amounts of business that ay'be coming their. way In the future from' he Mideast, fear being connected in any way ith discussions of customer habits and ineli. ations. When one London branch of an American bank is asked for information, a spokesman pleads, "Don't even call us a New York bank. Say we are in Philadelphia." Then he relents to add: "All right, make it New York, but please don't call us a big New York bank." Central-bank holdings, of course, represent only a. part of the money in the Mideast. There are substantial private holdings in the Persian Gulf, in major Saudi Arabian cities and in Leb- anon. One estimate, made by the Financial Times of London, places Kuwait's total foreign holdings, at about $6.6 billion, for instance. Middle Eastern money is of special signifi- cance because that area can claim to be the world's fastest-growing store of capital. And the outlook for further gains in revenues from oil is staggering. Economists at New York's Chase Manhat- tan Bank estimate that crude-oil production from the Middle East will double by 1985, ris- ing to 40 million barrels a day, says John D. Emerson, a bank vice president. Saudi Arabia, probably destined to be the world's largest pro- ducer of oil, received about $13 billion in oil revenue between 1960 and 1972. During the next 13 years, from 1973 through 1985, "a conserva- tive estimate of Saudi Arabian receipts from oil is $150 billion," Mr. Emerson says. Problem: How to Spend Money Acid ? in Kuwait and the Persian Gulf states including Abu Dhabi and Dubai, and expected oil revenues would rise from $27 billion during the last 12- years to $227 billion this year through 1985, Mr. Emerson calculates. Some of the revenue being collected by these Middle Eastern oil nations can be spent, of course, on domestic economic development. But Mr. Emerson pays, "There are limits to the rate at which a country with a small, poorly?educated population can spend money." . If one assumes that these countries can spend, say, 50% of their annual oil income on economic development and investment, their reserves of gold and foreign exchange will rise to well over $100 billion in 1985. "Entire world reserves currently amount to $150 billion," Mr. Emerson says. He adds that he isn't trying to make an accurate prediction of how much Middle Eastern gold and foreign- exchange reserves will actually amount to but Is "only trying to show you the extent to which their power and influence in the world of fi- nance will And political influence will grow, too, some analysts fear. Already, Japan, which is even more dependent on Middle Eastern oil than the or Europe, "apparently feels it has to be very cognizant of Arab feelings when its dele- gates vote in the United Nations," one econo- mist says in New York. Some efforts are already underway to re- duce the world's dependence on the Middle East for oil or somehow corral the financial and political problems this reliance brings. One Idea: The U.S. could improve its bargaining position with the Middle East by building enough mammoth tanks or other facilities to, store a two-year supply 4 fuel. The cost of this move would add an estimated 40 cents a barrel to the present $3.50a-barrel price of oil. Thus, although expensive, the move would allow more effective bargaining on future supplies from Arab countries- and would provide time for the development of other energy sources. ? More immediately, private and official insti- tutions in the West are trying to tap the Middle Eastern money pool for investments. This move is in line with Arab desires and would re- move some capital from the "hot-money" flows that periodically disrupt foreign-ex- change markets. However, for various political and economic reasons on both sides, prospects are slim for sopping up a substantial amount of oil money in this way. World Bank and the Arabs The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (World Bank) sees the 'Arab nations as a source of funds for relending to 'other nations. Robert McNamara, who heads the bank, recently visited several Arab nations to make such a pitch. , Venezuela is urging its partners in the Orga- nization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) to join in creating an ,OPEC bank. "The time has arrived for OPEC members to have a bank of their own for financing eco- nomic and oil development in their respective 'countries," says Hugo Perez In Salva, Venezu- ' ela's minister of hydrocarbons. Bank of America and private-Middle East ? investors have set up the Bank Of Credit and Commerce-International, in Luxembourg. Inter- national Maritime Banking Of London has opened a Beirut office to cover the Middle East. Britain's National Westminster Bank re- cently opened an outlet in Bahrain, in the Per- sian Gulf, to cover the area, Morgan Guaranty has purchased an interest in a Beirut bank. The second-largest bank in Beirut is Moscow' Narodny Bank, the Soviet Union's bid for gar- nering some of the financial traffic in the Mid- dle East. In Beirut, a key Mideast banking center, r of the country's 73 banks are foreign-owned or !affiliated, with several big American banks represented. . Union de Banques Arabes et Francalses?a consortium established with Credit Lyonnais, Paris, and 22 leading Arab banks?has estab- lished branches in London and Rome. Shortly it plans to open another in Frankfurt. Recently, this consortium extended a $10 million medi- um-term loan to the Brazilian state of Rio de Janeiro for highway construction. This was a , typical type of deal for putting sonic of the 1Mideast money to work. Banque Franco-Arabe ? ?a consortium of Societe General of Paris and several private banks in the Persian Gulf?is promoting trade between Europe and the Mid- east. This month another consortium, Compagnie Arabe el Internationale d'Investissement, was formed at Luxembourg, with European and Arab banks as members. Its prospectus says it intends to "contribute to the solving of finan- cial and investment problems which, on ac- count of their new size, will require broad, di- versified and powerful international associa- tions." ' Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 Monday, March 5,1973 THE WASHINGTON POST ? ? ? Ar h By Ronald Koven and David B. Ottaway Washinaton Post Staff Writers Arab oil money played a large part in the monetary cri- sis which forced a second de- valuation of the dollar last month, according to both Arab and U.S officials. Some well-placed Arab sources claim that as much as half of the $6 billion in specu- lative money that flowed to Frankfurt in mid-February consisted of Arab-owned .Euro- dollars. U.S. sources view that .as somewhat exaggerated, but they readily concede . that Arab money accounted for at least $1 billion. ? The last official estimate of the Bank for International Settlements is'that the Middle Eastern countries hold $7.5 bil- lion of the $80 billion ,in the Eurodollar market, made up of dollars circulating in Eu- rope and not repatriated to the United States. There has been growing con- cern in the U.S. government that the Arab oil-producing states, whose steadily mount- ing official bank holdings are now calculated at, about. $12 billion, might be tempted to use their monetary clout for political ends. Their reserves are expected to double in the next three years. Private holdings of the Arab ruling faniilies are thought to be roughly equal to the official government reserves in many of the oil states. Despite urgings by radical Arabs that the oil money be used deliberately to pressure the United States into chang- ing its Middle East policy, it is generally believed that, with the possible exception of Libya, the Arab money was moved in February in re- sponse to the normal instinct of monetary self-presevation. It is widely conceded that the major U.S. oil companies also played a large part in the Frankfurt speculation and that the Arab governments simply followed their lead in their instance. There is some dispute whether Saudi Arabia, the su- ? perpower of the oil exporters and perhaps Washington's closest Arab ally, took part in the attack against the dollar. ? Saudi sources insist that II Mone they simply took a heavy loss on the devaluation, keeping their $3 billion in reserves where it was bound to suffer in any devaluation. But other knowledgeable Arab sources contend that the Saudis also tried to protect their dollar holdings, along with most of, the other Arab governments. U.S. sources tend to believe that Libya, the most politi- cally motivated ?of the large Arab fund holders, was one of the most active speculators. The Libyans are known to have attacked the British pound in the past for purely political reasons. Pinning down the source of such "hot money" flows, how- ever, is very difficult. If an order to switch from dollars to West German marks comes from, an Arab account in Beirut through a corre- sponding Swiss bank, there is no way for money changers in Frankfurt to know exactly who placed the order. There is hard evidence, however, that Arab officials in Beirut are trying to keep track of who does what, and the Arab League is known to have con- ducted a detailed study of the subj ect. It is far too early even to make an educated guess of who is behind the latest attack on the dollar in which the West German central bank was forced on Thursday to, buy up almost $3 billion, the record for a single day. The problem of determining who the speculators are will be a key consideration in a forth- coming Senate Foreign Rela- tions Commitee investigation to be conducted by the sub- committee on multinational corporations headed by Sen. Frank Church (D-Idaho). Sources close to the prepa- rations for that inquiry are ex- pressing shock that the U.S. government has so little hard information on who has been speculating against the dollar. But banking 'sources say that, of the major U.S. and foreign corporations operating across national boundaries, the oil companies are the most prone to play the money mar, kets. This is because they / must pay huge sums to the Arab oil states, and the com- panies try'to settle their debts1 urt in the most advantageous way. . Thus, if there is $100 million to be paid to Kuwait in three months, for example, an oil company might be tempted to buy marks now in 'anticipation of a dollar devaluation or an upward revaluation of the mark. ' If the bet is correct, the company could make a tidy profit, buying back the $100 million it needs to pay Kuwait and pocketing $10 million in marks in addition in a 10 per cent devaluation. This practice, known as. "leads and lags," is a conta- gious example for the Arab treasuries, whose officials have often been tutored by the Western oil companies. An Arab League study by Prof. Youssef Sayegh, head of the economics department at the American University of Beirut and a prominent Pales- tinian, concluded, however, that there are. some limita- tions to the use of oil money as a political weapon. He cited the case of a huge, politically motivated transfer (more than $1 billion accord- ing to one estimate) of Libyan funds from Britain to France in late 1971. Sayegh said that most of the Libyan money found its way back to British banks within a week because there was essen- tially nowhere else for it to be absorbed. "The Arabs are pris- oners of their own funds," he concluded. The militant Libyan govern- ment, with official reserves now estimated at more than $3 billion, is considered so far to be the only Arab state with both the resources and the in- clination to use its money holdings for political pur- poses. , Equally militant Iraq:, a country now in heavy finan- cial difficulties, is potentially more troublesome for the monetary system than Libya, however. ids 0_1_0 r While Libya's oil reserves are limited and its production has been cut back, Iraq is now considered to have the second largest reserves in the Middle East after Saudi Arabia. It plans to expand its production after just settling a national- ization dispute, with Western companies. Until recently, non-Arab Iran was tradition- ally ranked as the Middle East's, second largest oil source. But recent official estimates are that Iraqs oil potential far outstrips Iran's. For the moment, however, Western worries about Arab oil money's place in the inter- national monetary system are largely confined to the manip- ulations of the coffers of such traditionalist kingdoms and sheikhdoms as Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Abu Dhabi, Bahrein and Qatar. Their current monetary tac- tics are still thought td be purely motivated by profit-tak- ing and self-protection. That, as recent events in Frankfurt have proven, is threat enough to force the burning of the proverbial midnight oil in the chanceries of the West. ' It is clear, however, that those traditionalist Arab states are becoming conscious . of the leverage they can have on the monetary 'system at crucial moments. When the United States had its first devaluation, in De- cember 1971: the Arab states were jiist beginning to build 'i'up their reserves. Since then, official Saudi dollar holdings !have nearly tripled. With Imore to lose than before, the 'Saudis and others are demand- ing to know whether their 'friendship' with the United States will continue to cost them money every time there is a devaluation, not to speak' of the cost to their position in the Arab' world if Washington continues to ' back Israel against the Arab cause. Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 NEW YORK TIMES 18 February 1973 By Heinrich Boll COLOGNE?The hopeful process one calls "worldwide easing of tension" helps least those who, under constant risk of denunciation or imprisonment, most enthusiastically support it: writ- ers, academics and intellectuals. We hear that the Soviet Union is seeking better relations with Spain; Greece will soon recognize the German Democratic Republic. Will- the conse- quences of this rapprochement be that Colonel Papadopoulos puts in a good word for East German author Wolf Biermann or. that Erich Honecker of East Germany has a few kind words for the imprisoned or censored Greek authors? Will Generalissimo Franco intercede for Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn and for Vladimir Bukovsky or Mr. Kosygin for Spanish publishers and writers Castellet, Cirici, Cucurull, Fauli, Manent and Triadu (each was recently fined some $3,000 and had his passport revoked)? Will President Nixon stand up for Indonesian author Toer and for the 100,000 political prisoners in Indo- nesia? During the discussions with the Czech Government regarding a treaty will the Government of the German Federal Republic put In a word or two for the Czech authors who appear to be condemned to terror and starva- tion? I fear all these questions must be answered in the negative for, within each of these systems which are per- secuting them, whether in Spain as "Reds" or in Czechoslovakia as "Friends of the Imperialists," all these authors, academics and intellectuals can be considered the progressive in- telligentsia who were once good enough to be used as advance men and advocates of a less rigid dogma. Now, politically, they are totally "irrele- vant." Meddi'L Although we know that without them and their uncounted predeces- sors nothing, absolutely nothing on this earth would ever have been achieved, they can still be left to lan- guish. Trade is established, profitable investments become possible, and if something should go sour, the intel- lectuals will always be there as con- venient scapegoats. Amnesty International, International PEN, organizations of writers and scholars all receive ever more frequent reports of imprisoned, censored, ac- cused intellectuals; each individual case deserves public attention. It is questionable, though, whether these lonely appeals and resolutions mean anything if the politicians refuse to heed appeals from these organizations. The danger exists that conscience will become no more than a faded flower in the lapel of various ideolo- gies if the politicians choose not to understand that they alone can convert the moral 'thrust into political reality and if they do not finally abandon the hypocritical concept of "noninterven- tion in the internal affairs of other states." At. international conferences where military and economic help are discussed, who ever thinks about Para- guayan writer Rubdn Barreiro Seguier or Uruguayans Jorge Musto and Carlos Nufiez or the hundreds of young men and women in Turkey who have been crippled from tortures? It's part of the perversity of the intellectual situation that precisely those forces which profit from trade with the Socialist bloc or the under- developed NATO and SEATO countries still publicly denounce those who sup- port easing of tension and greater openness between differing political systems. Meanwhile, rather than shrinking, the number of imprisoned authors grows weekly, almost daily?and in- NEW YORK TIMES, WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 21, 1973 'You Have Bec By David H. Hackworth COOLANGATTA, Australia?Ameri- ca, what has happened to thee? Once you were morally impeccable and 'stanchly proud; a model republic with your citizens having unbounded power; a symbol of freedom, the hope of the downtrodden and a shelter for the world's poor and oppressed; one nation under God where free men lived in equality, peace and justice; a country not divided by hate and weakened by your citizens' apathy. Your streets were safe.- and rivers clean and the sky over you Was pure and blue; and your mighty Constitu- tion was a document that protected your citizens and served as a. torch that illuminated bigotry and slavery in the world's dark lands. What happened? Why have thou- sands of talented Americans left your shores to settle in distant lands? Why have millions of your good conscien- tious citizens slipped away from you and copped out in that apathetic twi- vestments continue to flow to Brazil, to Turkey, to Greece. Everything is "normalized," except in the prisons and camps. It would be, of course, "emotional" to test those Western liberties which are supposedly still de- fended in Greece. It was a great encouragement when finally at least one politician (who was later joined by others) found the courage to energetically and clearly break through the principle of "non- intervention." Swedish Prime Minister Olaf Palme did so when the American .Air Force with intensified brutality wanted to bomb North Vietnam into peace. Olof Palme's courage is catch- ing on; it would be a consolation for us authors and intellectuals if his cour- age would spread over the world, if We could find support from the poli- ticians of the world in regard to our appeal for the- indivisibility of liberty. We authors are born meddlers; we meddle in the administration of justice and cultural policy in the Soviet Union, in Czechoslovakia, in Spain, in Indo- nesia, in Brazil, in Portugal, and we meddle in the frightening develop- ments in Yugoslavia, where once again scapegoats are being sought and where another hope is to be laid to rest. And we will also meddle in the People's Republic of China, in Cuba and in Mexico. It sounds idealistic, but it is not. Meddling is the only way to stay relevant. I plead for meddling, even in the affairs of my own country, the German Federal Republic. And I would like to take this opportunity to mention the PEN Emergency Fund for Writers in Prison and Their Families. The fund is administered by the Dutch PEN and has an account at the AMR? Bank in The Hague. Heinrich Boll, novelist and essayist, is the 1972 Nobel !aureate in literature. rile Someone Else' ight land of the Silent Majority? Why have so many of your precious youth lost faith in you and . become disen- chanted nomads? Is it because you have become someone else? Is it because you have . strayed from the path that your founders hacked with bare hands out of granite? Is it because you no long- er have a purpose? Is it because you are now so powerful you have little respect for those lands less strong? Is -it because you have become a bully who flexes his military mus-, cies or jingles his.purse at the nations that will not fall in line with your selfish programs? Is it because bum- bling bureaucracies manage you rath- er than your citizens govern you? Is it. because you have placed your for- eign policy in hands of intellectuals who talk in riddles about balance of power, high risk U.S. involvement, and Cold War strategy? America, I love you. I have repeat-. edly risked my life fighting your bat- ? ties. I carry the heavy burden of being responsible for the death of many of , your youth lost during the last two decades of sorrowful adventures. I once believed that you were all the good things inscribed in marble in your capital. But I no longer have that unrequited faith. I am one of your disillusioned sons. I believe you have misplaced the virtues that made you a symbol of freedom. I am ashamed of your military ad- ventures. I am disgusted by your sup- port of foreign dictators who oppress their people. I am disillusioned by your willingness to compromise your principles for the sake of expediency. I am filled with despair that you con- ducted the most massive bombing in world history on a small Asian nation at Christmas time as part of an insane war that ripped you asunder. Liberty and freedom no longer seem part of you. Electronic snooping de- vices invade your homes. Your jour- nalists are imprisoned for refusing to divulge their sources. A major politi- cal headquarters is ransacked and bugged by its opposition with hardly a murmur from your citizens. Sham Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDPti500432R000100110001-4 Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 WASHINGTON STAR 23 February 1973 CARL T. ROWAN S. 41t The very headlines seem to shout that a new era has dawned for this country in its relations with the rest of the world: KISSINGER TOPS FRONT PAGE IN PEKING ... U.S. AND CUBA SIGN ANTI-HI- JACKING AGREEMENT ... EGYPT SENDING TOP AIDE TO CONFER WITH NIXON. Here, within the span of a couple of days, are major diplomatic initiatives with three countries with which we have not exactly been on speaking terms ? two of them Communist and one viewed as a "client" of the Communist bloc. It adds up to a remarkable Nixon achievement that he has moved this country so far away from the old notion that, primarily through military force and military alliances cemented by obdurate anti- Communism, the U.S. could "contain" Chinese influence in Asia and circumscribe the Soviets in Europe. One simply must assume that full diplomatic relations with Peking are going to be restored during Nixon's presi- dency, and probably a lot sooner than most Americans think. This step is inevitable; it makes good sense consider- ing the thrust of Nixon's "low profile" policy in Asia, and there does not seem to be much to recommend undue delay in taking that step. If the People's Republic of China gave a big assist in producing the truce in Viet- nam, and there is strong evi- dence that it did, then Nixon ring Its R surely hopes that China will also help ensure that South- east Asia is kept calm enough for the U.S. to rest easily with a low-profile, We-won't-inter- vene policy in the years ahead. It may gall even Nixon to have it said that his policies- seem to rest on a late accept- ance of old arguments by Charles de Gaulle, Jawahar- lal Nehru and others, that the isolation of and hostility to- ward China lay at the heart of most of the upheaval in the Far East.. If rapprochement with Peking does make for more tranquility in Asia, the new Nixon policies will be vital to countries like Thailand, Ma- laysia and even Indonesia. Thailand still faces a grim threat of a China-backed "war of liberation," and both Malaysia and Indonesia still face mild, lingering threats of Communist subversion. Because Cuba is smaller and weaker (and there is a tendency to treat the small and weak with greater contempt), we have continued a harsh hostility toward Communist Cuba even while developing cozier relation- ships with Russia and China. But you can wager, if that anti-hijacking agreement is to have practical meaning, the U.S. will have to adopt a friendlier posture toward the Castro regime. This may not mean a resto- ration of diplomatic relations with Cuba during Nixon's tenure, but it could. Surely it must mean that the U.S. will trials have occurred to silence your dissenters and make a mockery out of your judicial system. Your citizens who loudly disagree with your ven- tures are maligned by your cunning character assassins, incarcerated on trumped-up charges, and cruelly set ? upon by your governmental agencies. ? Your citizens seem to have lost much of their personal liberty and privacy. Yes, America, you have had great leaders to guide you out of the wil- derness. Men whose wisdom, vision, courage and humility made you once the richest, most powerful and re- spected nation in the world. But the difference between today and yester- day is that those leaders who made you great also carefully listened to your citizens and then you had a gov- ernment of the people, by the people and for the people. Leaders were se-, e in the World Areaa no longer twist arms so re- lentlessly to dissuade other nations from bringing Cuba back into the hemispheric fold. The restoration of truly friendly, cooperative rela- tions with Egypt and other Arab countries may turn out to be even more difficult than working things out with Cina or Cuba. The Israeli-Arab dispute is fraught with so much emotion that it seems beyond solution. Clearly, as long as that conflict lasts, Israel will be the client of the United States and angry Egyptians, Syrians, Iraqis will seek the backing of the Communist bloc. Yet, Egypt's sending an emissary to Washington of- fers evidence that Nixon has made a fairly convincing demonstration that the United States wants a fair settlement and lasting peace in the Mid- dle East. Surely, considering the en- ergy crisis that lies ahead for this country, Nixon and mil- lions of other. Americans would like a return to full and friendly relations with oil- producing countries in the Middle East and elsewhere. Yet, a lot more than oil and energy are involved. Ameri- cans have sensed new levels of interdependence with other nations, whether the issue is ' pollution, monetary policies or our need for vast supplies of a variety of raw materials. ? This is simply not the time for this country to maintain age-old spats with China, Egypt or any other country. We all should take comfort from the evidence that our . government is now willing to bury a few ideological hatch- ets and concentrate on areas of mutual interest and hope. lected because of their ability and because they could be trusted to fol- low the will of the people. God bless you, America. I hope that you can get it all together so you will again be known as the land of .the free and the home of the .brave. So goodbye,' America. I have followed. the westward quest of 'my ancestors who many years ago left the British Isles in search of liberty, justice and ,freedom. I have found these qualities alive in Australia, a young vigorous country that holds these principles high and is very much like you were,; America, before you shrugged. David H. Hackworth is a retired U.S. Army colonel who was one of the. most decorated officers in Vietnam. He is now working as a waiter in an Australian resort.. ? 46 Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 HUMAN EVENTS 3 March 1973 ?''. 1:; r-P; p rt;-7) r7,1 r n ,1 13 ii? . ? t, r? fi ,1'7,. I to ti ? The Vietnam war probably represents the most grievous self-inflicted wound the United States has ever sustained, ?but its international liquidation on es- sentially just and successful terms well justifies Georges Clemenceau's famous aphorism that war is a Series of disasters thqt ends in victory. Our zigzag track into, through and finally out of the Indochina morass will fuel a century's worth of analyses; 'dissertations, dissections, theses, term- papers and 'controversies rich in might- have-beens, but certain main lessons and conclusions as to the war already stand out. By COL. ROBERT D. H.EINL,JR.. ?.? lation?North Vietnam still proved 'able to meet its manpower needs at all stages of the war while absorbing all the killing modern firepower could deliver. .1?Io Chi Minh spoke correctly when ? he prophesied'. "You will tire of ? killing us before we tire of being. killed." An equally fundamental U.S. mis- perception, at least until 1970, was to re- gard the war as a conflict to be waged exclusively in and for South Vietnam?. in other words, a. Vietnamese war. On the other hand, as early as 1946, speak- ing in the Hanoi opera house. Ho Chi N.linh openly 'enunciated what was to be ? Joseph Alsop has referred to Viet- the undeviating Commimist strategy and nam as "the worst-managed serious objective, that the war was for all Indo- war in U.S. history" And there are china. few, who would dispute that judg- American refusal to recognize the ment-in-chief. evident facts of Hanoi's strategy?the, enemy's invasions, occupation .and blat- ant military exploitation of Laos and.. Cambodia?our Cambodian trans-bor- der operations, committed U.S. forces to a hobbled war in which, until frontier doors swung one way only, into South Vietnam, and never the' other away into Communist sanctuaries. The conduct of the war was both botched and blotched with strategic error and misperception, with failures and deficiencies of command, with major mistrikcs of method and tactics, and with self-defeating factors artd con- straints which alone nearly hast the war outright. Besides being a graveyard of people, Vietnam was also a graveyard of reputations. . Despite all blunders, despite domestic dissension and defeatism, despite world efforts of Hanoi's powerful friends?de- spite everything. really, that could gol wrong, and mostly did .?a number of in- tertorking. ultirnateiy powerful fac- tors nevertheless combined to bring us through the major Vietnam crises of 1965, 1968. 1970 and 1972, and now around the corner. ? Considering its abysmal- track record throughout much of the war, Ameri- can strategy, particularly under the Nixon Administration, ultimately man- aged to recoup failures thatt ought to have guaranteed defeat. attic! shambles. The biggest strategic mistake of ?the war, among several, was one which Douglas MacArthur and many another professional soldier had warned against, time out of mind. Rule?No. 1 for the United States, echoed and re-echoed the -strategists. was to avoid a land ? war in Asia against Asia's limitless manpower. Yet that is exactly what we walked into. Despite ? more :than 925,000 battle deaths?close to 4 per cent of total popu- Approved ? ' Obscurity,, of,. aim, feeding logically into failure of strategy, enveloped , ,U.S. operations from the start.- To know or formulate U.S. aims in Vietnam, even now, is hard enough; in 1965, when clear knowledge of the objective should have been the initial benchmark for strategy, the aim (aside from rescue of the South Vietnamese A RVN from total disaster) often seemed to be to find the enemy and fight him, with no political objective stated,' let alone comprehended, for this most politi- cal of wars. Because there were : no clear, aims, the soldiers rarely had a sufficiently pre- cisc idea of what they were trying to. do, and they were kept in that ignorance by Lyndon Johnson's White House and Robert McNamara's Pentagon, both of which minutely over-supervised oper- ations, monopolized decisions and, sometimes, it seemed, positively be- grudged the right of the military to have ideas about the war. Col. Hein, has been studying the Vietnam war front the outset. Ile pieced toerther this Critique Coupled with and exacerbating the / /, fy role in the conflict over CI period effects of the foregoing fundamental et years from interviews, research and tours of deficiencies in strategy was another the Far LOU. A graduate of Yale and a Marine Corp;t combat veteran of lYorld ll'ar 17 and Korea,which 'probably bears the blame, more 'Col.? fiend-is a recogni:ed vspert iii than any single factor, for the intolerable affairs and a renowned mill/0A. historian and lec- turer. For Release 2001/08/07 : da-RDP77-00432R00010011000114 prolongation of this longest of American mars. , The false strategic theory known in ,its stylish days of the 1960s as "grad- 'uated response" not only added years to the war .but undoubtedly underlay its 'no-win mind-set, unique (and uniquely ,discouraging) to the American temper- ament: . ' was tne notice that precisely mea- sured armed force. ,Or military vio- knee, incrementally administered to a theoretically- rational. enemy, one notch at a. time, would bring him to a point where he recognized the price as too high. Bet ween hard covers or in official position-papers, ? ?the idea looked good. In actuality, it proved disastrous. The results of graduated response, to cite examples, were that we bombed the North but avoided the Hanoi-Haiphong targets that would hurt the enemy very much.. We never executed Inchon-like amphibious thrusts against North Viet- nam's vital communications centers (e.g., Vinh, practically the' Grand Central Station for the Ho Chi Nlinh trail).and other such points north of the DMZ. Not until seven years after the Joint Chiefs of staff unanimously recommend- ed it (and the foregoing tough military actions .as well), did we finally mine Hai- phong and blockade North Vietnern. The exaggerated fear of vague conse- quences that made graduated response seem an essentially ineffective s:rategy seem alluring was epitomized in .1966 when Averell Harriman scolded a senior U.S. general for suggesting that Hai- phong should be mined. "What!" Har- riman burst .out, "and either trigger World War III or have a ,million Chi- nese in North Vietnam within six weeks!" Vietnam--as the above rebuke would. suggest--was the first minutely civilian- run war in American history. Civilians in the White House and the Pentagon, mischievously aided by -.instantaneous worldwide communications, took over every significant and not a few insignif- icant details of mititary operations from the unfortunate soldiers who understood Approved For Release 2001108/07: CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 only .too well th if:anythingnt: -nervous wrong, they alone sible; rather . th art the-,bfig!ht* assured youn a pi pergi.n3a1,,..4ipk.ciyili411, isticians and', sociiik4ienti:sts.d.`,. "kis s Ott-linters.'-'AU any given dike glto the 1 2.1ria n th e -aerage time on "Stati6n--df I, Ad ? 11 there was one'. tir'ossly---wrong-way to run, war, it was -typified by the lat_e, President Johnson telephoning *battalion, commanders in the field.; Making, indi- vidual target selections for fighter- bombers and bragging to ? roportars, "They don't dare bomb an outhouse without my say-so." Closely allied to intolerable civilian oversupervision of the professionals was false and insistent reliance?typified by Robert S. McNamara and those around him?on statistical indicators to arrive at misleading conclusions as to the prog- ress of the war. . The notorious body-count (as if wars were won by human butchery rather than achievement ? of strategic objectives) exemplities the self-deceiving passion for quantification which enveloped the civilian managers of the war and pro- voked one Army chief of staff (Gen. Harold K. Johnson) to protest what he called "this scoreboard war." If high command in Washington (at least until Richard Nixon arrived) was muddled and mismanaged, what can one say about the ineffectual command ar- rangements in Vietnam where, despite the Himalayan disparity of roles. con- tributions and national power, the United States never imposed a single combined command to direct and co- ordinate American and South Viet- namese forces and operations? That Gen. Creighton Abrams had to rely on advice and persuasion and some backstage arm-twisting to se- cure the most elementary cooperation of South Vietnamese forces?for ? their own good and for their own na- tional survival?is an anomaly that will astonish military students for generations to come. repeate observatton.,-of one of the:wat's%Arue-.authentic herOes;- the-:,litelJOhn..Patil Vann ,'who a-aye' his life;cfeTenclina --Ithef-Ceatral Hiahlarids' against 'the' final "COmmunist invasion; though we fought fOr. 10-years,?we never had 10 years' accumulated experience, but the regularly repeated mistakes of 10 separate one-year tours. Put in still other .words, because of the rotation system, every U.S. unit in Vietnam had a 1.00 per cent built-in casualty rate per year. This lack of institutional memory and continuity in policy, leadership-, tac- tics?in short, every aspect of war-mak- ing and pacification?practically guaran: teed the too-often disjointed, form- less, inconsistent and spasmodic way in which the United States sometimes seemed to pursue the war. Together with civilian* interference, strategic aimlessness and . mispercep- tions, defective personnel, the military effort in Vietnam was bogged down by enormously overstaffed headquarters and bloated logistic installations which devoured resources, manpower and mili- tary momentum. . At a time when we were fielding 500.000 American soldiers in Vietnam, no more than 90,000 of these at most I were combat troops. The U.S. war I effort, in other words, was all tail and \ no teeth. , ? The sviollen, sprawling American headquarters, MACV (Military Assis- tant Command, Vietnam) outside Sai- gon, was called "Pentagon East," its air-conditioned corridors swarming with staff officers wearing starched fatigues to create the . illusion that they were discharging combatant functions. In human terms, the greatest .mistake of the war .will probably be considered the Johnson Administration's decision to tight a distant, overseas' war (what in the old days would have been called "a colonial war") using a conscript army. i This single error imposed constraints, handicaps and ultimately cancerous I national divisions onto the country and our entire conduct of the war. ? If one single lesson, among so many, magisterial military historian, once mordantly observed- that whereas most Weitern , nations Fight tO destroy their enemy, the.:,.ctintrtunis'ts' - wage --war to Closery. re-bled :AG .:our. built:4c . . War conventional., this least': . . conventional,of -.wars was typical Ameri- . can over-reliance on:air power to. achieve. and solve everything. ..To. be sure, the carefully thought- Out, well-execu. ted final bomber offensive against Hanoi and Haiphong certainly desc.rveS' central credit for ending the '.var. In a literal sense, the final air onslatiOit was truly Clausewitzean?"a continuation of politics by other means" which achieved the clearly political ob- jective of bringing about conclusive and serious negotiations to settle the war. - Not so much can he said for our often aimless, usually extravagant, almost in- variably cost-ineffective single reliance on aviation as the favorite firepower- purveyor of the United States.' In a war that amounted to a I , zero-sum contest for one. population,. I the military aircraft proved a sin- gularly ineffective weapon; In the . -words of one observer, "bombing ? never won a convert." - For reasons that are difficult-to justify intellectually or professionally, 'the vulnerable, costly manned aircraft (pric- ing out above 32- million apiece with ' a million-dollar pilot) was used time and again to attack targets that other cheaper and frequently more effective weapons could have handled. One example was the comparatively marginal and secondary role assigned to naval bombardment in favor of air at- tacks. Despite .the fact that many hun- dreds of important targets in North Viet- nam lay within easy range of the monster 16-inch Naval gun, we waited over three years to reluctantly recommission one battleship (total cost equal to that of six crashed F-4s), and then foolishly mothballed it prior to the massive Com- munist 1972 offensive when the 'need was greatest. The Leavenworth-trained. general Yet it would be wrong-headed not to staff officers who (subject to the whim underscore, in defense of air' power, that and nbberation of Washington civilians) control of the air (whether economically tried to run the war from "Pentagon or correctly exploited at all times or East" seemed to suffer from. a running I not) was, with control of the sea, per- deficiency of professional Imagination. -haps our greatest winning asset and one Their Clausewitz-indoctrinated, often of only very few such. rigid and narrow view of war fathered , the elephantine "search-and-destroy', Over-absorption with the necessary might be ineradicably drawn from the big-war conventional tactics of the West- ' military contest against Hanoi's regular Vietnam experience, it is that no war moreland :years, together with disdain, formations--the deadly serious big war can long be pursued by a democracy for "the other war" of pacification and( along the DMZ in 1966, 1967 and 1968, unless it is acceptable to those called their neglect of the humble -Vietnam-nese upon to fight it in the ranks. ARVN. . . Arising directly from this looming In such minds (but of course it would mistake was another defeating constraint be unfair to say that all our planners or which permanently limited the efficiency ? comManders thought that way, or the of all military operations?the 12-month war would never have turned out as it overseas tour. Unlike World War II,. has), Vietnam was perceived as a war where troops stayed overseas for the f against. the enemy rather than what it duration, the Vietnam war was per-: truly was?a war for the people. petually being waged by beginners or by (Maj. Gen. J,F.C. Fuller, Britain's 48' Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 for example?led American soldiers to slight the other war, that of pacifying the countryside, winning the support of the rural population and overmastering the Vietcong. One salient aspect of this neglect of pacification fromahe outset (in sharp contrast to the skilled and experienced British counterinsurgency -campaigns in Malaya and later in Borneo), was neglect to recognize the central role in a a Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 guerrilla war Of n cfraCtive, highly ARVN stopped them in their tracks and trained national police. saved the,Southa it WaS Well . 0 rCe., 'tea sOn ARV lal in 1972 ? ? tI ? ??,,itscif: So 'dependent on -Arneri.- ... neglect of the.police.-funetion in South -, 2. aaie: ?aiapoWera Was. thee'other, .major plan- Vietnam mita 'after:the .rude.s.'shock:'`, .ning.?-),take _ for-aWh'icli: VIS... idaisers ; . of T et 'in 1563; Whicla gene the Viet- 'a .anitot ale, held. 'bianieworthy.!' This WaS.' cong a free run tliat nearly toppled , . the "failure to foresee the need for, a Saigon. a South Vie'tntarr;8e aiir force -Sidlic:ieritly, Closely allied to American n?eglect of ,powerftil, and versatile-to meet require- . . , . . . . . police training and development' was a merits ..oi the other services and the.Pres- parallel failure to concentrate, first cnt national situation. and foremost in this kind pf political The relative retardation of the Viet- war, on intelligence. Here again, to be namese air force ?however ?aell it per- sure, we encounter the 'reflection of in- formed' within . given limits during the bred weakness of the U.S. military Sys- 1972 crisis?accounts in the main for our tem in. which the G-2 intelligence special- continuing requirement to retain strong ty is too often a professional deild-end. American. aviation units in Thailand to Besides initial failures to develop an prevent the MIG-equipped.North Viet- effective national police ftinction, backed namese from cane day storming into the by a massive counterinsurgency intel- South, attaining air supremacy and start- ligence effort such, as was belatedly ing a new war. ' No past war in American history- - possibly in all o and resist. The poisonous effect upon histry?his been waged by a great 'pri.lier tinder such the morale and discipline of the Army a burden uf constraints, self-imposed of hostile, over-educated, resentful handicaps And self-defeating limita- draftees surfaced most clearly in the sue- tions. mobilized by Robert. Korner (another of the war's forgotten heroes,. who first grasped and energetically attacked the fundamental 'problems of pacifica- tion), American advisers committed two long-term mistakes . with regard to the regular'. South . Vietnamese military forces. The first serious. mistake in Ameri- can advice and military assistance to South Vietnam dates back to the earliest days of the Diem regime. This error was, to organize and prepare the South Vietnamese ARVN for another Korean War and in .the process turn out a mir- ror-image copy. of the U.S. Army con- ceptually unsuitable to Vietnamese needs.? ? In the mid1950s. it was all too easy to view the two Vietnams as another pair of Koreas and to visualize the coming struggle as another Korean-type Com- munist smash-and-grab involving overt invasion and a subsequent war of posi- tion. .t , ? . ? ?Nothing remotely like this happened and for this, as vel1 *as many other rea- sons, the performance of the A RYN was anything but brilliant against the fine honed Viet 'Minh veterans with the new _name of "Vietcong," who had just humil- iated France's best army. After U.S. ground forces intervened, the ARVN found itself shoved aside, not to be seriously rebuilt 'and trained until after Tet in 1968, when Gen. Abrams took this effort in hand. - The ultimate proof of Abrams' (and of course the ARVN's) success came in 1972 when?with American air ahd I naval support to be sure?A RVN sol- diers and Marines resolutely fought' the flower of Hanoi's iron regulars. Despite Communist Gen. Vo Nguyen, Giap's contemptuous head-on strategy that called for the capture of Hue by; May 1, that obliterated an An Loc but never took it that never won Kontum or Pieiku, and never came near miffing South Vietnam in two?despite the mas- sive Ardennes-like invasion of the South for the mass destruction of national will. ?. ? Future historianS.:will be struck if not amazed at ...the 'consistently. high (and quite ,undeserved) credibility- and sym- pathy accorded ,Conimtinist ?Ha-noi, as opposed to the:. v1110.66011 ariddisUe lif meted out by American., media to- Wards their own government and.sOldiersj ? ? .UntjueSticin'a'bry, many of the grave diffieulties.. encountered in a totally visible War arose from the lack of censorship which in turn derived from the absence of declared war. In this connection, older readers will remem- ber, for example, that the World War II public never saw a picture of a dead American GI until after the Normandy landings in 1944. ' Another consequence of undeclaredl war was the decision not to mobilize I reserves and thus to rely on draftees to fight a war which most came to detest ? Some of these?for example, the enemy's savage resort to hostage war- fare, using U.S.S. POWs?were unavoid- able. Others-a-national defeatism, failure to proceed straightforwardly with de- clared war, the bankrupt strategy of graduated ,response--were our own doing. No matter how the war finally ended, it was a defeat for the United States in terms of its psychological aspects. .Because the Communists thoroughly understood and proficiently. manipulated; .world and American domestic opinion, they- scored point after point and at certain times (such as the student uproarl in mid-1970) brought the country close to unsurrection. Besides exploiting American de-I featisrn arid propagating the notion (which only our. ultimate .stern ac-! .tioas in 'mining and bombing the North dispelled) that Hanoi had no breaking- point, Communist propaganda success- I fully perpetrated ? the worldwide dike- bombing hoax and a host of lesser atro- city counts with which (as in the case of the equally false_ Korean germ-war- fare charges) the United States will re- main smeared for a generation, * * ? * The most diffitult single constraint on the war effort was the unremitting hos- tility. of American news media, and par- ticularly abat of U.S. major television networks. ? Underlying this bitter conflict lies the whole unsolved question or fighting un- 'declared wars in an open society operat- ing under the 1st Amendment. The. -United States came near to defeating itSelf by telerision, which, - 'we should somberly realize based on comes close toerience, cession of post-I969 unit mutinies in the face of the enemy and in the repeated murder (known as "fragaing") of strict or unpopular officers or N-CO's. Perhaps the hardest lesson for the United States to learn in Vietnam was the realization of how difficult it may be for a great power to bring its full weight and strength t.o bear in a dis- ?tant, politically tangled and obscure overseas war of limited objectives. It was this very perception which once promp- ted the Duke of Wellington to say, "For a great .nower, there can be no such thing as a hid ear.'' e After this long litarty of mispercep- tions, national illusions, poor decisions and near disasters, the question may . well be asked: How did the United States manage to come through as well as it I has? The positive factors, few indzed, yet i sufficiently weighty to have tipped thel saes, seem to be as follows: - I 0 Absolute control of the air and thel sea. While the Communists enjoyed and exploited their trans-border sanctuaries deep in the jungles of Laos and Cambo.. die, the United States had its own, sanctuaries offshore on blue water: Air- craft carriers that Vietcong sappersl could never harass, floating naval artil- lery (though never enough of it) with in- vulnerable battery-positions and un- limited can-position ammunition. Moreover, because 90 per cent of what Hanoi required to sustain war reachedl it by sea, our control of the sea and our ' power to deny it to Hanoi's suppliers, as we did by mining Haiphong and the other ports, may well be viewed as the ultimately decisive factor in the war. 0. American technical innovation and superiority. This characteristically; American advantage comprehends -fire- power (laser bombs, automatic wea- pons, beehive ammunition, all types of by 14 veteran Communist divisions the Vietnam exp "smart" ordnance) massive use of heli- Approved FoTeliM&:g 200-4/98KIF?.c0IALRIbP77P-019432ROthat004400014.1 in Korea. one wart Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 earlier, by the U.S. i\larines--sensors,! nam could no..longer beallol.ved to con-i we:ither moc it atiem,,moder...roines,.217.1:2- poisOned',4pple Of dikord in . . lotiess11cr Ut- (RPV-4,7."eleCtranic-War rid tfftirs - fare in a hUndred-g.uist.s.s;ankshapesti..; perb corn m u nicafi-ongenet strOer. ior m?bility and:--eruShing. logistie;.S6-; ?. periority. ? - G Ultimate success 'of tWo , twin ;but distinct U.S. progtarnsLVietnamiza- Lion and .pacification. Vietnamization meant the transfer of the war to a suf- ficiently trained, equipped, motivated and battleworthy ARVN which could then assurne the burden of defending South Vietnam. This has been accom- plished. O Pacification Meant the process of defeating Vietcong terrorism and sha- dow government throughout South Viet- nam and winning the support and confi- I dence, in particular, of the rural popu- lation. The very success of this com- plex, many-faceted and highly. sophisti- cated program Was what prompted, in fact inexorably compelled, Hanoi to throw in its last reserve, its regular army, into overt invasion of the South. Only when the Communists recog- nized that time was running against them in the pacification struggle did they determine to stake everything on a final throw of the iron dice. O Hanoi's reckless penchant for big war. From the moment Vo Nguyen Ciiap crushed the French?the first defeat in history of a modern army by Asian guerrillas?North. Vietnam allowed it- self to be seduced into illusions of military omnipotence. These illusions led to the Communists' most funda- mentally bad decision?that to challenge the United States frontally in 1964- .1965. Following this gravest mistake came two other amost equally serious Com- munist errors: Headlong commitment of the hoarded flower Of the Vietcong to the Tet offensive in 1968 (coupled I with the disastrous failure to replay I Dien Bien Phu when encircled U.S. Ma- rines at Khe Sanh refused to emulate! French mistakes); and, in 1972, the final; reckless and irretrievable North Viet- namese invasion of the South in a cam- paign which, 300 days later in the end, came close to costing Hanoi its effective regular army. In summary, and no doubt in oversim- plification, it might be said that the winning equation for the United States I could be formulated in these terms: Vietnamization plus pacification plus destruction of the Vietcong (1968), plus frontal defeat of the North Vietnamese regular army (1972), plus blockade, plus final bonlber offensive (December 1972) equals attainment of U.S. ob- jectives. What the foregoing equation omits? because limited to military factors? is the ovcrwhelminfy, success of Nixon- Kissinger diplomacy in forging a consen-1 sus among the great powers that Viet-. ..-Vithetit that :,esi,ential- ptecondition the-Atncricari Agony !ndochtnould stiTl be'deaggingbnY" ' 'A -feW-coneluSionSaS to the warl-;-.rriis. CellancOus.and-fraginentarV _beea-us'dwe a- re Still so near the event?warr'ant statement even at this point-blank range:. o Vietnam. cannot be regarded as a typical guerrilla war or a theoretical model of future wars of national libera- tion. It was America's peculiar mis- fortune to involve itself gratuitously in a uniquely difficult situation which it would be nearly impossible to duplicate in other times or places.. For those who launch wars of national liberation, the wreckage of Vietnam should under- score a rueful but typically blunt re- mark by Nikita Khrushchev after Korea: "it was easy enough to start the Korean War. It was not so easy to stop it." 0 Despite. massive ganda to the contrary. Vietnam was not a true civil war. At most?while the authentic indigenous Vietcong of the South still played a role, before their virtual liquidation at Tet 1968?it rep- resented an externally fomented revolt within the' South. Vietnam, in fact, was no more civil war than was Korea, and openly ended the way Korea began, with overt invasion by Hanoi's regular army across the DMZ in March 1972. Pro- found differences divide the two Viet- nams and if is a historical fact, too often disregarded, that, during the. past 800 years, less than a hundred altogether have seen all of todays Vietnam unified under one government. _ 0 Vietnam may well prove to be the last large rural insurgency based in the countryside rather than the cities. Until the mid-1960s, guerrilla wat was regar- ded, classically speaking, as a rural phenomenon. Since..that.time, urban ter- rotism has taken deep root in the cities' (as irr.Northern.,Ireland) and looks like the' wave -of the futu ets revoliitionare war: . ? In its ,c-lsmg--.At.;}...s,'N'te't..ri-arn- seems , thav answeted (Orr at least indicated an -ansWer-to):-,Rniiiong-argued question 'as to 'hay:Well: ...-;-rii-etican big bombers nueleat w,!apons against a'sophistiCated air defense. The survival with low3'attrition .of U.S. 1352s against the world's most advanced , Russian-model air-defense system (that of Hanoi and Ilaipliong1, including not I rnerei,i SA-2 missiles, as widely re:-.ort- cd, but also the new and cared low-alti- tudeSA-3,certainlysemisto indicatethat more modern B52s, let alone the oncom- ing B-1 super-bomber complete with such ? electronic decoys as the SCAD (available in 197-1), are by no means obsolete as nuclear-delivery vehicles. ? Finally, the turning-points of the war can now be clearly identified as: 1965 (U.S. commitment of ground forces to save South Vietnam):. 1968 (destruc- tion of the Vietcong at Tet); 1970 (the closing of Sihanoukville in Cambodia and neutralization of Cambodian sanc- tuaries; and finally, 1972 (destruction of Hanoi's ofTensive capability to wage big war). Who Won the war? Nobody. Who lost? Everybody. ? Perhaps Benjamin Franklin had it right when he wrote: "I never knew a good war or a bad peace." ? Or, in the end, looking to the future, might we not turn to William Tecumseh Sherman? "The only legitimate object of war," he somberly said, "is a more ; perfect peace." ? NEW YORK TINES 3 March 1973 Saigon Newspaper Fined Over Veteran's interview SAIGON, South Vietnam, March 2 (Reuther)?A Saigon newspaper reported today that it had been fined one million piasters, or about $2,300, for contravening the Government's press laws. The daily Doc Lap said in a front-page story that it had been convicted for publishing an interview with a disabled South Vietnamese veteran in which the man complained about the length of the war and his own fate. Saigon military court ruled that the article should have not the blame on the com- munists for the war. The story, said the court, could lead peo- ple to believe that the South Vietnamese Government was responsible for the disabled soldier's suffering. The court found the article detrimental to national security 5o and the publisher of Doc Lap, hoang chau, was given a year's suspended prison sen- PPRDP77-00432R000 10 110001-4 Approved For Release 2001/08/07 ? Approved For Release 2001/08/07.: CIA-RD.P77-00432R000100110001-4 By SYLVAN FOX Special to The New York Times SAIGON, South Vietnam, March 2?A group of recently released political prisoners, re- portedly spirited into Saigon se- cretely, described today how they were beaten, tortured and ultimately crippled during years of confinement at the Government's island prison on Con Son. One of them, a young man, in describing his year-long detention in the tiny cells that have come to be known as tiger cages, said: "During that time not a sin- gle day passed that we were not beaten at least once. They would open the cages and they would use wooden sticks to beat us from above. They would drag us out and beat us until we lost consciousness." The prisoners' stories, told in a hospital room to which they had been brought by friends and relatives, reflected the plight of thousands of political prisoners held by the Saigon Government who have become the forgotten people of the Vietnam cease-fire agreement. Large Group Unaffected While the accord provides for the exchange of a small number of political prisoners identifiable as belonging to one side or the other, no provision is made for the thousands of non-Communist, anti-Govern- ment prisoners held by Saigon because it considers them polit- ically dangerous. No one is certain how many the ?Government holds. Some estimates put the figure at 20,- 000 to 30,000; others gr as high as 200,000. Saigon says it holds only about 5,000 "political pris- oners," who, as captured Com- munist civil servants, come un- der the provisions of the Paris agreement on the return of civilian detainees. The Com- munists say they hold only 200 such prisoners. Each side dis- putes the other's contention. , No provision of the accord! appears to cover those held by! Saigon who are non-Cortununist and anti-Government and who do not want to be handed tO the other side but merely want their freedom. The four former prisoners in-i terviewed today said they were; members of a group of 124 re- leased on Feb. 16 from Con Son, which is about 60 miles off the Southern coast. Center of Controversy The island became a center of controversy in 1970 when two American congressmen re- vealed the existence of the ti- I ger cages; small concrete trenches with bars on top in which five to seven prisoners were cramped in a space about five feet wide, six feet long and six feet deep. The former prisoners said they were flown to Bien Hoe, about 15 miles northwest of Saigon, and held in a police station there until Feb. 21, when they were released with orders not to go to However, at Ieast-11' Were brought' here by friends and family and deposited in the rel- ative?if temporary?safety of a Saigon hospital. Those interviewed assumed they had been released because they were disabled and sick; all said they were convinced they would soon be rearrested. A Government spokesman, told of the interviews, said he could not comment without knowing the identities of those involved. He said he did not know of any recently released political prisoners. According to the former pris- oners, they had each spent about five years in custody without being tried or granted a hearing. They denied they were Com- munists, although two said they were stfpporters of the Com- munist-led National Liberation Front. One who said he was neither a Communist nor a supporter of the front was a slightly built, round-faced man aged 23 who described himself as a Buddhist activist. He said he was a stu- dent ?at the Hung Dao high school in Saigon at the time I vomited blood or until the blood came out of my eyes or ?ars,"., having soapy water of his arrest in December, 1967. He said he was picked up by the police along with friends who, like him, had been active in what he called the anti- Government "Buddhist struggle movement." Asserting that he was unable to walk as a result of his,treat- ment while in custody, he re- lated that after his arrest he was taken to the national police headquarters in Saigon and "beaten and tortured on and off for a Whole year." He described tbe- tortu're as being beaten with sticks "unt The New York Times/March 3,1973 Con Son, where political prisoners are held. forced into his nose and mouth, and being subjected to electric veki)fror Release 2001/08/17 : CIA-RDP77-00432R6-60100110001-4 His torturer's accused him of participating in anti-Govern meet activities, he added, and "said they tortured us to punish us." Manacled and Suspended Another form of torture em- ployed by the police, the young man said, was to manacle pris- oners' hands behind their backs, then hang them from the ceiling by the manacles until they lost consciousness. After a year in custody in Saigon, he said, he was taken to the Chi Hoa Prison in Saigon and installed in what was known as "the movie holfse" be- cause it was "like a big box and it was dark like a movie theater." "There they chained our feet and attached the chains to a pole," he continued. "There were between 50 and 100 pris- oners. We had nothing to lie on, and it was filthy and dirty and cold. Every day they would open the door and send in a bunch of common criminals who would beat us with sticks and kick us." Describing life in the tiger Icages, the young man said that several prisoners died but he could identify only one by name. A week after the Congress- men went to Con Son, he said, the inmates were put in what he called the stables?a row of structures that had housed water buffalo. "Ddring the time we were kept in the stables they con- tinued to beat us viciously," he said. "One of my friends, Tran Van To, suffered a bro- ken arm. Another man, Ngu- yen Ngo Thuona, was fero- ciously beaten on head." In December, 1970, the for- mer prisoner related, he and about 80 other sick and dis- Labled prisoners were flown !back to Chi Hoa. "I guess I Was going crazy at that time," he added, saying that he was also paralyzed. *..He remained in Chi Hoa un- til June, 1971. The treatment there was better ,at that time, he said, though "once in a while they would beat us just a little." In June, '1971, he and others at Chi. Hoa - were informed that they were-being., returned to Con Son_ .: ?.. "We tried to resist," he said, -,"saying we Were Still-sick and rieeda to'.redover. ?"''' Vie 1 of -at Still could not walk and many were ? still very sick."': ? - Birt, according tolls account, ':7filk jailers. responded, by bring- - ing in the- policemen and com- mon criminals who4hrew tear- gas ? grenades'.-intt- the cells. "We all choked and lost con- sciousness" he said. They were put on a ship to Con Soo. By then the old tiger cages had been replaced by new ones built by an American contractor and paid. for by the United States. The former prisoner said that while the cages were about the same size as the old ones, each cage housed only one person. As a result, he added, "the jailers would not beat us .from above but would open the steel bars, jump in and beat us." Diet: Rice and Water Throughout 1972 and in the first two months of this year, he said, his daily food ration consisted of "a few spoonsful of rice and a little water." The most recent beating took place last Jan. "6 in Row A and B of the tiger cages," he said. "About 70 prisoners were seriously injured then." He ex- plained that the beatings oc- curred "because we asked for more food and more water." According to the former pris- oner, a man named Le Van An was beaten to death in one of the mass beatings last May. He also asserted that in the beat- ing Jan. 6 a Buddhist monk 1 named Thich Hanh Tue was beaten almost to death. "The prisoners asked that the monk be 'given treatment," ' he said, "but they ignored the request and a few days later he died."- ? When he and the others were released,, the young man related, most were transported to various parts. Of the coun- try, but 25, including him, were kept at Bien Hoa. Other prisoners at the Sai- gon hospital corroborated the account with only minor per- sonal differences. All told of torture, beatings and malnutri- tion. "Each of "us went through al similar ordeal," a 38-year-old, former prisoner commented. Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 WASHINGTON' STA R 5 !larch 1973 cHA R WAt. N Wars end untidily and Viet- nam is no exception. Recent testimony before a congres- sional committee indicates that prisoners of World War II may still be lost in the vast Soviet penal system. Juridicially we enjoy no more than an armistice in Korea. The Armistice Com- mission is still meeting 20 years after hostilities stopped. The "German question" has never been settled. A curtain, made of bricks, stones and mortar in some places, still separates the East from the West in Europe., So it is little wonder that barely a month after the scease-fire in Indochina, fight- ing is still going on. It will be surprising a year from now, due to the "leopard spot" nature of the cease-fire, if , there are not continuing clashes on a fairly general scale. The wind-down of a 20- year war cannot be expected overnight when none of the antagonists consider them- selves defeated. As has been demonstrated time after time there are two practical ways of relating to Communist-controlled court- tires. One is to have no rela- tions at all, The other is to find special areas of mutual benefit and exploit them. Exploitation can rarely be sustained if means of bringing pressure are absent. Thus, when the Communists made trouble about returning pris- oners of war, the United States ceased clearing mines from Haiphong, boycotted the Paris conference,and sus- pended troop withdrawals. The means must be at hand to bring pressure,. as was so dramatically illustrated when the U.S. heavily bombed the North. It follows that the means of bringing pressure must be present during the cease-fire period if the mili- tary clashes are to taper off and become insignificant in a final settlement in Vietnam. Call it reparations,buying off Hanoi, or whatever else, a U.S. commitment ot the re- construction of North Viet- nam is pressure in the form of inducement. Once granted, the taking away of direct aid becomes a factor which must be taken into consideration in Hanoi's formulations of poli- cy. This is why the Nixon ad- ministration is so strongly committed to the obviously unpopular project of helping to rebuild North Vietnam. Without some such means of bringing pressure, now that all military forces are pulled out, the United States can talk a good case for reconciliation, without being able to do much about it. The means of bringing pres- sure already exist with re- spect to South Vietnam. Presi- dent ! Thieu's government probably could not survive the withdrawal or substantial reduction of American aid and support. This evident fact will lie behind President Nixon's forthcoming confer- ences with Thieu at San Cle- mente. The President cannot ex- pect to ha-ve the same degree DAILY TELFGRAPH, London 2 March 1973 TWILIGHT INDO-CHINA LITTLE COMFORT for the use of democracy, either in Vietnam, the rest of Indo-China, or indeed anywhere else in , the world has emerged from the Paris conference. From ; the start its allotted role of guaranteeing.the cease-fire and 1 peace settlement- of just. over ja month ago was unreal to the point of fraud .:;.None of the outside countries dragged in to present some-Sort of. diplomatic fa?e had the least 1 ability to influence future. events, and all most sensibly shied away froniany'tarigible Commiinients. The conference's other 'intended role was that of watch-dog for the implementation of the agreements. This too seems to have gone by the. board, as the number of. 11 votes needed to bring it together again was fixed by the Communist.participants at a figure that is unlikely ever to I be achieved. Yet in: present circumstances the. final disappearance of any form of Indo-China conference will ' be a sensible aCeeptance of harsh realities. > : The fate of Indo-China now depends mainly on the ability of the legitimate democratic Governments to hold b 1 their own against the North Vietnamese- army. - This in turn depends on the extent to which China and Russia 1 provide or deny the necessary arms. So' far as America is 1 concerned, once her prisoners have been restored and her remaining few troops once and for all withdrawn, she will be loath to get involved again.'..'P'residen't c NIXON'S main hope?and that of the-South ,Vietnamese, apart from. their. military and political capabilities--lies in the: Russo-Sino- American triangle. china wants to keep Russia out, and to develop her rapprochement With America to prevent Russian global expansion.- Russia may 'think it' counter- productive elsewhere to make a monkey of Mr Nixorr in Indo-China. In this situation it might conceivably, pay Hanoi to settle for American aid- for the time being. , of leverage with Hanoi, which also has the support of Russia and China, but substantial U.S. help is not something! Hanoi would lightly forego. ! The President has sought to diminish public and congres:! sional objections to such aid ! by stating that it would come. from the national defense and, foreign assistance budgets. It would be his argument that' domestic programs would not I therefore be any less as al result of aid to Hanoi." This argument is not likely! to be too persuasive with op- ponents of aid to Hanoi such! as Sen. George McGovern or! those who wish to internation- alize it to the extent that iti could not easily be used as an instrument of American poll cy, such as Sen. J.W. bright. - ! Their aim is the opposite of, the President's. They wish to terminate once and for all American involvement in In- dochina. The President wish- es to continue to influence the course of events there as the leading Pacific power. NEW YORK TIMES 5 March 1973 Largest Cambodian Paper Is Closed by Government PHNOM PENH, Cambodia, March 4 CAP)?,The Lon Nol Government closed the nation's largest and most popular daily newspaper, Koh Santepheap, to- day. The Information Ministry charged the daily, which has a circulation of 230,000, with a breach of national security in an editorial today that com- pared a pro-Government dem- onstration Friday to similar rallies in the days of the ousted head of state, Prince Norodom Sihanouk. The paper said that the Gov- erment staged the rally to camouflage growing popular discontent- with the Govern- ment's inability to tackle cor- ruption and inflation. But many here believe that the ,real reason that the paper was closed was its popular serial, "Bloody Revolution In- side the Palace." A historical allegory, the serial traces the successful coup d'etat of the royal Nil family, a tale that most Cambodians recognize as a thinly disguised version of Prince Sihanouk's overthrow and Marshal Lon Nol's ascen- sion to power. The newspaper was the 16th closed - since the Government imposed a strict press code in May. The code has practically outlawed direct criticism. 52 Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 Approved For Release 2001/08/0.7 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 WASHINGTON POST 1 March 1973 seil-ass Las By Peter .0.540S. Wnshingtou Post Staf ,Writer SAIGON, Feb. 23?The agreement to end the Vietnam war, celebrated as peace with honor by President Nixon, . has turned out in its early stages to be little more than an excuse for American .diseri- gagement from a continuing bloody con- flict. As long as American prisoners were, Lever on American Policy Neics Analysis released on schedule and the withdrawal of U.S. forces proceeded quietly, the: countless violations of the Paris accord by all of the Vietnamese contestants- at- tracted no great international attention and concern, at least as viewed from here. In an effort to keep the American de- parture going smoothly and give- .condi- tions in the Vietnamese countryside ? a. chance to settle clown, the extent- of the problems has been -minimized by--many U.S. officials. Gloomy reports were easily submerged beneath the hoopla of POW homeenmings and- Henry Kissin- ger's travels to Peking and Hanoi: But 1,4, Folding up_ this week's prisoner release, the North Vietnamese brought. events to a head. They have, in effect, reminded the United States that f'this is still your war, too." "We have the impression that the U.S. delegation is solely concerned with the release of American prisoners of war," a North Vietnamese spokesman said Tues- day, expressing a feeling shared by Viet- namese of all allegiances. Putting it another way, Hanoi was tell- ing the United States that in its haste ?to end a long and much regretted involve-: ment in Vietnam, it. has. overlooked the- fact that the agreement to bring peace has failed so far in its objective; even in the imperfect way that had been predicted; The North Vietnamese have used the POWs as their only leverage in bring- ing U.S. influence to bear on the present situation in which hundreds of North Vi- etnamese and Vietcong cease-fire delegates. are be- ing held virtual captives in South Vietnamese,, com- pounds while the fighting goes on. The Communist ploy was an artful one and it may brink short-term improve- ments as the South Viet- namese respond- to Ameri- can pressures to end blatant 'harassment of the other side, But the inevitable mo- ment will still arrive when the United States is. , gone and the Vietnamese :them-1 selves will have to come to, terms. What will happen Ath Aptiroved lomn as large as ever. Dbubts about the future l There has been nothing visible . here in the month! since , the agreement was, signed that shows a genuine willingness to do as Article 11 of the accord instructed, "achieve national reconcilia- tion and concord, end ha- tred and enmity, prohibit all acts of reprisal and dis- crimination against individu- als or organizations that have collaborated with one iside or another." . President Thieu's govern- ment and t h e Vietcong's Provisional Revolutionary Government have managed to agree on political discus- sions near Paris, thousands of miles removed from what takes place here. Perhaps those talks will make headway towards a .meaningful political accom- inodation... The mere fact of ranking officials from the two sides meeting raises a shred of hope. Meanwhile, Thieu, backed by his - army and police, maintains the position that the Vietcong are enemies ofl the state. One of the first things that 'returning South Viet- nathese POWs are required to, do; for example, is chant in unison: "Overthrow the Communists. Republic of Vi etnam Forever." The raising of a Vietcong flag is regarded as a provo- 'cation to be met with maxi- mum available force. Thieu is keeping such a tight and threatening grip on political expression tha even his non-Communist op ponents are afraid to mak any moves that might b wrongfully, construed. Gen. Duong Van (Big) Minh's? at- 'tempt the other day to speak out on behalf of what he called South Vietnam's "third entity" had ? to be ,billed as a . reception fo friends because a press con ference would risk reprisals: Minh, in a somewhat for; lorn appeal to the. intern tional conference on Viet -nem now meeting in Paris correctly observed that ,none of the guarantees of per. sonal freedom theoretically insured by the-agreement? is actually being observed. The agreement solemnly pledged there ? 'would b "freedom of speech, free- dom of. the press, freedo -.of meeting, freedom of or- political activities, freedom of belief, freedom .of rnov .emeht, freedom ,oriesidence, .freedoin.:of :work,: right to Speoperty owrie`rsnip.and.right to free eriterprise.'''. fl was'-extdrernelY 'Unrealis- tic, :Vietnamese and Ameri- 'tan observers now agree, to promise reforms which did not have the slightest chance. If anything, the South Vietnamese govern- ment has become more re- strictive since the agree- ment took effect, rather than less. . Even so, a semblance of a true cease-fire, the core of the accord, was expected. That has not happened ei- ther. The scale of combat has diminished in the past few days, according to informed diplornatic assessments, but it "is still reckoned to bei greater than it was during many periods of the war. 'One reliable intelligence es-1 timate places the current level of activity at about! what it was in October 1972. I -Aviation Fuel Commercial suppliers. ofl fuel to the South Vietnam- ese air force say that con- sumption by government war planes is as great as be- fore' the cease-fire, even though all bombing missions-i. are supposed to have ended. U.S. officials in one impor- tant province northwest of Saigon said last weekend ' that South Vietnamese air, strikes there were still rou-i tine. Artillery fire is another index of warfare. Diplomat& sources, with access to; highly classified South Viet- namese reports, say that in the northern military region -alone, government- ? troops have been firing an average of 35,000 rounds a day. Official casualty figtires.1 continue to show both goy- ernment and Communist killed in the same numbers as before. With the successful end: the South Vietnamese drive to retake the coastal town of Sahuynh in Quangngai Province, there are no longer any major ongoing battles. But scores of skir- mishes are taking placerev-1 cry clay. According to U.S.1 officials in at least one prov-i ince, government command-4 ers are still ordering theiri troops to shoot Commnists, on sight. The Vietcong are also vio- lating the cease fire by tak- ing potshots at helicopters. closing roads ostensibly in government hands and by shelling government units in many areas, military sources say. For Releagtn2001108/69eIVFA-R . 77-0W2ROMOgeoetlea'n. vsz: Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 NEW YORK TIMES .1 March 1973 cials ,and rother WeStern in- telligence: experts is that thel communists had intended a substantial standdown throughout the country for at. least the period of the American withdrawal. Their big final effort, it is said, came before the start of the cease-fire, when they pene- trated hundreds of hamlets, attempted to seize. Tayninh Province on the Cambodian border and captured Sa- huynh. ? The South Vietnamese ar- gue privately that they have a right to take back what had been theirs. Now that that has been accomplished, the justification for ongoing attacks is beginning to look threadbare, even to U.S. of- ficials willing to give the Thieu government the wid- est possible margin of doubt. The extent of the fighting might not be as discourag- ing if the international su- pervisory apparatus w a s showing any signs of life. The International Commis- sion of Control and Supervi- sion has settled into a kind .of lethargy, carrying out bu- reaucratic functions but still unable to monitor the coun- tryside. "It is not our job to go out in cross tire and get killed," Ambassador Michel Gauvin; the chief Canadian delegate to the ICCS, observed last week. Today, the, ICCS ground ed all its flights because s many of the aircraft were being shot at. On Sunday at the White House, Dr. Norman Vincent Peale told the worshipers at a service there: "The guns are being silenced all over ; the world ... a generation of peace- does indeed ahead." In Saigon, however, I you can still hear the guns' firing. " ? I Not Much A Peace By 'Torn Wicker The first month of "cease-fire" in South Vietnam has not been gratify- ing for anyone, except for the release of the first group of American prison- ers. Fighting continues at unacceptable levels, international control is nowhere really in evidence, and not even a be- ginning has been made on the longer- range question of the political devel- opment of Vietnam. In these circumstances it is not sur- prising that difficulties also developed over the release of more P.O.W.'s and the further withdrawal of American troops. That was the central exchange between Hanoi and Washington, and it could hardly have been unaffected by the other failures and disagree- ments. President Nixon is clearly right that, so long as he keeps the agreed sched- ule for troop withdrawal, Hanoi is legally obligated to keep to its sched- ule for releasing American prisoners: On the other hand, if the North Viet- namese Government believes that the over-all agreement is, not being ad- hered to by the Saigon Government and its American supporters, a delay in releasing its prisoners is the most effective bargaining device it?has, arid[ legal obligations are not likely to deter' its use. Short of a resumption of military action, Mr. Nixon's, best defense against that tactic?since the small re- maining American force in South Viet- IN THE NATION nam probably- is of little interest to Hanoi?is to see to it as best he can1 that the total agreement is reasonably kept. But that is, not going to be ,easy,1 for several reasons. . - One is the sheer difficulty of polic-i ing everything that happens in South Vietnarri, a difficulty that would be considerable even if there were smoothly functioning. control machin- ery. There is no such machinery and no one?as the Canadian participants are complaining?to. hear .or to act upon the reports of;such organizations as there are. ? Both Saigon and the Vietcong, with their North Vietnamese backers, seem to have sought as much last - minute military advantage as they could get, particularly in villages and territory they can claim to have "under con-' trol"; naturally enough, therefore, both also have resisted the other's efforts. In the absence of effective policing, that kind of see-saw struggle could go on quite a while. The basic reason is that neither' Saigon nor its Vietnamese adversaries have really acquiesced in a peace agreement, putting an end to their long struggle and signaling collabora- tion in future politicaldevelopment;' rather, an unwilling partici- pant in what was basically a deal between Hanoi and Washington to get the Americans out of the war, and to leave Vietnam to a Vietnamese solu- tion. The struggle for that solution continues. That is why it has seemed some- what premature on Mr. Nixon's part -to ' insist that he has achieved a "peace .with honor" that can lead the world to a "generation of peace." It was understandable that he should want to put the best face possible on what he believes was the best agree- ment he could 'make; nevertheless, it seems clearer every day that a real peace has not been achieved, and that even the cease-fire may not be possible to reach, let alone sustain. To say that is to raise more ques- tions about Mr. Nixon's rhetoric than about the arrangement finally con- cluded at Paris. Critics of the war and students of Southeast Asia have,. long insisted?some since before Amer- ican combat troops entered the war? that the future of Vietnam was a' matter for the Vietnamese to decide,: both historically and under the inter- national procedures agreed upon at Geneva in 1954. 1:11 American policy, which never ac- cepted the Geneva agreement, came to insist, instead, that South Vietnam' was a legally constituted nation being; subverted and invaded ,by another. power; and that view is implied even in the documents that finally produced' the cease-fire. The events surrounding the Paris negotiations suggest, however, that, this implication was designed more, nearly to serve Saigon's political needs. than to reflect actual American policy in the 1970's. No matter to what' extent the South Vietnamese have been armed, aided and exhorted, the fact remains that the Paris agree: meats leave it to the Vietnamese to work out the political future of Viet- nam. It is no wonder, therefore, that the fighting continues and that neither Vietnamese side shows much willing-' ness, as yet, to cooperate with the' other, even in peace-keeping measures.' The Americans?at"least those in: Army uniforms?are going home, and: Mr. Nixon is claiming credit as a peacemaker, but for the Vietnamese,1 the real struggle lies ahead. The! chances are not bright- that it will be political rather than military. 514 Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 THE GUARDIAN MANCHESTER 3 March 1973 eau ht The fate of Saigon's ' political' prisoners is one of the central issues between the South Vietnamese Government and the Communists. Under the Paris Agreement, signed yesterday, these 'civilian detainees' should be released, along with those civilians held by the Communists. South Vietnamese prisons are not normally open to journalists, but MARTIN WOOLLACOTT talked to prisoners in the prison ward of Quang Ngai hospital, - in Central Vietnam. T 11-1E PRISON WARD was packed with people? girls and women, two nursing' mothers with their babies) :men and boys of all ages from 13 to .60. Some lay motionless on the beds; star- ing at? the ceiling. One -woman twitched and shivered under a. blanket. Others were talking quietly. But the ward was no hell- hole. It was crowded, with many shared beds, but hardly more crowded than the ,hospi- tal's other wards. A not una linable policeman presided at a desk near the entrance, seated. next to a one-legged Buddhist priest, one of the prisoners: The food which came while we were there looked good : rice, meat, and vegetables in individual can- teens. The . prisoners, apart .from the .fact that some were clearly quite sick, seemed a very ordinary collection of Vietnamese. If these were political prisoners, they must be the small fry. And so it proved, with one exception. As we edged down the narrow aisle' between . the beds, we heard scraps of their stories. The burly. little - 13-year-old boy, Wearing a bright purple !shirt,: picked up carrying penicillin?he says for his . mother ;, the police say to the front.. - . ? The young woman.- under the blanket: picked up four years ago after her husband went off to North Vietnam, on suspicion of Communist connections. ?Detention extended after the first 18 months because, she says, the police said her " attitude" 1-was not right. One of the nursing mothers: picked up for travelling between vil- .lages without the necessary papers three months ago. The other mother, whose baby is only two weeks old, born in prison, says she cannot remember why .she was picked. up. The monk's story;as -related by David Barton,, one- of the American ; social workers who regularly visits the ward.: he lost his leg in. 1968, during ? the Tat offensive, when the Saigon pagoda he was in was shelled., Returning to his Hoe ? village. in Quang Ngai, he was picked. up for selling medicine to. the front and for " speaking- against the Government." His skull-like head is yelloW and drawn: The social . workers say he has advanced! tuberculosis. A big, bearded old- man, in for treatment of brokenribs, does not answer the questions about why he was picked up. He stares at the social worker and tears roll slowly down his cheeks. " I have so much pain . . it just goes on and on." They give him some ,pain-killing pills. While we were on the ward, one girl went into con- vulsions a kind of scream- ing hysterical fit, lashing out with her arms and legs. Within two minutes, three other young women were kicking and screaming too. One girl cried: "I know nothing. . . . I'M telling the truth, . . . Why are you hit- ting me so many times." Another shouted "I don't know the road. . ." A third kept crying out, again and again: "Two months, . only two months, w . it's not my fault." The policeniert, helped by some 'of the men prisoners tied the girls to the beds. The shouting and screaming gradually subsided. An American doctor told ? me later that such tantrums are not uncommon among Vietna- mese, women in particular. " It's a defence- mechanism_ against stress: It releases ten- sion," he said. Later we were able to talk to . three prisoners at some length, a young man- and two girls. The firstgirl, 19 years .old, quite pretty, and given to evasive giggling, during which she put one small hand over her mouth, Claimed she was arrested when " buying, food in the market." That! was 18 months ago. She said she was beaten by the police when first arrested.' She claimed : "I was in a solitary cell for two, months. I got the electricity one day and three times I got the water ; . . it tastes awful. They make you drink it' until you're fat. Then they hit you. with their fists." But it has been over a year since she was interrogated. Sinee then, there has been no brutality, she said: Her real- problem appeared to be that her father 1.s "in-the north." Such connectios inevitably lead p police suspicion. "Everybody in the prisoni knows there iSan agree- ._ . ment," she said. "Nobody knows what it will mean." by 'said, but " of ' course I'll . remember, I'll never forget." She is on the ward because in one of these hysterical fits, she brake an arm already damaged by a shrapnel frag- ment when she was' caught fighting in 1970. ? The young man was dressed in black, cheerful and smiling. He described the conditions at .the prison as not bad. He too told a story of beating at the time of his arrest. Police found him on a. bridge with a lighted oil lamp at night. He says he was fishing but " they think per- haps I was with the front." The second girl was the only prisoner we met who openly, indeed proudly, con- fessed to being a member of the ? NLF. She lay on a stretcher while an abcess on her hip was being treated, and talked. She was captured by South Vietnamese soldiers 10 months ago, she said, after she and four other Front guerrillas, all carrying wea- pons, ' stumbled into a minefield. Three were blown to pieces and she and another survived. She was sent to hospital in Da Nang, then questioned at the Da Nang interrogation and detention centre. "I was beaten a lot," she said. "I was unconscious many times. ... I accepted I was going to die." She told her cantors what she knew, she said. "You have to do it," she told us.' After Da Nang, the third degree stuff stopped. She was sent to Saigon for 10 days' questioning, interspersed with political, re-education talks, and again questioned, but without brutality, after being sent on last September .to Quang Ngai. ? . The political re-education did not seem to haye.wOrked:1 b c si -,,c... 'WE " The NLF Will win." she, said firmly; and then she' .embarked on a political leci ture of her own. Asked about., other prisoner, she' said : "More than half are inno- cent. All they were doing was! carrying rice or nucman .0.fietnamese fish sauce> back ' to front areas. There are very few like me." ' At one paint, she said she :.was willing to. --talk to us because we were ." progres- Sive " Americans. There were good and bad in all societies; she said, even in the South Vietnamese 'Government. Quang Ngai is a 'province that for many years has been heavily penetrated by the Communists and is a 1 s o under the influence of the neu- tralist An Quang Buddhists. In many areas, ordinary people have simply no choice, about maintaining contacts with the Front, whatever their own views. ? So most of the people we met, with., the single excep- tion of the NIX girl, 'were probably " guilty" but in' a very small. way ? and no more guilty-than many others not yet picked up by the police. No doubt-the majority -of the .so-called' "political prisoners prisoners fall. into this small-4 fry category. Captured senior! cadres' and prestigious neu-E tralist .politicans. form 'only a small proportion of the pri- soners.. There, are, thought to'l be hardly,- any. among thel 2.000 or so. prisoners Quang Ngai'? a figure given, to. me by American social' workers. The rest are like! those we met: men andl women,who; while very possi-i bly guilty of . doing small! things 'for the Front, are' really just.- ordinary people.; caught in the trap civil! , ApproAld ForfReclelases12084/08 07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R0001055,10001-4 Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 WASHINGTON POST 22 February, 1973 71-0.5-714: ao.- Gams Major Goals ra Pact Pressure Seen a Factor By Lewis M. Simons Washington Post Foreign Service VIENTIANE, Feb. 21. ? The Laotian cease-fire agreement signed here today represents a victory for the Communist Pa- thet Lao in realizing its key. political objectives. Under the combined .force of ? North Vi.etamese military attacks and U.S. diplomatic pressure during the past three weeks, the government. of Prime Minister Souvanna Photima has given in to virtu- ally every Pathet Lao demand. As a result, the rightist-ele- ments in Souvanna's govern- ment have all but been demol- ished. And although Souvanna is generally conceded by all parties as the most logical choice to head a new coalition government, his future role could be in doubt. The. accord, divided into mil- itary and political sections, is most entirely the work of the Pathet Lao, with minor con- cessions to the government side. Under the military provi- sions, all foreign Laos must be. .. withdrawn ? within 90. days from the time the -? 6ease-1ire goes into effect ? at midnight EST tonight.. [U.S. bombing in Laos ended several hours before the cease- fire, went into effect, according to an Associated Press- report from Vientiane quoting re- liable sources.] . This has been a basic Coth- munist demand since negotia- tions between the tivo sides began ? on Oct. 17.. Souvanna had been striving for a 30-day schedule. The .90-day grace period could prove most. useful to, North . Vietnam, which has some 65,000 troops in Laos. In- formed observers believe Ha- noi will use the three months, if necessary, to move person- nel and supplies along the Laotian portion of the Ho Chi Minh trail into South Vietnam and Cambodia. Furthermore, nowhere in the agreement?according to an unofficial Pathet Lao trans- lation from the original Lao ? into French?is mention made of North Vietnam: Conversely; the United States- and Thailand are spe-I cifically called upon to respect , the "peace, independence ancH neutrality" of Laos. The United States, in addition to, bombing Laotian territory! with Thailand-based aircraft, I has supported an estimated !. 30,000 man force of 1 "volunteers" from the Thai army fighting in Lads. By studiously not mention- ing North Vietnam, the agree- ment perpetuates Hanoi's in- sistence that its forces are not and never have intruded into Laotian territory. Souvanna's concessions to the Pathet Lao on the North Vietnamese question is a blow to the government rightists. Led by Finance Minister Champassak Sisouk, the right- ists struggled without success to hold off an agreement which did not include a clause demanding North Vietnamese withdrawal. Sisouk insists that the North Vietnamese will not pull all of their forces out of Laos and that, in time, they will again attempt to seize control of the country. The cease-fire in place will, In principle, revert to the 1962 Geneva agreement on Laos, establishing separate zones of control under the Pathet Lao and government sides. At present, the Pathet ,Lao are. believed to be in, control of two-thirds of Laotian terrio- tory but less than one-third of the population, of some 3 mil- lion. , The 1962 agreement, in fact, is the basis for most of the new settlement. The two Loa-I tian sides have committedj themselves to executing the basic cease-fire terms while turning over supervision of the peace to the International Control Commission (ICC). The ICC is to be composed of the, same three members nations which were chosen in the earlier accord: Canada, Poland and India. The size and scope of the commission are not specified in either the old or the new agreement. These matters are to be dis- cussed by the two. sides later! this week. ICC Reactivated The government side has striven for an ICC of at least 500 observers, while the Pa-I thet Lao want a much smaller force. According to informed: observers, the reactivated ICC1 will be no larger than it was! in 1962, about 300 strong. ! On the political side, the i new provisional government,1 which is to be set up within 301 days of the cease-fire will be al 50-50 affair. While- the exact number of seats from each side has not yet-been determined, the prov- isional body will be aug- mented by "two personalities who are for peace, independ- ence and neutrality." This un- usual wording means - that each side will choose one so- called neutralist of predeter- mined inclination. At the same time the provi- sional government is estab- lished, a political consultative council will come into force.1 - This body will be of the same ideological composition and proportions as the provisional government. The council, another Pathet Lab pet project, is expected to oversee the administration of the political and military pro- visions of the accord. It is also supposed to organize national elections. No date for the elections has been set under the agre.i- ment. However, the national constitution stipulates that the present National Assembly may not be dissolved until May. Another clause of the ac- cord says that the cities of Vi- entiane and Luang Prabang will be "neutralized." Asked to explain what this meant, Pathet Lao chief negotiator Phoumi. Vongvichit said only that "neutralize means exactly what it says." This presumablrmeans that the Pathet Lao will be guaran- teed complete safety and pro- tection in the two cities. Vien- tiane is presently the govern- ment's administrative center and Luang Prabang is the royal capital. Both are in government-controlled areas. The Pathet Lao have their ad- ministrative center in the northwestern town of Sam Neua. The agreement states that once the cease-fire goes into ef- fect, persons living in Pathet Lao and government-con- trolled areas will be free to move into each other's areas. This is intended to help the hundreds of thousands of dis- NEW YORK TIMES'' 22 22 February 1973 placed Laotians. return to their home villages. The matter of supplying government and Pathet Lao military forces by way of routes through each other's territory, however, has yet to be decided. POW Returns Prisoners of war held by the two sides are to be returned "no later than" 90 days from the start of the cease-fire. The United States lists about 300 Americans as missing in Laos, although ? large numbers of these are assumed to have been killed when their planes were shot down. The Pathet Lao recently released a list of just seven U.S. military- per- sonnel, two American civilians and one Canadian as being. held in Laos. The accord was signed today in a five-minute ceremony at Souvanna's home. Phoumi signed for the Pathet Lao and Interior Minister Pheng Pong- savan signed ? for the govern- ment side. The, signing was witnessed by about a dozen in- vited foreign diplomats includ- ing the ambassadors of the United States, the Soviet Un- ion, China, and Britain: Later in the day, the Pathet Lao held a press conference at a shed attached to the Pathet Lao ,headquarters here. Reading from a prepared text, Phoumi said that the cease-fire would be "total and simultaneous" and. would in- elude "the cessation of bomb- ing and. shooting on the part, of the U.S. Air Force." Only One Side Rejoices The Lion's Share of the Bargain in Laos Seems to Have Gone to the Communists i By 'MALCOLM Special to The VIENTIANE, Laos, Thursday, Feb. 22?While the peace ac- cord signed in Laos yesterday bears a strong family resem- blance to the accord signed on Vietnam last month, the Com- munist side here seems to have won the lion's share of the bar- gain. The agreement reflects the enormous military and political pressure the Corn- News munists were able Analysis to exert here at the last moment. In effect, the ac- cord leaves the Communist-led Pathet Lao controlling most of the territory of Laos for the time being, with the remaining W. BROWNE New York Times part to be administered on a 50-50 basis by the Pathet Lao and the Government. Until yes- terday power was.theoretically shared three ways by the Pathet Lao, the rightists and the neu- tralists. Furthermore, while the ac- cord specifically names the United States and:Thailand as foreign forces in Laos, the North Vietnamese, whose forces are much more numerous here, are not named. The Vietnam cease-fire agreement calls for "foreign countries," which it does not name, to withdraw military forces from -Cambodia and Laos. ? - Given the disarray in which the neutralists: and rightists Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : gA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 ? Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 making up the Vientiane Gov- ernment now find themselves, ,the discipline and unity of the .Communist side is certain to p:ovide an .enormous advan- tage. Even on a number of rela- tively minor points, the Gov- ernmeal demonstrated yester- day that it had finally yielded , Pathet Lao pressure. Among these .is a proVision on the withdrawal of foreign forces. The Government had argued ithat 30 days or at the most 45 ,days after the cease-fire will be lample time to withdraw all fOr- , LCS. for ? - The Pathet Lao in- sisted on 90 days. According tO the joint document signed yes- terday, foreign troops Will. be obliged to leave .LaOs 60 days after the date .that a new pro- visional government made up of both sides comes into being. . This government is to .be formed within 80 days from yes- terday: So, in effect, -the Pathet Lao. demand for a 90-day period prevailed. Given Given the volatility of Lao- tian politics, three months is a :long time, in which North Viet- namese treops can continue to bring heavy pressure to bear; particularly when American air raids .are halted: ? , Even, presuming that the cease-fire is relatively effective, the Laotian Army has never been known. for its ? discipline or unity, and now, with the war over in theory, _many Vientiane units are likely to disband them ? selves for lack of unifying, di- rection. The most effective element fighting ,for Vientiane in any ease are irregular troops, man of them tribesmen, who ar often paid and commanded di; rectly .by American Central In- telligence Agency men.. Irregu- lar units tend to disperse rapid-, ly unless held together-by firm ? JOURNAL, Providence 6 February 1973 I command, high pay and a fel- lug that they will continue to be supported by Americans if [necessary. Right-wing politicians and ConSerVative neutralists here are almost unanimous, at leastl in private, in their harsh de- nunciation of yesterday's ac- cord. Many openly charge "an American -sellout." The United States will main- tain its powerful air bases in neighboring Thailand, but: American air support, the poli- ticians believe would be re- sumed' only' in case of some obvious catastrophe. To avoid this, the Communist side, the politicians contend, will chip away subtly but none- theless effectively at the skimpy military and political fence remaining between them and ultimate complete control of Laos. -As a matter. of fact, the United States still has a 'na- tional stake* in .Laos, apart from the 'general pledge Wash- ington' has Made to help rebuild the war-torn nations of Indo- china. The Pathet Lao hold a num- ber of American prisoners who; they say, will not be returned by' Hanoi but will be returne by the Pathet Lao in Laos it self. The number Of these prison- ers is nOt known, but several hundred Americans have been placed on the missing list in Laos over the years. Yesterday's accord 'specifies that prisoner exchanges in Laos ---presumably including the Americans and those of other non-Laotian -nationalities?will within. 60 days Of the creation' of a new pro- visional .? government, hence, within 90 days from yesterday. These prisoners could become another' lever, in Pathet Lao hands for -pressure . the Americans, although there have been -no direct formal contacts .Resuinption of Yar By LIS. See Possible By JOHN KIFFNEY A former State Department extent the feeling he had in aide who wrote one volume of 'government service that each escalation was decided by the narrowest of margins, the "dovish" point of view just ,. losing out.. As for the 'Present, ''the one ? thing Nixon has not changed Is his objective, and I do , not think that will change.. He . does not want the fall of Sai- gon to the Communists," Mr. Holbrooke said. ? "That may well lead us to further deep involvements," h added. A colleague, Anthony Lake, a former staff member of the all had deep commitments to National Security Council . "save" Indochina from the under Henry Kissinger, agreed. ? '? ' He said this negatesAP VeetqacIRWIelpcW 08/07 ea s prestige roniVe' ICer.? the Pentagon Papers said here last night that close study of the documents In- dicates that American mili- tary action in Vietnam could resume sometime in the fu- ture. Richard C. A. Holbrooke, a 1962 Brown University gradu- ate, said that the Defense De- partment-ordered history of the Vietnam war shows that Kennedy, Johnson and Nixon 57 between the Pathet Lao and the Americans. One particularly weak aspect of yesterday's accord, differing from the agreement on Viet- nam, is that no protocols were attached covering specific prob- lems, such as prisoner exchange or the future role of the three- nation International Control Commission. The accord merely says that the commission?made up of India, Canada and Poland, with the Indian delegate as chairman ?will function according to the rules laid down by the 1962 Geneva agreement on Laos. That agreement proved un- enforceabe and broke down al- most immediately. Indians, Canadians and Poles stationed here with the Control Commission are extremely pes- simistic that the current agree- ment will work any better, un- less all sides show a great deal more good faith, than;seems likely at present. There remains a great deal of uncertainty whether Canada will be willing to continue her participation in the commission. Despite the implied denuncia- tion of the United States in the accord document, there is agree ment in the accord that United ,States aid to all of Laos, includ- ing the Pathet Lao, will be wel- come. ? This aid, the accord /says, will tbe worked out in disucssions !between the povision Vientiane government and the United States. . The American aid mission here seems likely to expand provided Congress sustains the White House pledge to continue aid to Indochina. ' But the Pathet Lao can be expected to watch American activities closely, particularly those that might have military or paramilitary applications. This notably includes Air America, the paramilitary air- line operated mainly for the nam mess during the next few weeks ?in other words, bug out with honor,,-" he .said. "But we are allowing Agency for International Develop- ment, ? defense contractors, and .CP.,people to stay." ,1 With full-Se-ale war, "these, men will be hostages," and I "could, bring back the bombers," he predicted. Mr. Lake advocated supply- ing assistance, including mili- tary aid, without committing! American advisers to the Sai- gon regime. Mr. Lake and Mr: Hol- brooke lectured informally to about 200 Brown students under sponsorship of the polit- ical science department. Asked about the current Los , Angeles trial of Daniel Ells- berg for allegedly releasing( the classified Pentagon Papers, Mr. Holbrooke pre- faced his remarks by noting he was in the position to do the same thing, but didn't. Mr. Holbrooke, who wrote a : 7pe1104$.3 2F10 , forts, said he does not support CIA., which supplies irregular Vientiane forces and provides a more or Tess military airlift for the Vientian Government. The control commission is ex- pected to contract for the use ;of Air America aircraft for its: town duties in the near future. Vientiane clearly gained one important point in negotiations with the Pathet Lao. This con- cerns creation of a "political consultative council." This joint council is to be made up of equal number of representatives from the Pathet Lao and Vientiane Government plus "a certain number of per- sonalities 'favoring peace, in- dependence, neutrality and democracy." The Pathet Lao may well end up with a majority vote on the committee, which will be re- sponsible for working out politi- cal details of the formation of a new provisional government and later of calling general elections for a new National Assembly. But the decisions of the council must be unanimous, a fact leaving the Vientiane Gov- ernment considerable room for maneuver. The accord stipulates that after the council reaches a unanimous decision on any is- sue it must then submit that decision to the provisional gov- ernment, which in turn will submit it to the king for prom- ulgation. The agreement does not say that the provisional government has veto power over an agree- ment by the council, but at least the provisional govern- ment is placed higher in the Chain .of command. Hopes were expressed by all , parties that for once goodwill and peace would prevail in Laos. But in more personal. terms, the Pathet Lao was rejoicing and nearly all Government offi- cials were bitterly lamenting the agreement. the government's trial conten- tion that release of the docu- ments was harmful to the no- tional security. The . papers contained a "lot of stuff the t public should have known," I he said. ? { But he described his feel-i Ings on the release of the ; papers as ? a lot more compli- cated. "He is not a great hero," he said' of Mr. Ells-1 - berg.. Mr. Holbrooke said the Pen-! tagon Papers are great source; material on the. war, but are not a definitive history, bo- cause the researchers and' writers did jobs of varying,' quality, and because they were precluded from access to presidential papers and. CIA documents, and were' under orders not to conduct interviews. Mr. Ilolltroolze, who edited. the Brown Daily Herald while' at Brown, is now managing editor of the magazine yoreige Policy. Mr. Lake is a . 0011400014 the Carnegie En- dowment Fund: Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 LONDON OBSERVER 25 February 1973 413 ? 49 g `?, -ate .;th, f3 A 72"1 from MARK FRANKLAN THE PARTIAL resumption of American bombing in Laos? shortly after the cease-fire began! at noon on Thursday only slightly covers up the ruthless- ness with which America is now prepared to extract herself from Indo-China. The significance of the Laotian agreement is that it shows that America has abandoned its 20-year-old policy of supporting right-wing regimes in Indo- China just because they are anti- Communist. The Laotian settlement thus has an . immediate . and very worrying importance for .the Government of Marshal-Lon No! in Cambodia, where a cease-fire has .still to be arranged. And it even puts a Question mark over the extent of future American support for the regime of Presi- dent Thiel.' in South Vietnam. The new direction of American pOlicy, was somewhat masked in the Vietnam settle- ment- .because the South Viet- namese anti-Communists under President Thieu remain power- ful even without American ?sup- port. But the American- decision to bomb temporarily -and seleca tively in support of- the ?:Laos; Army during the irgavitable'; period of violations of the cease- fire is the best possible proof , that the non-Communist Laot- ians are defenceless.' ? ' ' Here, - where a right-wing Government had come to rely on America to fight its war, pay-its bills and even dO much of its day-to-day governing, the effect! of . the ? newt; Policy: has: been cruelly obvious. It. has forced America's old; Laotian friends to conclude a: settlement with the Communist-1 led Pathet Lao that gives the; latter at least a 50 per cent share, in the country and probably a! good deal more. The prudent and the rich among ? thee pro- Americans are already. making plans for an exile in Thailand. or, France. The saddest cases are the little people who got caught up in the war that America used to wane without a chance of understand- ? ing what they were letting them- selves in for?people like the hill tribesmen whom the Central Intelligence Agency turned-into , guerrillas But to appreciate the full I shock of what America ? has done, one most look at the fate of much grander victims, such as the handsomely named Sis- souk Na Champassak, Finance , and acting Defence Minister and ! Prune . Minister Souvanna Phottma's . right-hand-man. Sissouk is typical of thesort of roea .that were most prized by , the Americans as assistants in fighting their Indo-China war.: . I SL...,11., D! Vientiane, 24 February Coming from the princely family of Champassak, which still rules southern Laos almost as a medieval fiefdom, he is irre- proachably anti - communist. Like many Laotians he hates and fears the North Vietnamese. ? Educated and intelligent, he Speaks English as well as- French (always an important point with the Americans) and iS as honest an administrater as Laos is likely to get. When I first met him several 'years ago in his Finance Ministry, he ex- plained that the only way to cut down the cheating was for him to go over the country's books' himself. He ran ? the country's finances to fit in with American policies. When, last year, he so infuriated the rest of the right-wing by upping taxes that they tried to drive him out of ofhce, it was? the Americans who helped to save He put the country's pitiful - military resources at the service' of , United States strategic re- quirements and right up to the signing of the cease-fire he was sending Lao soldiers, many of. them only teenagers, into battles , in which they had every chancel of being slaughtered. , Of course he had seen the; writing on the wall. He talked? to friends of plans to go'abroad,1 hopefully as Ambassador inl Washington or London. Just be- fore ,,Christmas: he told a visi- tor 'We shall always be the little pawns in the game, always the eternal victims.' - All the same, when the moment of truth came for him last TtiesdaY, -it was difficult to , bear. ? Perhaps the' way the AmeriCans -played their hand made it Worse, for until the end I they ? were. backing 'their' Laotians; with the .heaviest amr! strikes- of-time war.. ?- ? e But one of the consequences of the Kissinger visit to Hanoi. earlier this month. had been al message to ? Souvanna Phouma' that the bombing would have to, end. this Weekend,' so that the! US could ga to the international, conference -on Indo-China 'wits; its hands' ?clean. -?.Souvanna. ?'wh-o. -Ins, always' kern a ;certain -distance from the Americans, 'apparently decided there was no point in delaying any more and ordered the dis- tasteful agreement ; to ,be initialled- on Tuesday afternoon. I He then summoned his Cabinet ; and shoWed it to them. . Predict- ably, the right-wing Protested, with SisSouk leading .the park. In a last effort to stop what he must have known was inevi- ? table, .Sissouk telephoned the ' American Ambassador. The , Ambassador, who plainly ; en- joyed the chance Laos gave him to be more of a general than a diplomat, could. give Sissouk no comfort this time and had to listen to charges of treachery and selling-out his allies. Who then was the most guilty, the Great Power which made its little ally think it would fird-tt in Indo-China for ever or the men like Sissouk who trusted it in the face of all historical ex- perience? In Sissouk's defence, , one must say that, able man though he is, he comes from a tiny Country and had to deal with the far more able repre- sentatives of the world's most powerful State. In his defence, too, is the way in which Washington seems to have built its new Indo-China policy on an assumption that is not shared by many of its o.vni oflicialS, let alone its old allies? namely, that the Notah Viet- namese will indeed withdraw I their troops. 'Don't ask me what I think, that's what I have to -believe,' was the answer of .one senior American in Indo-China when this problem was put to him. But Sissouk does not have to believe it and it is understand- able that he should feel the Americans are makitt him a promise they cannot honour. The Laotian Communists. were not slow to twist the knife in the wound. They have always accused Sissouk and his col- leagues of selling Laotian in- dependence for foreign money and they are delighted that Sis- souk's foreign friends have now proved faithless. At a press conferenc.a after the agreement was signed, the chief Pathet Lao negotiator was asked if he had met -the American Ambassador. Yes, he replied, he had talked to him at the signing ceremony. The nego- tiator broke into an innocent grin. He had 'thanked the Ambassador for all he had done! to help us to achieve the agree- j ment.' artacte5 PCfro.t1 ? Tues. Feb.13, 1973- Both so e iha _ouk, e, Expens 1 Ii A? Slow-Change Expected. to Shave Fiitute of Cambodia as Power of Ruling Class Fades - BY ROBERT . -Times Si PHNOM 'PENH.-- Thal future of Cambodia lies in! the hands of -neither all- ing. self-created Field Marshal Lon Not. who is; reluctantly-, supported by. Washington: -nth". exiled., Prince ,NO:-rodyn puke who is Supported with almost equal. reluc- tance. by Hanoi andePek- - The nominal leaders Pf the two fcireeS 'alpparently. fighting; for enntrtit of 41*. ).aPd- of theeKlamersshaxerl -laireada --de.atnoy e. ' ^ e I y:e `liarticttWly relevient: to the fate ofitabrct,a-if,r,nags of the Cambodian, -people,,- Both become .1.1achrorrisrrts!; since both rePreSent-:?fa?- :cdrrupt, anit semifetid4 ruling ;:.1a.-,ss-:Whtise-?tlay'?is; ha t t , PYTTIed ,most astute:.,ohseff'et* Of the Cambodian S'aerie, in- eludingboth ?neutral and ? mrpit t eda d lama t.a n d the infinitesimally smalT liti e'a Ity? 17mi-se-tons Cant - r The situation they de- scribe, which follows, is a bleak one for their nation. Deposed in 1970 Sihanouk, the god-king, abdicated as monarch in S. ELEGANT all Writer order to make himself thel constitutional ruler of the; country he still called the Kingdom of Cambodia.; But he was deposed in! March. 1970 because bei had not only lost the con-i fidence of the urban popu-1 lace of Phnom Penh, buti had also alienated a large i segment of the farming: masses. Siha.nouk's antics since that time have not sub- stantially strengthened, his position, despite the miserable performance of : ? the, men who succeeded hint - The- 14rban 'Class ? is -- strongly opposed to his re- storation, though the pea- sants -are Still moved by feudal loyalties and the hope. that he would re- verse the inflation and de- privation produced by. war. ? . ? "But Sihanotak's unlike-; ly reftuii ontd.-last- -only; brieftY,."- 0 h s '-. -a i knowledgeable;'.._.ltirope'arti diplomat.: "Wheir:::peolite.i discovered thit he Could ? do little about inflation, shortages, and suffering,' he would be swept! a.way..--!-- and he could do little- or I nothing- about those'4110-? I Aware of Liabilities 8i h(iur 'a it *Yr- event, unlikely .to retvrtr:I He has demonstrated his I own awareness of-his pre- carious hopes in his own i Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : C1A-RDP77-00432R006$00110001-4 Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 utterances. He has repeatedly prom- ised to return. to Cambodi- an soil, which he has not touched in almost three ye-avs, despite his claim to rule -the greater part. In this last. such promise, a week ago, he added that he would settle in France ? if he returned and found be was not .wanted. The government of Lon Nol. on the other hand, is a thin, worm-eaten facade. A serie s. of powerless prime ministers has made no progress whatsoever toward consolidating the authority of the govern- ment of. the Khmer Re- public. or attacking even the most pressing?if most superficial?social and po- litical problems. Lon Nol is himself al- most wholly ineffective af- ter a massive stroke last year. Sisowath Sink Ma- tak. a ?the royal, . family Who is relatively ef- ficient,. refuses to join the government. ? ? Lon 11 .?*y.f) nb er. .b,rother, Lon Non, is adis7 .runtive. element -?Who haS,- even used restive,StudentS- against his,brothers ? prime ministers.. He ob- viously did not?realize that :be was not merelY releas-- ing? the -genie -of sdiiaI die- ?content, but eneOttraging that .genie...... ? ? '....Afew thousand students -are, at the present time, hardly a major force. They are too ut lye politically and too disorganized, as 1?Vell: as being out of. touch 'With the Masses.. ' . . . But the Lon Not regiirie ? is rapidly crystarizing dis?L &miter:it by such ,actions. as ;shooting . student demon,- stators. :Afterward, Lon 01 announced that the- Viet ;'3?Cong had I ,fired... the .shOts, thoUgh :Many Joyeigners had.1 watched 'his military po- lice.. discharge (heir car- ; hines".at: student: demon- I strators. ? I :Lorr-tNol: -re-guile is.' also courting its own de- ' struCtion in the classic way of ? petrified ruling -c lass e s. which cannot change their ways. It is both. Wholly corrupt and strikingly inefficient. - A few examples indieate the extent of corruption: A former minister of commerce, art intimate of Lon Nol, sold most- oflast 'year's iice crop to Phnom Penh's enemies, the- Viet Cong., creating a massive rice shortage.. He is rtow: counselor' of state: 'Wounded soldiers niii3Op pay large bribes to be ad, mitted to military hoSpi- tals.? Once admitted, they must pay . for their-own- Medicines at inflated prices?and fight 'to pre- vent nurses from selling their bedclothes out from under, them. ? Inefficient Army Although some good young . officers have ap- peared, inefficiency is ex- emplified by the army. Most of the Young siti- ?dents-who enthusiastically rallied to the anti-Sihan- ouk, anti-Viet Cong cause three' years ago have'now .ben alienated by ..the ar .my-'s -inability .to engage the enemy effectively and by such practices .as car- rying thousands of "phan- tom soldiers" on the rolls so that commanders can collect their pay and r? tions. Both Sihanouk and Lon Nol are tragicomic?tragic for- Cambodians and comic to foreigners. _ . But present Cambodian 'society . itself is the chief problem. It-, is dominated by a tiny antiquated rul- ing class, ....Phnom., Penh is almost the lasCcitY of the old Asia which existed until the late 1950s. It is populated .by intellectuals, business- men, professionals and artstocrats who are remote -:from the countryside. Sihanouk himself. is. the greatest obstacle to both peace and .progress. He is playing out of ,the 'role of ,the god-king, the fall of the -god-king, against the backdrop of a Country :which must, whether it wishes or not,. enter the ? modern age. Like Lon Nol, he .is both .product and ,symbol .of a ruting class which cannot'change? even if. it wished' to do so, which it does not. ? , However, social arid po- litical -change will occur, .though slowly. Lon Nol 'and his successors are likely to retain nominal power for some time? largely because they are in Phnom Penh, the capital, though Phnom Penh's au- thority over the coun- tryside is minimal. ' Cambodia- is likely to undergo a protracted pro- cess of change. The future 'will lie with the insur- gents, regardless. of any peace agreernents,:. unless the United States supports he forces of change. For its own reasons,. the United States ,is notlikely to do so. - roveiff-Itirgeleaserinti. 8/ NEW YORK TIMES 16 February 1973 Cambodia, Mired in War, Looks to L . . as Only Help, By HENRY KAMM special to The New YoFk. Thaes PHNOM PENH, Cambodia, Feb. 13? Cambodia, the last country of Indochina to be en- gulfed by the war, watches de- jectedly as peace continues to elude her. While negotiations on how to , make and apply peace ,are the principal preoccupations of neighboring Vietnam and Laos, the sound of gunfire is heard here once again and is coming nearer to the capital. The Government of President Lon Nol and the- guerrilla forces fighting under the ban- ner of Prince' Norodom Siha- nouk, far from talking to each other, deny each other's legal- ity. Worst of all, in this capital that has gone from prim to sleazy, from gay to sullen, in less than three years of war, belief has become general that the Government. is so incom- petent, its army so impotent, that it can make neither peace nor war and cannot protect the vital interests of Cambodia and her seven million people. ? And the Cambodians'?. who had known only. French col- onialism and Prince Sihanouk's authoritarianism and who have not had practice in being mas- ters of their national fate? look hopefully, often pleading- ly, to the chief present source tris quo, however tenuous and unviable, is now par- ticularly reluctant to in- volve itself more deeply in Cambodia's internal af- fairs., That wea.kness- is .also a strength. The United States is not committed to Lori Nol as it. is to Nguyen Van' Thiett in South 'Viet- nam. ? ? The American interest in sustaining Lon Nol for a time is modified by the disinterest Peking dis- plays in radical change in Cambodia. Neither- great ?power wants to make the 'area a major new battle- 'field..,. En the short run, the fate of Cambodia will be deter- mined by the disinterest of both Washington and Pek-: ? In 'the long run, slow ;change accompanied by political and military strike will shape the new :Cambodia: That future .11 "m' 'FF'.' iabs w rt neit ,er tons to overthrow the sta- Lon Nol nor Sihanouk. 000 of power in their country tot lsolve their problems. That power is the United; States. America provides Cam- bodia with about $170-million a year in military assistance and about $100-million in economic aid. In 10 days of conversations with Cambodians ? leaders of government and political life, laborers, generals, teachers and other civil servants, business- men and ordinary soldiers ?, one common theme stood out: !American power in Cambodial is so great. and Cambodia is so feeble that the country's future is in the hands of the United States. ? Significantly, this feeling is as widespread among leaders of the Government and the mili- tary as it is among the general public and the-opposition. . In. the American 'view the Cambpdian attittide is an anach- ronism: The United States Embassy does not want to be the viceroy' or proconsul of 'Cambodia. The United- States no longer creates and over- throws governments in Indo- china; it merely supports coun- tries to defend themselves against aggression. Without Advance Notice ?-?- ? Vietnamese Communist' troop invaded Cambodia after Prince Sihanouk's overthrow in March, 1970, and before. the United States and South Vietnam in-.. vaded Cambodia' in .their- turn,. The invaders did not- ask Cam- bodia's permission or. even give her Government advance notice. - ' The relationship 'seems' dif- ferent now. American '.diplo- mats encourage Cambodian op- position figures this includes almost all politically, active Cambodians except-- Marshal Lon Noi , and, most:of his en- tourage?tb, confront. the mar- shal with theiryiews, and make a republican and democratic form of government. work. But the 'Cambodians, whose faith in the words of the great powers exceeds that of many other peoples, , do nbt see the United States' role in Cambodia in such terms.' ,They do not distinguish 'between American support for ,Cambodia and sup- port for Marshal- Lon Nol. - They interpret the - con- gratulatory- messages from the United ,States t d hat followed' Marshal. Lon Nbrs election to the presidency :last' June --- after he had unilaterally dis--1 banded the Constituent As-' sembly in March and had pro- claimed his own Constitution and obtained its'adoption in a igglowgidZir to haNirse been exceeded- in voting. ir- 59 Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 regularities only by the presi-I ciential election that followed-1 as genuine expressions of sup- port and admiration rather than routine courtesies. Similarly, people from the marshal to his most outspoken, political opponents consider the visits of American officials, generals and admirals as votes of confidence in his leadership. Often the American intent is ? misinterpreted. . Message From Agnew When Vice President Agnew stopped here on Feb. 1; a principal message he intended to deliver was this: The United States believes that Marshal Lon No's exclusion of such major political figures as. Lieut. Gen. Sisowath Sink Matak, his one-time Premier, and Brig: Gen. In Tam, en opposition ; leader, from the Government made it too narrowly basedand , _ unrepresentative and ? therefore not in the best condition to negotiate with its enemies. At Atherican? urging; be underscore the message, the two leaders, as well as a former chief Of state, Cheng eleng, were invited to Marshal Lon Nol' S luncheon for Mr. Agnew. One of them said' the principal result of the Vice President's visit was to make the Cam- bodian chief "200 per cent" optimistic about American sup- port and his ability to win the war. Similarly, when ,Gen. John W. Vogt Jr., deputy commander of American forces in' Vietnam and commander of the Seventh Air Force, visited on Feb. 6, he intended to lend emphasis to American urgings of tighter military dicipline and the elimination of corruption to achieve the best use of the military aid. The principal? -impression of the visit that circulates among the presidential entourage is that General Vogt so praiSed Cambodia's 'military perform- ance as to cause Marshal Lon Nol to believe that the United States was encouraging him: to pursue.the war-to final victory. One of Marshal Lon Nol'S close associates after Princ Silianoules overthrow who held high office until ousted by the marshal asserted: "This country has no political ma- turity, All Cambodians regret the effects of what the United States ha S done. It is true that you do not want to?must not ?dominate us. But you come as friends. You. ; must say ,ethe whole, truth, e not that flattery." . ' 5'You do not want to stage a coup d'etat? I . understand that," said a political leader of unusual sophietication ac- quired during a long stay. in France, "but you pay the soldiers. If. you- held up their pay for one month it would finish the Government." Actually the United States foots slightly lees than half of the military payroll by allow- ing the Government to use for that purpose the Counterpart lfunds in Cambodian ?riels that it receives by selling goods im- Approv ported with American fi- nancing. About half the budget of 32 billion riels (about $150-mil- 1 lion) covers the military pay- roll. Counterpart riels in 1972 amounted to 72 billion to 7.5 billion riels. This contribution to the military is in addition to the direct military aid. Reflecting an oppressive po- litical atmosphere, people in- terviewed, with few exceptions, voiced the fear that if their names were disclosed in stating their views they would be in trouble. Such timidity, in -the . absence of repression ,of major political figures ? if not of strong-arm methods by the Gov- ernment?is traced by informed sources partly to, political hab- its dating from colonial days and to Prince Sohanouk's rule: Another and increasingly im- , portant element of. the fear of what expressed = ',opposition might entail appears to be based on the growing arbitrart:' ness of Marshal Lon Nol's Gov- vernment and the open power of the only man remaining close to him -- his younger brothereBrig. Gen. Lon Non. e Out in the Limelight After two and a half years as a gray eminence General Lon Non emerged from behind the throne last October to become ;an open power in his own right ;as Minister Attached to the In- 'tenor Ministry, in Charge of Liberation and Edification (Community Development) Gen- eral -Mobilization and Rallying ??that is, winning guerrillae over to the Government. Those attributions, in addi- tion to the special power con ferred on the President's broth- er and close confidant, 'hay' made the general, who at the time of Prince Sihanouk's over- throw was a major in the mili- tary police, the undisputed head of internal security as well-as the- man officially responsible for such contacts as there are with the guerrillas and their leaders. , In an interview General Lon Non reiterated the official line that Prince Sihanouk exercises no control over the -guerrillas, whose number is estimated at 30,000 to 40,000, andlhat they are profoundly divided into mu-' tually hostile factions. A; a result, he said, there exists no central leadership with which he can establish contact. His policy, he said, is to make contact with local lead- ers to encourage them to d fect with those under their, command. He added that such- defections were increasing.. - The general's view finds lim- ited credit among Cambodian officials and foreign; experts.. The surrender ceremonies that have been held under his spon- sorship are believed to have been staged, using villagers or even soldiers to whom e old weapons and 'clothing have been issuecheand a1 few riels paid to act as ,"defectors."?: Obstacles Traced :to Lon Non On the political- scene Gen- eral Lon Non is held responsi- ble evens by local officials-for intrigues that have prevented the broadening of the govern- mental base to include such 60: ed For Release 2001/08/07 loyal figures as General Sink Matak and General In Tam, who is head of the Liberal party. General Lon Non is known to exercise decisive influence over. theone-party National As- sembly, elected last year with- out opposition candidates be- cause the preceding presiden- tial voting had instilled .in the opposition no confidence in a or count; ? 1, Last month, mainly in re- sponse to 'the American urgings; Marshal Lon Nol asked Gen- eral Sink Matak to return to the Government as Vice, Presi- dent and General In Tam as special counselor to the Presi- dent. When General Sink Mat- ak posed as a condition'the: consent of the leadership - of Marshal Lon Nol's Social-Re- publican party, the Assembly; to . the Marshal's chagrin, pro- duced ?a negative petition; un- solicited by him and signed by 126 of the 140 deputies. New efforts to bring General Sink Matak into the Govern- iment are believed to be-making 'progress,- but sources close to him fear that unless his accept- ance of the vice presidency is accompanied by the departure of -Marshal Lon Nol and his :brother' for an extended visit to the United States for medical reasons,.the results will not be positive. ? General In Tam, one of the principal architects- of Prince Sihanouk's removal, accepted the counselor's post last week, but in an interview, at. his hospital bed, where he. is re- covering from a kidney ailment, he said that he would stay only. if he was assured of the tasks of pacification and of making contact with the guerrillas and 'with the necessary means of carrying them out. , In the last two weeks Pre- mier Hang Thun Hak has been the target of staged.demonstra- tions of opposition as well as of apparently, inspired rumors of his. resignation. They reached ? a high point last Saturday, when the Khmer Press Agency, con- !trolled by General ? Lon Non, gave them official currency by - ? .. , , issuing. an unsolicited': official' .1 denial. ?: e - The agency is just one of the interests of General Lon Nol, who appears to control con- siderable funds for the sponsor- ship of a' number of shadowy committees. The Committee for Special Coordination, a large group- of unspecified functions, was his, principal instrument until he became a minister. "He is the champion of com- mittees, s meetings.' and and in- trigues," a former -close asso- ciate said. The main source of funds, in the common belief?which is supported by the highest mili- tary. sources?is the- body of troops that General Lon Non commands, the Third. Brigade Group. It is the successor to irregular troops that he began to recruit,, many among the Cambodian minority in South Vietnam, shortly after his broth- er achieved power.' Actual Strength Uncertain When it was only a- brigade the general said in an inter- view that it had more troops than a division. A real count remains unavailable, and in the difference between actual manpower and the number.; for which pay is drawn is thought to lie a source of financing. I Nonetheless, in the. cunt American-backed restructuring of,? the armed forces to elimi- nate "phantom" or nonfunc- tioning soldiers, the Third Bri- gade Group is to become one of the army's four divisions; on Marshal Lon Nol's order his brother will be its com- mander. . , Ranking sources close to Maj. IGen. Sosthene Fernandez, Chief of the General Staff, said the [command was aware of the 'problem and planned to estab- lish the other divisions- first, with an honest head count, in the hope that this would per- suade the President to 'insist on similar procedures in, his brother's division. , General Lon Nol, whose taste runs to large or flashy cars and boldly printed silk blouses, which he says are inspired by Pierre Cardin, has achieved ex- traordinary eminence - among his military and political col- leagues. . At a Cambodian New- Year Party at his 'house last April, he stepped out among his guests under-an arch of sabers held by fellow officers, including generals. He- was a colonel. At a tecent dinner party attended by two other senior ministers, he entered amid signs of def- Ierence from all present, and even the ministers fell silent in mid-sentence when he began to speak. . Lon Nol's Image Tarnished Marshal Lon Nol's popular- ity and reputation have de- clined as steeply as his broth- er's power has risen. In the past, associates told puzzled foreigners that one had to be Khmer to understand his pen- chant for mystical Buddhist fan- tasies, his oracular pronounce- ments on the grandeur of Khmer civilization and his air, of remoteness from the pressing problems of the day. Now they concede that they are equally. puzzled. " High officials describe: the method of government as Byz- antine, . with orders, some- times contradictory, issued by the President in response to friends, mainly military, who have caught his ear or to re- quests by his brother. Recently two officials had notes on scraps of paper bearing his consent to their appointment to the same foreign post. ? As -a result, high civil Serv- ants in - .technical' capacities said that ? administration Was falling apart and resources were being pillaged. Military com- manders hold supreme power. in most provinces and despoil them by selling natural riches ?timber, fishing rights, land? to the 'highest' bidder. Take What They Want': Businessmen in Phnom Penh complain that the Government or its high civil and military of- ficials take what they want when they want it and that pay- ment often has to wait. , Meanwhile, the avenue in front of the Lycee Descartes, CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 dlite school, is clogged every morning and noon with the cars of the war-rich delivering. and: picking up their children. The city is swollen to perhaps double its prewar size of 600,000, with refugees crowding into , rel- atives' homes or in shacks they put up where they can. Most of the men work as coolies, earning about 50 cents THE NEW REPUBLIC' FEBRUARY 24, 19731,i, Hanging Fire Camb s dia Pnompenh a day, and the women sell fruit and vegetables to earn perhaps a. dime. ."If the Americans continue. to help a regime that is in its agony," a physician of high reputation commented, "it will either lead to total civil? war or it will chase all of us into the arms of the Communists." - ? The Paris agreement created the framework for a conclusion to the hostilities in Vietnam, and the chances for a cease-fire in Laos currently appear to be good. But here in Cambodia, the third state of Indo- china, the war grinds on without any visible prospect of settlement. Essentially triggered by Richard Nixon's tactical "incursion" in the spring of 1970, it has de- generated into a prolonged, savage and, above all, futile war that cannot quite be understood, much less ended, by its participants. So it continues to devastate a small, inconsequential country whose only crimes have been weakness and geographical location. The opposition forces, usually described in neat press accounts as Communist, seem to be less a ho- mogeneous movement than a loose coalition of dis- parate groups vaguely united in their resistance to the government. They include followers of the deposed Prince Norodom Sihanouk, leftist insurgents who trace their origin back to the struggle against the French, and assorted other dissident factions as well as regular North Vietnamese and Vietcong units for whom Cambodia has primarily served as a base for actions in South Vietnam. Irt the face of this confusing- ly diverse enemy, the government has been unable to discern an interlocutor with whom to negotiate. The government itself, moreover, is scarcely a co- hesive entity. The chief of state, President Lon Nal, is a crippled, petulant old man whose legitimacy is dubious, partly as a result of his blatantly rigged elec- tion victory last year and partly because of his consti- tutional shenanigans the year before. Distrustful of his subordinates and wary of his rivals, he governs hap- hazardly through his swaggering younger brother,' General Lon Non, a former gendarme whose reputa- tion for corruption has lost the regime whatever re- spect it may have had following Sihanouk's ouster nearly three years ago. Aware of their government's fragility, Lon Nol and his sibling fear negotiations even though they lack the - strength and the 'will .to continue fighting. The only public figure here who has given, serious thought to ,the question of a truce is a popular and unusually honest politician by the name of In Tam, whom Lon Nol defeated in last year's phony presidential election. In Tarn recently drafted a plan to form a committee composed of representatives from all the Cambodian parties engaged in the conflict in the hope that they might resolve their differences. He submits that the various Cambodian rebel groups are basically nationalists AS mivectcRtHokbliiitigtatrgoeigy8/07 Chinese domination as much as other Cambodians. Therefore they should be receptive to a compromise. But so far his plan has gone nowhere. The inability of the Cambodians to accommodate to each other has prompted the suggestion that a cease- fire here may perhaps be achieved through foreign intervention. One theory holds that Henry Kissinger will pull a plausible peace proposal out of his sleeve. Another prediction is that the international confer- ence scheduled to open in Paris later: this month might take. up the Cambodian situation. Judging from their public positions, however, the powers seem to be no closer to a compromise than the Cambodians. The North Vietnamese, whose influence here is decisive, contend that Sihanouk and his government in exile represent the "legality, authenticity and continuity" of -the Cambodian state. The same theme is echoed by the Chinese, who have housed and fed Sihanouk in Peking since his downfall. But the Russians, who still main- tain a mission in Pnompenh despite their rhetorical commitment to the revolutionary cause, have repeat- edly made it clear that they consider the prince a puppet of China and thus unacceptable in any new. equation. The Nixon administration is similarly suspicious 'of Sihanouk, especially since he adamantly refuses to participate in any arrangement with Lon Nol. There has been some speculation that Hanoi and Peking might scuttle Sihanouk in exchange for a co- alition that would include members of the Cambodian insurgent organizations now fighting inside, the country. This notion is not illogical, at least on paper. The leftists have no love for Sihanouk, since he re- pressed them brutally when he was Chief of state. But if their clandestine radio broadcasts reflect their real attitude, the dissidents are cool to the idea of negotia- tions, particularly with the Lon Nol regime. Besides, the status of the nominal rebel leaders is extremely ambiguous. Statements of the "liberation" movement are regularly signed by Khieu Samphan, Hou Yuon and Hu Nim, three former Pnompenh politicians who disappeared six years ago after incurring Sihanouk's wrath. Whether they are dead or alive is a mystery. One story has it that they escaped to Hanoi. Another version is that they were executed by Sihanouk, and are now being impersonated by doubles. When Vice President Agnew swept through Pnom- penh a couple of weeks ago, he expressed American support for the local regime but without specifying Lon Nol by name. This signaled to the more sensitive diplomatic analysts here that the United States is no totally locked into Lon Nol and might agree to dump him for the sake of a solution. According to this thesis both Lon Nal and Sihanouk could be retired to south- ern France, thereby opening the field for compromise to more flexible Cambodian personalities. Such a maneuver would certainly require the cooperation of Hanoi and Peking, and Kissinger may have proposed it on his trips to those capitals last week.. But even with North Vietnamese and Chinese cooperation, the man- euver may not be easy. Sihanouk is stubborn and Lon Nol, whose brother is enjoying the, perquisites .a.f i power, s equally capable of digging in his heels . _ . . ? . 1 The Pnompenh regime ought to welcome a reason-r able end to the war since its forces :are being badlyt. CIAWOR.71313C14)12E6K1M0340Mtle4 the government! Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 controls only 20 percent of the country's territory and some 60 percent of the population, most of them refu- gees who have poured into the cities. The eastern third of the country is occupied almost entirely by North Vietnamese and Vietcong' troops. They once numbered as many as 60,000, but most have recently moved into South Vietnam primarily to secure areas in the Mekong Delta. About 20,000 or less still main- tain an elaborate logistical network in Cambodia in order to supply both their own units and their Cambodian allies.- The Cambodian insurgents have grown in spectacular fashion, from some 3000_ in 1970 to nearly 45,000 at present. They are now organ- ized into battalions, many with North Vietnamese cadres, and their equipment includes such weapons as 82-millimeter mortars and 75-millimeter recoilless rifles. Their domain extends across the country to the outskirts of pnompenh. But they have widely re- -frained from attempting to -take the- capitaL which, with its huge refugee population, is more of a liability than an asset. Their strategy, lifted directly from Mao Tse-tung, has instead been to bar access to the city. The strategy is. working. Except for a couple of roads, open to convoys, travel is impossible. The insurgents have been less successful at blocking the Mekong River, along which vital oil shipments come up from South Vietnam, principally because the Saigon army and American aircraft have defended the artery. It may be, however, that the insurgents are not trying' too hard since they also need the oil. But they may I seek to cut the river as a gesture now that the South ' Vietnamese are prohibited by the Paris agreement from entering Cambodia. 7t A I hat sustains, the Cambodian army is American military aid, which currently amounts to some five million dollars a week. The latest equipment due to be delivered here includes a half-dozen C-130 transport aircraft and a squadron of A-37 dragonfly jet fighters. The aid program is administered by a 75-man US team under the command of a brigadier, general re- sponsible to the US Pacific Headquarters in Hawaii and its presence here has already aroused controversy. Last week, demanding the termination of the program, North Vietnam pointed out that article 20 of the Paris agreement stipulates that foreign countries must "totally withdraw from and refrain from reintroducing . . . military advisers and military personnel, arma- ments, munitions and war material" into Cambodia and Laos. The official US response states that the Paris agreement also enjoins its signatories to respect the 1954 Geneva accords on Cambodia, article seven of which permits the Cambodian government to solicit foreign military aid "for the purpose of the effective _ defense of the territory. The same passage in the I Geneva accords is being cited by the United States tol justify its continued air attacks here. A fallback posi- tion for the United States in the event that its military mission here is compelled to leave may be to rely on Thai surrogates, as has been done in Laos for years. Cambodian infantry and special forces units have I been secretly training in Thailand since 1971 at Ameri- can expense. Thai military teams are now stationed here and more are expected to arrive during the ; months ahead. Despite the Paris agreement, Thai troops have also been authorized to cross the border ; into northwestern Cambodia. If the Cambodian army depends on the United States forrn survival, its officers have been enriching themselves to such an extent on American aid that they are said to surpass local Chinese merchants as the wealthiest class in town.' Their wealth is apparent in their new suburban villas, in the sleek Mercedes that clog Pnompenh's streets and in their presence at -the city's fancier French restaurants. The irony is that many of the same officers, Lon Nol and his brother among them, formerly earned handsome profits ped- dling weapons and rice to the Vietcong. Some senior soldiers reportedly still sell guns and other hardware to their enemies ?the going price for an M-16 rifle, for instance, is $20 ? but the- most lucrative form of army corruption is padding military payrolls with nonexistent troops. Although the army's total strength on paper has sometimes been put as high as 300,000 men, its real size is probably half that number. And since a private's monthly wage is $20, commanders can pocket in the neighborhood of three million dollars I every payday. Officers have been found listing their wives, concubines, children and even servants on their payrolls. One unit supposed to number 2000 men was I discovered to have only 84 soldiers. In another case an officer fearing exposure suddenly reported that 733 of his thousand troops had deserted within a month. Under pressure from the US mission here, the army recently appointed financial examiners. But General Lon Non's unit, a brigade group, has been somehow exempted from investigation. The few officers found guilty are likely to receive gentle treatment since, 'as a government spokesman explained, severe punish- ment is alien to Cambodian mores. It is also obvious that the arrest of every guilty commander would wreck the country's already feeble military establishment. Supporters of Nixon's invasion of Cambodia still argue that his action successfully prevented a major offensive by the North Vietnamese and Vietcong against South Vietnam. But if the Saigon regime gained a bit of time, Cambodia was sacrificed. It is now a ravaged land and even a cease-fire, should it come, will be too late. 62 Stanley Kamow, MR. KARNOW, former diplomatic correspondent of The Washington Post, reports for NBC.. Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R00010011.0001-4 WASHINGTON POST ? 21 February, 1973 Robert C. Maynard ?eturn of the Prisoners: Script by the Military When important news events involv- ing deep human emotions occur, those of us who are witnesses gain an oppor- tunity to identify with the -principals ?and wonder how we might react under similar circumstances. In this age so dominated by 'the electronic eye and high speed word transmitters, We who are at a distance seem sometimes al- most obscenely close at hand. For example, when Mrs. Robert Pur- cell of Louisville, Ky., spoke to her re- turning prisoner husband for the first time in seven and a half years, I felt like a stranger intruding at a family reunion; it seemed the wrong place for strangers to be as intimacies were ex- changed. That ?is an issue of taste and ethics which undoubtedly will be de- ? bated? in many places, including I'd guess, the Purcell household. What concerns an ?observer of the way we receive our news is not so much this instance in which the? mass. media may have overstepped the bounds of good taste, but rather the fact that the press was such a passive participant. True enough, the networks went to Clark Field live and cameras -I dashed here and there to catch a glimpse of an emotional moment. Bat those were rare. The fact of the matter is that the return of the prisoners of war was a militarily-managed event down to the last "God bless America." Even after it was -clear that these were men perfectly capable of speak- ing for themselves; the entire event The writer is the Ombudsman of The Washington. Post. In this capacity he monitors news and editorial operations and offers in this space his own views on the performance of the news media in general and of this newspaper in particular: .continued to be handled as if the 163 returnees had no minds of their own. If the military had stopped at that, it would have been queStionable enough. But it is now beginning to emerge that the Air Force did its best to shut off the press from any independent re- porting at Clark Air Force Base. According to reporters on the scene, one written directive, posted on bar- racks bulletin boards; told, persondel at Clark: "Don't talk to the press be- cause they will distort everything you. say." Besides, James Sterba of Th New York Times has reported that even in cases where the returning pris- oners requested an opportunity to speak with representatives of the hometown press, permission was de- nied. We are thus rikivitavedtffora?lease 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 framework in which to focus our em- pathy with persons isolated from any contact with their society for seven or eight years. They return to a society more surely programmed in "them- against-us" terms than the one they left. Even as the machinery for inform- ation makes it possible for us to see an event such as the return of prisoners live half way around the globe, the bases of concern .are made more lim- ited. We still don't know what these men actually experienced?only what the military wants us to know of their experience. The consumers of information get to know what the returning prisoners can tell us after an armada of 80 military public relations agents briefed them first on how to,communicate with their countrymen through the mass media. Not surprisingly, then, we received a number of paeans to "honorable peace" and could only, wonder how that very phrase happened to be among the first to pop out _of the mouths of men in captivity for such long periods of time. When it became clear that we were heading toward some settlement of enough of our disputes with North Vi- etnam as to allow for the return of prisoners, the Department of Defense prepared a booklet for the men. It was part of the large glut of material de- signed to help them catch Up on the rapid changes in the time since they have been in foreign prisons. The booklet tells them about the new hip language of "dude' and "right on" and, brings them up to date on some of the major events of the ,past WASITINGTON OBSERVER1 15 FEB 1973 several years. But as I watched thej militarily managed show unfold, . couldn't help wonder hbw they would, .be brought up to date on one of the fundamental issues of these times?the way we communicate with each other. Perhaps, in the end, nobody really needed a primer on the subject of the relationship of the government and, the press. The Department of Defense provided us all, prisoners and ordinary citizens alike, with an object lesson in. what the issues are all about. If you, start off believing that the press "will distort everything," then you have seri- ously narrowed the options available for understanding what's .going on. With that set of mind, it is not a "distortion" to provide returning pris-, oners with rough drafts of airport statements that praise an "honorable peace," but it would be a distortion to have candid give and take between the returnees and the press. In .the only, interviews permitted at Clark Field, reporters were told be-, forehand that they could not ask the men any -. "controversial" questions., -Those who need to catch up on how freedom and democracy are doing can look to the handling of the return of the prisoners by the military for some lessons in the act of news manage-I ment, circa 1973. Limited though we were in our ac- cess to any genuine information about how these men fared and what they re- ally think about that, there was one spontaneous photographed instant that should win a prize. At Andrews Air Force base, when Maj. Arthur Burer returned, that. spontaneous human re- sponse was when his wife and children! broke military, protocol and rushed' across the tarmac to their man. The whole. military . honor guard, arrange- ment disintegrated and human beings, in their frailty and' their -joy, took over. It is the lone photograph?with Mrs. Burer literally off the ground in exhilaration?that we can take away from this story as belonging to ordi- nary people, not to the managers. P 0 LNICZLi Ono ?Republican congressmen are complaining among ? themselves at the wav candidate Nixon bogged ? campaign contributions last election, leaving little for Congress. One told \VO, "Nixon and the. Demo- crats won and the Republicans and McGovern ? lost." . . . Many observers credit President Thiel,' of, South Vietnam as being one of the most states- manlike leaders on the world scene. He kept Kis- singer and Nixon from imposing a coalition govern- ment on South Vietnam. And thanks mainly to him, South Vietnam has recovered its fighting .spirit? which was destroyed with the murder of President No Dinh Diem and his brother by the CIA. Diem, by the way, is fast becoming a legend- , ary hero and .a patron saint in Vietnam. 63 Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 NEW YORK TIMES 20 February 1973 P.O. IN e's and the Press Military, Keeping Newsmen at Bay,. Has Carefully Managed the Return By JAMES P. STERBA Special :to The New York Times observe for 20 minutes as the 20 men who had just returned were eating 'dinner in the hos- pital cafeteria. Today six news- men were allowed to interview one returnee each for 20 min- utes under ground rules that prohibited "controversial" ques- tions and allowed inforination officers to monitor the inter- views and to censor any re- marks thought to be sensitive. Except for that, newsmen were not permitted to talk with the men in the hospital, and doctors and nurses were not al- lowed to give interviews. _ Officers in a Key Role Those few prisoners who ex- pressed a desire to speak with reporters from hometown news- papers were refused permission. They were allowed to receivel written questions and coun- seled on which ones to answer,' and their answers were cen-1 sored. Military information officers not only reported the news but played a key role in making it as well. Except for what news- men could glean from sympa- thetic sources, all informa- tion was clearly by the public- relations officers. It was a deli- cate assignment, and planning what the world would know about the prisoners was. a major factor in Operation Homecom- ing. Civilian and military officials had said that the restrictions on contact with the press were based on a desire to protect the health of the former pris- oners and to shield them 'from stress. The policy was main- tained though' the. men were found to be in generally excel- lent health?enough so to be al- lowed to drink beer and wine, eat steaks and ice cream, see movies, go shopping and 'be questioned at length by the hos-' pital staff and friends. ? Then the officials stressed; that the major reason was tol insure that nothing endanger, the return of the 400 military! men and 13 civilians still held in Vietnam, as well as the un- determined number in Laos. That standard precluded near- ly all discussion about health problems, camp conditions and North Vietnamese treatment. At the, outset of the. actual return the military information officers aboard each evacuation plane advised the senior officer- prisoner aboard that live tele- vision cameras would broad- cast the arrival at Clark Air Base to the American people and that a statement was war- ranted. When the prisoners asked what they should say, sugges- tions were offered and a rough draft was prepared, with the in- formation officers saying some- thing like "that sounds great to me." As a result all four of the spokesmen from Hanoi CLARK AIR BASE, the Philip-1 pines, Feb. 19 ? The first 163 American prisoners freed by the Communists in Vietnam have come home to the theme of "God bless America," and many officers at this base clearly ?be- lieve that the returnees' con, duct has set the stage for a restoration of unchallenged patriotism and of the status of the military man to his honored place. If so it will have been no accident but a result of careful military planning. First, the return represents , the epilogue to an American war story that never seemed to end, and getting all the pris- oners back will be one oLits few undisputed achievements. For many Americans the return symbolizes victory. For others it merely confirms the war's conclusion for the United States. ? Second, the captured men were predominantly, career of- ficers and fighter-bomber plots ?probably the most enthusi- astic of American warriors. , Third, the military's repatri- ation effort was carefully pro- gramed and controlled to in- sure that all would be retrieved !without a hitch, that nothing was said or done to tarnish the prisoners' image and that everything was said and done to enhance it. This meant keep- ing a safe distance- between them and inquiring newsmen; the widespread distrust of the press among the Imilitary made it relatively easy. Joyous and Emotional Th e arrival of the first prisoners a week ago was not only good news but also a joyous and emotional event that reduced to tears many of the nearly 200 reporters and photographers on hand. At least partly for insurance, a team of enarly 80 military public-relations men were as- sembled from throughout, the Pacific to hide possible warts and stand as a filtering screen between the press and the story. No newsmen were allowed to fly to Hanoi or Saigon aboard the medieal pickup planes ? to photograph, to interview or even to observe silently ? though Ithere were' extra places. Here at Clark Air Base, the first stop on 'the way home, newsmen were barred from direct contact with' the return- ing prisoners in the first days. On Friday there was a 20- minute news conference with two senior prison-camp leaders who were carefully. counseled beforehand by information of- ficers. Last night a five-man pool of newsmen, under care- ful supervision, was allowed to News Analysis !so far have used similar lam? Iguage in thanking the Com-. mander in Chief and the Ameri- can people, but information officers insisted that they had not suggested such phrasing. The statements appeared sin- cere, but newsmen could not determine whether they were unanimously approved. The prisoners, who were tightly organized under senior officers, had planned how they would handle themselves. They had talked about what they would say, and they wanted to walk off the evacuation planes proudly. According to a senior officer here, "this was their way of showing that Hanoi had not broken them." The prisoners also want to tell the stories of their im- prisonment and treatment, but reportedly only. after , one agreed-upon- condition is met ?that all are free. That made the job of 'information officers easier. ' The 19 military men released in South Vietnam by the Viet- cong were quite different. Not in the fighter-pilot fraternity, they were not organized and were in much worse physical condition. Their stories of sur- vival in the jungle would prob- ably be .more bizarre than those of men in organized camps in the North. Specific Data Refused , Col. John W. Ord, a physician and the hospital _commander here, termed' the general health of the prisoners reasonably good but declined to discuss specific ailments uncovered even though many were obvious?for fear, he said, of upsetting Hanoi's- sensitivities. ? . In declining to allow -doctors and nurse t to be interviewed, he said.' they ? were too busy. Several met newsmen private- ly, however. .Despite the- effort to avoid "possible 'stress situations," two busloads'-of the freed men were kept waiting for more than an hour in the tropical sum until Lieut. Gen. William Moore, 13th Air Force com- mander, arrived to shake hands before they departed for home. The miltary's concern over the image of the returning ,prisoners was reflected not only by the numbers of information officers on hand but also by the information specialists in key jobs. Col. Homer A. Davis: chief, of information for the 13th Air Air Force, wrote the Operation Homecoming plan for Clark Air. Base and became its chjef oper- ations officer. Col. Alfred J. Lynn, chief spokesman for Unit- ed States Forces in the pacific, not only went to Hanoi with the initial support team but alio took part in the negotiations for the first group's release al- 64 though he had not been pre- viously scheduled to. Some officers and men di- rectly involved in retrieving the prisoners were allowed to talk with reporters, but were care- fully briefed beforehand. Officer Was Reprimanded Lieut. Col. Robert L. L'Ecuyer, one of the flight surgeons who went to Hanoi, was interviewed with other crew members be- fore taking off. He avoided an- swering any questions. Col. Leonard W. Johnson Jr., over-all evacuation flight co- ordinator, did answer newmen's general questions and was repri- manded for it. A flight surgeon, he was expected to be aboard one of the evacuation planes but was grounded at the last min- ute. As added insurance that the returned prisoners would not speak ,with newsmen, the offi- cers assigned to serve as es- corts were told, they said pri- vately, that they would be held responsible. Before the first prisoner re- lease a week ago, information officers arranged for three of: the escorts to talk with news-; men, but they were told to1 avoid discussing several sub-1 jects, including whether they, knew the names of the men they would escort. While Marine and Army escorts knew months in ad- vance, Navy and Air Force escorts did not. Asked by a reporter, an Army major de- nied that he knew the name of his man. Information offi- cers reportedly apologized for puttinc, him in a 'position in which he was forced to lie. An information officer told re- porters it had been a misunder- standing. Clark Personnel Warned Directives had gone to 26,000 airmen and their families against expressing opinions to reporters on the war, the cease- fire or the prisoners. An air- man quoted a directive on his barracks bulletin board as saying, "Don't talk to the press because they will distort every- thing you say." When news- men heard about it and pre- pared to photograph it, the directive was removed. But such directives reportedly con- tinued orally. "This is one of the biggest stories of our time and it is being covered by military in- formation officers," said Gor- don Gammack, a long-time war correspondent for The Des Moines Register who covered the repatriation of Ameticans after the Korean war. He re- called that their return was also in stages over several weeks and that they were given the option of whether they wanted to speak to the Amer- ican people through the press ,or not. Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 WASHINGTON STAR 3 l'orch 1973 S.!. HA YAKAWA The Majority:. IN For days the newspapers were full of it: "Glorious Day for American People," "The Long Awaited Day Is Here ? ? Freedom," "Yule Tree Awaits City's First POW," "Hero's Welcome for Freed POWs.-- California Relatives Joyful," "Gift Offers Flood Returning POWs." Then they began to arrive: "Warm Welcome Sun Shines on POWs," "Cheers at Travis (Air Force Base): 2,000 Welcome POWs,". "Flags Up Today for POWs," "San Diego ? First POW Home Buoys Ill Mother," "(Lt. Cmdr. Everett) Alvarez Tells Fami- ly. He's Proud to Be an Ameri- can," "Job Program for Re- turning POWs," "POWs Weep at Children's Serenade," "400 School children Sing God Bless America," "God Bless America and -Nixon ?Capt. Kramer, Captive Since '67." Time and Newsweek were dizzy with excitement, with cover pictures and full-page color spreads of the reunion of returned prisoners of war with their wives. As the POWs de- planed at Travis the photogra- phers and TV men recorded the smart salute with which each returnee greeted the welcoming generals and color guard. There was a touching scene of a major, shot down over North Vietnam in 1965, meeting for the first time his son, now 7 years old. And there were innumerable feature stories on the POWs. How was their health? What did they say? What did they t Silent erely Igi ore want to eat? What did they miss most while they were in prison camp? What changes do they see in the country, now that they are back? (Some had been captive since before the introduction of the miniskirt!) Who remembers now the three prisoners of war handed over to American anti-war activists, apparently for prop- aganda purposes, a few months ago? One wonders vaguely in the back of one's mind how they wereselected to be released. For a long time the anti-war movement, having captured the hearts of a large number of intellectuals, professors and college students, monopolized the networks and the press. The media were entranced with the sit-ins, the burning of draft cards, the demonstra- tions and riots. They glorified and made instant heroes of those who would have smashed the greatest univers- ities of America in the name of peace ? by which they meant instant withdrawal from Viet- nam. Hence for a long time the media have made patriotism entirely unfashionable. With the return of the POWs, however, there is not only jubilation in the media over their reunion with their loved ones. Suddenly patrio- tism is in fashion again. How brave the men have been! If the morale of the returned POWs is high, it is because they were sustained by their patriotism; it is because they l'9TEMaY5717713 P.O.W. ZS March ROLE OF U.S. IN VIETNAM SACRAMENTO, Calif., March 8 (UPI)?A career Air Force officer who was a North Viet- namese prisoner says the Unit- ed States butted its "nose into somebody else's business" and that President Nixon could have settled the war for the same terms four years ago. ' Maj. Hubert, K. Flasher, 40 years old, a fighter pilot who spent more than six years in Communist prison camps, ex- pressed a different, view from that of many former P.O.W.'s who have agreed with Mr. Nixon that the United States won a "peace with honor." "I don't think we really won the war at all," Major Flesher said. "If we expected a South Vietnam that essentially be- longed to us, that was in our camp, then we certainly lost the war." Major rixoptcNga3Rsr were good soldiers; it is be- cause they had that American, never-say-die spirit! This sudden change in the climate raises for me an im- possibly difficult question. What is public opinion anyway? All these people who are now saying that they are proud of our soldiers, that they are proud of America's role in saving South Vietnam from Communist tyranny, that they have believed all along in "peace with honor" rather than peace at any price ? why haven't they been heard from during the past few years? Why were the "silent majority" silent ? if they were indeed a majority? A Hudson Institute study, "The Forgotten Americans: The Values, Beliefs and Con- cerns of the Majority," by Frank Armbruster (Arl- lington), shows that the majority were indeed "forgotten" in the major chan- nels of public opinion ? on the subject of Vietnam as well as on a number of other subjects such as drugs, pornography and draft evasion. Relying on the findings of the Gallup, Louis Harris and other scien- tific opinion polls Armbruster gives evidence that American opinion is not subject to rapid ups and downs on major is- sues, but is surprisingly stable -- and moderate. For example the figures show that from August 1968 to August 1971 those who be- lieved that the Vietnam war Force veteran who intends to remain in the military, said the prisoners were generally "split" Into tvvoef actions about the war. ? - 'Superpatriot? vs, Others' "There were the superpatri- ots who felt we should be in there killing them by the thou- sands, as opposed to another I faction which felt the bombing and that sort of thing was not doing any good," he said in an Interview yesterday. Major Flesher said that he "personally didn't think there was any attempt at brainwash- ing" by the Communists but "a lot of people came to the reali- zation that we were not truly there to defend the rights of the South Vietnamese people. Major. Flesher, who was shot 'down in December, 1966, com- pared the war to America's Revolutionary War of 1776, de- claring, "It was a conflict be- tween the Vietnamese people, and whether you like it or not, it should have been. theirs to decide." "/ think more and more peo- ple came to realize I eased201069 etigh7s :clkkt'R 1' was a mistake rose from 53; percent to 60 percent. Howev- er, the common man rejected1 the doves, whose program I could lead to nothing but na- tional ,humiliation, and "leaned toward the hawkish (but far from bellicose) candi- dates." Why? Armbruster credits the realism of the American people, who "know a bad situ- ation when they see it. but they also know that the world is full of bad deals, many of which cannot be avoided, and they will endure difficult situ- 'ations for a surprising length ' of time." The media ?especially tele-1 yision ? are governed by Show business standards of evaluation. What they want is dramatic action that will grabs your attention. So when anti-1 war protests and rallies pro- vided dramatic action, the! pews media gave them extend- , ed coverage, creating the impression that "everyone" was ashamed of America and the war. However, when the POWs returned and provided a dif; ferent kind of dramatic situa- , tion rich with emotion, the networks rallied around, cre- ating the impression that "everyone" is proud of Ameri- ca and her soldiers ? as I ant sure most Americans are. What is to be remembered is that the silent majority are not necessarily. silent. They are merely the uninterviewed, the untelevised, the ignored. lieve that jiossibly we had as serted our noses into some- body, else's business." "It's my personal opinion that the 14 points that they of- fered in 1969 were what were agreed to in 1972," he said. "They asked for complete to- tal withdrawal of United States forces, a complete halt or air activity over all of Vietnam, the stopping of support of the Government of South Vietnam and for elections. Christ -al- mighty, in looking at the peace terms and everything, that's exactly what they got." ' ? Asked about amnesty, Major Flesher said: "I'm not opposed to it. - :"There were a lOt of young I men who were honestly op- posed to this war and were not Able or willing to have them- selves involved-in a situation where possibly they would be killing other people for a cause they didn't believe in. ? "It certainly would not make me angry to see these people back home and fitted back into American society," he added. 77-00432R000100110001-4 65 Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 WASHINGTON POST 24 Febrary, 1973 Kenneth Crawford ating Cr w on Vietnam You can lead people to crow but you can't make them eat. It is futile to try. Nevertheless, repeated tries made by President Nixon and public officials who stood by him through his Vietnam ordeal are understandable and, in ele- mentary justice, pardonable. They have been subjected to merciless abuse for a very long time by critics who said their policies would never pro- duce an agreed ceasefire, much less peace, and by some who denied that they were really. trying. These abusers are of several kinds ? spokesmen for foreign governments, U.S. members of Congress, .Arrierican newspapers, columnists, . television commentators and periodicals with na- tional and international circulation. Some of them have indulged a pench- ant for alarmist prediction as well as savage criticism. During the climactic bombing raids on Hanoi and Haiphong, for example, the President's sanity was called into question and he was threatened with impeachment. All this just before the truce agreement that started U.S. pris- oners of war on their way home and Indochina on its way to an admittedly fragile peace. The fragility of the .peace is what' makes a backward look at the excesses of fault-finding with administration performance desirable. Perhaps a dose of retrospect will make the critics a bit more tolerant in the future. It is prob- ably too much to expect that Sen. George Aiken's call for restoration of bipartisanship in foreign affairs will be heeded. But perhaps some of the venom: can be extracted from the partisanship. This would help in the remaining diffi- cult task of converting the ceasefire agreement, So far honored almost as much in the breach as, in the observ- ance, into a real peace. Moreover, those of us who have sym- pathized with the President's determi- nation to achieve what he describes as an "honorable peace" and who, in the past, have been ridiculously over-opti- mistic about the prospects in Vietnam have endured a lot of taunting. We are entitled, if not to a last laugh, at least to a last growl. Mr. Nixon himself growled at a post- ceasefire press conference about jour- nalists who can't see any distinction between an honorable and a dishonor- able peace. Secretary-of State William Rogers growled in an appearance be- fore the House Foreign. Affairs Com- mittee abeut the prime minister of Sweden, who compared the bombing of North Vietnam with Hitlerian geno- cide, which, incidentally, neutral Swe- den did nothing to stop. Given an opening; Rogers would, doubtless have let go, too, at Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, who said in a speech that the U.S. would never have treated Europeans as it treated the Asians of North Vietnam. She seemed to forget that Asian casualties in North Vietnam were ?a fraction of European casualties inflicted by U.S. forces in the second world war in bombing raids on German and Ger- than-occupied cities. Also that since the war the U.S. has shown almost $10 bil- lion worth of concern for the Asians of Mrs. Gandhi's India. Years of simmering discontent with the President's course in Indochina boiled over when, after Henry Kissing- er's announcement that peace was "at hand," the bombing of Hanoi and Hai- phong was resumed and intensified. Even then the so-called "carpet bomb- ing" was nothing like as devastating as second-world-war air attacks. Yet it brought the Communists back to the bargaining table, probably not because it had a crippling military effect but because it served as a Warning that more and worse could follow. Comment in Congress ranged from Democratic Leader Mike Mansfield's prediction that the bombing would prolong the war to Sen. Vance Hart- ke's conclusion that it amounted to a nuclear challenge to Moscow and Pe- king. "Armageddon may be only hours. away," Hartke declaimed. To Sen Ed- ward Kennedy is was a "senseless act of military desperation by a President incapable of finding the road to peace.". Rep. Bella Abzug talked of impeach- ment. ' ? Anti-Nixon columnists and newspa- pers were equally vehement in their denunciations. One columnist spoke of "nukes," reluctantly he said, as the only thing Mr. Nixon had in his arse- nal still untried. Another called the re- newed bombing "war by tantrum." Still another declared it "morally out- rageous and politically Useless." To a particularly fervent. administration NEW YORK TIMES 25 February 1973 Aid to Hanoi 'How C I Vote For It?' WASHINGTON?With Secretary of State William P. Rogers sitting at the witness table of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, Representative Ben- jamin S. Rosenthal began wondering aloud. How, the Queens Democrat mused, could he explain to his constituents a vote for economic aid to North Viet- nam when President Nixon "had cut off 100 domestic programs?" Mr. Rogers ducked the question. "I'm not requesting your vote, this morning," he replied. Mr. Rosenthal's question is one that has been asked with increasing fre- quency, both in public and in private, by members of Congress of late. Vir- tually every Congressman had a pet! program or project omitted from thel President's budget, and, if there is not: Approved For Release 2001/08/07: CIA-RDP77-0043 c? ritic it spelled. "failure on a grand scale." A normally quite restrained opposi- tion newspaper found the ultimate bombing "so ruthless, so difficult e? fathom politically as to cause millions of Americans to cringe in shame and to wonder at their President's very san- ity." News magazines emblazoned their covers with such captions as "The .Specter of Defeat." Network television commentators agreed almost unanimously that the President when he first blockaded North Vietnamese harbors had thrown away his chance for a summit meeting in IV.roscow. One of them questioned; whether the Soviet Union, "to save face," wouldn't respond by stirring up i new trouble in Europe or the Middle: East and North Vietnam by overruning' strategic Kontum in South Vietnam. ; As we now know, none of these dire forebodings was borne out by events.' Yet none of the foreboders has seen fit to acknowledge, excessive pessimism. One newspaper complained that it was being ridiculed for doom saying "as if anyone who warns of danger is proved the fool if danger is averted." 1 This draws a fine line between warn- ing of danger and predicting disaster. . Anyway, Mr. Nixon and Kissinger have come through with an agreement., Those who said it couldn't be done their way have been proved wrong. Critics can console themselves with ar- guments that the bombing didn't do it or that it should .have been done. sooner or that, in any case, it won't prevent an ultimate Communist vic- tory. They will never admit that they were dead wrong this once, as who ever does? The Nixonites wouldn't if the shoe were on the other foot, as it has been at times along the way. Crow just isn't edible in public places. enough money for loans to farmers or! grants to libraries, for instance, where, they are asking, is the money for Northi Vietnam? Mr. Rogers's response was also typical. The Nixon Administration' quite clearly is planning to ask Con-- grees to provide economic assistance to help rebuild North Vietnam. But the Administration's spokesmen are reluctant to make any specific pro- posal until the climate in Congress has changed?until the prisoners have all been returned, until the fighting! haa Conipietely stopped and until, per-1 haps, emotions over the domestic , budget have calmed. Henry A.. Kissinger, President .on',s national security adviser, seemed to be to Congressional nay- sayers last week when he said: "You i should look at the economic aid pro- gram: not in terms of a handout, and .not in terms Of a program even of ' 'reconstruction alone, but as an attempt! :to enable the leaders of North Viet- nam to Work together with other -coUntiies and Particularly with West- ern countries." . In the. Paris accords that the United 'Stites signed last month, this country promised "to contribute to healing the wounds of war." In fact, economic as- sistance is one of the levers the Ad- 000100110001-4 Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 ministration hopes will pry the North' Vietnamese into maintaining the peace long after the last American prisoners and troops have gone home. Nonetheless, the sentiment in Con, gress right now is so strongly against such. aid that an Administration request for it would almost certainly be denied. "One or two ? billion dollars for Hanoi has as much chance as a bil- lion or two for the U.S. poverty pro- gram?and that is zero," declared Senator William Proxmire, the Wis- consin Democrat. The reaction of the fiercest Con- gressional hawks to the idea of giving aid to a former enemy was pre- dictable. Senator Barry Goldwater summed it up. "The North Vietnam- ese were the culprits in this," the? Arizona Republican argued. "They could have ended the war before- it caused any damage to their country. Their failure to do so caused many American deaths, and I don't think we should pay them for it." y?- - - But recently, Congressional doves? the very same politicians who protest- ed a few months ago about the damage American bombs were doing to North Vietnam?have joined the opposition to proposals for aid to that country. Senator George McGovern; who had 'urged a postwar program of aid for the North Vietnamese during his bid for ?the President, declared last week that he "cannot be at all sym- pathetic now" to the idea of? direct re- construction aid to North Vietnam. Opposition to helping to rebuild North Vietnam was by no means unanimous. Senator Mike ? Mansfield, the Democratic leader, and Senator Hugh Scott, the Republican leader, said they were "leaning toward" sup- porting the Administration. Economic assitance, Senator Mansfield remarked, last week, was "essential to stability in Indochina and' is not too big? - a price to pay." But Senators Mansfield and Scott were distinctly in the- minority ' According to Congressional :staff members, mail has been running heavily against aid to North Vietnam. Last week, thousands of persons? most. of them black, young -and poor rallied at the Capitol to try to per; suede Congress to preserve the anti- poverty programs that the Nixon Administration wants to abolish. - More than one legislator, like Rep- resentative Rosenthal and Senator Mc- Govern, said that he couldnot justify cancelling programs that were ? so, important to these Americans and, at the same time, defend aid to a former, enemy, "How can I vote for a program of rebuilding Haiphong and Hanoi." asked Senator Hubert H. Humphrey, "when - we haven't even cleaned up the streets here in Washington from the 1967 fire and riots?' ?DAVID E. ROSENBAUM WASHINGTON STAR 21 February 1973 WASHINGTON CLOSE-UP Aiding the The idea of the United States giving postwar eco- nomic aid to our enemy of last month, North Vietnam, is an interesting one, so interesting that it has aroused immediate opposition in both houses of Congress, on both sides of the partisan aisle and in both lib eral and conservative quer ters The comparison has been made to our postwar aid to Japan and Germany, a com- parison which seems to prom- ise that a generation from now we will be fl000ded with cheap, well-made cars and tellies from North Vietnam and be forced to devalue the dollar yet again. In reply to that comparison, it has been pointed out that our aid to Germany and Ja- pan was given only after those powers had surrendered unconditionally and their old, wartime, evil governments had been replaced by good, peacetime, democratic gov ernraents like our own North Vietnam has not sur rendered at all The same evil government that once posed such a threat to San Diego and to the cause- of freedom everywhere is still m power, unrepentant and still poses precisely the same threat to San Diego and to the cause of freedom everywhere ? * The most. scrupulous read-. mg of. the assorted chapters, and protocols of the Peace of Paris fails ? to reveal a-word about renouncing the capture of San Diego as an-interim goal on the way to San Cle- mente- The prudent American can only assume that the evil North Vietnamese still ,have their eyes on the Coronado Hotel as headquarters. That being so, the opposi tion argument goes, we would be doubly, triply foolish to send aid to the Southeast nrepentant Enemy By FRANK GETLEIN Asiatic Commies and have it come back in the form of bombs over the Bay Bridge The trouble here is that the American people have been educated over the years to regard most of their wars as moral enterprises of a high order We threw off the Brit ish tyranny in 1776, did it again in 1812, smote the Wicked Mexican and so on and so forth, right up to and including the war in Vietnam. Our wars have been holy wars, and none has been more ? holy than Vietnam, aSis cleat- from the slightest glance at the public rhetoric of Dwight Eisenhower, Richard Nixon, John F Kennedy Lyndon Johnson and a east- of hundreds of government spokesmen of lesser rank - " If you are in a holy war, you ? may not win it ? although we always have until now ac cording to our beliefs but you certainly do not just call off the shooting and become chums with the hated enemy Other nations can do that In the old diplomatic wars or the more modern trade wars, ? winners and losers could stop- - ',for a bit and once more be relatives and trading part -' 'nersl They were, after. all dealing with Uncle Henry ? or with John Bull the Honest -Broker - We, on the other -hand, have tended to be deal: ing with the Prince of Dark - ness and all his works and all his pomps. - ? The wives and motherS' of - the still unaccounted-for ? - American soldiers missing in action have demanded - probably in vain ? that no aid be given North Vietnam until a full. accounting of their men has been.made. It is a reason able request, and if the- gov ernmen c as muc as it has said it does for the troops, and especially for prisoners and missing, it Would honor the request with- out even discussing it But another condition ought to be attached to congression- al approval of aid to the wale feated unrepentant enemy This is simply some form of public admission that we were wrong in the first place, that North Vietnam had no designs ori San Diego and was no threat to the free world ex- cept insofar as the free world can be identified with the for tunes -of a corrupt military- dictatorship That admitted, aid makes sense That not admitted, aid is a kind of super-cynicism that neither the American people nor their Congress is quite prepared to accept in their government's dealings with the world although perhaps such acceptance would be an Improvement from many points of view The super-cynicism or realpolitik, or simple immor ality by the standards of our rhetoric ? consists in this The aid is to be used not as an act of reparation or even as- an act of humanitarian con-. cern. It is to be used as a la- Ver for keeping North Viet-., nam to the terms ? whatever they really Mean - of the chapters and protocols of Par ' Since that same cleverness, ray behind the Christmas- bombings and, indeed, all the- diplomatic bombing, as dis -- tinct from the tactical bomb- ing, it takes no great gift of prophecy to see a day, not too distant when we shall alter'. nate nate blowing up hospitals and rebuilding them, blowing' them up once more and put- ting them back together, in a pattern that reasonably could last forever Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-R6077-00432R000100110001-4 Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 NEW YORK TIMES 18 February 1973 TJ? AS4. ,KillerReported hued a P1 LI Mdrcoz By JOHN.?w FpINEY ! Special to Th New York Times WASHINGTON, Feb. 17 President Ferdinand E.. Marcos of the Philippines believes that last fall, shortly before un- posed martial law, he was- the target of a right-wing assassi- nttion plot involving a. hired killer from the United States,: according to information sup- plied to the Senate Foreign Re- lations Committee. As described in. a document given to the committee, by -a Philippine Government._ official; key figures in the. plot were 'Vice President Fernando' -LOpeZ and Sergio Osmena- Presi- dent Marcos's opponent in the 1969 presidential election; The reported objective ? of the-. plot- ters was to overthrow the Mar- cos Government, and to carry i'out the killing they were said to have brought in a. "hit man". associated. with- various criminal groups in the United, States: One plan reportedly.worke out by the professiOnal killer was arrested. by- the ?Phil Ilippine police, was to shoot !Mr. Marcos from the back of !a sound-proofed Volkswagen ;truck while the President ,was playing golf. Alternatively; he reportedly planned to blow . up :a boat. landing:-. ?; the President ? . The bizarre story-r,wass-1:a-e counted . a -.Senate:: .Forei Relations Committee. staff -:re- port made- public., today.,-;,,Th report was- prepared-by ,James G. Lowenstein-and Rieher&M. Moose. two -. 'cominitte?af members who Fast -.NOverriber made Rn inspection trip zto,the Philippines. and South:: Korea.-- On Inspection Trip!::: while there-have been cryp tic references'. by--- .the Philip pine Government to the. asses,: sination plan, particularly afte the arrest of theAmeriCangun, man', the report marks the lira time that the- alleged:-plot.,he been spelled out: in while they were in '? 1 ? the two committee staff,rnem, hers said,: a-, high-?.Philippin Government official told them that the reason President Mar- cos had -deciarecV-martial"la* was that: he: had; uncovered 'ar plot from the right- to,?-assassi- ' nate him ? _and that': the :key figures: "were-- Vice President Lopez and Mr. Osmena;?: official. also --said ?that`.,thre.e Americans were,involyethinth' 'plot." The report did, not identify + the Philippine official, but one possibility was that it was President Marcos himself who arranged for the story of the !assassination plot to, be given to the two staff members with the expectation that it would be made public eventually by the Senate cOmmittee. In a fore- word to the report, the two staff members noted that they had met with President Marcos "at his request." 'Web' Of Plots Described ,. To support the charges, the aecording to the re- port, arranged for a docuinent to be given to the two staff membert?deScribing 1.!a web" Of plots agaiiist the Maraos Gov- ernment, including a "rightist revolution and coup d'?t." AS summarized in the report,. the document gave- the following-de- tails of the rightist plot: Shortly after the 1969 elec- tion; a group composed mostly of retired colOnels and generals organized a revphitionary junta with the aim of. grit discredit- ing PreSident Marcos and then killing him. The group ,was ! headed by EleuteriO Adeoso; an official of the opposition Liberal party.........:-" Mr:. Adevosti inferfned the junta at one meeting that he, Mr. Osmena and 'someone in the United : States Embassy staff" had conferred about the take-over plans and :then at a subsequentm eeting said 'Wash- ington authorities ;had been briefed 'and' they showed great interesv, the junta Move- ment!? - Pare 'of :the ? take-Over 'plan was to designate Mee President LOpez .as a caretaker President during the trattsition-period and this:-was approved by Mr: Os- mena and "apparently-hy the 'Liberal Party and their alleged .American supporters, particu- larly by Larry Trattman and Company!' - :According tn recorda of the -Federal, Bureau of Investiga- tion, which maintains an office in Manila, TractMan had been convicted.- of smuggling arid conspiracy in the United- StateS in 1950 and had been a contro- versial figure in Philippine poli- tics, ? closely associated ?::with Mr. Osmena.: , :Onei,Iune 1972; Traci: man-and ? ae: second: American Robert Pincus,- brought a ;third American, August McCormick Lehman:: to :Manila,: the -report continued..: --Tractman duced Lehman to Mr.' Osmena ;as: a professional killer: . ! ? Lehman made several sileria- crs-and., was -flown to the. Os,: mena.darm on the Island ..-of Cebu where he ' test-fired a :rifle ? with a silencer in the 'company of Mr. Osmena's son. :Lehman also adapted a Volkswagen ,van,: making ,r it "'soundproof and arranging it:so thata sniper could fire.a rifle, :through a hole in the back cov- ered with a World Health Or- ganization insignia. The truck was to be parked near the ;Pasig. Bluer so that Presidentl Marcos could be shot while on la golf course.- I According to the report, Lehman also ordered, an oxygen tank to be used by scuba divers for plant bombs to blow up the presidential post landing as President Marcos passed He ? set up. a booby trap. with a mine to ;protect the room where, his firearms were stored, ' On Sept. 30, a week often inarital waS proclaimed! the "legal attache!' of the American Embassy informed Philippine security officers.the.t Lehman had: been arrested in Kansas City, Moe. on Oct..16,- 197r for carrying a'doncealed weapone7,that :he: Was known to have been- associated-;With criminals in ;NeW Yorit,-Neui Jersey and Tennessee; and that on :or about June - 17, he -had left New York-to "make' a hit on an unknown persori,L, peat sibly abroad: - Also according to F.B.I.- rec. ords, ? ? the% , report; :continued, Pincus Said that he knew Leh man was a -"hit man" for union in and ha "hit" several persons. Pincus, wliti was dot further identified, tele! the 'F.B.I. on his return to the United. States, that Leh:. man had agreed to pay him $5,000 a month plus eipenses, but that he had left the Philip- pines after, receiving a: threat- ening call in-:his Manila,hotel room.-- _ Philippine -authorities :..aTh nOunced on Nov. 15 that- they were holding Lehman and that he had confessed. The' docu- ment ' said: he had: "revealed!! that rthe,--i-hialT 'details:Of :the assassination:- plot were ;to ? he coordinated-?: with Vice--t'Presi dent r.,Opei; With.'the.expensel borne by_ Mr.. Osmena, Tract- man, and :Eduardo -Figneras,' 4 former Candidate for Mayorin i::-- Vice President Lopez, a mem- ber of a wealthy family owning a major electrical utility seized by the Marcos Government, is still in Manila. Mr. Osmena iS reported tee be in hiding_ in tree United States. - ' The ? Staff report said the "high" Philippine official ex- plained- that there had been no !public mention of the plot in 'Manila becatise the conspiracy extended into the highest cir- cles Of the Government and the military and. disclosure would undermine public confidence in the military at a time when Such confidence was essential. The - staff, report does not vouch for the accuracy of the account or the reported .plot, which it said waS recounted in such' detail "because a high Philippine officialconsidered it sufficiently important to spetici an hour talking to us about ItJ and secondly; because it con- Veys,' sate:. of, the- atmospher ' of violence, Paranoia and sur, 'realistic intrigue which one :senses in the Philippines." ! The report noted that United StateS Embassy officials said they had no-knowledge of such a plot but-did have some Cor- roborating ? information about the , Americans allegedly in- :volved. ----- - ? , / At the ,saine ime, the report Pointed out that "both official and private observers -believe that those Filipinos with large financial interests, particularlyi the enormously wealthy?the loligarcha' as they are calledl the prospects of Presi _ dent Marcos' continued rule as a serious threat and that it would not be out of character for some among them .to .seek his assassination." ? !The report also noted that the Maroos!Qovernment might :also have an . interest. in ' promoting the story of the rightist. plot since the original reaSdn if, gave for martial law?that II was to: combat a-leftist "had been greeted. with such skepticism" : and that it "rnightl new he seeking to justify itsj actions on grounds less likely to be rejected by liberal critic abroad." _ 68 Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 WASHINGTON POST 1 March 1973 Victor Zorza .A Chinese:Guide to. as. The CIA has intercepted a message sent to Peking by the Chinese. Commu- nist mission at the United Nations. The text was obtained by the CIA's top agent Maxwell Smart who- was dis- guised, on this occasion, as James Bond. The message explains America to the Chinese diplomats who are to open soon the new Chinese Liaison Mission in Washington. Here are some. excerpts: Your first impression of Americans. will be that they all look the same. You will therefore have ? great diffi- culty in telling one individual from an- other. White Americans do Indeed look very much alike, what with eyes that do not slant, large noses, and other fa- cial characteristics which seem corn, mon to all. But there are certain ways, discussed in .the section on Social In- tercourse, to help you to distinguish between different categories of Ameri- cans, if not between different individu- als. Americans who come to ,China say that our men. and women took- alike, because both . sexes wear :the same clothes. In fact, however, it is .young Americans of both sexes who. wear the , same clothes and hair styles to an ex- tent which sometimes makes it diffi- cult to tell male from female. This uni- formity is evidence of the regimenta- tion forced on society by the totalitar- ian American capitalist system. ' Styles of dress are imposed by.. a ruthless dictatorship , -.excercised? through the fashion ?magazines. Devi- tion from the approved, norm is pun- ished by social ostracism or by dis- missal from work, so that freedom-lov- ing elements have either to conform or to starve. In?Washington you will soon learn to .recognize a government offi- cial by WS dress, and tell hisrank by the furnitureAn ? his ? office.- Business: men, industrial' workers,- farm. workers, etc., all wear different. types of. dress? which helps- to-maintain ? the barriers-. between them, and. to..control,the popu, BALTIMoRE SUN1 6 March 1973 ? 1 lace. Some Americans claim that in. China. the the population is brainwashed by the constant stream of propaganda blaring from loudspeakers on every street cor- ner. You will find that the Americans have a much more subtle and insidious form of mass brainwashing. Certain kinds of music are piped into restau- rants, airliners, elevators, workplaces? in fact, wherever people congregate- -in order to shape the mood of the, mas- ses, to make them more docile or more alert, more relaxed or more prod- uctive, dePending on circumstances. In China we use quotations from Chairman Mao's little red book to ap- peal to man's better- nature,' because ours is an ideological society. In the United States mass propaganda takes the form of advertising designed to trigger the buyer impulse, because theirs is a consumer society. No Ameri- cans can escape being manipulated by the news and advertising media- unless he shuts-himself off completely4rom the flow of public information.. But since he needs the information to-sur= vive in a highly competitive society, he remains open to the advertising mes- sage and therefore to manipulation. The consumer ethic is the founda- tion of the American system. The United States can only keep going by producing more and more, otherwise the corporate empires dedicated to production would crash 'and, bring down with- them the-whole social and political structure. So Americans work more and more to consume snore and, more 'to' create more and more work. This is- known- as the work ethic. The advertising which creates the con- sumer demand is far more pervasive in America than the propaganda of Chair- man Mao' China. Its task is to preserve the American system, and it therefdre has to be far more persuasive; whatever, the: The' _ ? The importance of TV in forcing the cape/ t ornat's defection ad fuel to e s reunification drive Lo message_ on the citizen-consumer is still growing. Televison is assuming the role which the church once held in American society. For instance, the TV set occupies in each home the place which a family shrine takes in a Chi- nese home. The high priests of televi- sion are better known to the American people than any other public perso- nages, and they can easily sway the mood of the country. Complaints from the White' House that the TV networks aridthe press op- pose the government are part of an elaborate. charade which the media 'and the administration play in order to mislead the public.. In fact, the media and the administration work hand in hand. to, mold public opinion:. Before' Nixon's visit to China, no one had a good- word to- say about-rour .country.14 But since he abandoned, his-rigid anti-- China stance, the media began flood- ing the public with information favora- ble to our country. Some of the most 'fanatical anti-Communists have...sud- denly become China-lovers. . . _ ' We must remember, however that the totalitarian ? controls.. available to the American system could again ena- ble it to switch overnight from ,friend- ship to hostility. Our comrades -who will be arriving in Washington shortly must always bear in mind that this city, like the American system itself, is built on duplicity and deception The available text ends abruptly- at. this point. A footnote adds that Chi- nese experts are preparing a series .of explanatory leaflets on various aspects of the American. scene,: ,such aS.- sports; food, comics, politics,. sex; art,., educat, tion, foreign policy and .many-,- others: . Readers who would like to provide-fur-. ,ther insights for our. Chinese guests; .or to correct- some the gross- miscon- ceptions, -quoted 'above, are -,invited' to send suggestions to this column. -?? ? -- ? ." Hone Wong Bureau al 7'he sun relatiyely junior official.such on Taiwan against the Nation- Hong Kong?A Nationalist Chinese diplomat defected to Peking only three days after the People's Republic appealed to Nationalist_ military and civil officials for open or, se- cret negotiations for a peaceful "liberation" of Taiwan., Sung Wei-pin,_ former com- mercial attache of the Nation= alist Embassy in Australia, ar- rived in Peking Saturday with his wife and their two children; and they were liven a "warm welcome and cordial recep- tion," the official news agency Hsinhua reported Sunday... Ordinarily,- a defectipik.ef. as Mr. Sung would.- not have worried the Nationalist govern- ment of President Chang Kai- shek on Taiwan seriously. Mr. Sung's was the seventh defec- tion since the end of 1965. But coming- so soon after Peking publicly-- offered r an olive branch to Nationalist off i: cials on,Taiwan irrespective of "their-past "wrongdoings;" this latest ? defection cannot but have: psychological' impact on Taiwan. - Senior- Chinese-. ;!: officials, speaking last Wednesday at a Peking meeting :-.ostensibly marking, the 26th -anniver IMIAlert)- itiaRALQW alists, told the Taiwan officials that a Chinese domestic solu- tion of the -Taiwan question 'is now possible as the result of President Nixon's- China vist last year and Henry A. Kissin- ger's recent -trip to Peking. They proposed, obviously with, the leadership's approval, that negotiations ,onithe unifi- cation of Taiwan with the mainland should start as soon as -possible and- that officials from Taiwan may travel pub- licly or secretly to the main- land with their safety and the _ / secrecy of.. their trips , guaran- ,:1:11130eROP 404a2R 1973, Victor Zona-:" mass, defection of% Nationalist officiais:-.. at the. Wednesday meeting. -77 , !'. Mr: Sung's action, therefore, went a step further than Pe- king had anticipated.. Although he said on arrival in Peking tha the had decide( long ago to return to, the Chi- nese mainland, his defection, on the heels of the'. Peking appeal, is bound to produce added propagandist- effect for China's current' drive to settle the Taiwan- question peaceably among.the Chinese themselves, an approach, that. ,the United States A State: Department spokes- man. in Washington reiterated after the Peking appeal that the U.S. interest was simply in seeing, that the Taiwan ques- tion was resolved peaceably by the Chinese themselves. An of- ficial spokesman ?in Taipei_dis-: 1 0(010001-4 Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 NEW YORK TIMES 25 February 1973 6assive In his speech to the South Carolina Legisla- ture last week, President Nixon said"that with the end of the American involvement in Vietnam, "The critical question is: How do we end a war and then go on from there to build a peace?" His query suggests. a related question of broader scope: What is the American strategy' for the post-Vietnam era. in the Far East, where the Big Four?the United States, Japan, China and the Soviet Union?face ? each other in a shifting balance of power? Massive changes are In course in Asia. Each big power maneuvers vis-a-vis the others. And of the four, the United States commands the least freedom of movement. The American break with the past is not as neat as suggested by the President's comment. The United States is in the process of completing , its military disengagement from Indochina, but it remains very lmuch involved in the political and economic support of its prot? regimes in South Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia. , The United States is. also militarily tied to Thailand and the Philippines, in both of which it. maintains big military bases; and to Taiwan and South Korea. Furthermore, the Nixon Doctrine of ? 1969 continues in being as a sanction for inter- vention at our discretion in. Asian countries where insurrection might threaten to disturb the political status. quo. Those commitments. tie us to various petty autocrats who, if history is any guide, will 'upon occasion try to pit the United States against their foreign or domestic enemies in easy disre- gard of the American national interest. Thus in confronting the great, the United States will be encumbered by its bonds to the .petty. And circumstances have changed greatly since most of those obligations were undertaken. Mr. Nixon's visits of .1972 .to Peking and Moscow, our subscription to the principle of peaceful coex- istence with both Communist powers, and last _ week's announcement that the United States and China will be opening official liaison offices in each other's capitals. combine to emphasize the outstanding feature of the changing scene: The United States is; now 'without official political, "enemies," with .perhaps the *exception ..'of Castro 's -.Cuba: ? ? _ . ? - The 'situation is thus no longer. one in which. the military factor dominates. Mr. Nixon fore- shadowed a change irt strategic emphasis when, in July 1971,, he enunciated what ,might .be called the second Nixon Doctrine, setting forth the concept that in the future there Would be increasing competition among five major eco- nomic powers ? the' United States, the Soviet Union, Japan, China and the. West European community. One immediately apparent feature of that proposition is that presumed "allies" are henceforth potential antagonists, -quite as much as the Chinese and Russians... And, in. fact, the ."Nixon shock". in the commercial- field the-fol!4 .missed- the Peking overtures as "not worthy of comment."' lisinhua,_. in its initial corn- iments; had already capitalized on the defection by saying thar :it was inspired by the eicelleriV situation at horne:. and. abrOad. Foreign .141inistriafficiaTh,% greeting Mr. Sung .'at Peking?, Airport, praised him and: his. family for their ."patriotic act." in Course in lowing month, and the second devaluation of the American dollar this February, did not affect.' China and the Soviet Union but hit Western] European countries and Japan?the latter with especial force. ?. What of the position's of, the other major fig- ures in the Far East? Of the three, Japan and the Soviet Union .oc- cupy the more favorable tactical positions. Al- though both have expanding economies, they are in general following complementary, noncompet- itive paths. And each has goods the other wants, ?Japan industrial products and modern tech- nology, and the Soviet Union industrial raw materials. Japan, now being asked in effect by Washing-. ton not to trade so much with the United States but to turn elsewhere, finds a natural trading partner in the Soviet Union. Moscow has in- vited Japanese participation in the exploitation, of Siberia's natural resources, opening the door wide enough to permit American participation in such ,undertakings: Tokyo has gone ahead, if cautiously, and there has been a substantial in-- crease in Japanese-Soviet trade in recent.years. Washington hesitates; 'seemingly uncertain how far to proceed along unfamiliar ways. Except in political terms, China. has the weakest. competitive', position. Encircled by powers that do not share- its Maoist ideology, China clearly experiences a profound sense of long-term, military insecurity. Given its military and economic- debility, it must perforce try to borrow strength from one or more of its op- ponents for use in pursuit of its national goals. The results of Henry Kissinger's latest visit to Peking indicate that the Chinese leadership seeks to use the United States for leverage against the Soviet Union and Japan in the im- mediate present, and to obtain additional trade opportunities, while leisurely working toward its long-term political goal of recovering Taiwan for mainland China. But when and where it can, China will also exploit, for iirofit, its relation- ships-with the other two powers., The .United States thus approaches the' post. Vietnam period in the Far. East' with important handicaps. And there is a 'fundamental flaw in the over-all American strategy: the' United States proposes not so much to collaborate with others- in the economic sphere':as to compete- in.a com- plex viewed as being one of -"adversary" re- lationships. In the Far East as a whole, even as in tortured Indochina, however, the consolidation of peace will clearly be a laborious process, and accomplishment of the task will require consid- eration of the needs of others and. a generous ? measure of collaboration in the economic as in the political and military fields. Neomercantilism does not fit the long-term purpose of creating a peaceful,. ordered Asia. , ?O. EDMUND CLIMB ? Mr. Clubb served 20 years in Asia as a-UnitecLi States Foreign Service Officer. ' 70 Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 WASHINGTON POST 8 March 1973 U.S.-Soviet Detente Threatened By Robert G. Kaiser Washington Post Foreign Service MOSCOW, March 7?The new Soviet-American relation- ship, so carefully nurtured by both countries during the first Nixon, administration,, appears from here to be in serious jeopardy because of the dis- pute over Soviet emigration policy. A damaging confrontation is still avoidable, but at the mo- ment, the U.S. Congress and the Kremlin are on a collision course. Unless one or both of them back down, the recent achievements of Nixon-Kissing- er-Brezhnev diplomacy could be forfeited.. - These are the opinions of 'calm and experienced diplo- mats in Moscow, and one can dismiss then' only by contend- ing that either Fongress or the, . Kremlin . doesn't mean, what it says about the emigra- tion restrictions; which princia pally affect Soviet Jews seek,' ing to go to Israel:', More than, 70 senators-and' 260 members of the House have co-sponsored-': legislation that would withhold mot-fa- vored-nation.status-: and all ? U.S. government credit's. from'. any socialist c ourttrY that "denies its 'citizens the right or opportunity to emigrate" or "imposes more than a nominal tax on emigration Z.: ? ?The Soviet Union selectively denies its Citizens the right' to emigrate, and it charges taxes of up to $30,000 to emigrants With university degrees, alleg- edly as a means of recouping the cost of higher education. This tax is a law-of the Soviet Union, offically published at the end of last year. :If these congressmen?!a ma- jority of both houses?pass the amendment they have sponsored, the Soviet Union Will be denied? expanded trad- ing concessiOnsa These: bene- fits were a precondition for:fi- nal implementation of the So- viet-American trade agree- ment signed last -October, -so, that documentf.:Vould,a. not come into force. The Soviet Union obviously regards increased trade as one of the principal potential ben. 'efits of improved relations with the United States. It Con- gress effectively eliminokr this possibilitY, diplomats here -speculate, the Soviet Union .may find it 'impossible to ex nand cooperation -with the United States in other fields. ; More immediately, it is diffi-i cult.tO imagine Leonid Brezh- nevi the Soviet Party leader, ,coming. to America as planned 'this, summer or fall if Con- gress has just denied his coun- try most-favored-nation status, thus killing the, trade agree- Merit.. ? .Predictions of a strong \ So- viet reaction to an athierse ,Vote in Congress are based on .ati. assumption of great pride -inside the Kremlin. Histori- ..cally somewhat xenophobic, and sensitive in . the extreme :about any challenge to its own . sovereignty, the Soviet gov- ernment cannot easily 'agree :to change a law at home 'to satisfY foreigners. ? Soviet politics may work in 'the same direction. It is pre- 'stimed here that Brezhnev's improvement of relations with the West, and especially his opening toward the United States, is controversial inside the ruling Politburo. If Brezh- nev's policy was to stumble in ,the U.S. Congress, his oppo- inents, the Politburo's hawks, would have a strong new argu- ment. . How the Soviet Union got into this dilemma is a mys- , tery. The ;emigration tax which caused the furor in Congress was imposed ?quietly last August. Well-placed So- viet sources ? said at the time that it was a hasty decision, in ,response to Egypt's expulsion ,of all Soviet military advisors, meant as a demonstration of continued' solidarity with the Arab's anti-Israeli campaign. 'i?? j In the fail, .Soviet diplomat in foreign capitals, journalists in Moscow and other sources began hinting that the tax ,might just disappear, or be re- duced to a token amount. In October, apparently as a ploy to help President Nixon's re- .election campaign, the Soviets ,allowed several hundred Jews .with university degrees' to em- ,igrate to. Israel without paying tax. : Also in October, Sen. Henry M. Jackson (D-Wash.) intro- duced the amendment that would deny 'the Soviets ? any trade 'concessions unless they abolished the tax and allowed free emigration. Whether' this hardnened the Soviet position is unknown. At the end 'of De- cember, the law authorizing the tax was officially pub- lished for the first time, mean- 'ing that the Soviet govern- ment could no longer quietly drop it. . ? However, an official Of the ,Soviet Interior Ministry an- nounced fit, the turn of the roVetr POtR:01601e 7011i0t11 especially the elderly, wouta not have to 'pay the tax, and that the amount of tax would be lower .for those who had contributed, ? to the state . by -working for some years. As fi- nally published, the tax regu- lation also, includes a provi- sion that the tax can be waived in special circum- stances. The tax?which applies only! to the college-educated?would probably affecet less than .10 per cent of prospective emi- grants, according to both offi- cial and unofficial Jewish esti- mates. This 10 per cent 'in- cludes many of the most artic- ulate Jews and also those who are best-known abroad. Soviet spokesmen content ,that 95 percent -of those who applied to ethigrate have been allowed to 'go. to,Israel. With- out endorsing this figure, Jew- ish soures acknowledge that most appicants seem to be able to leave. 'Those denied: permission included many. tragic and well-publicized cases, however, and the fact remains ? that 'under present circumstances, future appli- cants with university degrees are subject to taxes of up to 10,000 rubles or 'more. (An av- erage Soviet intellectual doesn't earn that much in three years.) The tax is by. .no means the only obstacle to "Jewish emi- gration, and the Jackson. am- rnendment refers to more than the tax. 'It covers any country that "denies its citizens' the right or opportunity to emi- grate." Long before the educa-1, tion tax was applied, the So- ! ! viet Union prevented all but a I special feW to emigrate. There are thousands of non- Jewish Soviet citizens who might like to emigrate, but cannot. Some 40,000 ethnic Germans, for instance, are try :jag to get to West Germany.. ;Thus, as it is written,' the Jack- !son amendment demands a !change fundarriental Soviet ;policy ? of ? long standing, not just an end to discrimination against emigrating Jews. ? Many diplomats in Moscow ?including Westerners sym- 'pathetic, to both the United States and the Soviet Jews? question whether the long- term interests of either would be served by congressional ac- tion that could jeopardize So- viet-American detente. '? On the other hand, a num- ber of _these diplomats note that pressure on the, Soviet Union had effectively changed the Kremlin's policy on Jew- ish emigration in the past. It seems inconceivable that more than 50,000 Jews could have emigrated in recent years without an outcry from West- ern public opinion., . . But it is also arguable that Western pressure had the op- posite effect in the case of the emigration tax. - The Soviet Union might he se eager for better relations . with America that it would succumb 'to this -pressure and', !abandon the 'emigration tax, but such a switch would cer- tainly fool the expert's. WASEIINGTON POST ! 1 March 1973 _Soviets Delay-lbw ? .eijShOl U.S.. VIsIIH. Reuter . 4 6SCOW, Feb. 28 -- Soviet, Cuittire Minister Ekaterina FUrtseva said today-the Soviet Union was "in no hurry"' to, nitsWer proposals from': imi5resarios that the Bolshoi Ballet should tour the- United Statei. - :speaking at a press confer- ende-here she warned that So- vi:et :dancers would have to be Satre Of freedom from, harass- nieni?if the company were to: irairef to America. The Bolshoi Company has not visited' the United States since a spate of incidents involving the inili- ;t:ant: Jewish Defense League Ond Soviet officials two years ago.; ? 7 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 THE NEW YORK TIMES; SUNDAY, FEBRUARY 18, 1973 Leaders of American Legion, in a Major Shift, Seelzin6 --Triendly Dialogue' With Soviet War Veterans By EVERETT R. HOLLES Special to The New York Thee - SAN DIEGO, Feb. 17?Since Its organization 54 years ago .the American Legion has yield- ed to no one iri the mili- tancy of its opposition to the Soviet Union and Communism, but now its leaders have de- cided on a new tack. They in- :tend to join a growing national trend, paced by President Nix- on, and seek a ? "friendly dia- logue" with war veterans on the other side of the Iron Curtain to work with them toward common, objectives. A delegation from the Sovie War Veterans Association has ;been invited to this count to be special guests at the legion's midwinter conference in Washington Feb. 25 to March 1. A b0-roup of veterans from Poland has received a similar invitation to the legion's national executive committee meeting in May. Joseph L. Matthews of Fort Worth, 59-year-old national commander of the -American Legion, returned home in De- cember from exploratory talks with officials in Moscow, Len- ingrad and Warsaw and is now touring the United States, ex- plaining the proposed rap- prochement to legion posts. He acknowledged - during ? a visit to Southern California that the idea had been "slightly - traumatic" for some of the older legionnaires because of their long-held attitudes toward the Soviet Union. He added, "It was not an easy decision for me to make to go to Rus- sia and initiate this thing." "But generally," Mr. Mat- thews said, "the 2.7-million members of the American Le- gion approve and a great many of them are enthusiastic about the idea which can, in no sense, be construed as going soft on Communism. "We are simply proceeding," took President- Nixon to Mos- cow and Peking, that different ideologies can exist in the world without war if people can get to know each other better."? ? Formal approval for setting up a "friendly dialogue" with the Soviet war veterans is ex- pected to be asked of the legion's national executive corn- mittee when it meets in Indian- apolis for four days in May, before the project is presented to the legion's membership at its 1973 convention- in Hawaii ;Aug. 17 to 23.. Mr. Matthews said that he was awaiting acceptances from the-Russian and Polish veterans to his invitations but he added :that it had been anticipated that Moscow and Warsaw would delay any decisions un- til after a negotiated truce in' Vietnam. "Now that the war there has been stopped," he said, "I think there is a good chance that they may come." I While he was in the Sovieti tUnion and Poland, Mr. Mat- thews said, he was asked re- peatedly about the United States involvement in South- east Asia and .we had some rather sticky- sessions on th subject." . ' , "I refused to discuss the war in Vietnam because lc. would have 'been, inappaipriate for me to do so," Mr. Matthews said, "and I kept stressing to them that it was . more impor- tant -to talk about things we would agree on than those mat ters of national policy on which we could not. agree.' ? He said he. found that the American Legion and the vet erans groups on the other:sid of the Iron Curtain had man similar objectives, including veterkne rehabilitation and benefits and the promotion of youth projects: In some respects, he said, the Soviet Union appears to have more advanced programs of veterans' care than does the United States, for example, in prosthetic research to provide artificial limbs for the handi- capped.. THE EVENING STAR and DAILY. NEWSI Washington, A C., Wednesday, March 7, 1973 ovie le urn ie ticzn-the emigres received i Senate resolution spon- I sore& by Sen. Henry M.7Jack- son; 1)-Wash., also demands the; tax be lifted. It has the I support of an estimated 89 of I the 109 senators. "Zionists aim to direct their blow first of all at economic relations between the U.S.S.R. and the United States," com- mentator Alexander Kislov I wrote in the Soviets' latest blast at opposition to the trade provisions. ? "And this is not by chance, since economic ties are a most important factor facilitating a growth of trust and, conse- quently, an improvement of the international situtation in general' ,-Kislov added. MOSCOW (AP) A presti- gious Soviet journal on U.S. affairs claims in its latest is- sue that American "Zionists" are jeopardizing "a most ird? pertant factor" contributing to mutual trust ? increased U.S.-Soviet trade. The monthly U.S.A., the only Soviet journal devoted solely to -American affairs, had sharp criticism in its March issue for U.S. Jewish organizations trying to influence the out- come of a congressional vote on,' granting most-favored-na- tion status to the Soviet Union in-trade relation's. A group of 250 House mem- bers- led by Arkansas Demo- crat Wilbur D. Mills,: who Chairs the powerful Ways and Means Committee, has threat- ened to block the tariff bene- fits: sought. by the Nixon ad-- ministration for Moscow un- less the Soviets stop charging "ransom taxes" on Jews who emigrate. " The Soviet explanation of the tax is that it is designed to recover the cost of free educa-- 72 ' Mr. Matthews said that he was also impressed by the help given to disabled Soviet vet- erans, known as invalids of war. d' Special privileges extended to Soviet invalids of war in-i elude small automobiles that they can buy for about $3,000.; Such cars normally cost about $9,000 for an able-bodied So- viet worker earning $50 a week. . Behind the Iron Curtain, a man or woman is considered to be a veteran if he or she was involved in any phase of the fighting effort. Those who served in partisan or . guerrilla units are entitled. to the same benefits as former members of the Red army..-- Mr. Matthews said -that he was unable to obtain informa- tion on the size of the vet- erans' organizations in the So- viet Union and Poland but that, having been formed in 1966, long after . the end of World ? War II, their rolls ap- parently are far smaller than the American Legion's 2.7 mil- lion members., whose military, service goes -back to World War I. . . The Soviet War Veterans Association appears,. he said, ,to be financed entirely by the Soviet Government but Com- 'munist party affiliation is' not required for membership:. The government news agency, Tass, distributed a summary of Kislov's article last night. The journal is due out later this week. - The shortened version of the article made no mention of the education tax, the prime fac- tor complicating the approval of most-favored-naticin status. The article said the main reasOns for the American "Zi- -onists' campaign of . anti- Sovietism" is- to "divert atten- tion" from Israeli's "brutal re- pressions in the Middle- East; :to instigate a new- fiareup of nationalistic sentiment among Americans- of Jewish origin" and "to evoke anti-Soviet feel lags among broad segments of the American population." Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 CHRISTIAN SCIENCE MONITOR 3? March 1973 ? st G a y ser tat stop r n By David B. Francis , Staff correspondent of , The Christian Science Monitor Bonn Espionage, if it is that, has apparently developed a new politeness in this capital on the Rhine. , Recently someone ? not yet publicly known -- popped some "most secret" NATO papers into the mail to the Soviet Embassy in nearby Rolandseck. - Soon after, the Soviet ambassador had a messenger take these original documents to the West German Foreign Ministry. Politely, he added a note saying, "With friendly greetings from Ambassador Falin." The leak is not believed to be militarily important. The papers reportedly discussed the civil-preparedness side of NATO's bien- nial command-post exercise, called Wintex 73. For the government, though, the leak is embarrassing. Bonn already has a reputation for holding secrets like a sieve. In 1968 and 1969 the capital was rocked by a series of espionage scandals. In one case, a.gents stole a NATO rocket and sent it by airfreight to Moscow, marked "machinery." ' '? Chancellor Willy Brandt's government quickly clamped strict security wraps on the story. Armed with a list of the more than 100 supplied with the secret documents, the office ' of the federal attorney general in Karlsruhe- launched an investigation. Even though- a government spokesman had announced this action, the Karlsruhe office would not admit - officially even their investigation. ? -'s ' - At NATO's SHAPE headquarters:_in Bel- giuM,- an information Officer could not even, say when the Wintex exercise is to begin. "That's still classified," he held. When it was noted that some newspaper stories set the date as March 7, he replied: "I know, but I have rules to play by." To the German press, the story has become a fount of -fun. "More amusing than painful," said the headline to an article in the Rheinische Post. ' Documents-sent back' ? The author,' Heinz Schweden, imagines humorously that., the Soviets regularly send back documents4n plain envelopes marked . "wrong address' kt\to a lost-and-found office for secret papers in'the Foreign Ministry-. - Perhaps, he adds14e Soviets were merely, acting in the spirit \ of the German-Soviet - friendship treaty ratified last year; ? -- Christian Potyka; , *riling in the-- Sued- deutsche Zeitung, suggest' that the- sender of the document might be someone,seeking the . Rhine carnival medal, the Award Against Deadly .11t - Exchange propose , . There was some: speculation that the Soviets di received. Welffor#NOUVOI; secunty lea _ _ Western strategists are offended that their- laboriously thought-out military positions find so little attention. He proposes that the preparatory talks in Vienna for a mutual and- balanced-force reduction should add to their agenda a proposal calling for the regular exchange of maneuver papers. "This could -make it unnecessary to ac- tually hold the maneuvers and save a lot of money," he writes. Seen from that stand-, point, the Wintex blow could become a! milestone in the history of disarmament. Welt am Sonntag, a weekly newspaper, has; a cartoon showing an official in an office overlooking the Kremlin with a "top secret" . NATO document in his hands. He says into the phone: "You can send that back. We already have enough of them." ' ' ? ' Perhaps the full story of the Wintex affair will emerge this week. A member of the opposition Christian Democratic_ Party has asked a question in Parliament about it, and the government is expected to reply. ? Perhaps the full story of the Wintex affair will emerge soon. A member of the opposition- Christian Democratic Party has asked a question in. _Parliament, about it,. and .the government is expected to-reply. Of course, espionage is always a problem for the security of NATO nations.. But:. the7 staff command exercise itself pointato what likely is an even -more serious securityS concern for European nations. These are the Communist Party. members-, and -the .huge--'; number of foreign workers living in Western' Europe. - ? ' ' There -has..-:speculation in- the press that the Wintex documents themselves may have been sent to the Soviet Embassy by a leftist civil servant. The exercise imagines that at a time of dangerous troop concentrations and naval maneuvers by the enemy, "Orange Country," the police in Marburg must deal with --a rebellion by Spartakus students. MSB Spar- takus is the student wing of the West German Communist Party. - , ? In other -.German states,:,? the exercise reportedly - _gives, the police the task. of stopping newly arrived provocateurs from stirring foreign workers into rebellion. - " In most European countries, foreign work-- . ers face discrimination and sometimes mal- treatment.% - ? , ? Whether-as 'a result they'could be provoked into riots or other troublesome activities at a time of crisis is questionable. HoWever, with some 2.3 million foreign workers?in Get- many,.1.2. million in France,. L5 million in Britain, - and .smaller numbers :in the low ' countries andr. Scandinavia, the possibility must be of some concern to NATO officials, : qictrdrrire ray2Pack6156111/61.11 titbifg of 1 Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 BALTIMORE SUN 22 FEBRUARY 1973 Bonn- says Russiansi By GENE OISHI Bonn Bureau of The Sun Bonn?Red-faced officials ad- lcnowledged yesterday that se- cret NATO documents were re- turned earlier this month to the West German Foreign Of- fice "with friendly greetings" from the Soviet Embassy here. West German authorities also acknowledged that an in- I vestigation was underway to find out how the documents, classified "top secret," _got into Russian hands in the first place. Exercise underway - ? The Soviet Embassy declined to confirm or deny the press, reports of the affair. A spokes- man would say only, "We have read the newspaper reports with interest." The documents reportedly deal with Wintex 73, a biennial , NATO maneuver to test mai- 1 tary and civil emergency plan- ning and communications in the event of a nuclear attack: TIME 5 March 1973 INTERNATIONAL NOTES returned secret data \I The exercise, which already is underway, involves the es- tablishment of an emergency government as well as a mili- tary headquarters in a com- plex of underground installa- tions in the Ahr Valley, ,a few kilonieters south of Bonn. According to Tress reports, most of which have been con- firmed by authorities, the doc- uments were --mailed to a, Soviet diplomat attached to the embassy at Rolandszck on the outskirts of Bonn about two weeks ago. Personnel dumbfounded A few dais later, on:Febru-1 ary 9, the diplomat reportedly I delivered the- documents per- I sonally to the West German' Foreign ? Ministry "with friendly greetings, from Am- bassador [Valentin) Falin," ithe Russian ambassador... The diplomat reportedly as- sured the dumbfounded For- Gone With the Wintex Bonn's embarrassing reputation of being the leakiest capital in Europe in- evitably provokes a certain sympathy from security-minded government of- ficials everywhere. West Germany's state secrets are stolen with benumbing regularity by one or another of the country's estimated 16,000 foreign agents, while other bits of classified in- formation have a way of turning up in the headlines of the nation's newspapers and flashy illustrateds. Until last week, however, nobody could recall a case in Bonn?or anywhere else, for that mat- ter?in which .a foreign power was thoughtful enough to return a set of se- cret files to the country from which it had been stolen. WASHINGTON POST 21 February, 1973 NATO Documents BONN?Secret documents disclosing details of a NATO staff exercise vrere mailed to the Soviet embassy here, which later sent them to the West German Foreign Min- istry, the West German news agency DPA reported. DPA said the documents were originals, taken from one of fewer than 100 sets prepared for the "Wintex 73" feign Ministry personnelthat he rgoiernrhental departments. f the deoartment ;was returning the documents i I just as he received them and; ' that no photocopies of therni; one set of files reportedly have were made. disappeared, while several sets I West German military ex- 1! f o des are missing from an- pees, meanwhile, indicated that the documents, since they dealt with only a small part. of the exercises, had only a mini- mal effect on military secu- rity:- . Of little interest In this West German capital, notorious for leaks, major min- istries were quick- to clear themselves. The -.-Defense Departmenl. spokesman said,. "Our papers are complete. The'- Interior The Genera/anzeiger, one of Ministry spokseman 'assured the papers that broke the the press,-. "Employees or of- story, speculated that one-of fices of 'the Interior--Ministry the reasons the Russians re- are not affected [by __ the inves- turned the papers was because tigationl-:', they contained sa little of in- terest, another reason being to promote the spirit of East- West detente.- - _ According to authorities, there were only 100 copies of these documents available- and the suspicion of the source of., the lead was narrowed to two THE ECONOMIST FEBRUARY 24, 1973 According to the \Vest German ? Press Agency, the Foreign Ministry in Bonn this month received an unexpect- ed package by messenger from the So- viet embassy?along with a note signed "with sincere regards" by the Soviet am- bassador. Incredibly, the package con- tained the original top-secret files on the forthcoming ,NATO-wide exercises, known as Wintex 73, which are de- signed to test the political and civilian emergency measures to be taken by NATO powers in the event of war. The files are believed to deal with everything from how to set up a temporary par- liament in a bunker near Bonn to the distribution of food Supplies. Neither the Soviet embassy nor the Bonn government cared to comment on the report. 'it's a secret matter." - said one Foreign Ministry spokesman optimistically. command-level p 6 r .wal game played by NATO to test its crisis machinery. The documents described the political scenario for the war . game and the role of German civil defense organi- zations in it, DPA said. West German officials said the dossier in question repre- sented only a fragment of the total documentation on the exercise. Ruedigers-fon.LWechmar; gov- ernment spokesman -and head of the Federal Press Bureau, asserted, "documents are never missing from our of- Germany The short-haired lads for Honecker FROM OUR BONN CORRESPONDENT Berlin Next week the five-month trial of Horst Mahler, sometime fashionable Berlin lawyer, more recently renowned urban guerrilla, will end in west Berlin's central criminal court. Herr Mahler has been charged with founding and taking part in a criminal organisation hostile to the constitution and with "collective and grievous robbery," notably including the carrying out of three bank robberies in the space of seven minutes. During the trial the accused called- as witnesses Andreas Baader\ and Ulrike Meinhof, both now in custody, whose anarchist group named itself the Red Army Faction (RAF). They took their chance to give the trial the semblance- of a teach-in on future urban guerrilla tactics. And when the prosecution demanded a .12-year prison sentence for Herr Mahler the former lawyer remained blankly- impassive, but the student element at the back of the- court emitted unbelieving gasps and laughter as the "hireling state pigs'" concluded their case. , ? Already the ' elaborate ritual of'- organising demonstrations in suppOrt', of Herr 'Mahler has begun. There are I teach-ins on Mahler at the- technical university, by permission of the presi- dent, and cyclostyled minutes of inter-- Th Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 4?, Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 minable meetings on who shall march with whom and who shall carry which banner saying what. Of a student body of some 52,000 in west Berlin as many as 15,000 could be classed as militants. The difficulty is, to?distinguish between the maoists, stalinists, tr,otskyites and orthodox east German communists. It is the maoists who are making the running on the Mahler case, probably ? because they are anxious to regain face after Chairman ? Mao's decision to co-operate with the. Americans of all - people. But? the most remarkable ,developrnmt in west Berlin's student politics is the rise in the power and influence of the students who look to east Berlin. Perhaps -no more than 1,000 in all; they are? a highly- disciplined bunch, tightly organised in cadres and with hair as short as any bank clerk. Many of them visit east Berlin land east Germany for political courses during the vacations. Clearly, they have no more love for ? Herr Mahler's anarchism? than has Herr Honecker across the wall. But, as one student put it, "For us Mahler is a knife with which to rip open the rot- tenness of bourgeois society." The Free University campus in Dahlem looks a battlefield. Faculty buildings are daubed with slogans (" Nixon mass murderer, Brandt his accomplice "). The entrance halls are hung with handwritten manifestoes and exhortations. Here the "long march through the institutions," in Rudi Dutschke's phrase, has largely taken place. Thanks to the democratic system of "co-determination," radicals have a two-thirds majority on the boards; of the departments of philosophy, social sciences, political science, German studies and the fine arts, and .can muster a simple majority in six ? other departments. For this reason ,. many teachers and students who want. to get on with some work are leaving ' for west Germany. Some radical ? students are also leaving Berlin to find new political targets in west Germany: ?the new university ,of Bremen is ? fashionable. ? CHRISTIAN SCIENCE MONITOR : 24 February 1973 ..oritit tot ite ew. .fen,wpr By John Allan May - Staff correspondent of The Christian Science Monitor London - Great Britain's new defense plans hide more than they reveal. What they hide is the great dilemma: What comes after the Polaris submarines? The latest missiles from America, or cooperation - with France in anew and wholly:European nuclear deterrent force? - - ? It frequently has been denied that Prime ; Minister Edward Heath made any nuclear deal with President Pompidou as part of the price of Britain's entry into the European Community. But most experts feel certain that he did agree to study the range of possibilities open to Britain and France together in developing a Joint deterrent. , Mr. Heath has spoken often of the value of British-French nuclear collaboration. Early action indicated The time is fast approaching when ; this concept has to be translated into, terms of - military hardware. - The view here is that it soon will be. But one thing the latest British defense white paper reveals is the extent to which inflation already has increased the cost 9f defense. NEW YORK TIKES 19 February 1973 Paris Police Ban Conference Of U.S. 'Exiles for Amnesty' Special to me New York Times PARIS, Feb. 18 ? The Paris police have 'banned a -conference of a group called Exiles for Amnesty scheduled here Tues- day and Wednesday by Ameri- can war resisters. The police said that the meet- ing, which would have brought together United States-based antiwar groups and deserters and draft-evaders living in Eu- rope, was potentially "disrup- tive to public order" coming so soon before. the -12-nation con- ference -on Vietnam, which starts here Feb. 26. Michael Uhl, a 28-year-old Vietnam veteran who works for Safe Return, a New York group advocating total amnesty, said the conference organizers would bow to the police order and go home. About 20 of the expected 80 participants had arrived in Paris. Mr. Uhrsaid :that "we would have been out of town well be- fore" the-Vietnam conference began. He attributed the police move to "an extraordinary degree of pressure" he believed American 1-1 officials had put on the French :Government.. Britain is strengthening its commitments to NATO, the white paper states. There is no sign, it adds, that the Soviet Union is slackening its defense efforts. It has 90 new silos for strategic missiles under construction, 6 new ballistic-missile-firing submarines, 1,500 missiles on site, 60 oper- ational ballistic-missile subs and 300 attack and cruise-missile pubs. Soviet coverage expanding Soviet naval forces range the world in .increasing numbers. Its long-range aircraft. cruise the Atlantic and Pacific, and on occasions the Indian Ocean and the Carib- - bean. , . . ? There are 94 Soviet and Warsaw Pact army divisions stationed in Eastern Europe, the _white paper adds. , ' ? Britain is cooperating with France on the Jaguar' strike planes, with West Germany' 'and Italy on a new milti-role combat aircraft,'. with Belgium on a new combat army recon- naissance vehicle, and new :howitzers with 'Germany and Italy: ' This year one - more .tnuclear powered' submarine will enter service. Four nuclear' attack submarines .are under Construction.. The aircraft carrier 'Hermes will comeback as a commando Two new cruisers become operational. New cruisers' to carry, The' bill for the year aheaciwill : be vertical takeoff and landing (VTOL) strike. billion larger than last year *--- planes are planned. " ? . gpencling on defense is up slightly even in - . Modernization of the'Air ForCe with Phan- "real" terms, discoUnting inflation: . Next ,toms and' with Harrier -VTOL fighters has- year it will be 5%,' -percent of gross national; ?been Completed. Navy Buccaneer and Nim- Approveff For product ent: Kelease-20t0T0fM61574M611Witift101-1-0001-4 instead of 54 nerc Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 WASHINGTON POST 19 February, 1973- Vietnam en ned 'Ir uerrillas LONDON, Feb. erans aming From News Dui:latches ? British army said today it was becoming increasingly worried about aid from the United States for the outlawed Irish Republican Army and the pos- sibility that U.S. Vietnam vet- erans might come to Ireland to fight. The conservative London Sunday Telegraph published an article saying that U.S. Vet- erans are already; training members of the extremist Provisional Wing of the IRA, which is conducting a guer- rilla war to force, the reunifi- cation of the largely Catholic Irish Republic and Protestant. dominated Ulster. ? British intelligence officers said the newspaper report was "by and large well-informed," UN reported. The intelligence officers' as- sessment, according to UPI, is that almost 90 per cent of the Provisionals'- weapons come from America. According to this. version, Britain's internment of IRA explosives experts has forced the guerrillas to recruit Ameri- cans as military instructors. The intelligence officers also reportedly said that U.S. government agents are work- ing both in the Irish Republic and Ulster to determine the extent of - involvement by Americans. . . Provisional IRA 'spokesmen denied the reports.-. The report in the Sunday Telegraph said British forces have captured 70 semi-auto- matic rifles, 18 submachine guns, 200 M-1 carbines, 60 Ga- rand rifles and more than 100,- 000 rounds of ammunition in the last 18 months?all of U.S. origin, the newspaper said. - The report added that Brit- ish intelligence had idenified 12 former American service- men working with the IRA, mostly operating in the Re- public and. seldom venturing into Ulster. It said the Ameri- cans specialized in making booby traps. . It. quoted a- senior British army, officer in Belfast assay- ing, "There is no doubt about it. American involvement- here is becoming one hell :.of. a headache.. If we could stop American help we could also stop the IRA's.eampaign. dead . in its tracks." ! The newspaper report alscie said 40-per cent of Provisional IRA funds, '$500,000 last year, came from IRA front groups in-New-York and Boston.-e_, . It added that William White- law, Britain's secretary of 'state for Northern Ireland, rnight ask for urgent negotia- tions--.with the U.S. -embassy NEW YORK TIMES, WEDNESDAY, FEERUARY 21 - 1972 - London-Police Kill 2 Attacking Ernbassy By MICHAEL STERN Spe?cial to The New York Times LONDON, Feb. 20 ? The police shot and: killed two maske.d Asian youths brandish- ing imitation guns who-invaded and terrorized the Indian High Commissioner's office in cen- tral London near the Strand today. A third youth, a -15-year-old Pakistani schoolboy, was cap- tured and was being questioned to find a motive for the attack on the High Commissoin office, which has the status of an em- bassy. The police discount rob- bery as a motive- and believe the attack was political. Pakistanis have been staging demonstrations in London and Manchester in recent-weeks to protest the refusal of India to release prisoners _captured in the India-Pakistan war of De- cember, 1971., Two police officers rated a marksmen- fired .11, shots at close range before bringing down the. two,- youths. ' Each was hit-once and died instant- ly. They have not been iden- tified yet but they are believed to be Pakistanis no more. than 20 years old. Special Squad Used ? British policemen are usually not armed. They. are - issued guns only when they are -sent out to find armed suspects or when they are on -such special assignments as guarding em- bassies. , The two officers ..who- shot the Asian youth are members of -the Special Patrol Group, a squad of 200 men trained to use arms and to respond quick- ly in emergencies. They were standing by in a patrol car to back up men on embassy duty when they heard a radio call asking for help to stop an armed attack at the Indian High Commissioner's office. The youths had entered the :office, an imposing six-story ;stone building in Aldwych, op- ; posite the Royal Shakespeare _ _ Theater, and had immediately taken seven hostages, tying up some ? and making other kneel in a ground floor reception room. Besides the imitation re- volvers they, were carrying two daggers, -a short,- sword and a. bottle. of acid: -.? ; , One hostage broke 'away and hurled himself -through a -plate glass window to -escape to the street.,He directed.-the- police to a sie door; through which they were able to come up be- hind the youths and surprise them. - ? l? ? Youths Refused Surrender John Gerrard,. a deputy as- sistant comissioner of police, said .the armed- officers dial- lenged thefirst youth they meti and.asked him to drop his gun.1 When he refused, they fired.1 They then turned to the second youth, who was half hidden behind a pillar. He,,, too, was asked to drop his weapon, Commissioner . derraid --. said, and he, ? too,- refused. ? The, offi- cers then fired on him. The 15-year-old was carry- ing an "edged weapon" whe he was overcome and captured the. commissioner said. Asked at a news conferenc when an armed policeman wa justified in firing his weapon Commissioner Gerrard said: "Every officer issued with firearm is told without any !doubt at all-that he can use his weapon if he, dr -a person he is protecting, is attacked b someone with .a firearm or. an other deadly weapon and has no other means of defending himself." ' He said that a: coroner's, in- quest and a departmental in- quiry would have- to determine if the police officers were justi- fied in firing but he left little doubt that he thought they were. He asserted that the imi- tation guns, short-barreled six- shot revolvers made of plastic and, metal, were quite realistic.- ' Attack Is Embarrassment "If you were threatened with one from behind- a pillar, you would think it real," he said. here and with U.S. immigra- tion authorities about the al- leged presence of Americans. There are no obvious signs of Americans in the trouble areas of Northern Ireland, at- 'though a British army spokes- man said that two Americans in the Irish Republic had been "warned away." , Another American, Gerald Brady of Chicago, is serving five years- in the Maze Prison outside- Belfast, after- being convicted on arms charges. - ' A former. American- Marine said in Dublin last week that he had been approached by the IRA. in a New York bar -when it was learned that he : was coming to the republic on ; a leave of absence from his !Job. He was asked to train IRA. volunteers in terrorist tactics, he said, especially in the use- of explosives and booby traps: The American, - a Korean war veteran, said he refused in New York and again when he was fapproached at his Dub- lin hotel. The attack is an acute em- ' barrassment to both the police and the Foreign Office. Lord , Balniel, Minister of . State at , the Foreign Office, called on the acting Indian High -Com- missioner, Mahare Krishna Ras- gotra, to express regret over: the incident. Mr. Rasgotra is 1 India's Ambassador to Britain, - although, like other Common- wealth country representatives here, he does not have that title. The police are proud of their reputation for avoiding unnec- essary violence and were stung by criticism in Parliament and the press seven weeks ago! when another police officer,1 armed for embassy duty, shot: and killed a bank robber in al busy shopping street. It wasi th first such death in London ' in 60 years. In the House of Commons this afternoon, members pressed Robert Carr, the Home Secre- tary, who is responsible for the police, for assurances that such incidents would not become part of London life. - Mr. Carr replied! "Prompt action by the police, demon- strating that anybody who at- tempts--this- sort . of., thing in London is caught and dealt with, is perhaps the best de- terrent and the best way to; allay people's fears." Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : pIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 BALTIMORE SUN 7 March 1973 Europe sust ici By PHILIP POTTER London Bureau of The Sun London ? President Nixon may have meant it when he said five years ago he wanted his administration to be one of negotiation and not confronta- tion with the rest of the world, but the emerging European union is not sure it is included in this genial concept. ? This is what one senses in -a visit through at least parts of the European Economic Com- munity. The February currency cri- sis that forced Germany to spend heavily to support the- dollar certainly had elements of confrontation in European eyes. "Benign neglect" Conscious that their own bal- 1 ance of trade with the United States has only recently be- come favorable to the tune of a half billion dollars, they con- tend they are having to bear the brunt of a payments crisis caused by heavy American deficits. There is a freely voiced feel- ing among EEC eurocrats, bankers and government linen-. cial officials in Belgium and Holland that. the. American Federal Reserve* Board ::and the administration could have intervened had it desired to halt the flow of American..dol- lars into European-: exchange markets. Some believe it was. all plotted to enable a second devaluation of the dollar?a de;$ I valuation totaling about 27 per is. .S. moves! - - cent since Washington closed' its gold window, in August, 1971. U.S. surplus expected While British government spokesmen do not share that dire view they admit-. to a prevalent feeling in Europe that "benign neglect" by Washington officialdom con- tributed to instability in the money markets, and mostly at Europe's expense. ? In fact, there is growing-feel- ing in Belgium and Holland. at least,, that the dollar now, is undervalued and this Will per- mit a rapid rise of U.S. ex- ports to Europe that in a few 'years will put' the American trade account. baCk in surplus, largely at Europe's. expense. They also see Japan's trade being diverted to Europe and they are as afraid of that as Americans are. ' In Belgium-there was talk of a "coincidence"- in U.S. and Soviet interest in holding Eu- rope down because of its po- tential economic strength vis-a- vis the existing super. powers. ? The European commission's top-level civil.--servants claim the U.S. now goes over every- thing . the commission does with a "fine, tooth comb" and. Washington keeps the Ameri- can representative to the'com-: , mission. busy trotting around with complaints and sugges- tions. As one put it "1' see the ambassador,far too much?' not that I don't like him.". The The counter-claim by Ameri- can -officials from Washington WASHINGTON POST , 20 February, 1973-h Arms Sales Drafezl ? PARIS ? France reported ? a drop in arms sales-in 1972; and. an-official implied-that. U.S. dumping was lart0Sr to blame. " ? - Paul Masson.' Chi fef, o Vie: staff to Defense- Minister' Michel Debre said he:--be- lieved that drOp' been caused by `i.nterriation- al competition ? which is rently led by powerful: gill well- - equipped -naticins" whose methods and, obleC,; tives "leave us, perplexed:','!'? ? l is_ that commission poSitiond papers are seldom changed by the. Council of Ministers and then it is too late to influence EEC decisions. "Who do we talk to in Eu- ?rope, the ministers or the com- mission? There is no easy way for us to find a point of con- tact. 'So there's a problem of getting into discussions before positions are set in concrete,",_ said one American official. Mood of total frustration This, he Said, had created a mood of total. frustration in Washington and the conclusion there was that the EEC com- mission was the "most difficult of all" with which to deal.. Hence in the February mon- etary crisis, Paul Volcker, the U.S. under secretary for mone- tary affairs, confined his Euro- pean problem-solving consulta- tions to the finance ministers of Germany, Britain, France and Italy. The smaller nations in the EEC, quite, naturally, resented being left out, and so did the commission. There are plenty of bones of contention to keep things on the boil. Even before the for- mal trade negotiations get. under way: late this year, there will be negotiations at Geneva involving American claims for compensation under Article 24 of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade.- . Disposition to help , While confrontation' ny fronts is in--the air it may,be. said that no European govern. WASHINGTON POST 18 February, 1973 I British Marineiv....:;,, LONDON?The Defense Ministry said, Britsh Ma- :?rines have been training at Camp Lejeune,-N.C.under NATO,,exebangeproirla. rop.; but stresseit'thaf,.',the..13i: , gram was in irci:.*avr..-;con- 7:14 nected with the fightiniln:: .jorthern ,A spokesmati, 'It.,:v",tas ? "pure coincidence" that the:?::' Unit -had recentli-been, on duty in Ulster. ment wants to weaken the At- lantic alliance. ? It also is said that Europe's. leaders are. fully aware that defense, trade and monetary meters tall bear on the U.S. balance of payments. problem, and, there is .European disposi- ton. to help, however compart- mented the various -negotia- tions, necessarily_ will be, and the different timetables nego- tiators will have to meet. A thorny problem Continued, aceeSs for Amerk can agricultural products in EEC markets, given -its com- mon agricultural policy based on high- prices to.- European farmers and- high: dirties -to keep exports out; admittedly a thorny trade problem. - As for the liheralizing of trade, no .one in Europe now expects the-sort of 50 per cent tariff Cuts across the board achieved in - the Kennedy round, nor will the forthcoming GATT negotiations do -a lot to away non-tariff barriers to trade of which the U.S., like many other. nations, has its share. ? ? What is hoped for; as the British' put it, ? are. steps for- ward and not backward in the realm. of .. furthering. world trade.; In Britain, at least, there is . ne disposition. to, be punitive toward Japan, but the EEC countries! obviously are going to. team with .the U.S. to get that over-competitive. coun- try.: to open-up ,its. own mar:. kets.:- .:- ? Approved For Release 21ib1/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 NEW YORK TIMES 28 February 1973 ? Greek Students;-LongP. assive, Now Challenge Regime By ALVIN SHUSTER ' I try's most prestigious technical ? - movie John TFo'rd's- "Stage-',- ? 2 - &es:. iat to The New York Times those students dict-at the law ? 'institute, gathered in a down- coach," the policemen searched ATHENS, Feb. 27 ? Greek !town apartment to explain the the premises and beat up the school occupation. rreceptionist. The embassy pro- 1 "It came after that massive ; tested. . .. .1beating. atethe _Polytechnic," he, said, 'and still they had thei ! Police Sent to Campus courage to occupy the build- ipnoglicuen. cler !!martial law and in the presence. of all those "That wasn't a panty. raid," the- American, went on. "In the States the students were usually on top, with the school admin- istration On the defensive. The students were on the de- fensive here and the fact that they did -what they did seems to me to ,be nothing less than a miracle." Beyond the draft decree, the agitation has been fed by other older laws, notably a 1969 de- cree that bans student strikes and student demonstrations and any unauthorized gather- ings whether public or private. Students must get their rector's permission, for example, for any meeting. What many students most detested, however, was the handling of student elections last November. The _ Government, in ` a gesture to win over this gen- eration, decided to allow voting for student representatives. This . followed a round of speeches by Byron Sternal?, poulos, the Government's chief spokesman, who urged the stu- dents to take more !interest .in acadernie life arid to speak out mote freely... He- gave a' series of !receptions 'around the coun- university students, for years the most passive in the West, arc' now posing major prob- lems for the army-backed re- !reasons behind the agitation. They were clearly . worried 'about Government retaliation , and did not.wanteto be identi- fled by name. - gime with demonstrations and "The reasons are varied and 'strikes in support of demands ;with deep roots," said Nikolaos, for academic freedom. 'a 20-year-old student of civil The student activism, the engineering. "With time, I guess you can say we are becoming first such open movement of more mature. The movement is ;protest since the -army seized genuine. There is a time for !power here nearly six years ago everything and it" took' us a .and imposed martial law, has while. i "We are tired of decrees emboldened opponents of the against us. We are "weaty- of 'regime,. surprised and dismayed fraudulent elections for our rep- Government officials stirred resentatives, who always turn the imagination of Greeks and out to be pro-regime. We object left many wondering:. "Why to Govern.ment- commissioners, all ex-generals, sitting in-- the now?" schools: We want an important , Three years ago, a group of voice in drafting the new char- students told a visitor that, ter for higher education." - while campuses elsewhere in "Underneath, too," said John, the world were alive with agi- a 21-year-old who is studying tation, eek students were in electrical engineering, "we have Gr the feeling that this Govern- no position to act. They talked ment can't lastetoo long noW, of the desire to get. their that it can't 'keep- it up. We diplomas, of the .fear of the are not saying its days are police and army, of their in- numbered, but maybe its ability to find more than a few months are." dozen colleagues interested in open defiance. Today, at a time -when:cam- puses abroad are relatively quiet, the time has come - for many students here. And; as they see it: it: is a. eionviolent movement that wilt:gather, mo, mentum because;- as one.- said, "the incompetenceof .this Gavre ernment will constantly ?give us causes to broaden. our: sup- port." I For members .of:.the Govern- ment, the agitation represents a 'betrayal. Premier George Papa,. dopoulos and_. other ministers have constantly preached the need to win the support of-the nation's youth and to -improve the quality of education_ ? e Accordingly, the, regimeehas built new schools, provided freel' tuition up through ?the univer- sity level, announced free meals for college students:not living, ;at home and given ?. students 'books and interest-free !loans. I Many students; however, have *made it clear that material largess is not -enough. And so, the officials --find- -themselves- somewhat bewildered by the troubles For this was supposed to be the new generation that grew up- under the- regime; young people who' were 12:' 13 and 14 years old when it-came to power in 1967"those ? on- ! whom the rulers , depended. for the- "transformation-. of-eGreek society." - A group of students,. all of- whom attend the Polytechnic . 'United Like Never Before' -"I'm also saying that- we may get tired," he went _on. "The campus may appear to quiet down for .a while., .But we're doing the best -We can. We, have no-plan. The surpris- ing .thing is that tve are united ,never ?before .under this Government." It is this sense of unity that appears to have given many students their new-found cour- age. Though obviously inhibited by the powerful apparatus of police informers and the- stric- tures of martial law, they are finding at least limited security in numbers and are talking of encountering less 'and less dif- ficulty in moving the once- apathetic within their ranks. Several students said that the effort- was ? Ideologically mixed, with support from the left,. right and center. And they indicated that it had been co- ordinated by smelt groups meet- ing quietly for:en:tore than. a year despite _the !,prohibhions against such clandestine strat- egy sessions. The Government has also helped their cause in what is generally regarded ? even by some supporters of the regime --: as a bad case of nerves. of Greece's 10,000 university We certainly lost our cool," 'students. Although the activists' ... - At the -Polytechnic," said , said one Greek ',close to the I support is difficult- to gauge, one bitter young. man,- "we Government. ; - - several thousand have taken managed to have three- elec- The Government expressed !part in protests here and in ,tions in . twb, of:tile.' schools its regrets to the United States Salonika in the north. -? .ee ? topography 'and chemical Embassy today for an incident Action Called 'A Miracle"---- engineering. We instated on Friday night when five police- ,. elected people watching- over men, in search of demonstrat- - "I've seen the student struge the voting. The result was that ing students, invaded the Hel- ,gles over the years in the all the pro-Government people lenic-American Union, which .United States," said an Amer- lost - ? ' ' - seeks to promote cultural rela- ican professor on a visit here "Now -What's happened' t _ tions. As guests were leaving last week. "I'm not sure our our leaders? Of 15 of the This incident followed what appeared to have been twe ma- jor mistakes made by the regimei earlier in the month. First, policemen were sent to the campus of the Polytechnic! Uni- versity to break up a demon- stration and beat many students to. the ground. - "Five hundred police at- tacked," said one young man 'who- was there. "They ? were . sadists. They were pulling the lhair of girls. They hit us on the head, shouting 'You want democracy?. Take this!' One beaten student wrote 'Shame' with his blood. I was there and saw it. Other- students -were not but they have all heard the story and are terribly upset." The second apparent miscal- culation came on Feb. 13 when the regime, worried about the rising unrest, issued a .new decree signed. by Premier Papa- dopoulos to end military defer- ment for students who were striking or inciting others to protest. This enabied immedi- ate call-up for military service. Thus what started out as .a campaign involving other issues such as less Government inter- vention in university- life and the desire for a greater say in academic affairs is now cen- tered on the draft decree: Some 100'- students,' most of them leadinge-eactivists;-- have-been forced to stop their studies and -got into, the armed_ferces. trY last 'year and wined . and There is-no appeal. dined variety Of students. ,! "Brin ; back our ?brotners!" . The November' elections were g - designed to ease unhappiness is one , of the current 'slogans! over -- the ----lack --of ? ,"student ;used by groups of. demonstra-.! 'tors, who,-again -on Saturday; !night, surge into Constitutien, I Square- here- only to chased away by the police.-,Their,,other !shouts within,. the last two! weeks, particularly during the 30-hour sit-in at the law school of Athens University, included "We want our- freedom!"' and "Greece for Greek Prisoners!" ?a play on the 'regimes. slo- gan ...of "Greece for. Greek Christians." The. Government- is trying to play down the difficulties, or- dering the ostensibly free press to avoid ?the issue - and saying that the troublemakers repre- sent "a small, group, of Fascists and Communists," not, the bulk power".because the army, when it seized power in- April?, 1967, abolished the existing student councils and appointed lead- ers "The ?? students, were , soot' disillusioned with their elec- tions list ..year;"' said a pro-, fessore at thee Polytechnic Uni- vereitY:. "They soon found out that the colonels etalked: like democrats but behaved;.; like dictators." The elections "were organized by the Student - lea& ers who had been appointed by the Government' and-----were clearly,eigged; .pro-regiine ;can- didates won ! almost every: con- test. . Leaders Drafted Into Army ? University in-Athens, the coun-' after a.showing of an American kids would have done What lelected representatives in civil Approv@EIFor Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R00010011000174 Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R0001001100b1-4 engineering, more than half had their deferments lifted-;, week week and are now in thel army." remember the voting very well," said another student. "They put up -the lists to regis- ter for one or two days for just a few hours, and it seemed that only pro-Government stu- dents knew when to come. It was a clear fraud." bitterly of informers in their classe,sk saying: that some, arz. paid and others are would-be pollee officers,: for example, who are studying law or other fields to advance their careers. "In the best cases, the in- forraers are not paid," said a 'young man, whose father was a district attorney -dismissed by the regime:. "In the worst cases; they are ;paid." : The anger over the elections , University- edudation here, of course, had , serious short: comings before the coup. Some professors required purchase of their own books, -for instance, giving better' grades to students whose names were listed as bilyerS in the bcioltstores, The system in most univer- sities was and is archaic with !little contact-between students land their professors, with only !said that their mere presence: a few-: exceptions..,:: There is was coupled. with. ?continuing grievances over the appoint- ment by the 'Government of former military officers to sit in on high-level meetings of ,the university administration. The regime .thought so highly of the idea that it wrote the jobs into its Constitution. ;Some of the commissioners rare more active- than others, but professors.- and ?-students , "Most of. - our, professors 1,stifling- dissent. The 53-year- don't want to-discuss- politics. :old Minister- of Education, wh? with us and we- understand !took over his job last August, ,why," said one Polytechnic is Nikolaos Gadonas who, !student. "Their appointments even Government supporters have 'to be approved by the acknowledge, knows little about Government. They don't want education. to talk about anything. We hardly ever see them, except at a- distance:" , One of the consequences of I the current troubles is that ; at least some of the professors I have come into the open on behalf of the students, a rare alliance under this regime. Five f testified on behalf of 11 stu- dents-who were given suspend- ed sentences for disturbing the peace _at one demonstration,' and other professors have is-1, sued statements. opposing the draft decree. The rector and administration of the Polytech-' nic? University have resigned irt, protest. - - ? ' : interfered with-, university I ilovercrowdiiig;. the young are After six years, the Govern,: ment has not been able to solve-' , listened to In - most- schools ? ??_. the basic problems of the uni.? t 1 Informers Are Reiented.,, 7 " grades are based. solely on the versifies; much less soften-the:1 i Moreover, students, complaint students' ability: to memorize. ' ,existing- decrees aimed at; a autonomy. .mere y lecture at , and?. never Sixth Man in Post Since '67 ? In 1967 he. was an army: colonel, one' of the original planners of -the military coup, and was serving as the head of' intelligence services in north: ern Greece. He is a graduate. or the army cadet school and. the High War College and has no background'or experience in teaching. ' ? He is also 'the sixth Ministerl of Education 'since the 1967' coup, reflecting the regime's difficulties With the job.- During the. height of the student trou- bles last week, Mr. Gadonas was in the countryside opening a new high sehool.' ? NEW YORK TIMES 6 March 1973 , The Changing Mood of Greecel pear to- be:- decisive in them- anxiety with . courage, would, By LVIN SHUSTER selves. It seems unlikely that not have openly demonstrated! the students ?their figh- ,.-for boycotted their classes and oc- academic. freedom :sublimating cupied the law school_three their distaste for what they years ago. feel is a repressive Government This apparently increased ? could bring the Government willingness to challenge, but down all by themselves: with caution, shows up in small And, while there are fnount- -ways. Within the last month, a ing protests over black market 'new' decree came down forbid- prices, inflation and inadequate }ding taxi drivers to smoke wages?despite the vigor of the ;while ? carrying passengers ? economy ? the masses do not ;who, in theory, were saved from seem about to mount the bar- lloud taxi radios by an earlier; ricades. , !While these would undoubted- "We should remember, l- ,,.have: been obeyed :to'_the though, that the situation no letter Ad.-the early days; taxi longer appears , static, - one drivers Seem-l?-to,,be7 smoking diplomat here said "The peoplehmore antUthe.,bbnzoiaki-music are changing and so is the econ-3seemvicaider.:i.:" Scattered protests Opponents of .junta 1; . There- ire PoWerful trade Now Feel Protest union 'organizations asSucir,- \ -but the . building. workers are Is- Having 'Effect . ;demanding higher' wages.' The imovie theaters were shut down !last week in protest against lboth taxes and the films -on ,television. Bank employes have !thwarted Government efforts to blend their lucrative pension funds into?a national pool: , For the Government, quick to; boast of American support and equally, quick to ignore Washt? ington's_nudges?to move or to Sxcial to Tht Nay York Times ATHENS, March 3 ?Atheni- ans are in the midst of carnival time, and the confetti horns and masks have transformed the plaka intwa sort of mardi gras. . Housewives are complain- ing of ri&ing,prices, students are planning their next move, and opposition politicians are walking . around with new - ? smiles. Rarely , in the kix ,years-since News- the the army seized Analysis power -have those opposed to - the Government dis- played such high spirits. They feel, rightly or wrongly, that events are finally, inching their way, that the Government is somehow slipping, that resent- ment is spreading in society, that the United States is recon- sidering its policy of support and that the ruling colonels may soon begin internal quar- rels. Their confidence is fed partly by the present open agitation of university students and part- ly by wishful thinking. omy. I' find more and more Greeks questioning where they are going. There will be more ferment as time goes on." Premier Papadopoulos, who also is regent, Foreign. Minister, Defense Minister and Minister for Planning and ,Government policy, _talks to :crowds' in th . . e ? Control Is Firm democracy-,--the?? problem :has provinces ' about the ' gales that: -do-not'- frighten-us .Hel been to?avoid major confronter ..!." announces a 15-year Plan for' !Lion 'wherever' possible.- ItTre- ,development,... rejects attacks :serves its .great power, for, use that "we ? are tyrants" . and only when necessary- to--- stifle exudes confidence.. . . ' - dissent-or 'to. intimidate And Even so, it does appear that it attempts to give the impres- tat least some Athenians are Monet the- same time of move- more willing, to test the limits ment, .-, toward - . parliament . . , . _ . . .-....-y...,...? ,set by what 'some call -"the rule,: and,-, yet,--to prevent None: of the-elementi,tre , tio.-:'eacilliting dictatorship.", The! from: actually being reached.- -.:,, ling ,,,the -Government..nosy ari?,.:?/ seudents, for. example,- mixing.0 ._ "I don't:.Imow-whether .theyi. Premier George Papadopoulos, though faced with mounting problems, has never "relied On public opinion -to hold power. This is a crucial factor. And his control over the vital in- gredients?the arrnY, the police;. the intelligence forcesseerna , want to give-up power,". said one ? Greek who supports the !Government. "I do know that it they do, they don't know how."' 'Prosperity Has Increased , - Accordingly, what the Pre- mier calls a "parenthesis" in Greek "political-history ? will mark its sixth anniversary on April 21. And some here, who three years ago were still vocal in their support for the Govern-4 ment for bringing stability to Greek life, for ending the chaosl of constant strikes, for abolish- ing parliamentary intrigue and Iturmoil, are now telling the same visitor that "perhaps six years is long enough." , Under the Government, how- ever, Greece has found in- creased prosperity, with an an- nual-growth rate of about 8 per cent and an economy that ap- pears healthy for the moment, whatever the potential danger from short-term foreign debts and rising living costs. But prosperity, independent experts argue, does not always trans- late into political stability. A somewhat puzzled support- er of the Government illus. trited,the point by telling of a visit ,to ? an island recently where he found new roads, new schools; new hotels; higher in- come and, yet, general apathy toward the Government. When he asked the-villagers why they were 'not warmly. embracing their rulers,, they- replied: ? -.-"We, want something, new" - Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CliNDP77-00432R000100110001-4 Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 Wednesday, Marek7, 1913 - THE WASHINGTON POST By Dan Morgan NVashington Post Foreign Service ATHENS?"I dont under- . stand where the foreign cor- responde,nts who visit this country find all this opposi- tion to the regime," an American diplomat here said a year ago. "I live here. Year-round but I'm darned if I can find it," That assessment of, a pop- ulation's acquiescence in the military-backed dictater- shiP established by the April 1967 army coup- pressed one of the puzzles . of Greek' life at that, time. Despite the Suspension of: most civil and political liber- ties and repression of dissi- dents, Greece under mar- tial law has projected an im- age of ?prosperity, stability and contentment. After -a . month:- of wide-. spread student unrest, how- ever:- soifier 'small- cracks' have appeared in the pic- ture. At the universities themselves, the campus pro- tests revealed a sizable op- position to policies that have . eroded educationaleindePen- dence and imposed controls over many aspects of aca- demic life. Government':asSertionse: that' the unrest was- engis neered by a tiny minority of "anarchists," "former politi-- ? cians," and "Communists". .. seem unconvincing after sit- ins, protest meetings, and boycotts that Involved a mase-'7 jority of the 80,000 Greek university students. ? [The ? 'government.:. closed: the Athens University Law Sehool for a week yesterday and banned 'a general- stu- dent Meeting, according to wire service- . reports .from Atuens,? Police , and. urn,. forniel military police pa- trolled the area, and wit- nessee; said several demon- strating students were- ar- rested.] - There is also at least-some evidence that the drafting of 97 students into the army, and .the beating of some of them inside university build- ings, may have cost the gov- ernment the - confidence- of segments of society that had been neutral -or even- in - fa- vor of its authoritarian rule.' Some 1,200 citizens signed a protest, against the induc-- tion of students into . the armed services.' The- pre- sumably thoroughly, pro-govse ernment Senate. (Executive Council) of thee embattled Athens Polytechnic Univer- sity resigned in protests' against police brutality.. The position of Prime Minister George Papadopou- los still seems unassailable. He commands the police, army and security services and has the support of Greece's business and finan- cial groups.- Even the gov- ernment's most bitter critics have trouble presenting a', credible scenario that would lead to its downfall. Yet Papadopoulos _con- ceded the essential diffi- culty he faces in governing a country that lacks any po- litical mechanism for defus- ing. tensions. . Although Papadopoulos 'promised the student-faculty group that he would heed le- gitimate student requests, few observers believe that the government is in many posi- tion to make essential com- promises without jeopardiz- ing its own status. Hints from officials suggest that the government may be pre- paring to use the unrest to justify further delays in moving toward more repre- sentative government. Public opinion- is difficult to measure in Greece. The vast majority of Greek citi- zens seem to a non-Greek eye to be preoccupied with enjoying their booming con- sumer society. But oppo- nents of the' government maintain that the outward, indifference is artificial and that the real _significance of the student ,protests :was that they roused many, Greeks from their political passivity. s - - "The image of inviolabil- ity has been-brokenr said a journalist. "The sense that the regime is in total con- trol of everything is less strong than it was." "Education is the essence f society and without free education you- cannot de- velop a society,"- said a pro- fessor. "We are returning to the 19th century, when our fight was over -academic freedom and the inviolabil- ity of the- university."' "The events have nthde all . Greeks sensitive to the dep- .rivation of their basic liber- ties," said a young student interviewed in Athens' last , week. "The way the govern- ment handled- the--demon- strations-made the whole-, country conscious that they were living under a violent regime." Such views clearly are a- shock to a government that., _ has energetically courted the younger generation in hopes of winning it over to the ideals of its so-called April revolution. Students have been pampered wieh free medical care, cheap meals, loans and free- movie ticket& vided between leftists and social reformers on one side mid conservatives who would like to restore the monarchy - of exiled- King - Constantine. - While offering these blandishments, however, the government tightened its _ controls over Greece's uni- ? versities. Through a series, of decreesel'and. new -con- stitutional- acts, it assumed powers to-- dismiss and- ap- point professors and named' government commissars (usually generals) with -broad 'powers -to 'supervise - universities. .An estimated - one-third of Greek profes sors are believed to have left their `posts because of dismissal, resignation or early retirement since 1967. In responding- to _a stead- ily growing-- student-- movese ment which was demanding a larger voice in educational matters, the government has -.followed a *zigzag course.' Under- Pressure from 'se- veral thousand:students, the 'government permitted stu- dents to elect their own- boards last November. - But dissident sources: 'claimed ise-that pro-govern:-:. - ment forces tried to control: the outcome with intimida; 'fraud. tion, procedural tricks .and.: _ .. . - -Student- demands- include ?i -etherelease- of the 97 drafted: students, repeal of the- sees': cial decree that 'withdrew' . their-- deferments, under- _ graduate participation in- drafting a new , - law On ? higher education, new eleo lions for student' boards, and removal of police in- - formers and suspected mem- :, hers. of the former stronge- ' -arm: Fascist youth. organize-- tion "EKOS" from the cam-. At this stage, Greek pros- perity may be working against social agitation. Greek per capita income ex- ceeded $1,000 in 1971 and national income grew by 81/2 per cent. Strikes are il- legal in Greece bet there has not even been a wildcat walkout- of'. serious epropor-- tiona in six years. 'Opponents of the govern- ment insist that the eupho- ria is misleading and that worker unrest will soon ap- pear over -.rapidly - rising prices. More than 250.000. Greeks have gone abroad to seek better jobs. Economic critics say that corruption has increased under the dic- tatorship and that economic inequalities have widened as &result of special tax treat- ment for powerful economic groups_ . They also-' maintain that such important economic in- dicators as ; private capital investments-in manufactur- ing have dropped off since 1967. . What happens next may depend on the depth of un- derlying tensions in Greek society and the strength of mass, support for change. Student_ sources- say their- movement is independent of any political party. But for any opposition to be effec- tive ultimately, it . would - ,have have to offer some convinc- ing alternatives to the pres- ent government. Such an al- ternative does not exist, and some Greeks fear thatethel opposition could become dr- Workers. in- Greece have seldom been an effective po- litical force. For this reason, Some government opponents. pat their hopes in the army, whose position toward the government's handling of the student issue is unces tam. However, student lead- ers say they- are doubtful that the army could play a role in restoring democracy and more progressive poli- cies. "Since 'the ;Greek civil war, our army has become more-and more-reactionary and riddled with secret or- _ ganizations," said one source. Neverthelessethe Pa- padopoulos government ap- parently worries more about opposition to it from the sright than from the left. Many retired army officers -are still any over the ex- ,,pulsion of King Constantine after an abortive royal coun- tercoup on Dec. 15;1967. s- "What unites us," said a - former conservative clan this week;-ns our con-' tempt for the ,regime. We Greeks shall pursue' the road that leads to our free-- dom." ? - 80, Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 4 ? Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 NEW YORK TIMES 1 March 1973 G-reece's Press, After Relative Freedom, By ALVIN SHUSTER s Special to The New York Tlmes ATHENS, Feb. 28?After a - period of relative freedom, the Greek press is coming under increasing pressure from the army-backed Government to naintain silence on sensitive ssues in a campaign that has left publishers and journalists confused and angry. As part of the effort, the Government's Press and Infor- mation Department also called in six foreign journalists to protest what it, thinks are false reports on Greece. Such repri- mands have been infrequent for Athens-based foreign cor- respondents in recent years. - The main targets, however, have been the Greek news- papers, which had become sur- prisingly lively in the last 18 months as they tested the limits of the 1970 press law. Criticism of Government poli- cies, satirical cartoons and comments, and, descriptive and varied- reporting? all within limits?had provided Greeks with a marked change from the newspaper diet they received in the early days of the Govern- ment, which seized power in 1967. Student Stories Disappear , Obviously concerned that the recent student agitation could inspire more, the Government has now made it clear that it WASHINGTON STAR 18 February 1973! Is Coming Under Growing Pressure wants that issue virtually you in subtle ways, down nar- pie in the army. r began to criti-1 disappear. Last Thursday, the row back lanes." cize the. Government and theyt papers were full of stories and The case of George Athanas-I began to attack me." pictures of demonstrating stu- siadis, the publisher of Vradyni, 'Financial Sacrifice' dents. Since then, the word "student" is hard to find. Asked why the newspapers are no longer writing about students, Byron Stamatopoulos, the chief Government spokes- man, said: "The Greek news- papers are free to write, in accordance with their opinion, what they like.. What is for- bidden is to write false re- ports." - The key reason for the shift stems from a session Thursday night when Deputy Premier. Stylianos Patakos called .. in editors and publishers for an "exchange of views" on the handling of reports on the stu- , dent unrest. The message. was clear and the stories disl appeared, ? , About 100 reporters are now circulating a petition asking the Athens Union of Journalists to explain to readers why all news of student unrest has suddenly vanished.' They feel that their professional prestige and repu- tations are at stake. ' "The present system is worse in many ways than when we personal advantages.".' had censors in our office," one "I- thought I wOulUtry to publisher said. "At least then' guide them toward an evolution we knew what we could say toward democracy," he,..contin- 'and what we couldn't. This sys- ued. "I am. writing, I am shout: tern is chaos. And the pressure ing,. but nothing happens. This, is never in the form of a fron-, after all, is a right-wing paper te attack:- They. try-- to get- ati and .it was being-read by peo- ' CARL T. ROWAlir andhi, Raises a right-wing Athens afternoon newspaper, illustrates the point. The ,1970 press code, 1 whichi 1-1 brought - press offenses under e is now reluctantly the sym- ! ithe jurisdiction of civil courts, bol of press freedom. I allowed .some leeway.. in the ? Sitting in hitirst floor office i news- But - newspapers- that , on Piraeus Street. the 61-year- !criticized the Government found old -publisher ;told, what hap- :they were not, receiving the penedafter .he decided. to print !lucrative advertising placed by more details of the student Government- agencies. troubles than: the Government "My paper is,.. regarded now desired. . . ,. .. 1 as the. most . critical, r. . Change, in Heart jAthanassiadis said. "But I am 'not a hero and don't want to On Saturday,he said, a team be one..-,I feel I 'am doing .my of 20 tax officers entered his duty-as a journalist. :- offices and made a detailed . "The' fact is that this!. is a search of desks and files of all financial sacrifice: It is.not only members. of the staff, including the Government advertising we copy boys. A group.. also went are losing. But many big corn- to his home where, among panies refuse to give us their other items, they confiscated business for fear of making the some love letters he wrote to regime Unhappy. These - are all his Wife during World War II, subtle pressures, but effective. he said. If I have done something' "When the revolution started ..1 ? six years ago," he said, wrong, thenbring me to court,?. ,-. - thought it would do some good, man to man. The fullest, Coverage in town that the colonels were honest on the student agitation now and well-meaning. Then it grew appears in The Athens News, on -me that they were not in which is published in English power provisionally- but for and is not usually viewed with concern . by the Government English - speaking,,- Greeks say they are translating its articles for their fellow workers. But its owner, John Horn, is being !prosecuted for publishing a , "misleading? -headline. Truth trom In this extraordinary era of pandas from Peking and Cad- lilacs for the Kremlin, the countries the administration is giving the old cold war cold shoulder to are the few de- mocracies still around. The rhetoric out of China, Russia and North Vietnam is still full of the old insults like "imperialist," '.'murderer;" "aggressor," but Henry Kis- singer and Co. keep popping into Communist capitals to- break bread and drink wine as though the hosts were the best friends freedom ever knew. But let the prime minister of India speak some truths about the Western presence in Asia?truths that add up to trifling criticisms compared." with what the Communists have been saying?and the-"- 'U.S. government puts on a childish tantrum. It has Daniel P. Moynihan, the newly-sworn ambassador. to India, start his tour of duty with a European wo8oted which is a silly and TrWspar- ent way of saying to India: "We're irritated, so we'll stall the arrival of our ambassa- dor." ? What did Prime Minister Indira Gandhi say to inspire such a crisis in the State Department? She noted that Asian nation- alism drove the colonial pow- ers out, but some Western powers with a "colonial outlook" kept rushing mili- tary forces into Asia to fill some "power. vacuum" they: perceived to exist. She said there never was any real vacuum, and that failure to understand this "explains the paradox of the West's involvement and fail: ure in Asia." " But surely that isn't what' irked the Nixon administra- tion?not when recent history gives her observations such tragic support. No, the Gandhi comment "L abhor Chauvinistic na- tionalism or racialism of any color and type, but I would like to ask a question. Would this sort of war or the savage bombing which has taken place in Vietnam have been tolerated for so long had the people been European?" Never mind that millions of white Americans already had answered that question, with people from all levels of life contending that the fierceness and vindictiveness of the bombing was all the greater' because the victims were Asian. Americans might be cursed for saying it, but for India's leader to utter even - this implied charge of racism could only revive White House curses about "those superci-.- lious Indians." '? - - '- Mrs. Gandhi is one of the savviest people on earth, so- there is no chance she did not flackies ington. She probably went ahead with the comment to draw greater attention to India's displeasure at the way the United States seems to be trying to divvy up influence in Asia among Russia, China and Japan while ignoring In- dia, the second most populous country in the world. Note her comment that "the _ interests of trade and corn- merce and of the manufactUr. - em of armaments do not dis- tinguish between ideologies and have no compunction about making an about-turn should it suit them to do so. A declaration of love for democ- --racy does not seem to be in- compatible with open admira- tion for dictatorship While this attitude remains,: can - there be clear thinking or po- sitive action for real peace?" However gratuitously in- temperate those comments which stung administration foresee that her question may seem to official Washing- leaders like a- misdirected about the racist implications ton, the lady pours forth ideas- FiNPRetelater120#1/C18P07 : OfAhROPIZ?0014321aileghl 00t1401101tAricans deserve to have been the following: 81\ would raise hackles in Wash- ponder Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 THE CHRISTIAN SCIENCE. ,r1/240NITC-11. Friday?Fehruary-184,1873: Mideast insights f r Washington ' I 0 9 By Dana Adams Schmidt Staff correspondent of The Christian Science Monitor Washington ? The prolonged visit of King Hussein of Jordan to the United States this month hasset in motion a thorough reconsideration of American Middle Eastern policies. The King's perceptive discussion of Middle Eastern regional. diplomacy, in which he plays, a growing part, has been mixed with some practical bargaining over economic and military aid and a very private Florida honeymoon with Queen Alia, his third wife. Personal negotiations The King himself has handled much of the aid negotiations, particularly as they af- fected his beloved Air Force. The results, after three days of high-level talks during his official visit in Washington and much coming and going between Washington and Florida are these: King Hussein will get two squadrons of new F-5 "Freedom" fighters, which were de- signed to be up to dealing with Soviet-built MIG-21's and which probably stand a fighting chance against Israel's American-built Phan- toms. They will supplement the 18 F-104's already in the Royal Jordanian Air Force which the Jordanians have found extremely defficult to maintain with the relatively simple equipment at their disposal. The backbone of the Jordanian Air Force still consists of World War II British-built Hawker Hunters which have proven amazingly versatile and long-lived. *60 million in aid On the economic side, Jordan will bet $50 million budgetary assistance which is al- most entirely free for the King to do with as he sees fit and $10 million in the form of a development loan. This is the high-water mark in the long history of American aid to Jordan dating back to 1957 when the King had narrowly avoided being overthrown-by Nas- serites and the Eisenhower administration labeled him -as -a true foe of international communism. Since the King suppressed the Palestinian guerrillas in his country in September, 1970, however, relations between the United States and Jordan have grown much closer and the King has made an annual visit to Washington. This year he has come to Washington especially to test the water at the beginning of the new Nixon administration. - - Hints of rapprochement King Hussein is not alone, furthermore, in having observed the element of East-West rapprochement behind the Vietnam settle- ment and in speculating that similar devel- opments might be in store for' the Middle East. Premier Alexei N. Kosygin of the Soviet Union 'reinforced this impression by stating I recently that now that there is a Vietnam settlement the remaining grave threat to world peace is in the Middle East. Elsewhere it is said that President Nixon is eager to reinforce hi,7, historical image as peacemaker in Indo-China by bringing about a settlement in the Middle East. Presumably with calculations of this order in their minds, King Hussein is to be followed here soon by Muhammad Hassanein Heykal, the editor of Al-Abram and Egyptian govern- ment spokesman,. and by Premier Golda Meir of Israel. Viet preoccupation still ? In fact King Hussein discovered the White House is still very much preoccupied with Vietnam but ' fully intends at the earliest opportunity to focus on the Middle East. For the time being the administration's policy is the very pragmatic one enunciated by Secretary of State William P. Rogers. The U.S. wants Egypt and Israel to have direct or indirect discussions on a limited settlement on the Suez Canal to get Israeli troops to withdraw part way across the Sinai Peninsula, in return for Egypt's reopening the canal. The State Department feels strongly that if I ever there is to be movement toward settle-1 ment in the Middle East it must start between i Israel and Egypt. It told the King that such al development need not derogate any eventual settlement on the Jordanian side. Loss of interest feared - The King was, however, not convinced. He is afraid that once the big powers have got Suez reopened they will lose interest in doing anything about what he considers the more Important problem, namely, Jordan's ter- I ritory now occupied by Israel on the West I Bank of the Jordan River. In this connection the department listened carefully to King Hussein's exposition of his proposal for an autonomous West Bank,1 which he insists could not be put into effect until after a general settlement. It noted that he has developed his public position on two lines: ' ? First, he now is on record as saying that he would be willing to negotiate directly with Israel if an acceptable agenda could be worked out. This somewhat mysterious state- ment leaves questions which remain unan- swered, about what an_ acceptable agenda-- would be and how it could be arrived at.. Second, Second, ;he-:now is talking about dual sovereignty for Jerusalem. This is an inge- nious formula for obfuscating ? the most sensitive prestige issue in the whole problem. If it could be said that Israel and ? an autonomous West-Bank state both had their capitals in Jerusalem and the city could in fact be run by a neutral city manager, faces might be saved on both sides. -: - Mutual disengagement , _ On a broader level King Hussein heard that the White House will soon be giving serious Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA4IDP77-00432R000100110001-4 ? Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 consideration to the idea that the United. States, andthe Soviet Union could agreeon a-; mutual disengagement from the Middle East in - the form of undertakings to restrict the flow of arms into the area. To the Israelis, whose margin of military superiority over the Arabs is probably greater now than ever before, this would be preferable to any kind of big-power advocacy of specific terms of settlement. Still holding out for direct talks with the Arabs, the Israelis are fearful of big-power pressure for military withdrawal from occupied territory. As for the King's honeymoon, he and his. NEW YORK TIMES 1 March 1973 After Sinai wife disappeared last Saturday, heading south and hoping, according to word from the royal household, for the kind of privacy all honeymooners appreciate. The King will be able to show his bride around with assurance, having thoroughly explored the Florida east coast on previous visits. He has come to love an annual vacation in the U.S. because he feels safe under FBI protection and likes being treated, as he says, "like an ordinary person." He loves the casual "Hi, King" treatment he gets at Florida resorts. No useful purpose is served by an acrimonious debate _over the assignment of blame for the downing of a, Libyan airliner in the Sinai peninsula last week. It should not have happened?no one disputes that. Israelis justify the actions of their trigger-happy pilots,-but they express no joy over those acts; this attitude 'contrasts with the obscene satisfaction voiced by many Arabs, including Arab governments, after some of the bloody. "Black September" attacks. ? The basic fact illustrated by this tragic incident is that clashes, deliberate or, accidental, are going inevitably to occur over and over again, in, one form or another, as long as the two sides remain locked. into. the rigid stand-off which has produced such a sterile stalemate all these years. , For too long, many of Israel's leaders 'nave been lulling their people into the mistaken -belief that the present, status quo is in Israel's long-terra interest. For his. part President Sadat of Egypt has been far too qui& to hack away from his occasional flashes of flexibility,, choosing'. instead to retreat to the time-worn, position of holding. ' on to maximum demands that stand no chance of beinv. realized with or without another war. ' The present moment of sobriety could well be seized_ upon to make the point that the stabilityof the -present- stalemate is illusory. Below the: surface' of- Isreel's elec77_ tion campaign -this year is the'llint :of'-Widely held popular belief that the rigidity i of the last five years may.. have served its purpose, and. Could' now ,,.gradually be ? relaxed for the sake of the;troubled,Israeli economy and the well-being of the country's fUture geheratiOn. This is hardly the message Premier Meir: is bringing to Presi- dent Nixon today,, but it is the-view of others in her own -Labor, party.:.In this context, the Israeli Cabinet- -decision to offer- compensation to the, victims of, the .; :Libyan airliner _was, a_ wise reversal of previous, minis- terial ?':" . Constant self-justifications, arguments in a framework-:,: 'of soirie: abstract system of logid-_-_-this'Sfyle' of mono- logue has failed both Arabs and Israelis for two and -a:. half decadea:A.`:new. round of -peacemaking diplomacy; which Mrs. Meir Welcomed on her arrival in the United States just. As King Hussein had: e. month 'earlier, can bear fruit only if both -sides back away, from encrusted dogmas aimed not at reconciliation but at scoring empty debatingpoints..s.,1':":... NEW YORK TIMES 8 March 1973 Indian Official:Says', Poison Was Found In Grain Front U. S.: Special to The New York Times ' NEW DELHI, March 7 _? India's Food Minister said to- day that recently arrived ship- ments of American. grain- -had- included some poisonous seeds' but that they .had, been de- tected before the grain could be distributed in drought-strick- en areas of the country. Speaking, in Parliament, where agitatecl.members- asked about-the:matter for an hour, ?the minister, -Eakhruddim Ali .Ahmed, said there was no ques- tion that anyone had dela)." erately- mixed- the seeds into the grain 'before shipment to ,He.said the seeds came from the weeds that grow with the grain._ Tiny, black seeds ? known botanically as stramonium and ;.;?Ically. as ,dhatura ? were re- portedly found mixed liberally With shipments of mb,. a type of sorghum, from, the United States that arrived at Bombay last month: The seeds were said Ito be sufficiently' toxic to make people sick and, if the people were weak, to kill them. Shipment of 200,000 Tons The poisonous seeds were said to be found in a con- signment of 200,000 tons of the sorghum part of the 800,000 tons of grains bought by India hi the United States. The grain Was intended for the people in the states of Maharashtra. Gujarat and Rajasthan. The- Food, Minister- said the Ihdian supply mission in New York that had bought the grains had been asked to? take up the matter with the American sup- pliers. Meanwhile, he said, the Government has. arranged for a thorough sifting of the sorghum already received.- , Vasanth Sathe, a member of the ruling Congress party, said that- in the United States sorghum was mainly used for cattle and that the small amounts of poison mixed in With it did not kill any animal. Even if. 'the- Americans. 'con- sumed , the- adulterated milo, he . said, they" were constitu- tionally-- strong":'enough to Withstand any adverse", affect. :Tut in India- our people are weak, sir,!! he said. "We should not go by-American standards." ,-Mr. .- Ahmed said according to the explanation received from the India supply-mission; iC was norrnal practice in the United-States that a mixture of S' to 6 per cent of'-"foreign Materials" was- allowed in -mil and that because of mechanical harvesting it-was-not' possible to preventlhempoisonous- seed from getting mixed with the grains. Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP7eal0432R000100110001-4 Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 CHRISTIAN SCIENCE MONITOR 3 March 1973 0 1 es up Itzth r Thi 3 ? 01 BO Sara ? By Saville R. Davis Special to The Christian Science Monitor New Delhi The delicate ? task of working out a new relationship between the United States and India has begun. It is already clear that India has its own ideas about where it fits in Mr. Nixon's proclaimed "new era of negotiation" ? and that the Russian presence will be strongly felt. Only minutes before new U.S. Ambassador Patrick Moynahan arrived at Delhi airport, a clever and imaginative delegation from the Soviet Union emplaned through the depar- ture lounge. The Russians got here first. They had made history by devising a new form of "socialist" barter trade and flew home with Indian accolades. Henceforth, Indo-Soviet trade will no longer be the hit-or-miss barter style, based on whatever goods happen to be available. The new plan is for each country to compile a "need" list of sophisticated, valuable prod- ucts it genuinely wants to import ? then arrangements will be made to create new industries in the other country to produce them. Investment capital deficiencies would be made up by the Soviet Union. A major impetus This agreement is regarded here as a revolutionary new impetus to socialist eco- nomics ? sensitive to -the needs- of a developing country. India will continue to trade in the dollar market, for America is still its best customer. But India's heart is in the new Socialist forms of _trade, and in a discreet friendship with the Soviet bloc. Announcement of the new Soviet agree- ment ? just as Ambassador Moynahan was , en route to New Delhi ? was the latest' illustration of the delicacy of his mission. Indian foreign policy today is still domi- nated by one fact. The Soviet Union stood by it during the liberation of Bangladesh ? while the United States tried to block it. ; Years will be needed to dim the memory of :1 that event, said one well-Informed-American. here, perhaps exaggerating to make ? the- point. Tow key urged A top-level Indian official who is well acquainted with the United States concurs. "Anything urged on India by Americans right now is reason enough for Indians not doing it," he said. His advice to Mr. Moyna- han is to say very little, in a very low key. ? ' If Mr. Moynahan suggests a renewal of American aid, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi - may well refuse it. If the United States permits American "lethal arms" to flow into Pakistan again, India will react with any degree of fury that ? Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : C ? will not hurt its export trade. If the United States sends naval forces into the seas around India, as it did at the height of the Bangladesh affair, India might respond by giving naval bases to the Soviet Union. This issue is not remote, in view of the- current Soviet effort to reopen Suez and establish a route for its Mediterranean, fleet into the Indian Ocean. . With regard to the new U.S. ambassador, a diplomatic jest reported in Indian news- - papers is that Mr. Moynahan should apply his famous phrase "benign neglect" to American - relations with Delhi. It is privately suggested here that another Moynahan quip, the title of his book "Maximum Feasible Misunder- standing," would have been ? even more appropriate. The strain on American 'relations with this country is as heavy as peaceful behavior can bear. - Conversations with-Indians on all levels suggest that it was not only President Nixon's , "Christmas bombing" or his strong support of Pakistan's former President Yahya }than that were the cause of India's disaffection. Nor was it just the cancellation of further American aid to India during the Bangladesh crisis, or the threat to India by sending the U.S. Carrier Enterprise into Indian waters. Or Mr. Nixon's deliberate exclusion (as it is' characterized here) of the world's largest democracy from its former role in the-peace - machinery of Indo-China. ' Something 'deeper is involved. ? - Socialist resurgence felt India is going through a strong resurgence of its own particular brand of socialism. ? Although by no means Communist, it is -well to the left of what America considers center..' This leads to a certain resentment of the capitalist United States and all its official : works ? political, economic, military, and diplomatic. -r ' Most informed :Americans here, who- are-1 ? friendly toward India, think that the poten? tially good elements of the Nixon-Kissinger detente policies simply cannot penetrate the Ideological wall with which- India presently surrounds itself.. - ? . , . Some Indians are, more sharply critical 'of their own government. They are the model.- - ates and conservatives, who complain . that Mrs. ? Gandhi- invokes ? the same kind ? of: abstract principles and.. -"holier-than-thou attitude" that her father often displayed ata time when international realism is needed. ? But ,most?-,Indians support her, - share - her, -'style of--Idealism,and present 'Ambassador Moynihan with 'a stubborn, , guerrilla kind of ? resistance -.that is likely ,to match. his Irish eloquence at least at the start., ? India is in a mood right now to apply the Gandhi-Thoreau brand of civil disobedience to Mr. Nixon's "new era of negotiation." -? Whether this is to serve merely as con- . structive criticism 7- or becomes part of a" strategy to displace U.S. efforts with an entirely different structure of detente -- remains to be seen-. -RDP77-00432R000160110001-4 Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 WASHINGTON POST: 8 .March 1973 - Eight Terrorists and the Sudan The Sudan now confronts that recurrent dilemma of Arab governments: whether to enforce the law against the Palestinian terrorists. The answer will indicate the kind of relationship that the Sudan wants to maintain with the United States and Europe. It will also indicate, for that matter, the kind' of relationship that the Sudan wants to maintain with the other Arab and _African, nations. The Sudanese now hold the eight men who seized three diplomats?two Americans and a Belgian?and proceeded to murder them. Gen. Nimeri, the Sudan's ruler, says that thefl law must take its course. The world will have to wait to see what that means. Other Arab governments, in recent months, have behaved disgracefully on this issue. When four Palestinian gunmen killed the Jordanian prime minister on the steps of a Cairo hotel 16 months ago. Egypt jailed them and then, after the noise had died- down, released them on bail. The bail appears to be permanent. After the murder of the Israeli athletes in Munich, the gunmen were freed by the hijacking of a German aircraft and they?landed in Libya to a heroes' welcome. The Palestinian terrorists depend upon Arab goyim- ments for a degree of support?in terms of money and safe bases?without which they could not exist. But the terrorists are also a threat, to one degree or another, to these same governments. They are tolerated because they serve more purposes than they acknowledge. The murders in Khartoum are an illuminating exainple of this obscure and predatory side of Arab politics, in which the terrorists are sometimes used as weapons by one Arab against another:: _ . The Sudan's-relations . with the? rest. Of the ,Arab-' World grow *steadily more complex and ambiguous. The' last major. attempt . to- overthrow den: Nimeri,-, was in the summer of. 1971; 'as he .was proceeding to :unhook himself from his earlier dependence on the Soviet Union:. A group of Communist officers seized Khartoum briefly. The leftist government of Iraq. immediately, .dispatched a large delegation air :to bear Congratulations to the rebels. Their aircraft- mysteriously exploded,, in midair at just about the time. that. Gen. Nimeri, couterattack- ing with unexpected force. waS sending the rebel leader- ship to the firing squad. The general then broke off relations with Iraq. charging "clear interference" with the Sudan's internal affairs. The Nimeri government emerged from that episode with debts to its northern neighbors,. Libya and Egypt. There was repeated talk, in the succeeding months, of joining those countries together in an Arab federation.- Saturday,Feb.17,1973 THE WASHINGTON POSTI, But last winter, in an event that attracted.little attention ' abroad, Gen. Nimeri succeeded in settling the civil war that had dragged on for 17 years, with incalculable blood- shed and devastation between the Sudan's Arab north and its Negro south. The idea of an Arab federation was not popular in the south, and the general postponed entry. Libya's next move was a blatant attempt to estab- lish a presence _on the Sudan's southern border. Last. September its neighbor to the south;'. Uganda, fell into a dispute with Tanzania. The Libyans attempted to send five transport planes, loaded with troops and weap- ons, to Uganda. The Sudanese government denied per. . . _ mission to fly over its territory, and forced the planes to land at Khartoum-Relations between the Sudan and Libya have deteriorated steadily since, then. At the end of the year, Libya was affronted again when the Sudan reopened, diplomatic relations with the United States. Gen. Nimeri has now hinted that Libya played a role in organizing the assassination of the diplomats. The murder of Ambassador Noel and- their Belgian, colleague, his deputy, Mr. Moore, certainly symbolized the outrage of eight Palestinian terrorists, and perhaps others, to be the Sudan's new opening to the West. But that was not the only symbolism in the incident. It' oc- .curred on the anniversary of the settlement of the Sudanese civil war, the event that caused the govern- ment in' Khartoum to think a little less like Middle Eastern Arabs and a little more like Africans. Behind the Palestinians', simple and open hostility to Israel and its friends in. the West, there operate other strate- gies that. are anything but simple or open.' . The Secretary of State, Mr. Rogers, said 'in an un- guarded moment this week that he supported the death penalty. for 'the gunmen in this Case. It is not really Mr. Rogers' position to advise the Sudanese government on penalties. .The--American authorities, for example, decided not to put Sirhan Sirhan to death for the Murder of Sen.- Robert- Kennedy. The real test. ef. the Sudan's intentions IS 'whether It now proceeds- to enforce its own laws and international obligations in good. faith. If it follows the recent Libyan and Egyptian precedents, turning the murderers loose with -a wink and a smile, the world can assume that Gen. Nimeri is consigning his fortunes to the equivocal benevolence of those two countries. If he desires wider friendships for his country, his government will have to carry out its full respon- sibilities to enforce the law. It is not an immediate American or. Belgian interest that is at stake here, nearly so much as the long-term national interest of the Sudanese government and the 16 million people it rules. By Barbara Bright Washington Post Staff Writer The National Security Council is planning to re-ex- amine U.S. policy toward -- Greece, according to well-in- formed sources. have changed-American re- lations Ahe 1 military ; -junta 1! that -Alas 4.: governed Greece-since,19?7.2 ? - Greece ld ? United States that it no Tong--'" wants' the $10' inillion- in. annual direct military grant-- . aid it has been receiving. The policy review.;.- :ex.=-' 0_, L96Q"Aua pected in March, confripPPRPVcRtrilcOeMpecattp-, the heels of two events that families -have, '-moved view Greece following T. Washing- ton's decision .to make Pira- eus, the 'port ;'?f Athens, home port :for the-Navy in the Mediterranean_ - ? The stated U.S. policy' On'' Greece, a NATO _ ally, has ' been to encourage moves to- cut off Greek military aide., ivriratiowe-e tosemilthottailktArncounste continue'. and-, and-, at the same time, to the aid because of what he 85 eece support the'government with military aid.Last year - Congress, angered - by the junta's slow pace at reviving constitutional rule, voted to Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 described as "overriding re- quirements of national security." Change Not Certain It is not known if the up- coming NSC review will modify or redirect U.S. pol- icy toward Greece. One White House source said he thought any change unlikely, because of the cur- rent talks between NATO and Warsaw Pact nations? in which Greece is involved as an observer?about troop cuts in Central Europe. Another source denied that a review is planned. . But with the Vietnam war over, the United States has promised to pay more atten- tion to its allies in Europe and to seek a solution to the ?Middle East crisis?and both of these efforts could affect Washington's position toward Greece. In the Middle East, Egyp- tion President Anwar Sa- dat's expulsion of. Soviet military advisers has re- duced the Soviet presence. President Nixon had used that presence as a justifica- tion for bolstering the U.S., military posture in Greece, homeporting arrangement under which a. carrier task force of the U.S. Sixth Fleet, I complete with dependents, is to be stationed in Athens. Greece and NATO In Europe; theGreek colo- nels' unilateral rejection of grant aid has undermined the Nixon administration's attempt to get its NATO al- lies to take on support for Greece's military program. Some European observers say that Greece continues to be a political problem within NATO. Support for the North Atlantic Treaty Organization is waning among young European vot- ers.who have no recollection- of World War II, and ,who are especially unenthusias- tic about backing the Greek, military dictatorship. - West German Foreign Minister Walter Scheel, for example, is, coming under fierce attack from the youth wings -of Chancellor Willy' Brandt's Social Democratic Party and of his own Free Democratic Party --for his. plans to visit Athens. U.S. Politics Within U.S. domestic Pol- and particularly for the -itics, Greece -is an example LONDON OBSERVER ? 25 February 1973 TH ISRAEUS 'armed 'forces carried out two military actions. -last week?one:planned,;:;the.::other almost .accidental. The.. raid, deep into 'Lebanon-against :guerrilla --centres ? in . the Palestinian refugeer;camps was e?speCtacular feat. .Thecorn- munique..announce&`--dozens ' of dead, Israeli public opinion --,-tinderstanclably ? in ? view of-tile-ferocity of Black Septem-: .bcr actions?was cheered. -But -then came ;the shoOtingdoWn of the straying' Libyan Boeing, killing some -hundred ; non-combatants.' Whatever blame .may lie on,;the. pilot for not landing when; ordered, this excessively. hawkish illustrates, the --nervous, tension in -which Israel :lives. ',The week's two :actions are uncomfortable ? reminders of Ihe ?real perils that will always: threaten .to spoil the promise of iIsraers ,achievements, as; long -as ?. there . .no negotiated . peace. And.: these perils are likely to :grow, ? For the -.Arab States'. will become stronger ?and richer ,:as:.their-7,,control..-of the.World's:Iargest oil -fields -:.brings;Eurppe.and :the .United States intoinereasingly; ',deep dependence on them. .And the Soviet.,Vnion, with :its OWTY-?? oil --resources, - is always. likely to 'offer them military ?protection. This new' .situa- tion may allow tl-tel) Arabs in turn to extract sophisticated' modern armaments, rather than money, fromjlaeir- Western- oil clients. There ,are.signs that .this :is- what they-will do. A mass. Arab :invasion to recover :Sinai and the other lost landsmay.he impossible. But, in perhaps.1.0 years, these .-States;thope? to - be -able-to -make-overwhelming-attacks , on- Israel's .few cities with weapons .which.cannot all be inter- cepted. (A-the.WeSt-will,n6t-suPply-the+ardware, then Rus- -sia or-China--will.-.) l',WhateverlbSsesthe Egyptians and others suffered .,when rthe..7Israelis hit :baek -would be-considered: ;worth . the .destructian.-:"of iIsraeps rCities and of :-her -power) ; to:dominate:the Middle tEaSt rfuturre:' .And this the Arabs,. ? in aintain iiLspitepf..theirrbeliefjhatlisrael-May.,ah.eady-have :home-made,nuclear ?bornbs. . . This is disquieting talk. zBut _th.e emotional .-bitterness of the continuing struggle between the legislative and executive branches of gov- ernment. Rep. Benjamin Rosenthal- (D-N.Y.), who is chairman of the European subcommittee of the House Foreign Af- fairs Committee and who has been a consistent critic of U.S. policy toward Greece, has asked the General Ac- counting Office to do a con- tinuing audit of U.S. ex- penditures on the Athens homeporting arrangment. Tile arrangement, which is expected to bring Greece some $13 million yearly, was made by an executive agree- ment under the NATO treaty, without- consulting Congress. - The first phaseof hernie-? porting, involving- a. com- mand group, a destroyer squadron, about ? 1,250 de-' pendents and 1,960 military personnel, has already been completed. "The only way Congress could rescind the homeport- ing arrangement now," a State Department spokes-- man said last week, "would-- be for them to cut off the U.S..Navy budget." Greeks' Criticism But the Athens agreement has its critics within. the Greek government as well. After Premier George Papa- dopoulos publicized last. month's rejection of U.S. grant aid as a triumph of na- tionalism,. Greek. opponents. of the U.S. homeporting sug- gested publicly that Athens ?since it had cut-some of ? its apron strings to the Americans?should now be able to get rid of the home- port facilities. One curiosity about the grant-aid - rejection?Greece still gets 'some $65 'million yearly in- U.S. military cred- its?is that the Nixon admin- istration did not share in the-, announcement. In the cur- rent power struggle,.it could. have been thrown as a sop to Congressional critics. The Pentagon - and the State Department have long contended that U.S. military aid to Greece is vital to -U.S. interests in the Mediterra- nean. If the colonels no longer need. the direct aid, it- is conceivable that Congress may take a second look at authorization of the more significant military- credits. _ ;underlying it,--,the .feeling-that your eneMy deserves na pityi . iyhatever?is all too similar to. IsraelFetnotions, behind, :for: instance, last week's avenging raid on the-Palestinian ramps ; in I..ebanon. It must be taken seriously. ; i1ttherefore looks-fprobable itlratithislpart .the is moving towards disaSter .withit? 10-years. If ..the. ioutsidc yfg?tcl ,does- 'nothing 'about it, -there is no -re.ason', iiwhatever to suppose that Israel and her neighbours will reach negotiated peace ,:on their own - ? But'what can the outside World' do ? 'It is Israel that' must make the big concessions, as the a settlement ;Os to he negotiated. rath_er_thanidictated.-_'Bitt-the Jewish ? history 'daps not suggest thatthose who weaken ?: (can -rely on ithe Printecjion be reluctant to make :rconcessioris whiaiIput, ,the Mercy either of the Arabs or -of 'her ',Western friend S and -backers. Persuading prael to accept asettlement which Israelis judgeto be against' ;their interests is 'hopeless- and 'would ? be morallY wrong. - There-is, :however,)one dattorlhatthes .alwayS been -miss- ing from official plans for .a iMiddle- East -settlement. We know the ,terms , the :Arab States might ,probably !accept;--we- have an idea What sort ;Of deal Most Ralestinians might con- sider. What .is Anite _unknown is the 'physic,4I ,guarantees- th at Israel -would require -if ishe?isAnqneet -those terms. rue lsaelis spirtetilties give ithe -impression ;that no.1 giiarantees could ever be enough. Jf.thatistrue,, there may he tio,wayAf.,.axgrting ,thg?dcstnuction.,nf A..1.,_ala.aad Israeli" Cities. But to accept this monstrous prospect would be -treasnn-t-oinankindi--and-to-the-thousands-o-f-potential-victi?msH ; Effective military guarantees are not, after all, impos- sible to provide for "theserel.givPly3Weak _nations. A Soviet spokesman suggested ;not (long, ago taint 'Russian and? Ameri- ; can troops might ijointly :police- ,a ifrontier ?striip between"; ;?Israel and Egypt, once the border Was agreed. 'Extended to ! r include other national contingents, .and woith:proper sup- port, this scheme could indefinitely :grant 1-Srael ,and the Arab States a more than adequate ibuffer along all-their, frontiers. If it had to:staylior,a hundred ?years;iits,,cost would - be a fraction of the cost.ofrebui1ding.avar-shatteuedMiddle East. It might, indeed,' thecome .Ithe nucleus, of ii.:United Nations police force, to neutralise disputed .frontiers which threatened to provoke war. This woultidndeed be a develop- went as historic as any that these lands, synonymous ;with civilisation, have produced in their long past. Approved For Release 2001/08/0786CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 5 S Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 WASHINGTON POST 26 February, 1973 `t a , 7 I. , By Dan Morgan . Wa.5hiu4Lon Post Foreivl Serv:ce .." I . ANKARA?"This Parlia- ment will enact reform leg- islation,'' said a Turkish. dep- uty recently., "It will do it because there is a bayonet at its back." . The bayonet was a refer- ence to the Turkish armed forces; .which exercise ulti- mate power in this, country under the state of: emer- gency that has now ;lasted almost two years. As a means of. restoring law and ?' order, the bayonet- has been; an effective tool: ruthless., campaign - against leftists. groups whichAerrorized cit- ies, universities and military bases up to a year ago air.. pears to have been effective.Y . But the maneuverings of 41 conservative-dominated Par. ? liament have - thwarted eti-,, actment of economic and. :;io-;.-. cial reforms. that thejnili? - tary commanderilielieve are necessary Or: ._longer-term. .... -. stability. Preparahore.,'of v bills - on: land ref Ili m,;,the closing of tax loop' oles that 'benefit:: rich b inessmen - amt.', !mg: landowners, and expandeth- educatiimal. facilities - , are moving at -a. snail's,- pace._ e ;News- :43?alysii. Since reforms are a precon- dition,for the-lifting *of Man; tial law that still prevails in': major Turkish:- -cities- and:: nine. provinces, - some .. re- forms are inevitable. But; the conservative majority in, Parliament has .managed- to hold them to a minimum: Most obseryets agree that: there. will be crucial tests for Turkish democracy the months ahead *: . It is still an ()yen question when and, how full civilian rule and normal, parliamen- tary democracy will resume:' National election& for a new-- 'Parliament are scheduled' for September Thefl leaders-:-. of all the -major' parties want -martial taw- irr end well before then, so the- campaign can. take place in, the freest possible atmos- phere. Future Course -arl ayiet al The future. of constitu- . Law and Order ament - Acts s ac tional rule in Turkey could depend on how the country, makes the transition from military to civilian control. To restless Marxists, as well as to older adherents of the progressive- rule of the; founder of the Turkish re-_ public, Gen.?Mustafa Kemal" Ataturk, it sometimes seems. that Western-style- -.parlia? mentary democracy may not be right for Turkey at its present stage of develop- ment. ' _ Turkish liberals, who are a minority; claim that the laissez-faire economic poli- cies and conservatism of the country's largest political organization, the Justice ?Party, are ill-suited to a rel- atively poor country that- needs social reform and eco- nomic modernization. --------- Others still yearn for the- former, Kemalist one-party _ dictatorship in, which- an elite group imposed its deci- sions.from-the-;' top. Accord- ing to. an indictment re- cently issued in Istanbul,. these yearnings reached the- point of treasonous, disloy- alty. Thirty-two persons, in- cluding high level army- offi- cers, are accused of trying to topple the parliamentaty system and 'establish a rev& lutionary -dictatorship just, before the 1971 army !inter- vention. - The precedent for that th tervention was- established in 1960 when the army took- over the government and- overthrew Adnan _Menderes, who was later hanged. The armed forces againinter- vened in 1971 in the interest of "national security," after a long period of leftist agita- tion and -parliamentary deadlock. Parliament was left to function and the mill-i tary leaders chose to exer-, else their power behind the, scenes, through a- coalition government now hea0ed Premier Ferit Melen. , That solution has. proved frustrating both for politic: clans and for the military. commanders.- To prog?essives the- re.:) sults of martial law have :been particularly disappoint-1 ing.. ' ? --- In the last year martial law took a harsher turn as the military-backed govern- ment embarked on a tough law and order -campaign. Hundreds of leftists, includ- ing professors, journalists students and lawyers, were jailed and more than 1,000 are awaiting trial by mili- tary tribunals. Last week, the, _National" Assembly voted.?309 to 63 for a constitutional change that will set up special state se- curity courts to try political extremists after martial law ends. ' . Earlier, Parliament had approved a sweeping univer- sity law- that drastically re- duced the traditional auton- omy of Turkish academic centers.-- -------'--- These tough measures - have not been accompanied by any significant reform laws. _ - In an interview. this week,' the chairman of the left of center Republican People's Party, Bulent Ecevit, ? charged 'that' the conserVa- tive majority in Parliament had been using the cover of-; martial law to enact its own: ? hardline program, - while dragging its feet on reforms.' "Martial law gave the con- servatives the chance they.- always wanted' to establish -a dissected democracy," he? said. "It's not fair to blame it all on the military. The laws passed represent the free will of Parliament?but not the will of the people or the pressure ; of the mili- tary." The conservative Justice Party can afford -to.-- go slowly-on reform, he added, because in a martial law uation it does not feel undev? direct public pressure-., Ecevit's Republican Pen,- ple's Party is the party o Ataturk, and it supports-rad-, ical reforms, including such - innovations- as, a form of peoples caPitalism in which- workers t could establish 'their own- enterprises, through- tracterunions: -But- ' the party has only 97 depu- ties out 01 450 in Parlianient, compared.. with ,2,26 - for- thel Justice Party'. Parliament Tests _ Land reformis considered- i an important test of Parlia- ment's ability to approve a program,. of 'social justice. But there are already signs that the Justice.- try- to water _clown govern- ment-proposed measures , which also have the backing of Ecevit's party-. - In, an interview, Justice: Party chairman Suleyman Demirel. described _land re- form as "some-sort of chew- ing.:gum.",-4He said it Was of little interest to 98 Per cent, of the population: , , Nevertheless it i& clearly of interest to the powerful- land-holding lobbies from-, which the' Justice Party gets strong: support Many Jus- tice Party senators and dep- unities are themselves big owners. - The military-backed gov- ernment proposed a land re- distribution that would ena- ble all 'peasant ? families to earn a minirnurn of. about $1,200 a year. , Last week a parliamentary:-, commission, sought to weaken the--bill. ? -One, chartge? would triple. the limits- titY holdings- ,,on- modern, farrni141iile leiV- ing;the definition of modern vague enough :be inter- preted by ...distriet bureau- crats in faVor of landlords. Another change: would also benefit landnwriers. 'facing expropriation. ;"' ? = Land reform has become a test of Parliament's ac- ceptance of the 'military's , prodding. While the armed forces have- had almost free reign to-' tiy leftists and t bring about la' and order, 1 the - politicians-',..,have -man-1 aged- to retain surprising bargaining- power through, skillful., maneuvering.: ther tests are ahead. . , One of 'these Will 'come when Parliament elects". a new 'president i for 'a five- year term in March. So'-far - neither-the army nor the po- litica. 'parties, have ' mated candidate& to. Succeed President Cevdet1Sunayi-.67 4 a former generat ? Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : giA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 .PTEV, YORK ..TIMES,: THtJR-SDA'Z FEERUA RY 22, .1973 - Iran Will uy $2 illion in Arms Over the JOHN-. W; FINNEY, Speall to The Nee, 'yiork Times. WASHINGTON, Iran has contracted in recent months-to buy more than $2 billidn Military, equipment from the United: States in what Defense. Departrnent. officials describe as: the biggest. rsingle arms deal ever -arranged by:the Pentagon.....t. ; ? Officials t said, that 17thep -pup. chase would include.sticirequip- ment: ^ as. helicopter .:-gunships, supersOrtic interceptors, F-4 fightenhombers,. and ?,C41.30 cargo planes. But the officials were: reluctant, to talk about the- specifics 'because--of the reported sensitivity of the Shah of Iran to publicity about the transaction.. ............"--,?., . Senate sources-who had been briefed -on the arms deal said they understood-. that Iran Would also purchase such ad, vanced weapon S as laser bombs, the, guided bombs used against North Vietnamese targets in the final . stages of the ?Vietnam w a r, _ . It ? was also tinderstbod by 'Senate:'sources that at the shah's req nest Abe United :State Woild.. Statign an large detachment of 300 :Mili- tary personnel:in Iran: tertrain Iranians in the use of:ill-6-mm.! weapons'.': Shah Said To Do ChooSing-1-:... :The -arms to be?-lpUrchased were said to have been rdeter: mined-largely by the? Shah;Avho Over the years has favored. the most advanced Weapons., pro- &iced: by the United States and who -With this oil reevnues'haS the money to-buy them:.; . For *example, :in addition--to the 1,-:4'S that he has. been pur chasing for the last decade,: the Shah reportedly expressed an interest in the F-I5, a new Air. Force interceptor- -'not: yet. in production, State and- Defense Depart- inent officials said. that .:the large-scale transfer of arms, ext Several Yearsi Which 'is.::tOr.:,-go on over the next several years, would help reinforce' what' they' described as "a 'point of Stability" in the Persian Gulf area.. stable and progressive regime that is. play_ing..,a constructive role in the area," one State Department_official y,tio iS ,volved-'- in, the negotiations-.-ex. At -the same :time,.' Des fense and State DepaXtment ofs ficiais emphasize -that:' -aside front . such cnnsiderations?. the deab was ?entered,into ;on the 'ground that it would be highly: profitable, in helping -American arms manufacturers-!. caught ? in a post-Vietnainssiump in.order and in helping -to: redress this cotintry's:deficit in balance of . payments. , : ? - , ? 'Cash on the Barielhead' ? 2, The-. Shah?:-.: according to de- fense induttry sources, will- pay "cash on- the? harrelheacr for the weapons: - "It sure is going to help- fill in some of, the- gaps ? on onr production, said. a repre- sentative-.of one aircraft--manu- facturer that is to get a major part of the order As described byL8tate: p?.- partnteritcrfficials " atms. purcbases,..are-,part year -.modernization, . program that the- Shah ,adopted - for his armed - forces two- years ago' The-officials said that with-the withdrawal of-'- British-'- force from the .Persian Gulf- irriate 4971; Iran-decided- tos:acceler- ,ate nd-corripreess 'T the mod- ernizatibri4rogram..,: For more.than twO,deCades; the ,'United 'States and'Britain -fiaveheen thearaditional arrns suppliers to-Iran; with:It-le Shan On occasion .threatening:tO.turn to the Soviet ).:Union for--arms if he":dould- iibt...Obtairr- them from Western-..:bilteeS,..:-,-; .- 'Beginning:i1950;theUnit? 'States gave ? ntOre;-,,tharil:S60(14`, million in military!-aid rran; but- in: recent years,,.: as Iran grew.-wealthy- from .oil, the military assistance shifted from such aid to salei of the arms on basically commercial terms. As it became apparent that Britain would withdraw from the Persian Gulf,,, the Shah be- gan stepping, ,up,his: purchases of arms, turning-to the United States- --niimarilY..'for-.'aircraft and :toe Britain=for-4ships-. -an Both- State Vicl:.,Defense ? Dei., ,partment-s officials 4 acknow14- ledged ...that _Abe...ordered...arms I were beyond the Shah's needs 1-for'- niaintaining,-, internal -?'''-se- I ctirity in-his-- country': 'But; 'it !Was said;?the Shah's basic.,con- cent' is that he needs a Military force that could discourage any Soviet '.adventurism in- the-area and blOalt any' move by-neigh- boring Iraq, which has received substantial' 'Military- equipment from Moscow: - -:- -- ? i- - . ... Exact Size of Order Secret-, The - exact size-of the, arms deal--is still kept secret.- Senate Sources said that they under, stood the total was -nearly $3- billion, but defense officials Said it was "closer to $2,bil- ' More than half of the orders are said td be for several' hun- dred helicopters - and:intercep- tors. :-. : ' _ ? . . , , The ',Bell ., Heliconter-Com- . pany, for -example, has received an order-:for -202, Alf-lj- hell- cop ters,-; a gunship used by-the United States ,Marine Corps, an for 234 model, 214-A helicop- ters, a-:16-passenger cargo- heli- copter; --a g 16-passenger cargo- helicopter..'The helicopters are to behuilt at Fort.Worth,-Tex. The Bell company- officials de- Scribe the.- order at worth. at least $700-million over the next five years.* -- . :In -addition, Iran has re- portedly placed an order with the Northrop Corporation ? in Hawthorne, . Calif., for about 140 F-5E s,., a new interceptor 88 particularly -designed for foreign air forces as a defense against the:Soviet-built MIG-21: The--F-5G, a fighter that is easy tO maintain is expected to cost" about $1.5-million a 'The--Iranian: ? deal reportedly riflect. a nevi- emphasis- by the ;Administration moiMg,foreign military, Sales. Ta some ways, OfficialS::say.? the ?IsIixon'AdministratipnJS--rettirn tng to a policy of a decade ;no,' When the Defense Depart- 'Men t pushed. fareign military saIevio aggressivelyy. that:Psi:me Minister Harold;Wilack Of7-Bri.; publiely4,, deplored:. .:the nigh-presstireSalesmanship of the Americaris...".?:,;;; The promotion- caninaign.-led ikthe, late-:..nOneteeit-sixties to ConoreSsional,-iestrictions,, ini- tiated ::,largeWby the Senate Foreign'';-Relations Committee. The Senate Committee was con- cerned that the sales were prompting - arms races and posing undue- financial burdens on developing, countries. After -a slowdown in arms sales; ...the .Tendulunr is -begin- ning to swing.the -Other:Way," according to one State-Zieparrt- riient official?iiiVOlvedire.setting policy on military This tiMei?hetweVer.,.Officials insist that." ItTiS.:Ilie;State';De- ,partrnent,...-not the:?Defense -De- partment; that 'will have the dominant voice in cotzo1ling military' . Adnx..ataymond Er. Peet, the-Deputy-Assistant Seeretary of:Defense'.Tor Security Assis- tance;'.alo; insists that .mi itarYtearnSMave nrders,not: to l'promote!%,arms. sales to' other .Arms sales, riteanWhilehave surged upward from .a.: tow, of '$925-million ;,'in -;-:-.1970,,leThey reached 971, $3.45-billion4n-q972 and- are [expectedX:tota1,$36.-bilgan in 11973.' Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 ? ? Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 WASHINGTON OBSERVER 15 FEB 1973 \';';'.5,F? Presidential Assistant Henry Kissinger An instance of this is the clandestine nature Of is now scheduled to work out another , the Soviet-Israeli diplomatic relations. Officially, C..4."7:4-"T "peace pLin"?this time between Israel and her Arab nei,,hbors. Neaot those diplomatic relations were severed with great iations fanfare by Moscow at the time of the Six Day War. are under way for a Kissinger visit to Cairo. ' " of June A . that ti (1 me the Soviet Union closed Backing Kissinger up is the threat of American . its embassy in Tel Aviv. But they merely trans- military intervention; now that American troops r ? terred their diplomatic offices to the ? Russian Orthodox Monastery in Jerusalem?which had al- ready served for 19 years as a KGB compound. The. monastery, which is located on the out- skirts of Jerusalem, was established, with its extra- territorial status, 130 years ago by Nicholas I of Russia, who obtained the concession from the Ot- toman Empire, together with the prerogative to act as the protector of the Orthodox Church in the lands under the Turkish sway. During the British regime the Ivionastery was operated by the Russian churches in exile, but was turned over to the Soviets by Israel in 19-18?and has remained a Soviet enclave since then, in spite of the Soviet- Israeli "breach." Its story since then is only vaguely known : through scattered reports. The latter indicate a ; massive influx into the extra-territorial grounds of sinister-looking "monks," more than one athletic-, type father abbot and a constant shuttling of top ; echelon religious dicrnitaries between the walled institution and the Soviet Union. of the original ; recluses, two nuns committed suicide and most of the other Czarist-affiliation nuns and monks have dispersed. . . . Recently a tourist reported seeing a tall, and stately archimandrite in flowing robes sprightly getting out of a taxi and inadvertantiv slamming ; in his beard, which came off. He had learned the Orthodox liturgy, cannon law and dogma, but had neglected to learn how to protect "his" beard from accidents. Another secret Soviet emissary to Israel is the notorious Victor Louis, who is also a close confi- dant of Henry A. Kissinger. Louis, who serves as Moscow correspondent of the Evening: News of London, is a Russian Jew who uses his press cre- dentials for ?vorld travelling on secret errands for ; the Kremlin, including to Washington, D.C., to confer with Kissinger. He only uses his Soviet , diplomatic passport on his missions to Israel.. re-e?listment bonus but an outright enlistment bonus to. make sure that the three basic eombat branches are filled w._.1 competent, battle-tested veterans ready, willing and able to fight for Israel. Currently the Soviets and the Israelis, while un- doubtedly at loggerheads over some problems, not the least of which are the conflicting aspirations. for the partition of [lie Middle East oil resources, covertly cooperate in most matters, one of \VhiCh IS the Soviet ploy to continue bamboozling the ? Arab masses. ? Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-81)P77-00432R000100110001.-4 arc out of Vietnam. That this is not an idle threat is seen by many indicators. In spite of the great reluctance of the American people to get into any more wars, there is no doubt but that most poli- ticians and pressure group bosses who were "doves" in Vietnam are. "hawks" when it comes to placating the Zionists by pledging the support of the taxpayers and parents of America for Israel. In readiness kr the mission, the U.S. Army stop- ped training infantry officers many months ago for the tropical jungle combat of Vietnam and is now preparing them to fight wars in the Mideast and Europe. The pronounced shift in officer training was described by Col. Byron Green, the director of instruction at Ft. Benning, the base where mast army infantry officers are trained. "We used to have five Vietnam villages which we used for 'training the young officers in guer- rilla warfare," he said. "But they have fallen into disorder and disuse. - "We still have one which we. will keep 'intact because we think it is important that we do not lose the experience and learning acquired at so much cost in Vietnam." Another reason for keeping the remaining vil- lage, he said, is that there is a large possibility that any future war will be in a village-type area. ."Seventy-four per cent of the inhabited areas of the globe are village-type areas," he said. It will be necessary at some point, however; to rebuild this village because of the hard wear it . gets ? and when it is rebuilt it probably \\Ill be composed of adobe structure "such as would be found in the Middle East," said Green, instead .of the thatched structures there now. To attract and hold combat troops, the Army? for the first time since the Civil War?has begun giving. a $1500 bonus to all who volunteer for in- . fantry, ? artillery or armor. This is not the usual Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 CHRISTIAN SCIENCE, MONITOR, 21 February 1973 Moroccan psin to push:tut sea boundaries il-biks S ain By Richard Mowrer Special correspondent of The Christian Science Monitor Madrid Morocco's announced intention to extend its jurisdiction 70 miles out to sea looms as a dark cloud on the Spanish horizon. The move threatens to damage severely Spain's flourishing fishing industry, third ranking in the world after Japan's 'and Russia's. For generations Spanish fishermen have reaped a rich harvest from the teaming underwater life off the Northwest coast of, Africa. Now 23,000 of them manning some 2,000 boats, together with canning and freez- ing industries ashore, stand to be affected. In 1962 Morocco extended its territorial waters to 12 miles. The idea now is to extend the country's territorial fishing limits 58 miles farther. Fishing inside the 12-mile limit is to be restricted to Moroccan boats. Fishing by boats of other countries in off-shore waters extending 58 miles beyond the 12-mile limit is also to be prohibited, unless special bilateral accords between Morocco and individual countries are reached., An exception voiced The Moroccan initiative, taking into ac- count the narrowness of the Strait of Gibral- tar that separates Europe from Africa, makes an exception. there. Moroccan juris- diction would not extend beyond a median line equidistant from Spain and Morocco. At its narrowest point the Strait ,of Gibraltar is seven miles across. But, it is pointed out here, stretching territoriality 70 miles out ?to sea on the Atlantic side would bring "Moroccan wa- ters" to within two miles of Lanzarote, one of the Canary Islands ? a totally unacceptable situation. Madrid is set to take a strong line against the Moroccan plan. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs is holding its fire and resorting to quiet diplomacy in the hope that Morocco's King Hassanli, who has not yet signed the decree, will have second thoughts. WASHINGTON POST 22 February, 1973 Congo Warning BRAZZAVILLE?The Ccin-- go government of Pi?esident Marien Ngouabi has warned__ that there are new threats_ of a coup against the govern- ment The. date radio accused a Malian cousin of rebel lead- er Mtge Diawara of negoti- ating with an underground But Commerce Minister Enrique Fontana Codina said: "Spain cannot acceptunilateral extension by other countries of their fishing limits. If Morocco's decision to extend its territorial waters to 70 miles is officially 'confirmed, the Spanish Government will protest.',' Negotiations likely There is no doubt here that Spain will seek . bilateral negotiations leading to a fishing agreement with Morocco. But it is noted that agreements with Morocco have? a way'-of getting unstuck. In, 1969 a 10-year fishing agreement was signed. It specified that its terms would not be affected by possible extensions of territo- rial waters, unless both parties agreed. But this accord- now ,appears to , have been jettisoned by Morocco.* - - In September last year both countries set up a joint fishing and boat-building enterprise financed by Spain to the amount of 50 million pesetas ($835,000) and based in Agadir. This arrangement is still functioning. Madrid is allowing Moroccan citrus ex- ports to transit through Spain to compete against Spanish oranges in European mar- kets, much to the distress of Spanish growers. During._ the past,. three, yeara repeated incidents, which Madrid has tried to min- imize, have involved Spanish fishing boats and Moroccan patrol vessels. Some' 160 trawlers have either been- chased; fired at, boarded,. or seized by the , Moroccan Coast Guard In August last year Moroccan launches stopped the 10,000-ton Spanish ferry Ciudad de Ceuta in the Strait - of Gibraltar and searched it. . Last summer the Spanish authorities im- posed a, news blackout on the Spanish press regarding information or comment about Spanish Sahara, the phosphate-rich territory that Morocco wishes to annex, along with the Spanish enclave cities Ceuta and Melilla. ' It is . thought in some quarters that the Moroccan plan to extend jurisdiction 70 miles out to sea and offer bilateral negotiations at the same time, may be- related, in Spain's case, to the Spanish Sahara issue. ?. movement and of being an ag,etit for the U.S. Central" Intelligence ,Agency. - It was also announced that , &vain Bemba, minister for information, spoit, culture t. and the arts, as ,,been ar- rested. ; s; ? ? The reports folio-wed Ngouabi's disbanding of the national police force and his call for a radical cleanup of the Congolese army. 90, Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 LOS ANGELES TIMES 22 February 1973 Black E?of Finds S. Africa Job Confusing PRETORIA, South Afri- ca black diplomat is .working at the U.S. Em- bassy in segregated South Africa, and naturally one or two jokes have cropped up. A comic: strip depicts Prime Minister John Von- ster in the midst of an in- terview. Q. How do you feel about this American Negro dip- lomat, James Baker? A. Why, he's no problem. Some of my best friends are Americans. No Comment Vorster has not com? mented on this caricature. Nor has Baker, who ar- rived two weeks ago. He is 37, a bachelor, and an eco- nomics officer in the U.S." Foreign Service.. One of his jobs is to help advise potential U.S. investors on the advisability ' of invest- . , rnent in the only nation that formally classifies its people by race. Baker has taken the house of his predecessor on Club St., in. the plush Pre- toria suburb of Brooklyn. There black nannies wheel around white tod- dlers on sultry afternoons, black garden boys keep the lawns neat and blacks do other suchichares. - The Virginia-born Baker, isn't the first -black to come here on. diplomatic. business. U.S. officials, who are black have made, several visits and Malawi - Ambassador Joe Kac 111 ingwe has, been around several years. But then'. Malawi , on: South, Africa for monetary The United States doesn't necessarily rely on South Africa for anything:.," Asked how he felt here at first,- Baker replied: ? Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 "Confused." . "The apartheid problem is not one which makes me jump with glee," he com- mented. "We can turn our assign- :ments down but I thought about it and decided to come. "In my view it was not a s yin boll c appOintment. My job is a job that has to be done.. I don't think would have . wanted . WASHINGTON POST 22 February, 1973 come-hero- as' a symbol." Embassy officials say Baker is unlikely to run Into any incidents. One ob- served: "Diplomats don't often walk the streets, you know." Even if he did step out onto Paul Kruger St., South African protocol of- f icials probably would be out to see that nothing un- toward happened. - Travel Permitted Baker may travel about ? South Africa. But normal diplomatic procedure re- quires any embassy to in- form the host government of out-of-town trips to avoid suspicion of snoop- ing. It seems unlikely that Baker's sudden arrival in a country town would catch a n y restaurateur by surprise.. The far right Herstigte-? Nasionale-.Palt.Y..bas HINDUSTAN TIMES 14 February 1973 A fricar to Ais arth,ei --N) Hit at Airline Heal-mg pressed publia bitterness about Baker's assignment. It fired off a telegram to Prime Minister Vorster and a "declaration of protest" to t he MS. Emile say which said in part: "We reject this appointment as a gesture which purports to be In the interest of good relationships be- tween the U.S. and South Africa and declare that in principle this person is not welcome in South Africa." nca s uranium sates, eat to won peace , By Jay Ross. Washington Post Staff Writer:...: Racial discrimination, ?rather than the usual ques- tions of fares and schedules, was the issue at a Civil Aero- nautics Board hearing yester- day on an airline route appli- cation. South African Airways has applied for a regular route from Johannesburg to New. York via the Cape Verde Is- lands. The application is being challenged by several groups opposed to South African race segregation policies-- , The hearing?which was to ; determine what issues- should be included in considering the application?marked the first time that racial discrimination has been raised in a board hearing on landing rights, ac- cording to CAB bureau coun- sel Jerome B. Blum. After the 21/2-hour hearing, Ross I. Newmann, an adminis- trative judge for the CAB, said be would rule on the scope of the final hearing. The administrative judge determines the issues at stake in the final hearing on the ba- sis of arguments in the prelim- inary hearing. So yesterday's session was the key stage for the opponents of the airline. Blum said the hearing was the longest preliminary session held by the CAB.. Normally, landing rights for foreign airlines, are handled routinely, and the preliminary and final hearings are held on the same day. This was the ease in 1968; when South Afri- can Airways was first granted U.S. landing rights on a Jo- hannesburg-Rio de Janeiro- New York route. This time, Blum filed a state- ment that the application should be considered in light of whether the airline com- plies with the 1964 Civil Rights , Act, which outlaws diserimina- tion in employment and public accommodations. In his role as bureau counsel, Blum is sup- posed-to represent the public interest at CAB hearings. Blum was-joined in many of his arguments- by a .group in- cluding the Black' "Congres- sional Caucus and several or- ganizations interested in Af- rica. Rep. Charles Diggs, (D. Mich.), chairman of the Black Caucus, attended the hearing. South African ? .Airways', counsel Brice Clagett argued that the policies of South Af: rice were irrelevant- and that the CAB does not have the au- thority ?to consider Mich for- eign-policy matters in an- ap- plication. ? , ' "This way lies madness,' Clagett said, adding that if agreement on political matters is required for international transportation, there could be no such transportation. He said he thought the CAB bureau counsel had "taken ,a pretty militant position". Later, he said that the 'air- line does not segregate passen- gers on international flights. ? ? Peter J. Connell, speaking for the airline's opponents, said that South African Air- ways could not conform to the non-discrimination provisions of U.S. law and that black American employees of Ithe airline would, not have an equal opportunity to advance in the home office. L. He also said z American blacks would not be able to re- ceive equal treatment on char- ter flights, which the airline is also applying for on the 'same; route. The CAB must submit its fi- nal determination on granting the route to the White House far approval. Approved For Release 2001/08/01:Ca.tres itprikie3ffigrai.fff jfittiffifdijpip4ting one of oo aids. NEW DET11/, Feb. 13 (UM) ? The phenomenal development of the uranium industry in South Africa, which is not a signatory to the nuclear non-proliferation treaty, could become a real menace to world peace. Sounding this warning Mr Char- les C. Diggs, ? chairman of the United State S? House of Repre- sentatives' subcommittee on Af- rica, has said that the industry had been- developing in - South Africa since World War IT, ura- nium being a byproduct of gold In nearly half the mines in that country. -In a- statement- before the Joint Committee of Congress recently, Mr Diggs- said that South Africa had already-begun. selling uranium without any guarantee for its peaceful uses-And with. its new enriched -process it . could pose ?a danger to world peace; The statement' published in_the latest issue "of Sechaba, the offi- cial organ of. the African National Congress in South- Africa,- said this was the result of the indirect support the international monetary authorities-.,-had extended to ;the- goldmining industry in South Africa by providing a guaranteed market at a guaranteed price. 4 1, U.S. demand - This international support ? in the first place with an unlimited demand at the official price from the United States Reserve Bank and now with a guarantee against falling prices and balance of pay- ments from the International Monetary Fund ? and also con- tributed to the perpetuation of a neo-slavery system in the mines. Mr Diggs added. Mr Diggs said this support also helped the South African Govern- ment- which had also subsidised NaTSWEEK 5 March 1973 _ WHEN A GUEST CAN marginally-economic mines very heavily in times of difficulties because the industry was very crucial to the en-tire White-owned economy and, therefore, to the entire structure of South African society. ? The Government played a vital role in the continuance of the neo-slavery system in the mines by entering into bilateral agree- ment with the Portuguese colonial government_ of Mozambique for the supply of a given volume of "labour units" for which payment was made to the labour-expprting government in the form of com- pulsorily "deferred wages." He said: "Even more important is the system of influx control whereby ;Africans in the labour reserves are prohibited from leav. ing without a contract and where. ajob'in the gold?mines is often the only alternative to starvation." ? Mr Diggs; said any attempts to go . to the _towns- to-. seek work freely:: was prevented by a com- plex network- of pass laws, -which were fundamental to the whole -system- ot -regulating Africans to serve .the ? White economy as "labour units." If there were a free labour mar- ket the mining industry in South Africa would have to double its wages?to compete with the martn- facturing industry.. This- competition, he said, was eliminated by the full machinery of a police state forcing people to take the lowest-paid 30135. "It is clear then that the South Af- rican legislation, which forces Africans to stay in the reserves until they are needed on the mines, is largely responsible for the fact that :the'-. international monetary system has the gold sup. . plies that,. it does," ha, added. DO NO WRONG Peking is still smarting?but in silence?over the conduct of one recent VIP visitor, President Mo- butu Sese Seko of Zaire (the former Belgian Congo). The African ruler jarred the Chinese by arriving with an entourage of his Belgian advis- ers, complete with ladies and lapdogs. He an- gered them still more on leaving by stopping in India, China's main adversary in Asia, after his hosts had specifically asked him not to. The Chinese have stifled their indignation because Mobutu's visit ended Zaire's relations with the Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : C4A-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 WASHINGTON STAR.' 25 February 1973. _ The time has now come for President Nixon to abandon some of the fixations and fictions about Cuba that obsess the . administration and begin serious consid- eration of a new policy leading toward restoration of political and economic re- lations with the Communist island na- tion. Let us review the bidding: Nixon al- ready has made his peace with the Marx- ist giants, Russia and China. The State Department now, has negotiated an agreement with Fidel Castro-, that hopefully will terminate Cuba's role as- a - haven for U.S. skyjackers. It has always been apparent that Cuba has never been isolated by the -American policy and the sealing-off resolutions. of the Organiza- tion of American States. This leaves only the question, of the extent to which Castro's Cuba supports. revolution and represents a threat to the, other nations of the Americas. And it has., long been evident that the Havana re- - gime was never very effective at the busi- ness of exporting subversion and is now- giving little more than lip service to the. aspirations of native revolutionaries who once were trained and financed by the Cubans. As to the. presence of Russian mili- tary forces in Cuba, the best information is that there are Jess than 5,000 techni- cians there. The submarine base at Cien- fuegos has never been used by Soviet nuclear submarines, and it really makes no difference: A nuclear-powered subma? rine does not need a base. The three Rus- sian subs stationed off the East Coast of the U.S. (compared to 14 or so U.S. subs.' in the North Atlantic approaches to.' Russia) are serviced by tenders. ? Nixon's last public utterante on Cuba was made, in a Star-News interview on November 9 when he said, "There will be no change, no change whatever, in our policy toward Cuba unless and until? and I do not anticipate this will happen? Castro changes his policy toward Latin America and the United States.". Well, Well, perhaps the accord on hijackers - is a major change such as, the President sought in Cuban policy. In point of fact, Castro's denunciations and fiery words mean very little to the United States and Latin America so long as he is unable and unwilling to ship out- guerrilla forces and -/ agents to try to overthrow OAS govern- . ments. The United States gets -at least as - severe verbal treatment from other Latin governments with which we do maintain relations?Chile and Panama come to mind?as from Fidel Castro. The existing policy, it now seems to us, has outlived the realities. Communist Cuba is not friendly, but it does cooperate -with the United States--on a number of fronts already: Postal and phone service exist; the airlift: of exiles has been re- sumed-;weather and commercial aviation information' is exchanged; United States , airlines fly across Cuba using an approved air lane; Cuban athletes,have appeared on American soil for the Caribbeannlympics, in Puerto Rico.. Furthermore; the other Latinnations, . are beginning to waver and move toward_ rapprochement with Havana. Mexico never broke relations. Chile and Peru have resumed them.- Some of the new OAS members in the Caribbean were not subject to the OAS resolution consigning Cuba to pariabstatu.s. And others, such as Venezuela, Ecuador and perhaps Panama,. seem ready unilaterally to resume rela- tions with Cuba. There cannot be any, advantage for the United States in remaining aloof - when all our European, allies have never ceased trading with Cuba. A nation as powerful as, the United States can lose-, little by having normal relations with a country of whose leaders it does not ap- prove. Of course, it takes two to tango; Cuba's CastrOwould have to be willing to ? accept a return to normal relations. But the ease with which the Swiss- diplomats, did the legwork between Washington and - Havana to produce the hijack agreement is an indicator that the two -neighbors could go a few steps beyond toward resto- . ration of the relations that were severed in 1961. For President Nixon, the Cuban ques- tion-no doubt has personal as well as poli- cy facets. Mr. Nixon, indeed, is one of the few U.S. government officials who: has ever met Castro face-to-face and he- did not find the flamboyantprime niinister" particularly attractive. But that was back - in 1959 when Castro was in the first flush of his seizure of control in Cuba, with his -, star in the ascendancy, and Mr. Nixon's eminence as vice president under DWight D. Eisenhower was on the wane.-" Today Today it is Mr. Nixon who is sitting on top of the world while Castro has be- come a backwater politician, no longer the mover and shaker of world events as he once was. It is not necessary that Mr. Nixon or Castro admire one another in. order for the U.S. to accept the fact that Approved For Release 2001/08/of: CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4 it is anachronistic to pretend the 8 mil- lion people of Cuba exist in a Vacuum. The Cuban question also may raise - personal problems for Mr_ Nixon in other ways. For one thing, the President unquestionably feels an empathy with the Cuban exiles and even a sense of debt . to them because of the Bay of Pigs fiasco. But while that abortive -invasion was . conceived by the Eisenhower-Nixon- team, it was launched ;by the, Kennedy _ administration. And Senator Edward a. Kennedy, the Sole surviving Kennedy brother, has long since urged that US policy toward Cuba be re-explored and reassessed. If a Kennedy can. risk 'the wrath of the Castro-hating ,exiles, it ? should be at 'least as possible" for the President. ' ???4 Inevitably, 'with the Asian war at arr- .,. end, Mr. Nixon will be turning his attend,' tion more and mare to the Third World of;' Latin America and Africa.. It is unfortuL "- nate that. he has not had the :time before,' this to become more? interested and in- volved with the Latina. Theirs is am area about which the President is not overly CHRISTIAN SCIENCE MONITOR 15 February 1973 ? ? Jac ByJames Nelson 'Goodsell:* Latin America correspondent of ?The Christian Science Monitor' More. and more it looks as if some sort .of. warming trend in Cuban-United States- rela- tions is in the offing.. . :.? ... ? : The imminent signing,.probably 'before ?? weekend, of.a broad antihijacking agreement < . is seen in hemisphere circles as. one more.. evidence of this trend. Meanwhile, it was disclosed in Ottawa that Cuba and Canada have also agreed on terms ? of an antihijack agreement dealing., with piracy of both airplanes and boats. A formal.-. . signing of the agreement is expected., Ottawa: , ? ? Although both Washington 'and-' Havana ; reject the idea that the agreementarnotinta to a turn for the. better' in relations.; .there are numerous signs that suggest that atich-a-i- turn is coming. ,There is clearly a rising, tide of sentiment in", the 'United States for such 'a turn and a number of observers who have recently been'. in Cuba suggest that the. Cuban. Government:: is leaning in this direction also: Long way to go'. . Still there is a long way to' go before the . nations b144#10tlied FalhiRetiftefee.0310 informed, and his one sharp recollection is that he was nearly killed by a riotous mob in Venezuela in 1956. But all. Latins-are not alike, and mon- umental changes have taken place. So it is with Cuba. Fidel Castro and Cuba to- day are not the same as they were 12 years ago. The world is now made up of different equations, and Cuba is one of them. There no doubt would. be a host _of problems to solve, such as the expropriat- ed U.S. properties, the Russian military - presence, the U.S. -base at Guantanamo Bay, the sale of Cuban sugar to the U.S.. and the problem of the 300,000 anti-Cas- - tro exiles living in the United States But the missile crisis and the Bay of Pigs are ancient history now..We believe President Nixon and his advisors should now turn. their full attention to Cuba. The nation that can accommodate itself to a peace agreement with North Vietnam surely can do the same with the shabby dicta- ' torship of Castro.,He is, after all, far from the only dictator in Latin America. He - ? may not even be, the most dangerous dic- tator there. difficulty encountered in. working out -? the i antihijacking agreement,' even though both sides clearly wanted the pact,- suggests the :t problems that lie ahead. ?; It has taken three months of negotiations to work ',out a viable agreement and, both., 1;,..Havana and Washington- have made' sizable.- i;cOncesions in their' original stands to reach' ? the ? accord. t? " . . i, Although the agreement has yet to be made- public,.it is understood that the pact covers both aerial and sea piracy.. Under terms. of .'the -agreement, Cuba would.: be required tor4 bring skyjackers who are United 'States citizens to trial or to extradite them to the' U.S. mainland. For its part, the United States would be prevented from giving safe haven to Cubans who commit crimes and flee to the United ' States, although apparently it excludes' othd, ers who simply sought exile. . . Washington yielded on its original stand.. ? that the accord cover aerial piracy . alone. , Moreover, the ? 'United States pledged, al- though' somewhat indirectly,, to keep anti- , Castro elements in the United States from:- harassing Cuba.. '?